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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
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 https://archive.org/details/historyofmexico02banc 
 
THE WORKS 
 
 OP 
 
 HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 MEXICO 
 
 BY 
 
 HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT 
 
 VOLUME II 
 
 NEW YORK 
 THE BANCROFT COMPANY 
 
oo^ttejstts of this volume. 
 
 CHAPTER 1. 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 1521-1523. 
 
 I 
 
 Quarrelling over the Booty — Poor Results — Torture of Quauhtemo- 
 tzin — Treasure-hunting — A Disappointment — Pasquinades — Finan- 
 cial Measures — A Sabine Capture — Looking for a Capital — Mexico 
 Selected — Municipality Formed — Planning the City — Architectural 
 Features — Cortes' Palaces — Building Material — Fort and Aque- 
 duct — Attracting Serfs and Settlers — Merry Toilers — Arms of 
 Tenochtitlan 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 1521-1522. 
 
 Centralization and its Effect — A Fallen Athens — Reward of a Traitor — 
 Career of a Precocious Prince — Ixtlilxochitl's Disappointment — Pol- 
 icy toward Native Princes — Tezcuco and Acolhuacan — Tlascala and 
 her Reward — New Conquest Projects — Search for Ammunition — 
 Climbing a Volcano — Descending into the Burning Crater — Casting 
 Cannon — Tochtepec Expedition — A Boaster's Discomfiture — Gold- 
 hunting in Xaltepec — Esplritu Santo Founded — Zapotecapan and 
 Miztecapan — The Mystic Prophet — Orozco Invades Oajaca — Ante- 
 quera Established — Cociyopu's Dilemma — Alvarado Overruns Tutu- 
 tepec — Segura Founded Anew 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 1521-1524. 
 
 King Zwanga's Warning — First Entry into Michoacan — Montano's Visit 
 to the Court of Tangaxoan — A Narrow Escape — Tarascan Envoys — 
 Olid Invades Michoacan — Outrages at Tangimaroa and Tzintzun- 
 tzan — Colonization Attempted — Visions of the South Sea — Ship- 
 
 C V) 
 
vi 
 
 CONTENT^ 
 
 PAGE 
 
 building at Zacatula — The Route to the Spice Islands — Alvarez' Mis- 
 hap in Colima — Olid Avenges Him — Chimalhuacan Region — Isle of 
 the Amazons — Cortes Hastens to Appropriate a Rich Field — The 
 Queen of Jalisco— Tradition of a Shipwrecked Cross 4J. 
 
 CHAPTER IV, 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITUREo 
 
 1521- 1522. 
 
 Velazquez still Longing for Mexico — A Governor Sent from Spain — In- 
 trigues of Tapia — Counter-intrigues — Conference of Cempoala — The 
 Claimant Ousted — Bono de Quejo's Mission — Revolt of the Aztecs— 
 A Terrible Lesson — Conspiracies against Cortes — Narvaez at his 
 Feet...,....., 65 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 1522. 
 
 Cortes Finds Favor with the Audiencia — His Third Letter — Treasures for 
 the Emperor — An Ominous Loss — Chased by Corsairs — What King 
 Francis Said — The Curse of Montezuma — Cardinal Adrian Inter- 
 feres — Cortes' Case before the Sovereign — His Achievementj Re- 
 viewed — Refutation of Charges — Velazquez Crushed and Fonseca 
 Humbled — Cortes Appointed Governor and Captain-general 79 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 1522- 1523, 
 
 Rivalry for Panuco — Cortes Hastens to Occupy It — Battle at Ayotochti- 
 tlan — Operations at Chila — Native Tactics — Founding of San Este- 
 van del Puerto — A Shipwreck Incident — Disappointing Results- 
 Campaign in Tututepec Mountains — Rejoicings on the Receipt of 
 Cortes' Commission — Alluring Projects for Southern Conquests- 
 Startling News — Garay Prepares to Descend on Panuco — His Lack 
 of Ability and Firmness — March from Las Palmas — Negotiations 
 with Vallejo , , , . . 94 
 
 CHAPTER VIL 
 
 THE PANUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 1523- 1524. 
 
 Alvarado Appears upon the Scene — Naval Strategy — Double Dealings — 
 How Cortes Settled the Affair — Garay's Sudden Death — General 
 Uprising in Panuco — Massacres— Desperate Efforts of the Settlers — 
 Sandoval to the Rescue — His Ruse at the Pass— Terrible Retalia- 
 tion — Burning of the Patriots — Garayan Conspiracy — An Estimable 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 Judge — His Shipwreck and Island Life — Alvarado and Olid De^jart 
 for Southern Conquests — Marin's Campaign in Chiapas, and Rangel'a 
 Entry into Zapotecapan , , 1 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 1523-1524. 
 
 Cortes as Governor — His Ordinances — Armament of Settlers — Promoting 
 Agriculture — Pallas and Denieter — Antillean Jealousy — Social Re- 
 forms — Sumptuary Laws — Taking Wives — Cortes Shoulders his 
 Cross — Suspicious Death of Catalina — Local Government — EflForts to 
 Exclude Lawyers — Removal of Vera Cruz — Markets and Trade Reg- 
 ulations — Royal Officials Arrive — Traits and Intrigues — Colonial 
 Policy — Enslavement of Native Americans — Suppression of Reparti- 
 mientos Opposed — Encomienda Regulations — Work and Pay of 
 Serfs — Entrapping Slaves — Representations of the Council — Extort- 
 ing Tribute 
 
 CHAPTER IX, 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 1522-1526. 
 
 Religious Feeling among the Conquerors — The First Ministers — Juan 
 Diaz and Friar Olmedo — Papal Interest Displayed — Francisco de 
 Los Angeles' Proposed Mission — Brother Gante and his Companions- 
 Father Valencia — Franciscan Rules and Privileges — The Twelve 
 Apostles — Indian Astonishment — Cortes at the Feet of the Friars — 
 Politic Self-abasement — First Synod — Monastic Discipline — Con- 
 vents and Hospitals — Methods of Conversion — Choirs and Orches- 
 tras — Tricks of Trade — Friars and Disciples — Stubbornness of Prose- 
 lytes — Baptism en Masse and Bestowal of Names — Legality of the 
 Rite — The Marriage Question — Native Catechists and Missionaries- 
 Iconoclasts and Martyrs — Progress of Conversion and its Causes — • 
 Christian-like Rites among the Natives — Attractive Features of the 
 Roman Church — Festivals — Character of the Friars 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 1524. 
 
 Intrigues of Disappointed Officials — Insinuations against Cortes — His 
 Fourth Letter — The Silver Cannon — Convoy System — Deferred Con- 
 tract with the Sovereign — Cortes under a Cloud — Prepares for the 
 March to Honduras — Acting Governors Appointed — Machinations of 
 Salazar — The Hypocrite and the Tool — Attempt to Oust the Treas- 
 urer — Subtle Duplicity — Zuazo Made Prisoner — Casas and Gonzalez 
 Appear on the Scene 
 
viii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 salazar's usurpation and overthrow. 
 1525-1526. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Overthrow of Paz— His Terrible Fate— Persecution of the Friends of 
 Cortes — Alvarado Considers the Matter — Search for Cortes — His 
 Funeral Honors — Spoliation of his Property — Lashing a Wife- 
 Tyrannical Proceedings of Salazar — It Leads to Revolt — General 
 Alarm — Expeditions against Rebels — Chirinos' Fiasco— The Friars 
 Hurl Anathemas — The Governors Humbled — The Mysterious Mes- 
 senger — Rising of the Men of Cortes — Election of Estrada and Al- 
 bornoz — Assault on the Government House — Salazar Encaged—. 
 Conspiracy to Release Him 215 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODEo 
 
 1526. 
 
 Altamirano Sent to Bring Cortes — His Arrival at Medellin — Demonstra- 
 tive Reception — Reform Measures — A Juez de Residencia Sent to 
 New Spain — Ponce de Leon and his Instructions — How Cortes Re- 
 ceived the Blow — The Banquet — A Scheming Friar — Ponce de Leon 
 Assumes the Government — The Residencia of Cortes — Death of Ponce 
 de Leon — Aguilar Succeeds him — His Unfitness and Death 238 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Estrada's rule — cortes driven to seek justice in spain. 
 1527. 
 
 Campaign in Zapotecapan — Spice Island Projects — Loaisa's Expedition — 
 Guevara Finds the Way to Zacatula — Saavedra's Voyage to the 
 Moluccas — Cortes Slighted — He is Exiled from the Capital — Recon- 
 ciliation with Estrada — Guzman Appointed Governor of Panuco — ■ 
 Finding No Gold He Turns Oppressor — Encroachments on Mexico — • 
 Raid into Las Palmas Region — Slave-trade Horrors — Cort6s to Plead 
 before the Sovereign — Fears that He will Revolt — Preparing for the 
 Voyage to Spain ■. 254 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE first AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 1528-1529. 
 
 Oidores Appointed — Stringent Measures Proposed against Cortes — Guz- 
 man Made President — Power and Jurisdiction of the Audiencia — Ita 
 Instructions — Laws of Alfonso the Wise — Reception of the New 
 Rulers — Their Avarice Excited — Intrigue against Cortes — Robbery 
 and Extortion — Abuse of Friars and Clergy — Residencia of Cortes — 
 The Bishop's Anathema — Shameless Conduct of Oidores — Guzman's 
 Palliative Schemes of Conquest — Smuggling Despatches 273 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ix 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS — CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 1527-1529. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Vicissitudes of the First See — Bishop Julian G-arces — The Iconoclast 
 Zumarraga — Lamentable Vandalism — Character of the Clergy — Ar- 
 rival of Dominicans — Rivalry of the Orders — Introduction of Nuns — 
 Meeting of Cortes and Pizarro — Death of an Ideal Soldier — Excite- 
 ment over Cortes' Arrival in Spain — Playing the Gallant — His 
 Reception by the Emperor — Marks of Favor — He is Made a Marquis 
 with Large Grants — Politic Soothings of Discontent — Why He Lost 
 the Governorship — His Contract for South Sea Discoveries — His 
 Bride and Jewels — Papal Concessions — Return to New Spain — Ova- 
 tion to the Hero — Hostility of the Oidores 296 
 
 CHAPTER XVI, 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 1530-1532. 
 
 The New President and Oidores — Their Instructions — Measures for Set- 
 tlers and Natives — Sumptuary Laws — Impressive Entry of the 
 Oidores — The Government House — Swearing Allegiance to the Sov- 
 ereign — Residencia and Fate of Matienzo and Delgadillo — Corregi- 
 miento System Introduced — A Check to Slavery — Advancement of 
 Natives — Social Reforms — Founding of Puebla of the Angels — Secret 
 Order to Restrict Encomiendas — General Clamor against It — The 
 Conquerors and their Reward 320 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 1526-1534. 
 
 CorujQa's Mission — Advance of the Cross — Entry of Guzman into Michoa- 
 can — His Atrocities — Terrible Fate of King Tangaxoan — Campaign 
 in Cuinas, Cuitzco, and along Chapala Lake — Battle of Tonala — 
 Raids from Nochistlan — El Gran Teul — Operations in Jalisco — In 
 Quest of the Amazons — The Greater Spain — Crossing the Espiritu 
 Santo — On to Etzatlan — Devastating Floods — Branding Slaves — The 
 Amazon Myth — Change of Plans — Founding of Towns — Guzman 
 Defies the Audiencia — Castilla's Discomfiture — Nemesis — Bibliog- 
 raphy 341 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 1535-1537. 
 
 Appointment of Mendoza — His Instructions and Prerogatives — Arrival 
 and Reception of the First Viceroy — Inaugural Ceremonies — Retire- 
 
X 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ment of the Oidores — Difficulties of the Administration — City 
 Improvements — Defensive Measures — Apparent Weakness of the 
 Spaniards — Proclivities and Condition of Negroes — Their Conspiracy 
 and its Suppression — Muster of Spaniards in the Capital 375 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 1530-1540. 
 
 Troubles of Bishop Zumarraga — He Goes to Spain — His Consecration 
 and Return to Mexico — First Churches in the Capital — Uncertain 
 Priority and Sites — The First Cathedral — Necessity of More Bishop- 
 rics — Dioceses of Oajaca and Michoacan Established — Franciscan 
 Progress — Custodia of Santo Evangelio Raised to a Province — Labors 
 of the Padres — Dominican Provincia Established — Unseemly Strife — 
 Successful Propagandism — Arrival of Augustinians — Labors and 
 Hardships — Provincia Established — Miraculous Shrine at Chalma — 
 Dagon Overthrown — The Virgin of Guadalupe — A Glorious Vision — 
 A Modest Shrine and a Costly Church — A Wonderful Painting — 
 Multitudes of Converts — Secret Idolatry 386 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 1530-1540. 
 
 Authority of Cortes Curtailed — Indian Conspiracy Suppressed — Disturb- 
 ances in Oajaca — An Empty Title — Cortes and the Colonists of Ante- 
 quera — Further Disputes with the Audiencia — Cortes Persistent — 
 Baffled Efforts at Discovery — High Hopes and a Lowly Dwelling — 
 Misfortune Follows Misfortune — Guzman's Animosity — Cortes De- 
 fiant — He Sails Northward — Failure of the Enterprise — Rivalry of 
 Mendoza — Cortes Disgusted — He Returns to Spain 410 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 1527-1549. 
 
 Aboriginal Yucatan — Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor — Battle 
 of Ak6 — The Spaniards March on Chichen Itza — Alonso de Avila and 
 his Band in Quest of Gold — His Message to the Lord of Chetumal — 
 The Chieftain's Reply — Avila's Command Besieged — Their Escape 
 and Departure for Honduras — Montejo Defeated — The Canine Bell- 
 ringer — Flight of the Spaniards — The Adelantado's Narrow Escape — 
 Gallantry of Bias Gonzalez — The Governor Departs for Tabasco — The 
 Spaniards Driven into the Sea — Montejo Transfers his Rights to 
 his Son — The Spaniards Again Besieged — Torture of Diego and Juan 
 Cansino — Santillan Takes Montejo s Residencia — Missionary Labors. 428 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xi 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 1536-1542. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Torre Appointed Juez de Residencia — An Unpleasant Meeting— The 
 Vulture Encaged — Guzman's Release and Departure to Spain — 
 Clipped Wings — Guzman's Death and Character — Tone's Official 
 Investigations — His Wise Administration — Indian Revolt — A Catas- 
 trophe — Torre's Last Hours — His Character — Coronado Succeeds 
 Him as Governor — His Incompetency — Delusive Hopes — A Profitless 
 Expedition — Niza Revives Enthusiasm — Visions of Conquest and 
 Wealth — Troubles Foreshadowed — Coronado's Expedition North- 
 ward — His Disappointment and Return — Contemporary Progress in 
 Michoacan — A Useful Visitador — Reforms and Prosperity — Quiroga 
 Made Bishop of Michoacan — His Beneficent Rule 457 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 
 1540- 1547. 
 
 Departure of Cortes for Spain — His Arrival and Reception — Hollow 
 Show — Vain Hopes — He Joins the Expedition to Algiers — And 
 Suffers Shipwreck — Loss of the Famous Emeralds — He is Slighted 
 at a Council of War — Return to Madrid — A Fruitless Petition — 
 More Indignities — Last Touching Appeal — Determination to Return 
 to Mexico — Last Illness and Death of the Conqueror — Disposition of 
 the Remains — His Last Will — The Estate — The Descendants of Cor- 
 tes — Resume of his Character 474 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 1541- 1542. 
 
 Rule of Onate in Nueva Galicia — His Difficult Position — Rebellion 
 Rife — Departure of Coronado — Causes of Dissatisfaction — Beginning 
 of Hostilities — Defeat of Ibarra — Alvarado Arrives at Navidad — 
 And is Appealed to for Aid — He Receives a Summons from Mendoza, 
 and Departs for Tiripitio — Agreement between Them — Alvarado 
 Returns to Oiiate's Relief — Precipitous Attack on Nochistlan — De- 
 feat of the Spaniards — And Death of Alvarado — Arrival of Mendoza 
 with Reenforcements — His Successful Campaign — End of the Mixton 
 War — Expeditions of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo and Ruy Lopez de Villa- 
 lobos — The Survivors of Soto's Florida Expedition Arrive at Panuco. 490 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 1543-1546. 
 
 Causes for Enactment of New Laws — Success of Las Casas — Provisions of 
 the New Code — They Cause Excitement among the Colonists — 
 
xii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Efforts to Introduce Them in New Spain — Visitador Francisco Tello de 
 Sandoval — He Publishes the New Laws in Mexico — Indignation of 
 the Encomenderos — They Send Procuradors to Spain — Who Obtain 
 the Revocation of a Portion of the New Laws — The Emperor's Views 
 on the Subject — Ravages of Pestilence — Eruptions of Volcanoes — 
 Reduction of Tribute — Small Coins — Interestedness of the Clergy — 
 Land Grants — Ambiguous Attitude of Mendoza — Convention of Bish- 
 ops — Arrival of Las Casas — Mendoza Prohibits Discussion on Indian 
 Affairs — Decision of Ecclesiastics Declaring Slavery Unlawful — 
 Return of the Visitador to Spain 516 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 END OF MENDOZA's KULE. 
 
 1547-1550. 
 
 General Improvements — Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce — Encour- 
 agement of Marriages — Aid to Peru — Conspiracy and Revolt — Chi- 
 chimecs and Otomis — Conquest of Queretaro — Removal of Guada- 
 lajara — Coronado Returns — His Resignation — Audiencia at Compos- 
 tela — Removal to Guadalajara — Discovery of Mines — Settlement of 
 Zacatecas — The Archdiocese of Mexico — Death of Bishop Zumarraga 
 — His Last Will — Character of the Prelate and the Man — A False 
 Visitador 's Audacity — Last Acts of the Viceroy — He is Appointed 
 to Peru and is Superseded by Luis de Velasco — Mendoza's Departure 
 for Peru — And his Death 535 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 1550- 1560. 
 
 Luis de Velasco, Second Viceroy — Royal Instructions and Subsequent 
 Regulations — Enforcement of the New Laws — Consternation Caused 
 by their Execution — Slaves Set Free — Diego Ramirez' Commission — 
 Caciques' Abuses Checked — The Crown Assumes Full Jurisdiction — 
 Encomienda Entail — Opposition of the Audiencia — Bad Effects of 
 the New Laws on Mining and Revenue — Population and its Charac- 
 ter — Reform Measures — Powers of the Viceroy Restricted — The 
 Audiencia Made his Council — Philip II. Proclaimed King — He Begs 
 for Money 563 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIIL 
 
 ^ VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 1551- 1564. 
 
 Arrival of Martin Cortes, Second Marques del Valle — Visitador Valder- 
 rama and his Relations with Cortes — New Policy Regarding Enco- 
 miendas — Cortes' Troubles — Threatened Revolt and Velasco's Wise 
 Course — Royal Orders Affecting the Audiencia — The Visitador 's 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xiii 
 
 Exactions of the Indians— His Efforts to Check Abuses, and Proposed 
 Reforms — His Disagreements with the Viceroy — Condition and Char- 
 acter of Velasco — His Death, Burial, and General Regret — Public 
 Education — Floods in the Mexican Valley — Disastrous Expedition to 
 Florida — Settlements in Zacatecas and Guanajuato — Conquest of the 
 North-western Region — Kingdom of Nueva Viscaya — Expedition to 
 the Philippines and its Results 579 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 • THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 1564-1568. 
 
 The Audiencia's Weak Rule — 111 Feeling toward the Marques del Valle — 
 Encomienda Policy — Alonso de Avila's Masquerade — Plot against the 
 Crown — Valderrama Returns to Spain — Conspiracy Reported — Great 
 Christening of the Marques' Twins — Arrest of the Marques and 
 Others — Trial and Execution of the Brothers Avila — Marques de 
 Falces, Third Viceroy — Marques del Valle Sent to Spain — Falces 
 Deposed by Munoz and Carrillo — Their Cruel Course — Martin Cortes 
 Tortured — His Courage — Complaints Reach the Crown — Summary 
 Removal of Munoz and Carrillo — ^Their Fate — Falces Vindicated — 
 Second Rule of the Audiencia — Sufferings of the Marques — Final 
 Acquittal — Loss of Domain and Property — His Death — Return of 
 Luis Cortes — Later Life of Martin Cortes 602 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 1568-1580. 
 
 Temporary Government of the Audiencia — John Hawkins Invades Vera 
 Cruz — His Defeat and Expulsion — Fate of the English Prisoners — 
 Viceroy Martin Enriquez de Almansa — Drake's Operations — Foreign 
 Raids — Yucatan, its Government and Indian Affairs — First Acts of 
 Enriquez — Organization of Military Forces — Campaigns against the 
 Chichimecs — Presidios and Movable Block-houses — Matlalzahuatl 
 Epidemic and its Havoc — Famine — Inundation — Recall of Enriquez — 
 His Government Policy — His Death 637 
 
 CHAPTER XXXL 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 1550-1600. 
 
 Archbishop Alonso de Monttifar — Jealousy between the Secular and Reg- 
 ular Clergy — Royal Support of the Friars — Differences between the 
 Friars and the Civil Power — Father Gerdnimo de Mendieta Defends 
 the Religious — His Works — Position of the Friars and their Influence 
 with the Natives— Persons Excluded from the Priesthood — Reli- 
 gious Riot in Mexico — The Sacramental Dispute — First and Second 
 Ecclesiastic Councils of Mexico — Archbishop Montdfar's Death — 
 The Inquisition — Its Establishment, Privileges, Objects, and Acts — 
 
xiv 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Father Landa's Treatment of Idolaters — Archbishop Moya y Con- 
 treras — Third Ecclesiastic Council and its Acts — Archbishop Mon- 
 tiifar's Departure — Alon&o Fernandez de Bonilla Succeeds Him — 
 Other Dioceses in the Country and their History „ , 663 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 BELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 1550-1600. 
 
 The Society of Jesus in New Spain — Distinguished Patrons of the Order 
 and their Services — Importation of Holy Relics — Spread of the 
 Jesuits through the Country — Brothers of Charity and St Hyppo- 
 lytus — Purposes of the Association — The Carmelites — Their Labors 
 and Advancement — Benedictines and their Priory in Mexico — The 
 Franciscans and their Several Provinces — Their Work and Influ- 
 ence — Troubles with the Viceroys — Noted Franciscans in the Several 
 Provinces — Order of Barefooted Franciscans — Their Custodial and 
 Provincial Organization — The Dominicans and their Successes — 
 Their Distinguished Men — The Order of St Augustine — Strict 
 Rules — The Mercenaries, or Order of Mercy — Their Settlement in 
 Mexico — Religious Brotherhoods and the Objects of their Devo- 
 tion — Nunneries in Mexico, Oajaca, and Michoacan, and their Uses.. 700 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 1580-1589. 
 
 Suarez de Mendoza, Count de la Coruna — A too Benignant Rule — Golden 
 Times for the Corrupt Officials — Suarez well out of It — Archbishop 
 Moya y Contreras Made Visitador — Then Viceroy — A Stern Ruler — 
 He Makes Money for his Master — Hard Times for the Wicked Offi- 
 cials — They Beg Deliverance from Moya — And Receive It — Z^niga, 
 Marques de Villamanrique — A Just and Moderate Rule — Pirates on 
 the West Coast — Cavendish Captures a Galleon — A Rare Prize — 
 California Coast Defences — Commerce on the Atlantic — Epidemic, 
 Earthquakes, and Social Disruption — Villamanrique Deposed and 
 Humiliated 739 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 1589-1600. 
 
 Rumored Insurrection — Fears of Velasco, the New Viceroy — Reception — 
 City Improvements — The Chichimecs — The Mines of Guanajuato, 
 San Luis Potosf, and Zacatecas — Founding of Towns — Philip Wants 
 More Money — Velasco's Astute Measure — Conde de Monterey, Vice- 
 roy — Futile Effi?rts to Move the Indian — Race Intermixtures — 
 Nuevo Leon — Occupation of the Northern Country — Governor Cara- 
 bajal — Review of the Century — Bibliographical — Writers Subse- 
 quent to the Conquest — Torquemada among Others 757 
 
HISTORY OF MEXICO. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 1521-1523. 
 
 Quarrelling over the Booty — Poor Eesults — Torture of Quauhtemo* 
 TziN— Treasure-hunting — A Disappointment — Pasquinades— Finan- 
 cial Measures — A Sabine Capture — Looking for a Capital — Mex- 
 ico Selected — Municipality Formed — Planning the City — Aecht- 
 tectural Features — Cortes' Palaces — Building Material — Fort 
 AND Aqueduct— Attracting Serfs and Settlers — Merry Toilers — 
 Arms of Tenochtitlan. 
 
 Famed Tenochtitlan had fallen, its splendor buried 
 with the blood-stained altars that had so long been a 
 terror to And,huac. And the proud Aztecs lay trodden 
 under foot, beaten back into their original abasement, 
 as serfs and refugees, to form with their emblazoned 
 prestige a pedestal for the victor's fame. The promise 
 of Cortes to the king, made two years before, was 
 fulfilled, and his prospects were very bright. Little 
 fear now of dungeons, of a traitor's fate; he could 
 boldly face his arch-enemy and rival, and point to all- 
 justifying success as an advocate for the attainment 
 even of the coveted governorship of this empire, the 
 largest and richest so far acquired for his sovereign. 
 Proudly exultant, he hugged himself as his mind 
 dwelt upon the foremost conqueror in the Indies. 
 
 But his cup was not wholly free from bitterness 
 even now; whose is? His soldiers and companions 
 expected also their reward, and that quickly and in 
 
 Vol. II. 1 
 
2 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 tangible form; for this they had risked Hfe, and had 
 acquired for him wealth and immortality. A demand 
 was made for an exhibition before royal officials of the 
 booty captured by the troops during the pillage, and 
 the captives were ordered to reveal and surrender 
 whatever treasures they knew of But those who 
 had secured valuable articles were by no means pre- 
 pared to give them up, particularly since the leaders 
 were justly suspected of wrongful appropriation. The 
 brigantine crews were supposed to have had the best 
 chance of securing spoils. Of course they denied the 
 insinuations made, and sought to divert the outcry in 
 another direction. The allies were the culprits, who 
 with their immense numbers and knowledge of lan- 
 guage and locality had penetrated into every corner 
 and carried off the great prizes while the soldiers 
 were fighting, leaving them the gleanings. There 
 might still be large treasures which the Aztecs had 
 hidden to spite their foes, as intimated more than once 
 during the siege. When threatened, the captives 
 revealed a certain amount, declaring that they pos- 
 sessed no more. As for the spoils lost during the 
 retreat of the Spaniards, they had been swallowed by 
 the lakes or scattered among the thousands of pur- 
 suers.^ 
 
 When finally the royal officials gave their report, it 
 appeared that the total gold collected from the cap- 
 tives and sacking parties, and smelted into bars, 
 amounted to one hundred and thirty thousand caste- 
 llanos. Besides this there were a number of pieces 
 of too fine a workmanship to be broken up, and many 
 jewels and pearls, besides feather-work and fabrics,^ but 
 
 ^ Sahagun's native record describes the conference with the captives to 
 have taken place on the day after the fall, in the quarter last captured. Cor- 
 t^a was seated in great state under a canopy, with the kings and princes on 
 either side. Hist. Conq., 57-9. 'Huuo fama que lo (gold) mand6 echar Gua- 
 temaz en la laguna quatro dias antes.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 158. 
 'Diezdias,' corrects Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii. According to Du- 
 ran, it was cast into a deep sacred well, and never discovered. Hist. Ind,^ 
 MS., ii. 513-14, the devil assisting to shield it, so that no Christian should 
 enjoy the treasure. Peralta, Not. Hist., 118. 
 
 ^ Cort6s, Cartas, 257-8. Oviedo, Gomara, and Herrera follow, and Fonseca 
 
WHERE IS THE GOLD? 
 
 3 
 
 altogether far below the expectation of even the most 
 moderate among the fortune-hunters. Talk of fraud 
 was heard, and many threatened to complain to the 
 kinof of the manner in which their services were re- 
 warded. 
 
 None would believe the statement of the captive 
 princes that they knew of no more treasures, and it 
 was demanded that torture should be applied to ex- 
 tort the secret from them. To the credit of Cortes 
 be it said that he remonstrated against this sugges- 
 tion, though chiefly because his word had been given 
 to respect the prisoners. Or, indeed, his opposition 
 may have been for effect. At all events this effort 
 to shield the princes directed the outburst of the sol- 
 diers against himself He is conniving with Quauhte- 
 motzin," they said, " in order to secure possession of 
 the treasures."^ Thus pressed, the general jdelded a 
 perhaps not unwilling assent, and to his never ending 
 shame he surrendered the emperor and the king of 
 Tlacopan* to the executioners. Their method was 
 simple and effective : the roasting of the feet before 
 a slow fire, oil being applied to prevent a too rapid 
 charring of the flesh, for this might lessen the pain 
 and defeat the purpose.^ 
 
 Quauhtemotzin is said to have borne his suffering 
 with the usual stoicism of an Indian, and when his 
 
 and Urrutia, Real. Hac, i. 5. The bar gold was equivalent to * 19. 200 oncie.' 
 
 Clav'tf/ero, Storia Iless., iii. 232. Bernal Diaz appears to estimate the bars 
 alone at 380,000 pesos de oro, yet subsequent lines indicate this to represent 
 all the treasure, loc. cit. * los mexicanos el sacaron todas las joyas que tenian 
 escondidas en una canoa llena.' Sahagun, ubi sup. 
 
 The chief accuser, says Herrera, was the treasurer Alderete, a creature 
 of the bishop of Burgos, the enemy of Cortds. dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii. 
 
 * Chimalpain enumerates Cohuancoch, the ex-king of Tezcuco, the Cihua- 
 coatl, Aquici the prince of Azcapuzalco, the city of goldsmiths, and several 
 others. Hist. Conq., ii. 76. Oviedo, iii. 549, mentions the tripartite sover- 
 eigns, while Gomara, followed by Herrera, allows merely the emperor and 
 his favorite courtier to be tortured, Bemal Diaz calling the latter king of 
 Tlacopan. 
 
 ^'The feet and hands were burned.* Testimony of Doctor Ojeda, who 
 cared for the wounds. CorUs, Residencia, 1, 106, 126. ' Bruciargli a poco a 
 
 {)oca i piedi dopo avergli unti d'olio.' Clavkjero, Storia Mess., iii. 233. 'For 
 o que qued6 casi impossibilitado de andar.' Bustamante, in Sahagun, IlisU 
 Conq. (ed. 1840), 237. *Un violente ecsamen,' is the mild term used by 
 Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp.y MS., 58. Robertson condemns the tor- 
 
4 
 
 REBXnLDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 fellow- victim turned Iti anguish as if appealing for 
 compassion, he exclaimed rebukingly: Think you 
 that I enjoy it?"^ Nevertheless Quauhtemotzin cud- 
 gelled his brain to bethink himself how to escape tor- 
 ment, and pointed out a number of places where 
 treasures might be found. Thereupon Cortes stepped 
 forward, thinking if possible to recover his name from 
 foul dishonor, and said: "Such behavior to a king is 
 cruel, inhuman; I will have none of it." Nevertheless 
 Quauhtemotzin went on to tell how the canoe of some 
 rich fugitives was upset by a brigantine, indicating 
 that and other spots where treasures might be found. 
 Search was made and divers employed, but with insig- 
 nificant results. 
 
 The king of Tlacopan offered himself to point out 
 the places where gold had been hidden some distance 
 from the city. Alvarado went with him and at their 
 heels a crowd of Spaniards. Arrived at the spot 
 the captive declared that his statement was but an in- 
 vention to save himself from further torture. He had 
 hoped to die on the way. But Alvarado permitted 
 the king to live, though in truth he was reserved for 
 a fate worse than immediate death. ^ The search con- 
 tinued: houses were again ransacked, gardens up- 
 turned, cellars and passages examined, and graves were 
 opened and the lake was dragged.^ 
 
 ture as *a deed which stained the glory of all his great actions.' Hist. Am., 
 ii. 126. 'An indelible stain' on his honor. Prescott's Mex., iii. 234-5. Ala- 
 man expresses himself in a similar manner, while Bustamante charges the 
 deed fiercely to Cortes' extreme greed, ubi sup. 
 
 ^ This utterance has become famous in Robertson's free rendering : * Am I 
 now reposing on a bed of flowers?' Hist. Am., ii. 127. Others substitute 
 'roses' for flowers. Herrera writes simply : ' Nor am I in delight. ' Herrera 
 also says that the companion of Quauhtemotzin died during the torture. 
 
 'See IJist. Cent. Am., i. 551-5, this series. Testimony in Cortds, Resi- 
 dencia, i. 167, declares that the prisoners revealed several rich deposits which 
 Cortes quietly appropriated; and Alvarado may have been saspected of a 
 similar act. 
 
 ^In the reservoir of Quanhtemotzin's residence was found a sun disk of 
 gold, and a number of jewels. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 158. A noble indi- 
 cated an idol in the same place as probably containing gold, but a long search 
 revealing nothing, Cort6s ordered him to be roasted alive and then cast half- 
 dead into the lake. Seeing this and other outrages the emj^eror in his fear 
 and despair attempted to hang himself. Sworn testimony of Zamora and 
 Orduna, in Cortes, Besidencia, ii. 203-4, nevertheless to be taken with allow- 
 
RESULTS OF TOETUHE. 
 
 5 
 
 A trifling amount was thus obtained, which was 
 gradually increased by presents and tributes from 
 neighboring provinces; but this proved little among so 
 many, reduced as it was by the ro^^al fifth and the 
 assignment secured by the opportune manoeuvre on 
 Cortes' part of offering the choicest pieces of jewelry 
 as a present to the emperor.^ The share of the horse- 
 men was about one hundred pesos de oro/^ and that of 
 others proportionately less. Indignation now burst 
 forth anew, and many scorned to accept their share. 
 The treasurer Alderete was included among those 
 suspected of fraud, and to exonerate himself, cast the 
 blame on Cortes. 
 
 ance. Ixtlilxochitl claims to have secured the release of a tortured courtier 
 by expostulating with Cortes, and representing that the Mexicans might 
 revolt if such measures continued. He also sought to procure the release of 
 his brother Cohuanacoch from prison. To this end he ransacked all Tezcuco 
 for treasures, and borrowed from his relatives, and then alone did he succeed. 
 Shackles and confinement had reduced the prince to a pitiable condition. 
 Hor. Crueldades, 64-5. He was afterward baptized as Pedro Alvarado. 
 Cedula, 1551; Dice. Univ., iv. 165. The desecration of graves by treasure- 
 hunters had been practised before the fall, and when the central temple was 
 captured a discovery of a grave therein with 1,500 castellanos served to direct 
 cupidity in this direction. Cortes, Cartas, 243. 
 
 ^'Que valia dos vuzes mas que la que aula sacado para repartir el Real 
 quinto.' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. Oviedo, iii. 424, estimates the total royal fifth 
 at over 50,000 pesos de oro, others at less; while a witness in Co7^t4s, Besidmcia, 
 i. 124, 206, states that Cortes defrauded the crown of the fifth due on some 
 200,000 castellanos of valuables which came in from the provinces. In the 
 accouffb of the royal officials of June, 1522, the total gold melted between 
 September 1521 and May 16, 1522, is given at 164,404 pesos (evidently de 
 oro) including all obtained since the flight from Mexico. The royal fifth on 
 this, on slaves, etc., but not on unbroken jewels, amounted to 48,000 and odd. 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 260-8. 
 
 'Cabian los de a cauallo a cien pesos.' Bernal Diaz, ubi sup. Judging 
 from former statements this should read pesos de oro. A horse at this time 
 cost from 450 to 500 pesos, a firelock 100 pesos, etc. Probanza de Lejalde, in Icaz- 
 balceta, Col. Doc, i. 417; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243. 
 
 ^1 Among the secret charges brought out at the later residencia was that 
 Cortes had the custody of the official dies for marking gold, and by this means 
 defrauded the crown of some 70,000 castellanos. Cortes, Besidencia, i. 1G5, 
 267. See also note 9. A little consideration would have shown the credulous 
 soldiers that their estimate of treasures was inordinate. During Montezuma's 
 time, when the treasury was fullest, the surrender of its entire contents, 
 together with contributions from provincial towns and rulers, brought about 
 600,000 pesos de oro to the expedition cofiers. A considerable part of this was 
 carried away by the fleeing army, and a larger portion of it lost in the lake. 
 The present spoil must be assumed to have come from what thy Aztecs recov- 
 ered of the lost portion, and from the contributions since received from the 
 provinces. These must have been meagre, since the towns and rulers had been 
 plundered of most valuables, and sinco but few would contribute to the now 
 humbled and isolated capital city. From these existing treasures the ixiaraud- 
 
6 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 It was readily believed that he had secured for him- 
 self, besides the fifth granted to him by the a|>Teement 
 at Villa Kica, and a sum to repay him for certain losses, 
 the richest treasures revealed by the tortured cap- 
 tives. The exaggerated estimate of Aztec wealth, based 
 on native testimony, and impressed by the bombast of 
 the adherents of Cortes, was too deeply rooted in the 
 minds of the soldiers to be eradicated by argument, 
 although a little reflection convinced a few of the 
 more thoughtful how unreasonable their expectations 
 had been. 
 
 The general occupied at this time a palace at Coyu- 
 huacan, and on its white coating the soldiers found an 
 outlet for their feelings which they dared not openly 
 express. Inscribed upon the wall, for several morn- 
 ings, in prose and verse, appeared honest complaints 
 and malicious attacks. Most of them were from the 
 men of Narvaez, to judge from the allusions to Cortes 
 as an upstart and usurper, who had come to reap what 
 Velazquez had sown, and who w^ould soon descend to 
 his proper low level. Priding himself both on his wit 
 and poetry, Cortes stooped to add his couplets of 
 retort, only to encourage the libellers to more out- 
 rageous utterances. Finally, at Father Olmedo's 
 suggestion, a notice was posted forbidding such pas- 
 quinades under heavy penalty.^^ 
 
 The discontent was partly due to the inability of 
 
 ing allies must have secured a portion, and the fortunate white sackers another. 
 Hence the amount secured for the expedition cannot be considered much below 
 what should have been expected. Little could have been cast into the lake, 
 or purposely hidden by the Aztecs, although a contrary opinion is still widely 
 cherished even by staid historians. As for the amounts supposed to have been 
 privately secured by Cortes, chiefly from the treasures taken away during the 
 Sorrowful Night, no proof was ever brought to substantiate them. He no doubt 
 took care to obtain a certain share, but he also expended it freely, in sending 
 to the Islands for war stores, horses, and provisions, in supplying agents in 
 bribery, and what not. It is not likely that he could have secured any large 
 amounts for himself from the present spoils. 
 
 ^- Bernal Diaz names several Velazquez men who led in this word skirmish. 
 Alvarado, Olmedo, and others proposed that the total treasure should be set 
 apart for the wounded and disabled, and it was hoped that this would induce 
 Cortes to surrender a goodly share; but nothing was done. Bernal Diaz, Hist. 
 Verdad., 158. 
 
THE POOR ROBBERS. 
 
 7 
 
 the soldiers to pay for the clothes, arms, and other 
 supplies obtained on credit in Cuba and from sup- 
 ply v^^^els, or to satisfy doctors and other per- 
 sons clamoring for money. The remedy applied by 
 Cortes was to ap}»oint two able and esteemed ap- 
 praisers, w^ho determined upon the validity and amount 
 of every claim, and on finding the debtor unable to 
 pay granted him a respite of two years. Another 
 measure to relieve the financial strait was to lower 
 the standard of gold by three carats, so as to counter- 
 act the rapacity of the traders; but the latter raised 
 their prices even more than enough to cover the dif- 
 ference, and the soldiers remained the losers. This 
 gold, known as tepiizque, the native name for copper, 
 fell more and more into discredit as unprincipled per- 
 sons added to the alloy, and some years later it was 
 withdrawn from circulation in payment of certain dues 
 and fines. The name of tepuzque lingered in the 
 vocabulary, however, and was applied also to persons 
 and things having a false gloss. 
 
 Further discontent was caused by an order for the 
 surrender of the wives and daughters of prominent 
 Aztecs seized by the soldiers. The demand had been 
 made by Quauhtemotzin and other leading captives, 
 in accordance with the promises extended at the 
 capitulation, and could hardly be ignored, though the 
 efforts to carry out the order were reluctant enough. 
 Many of the fair captives were hidden; others had 
 already been reconciled to a change of lords with the 
 aid of baubles and blandishments, and the rest were 
 nearly all induced to declare their unwillingness to 
 
 ^3 In Guanajuato silver of inferior standard is still called plata de tepuzcos. 
 Alaman, Disert., i. 158. The municipality of Mexico on April 6, 1526, 
 ordered the coinage of tepuzque gold into pieces of 1, 2, and 4 tomines, and 1, 
 2, and 4 pesos. By August nearly 3,000 pesos had been issued. Libro de Ca- 
 hildo, MS. The remedies were extended also to the soldiers at Villa Rica and 
 other places, whose share in the spoils had been made equal to that of the 
 active besiegers, in order to keep them content with garrison life. Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 5-10. In the following pages is given tlie text 
 of the contract between Cortes and the expedition forces, wherein he is 
 granted one fifth in consideration for his duties and extra expenses. It ia 
 dated August 6, 1519. 
 
8 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 return, chiefly under the shielding excuse that idola- 
 try had become unendurable after the revelations of 
 Christian doctrines and practices.^* 
 
 The question of paramount interest now was, what 
 to do with the captured city, and in order to settle it 
 a conference was held at Coyuhuacan. A stronghold 
 was certainly needed in the valley to assure its posses- 
 sion, and since this must evidently become the capital 
 of the new empire, the site required careful consider- 
 ation. The majority at once inclined toward Mexico, 
 endeared to their mind by the recollection of her 
 architectural beauties and by her striking situation, 
 all enhanced by the difficulties and cost of life con- 
 nected with the capture. This bias was supported by 
 the undeniable strategic value of the position in being 
 protected on all sides by water, the primary induce- 
 ment, indeed, which had led the Aztecs to choose the 
 site. This also afforded free play to the movements 
 of the imposing fleet, both for defence and for con- 
 trolling the lake districts. There were several persons, 
 however, who objected to the site. In case of revolt 
 the natives might cut the causeways, and by aid of 
 the besieging manoeuvres taught by the Spaniards 
 render their situation on the island most precarious. 
 Even if the fleet prevented this danger to a certain 
 extent, it would be difficult to obtain supplies, and, 
 above all, the cavalry, the most effective instrument 
 for intimidation and control, would be rendered useless, 
 while allies would be less able to cooperate. A minor 
 objection was the prospect of inundations, which after- 
 ward became the most serious danger of the city. 
 This party preferred Coyuhuacan, or rather Tezcuco, 
 which, strengthened with a wall on the land side, and 
 open to the lake, offered equal facilities to fleet and 
 cavalry movements, and to intercourse with allies, 
 
 i*'Ydestu, luanera no lleuaron siao ires.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.y 
 V>S. Duran assumes that most of those taken during the last days of the 
 giege were surrendered. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 510. 
 
MUNICIPALITY CREATED. 
 
 9 
 
 while supplies would be cheaper and of ready access.^^ 
 Cortes decided in favor of the majority, however, and 
 maintained that the prestige of the city throughout 
 the country was also a matter of consequence.^^ 
 
 Mexico being accordingly chosen for the capital, 
 municipal officers were appointed by Cortes from 
 among the leading men, with Pedro de Alvarado as 
 leading alcalde.^^ Prompt measures were taken to open 
 the streets and remove the ruins. Before this a host 
 of natives had been sent in to take away the dead 
 and clean the houses, while large fires throughout the 
 infected quarters assisted to purify the atmosphere. 
 These sanitary measures were the more necessary in 
 visvv of the prospective diseases to follow in the wake 
 of dispersing denizens of the capital, and to arise from 
 
 ^^Oort^s, Residencia, i. 97. These objections were renewed at intervals, 
 and in a letter to the king of Dec. 15, 1525, Contador Albornoz represented 
 that a number of the citizens desired a removal to either Coyuhuacan or Tez- 
 cuco, using in the main the arguments given. The removal could be effected 
 within six months, and the name of the city might be retained. Carta, in Icaz- 
 balceta, Col. Doc, i. 506-8. Later projects for removal were based on the 
 danger from inundations as will be seen, though the extent then acquired by 
 the city made it more difficult. See Cepeda, HeL, i. 4-6. 
 
 This he adduces as a main reason in the letter to the king. Cartas, 262, 
 310. 'Por tener alii sugetos d los Yndios por que no se le rebelasen mudando 
 sitio,' is the additional reason of Duran. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 513. 
 
 ^' As such he figures already in Dec. 1521. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. 
 Doc, xxvi. 30-1, so that the rebuilding must have begun in that year, and 
 not later, as many suppose. Owing to the loss of the first year's record in the 
 fire of 1692, the names of the first regidores are unknown. At first no regular 
 book was kept, wherein to record their acts, 'sino papeles e memorias.' Libido 
 de Cabiido, MS. , Dec. 20, 1527. The first of the preserved records is dated March 
 8, 1524, and gives the attending members of the council as: Francisco de las 
 Casas, alcalde mayor, Bachiller Ortega, alcalde ordinario, Bernaldino Vazquez 
 de Tapia, Gonzalo de Ocampo, Rodrigo de Paz, Juan de Hinojosa, and Alonso 
 Xaramillo, regidores, Francisco de Ordufla acting as secretary. The sessions 
 were for a long time held in Cortes' house. The most interesting are those 
 from 1524 to 1529 inclusive, which take up the history of Mexico, so to speak, 
 from the time Cortes leaves it in his celebrated letters, recording the acts of 
 the eventful interregnum periods under Salazar, Ponce de Leon, Aguilar, and 
 Estrada, and including the doings of the first audiencia. My copy, quoted as 
 Libro de Cabiido, is a manuscript in 260 folio pages, taken from the volume 
 rescued by the savant Sigiienza y Gongora from the fire of June 8, 1692, 
 started by a hungry rabble. Besides the notes from his hand, it contains 
 autograph annotations by the learned Pichardo, and forms a gem in the col- 
 lection obtained by me from the Maximilian Library. By royal decree of 
 Octob^ir 22, 1523, Mexico was allowed 12 regidores, as a token of favor, and 
 two years later the sovereign himself appointed one in the person of Alonso 
 Perez. Mex.,Ectractos de Cedulas, MS., 2, 3, all of which relates to the decrees 
 touching the ci*y. Later, all leading cities were allowed 12 regidores. Ilecop. 
 de Indias, ii. 33. 
 
10 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 a scarcity of provisions in the valley, where the fields 
 had been ravaged to some extent before the siege, and 
 since despoiled by army foragers.^^ 
 
 A plan was drawn for a Spanish quarter, centring 
 round the square already preeminent with imperial 
 palaces and the leading temple in Andhuac, once con- 
 secrated to Christian worship. This was the aristo- 
 cratic Tenochtitlan, a name long preserved even in 
 official records under the corrupt form of Temixtitan. 
 It was separated by a wide canal from the Indian 
 quarter, which centred chiefly round Tlatelulco, re- 
 garded as plebeian long before the conquest. Only a 
 small part was covered by the plan/^ beyond which 
 the houses afterward extended in striking irregularity 
 as compared with those in the older quarters. In 
 addition to the three regular causeways two more 
 were added, the support along the aqueduct from 
 Chapultepec being enlarged to a road.^^ The Tlaco- 
 pan road, or rather Tacuba, as it was henceforth 
 termed, soon became a sort of elongated suburb, 
 owing to the numerous vegetable gardens which 
 sprang up on either side of it. The famous levee 
 which protected the southern front of the city from 
 the waters of Xochimilco Lake, and had served as a 
 resort for traders and promenaders, was strengthened 
 and named San Ldzaro.^^ 
 
 The quarter was laid out in rectangular blocks, the 
 
 'La tercera plaga fu6 una muy gran hambre luego como in6 tomada la 
 ciudad,' is Motolinia's strong description of it, and even the Spaniards were 
 pressed for want of maize. Bist. Ind.^ i. 17. 
 
 The limits appear to have been nearly, Calle de la Santlsima on the east, 
 San Ger6nimo or San Miguel on the south, Santo Domingo on the north, Santa 
 Isabel on the west. Alaman, Disert., ii. 198. 
 
 ^"Vetancurt writes toward the close of the 17th century: *Entrase en la 
 Ciudad por seis calsadas, las tres antiguas de Guadalupe d el Norte, de Ta- 
 cuba al Poniente, y la de S. Anton al Medio dia, y por otras tres q hizieron 
 los Espanoles, por la de la Piedad, por la de la Chapultepec, y la de Santiago 
 asia el Poniente. ' IVat. Mex. Cepeda, Rel. Mex. , i. 3, 4, half a century earlier, 
 gives the Santiago road a length of 5,500 varas and a width of 10; the San 
 Anton, 7,000 by 10; its Iztapalapan extension 5,200 by 11; the Chapultepec 
 3,000 by 7; the Tacuba 2,500 by 14. The latter is now known as San Cosme. 
 
 '^'^ It was 9,000 varas long, and 6 wide, and had 7 openings, corresponding 
 to so many canals which passed through to the lake. These canals were from 
 1,000 to 3,800 varas long. Id. See Native Baces, ii. 560, et seq., for descrip* 
 
PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HOUSES. 
 
 11 
 
 eastern extension being twice as long as the northern,^'^ 
 and distributed among the intended settlers, with the 
 usual reservations for public buildings.^^ In the cen- 
 tral part hardly any of the filled canals were reopened, 
 but beyond the main channels were left intact, and 
 spanned by stone bridges.^* Of the two squares in 
 the Spanish quarter, by far the largest was the former 
 central temple court, serving now also for market- 
 place, round which were reserved sites for church, con- 
 vent, gubernatorial palace, town-hall, prison, and other 
 public buildings. The town-hall was begun in 1528, 
 only, and finished four years later, enlargements hav- 
 ing speedily to be made.^^ Private houses were erected 
 on a scale proportionate to the means and aspirations 
 of the owner, both large in so far as an abundance of 
 free labor and material was concerned. The main 
 
 tion of old Mexico. Orozco y Berra incorrectly places the central temple 
 between the main southern and northern avenues instead of facing both. This 
 and some other minor errors are probably due to a misreading of Libro de 
 Cabildo. I must express my admiration for the researches of this scholar. 
 
 22 The streets were but 14 varas wide, sufficient for the traffic of early 
 days, but uncomfortably narrow in later times, so much so that Revilla Gigedo, 
 in the eighteenth century, proposed to widen them, though the scheme was not 
 carried out. See Vetancvrt, loc. cit. ; Alaman, Disert., ii. 199. 
 
 22 Every conqueror received two lots, other settlers one, Cortis, Cartas, 
 310, with the condition of building a house, and holding possession for 5 years. 
 By cedula of 1523 two cahalleHas of land were granted to each conqueror near 
 the town chosen for residence. The conditions were frequently evaded by 
 paying an indemnity. See Lihro de Cabildo, MS., March 15, April 1, 8, 15, 
 June 10, November 4, 1524, and passim; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ii. The 
 term of residence was afterward reduced to 4 years. Recop. de Indias, ii. 39; 
 see Hist. Cent. Am.,i. 496-9, for laws concerning the founding of settlements. 
 
 2* One reason for filling the smaller channels was the fetid odors which rose 
 from their shallow waters. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 235-6. Cedar piles were 
 used in soft places, 
 
 2^ Torquemada's description in the beginning of the seventeenth century is 
 interesting. The plazas are 3, all connected, the principal being in front of the 
 cathedral. The northern extension is the Plazuela del Marques, so named from 
 Cortes' houses, while the south-eastern is the plazuela del virey, formerly known 
 as el volador, and now also known as de las escuelas, from the schools, the first 
 name coming from the viceregal palace with its officers. The western side of 
 the main plaza was occupied by traders, the southern by the city-hall and 
 prison. Monarq. Ind., i. 299. 
 
 26 The first reservation for it covered 6 lots. The neglect to build caused 
 the lots to be occupied by citizens, but a decree of December 16, 1527, restored 
 them to the city. Building began April 17, 1528, and the council took posses- 
 sion May 10, 1532. Adjoining buildings were purchased at different times, 
 30 to 50 years later, so as to contain also public granary and slaughter-house. 
 In 1692 the building was fired by a famine-stricken mob. See Libro de Cabildo, 
 MS.; also Mexican supplement to Dice. Univ., viii. 527. 
 
12 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 effort was to render the buildings strong in case of 
 an uprising, and with this view stone and masonry 
 work was the rule, and towers could be erected at each 
 corner, which assisted to give them an imposing 
 appearance. The pains bestowed on architectural 
 embellishments, wherein churches and convents after- 
 ward took the lead, proved a salutary example to the 
 community, to judge from Cortes' enthusiastic assur- 
 ance to the emperor that within a few years the city 
 would take the first rank in the world for population 
 and fine edifices.^^ 
 
 The general himself built two fine houses on the 
 sites of the old and new palaces of Montezuma, located 
 respectively in the western and south-eastern parts 
 of the ancient square. They were constructed with 
 great strength, particularly the south-eastern, which 
 contained more than one interior court, and was pro- 
 tected by a projecting tower at each corner, and liber- 
 ally provided with embrasures and loop-holes. Seven 
 thousand beams are said to have been employed in the 
 construction.^^ Strength was not the only object of 
 these centrally located houses, but also profit, the 
 lower story of one at least being divided into shops, 
 
 2^ ' De hoy en cinco anos sera la mas noble y populosa ciudad que haya en 
 lo poblado del mundo, y de mejores edifieios.' Cartas, 310. * Niuna citt^ in 
 Spagna per si gran tratto I'ha migliore ne piu grade. ' Anon. Conqueror, in 
 Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 309. He extols particularly the later Dominican convent. 
 
 See vol. i. chap. xvi. In the royal cedula of July 1529, granting to 
 Cortds these sites, the new palace is described as bounded by the square and 
 the Iztapalapan road, and (south and east) by the streets of Gonzalez de Tru- 
 jillo and Martin Lopez, the shipwright. The old palace is bounded by the new 
 street of Tacuba, and that leading to San Francisco, and (westward) by the 
 houses of Rangel, Farfan, Terrazas, and Zamudio. Icazbalcefa, Col. Doc, ii. 
 28-9; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 213-14. The new palace-site was 
 sold by Cortes' son to the government on January 29, 1562, and the viceregal 
 palace rose upon it. The old palace, bounded to the side and rear by the 
 streets of Plateros and La Prof esa, or San Jose el Real, served up to that time 
 for government purposes. Ramirez, Notidas de Mex., \i\ Monumentos Domin. 
 Esp., MS., No. 6, 309 et seq.; Carhajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221-2. The 
 Iztapalapan road was afterward called del Reloj. Calle de la Celada, leading 
 to the rear of the new palace, southward, was so called from an ambush 
 during the siege. Alaman, Disert., ii. 203-12, 257-8. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 
 190, misleads Prescott and others about the location of the old palace, and 
 places the new where the old really stood. 
 
 * Que vna viga de cedro tenga ciento y veynte pies de largo, y doze de 
 gordo. .quadrada.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 235. 
 
FURTHER DESTRUCTION. 
 
 13 
 
 which 3rielded a considerable revenue.^^ Very similar 
 to the houses of Cortes was that of Pedro de Alvarado, 
 situated in front of the arsenal. This proximity was 
 objected to by the royal officers, who suspended the 
 construction til] potent reasons were produced to over- 
 rule the order. 
 
 A great proportion of the material was obtained 
 from the existing edifices and ruins, the incentive 
 for tearing them down being increased by the hope 
 of finding treasure. At this part of the work the 
 Spaniards were foremost, and in their vandalistic 
 strife monument after monument of Nahua art was 
 razed, particularly the finer edifices. Even the huge 
 pyramidal structures supporting the temples disap- 
 peared, for within them were graves of princes and 
 nobles, known to contain treasure. Materials, espe- 
 cially for fagades, were also obtained from the many 
 quarries in the neighborhood, notably tetzontli, a red, 
 porous, yet hard stone, and a kind of porphyry. Oak, 
 cedar, and cypress were abundant round the lake, and 
 in the surrounding hills. Although there was no lack 
 of carriers to fell and convey timber, the Spaniards, 
 with a disregard fostered by the nude and arid soil 
 of Castile, allowed the groves and forests near the 
 lake-shores to be ruthlessly cut down, thus increasing 
 the evaporation which soon left the lake ports high 
 and dry, bordered by salt-marshes. 
 
 The first and most important structure in the city 
 was the arsenal, with its fortified docks for sheltering 
 the fleet. It Avas situated north-east of the main 
 square, at the former terminus of the Calle de la 
 Perpetua,^^ round a basin which had been used for 
 
 Fifteen thousand castellanos a year, says a witness during the later resi- 
 dencia. Another points to the strong construction, with towers, as a sign of 
 disloyal intentions on Cortes' part. The two houses occupied 24 lots, and 
 were erected with aid of crown slaves — both exaggerated statements, as will 
 be shown afterward. Cortes, Residencia, i. 47, 90, 111-12. 
 
 The marriage of Governor Estrada's daughter to J orge de Alvarado. Id. 
 
 ^'^ 'A feld-spath vitreux et depourvu de quartz.' Humboldt, Essai Pol.^ i. 
 111. See also Native Races, ii. 557. 
 
 2^ This was at first called the street of the atarazanas (arsenal). The direc- 
 tion is pretty clear in Lihro de Cabildo, MS., 90, 101, 210, 221, 226, in con- 
 
14 
 
 REBUILDINa OF MEXICO. 
 
 a harbor by the Aztecs. Two battlemented towers 
 protected the entrance to the dock, and formed the 
 extremes of the strong walls leading to the arsenal, 
 which faced the street. The main feature of this 
 building was a large tower, known properly as the 
 fort, the strongest in the city. Pedro de Alvarado ap- 
 pears to have been the first commandant; and Rodri- 
 guez de Villafuerte took charge of the fleet. The 
 
 fort concluded, Cortes regarded the city as secure ; and 
 
 nection with grant of lots, yet Father Pichardo, one of the highest authorities 
 on the history of Mexico city, places it at the terminus of Santa Teresa street, 
 3 blocks below, wherein he is followed by many writers. The eastern location 
 was required to give the fleet free access to the lake, without hinderance from 
 causeways. 
 
 ^'^ Oviedo, iii. 517. He went for a time to Zacatula as lieutenant. Herrera, 
 dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii., intimates that Villafuerte was also made command- 
 ant, but not so Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 158, whose indication of Alvarado 
 is supported by the fact that he erected his house in front of the fort. Pedro 
 de Salazar de la Pedradawas sent out in 1526, by the emperor, to take charge 
 of the fort, and secure it from the suspected partisans of Cortes. Samaniego 
 was lieutenant. Pacheco and Gardenias, CoL Doc, xiii. 371; Cortis, Escritos 
 Sueltos, 114-15. Cortes describes the reception place for the vessels as 'un 
 cuerpo de casa de tres naves, . . . y tienen la puerta para salir y entrar entre 
 estas dos torres.' Cartas, 310. The fleet was long preserved for service, to 
 
 Mexico Rebuilt. 
 
 Las atarazanos,' His6» Ind., 
 
NEW TASK-MASTERS. 
 
 15 
 
 took formal possession with the army. No effort 
 appears to have been made to erect a church, and for 
 several years a hall in Cortes' house served for chapel.^'' 
 This seems a strange neglect on the part of men who 
 came in the guise of crusaders. They were more 
 attentive to temporal comforts, as manifested in par- 
 ticular by the eagerness to introduce water. Indeed, 
 one of the first measures had been the restoration of 
 the aqueduct which in Aztec times brought water 
 from Chapultepec, about two miles distant.^^ 
 
 ^'Raze and tear down, ye slaves, but all must be 
 rebuilt with your own hands for the victor ! " Such 
 had been the taunting prophecy frequently thrown 
 into the teeth of the allies as they paved a way for 
 the Spaniards through the city of the Aztecs, and 
 truly was it fulfilled, for the task of rebuilding was 
 ruthlessly exacted from the lake allies, though the 
 Aztecs had to share in it. It was also necessary 
 to populate the city to obtain hewers of wood and 
 drawers of water and other purveyors for the com- 
 fort of the victors. As the best means to promote 
 
 2^ Testimony of Tapia and Mejia and others, in Cortes, Residencia, i. 
 48, 91, 162, et seq. Vetancurt leaves the impression that this chapel was 
 dedicated to St Joseph : ' Parroquia vnica que era de Espanoles. ' l^-at. Mex. , 6. 
 
 ^''The original was constructed on a causeway of solid masonry 5 feet 
 high and 5 feet broad, the water running through 2 pipes of masonry to 
 different reservoirs and branch pipes, as described more fully in Native Races, 
 ii. 565-6. The pipes were not wholly restored, so that the water flowed partly 
 in open canals. This proving objectionable from dust and refuse, portions 
 were ordered to be covered, and on August 26, 1524, Juan Garrido was em- 
 ployed at a salary of 50 pesos de oro to watch over it, additional men being 
 appointed as the need became apparent. Part of the beautiful grove of Cha- 
 pultepec was actually cut down to prevent leaves from falling into the spring. 
 The aqueduct did not extend beyond the first houses on the Tacuba side of 
 the city, and it was proposed in 1527 to repair the aqueducts of Coyuhuacan 
 or Huichilobusco, and extend them to the southern suburb. This appeared 
 too costly, and efforts were made to extend the Chapultepec aqueduct to the 
 centre of the city, as appears from contracts with the municipality, one 
 dated April 17, 1528. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 17, 23, 193, 221, etc. Nothing 
 appears to have been done, however; for the procuradores in Spain demanded 
 special legislation, and by order of September 22, 1530, the extension to the 
 main plaza was decreed, the cost to be apportioned among Spanish and native 
 settlers. * De lo (water) que se perdiere, se podre hazer vn molino para 
 propios de la dicha ciudad.' Puga, Cedulario, 64; Alaman, Disert., ii. 
 287-91. This work was concluded only in 1537. The fine aqueduct Tlas- 
 pana was not in operation till the middle of the following century. 
 
16 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO. 
 
 the return of the inhabitants, and assure their good 
 conduct, at one time by no means submissive, the 
 cihuacoatl, or Heutenant, of Quauhtemotzin, whom 
 Cortes had known in Montezuma's time, was given a 
 similar position under Cortes, with instructions to 
 bring back and settle the people, and rule them 
 according to native laws, modified to some extent by 
 Spanish regulations. Some of these involved privi- 
 leges which tended greatly to reconcile the natives 
 to the new rule. Special districts, with certain fran- 
 chises, were also granted to different chiefs so as to 
 encourage them to introduce their tribes. Other 
 natives were also allured by similar offers, while cer- 
 tain lords and towns were ordered to supply and. 
 maintain during the rebuilding a number of laborers 
 and artisans, the largest force coming from Tezcuco, 
 in accordance with an agreement made by Ixtlilxo- 
 chitl on being raised to the long-desired throne of 
 his ancestors. One of the wards, called Tlascalte- 
 capan in commemoration of its capture by Tlascal- 
 tecs, was granted to settlers of this people, who 
 rendered good service in maintaining order among 
 the Mexicans. While the latter settled throughout 
 the city, Tlateluco became the headquarters for the 
 Aztecs. 
 
 The rebuilding progressed rapidly, the natives 
 swarming in and relieving their work with songs and 
 witticisms, almost frivolous in their oblivion of past 
 troubles, and regardless of the fetters they were still 
 continuing to forge for themselves. Their great 
 number made the task-master's whip less needful, and 
 the only apprehension seemed to be about food, which 
 became so scarce as to give rise to diseases under 
 
 2^ Cortes, Cartas, 308-9. Gomara associates Pedro, the son of Montezuma, 
 with the cihuacoatl, and gives each a ward to populate and rebuild. Hist. 
 Mex., 235; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. 
 
 ^^His namesake magnifies the number of men supplied by him to 400,000. 
 Hor. Crueldades, 60. ' Haciendo los Chalcos, Tezcucanos y Xuchimilcos y 
 fepanecas tragesen. . . materiales. ' Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 512. 
 
 It is now called San Juan Bautista ward, says Panes. Monumentoa Do- 
 min. JSsp., MS., 61. Neither name appears on present maps. 
 
COAT OF ARMS. 
 
 17 
 
 which quite a number succumbed.**' The superintend- 
 ence of the different branches of the work was in- 
 trusted to Spanish artisans and officers, who instructed 
 the natives in the use of iron tools, in transporting 
 and Hfting material, and in building, the native Amer- 
 icans everywhere proving apt learners. 
 
 So rapid was the growth of the city*^ that, from 
 representations made in 1522, the sovereign was 
 pleased to award it official recognition by conferring 
 a coat of arms, representing a water-blue field, in 
 allusion to the lake of Mexico, having in the centre 
 a gilt castle to which three paved causeways led. 
 At the end of the two lateral, not connected with 
 the castle, stand two lions rampant, each grasping 
 the castle with its paws, in token of Spanish victory. 
 A gilt border surrounds the field, containing ten 
 maguey leaves, and a crown surmounts the shield.*'^ 
 
 The native arms represented a maguey plant in the 
 middle of a lake, and thereon an eagle with a snake 
 in its bill. This was also permitted to be used in 
 certain connections,^ though with some changes, in 
 accordance with the more or less bigoted ideas of the 
 authorities in Mexico. At times all allusion to the 
 native eagle and maguey was forbidden as of demo- 
 niacal influence.** Seven years later the city was ac- 
 
 ^Herreray dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. *Era tanta la gente que andaba en 
 las obras que apenaa podia hombre romper per algunas calles.' MotoUrda, 
 Hist. Ind., i. 18. 
 
 In his letter of October 1524, Cortes indicates 30,000 settlers (vecinos). 
 Cartas, 309, which must include many temporary dwellers, for about 80 years 
 later Torquemada, i. 299, assumes as a high estimate 7,000 Spanish and 8,000 
 native settlers or families. Gomara, who wrote about 1550, mentions 2,000 
 Spanish settlers. Hist. Mex., 236. Some 20 years before this the anonymous 
 conqueror speaks of 400 leading Spanish houses. Bamusio, Viaggi, iii. 309. 
 
 *2This was granted July 4, 1523, in consideration of the city being 'tan 
 insigne y Noble, y el mas principal Pueblo, que hasta ahora, en la dicha tierra, 
 por Nos se ha hallado.* Ordenes de la Corona^ MS., ii. 67-8; Mex., Extr, de 
 Cidulas, MS., 3, 13. 
 
 ^^Calle, Mem. y Not., 43. In recognition of the city having been the 
 capital of the country. Vetancurt describes this coat of arms with the addi- 
 tion of a castle with 3 towers, and 2 lions supporting the shield, which is 
 surmounted by a crown. Trat. Mex., 5, 6. 
 
 Archbishop and Viceroy Palafox caused the eagle to be replaced with a 
 cross. The changes and mixtures thus introduced in the course of three cen- 
 turies of colonial rule, as represented on coins, standard, and seals, are almost 
 
 HiBT. M£Z., TOL. ZI. 2 
 
18 
 
 REBUILDING OF MEXICO, 
 
 corded the same preeminence in New Spain as that 
 enjoyed by Burgos in old Spain/^ and in 1548, the 
 title of '^very noble, great, and very loyal city."^^ 
 
 innumerable, and this accounts for the cut in Gonzalez Ddvila, TeatroEcles. , i. 1 , 
 which accords with none of the above descriptions. In view of these changes 
 the crown issued a decree in 1596, ordering preference to be given to arms 
 granted by the sovereigns. Recop. de Indias, ii. 25. 
 
 *^The first vote in national council, 'y el primer lugar, despues de la Jus- 
 ticia, en los Congresos.' Id. This decree was dated June 25, 1530. The 
 regidores by this time numbered 12, in accordance with a decree of October 
 22, 1523, granting this number to 'Ciudades principales' in. the Indies, other 
 towns to have only six. Id., 33. By decree of 1539 the municipality waa 
 granted jurisdiction within a circuit of 15 leagues. Recop. de Indias, ii. 25. 
 
 *^0n July 4. Calle, Mem. y Not., 43; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 544. 
 A much esteemed distinction. The city was fortunate enough to obtain a 
 big bone of Saint Hippolytus, which enjoyed great veneration, adds Calle. 
 In addition to the standard authorities quoted, the following works bear 
 more or less fully upon the subject of the chapter: Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 
 17, 358-67, 389-97, 506-8; Siguenza y Gdngora, Anotaciones Grit., MS., 1 
 et seq.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 233-47; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 58-61, 
 73-5, 83-5; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 76 et seq.; Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 
 374-8; Archivo Mex., Doc.,i. 61 etseq.; ii. 218-21, 257-79, 303-4; Ternaux- 
 Compans, Voy., s6rie i. torn. x. 49 et seq.; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xiii. 76-80, 293-5; KingsborougTi's Mex. Antiq., ix. 391, 429; Motolinia, Hist. 
 Lid., 17; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, p. vL; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., ii. 375-81; 
 iii. 16^-7,544; /c^., MS., 86, 263; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, i. 1, 7; Cavo, 
 Tres Siglos, i. 15, 16, 23-6, 60, 65, 73; Aa, NaauTceurige Versameling, x. 155 
 et seq. ; Nueva Espana, Respuesta, MS. ; Recop. de Indias, ii. 25 ; drdenes de 
 la Corona, MS., ii. 4, 67; Monumentos Hist, y Pol., MS., let seq.; Mex., 
 Estractos de CMulas, MS., 3, 13, 14; Leyes, Varias Anot., MS., 111-12; 
 Salazar y Olarte, Conq. 3Iex., 6-9; Calle, Mem. y Not., 43; Fonseca, Hist. 
 Hacienda, i. 5; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 125-7; Ramirez, Proceso contra Al- 
 varado, 5, 6, 40, 71-2; PrescotVa Mex., iii. 208-59; Id. (Mex. ed.), notes, 
 passim; Helps^ Cortes, ii. 118-22, 132-5; Bustamante, Necesidad, 41-4; 
 Alaman, Disert., i. 149-98, ii. 197-322; Cepeda, Relacion, i. 3-6; Sammlung 
 aller Reisebesch., xiii. 453 et seq.; Lacunza, Discursos, 453-4; Humboldt, Essai 
 Pol., i. 193 et seq.; Holmes' Annals, i. 53; Armin, Alte Mex., 339-56; Liceo 
 Mex., i. 68-72; Aim. Calend., 1839, 26; Zamacois, Hist. M4j., iv. 51-65, 
 93-101, 137-50, 472; Pimentel, Mem. Lit., 94-6; Solis, Hist. Mex. (Mad. 
 1843), 457-60, 492, 509-12; Soc. Ilex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 121-2; Poinsett's 
 Notes, i. 65; Pap. Var., v. no. ii. 8; xlvi. no. viii. 31-44; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, 
 
 i. 80-5; Dice. Univ., i. 300-5; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 80; Album Mex., 
 
 ii. 466; Abispa de Chil., 59-60; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 4-8; Domenech, Hist. 
 Mex., i. 241-2. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 1521-1522. 
 
 Centralization and its Effect — A Fallen Athens — Reward of a 
 Traitor — Career of a Precocious Prince— Ixtlilxochitl's Disap- 
 pointment — Policy toward Native Princes — Tezcuco and Acolhua- 
 
 CAN — TlASCALA and HER REWARD — NeW CoNQUEST PROJECTS — SeARCH 
 
 FOR Ammunition — Climbing a Volcano — Descending into the Burn- 
 ing Crater — Casting Cannon — Tochtepec Expedition — A Boaster's 
 Discomfiture — Gold-hunting in Xaltepec — Espiritu Santo Founded 
 — Zapotecapan and Miztecapan — The Mystic Prophet — Orozco In- 
 vades Oajaca — Antequera Established — Cociyopu's Dilemma — Alva- 
 RADO Overruns Tututepec — Segura Founded Anew. 
 
 The exaltation of Mexico tended to eclipse the 
 other native towns in the valley even more than her 
 rise under Aztec supremacy. There was no longer a 
 series of capitals, to be sustained by kings and minor 
 lords, all prepared to rival one another in pomp and 
 embellishments. The only capital now was Tenoch- 
 titlan, which the Spaniards felt obliged, for the safety 
 and interest of themselves and the crown, to make 
 the main stronghold and point of concentration. The 
 revenues of the native rulers could no longer be em- 
 ployed according to the dictates of their fancy for 
 palaces and similar works, since the greater part 
 passed into the hands of the encomenderos and the 
 treasury officials. New diseases, enslavement, and dif- 
 ferent methods for employing the natives, all added 
 to the causes for decline among their lately flourish- 
 ing towns, only too many of which have entirely 
 disappeared from the maps or dwindled to petty 
 hamlets. Mexico also declined, for that matter, in 
 extent and population, according to the admission of 
 
 (19) 
 
20 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 the conquerors, and the evidence of ruins/ She was 
 no longer the centre of a vast continental trade, or 
 the residence of a brilliant court, whose despotic sov- 
 ereign obliged provincial lords to congregate there 
 with vast retinues, and expend their income for the 
 benefit of Aztec jailers. Trade drifted into other 
 channels, and the humbled caciques hid from oppres- 
 sion and indignities in remote villages, where they 
 might still exact a semblance of respect from equally 
 oppressed vassals. 
 
 Among the suffering towns, though it dwindled 
 hardly so fast, was Tezcuco, renowned not alone for 
 ancient glories, but for the beauty of its buildings, 
 and for being the chief seat of native learning, the 
 Athens of the continent.^ Like savagism, aborigi- 
 nal civilization declined when brought into contact 
 with foreign culture, whose exponents both despised 
 it and looked upon the embodying records as de- 
 moniacal, fit only to be destroyed. As for the popu- 
 lation, a large proportion was drafted for the rebuild- 
 ing of the queen city, particularly of artisans, there 
 to perish or remain. The obsequious Ixtlilxochitl 
 was only too eager to anticipate the wishes of the 
 patronizing and graspiug Spaniards. He who had not 
 hesitated the sacrifice of his country and religion to 
 personal ambition, as modern Mexicans not unjustly 
 term his Spanish alliance, did not scruple to aid in 
 enslaving his subjects. Resistance on his part would 
 not have saved them; still the role he had volun- 
 tarily assumed, and been obliged to sustain, must 
 ever brand his memory in the minds of patriots. The 
 reward for his long devotion was now to come. His 
 brother. King Fernando, died from wounds received 
 during the siege, it seems,^ to the deep regret of the 
 
 ^See Hist. Mex., i. 276, this series. 
 
 2 See description in Hist. Max. , i. 425-7, this series. Within few years 
 the population is said to have dwindled to one third, and 60 years later to 
 one ninth. The Spanish population in 1858 numbered 100 (families) only. 
 Ponce, Eel, in Col. Doc. In6d., Ivii. 111. 
 
 ^ ' Despues que se tomd la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, estando en esta de Cuyoa- 
 can, f alecid don Fernando. ' Cortes, Cartas, 270. This passage has evidently 
 
IXTLILXOCHITL. 
 
 21 
 
 Spaniards, to whom he had become endeared by his 
 gentle manners, his fine, fair presence, resembling that 
 of a Castilian rather than of a native American, and 
 by his devotion to their interests. The Tezcucans 
 hastened to elect for successor Ahuaxpitzactzin, after- 
 ward baptized as Cdrlos, a not fully legitimate son of 
 Nezahualpilli ; for the scheming and unpatriotic Ixtlil- 
 xochitl does not appear to have been liked in the 
 Acolhua capital, whatever his influence in the northern 
 provinces which he had wrested from the rest. This 
 independent conduct of the electors did not please 
 Cortes, who might have approved their choice if sub- 
 mitted with due humility, and so he persuaded them 
 to reconsider the selection in favor of his well-deserv- 
 ing protege Ixtlilxochitl, baptized as Fernando Pi- 
 mentel, though generally referred to under the former 
 name, now the cognomen of his family.^ 
 
 Although but twenty-one years of age, Ixtlilxochitl 
 could point to a career almost unparalleled for one 
 so young, and one that might, under different cir- 
 cumstances, have placed his name among the most 
 illustrious in Nahua annals. At his birth already 
 astrologers drew strange portents from the stars. The 
 child would in the course of time become the friend of 
 strangers, turn against his own blood, change laws and 
 institutions, and even rise against the gods. He should 
 be killed. Nay! " replied the king, ^' have not the gods 
 willed his birth, and this as the time approaches for 
 
 escaped both Prescott, Mex., iii. 46, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. 
 Civ. , iv. 465, who, following a confused statement in Ixtlilxochitl, place thib 
 rather prominent event before the beginning of the actual siege. 
 
 *See Hist. Mex., i. 572, this series, wherein is explained the confusion of 
 the other writers on this point, some misled by the careless wording in Cortes, 
 Cartas, 270, which appears to give him the name of Carlos, The name Fer- 
 nando is, however, too clearly fixed by the family records and archives used 
 by Ixtlilxochitl. See Hor. Crueldades, 13, 74, and Relaciones, 390, 410, 414, 
 433-4, and above note on p. 572. Gomara and Herrera confirm the error by 
 copying Cortes. Duran, like many another, overlooks the intermediate kings 
 since Cohuanacoch's time. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 493. Cavo assumes with much 
 probability that the appointee offered the inducement of sending large forces 
 to aid in rebuilding Mexico. Tres Siglos, i. 15, 16. Garcia de Pilar asserts 
 that the appointment was procured by heavy bribes to Cortes, some 80,000 
 pesos, besides other presents, Ixtlilxochitl selling his subjects both to slave- 
 dealers and butcher-stalls to obtain the money. Cortis, Residencia, ii. 218-19- 
 
22 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 the fulfilment of the ancient prophecies?" These re- 
 ferred to the coming of the children of fair Quetzalcoatl 
 from the region of the rising sun.^ The boy displayed 
 a remarkable precocity united to a cruel disposition. 
 Out of pure mischief, or because his nurse happened to 
 offend him, he pushed her into a deep well as she bent 
 for water for him, and then attempted to quiet her 
 drowning shrieks by casting stones upon her. When 
 called before the king to answer, he pleaded that the 
 deceased had broken the law which forbade female 
 attendants at the palace to speak with a man. He 
 had merely punished her for the transgression.^ This 
 seemed just, and the wondering judge bade him go. 
 At the age of seven he organized a company of boy 
 soldiers, and sent his tutors to collect weapons where- 
 with to spread terror among the citizens, his plea 
 being that he was training warriors for the common- 
 wealth. Two counsellors objected to these dangerous 
 pranks, and expressed the conviction that such mis- 
 chievous spirits as the prince and his companions 
 should be killed ere they created more serious trouble. 
 Some of his associates expressing fears for their safety, 
 young Ixtlilxochitl marched to the dwelling of the 
 counsellors and caused them to be strangled. He there- 
 upon presented himself before the king and assumed 
 the responsibility of the deed, which was simply an 
 anticipation of the fate meditated by the counsellors 
 against himself, who had never injured them. Neza- 
 hualpilli wished to be just, even if the life of a son 
 depended upon it, but in his admiration for the prom- 
 ising qualities of the boy as a leader and advocate, he 
 could find no reasons for condemning him; nor did 
 any of the ordinary judges venture to raise their voice 
 against the imp. When fourteen years of age he 
 joined in the Tlascala campaign, and three years later 
 his gallant behavior had secured for him the insignia of 
 * great captain/ 
 
 ^ See Hist. Mex., vol. i. chap, vii., for a full account of the myths and omens. 
 ^He was then but three years old, says ixtlilxochitl. Jiist. Chick. ^ 275-6. 
 Certainly a remarkable child. 
 
TEZCUCO AFFAIRS. 
 
 23 
 
 Meanwhile Nezahualpilli had died without naming 
 a successor, and the council, influenced by Monte- 
 zuma, set aside the claims of an elder brother and 
 declared Cacama king. Actuated both by personal 
 ambition and patriotic resentment against Aztec in- 
 terference, Ixtlilxochitl denounced the electors as tools 
 of the imperial intriguer. • Finding his protests un- 
 heeded, he began to interest the interior provinces in 
 his own behalf, by applying patriotic arguments, and 
 in 1517 he descended from Meztitlan with a force 
 estimated at a hundred thousand men. Everything 
 yielded before him, and one of the foremost Aztec 
 generals was defeated and captured. More than one 
 adjoining principality now pronounced in favor of the 
 great captain, while the Aztec monarch neglected to 
 sustain Cacama, under the pressure of troubles in his 
 own provinces, and of ominous incidents supported by 
 the arrival off the eastern coast of mysterious water- 
 houses with white-bearded occupants — the expeditions 
 of Cordoba and Grijalva. Thus abandoned, Cacama 
 hastened to make terms with his brother, who declared 
 that the campaign was directed wholly against Monte- 
 zuma, but nevertheless exacted the northern half of 
 the kingdom for himself The terms may be regarded 
 as moderate on the part of an irresistible general. 
 Ixtlilxochitl must have had strong motives for con- 
 tenting himself with a half, for he dreamed no longer 
 of regal power alone, but of overthrowing the hated 
 Aztecs, whose strength seemed already waning, and 
 thus achieving immortal renown as the savior of his 
 country, a project which afterward would have ex- 
 panded into the more ambitious one of founding a 
 new Chichimec empire. The present moderation was 
 intended to extend his influence to the furtherance 
 of these schemes, and to assure them by a more 
 steady growth, unhampered by jealous intrigue. The 
 appearance of the Spaniards, while aflbrding him the 
 much desired assistance, brought him in contact with 
 schemers equally ambitious, but stronger and more 
 
24 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 subtle. In their hands he became a tool, whose devo- 
 tion became stamped as obsequiousness, whose patri- 
 otic efforts assumed a traitorous guise, and whose 
 grand plans turned into hateful plottings. Bitter irony 
 of fate! ^ 
 
 While investing him with the sovereignty of Acol- 
 huacan, although without the title of king, Cortes 
 also conferred the perpetual grant, for himself and 
 descendants, of three districts, among them Otumba 
 and Tziauhcohuac, each with about thirty-three vil- 
 lages.^ This concession served only to open the eyes 
 of Ixtlilxochitl to the intention of Cortes with regard 
 to Tezcuco, whose prince was evidently to bear the 
 name only of ruler. His important services to the 
 Spaniards, which he had estimated as indispensable, 
 were thus to be rewarded : by the shadow of the sub- 
 stantial power which he could so many times have 
 acquired for himself, and worse than this, by the 
 insulting grant of a small portion of what he had all 
 this time enjoyed as his own. And this grant was 
 conferred by men to whom he had dispensed so many 
 favors, in treasures, vassals, and deeds, and whom he 
 had saved from destruction, as he flattered himself, by 
 tendering his alliance when inaction alone would have 
 procured him untold favors from the Aztecs. The 
 thought was humiliating. Forgetting his usual defer- 
 ence, the prince ventured to observe that what had 
 
 ' Ixtlilxochitl, his namesake, rose as biographer to ennoble his efforts and 
 magnify his deeds with unsparing generosity. Nevertheless, his pages reveal 
 at intervals a bitter sarcasm upon his misguided zeal, which can hardly be 
 accidental. The writer, indeed, was actuated chiefly by a desire to advocate 
 the claims of his family on the gratitude of the crown, from which he demanded 
 grants and other favors, and his main reliance was on the services of his name- 
 sake, of whose role he must otherwise have been ashamed. He was also 
 afraid to express anything but praise of acts connected with the advancement 
 of the Spaniards. In describing the career of his hero he yields to the com- 
 mon fault of exaggeration, yet the acquisition of a kingdom by a mere youth, 
 wrested as it were from the dreaded Montezuma, gives probability to almost 
 any tales about him. See Hist. Chich., 275-7, 282-4; Rd., 410; Torquemada, 
 i. 221-7; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt. ii. 43-4; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., iii. 367-75; 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. i. ; Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 297-9. 
 
 ® ' Otumba con treinta y tres pueblos, Itziuhcohuac con otros tantos, que 
 cae acia la parte de Panuco, y Cholula con ciertos pueblos. ' Ixtlilxochitl^ Hor. 
 Crueldades, 61. 
 
REWARD FOR SERVICES. 
 
 25 
 
 been given was his own, since it had never been taken 
 from him. After the services he had rendered, and 
 the hardship he and his people had undergone for the 
 Spaniards, it was but right that he and his successors 
 should be left in undisturbed possession of the king- 
 dom.^ Cortes recognized the justice of the claim, but 
 he remembered Ixtlilxochitl's tardy extension of aid 
 after the flight from Mexico, and was probably fully 
 aware of the motives which prompted his alliance. All 
 this afforded strong reasons for not yielding to the de- 
 mands of this and other allies. To acknowledge every 
 such claim would materially reduce his own credit 
 and the value of the conquest. The native rulers had 
 served his purpose, and being no longer indispensable 
 they must gradually learn to recognize their true posi- 
 tion as nothing more than leading personages among 
 the half- civilized race he had conquered. In the 
 present instance he gave no definite answer, and Ix- 
 tlilxochitl was left nominally in possession of what 
 he claimed, till circumstances revealed the shadowy 
 nature of his title and possessions. 
 
 On returning to his kingdom, after being released 
 from further attendance at Mexico, he availed himself 
 of his position to reward with grants and other hon- 
 ors the most deserving adherents, and others whom 
 policy commended to his notice. He also employed 
 the captive slaves that had fallen to his share to aid 
 in repairing the damage inflicted on Tezcuco during 
 its recent occupation as Spanish head-quarters, notably 
 the destruction of the royal palace and other edifices 
 by the Tlascaltecs on first entering the city and on 
 passing through it after the fall of Mexico. All these 
 efforts, however, failed to reconcile the inhabitants of 
 the capital and lake districts, whose treatment by 
 the Spaniards had made them more than ever averse 
 
 •In the version of Ixtlilxocbitl's .Relacion, 429, etc., published by Busta- 
 mante iinder the title of Horribles Grueldades, 60-1 , the editor has misund*/.r- 
 Btood the meaning of the text, and ventured to substitute Cortes where ii 
 should read Ixtlilxochitl, thus changing the sense. 
 Two thousand in number, says Ixtlilxochitl. 
 
26 
 
 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 to a prince hateful to them from boyhood. The 
 return from captivity of the deposed Cohuanacoch 
 had created a sympathy which soon turned the 
 current of popularity in favor of one who had 
 suffered so much for the national cause. Aware of 
 the feeling with respect to himself, Ixtlilxochitl felt 
 it almost a matter of necessity to leave his brother 
 at Tezcuco in enjoyment of the regal honors accorded 
 him before his very face. He even thought it politic 
 to assign him a certain portion of the revenue. He 
 withdrew to his former northern domains, establishing 
 his capital at Otumba, where a new palace was 
 erected." 
 
 Not unlike the rewards of Ixtlilxochitl were those 
 of the Tlascaltecs, to whom the Spaniards owed a 
 vast debt — their lives, and the moral and physical aid 
 which sustained them in adversity, and in the initia- 
 tory operations which led to ultimate success. In this 
 act of forging fetters for adjoining peoples, fetters 
 which were also to shackle themselves, they had been 
 impelled not alone by a hatred of the Aztecs, more 
 intense and exalted than that of the Tezcucan prince, 
 but by a friendship based on admiration, and cemented 
 by Cortes' politic favors. At the opening of the 
 Tepeaca campaign they had certainly been led to form 
 great expectations,^^ and promises flowed freely when 
 
 According to Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 61, he agreed with Cohua- 
 nacoch, out of brotherly love it seems, to divide the kingdom with him; the 
 brother to rule as king at Tezcuco, and control Chalco, Quauhnahuac, Itzucun, 
 Tlahuac, and other provinces as far as the South Sea, while Ixtlilxochitl 
 retained the northern provinces, and those extending toward the North Sea. 
 This assumed division is based on the former limits of the Chichimec empire. It 
 is not likely that a Tezcucan monarch received even nominal honors in half the 
 provinces named. See Native Races, v. 395-6, for boundaries assigned by the 
 terms of the tripartite alliance in 1431, which had become practically obso- 
 lete before the Spaniards arrived. Ixtlilxochitl seeks to magnify the power 
 of his ancestry to promote his claims. He allows his namesake to take pos- 
 session of the northern kingdom on March 19, 1523, and to build palaces also 
 at Teotihuacan and at Tecpitpac, a site given him by his father. Hor. Cruel- 
 dades, 53. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 563-4, assumes that 
 while Cohuanacoch received the tribute and nominal sovereignty of all the 
 kingdom, the brother controlled the general administration and the armies, 
 to prevent any revolt. 
 
 By a craftily worded document issued to them by Cortes, wherein flow- 
 
TLASCALA'S QUESTIONABLE GAIN. 
 
 27 
 
 they were dismissed to their homes after the fall of 
 Mexico. The first instalment thereof was exemption 
 from the tribute exacted in all other provinces, and 
 from being given in encomiendas then came certain 
 titles which sounded so well, but were worth little 
 more than their cost to the crown. Thus their capi- 
 tal was made the seat of the first diocese, honored by 
 the name of Carolense, and their alcalde mayor, 
 elected from among themselves, was permitted to call 
 himself governor.^* Huexotzinco shared slightly in 
 these privileges, and the cacique received a coat of 
 arms for assisting the fugitive Spaniards in 1520.^^ 
 And this was about all. The fault lay greatly with 
 Cortes, who for the sake of his own credit never 
 admitted the real extent of his obligation to these 
 faithful allies. Their very devotion and prowess were 
 to assist in destroying them, since nearly every expedi- 
 tion in early times for opening new regions, or sup- 
 pressing revolts, took away a number, of whom many 
 
 ing words fed their hopes without committing himself. The only substantial 
 promise recorded, aside from the share in booty, appears to have been the con- 
 servation to them of lands and local government. Several modern writers 
 harp on the contract made with them, but their only authority is Camargo, 
 who is doubtful. See Hist. Mex., i. 525, this series. 
 
 Even to the crown. This exemption was confirmed through Cortes 
 when in Spain, so that grasping officials might not prevent it. By decree of 
 1535 the province was as a special mark of favor declared an inalienable part 
 of the crown of Castile, drdenes de la Corona, ii. 4. 'Porque parezca que 
 tienen alguna mas libertad, * is Cortes' significant allusion to the flimsiness of 
 the favors. Cartas, 332. 
 
 1* Diego Maxixcatzin was governor in 1534. Motolinia describes fully the 
 elaborate festivities in 1538, when the new arms of the city were first dis- 
 played. Hist. Ind., 81. The laws in Recop. de Indian, ii. 199-200, confirm 
 to them certain customs, exempt them from the obliga,tion to serve beyond 
 their province, and from monopolies in wines and meats, which must be let 
 at public auction as in Spain. The viceroy is enjoined to honor them and 
 their towns in every way, and they are further given the touching privilege 
 of freely making representations and complaints^ — the royal waste-basket 
 was capacious enough. 
 
 The cedula, dated 1534, calls him Aquiahuateuliti, baptized as Francisco 
 de Sandoval y Moreno. Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 13-5, They 
 were for a time given in encomienda to Cortesians. Ternaux-Compans, Voy. , 
 serie ii. tom. v. 18/. Father Juarez obtained their incorporation under the 
 crown. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii. 
 
 ^^This is intimated in the opening cedula concerning them, Id., 199, 
 wherein their prompt submission to church and king is indicated as their 
 chief merit. In another cedula, however, they are commended for * services 
 rendered during the pacification of the country. ' 
 
28 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 perished, while others were distributed as settlers to 
 support the Spaniards in controlling different districts. 
 Diseases and other adjuncts of the new civilization 
 made inroads upon them as they did on all the 
 natives, and so they dwindled to a handful, impotent 
 even to raise their voice against the abuses to which 
 unscrupulous officials submitted them.^'^ Their only 
 real friends were the friars, who did what they could 
 to protect their rights, and confirm them in their 
 devout and loyal disposition. 
 
 While the rebuilding of Mexico served to occupy 
 the more contented spirits who had decided to settle 
 there, supported by the encomiendas granted them in 
 the valley, Cortes found the better remedy for the 
 rest to be expeditions, which would not only advance 
 the common interest, but enable them to achieve their 
 own rewards and at the same time remove turbulent 
 characters to a safe distance. Actual campaigns were 
 little called for, since the mere report of the fall of 
 Mexico sufficed to summon neutral or even hostile 
 caciques to render homage to the victors. Neverthe- 
 less it was necessary to actually occupy the surrounding 
 provinces, ascertain their condition and wealth, and, 
 above all, to extort tribute and presents on the strength 
 of the ridiculous requirement issued by the sovereign 
 in the name of the pope, and to be used in demanding 
 submission from the natives. To this end the tribute- 
 rolls of Montezuma proved of value, by indicating the 
 kind and amount of taxes exacted by the rapacious 
 Aztec collectors. An exhibition of the rolls with 
 
 1^ The king found it necessary, at the instance of the friars, to repeat more 
 than once the order against their compulsory service beyond the limits of their 
 province. 'Tambienlos hizo esclavos; digna recompensa por cierto de unos 
 hombres viles, verdugos de su misma patria, ' is the patriotic outburst against 
 them by Bustamante. Abispa de Chilpancingo, 59. See also his Necesidad, 
 in Pap. Var., xlvi. MS., 8, and his Tracts, 41-2. He overlooks that they 
 acted with a motive which to them was pure. They were made tools by a 
 superior mind. By a viceregal decree issued at their request in December 
 1537, no slaves were allowed within their territory. Facheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, ii. 202. 
 
 ^^See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 397-9, this series. 
 
SULPHUR FROM POPOCATEPETL. 
 
 29 
 
 the alluring facts was enough to bring forward the 
 needed volunteers for any of the proposed expeditions. 
 
 A primary measure, however, was to replenish the 
 ammunition, for hardly any powder remained. In this 
 dilemma Cortes bethought himself of the smoking 
 Popocatepetl, where Ordaz had discovered sulphur in 
 1519. Encouraged by the fame of his ascent, Fran- 
 cisco Montano offered himself for the venture.^^ Four 
 Spaniards and a number of natives accompanied them, 
 and as they approached the volcano their train had 
 swelled to thousands of sight-seers, aglow with excite- 
 ment at this second storming of the infernal regions, 
 which promised to be far more daring than the first. 
 Many built huts near the foot, there to await the 
 result of the battle. The ascent began about noon, 
 several attendants following with the necessary ropes, 
 bags, and blankets. When night came on they dug a 
 cavity in which to shelter themselves from the pierc- 
 ing cold, but the sulphurous exhalations became so 
 unendurable as to drive them forth. While groping 
 about in the dark, half benumbed, one of the Span- 
 iards fell into a crevice, and but for a friendly icicle 
 he would have been dashed into an abyss several 
 thousand feet below. Finding the locality unsafe they 
 halted until dawn, despite the chilling blast, and then 
 hastened forward. Half an hour later an eruption 
 shook the mountains, and sent them scampering for 
 the friendly shelter of some crags. The shock proved 
 not wholly unwelcome, however, for a heated stone 
 rolled toward them, by which they were enabled to 
 warm their stiffened limbs. Soon afterward one of 
 the men became so exhausted that he had to be left 
 behind to await their return. They were already 
 approaching the goal, when a fresh eruption took place 
 
 Francisco Mesa, an artillerist, is named as one of the companions, and 
 J uan de Larios appears to have been another. In the petition of Montano's 
 heirs the event is placed during the siege, and Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 251-2, 
 dates it while Cortes Was at Segura; but both are too early. In his relation 
 of May 1522, Cortes states that he sent the men from Coyuhuacan, so that 
 it must have been shortly after the siege, while preparing new expeditions. 
 
30 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 witli a shower of stones and ashes that caused them 
 to drop their burdens and rush for shelter. 
 
 After a while they ventured forward again, and 
 reached the summit, and as they gazed apprehensively 
 into the crater, nearly half a league in width, the 
 clearing smoke occasionally disclosed seething masses 
 hundreds of feet below,^^ while the oppressive fumes 
 sent a shiver almost of horror through their frames, 
 mingled with unspoken regrets for having undertaken 
 the evil adventure. Their reputation was at stake, 
 however, and among the four who had persevered so 
 far, none wished to show cowardice. The difficulty 
 was to descend into the crater to collect the sulphur 
 which was lying there in abundance. At last a spot 
 was found, and lots being drawn, it fell to Montano to 
 take the initiatory step. With a rope around his waist 
 he descended into the abyss for a distance of several 
 hundred feet,^^ according to his own statement, with 
 swimming brain, oppressed by deadly fumes, and in 
 danger from eruptive substances. It seemed indeed a 
 slender support and one which at any moment might 
 part and abandon him to the glowing fire beneath. 
 After delivering a bagful of brimstone seven times, 
 he was relieved by one of his companions, who made 
 six trips,^^ increasing the output to three hundred 
 pounds. This was deemed sufficient; and eager to 
 escape from their threatening position, they began the 
 return journey, which proved not a little difficult, 
 burdened as they were. At times they were threading 
 a deep crevice, at times sliding down a snow-covered 
 surface, stumbling against some sharp projection," or 
 sinking into a treacherous aperture. The abandoned 
 
 2"" Cortes, Cartas, 270. Herrera ignores this allusion to a flight and reascent, 
 and states that the party reached the summit at 10 A. m. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. ii. 
 
 '^^ ' Q estaua ardiendo a manera de fuego natural, cosa bie espantosa de 
 ver. ' Id. ' Tan gran hondura, que no pudieron ver el cabo. ' Cortds, Cartas^ 
 270. 
 
 22 • Setenta d ochenta brazas.' Id., 312. Herrera makes it only 14. 
 
 23 So runs the statement in Herrera; and Cortes also writes that the men 
 were ' lowered ' 70 fathoms into the crater; but it is more probable that their 
 colored story reduces itself to a mere descent along the inclme of a crevice. 
 Juan de Larios is said to have made the last descents. 
 
MANUFACTURE OF CANNON. 
 
 31 
 
 comrade was picked up, though he could render no 
 aid in conveying the burden. As they approached 
 the camp at the foot the natives came forth with 
 enthusiastic cheers to bear the doughty adventurers 
 on their shoulders. Their journey to Coyuhuacan 
 was a triumphal march, and Cortes himself came to 
 welcome them with an embrace, wreathed in abun- 
 dant promises. Montano was too humble an individ- 
 ual, however, to receive the same attention as Ordaz, 
 who used his less valuable performance, magnified by 
 influence and position, to obtain a coat of arms and 
 grants. An encomienda, scanty even for his ordinary 
 services as participant in the conquest, and a brief 
 term of office as corregidor, was all that his repeated 
 appeals could secure.^* The sulphur proved most 
 acceptable, but no attempts were made to obtain 
 more from the volcano, because of the danger. 
 
 Another want was cannon, both for expeditions 
 and for the different strongholds to be established in 
 their wake. Iron was unknown to the natives, but 
 copper could be obtained in abundance, and an alloy 
 was alone needed to produce a serviceable metal. The 
 rich possessed a little tin in the shape of dishes, esti- 
 mated indeed equal to silver, and small pieces circu- 
 lated as money. By following this clew it was found 
 that at Taxco, some distance south-west of QuauliDa- 
 huac, mines of this metal existed. Use was at once 
 
 2^ The encomienda comprised half the village of Zapotitlan, altogether 
 insufficient for the maintenance of his large family of 10 sons and 7 daughters. 
 His appeals produced an order to the viceroy, years later, to reward him, 
 and he received the office of corregidor of Tonala in Miztecapan, with a salary 
 of 200 pesos. His term expired after 2 years, and, although his residencia 
 proved good, no other office was given. He now fell into want, and had to 
 mortgage his house. His appeals appear to have received little attention, for 
 his descendants continued to clamor as late as 1593. A son-in-law then 
 obtained an allowance of 200 pesos, which was exchanged for better rewards. 
 Monkino, Peticion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 480-3; Alaman, 
 Disert., i. app. 148-54. 
 
 ^ ' Que nos provean de Espana, y V. M. ha sido servido que no haya ya 
 obispo que nos lo impida.' Cortes, Cartas, 312. Good saltpetre had already 
 been found. For later ascents, see vol. i. 257, this series. 
 
 ' Compro los platos dello a pesos de plata.' Gomara, Hist. Hex., 237. See 
 Native Races, ii. 382, 473. 
 
32 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST, 
 
 made of the discovery, which led also to finding rich 
 silver and iron deposits. Casting at once began under 
 the direction of an experienced gunner, and with the 
 artillery already on hand, they had soon a hundred 
 cannon. 
 
 During the general uprising that followed the ex- 
 pulsion of Spaniards from Mexico in the previous 
 year, some fourscore adventurers had been surprised 
 and slaughtered in Tochtepec,^^ a mountainous region 
 on the upper waters of Rio Papaloapan. No meas- 
 ures being taken to chastise the perpetrators of the 
 deed, the inhabitants grew confident in their strong- 
 holds. After the fall of Mexico a number of Aztec 
 fugitives sought refuge there to keep alive the spirit 
 of freedom. With no lack of men at his command, 
 Cortes now resolved to uproot this hot-bed of sedi- 
 tion, located as it was in a country reputed rich in 
 gold. A force of thirty-five horse, two hundred foot, 
 and some thirty thousand allies, was accordingly de- 
 spatched at the end of October 1521, under Sandoval, 
 attended by Captain Luis Marin and others, with 
 orders to reduce the whole region, and secure posses- 
 sion by founding the necessary colonies. The first 
 demand for submission by so formidable an army, 
 flushed with recent victories, brought forth the na- 
 tives in humble supplication. All that remained to 
 be done was to pursue the hostile refugees and chief 
 
 ^'^ Thirty of these were brass, the rest iron, and they had been obtained 
 chiefly from Narvaez, Ponce de Leon, and others. ' De f alconete arriba, treinta 
 y cinco piezas, y de hierro^ entre lombaras y pasavolantes y versos y otras 
 maneras de tiros de hierro colado, hasta setenta piezas.' The casting began 
 early in the autumn of 1524. In his letter of October 15th, he writes that five 
 guns had so far been cast. Cartas, 312. Oviedo, iii. 465, differs in the num- 
 ber. The casting of guns was produced by his many jealous accusers as a 
 proof of rebellious projects, several of the pieces being declared suppiciously 
 different from those needed for Indian fighting. CorUs, Residenda, i. 64, 
 236-7. He was driven to the measure by Fonseca's prohibition against allow- 
 ing war material to reach New Spain. CorUs, Cartas, 311. 
 
 2^ Also called Totepec, preserved in the present Tuxtepec. Mercator, 1569, 
 has Tochtejpec town; on map of 1574, Costota lies north of it; West-Ind. Spie- 
 gliel, 1624, TocMepec; Kiepert, Tustepec. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 510. The 
 massacre has been described in Hist. Mex., i. 511. 
 
 29 Cortes names the provinces Tatactetelco, Tuxtepeque, Guatuzco, AlJi- 
 caba. Guatuxco was the first entered. Cartas, 260. 
 
BRIONES AND THE TILTEPECS. 
 
 33 
 
 who had led in the slaughter of the Spaniards, and 
 who had fled on finding the people intimidated. They 
 were soon brought in, and the leading cacique was 
 summarily burned in the main square of Tochtepec as 
 a warning to his assembled vassals. The rest were 
 pardoned after a salutary suspense. 
 
 While examining the mineral resources of the new 
 conquest, Sandoval despatched Captain Briones with 
 a hundred infantry and some allies to subdue Tiltepec 
 and other towns in the adjoining Zapotec territory, 
 Briones was a voluble fellow, as we have seen, lately 
 
 MrrZTECAPAN AND GOAZACOALCO. 
 
 commander of one of the lake brigantines, who had 
 made a good impression on the officers by a boastful 
 exhibition of scars from the wars in Italy. The Za- 
 potecs were made of sterner stuff than the Tochte- 
 pecans, inured as they were to danger among their 
 
 ^ * La jactancia suele vivir muy cerca de la cobardfa,' hints Salazar, some- 
 what unjustly. Hiat. CoTiq., 83. He figures even more prominently in Hon- 
 duras. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 525 et seq. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 8 
 
U PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 rugged cliffs, and reliant on their formidable pikes and 
 stout cotton armor; and when Briones approached 
 with easy confidence, they fell upon him in a narrow 
 pass with a fury that compelled him to retreat, with 
 one third of his force wounded,^^ including himself 
 Sandoval was not a little disgusted on learning the 
 miserable failure of the boaster, and asked him iron- 
 ically how he used to fight in Italy. Briones swore 
 that he would sooner meet large armies of Moors 
 than the Zapotecs, who seemed to spring from the 
 very ground in ever-increasing numbers. It would 
 not answer to let the repulse go unavenged, and San- 
 doval hurried with nearly all the force to restore the 
 Spanish prestige. The previous struggle had been 
 sufficiently obstinate to cause the enemy to hesitate, 
 and the cacique of Tiltepec threw open his gates, 
 which example was followed by the Xaltepecs. 
 
 The latter district bordered on that of the warlike 
 Mijes, who were constantly making raids on their ter- 
 ritory, and it was chiefly with a view to obtain pro- 
 tection that envoys came with humble mien, though 
 attired in beautiful embroidered robes, to tender sub- 
 mission, and to soften the hearts of the conquerors 
 with presents. Among the gifts were ten tubes filled 
 with gold-dust, which at once aroused an interest 
 in their affairs. While unwilling to give them the 
 soldiers with whom they hoped to terrify their foe, 
 a small party was sent to examine the mines under 
 the pretence of reconnoitring for a speedy descent on 
 the Mijes. So good were the reports that Sandoval 
 immediately secured for himself a town near the mines, 
 from which he obtained a large sum in gold. The 
 other towns and tracts of the conquest were distrib- 
 uted among the members of the expedition,^^ and to 
 
 One died of wounds, and several were carried oflf soon after by disease. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 165. 
 
 32 * Parece le senor Capitan, que son estas tierras otras que las donde an- 
 duuo militando ? ' Id. 
 
 23 Sandoval took Guazpaltepec, which yielded 15,000 pesos de oro from 
 the mines; Marin received Xaltepec, 'quite a dukedom; Ojedas received 
 
ESPIRITU SANTO. 
 
 35 
 
 assure control he founded a villa which was named 
 Medellin, in honor of the birthplace of himself and 
 Cortes.^* 
 
 From this point the army proceeded southward to 
 the Goazacoalco country, whose advantages with its 
 port and its fertility had been demonstrated by special 
 expeditions during the time of Montezuma. On reach- 
 ing the Goazacoalco, Sandoval summoned to him the 
 leading caciques. Several days passed without an 
 answer, and preparations were made for warlike meas- 
 ures. Guided by certain natives, he one night fell upon 
 a town and captured a female chief of great influence. 
 This stroke proved effective, and the rest of the country 
 submitted, with offers of rich presents. In accordance 
 with the instructions received, a town was now founded 
 on the southern bank of the river, four leagues from 
 the mouth, and named Espiritu Santo, from the day 
 on which they had crossed the stream and received 
 the allegiance of the people. The prospects of the 
 town as the future entrepot for trade between New 
 Spain and the Islands and home country, as well as 
 the resources of the district, gave it a strong attrac- 
 tion, and a number of both leaders and soldiers offered 
 to settle, notably Luis Marin, Francisco de Medina, 
 who afterward met so terrible a fate, Diego de Godoy, 
 to whom, instead of Marin, historians have wrongly 
 given the credit of conquering Chiapas, and Francisco 
 
 Tiltepec, while Bernal Diaz writes that he refused to his later regret Matla- 
 tlan and Orizaba. Hist. Verdad., 165-6. 
 
 3* ' Veiute leguas la tierra adentro, en la provincia de Tatalptetelco. ' 
 Cortes, Cartas, 313. The founding and the installation of the municipality 
 were hastened by the arrival of Cristobal de Tapia, who intended to supersede 
 Cortes as governor, as will be told elsewhere. It was soon after moved near 
 to Vera Cruz. 
 
 3j Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi. The people came with a large num- 
 ber of canoes to ferry the army across, Cacique Tochel remaining as hostage. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 166. They paid two years' arrears of taxes, says 
 Ixtlilxochitl. Hor. Crueldades, 57. Cortes writes 1520, Eio de Totuquahpio; 
 Orontius, 1531, R. de quaUf; Colon, 1527, R. de gasacalcos; Ribero, 1529, 
 R. de guasacalco; Munich Atlas, x. 1571, 7?° de guaqaqa; Hood, 1592, R. de 
 Guaca; Ogilby, 1671, R. de Guazacoalco; Dampier, 1699, R. Guazacoalco or 
 Guashigivalp; Laet, 1633, R. Guazacoalco; Jefferys, 1776, R. Guazacalco, with 
 the town of Cayhoca. Goldschmidf s Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 359. 
 
 And because on the former anniversary Narvaez had been defeated, adds 
 Bernal Diaz. 
 
36 
 
 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 de Lugo. Sandoval, Grado, Briones, Bernal Diaz, 
 and others, also took up either residence or grant?=i 
 here, the latter extending from the Zapotec country 
 to the sea, and from the southern limits of Medellin 
 district into Tabasco.^^ 
 
 Hardly had the repartition been made before San- 
 doval was called away, and when the settlers began 
 to levy tribute, nearly all the districts revolted, sev- 
 eral settlers being killed. They were pacified after 
 considerable trouble, only to rise again at intervals in 
 different quarters.^^ More settlers came, however, 
 and with fertile and populous grants they prospered 
 so well that the towns to the north grew jealous and 
 obtained a curtailment of the district; later settle- 
 ments in Tabasco, Chiapas, and Oajaca, laid claim to 
 other portions, and Espiritu Santo soon dwindled.^* 
 
 At the time that Sandoval set forth on the Groaza- 
 coalco campaign, another expedition was despatched 
 against Zapotecapan and Miztecapan, a region alter- 
 nating in fertile valleys and rugged mountains, and 
 covering the modern state of Oajaca; the former lying 
 to the east, round the sources of Goazacoalco, and 
 stretching to Tehuantepec; the latter divided into 
 upper and lower Miztecapan, covering respectively 
 the lofty Cohuaixtlahuacan and the sea-bathed Tutu- 
 tepec. Although distinct in language from the inhab- 
 itants of Andhuac, the people possessed the culture 
 of the Nahuas, and have been hastily classed as an 
 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 165-7, names a number of the settlers, sev- 
 eral of whom did not remain as residents; he also gives the native names of 
 provinces, as Copilco, Cimatan, Tauasco, Cachula, Zoqueschas, Tacheapac, 
 Cinacantan, Quilenes, Papanachasta, Citia, Chontalpa, Pinula, Chinanta, 
 Xaltepec, Tepeca. Cortes names Chimaclan, Quizaltepec, Cimaclan, and 
 others. Cartas, 261. 
 
 Bernal Diaz relates his narrow escape from death during a parley with 
 rebels. Two of his companions were killed in a sudden attack, and he was 
 wounded in the throat. After hiding a while he was aided by his sole sur- 
 viving comrade to escape. Bist. Verdad. y 177. 
 
 At the present day the district has revived, the population centring in 
 Minatitlan, on the northern bank of the river, and about 20 miles from the 
 mouth. Alvarado sought in 1535 to have the port annexed to Guatemala, as a 
 base for supplies. Cartas, MS., xix. 35-6; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi. 
 
ZAPOTECAPAN AND MIZTECAPAN. 
 
 37 
 
 offshoot of this great race, descended according to 
 one tradition from the mighty Quetzalcoatl, since in 
 Miztecapan, the ^region of clouds,' lay Tlalocan, the 
 terrestrial paradise. Another account traces to the 
 Apoala Mountains the source of Toltec culture. The 
 more favored province of the mystic propliet was 
 Zapotecapan, where he left tokens of his presence 
 on Mount Cempoaltepec, and on the enchanted island 
 of Monapostiac, and where his disciples founded the 
 sacred city of Mitla, revered even now in its grand 
 ruins. Miztecapan claimed a founder hardly less illus- 
 trious in the person of a dryad-sprung youth, who, 
 challenging the sun, compelled him, after a day's hard 
 combat, to retreat in confusion beneath the western 
 w^aters, while he remained triumphant on the field 
 of clouds. The earlier glimpses reveal two hierarchic 
 powers in the provinces, seated respectively at Achi- 
 uhtla and Mitla, out of which emerge in the clearer 
 history of the fourteenth century three kingdoms, 
 one centred at Teotzapotlan, and equalling in power 
 and extent the two Mistec monarchies of Tilantongo 
 and Tututepec. Attracted by the wealth of the 
 latter, which stretched for sixty leagues along the 
 shores of the southern sea, and encouraged by jeal- 
 ousies between the three powers, the Aztecs absorbed 
 in the following century the more accessible districts, 
 and entered soon after into sacred Mitla itself, while 
 in 1506 Montezuma's armies added the last free state 
 of Tilantongo to his domains. 
 
 Attracted by the golden sands of the rivers, Span- 
 ish explorers had early entered the province, and met 
 with a friendly reception, Cohuaixtlahuacan among 
 others sending submissive embassies to the chief of 
 
 The main authorities for these myths and events, fully given in Native 
 Baces, ii. iii. v., are Burgoa, Geor/. Descrip., Oajaca, pts. i. ii. ; MotoUnia, Hist. 
 Jnd.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. lib. x. etseq.; Garcia, OrUjen delos Ind., 327- 
 8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., i.-iii.; Torquemada, and others. Laet, 1633, 
 writes Zapotecas; Ogilby, 1671, has Zapotitlan and Zapoiecas, on page and i 
 map respectively; Mercator has Zepotecas east of Michoacan; Jefferys, Zapo- I 
 teca^s, S. Ildefonso de hs Zapotecos; Kiepert, Lapotlaii. Cartog. Pac. Coa^t, \ 
 MS., ii. 464. 
 
38 PREPARATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 the strangers. Subsequenu reverses at Mexico, how- 
 ever, changed their minds: the old love for liberty 
 revived, and after killing isolated parties,^^ the hardy 
 mountaineers began to harass even the provinces re- 
 conquered by Spaniards. The sufferers appealed to 
 Orozco, the lieutenant at Segura, and with a score or 
 two of soldiers he sought to repel the invaders. His 
 force was wholly inadequate, and the mountaineers 
 grew bolder. The fall of Mexico accomplished, Cor- 
 tes was able to give attention to the subject, and since 
 the conquest of the region was a needful preliminary 
 to an advance southward, he reenforced Orozco with a 
 dozen cavalry, fourscore infantry, and a large number 
 of experienced allies.^^ 
 
 Observing the strength of the army, the Miztecs, 
 against whom the campaign was directed, retired from 
 their several rocky strongholds, and concentrated at 
 Itzquintepec, the strongest of them all, some six 
 leagues from the present Oajaca. Protected by heavy 
 stone walls, fully two miles in circumference, they 
 held forth defiantly for several days, repelling every 
 attack. Water began to fail, however, and under 
 promise of good treatment they surrendered.^^ This, 
 together with the successful operations of a detach- 
 ment under Juan Nunez de Mercado,** completed the 
 subjugation of the province. The lieutenant sent so 
 glowing a report of the fertility and the products, in- 
 
 *^ A number were driven into a yard and prodded to death with long 
 poles. Herrera, dec. ill. lib. ill. cap. xi. 
 
 ^'^CorUs, Cartas, 261. Herrera increases the cavalry to 30, and assumes 
 that Alvarado took command, as does Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 150-1. 
 The force left in October 1521, in company with Sandoval, who turned south- 
 eastward at Tepeaca, or Segura. 
 
 After 8 days it seems. Herrera assumes that Mexican garrisons were 
 the main cause of the resistance, and that they yielded only after receiving 
 an answer from Cortes to their demands. Duran confounds the operations 
 with those of Cort6s during his march to Quauhnahuac in the previous spring. 
 Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 518-19. Ixtlilxochitl alludes to three hard battles. 
 Hor. Crueldades, 57; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 84. 
 
 Involving the capture of Tecomovaca, says Herrera. So much promi- 
 nence has been given to Mercado's operations as to lead several writers to 
 attribute to him the subjugation of Oajaca. Medina, Ghrdn. S. Diego, 245; 
 Villa Senor, Theatro, ii. 112; Alcedo, Dice; and Ternaux-Compana, Voy.t 
 8er. 1. torn. x. 287. 
 
COCIYOPU OF OAJACA. 
 
 39 
 
 eluding gold, that Cortes was induced to reserve for 
 himself quite a large tract, while a number of con- 
 querors sought minor encomiendas,*^ and took up their 
 residence in Antequera, a town founded not long 
 after, close to Oajaca/^ 
 
 To Oajaca, as part of the Zapotec possessions, be- 
 longed the coast city of Tehuantepec, for a period the 
 seat of its kings, and at this time the capital of a 
 branch kingdom, recently bestowed upon Cociyopu, 
 the son of the valiant Cociyoeza and the Aztec prin- 
 cess Pelaxilla/^ Singular omens attended his birth, 
 wherein soothsayers could see naught but disaster. 
 On the coming of the Spaniards, these omens were 
 connected with the ancient prophecies of conquest by 
 a white race, and when the fall of Mexico brought 
 confirmation of the wide-spread fear, Cociyopu be- 
 sought the oracles for guidance, and was directed to 
 
 *^ Tetellan and Hue3rapan being given to a woman who accompanied the 
 expedition, and fought bravely, says Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 519-20. 
 Orozco remained in charge till the spring of 1522, when he was recalled to 
 Segura, his command being surrendered to Aivarado. Cortes, Cartas, 267; 
 Ovledo, iii. 426-7, 433-4. 
 
 Mercator, 1574, has Guaxaca, too far north-west; Ogilby, 1671, has 
 Guaxaca near Antequera city, also Nixapa; Laet, 1633, is similar, Nixapa 
 being south-west of the former; Jefferys, Guaxaca or Antiquera. Gold- 
 schmidVs Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 360. 'De la lengua Mexicana, y puesto 
 por vn Arbol crecido de vna f ruta de mal olor, llamado Guaxe. ' Burgoa, Geog. 
 Descrip., i. 5. The fruit grows freely on the Chapultepec range above the 
 town. Founded by Nunez del Mercedo, Sedeno, Badajoz, and others. Alcedo, 
 i. 110; 3Iedina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 245. In Carta del Ayunt. de Antequera, 1531, 
 in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, CoL Doc., xiii. 182, Sedeno signs as if he were 
 alcalde. The founding appears to have been a measure effected in 1528 by 
 the hostile oidores, to encroach on Cortes' estates. Id., xii. 545. Salmeron 
 recommended its removal in 1531. Id., xiii. 203. During the conquest of 
 Tututepec in 1521-2, the town of Segura there founded by Aivarado was 
 removed to Oajaca by Badajoz and other tumultuous settlers, thuR reorganizing 
 a settlement already formed at Oajaca, though not approved by Cortes, be- 
 cause he desired this district for himself. This second settlement appears 
 also to have been disallowed by Cortes. See Cortes, Residencia, ii. 157, 256; 
 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219. 
 
 *^ For a history of the kingdom, its inhabitants, and its vicissitudes, see 
 Native Races, v. 425, 430-7, 534-5. In the Munich Atlas, vi., 1532-40, is 
 written la comisco and Tequante paque ; Ramusio, 1565, Tecoantepech ; Mer- 
 cator, 1574, Tecoantepec, as province, town, and gulf; Ogilby, 1671, has R. 
 Quizatlan and R. Cotalte, in this locality; Dampier, 1699, Tecoantepec; La«t, 
 1633, Tecoantepeque ; Jeflferys, Bay of Tecoantepec, Bar of Tecoatepec, Te- 
 coautepec province. GoldschmidVs Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 340-1. 
 
40 PEEPARATION FOE, FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 conciliate the mighty strangers with voluntary sub- 
 mission and rich presents.*^ 
 
 The ready submission of Tehuantepec was not a 
 little aggravating to Tututepec, a rich province which 
 extended beyond it, northward for some sixty leagues 
 along the Pacific/^ The two had frequently been at 
 variance, and the least pretext sufficed to kindle anew 
 the strife. The lord of Tututepec had no desire to 
 surrender his wealth to rapacious invaders, and since 
 spoliation was the order, he resolved to seek at leayt 
 a share of his neighbor's choice belongings before 
 Spaniards came to seize them all. The adjoining 
 mountaineers of the Oajaca ranges were readily in- 
 duced to join in so tempting an adventure, and to- 
 gether they pounced upon their neighbor, who slowly 
 fell back to protect his capital until an appeal to 
 Cortes should bring him aid. The appeal came most 
 opportunely, and early in 1522^° Alvarado hastened 
 to the coast with two hundred infantry, two score cav- 
 alry, and a large force of auxiliaries.^^ 
 
 The intermediate districts vv^ere quickly overawed, 
 and within a few weeks he stood before Tututepeu,^^ 
 after having subdued some towns on his way. This 
 prompt and irresistible progress disconcerted every 
 plan of the pugnacious lord, and with great humility 
 lie led his nobles forth to welcome the Spaniards, 
 conducting them amid protestations of friendship to 
 
 *^ ' Casi al fin deste mismo ano.' Eemesal, Hist. Chyapa^ 2, meaning 1522, 
 which should read 1521. Cortes, Cartas, 262; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vei-dad., 
 159, 167. One version assumes that the king's father, who ruled Zapote- 
 capan, advised the submission. Cociyopu afterwards accepted baptism as Juau 
 Cortes de Montezuma and proved a generous patron. 
 
 Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., ii. pt. i. 181. On Munich Atlas, vi., 1532-40, 
 Tutalipeg; Ogilby, 1671, Tututepec; Laet, 1633, Tututepeque; Jefferys, Tute- 
 pec; Kiepert, Tututepec, near R. Atoyac. 
 
 &®Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219, followed by Galvano and others, says 1523; 
 but he is confused. Cortes states that he left Mexico in January. 
 
 From Mexico he took 120 foot and 30 horse, which were reenforced by a 
 part of the Oajaca expedition. Cort6s, Cartas, 267. Bernal Diaz places the 
 force at 200, including 35 horse; Gomara increases it to 200 foot and 40 horse, 
 with 2 guns. 
 
 It has been said that the ruler of Tehuantepec was on this occasion bap- 
 tized, but this seems to rest on the mere statement of Bernal Diaz., Hist. Ver- 
 dad., 167, that Olmedo accompanied the expedition. Both circumstancea 
 belong to the later movement against Guatemala. 
 
TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC. 
 
 41 
 
 the fine buildings round the central square. The space 
 here afforded for movements was rather narrow, and 
 the roofs were heavily covered with inflammable leaves, 
 altogether dangerous in case of a concerted attack 
 from the densely inhabited houses around. It was 
 also hinted that the lord had formed a plot to surprise 
 them with torch and sword/^ On the plea that the 
 horses required different accommodation, the army 
 thereupon moved to the outskirts of the town, accom- 
 panied by the lord and his son, who were detained 
 as prisoners to answer the charge of plotting the 
 destruction of his visitors. After vainly protesting 
 against the accusation as invented by enemies, they 
 sought to appease their captor with rich presents. 
 The sight of gold only inflamed the appetite of Alva- 
 rado, and he began to press his prisoners for more, 
 demanding among other things a pair of stirrups to 
 be made of pure gold. This extortion, together with 
 the terrors of his unjust imprisonment, so preyed upon 
 the lord that he died soon after. 
 
 Much of the gold was in dust and grains, giving 
 evidence of rich mines; and informed of this, Cortes 
 ordered a settlement to be formed, or rather the re- 
 moval there, with a part of its settlers, of Segura de 
 la Frontera, established during the opening campaign 
 against Mexico to secure the Tepeaca frontier, but no 
 longer needed, since Mexico was henceforth to form the 
 dominating stronghold of the country. The apparent 
 wealth of the country caused a ready enlistment of ad- 
 ditional settlers, among whom the country was divided 
 in repartimientos as usual, Alvarado being appointed 
 chief encomendero and lieutenant for his chief. The 
 
 ^2 Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo prevailed on Alvarado to leave so dan- 
 gerous a quarter. Afterward the natives of Tehuantepec revealed the plot. 
 
 * Dixeron que por sacalle mucho oro, e sin justicia, murio en las prisiones.' 
 Alvarado obtained 30,000 pesos from him. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 168. 
 Cortes admits the gift of 25,000 castellanos. Cartas, 208. 
 
 Cortes intimates that all settlers of Segura were removed with it. Id., 
 216-1. Remesal applies the name anew with the reasons given for the origi- 
 nal settlement. Hi-it. Chyapa, 2. 
 
 By a grant dated August 24:, 1522, Alvarado received in repartimiento 
 
42 PREPAKATION FOR FURTHER CONQUEST. 
 
 appointment, issued at his own request, under the al- 
 luring influence of the mines, was obtained at Mexico, 
 whither he hastened with all the treasures so far 
 extorted, leaving to the clamoring soldiers the flimsy 
 excuse that Cortes had written for the gold to send 
 as a present to the emperor. This was the more ex- 
 asperating since the repartimientos proved far from 
 equal to the expectations formed, while the climate was 
 hot and most unhealthy. So strong became the feel- 
 ing that even before Alvarado's departure to Mexico 
 a conspiracy was formed to kill him. Olmedo learned 
 the particulars, and the plotters were arrested, two of 
 them being hanged. After Alvarado had gone, the 
 settlers elected alcaldes and other officers of their own, 
 and thereupon removed the town to Oajaca, regardless 
 of the protestations of the captain in charge. Informed 
 of the proceeding, Cortes sent Alcalde Mayor Diego 
 de Ocampo to arraign the oflenders, who thereupon 
 took to flight. The principal men were arrested, how- 
 ever, notably Badajoz and Juan Nunez de Sedeno, and 
 sentenced to death, a penalty commuted by Cortes to 
 banishment. 
 
 In addition to this trouble, the natives took advan- 
 tage of the removal of the town to revolt against their 
 extortionate masters, and Alvarado had to lead another 
 expedition against them. They were readily subdued, 
 however, and severely chastised for the murders com- 
 mitted, whereupon the son of the deceased lord was 
 installed as ruler. Although the repartimientos were 
 confirmed, Segura was not reestablished; nor did it 
 prove necessary, for the natives never attempted 
 another uprising. 
 
 Tutu tepee, with six towns subject to it, besides Jalapa. See document in 
 Ramirez, Proceso, Yll. 
 
 Even this appears to have been set aside by the emperor. See testimony 
 of Ocampo and others in Cortes, Residencia, ii. 256, etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex.y 
 2l9; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. Ocampo was the first to open the 
 sea route to Peru. Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. JV. Esp. 
 
 ^^A number being blown from the mouth of cannon. JRamireZf Proceso, 15. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 KAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 1521-1524. 
 
 King Zwanga's Warning — First Entry into Michoacan — Montano's 
 Visit to the Court of Tangaxoan — A Narrow Escape — ^Tarascan 
 Envoys — Olid Invades Michoacan— Outrages at Tangimaroa and 
 Tzintzuntzan — Colonization Attempted — Visions of the South Sea 
 — Ship-building at Zacatula — The Route to the Spice Islands — 
 ^Clvarez' Mishap in Colima — Olid Avenges Him — Chimalhuacan 
 Region — Isle of the Amazons — Cortes Hastens to Appropriate a 
 Rich Field — The Queen of Jalisco — Tradition of a Shipwrecked 
 Cross. 
 
 It has already been told how the Aztecs in their 
 sore distress appealed for aid to King Zwanga of 
 Michoacan, representing to him the danger of letting 
 ruthless strangers obtain a foothold in the country. 
 Brief as had been their stay, they had revealed their 
 avowed intentions by rapacious extortion and enslave- 
 ment, by overthrowing the cherished religion of their 
 forefathers, and by slaughtering those who attempted 
 to defend their homes and institutions, going even so 
 far as to shackle the sacred person of the emperor, 
 and finally to murder him. Zwanga was naturally 
 roused, especially at the probable fate awaiting him- 
 self, and he hastened to send envoys to Mexico to gain 
 further information and advice before he should trust 
 himself to a people who had ever been hostile to his 
 race, or should venture to face the wrath of the chil- 
 dren of the sun. He resolved, nevertheless, to arm 
 for any emergency, and quickly a hundred thousand 
 men stood prepared, to join, perhaps, in an overwhelm- 
 ing avalanche that should sweep the Spaniards from 
 
 (43) 
 
44 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 the face of Anahuac. At this juncture the spirit of 
 his dead sister is said to have appeared and warned 
 him against resisting the God-sent strangers, pointing 
 in support of her words to a bright figure in the sky, 
 representing a young Castihan soldier with drawn 
 sword. Several other omens were observed, suffi- 
 ciently portentous to prevail on the council to join 
 the king in rejecting the Aztec alliance.^ 
 
 Whether this persuasion availed or not, certain it 
 is that another was at hand which could hardly have 
 been disregarded. When Zwanga's envoys reached 
 Mexico they found it stricken desolate under the rav- 
 ages of the small-pox, which had carried off the em- 
 peror himself. Unable to achieve anything, they 
 hastened back in fear, only to bring with them the 
 germ of the terrible scourge from which they were 
 flying; and desolation found another field. Among 
 the vast number of dead was Zwanga. The sceptre 
 was seized by his eldest son Tangaxoan II., whose 
 vacillating character was wholly unfit to cope with the 
 exigencies of so critical a period. His first act, the 
 assassination of his brothers on a flimsy charge of 
 conspiracy, in order to secure the throne, served but 
 to bring odium upon himself and defeat the proposed 
 object by sowing the seeds of disloyalty.^ Again 
 came envoys from Mexico to urge alliance, but before 
 the king could recover from the pressure of other 
 affairs, or bring his mind to a determination, the crush- 
 ing intelligence of the fall of Mexico solved all doubt. 
 
 Among the men sent forth by Cortes to gather 
 information about the countries adjoining his con- 
 quest, and to open the path for invasion, was a soldier 
 named Parrillas, a good talker, and full of fun, who 
 had become a favorite among the natives, and was 
 rapidly acquiring their language. Accompanied by 
 some of them, for the purpose of foraging, he had 
 
 1 Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Zwanga had before this decided on avoiding 
 the Aztecs. See Native Races, v. 525-6. 
 
 2 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 132-3, believes that the youngest brother was 
 spared. La i?ea, Crdnica, MS. 
 
MICHOACAN. 
 
 45 
 
 entered Matlaltzinco, a province lying north-west of 
 the lakes. He was induced to go farther, however, 
 and reached the border of Michoacan, where the 
 natives gathered in crowds to gaze upon the pale-faced 
 hero who had achieved such wonders in Mexico.^ His 
 stories, magnified by the interpreters, increased their 
 astonishment, and on his return two Tarascans ac- 
 companied him to feast their eyes on Spanish great- 
 ness, and to substantiate the accounts of the wealth 
 of Michoacan with specimens of precious metal. 
 Cortes was delighted, and sought to impress them 
 with parades and sham fights, wherein horse and 
 cannon played an imposing role, and with other evi- 
 dences of his irresistible power. 
 
 Cortes wished to know more about their country, 
 and on going they were followed by Montano, the 
 volcano explorer, with three comrades, a number of 
 Mexican and Tlascaltec nobles, and interpreters. He 
 carried a number of gewgaws for presents, and was 
 instructed to make his way to the presence of the 
 king, and carefully observe the political and economi- 
 cal features. Impressed by the report of the two 
 Tarascans, the governor of the frontier fortress of 
 Tangimaroa came forth with a large retinue to wel- 
 come the embassy,^ on its way to Tzintzuntzan, the 
 capital. All along the route natives thronged to 
 behold the strangers, who were everywhere treated 
 with distinction. On approaching the capital they 
 were met by an immense procession, headed by several 
 hundred leading nobles, and by them conducted, after 
 the usual tender of flowers and speeches, to large and 
 
 2 Herrera relates that a soldier named Villadiego had already penetrated 
 to this kingdom shortly before, by order of Cortes, but was never heard of 
 again. His guides were supposed to have killed him • for his trinkets, dec. 
 iii. lib. iii. cap. iii. Mercator, 1569, Meckoacan; Laet, 1633, Mechoacan, 
 province and city, with GuayangareOy Maltepeque, Taximaroa; West-Ind. 
 Spkf/hel, 1624, Mechoacha; Jefferys, Mechoacan, state and city, with Zurzonza, 
 etc. Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 476. 
 
 * The governor even offered his sulDmission, according to Herrera, * y que 
 crehia q aquel gran senor (his king) embiaria presto sus embaxadores a Cortes, 
 of reciendole su persona, casa y Reyno. ' Id. He leaves the intimation that 
 Montano went after the Tarascans had left; others make him join their party. 
 
46 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 strangely built quarters, where a banquet was served 
 amid great clash of instruments. The king, who had 
 looked on for a moment, came soon after, and, waving 
 
 Expedition of Montano. 
 
 them back, demanded with a stern voice who they 
 were, and what they sought.^ Though startled at 
 
 ^ • Perchance your own land yields not enough subsistence, and so you coma 
 
ADVENTURES OF MONTANO. 
 
 47 
 
 first by this change of tone, Montano recovered him- 
 self, and proceeded to dilate on the peaceful mission of 
 his countrymen, their power, and the advantages to 
 accrue to Michoacan from intercourse with them. 
 The Mexicans were destroyed because of their treach- 
 ery. None could withstand the Spaniards, aided as 
 they were by their God. To this the Mexican nobles 
 with him could bear witness. The king seemed im- 
 pressed, no less by the words than by the fearless 
 attitude which the Spaniards had made an effort to 
 maintain, and he retired with softened mien. 
 
 The envoys found themselves closely watched, and 
 restricted by the guard to certain narrow limits within 
 the quarter. For eighteen days no notice appeared to 
 be taken of them by the king or courtiers, who were 
 all this time occupied in celebrating a religious fes- 
 tival. Keferring to their own customs, the Mexicans 
 expressed the fear that at the close of it all the party 
 would be sacrificed to the idols, and this was con- 
 firmed by more than one hint. On the last day four 
 of the Mexican nobles were summoned to the pres- 
 ence of the king, and suspecting that he was in doubt 
 about the course to pursue, and wished to sound these 
 men, Montano sent the most intelligent, and im- 
 pressed upon them the necessity, for their own safety, 
 to dwell on the invincible prowess of the Spaniards; 
 their generosity to friends, and the terrible retaliation 
 that would be exacted if any harm came to the en- 
 voys, though even the four soldiers of their party 
 sufficed to brave a whole army, controlling as they 
 did the lightning itself So well did the nobles act 
 their part that the court was thoroughly awed, and 
 after being entertained with the honor due their rank, 
 they returned and reassured their comrades. The 
 leader of the council^ had not failed to represent it a 
 
 to seek it here. What did the Mexicans that you should destroy them ? 
 Think you perhaps to do so with me ? But know that my arms were never 
 conquered !' Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 16. 
 
 *^ Pirowan-Quencandari, as Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes him to be. Hist, 
 Nat. Civ., iv. 521- 
 
48 
 
 KAIBS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 dishonor to kill an envoy who had come on a peaceful 
 mission, and it certainly might prove most dangerous. 
 The consequence was that the king appeared soon 
 after before the Spaniards with a large retinue, all 
 adorned with flowers, yet armed and gesticulating as 
 if about to charge the envoy. A large quantity of 
 game food was brought, and thereupon the monarch 
 addressed the Spaniards. He apologized for detain- 
 ing them so long, and pleaded the exigencies of the 
 festival. Since it would be unsafe for them to ad- 
 vance farther into the interior, they should return to 
 their leader with the offer of his allegiance, which he 
 would soon present in person. 
 
 The following day twenty carriers appeared with 
 parting gifts of curiously wrought stools, embroidered 
 fabrics and robes, and gold and silver ware. The latter, 
 valued at a hundred thousand castellanos,^ was placed 
 in the middle of the room, and declared to be for Cor- 
 ti^s; the other presents piled in four lots, in the different 
 corners of the room, were for the four envoys. The 
 king extended a farewell, and recommended to Mon- 
 tano's care eight prominent nobles whom he wished to 
 accompany him. Soon afterward he sent to demand 
 from the Spaniards the greyhound owned by Pena- 
 losa, for it had taken the royal fancy. None wished 
 to lose the faithful animal, but it was thought prudent 
 to yield, without accepting the compensation offered. 
 Fearing that the royal fancy might seek wider in- 
 dulgence, the envoys hastened to depart, attended by 
 several hundred carriers to convey their presents and 
 provisions. Two days later they learned that the 
 hound had been sacrificed amid solemn festivities, as 
 one possessed of human intelligence, thus to appease 
 the wrath of the idols, whose appetite for Christian 
 blood had evidently been whetted. 
 
 Cortes gave the party a demonstrative welcome,^ 
 
 ' For a description of the presents see Ihrrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. vi. 
 ^ Among others the interpreter was rewarded with the caciqueship of 
 Xocotitlan. 
 
CORT^:S AND THE TARASCAN NOBLES. 
 
 49 
 
 and in order to duly impress the Tarascan nobles he 
 received them in full state, richly dressed and seated 
 in an arm-chair, with his officers standing on either 
 side. They delivered the message of their king, who 
 would soon personally place himself and his kingdom 
 at the disposal of the white chief Cortes assured 
 them that it was Avell, for he would war upon all who 
 failed to submit.^ After entertaining them for a few 
 days with sham fights and similar impressive scenes, 
 he distributed some presents and sent them home, 
 accompanied by two Spaniards, who were instructed 
 to penetrate to the shores of the great sea that was 
 said to extend beyond Michoacan. 
 
 So alluring seemed the report of the nobles to their 
 sovereign that he felt inclined to hasten and behold 
 for himself the wonderful stranger; but his fears 
 being roused by the council, with allusions to the fate 
 of killed or captive princes of Mexico, he was induced 
 to send instead his surviving brother Huiziltzin,^^ 
 well provided with presents, and attended by a large 
 retinue, including more than a thousand servants.^* 
 Cortes received him with great pomp, and seated him 
 by his side, although but half content with the assur- 
 ance of the king's early visit nor were the presents 
 equal to those tendered before. This induced him 
 
 ^Cartas, 258. He as well as Gomara, Hist. Mex., 217, write.i as if this 
 were the first notice of Michoacan. 
 
 ^°Herrera says Vchichilzi. According to the Relacion de lo3 Eitos, MS., 
 the Tarascan form of this Mexican name was Cuini-Aguangari. Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg assumes that his cousin Aguiga was sent, but his account varies so 
 much from the explicit statements of Cortes, and from other sources, that his 
 entire version becomes doubtful. In another place he calls Aguiga the brother. 
 He is too ready to give credit to obscure manuscripts, rather than to Spanish 
 standard authorities. Prescott, Mex., iii. 236; Cavo, Tres uiglos, i. 11; and 
 Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 66-8, 71-2, are all loose or confussd with regard to 
 the different embassies to and from Michoacan. Ixtlilxochitl alludes only to 
 one, and assumes a share in the offers for his namesake. Hor. Crueldades, 55. 
 ' Y muchos caballeros que llevaron otras tantas.' Beaumont, Crdn. Mich. 
 
 iii. 40. 
 
 ^2 Brasseur, who allows Olid to invade Michoacan before this, causes the 
 prince to invent a story of the king's death, and procures from Cortes a 
 promise of the appointment of another brother as successor. Hist. Nat. Civ. , 
 
 iv. 533. 
 
 ^2 Of alloyed gold, 5,000 pesos de oro; alloyed silver, 1,000 marks, all in 
 jewelry and plate; and fabrics, feathers, etc. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 4 
 
50 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 probably to make the display of Spanish strength 
 more impressive than usual, and during the cannonad- 
 ing a tower was demolished to prove the efficiency of 
 the lightning-boxes, although the ruins of the capital 
 spoke volumes in themselves, impregnable as the city 
 had ever been regarded. The prince, indeed, shed 
 tears of compassion as he beheld the desolate capital. 
 
 On hearing from his brother what he had seen, and 
 how well he had been treated, the king concluded to 
 redeem his promise and visit Cortes as had been de- 
 sired. To this end he prepared a large amount of 
 presents, for Huiziltzin had been made to understand 
 that by these would be measured the attentions he 
 might receive, and the concessions for his kingdom, 
 now menaced by an expedition already preparing at 
 Mexico. The latter, indeed, proved the main impulse 
 for the visit, by which the conqueror was to be con- 
 ciliated. His retinue and march befitted those of a 
 king, and couriers were sent daily to report at Mex- 
 ico his advance. Cortes came forth with a brilliant 
 escort, and as they met, the clash of music celebrated 
 the meeting, wherein Tangaxoan offered himself as 
 vassal to the Spanish sovereign, and won admiration 
 by the brilliancy of his gifts. While his suite ap- 
 peared in rich attire, he himself was clad in humble 
 garments, in token of submission.^* He was lodged 
 in the palace at Coyuhuacan, and feasted with Spanish 
 dishes, the wine greatly delighting him. In addi- 
 tion to the usual military spectacles, a brigantine was 
 launched in his presence, followed by an excursion on 
 the lake, no less novel to him than it had been to 
 Montezuma. Before leaving, he promised to open his 
 kingdom to any colonists who might wish to settle, 
 and to extend his protection to them. 
 
 viii. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 217, allows Olid afterward to receive these or 
 similar presents. 
 
 ' De dode los Mexicanos. . .le llamaroii Cazonzin, que significa alpargate 
 viego.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. viii. But this name was a title, as 
 fully explained in Native Races, v. 516, 525; Alcrjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 91; 
 Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 78. 
 
OLID'S MISSION. 
 
 51 
 
 Cortes would before this have sent troops to secure 
 possession of so promising a country, but pressing 
 affairs intervened, such as the arrival of Tapia, and it 
 was not till the middle of 1522^^ that he despatched 
 Olid with seventy cavalry, two hundred infantry, and 
 a number of allies, who also assisted in conveying the 
 artillery.^^ If the country proved as desirable as rep- 
 resented, he was to form a settlement at Tzintzun- 
 tzan,^^ and investigate the resources. 
 
 On arriving at Tangimaroa, the troops found the 
 people occupied with a religious celebration, arrayed 
 in their finest dresses and adornments. The display 
 proved too tempting for the greedy soldiers, and jew- 
 elry and other valuables were extorted and stolen, in 
 addition to other outrages, wherein the allies took a 
 prominent part. The people actually rose to hostile 
 demonstrations, but a volle}^ from the arquebusiers, 
 followed by a charge from the no less dreaded horses, 
 put them to flight, the leaders being captured.^^ 
 These were reassured by Olid, who pretended to de- 
 plore the outrage, and now sent them to the king 
 with peaceful protestations. Tangaxoan was not a 
 little startled by the reports, and with the vision of 
 the smoking ruins of Mexico before his eyes, dark 
 forebodings crept upon him. His council was equally 
 perplexed. Some of the members, headed by Timage, 
 the king's uncle, urged resistance to the last rather 
 
 ^^No account is given of an expedition in the letter of May 1522, only 
 of the visit of the king's brother; but in the relation of October 1524 he 
 Bpefcka of it, and so early therein as to indicate that it was sent not long after 
 the despatch of the previous letter. Cartas^ 275. 'Algunos meses despues de 
 vuelto el Hey,' says Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 49; but it is probable that 
 the king did not come until the expedition had entered Michoacan. Alegre 
 assuLcss that it accompanied the king's brother, but this is too early, itist, 
 Comp. Jesus, i. 92, although according well with Bemal Diaz' loose intima- 
 tion. Hist. Verdod., 159. 
 
 i^Goroara reduces the force to 40 horse and 100 foot. Hist. Mex,^ 2?. 7, and 
 Ixtlilxochitl adds 5,000 Tezcucans. Hor. Crueldades, 55. 
 
 It ii frequently referred to by the Mexican name of Huitzitzitla, and its 
 corrupt forms of Chincicila, etc. 
 
 ^^Brasseur de Bourbourg places thic cccnrrence wrongly before the king's 
 brother is sent to Mexico, and assumes that as scon aa news arrives of their 
 approach a regular army is sent by the king to repel the invaders. Hist. Nat, 
 Civ., iv. 526. 
 
EAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 than to yield their liberty to the destroyers of Tenoch- 
 titlan ; others counselled a retreat to some stronghold 
 till circumstances should indicate the proper course, 
 for after the submission tendered, and the peaceful 
 assurances of the invaders, resistance might stir these 
 demons to desolate the whole country. Concerned 
 chiefly for his own safety, the irresolute Tangaxoan 
 hastened with a portion of his family to seek refuge 
 at Uruapan, instructing his confidants to spread the 
 rumor that he had been drowned. 
 
 Meanwhile Olid advanced on the capital, and al- 
 though Timage had sought to rouse the people to 
 defence by bloody sacrifices to the idols, and other 
 measures, yet their hearts failed, and a delegation was 
 sent to welcome the army, and conduct it to the palace. 
 Encouraged by the success at Tangimaroa, the soldiers 
 and allies were not slow to again follow their rapacious 
 bent, and, a good pretext being found in the idolatrous 
 practices to be seen on every side, they began with a 
 raid on the temples; a number of these edifices were 
 fired, while in others a destruction of idols completed 
 the pillage. These excesses were promoted by the 
 flight of a large proportion of the inhabitants, particu- 
 larly the women and children, after looking in vain for 
 any manifestations of the divine wrath which such 
 desecration seemed to challenge. Private dwellings 
 were now broken into, and while some of the burglars 
 turned into ghouls, to increase their spoils with pres- 
 ents consecrated to the dead, others spread over the 
 neisjhborhood to continue the raid in fresh fields. 
 
 While not unwilling to permit a certain amount c?f 
 
 ^'In the Relacion de los Ritos, MS., the spoils of gold and silver and orna- 
 ments are estimated at forty cofierfuls in one place, at twenty in another, 
 etc. As for Cortes, he mentions merely a gift of 3,000 marks in niiver, and 
 5,000 pesos de oro. Cartas^ 275. The army naturally kept the larger part, 
 - and the leaders did not think it advisable to expose the excesses of their 
 men, even Cortes being content to share with them and keep quiet. Gomara 
 lowers even Cort6s' estimate of the treasure received. Hist. Mex., 217. Her- 
 rera and Beaumont abstain from mentioning any figures. Brasseur de Bour- 
 bourg, IlisL Nat. Civ., It. 532, assumes that the king's brother, or cousin, 
 as he at times calls him, ia sent with a portion of the spoils to Mexico, on the 
 first visit, which Cort6s dates long before Olid ia despatched to that region. 
 
OLID AT ZACATULA. 
 
 53 
 
 pillage, wherein he might share, Olid thought it both 
 dangerous and impolitic to go too far, and accordingly 
 took strict measures to check the disorder. The sol- 
 diers considered this rather an unwarrantable inter- 
 ference, and rose in open mutiny. This was quelled, 
 and the ringleaders received due punishment; but 
 harmony could not be restored, and the majority 
 loudly protested against remaining in garrison duty 
 supported only by repartimientos, while their com- 
 rades at Mexico were preparing to invade the rich 
 rep:ions to the south. Their minds were still too 
 much occupied with the acquisition of treasures to 
 rest content with the quiet life of encomenderos, and 
 since the gold and silver in the Tzintzuntzan district 
 had been well-nigh exhausted, the country possessed 
 no further attraction. So energetic were the protests 
 that Cortes gave orders to abandon the colony, those 
 desiring to return to Mexico being permitted to do 
 so ; the rest were ordered to Zacatula.^^ It was not 
 his intention, however, to abandon so promising a 
 region, or to lose control of a powerful monarch, and 
 some time later he sent Olid again to reestablish the 
 settlement, though not to remain in charge, since 
 more trouble might arise with the colonists. The 
 control was assigned to Andres de Tapia, assisted by 
 a municipality appointed by Cortes himself, and while 
 Olid passed on to install a similar body at Zacatula, 
 that officer proceeded to reconcile the Tarascans to 
 the return of the white men, promising that no out- 
 rages should again mar their intercourse. The promises 
 brought from Cortes reassured Tangaxoan, and under 
 
 2" CorUs, Cartas, 276. * Pacificamete se fue entreteniedo por algu tiepo, ' 
 says Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xi., adding that Olid sought to introduce 
 intercourse and culture. This vagueness assists Brasseur de Bourbourg to 
 assume that the colony remained, Hist Nat. Civ., iv. 538, contrary to Cor- 
 tes' positive statement, supported also by Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii, 49, 
 though the latter adds, * sin tener lugar de poblar. ' Cortes would never ac- 
 knowledge the abandonment of the only colony in a rich kingdom, unless 
 obliged by truth to do so. Zamacois goes so far as to appoint a municipality 
 which remains in the country. Hint. Mej., iv. 74; but he anticipates, as will 
 be seen. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid was anxious to return to his newly 
 wedded wife at Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 161, 164. 
 
54 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 his protection the colonists began actively to engage 
 in mining. With Cortes' departure for Honduras, 
 and the consequent disorders at Mexico, the king 
 again took alarm, and sought to restrict the coming 
 of the settlers, though no serious difficulties occurred. 
 
 One of the most alluring pieces of information 
 brought by the many embassies which tendered hom- 
 age at the feet of the victor was the existence of a 
 great sea to the south-west. The report thereof 
 roused in Cortes a series of tumultuous feelings, 
 intensified by the dazzling result of Vasco Nunez' 
 famous discovery. Visions arose of pearl and spice 
 islands, of long extended shores cut by Pactolean 
 streams, of the veiled Indies, of a strait to the south 
 or north through which the fleets of Spain should 
 bear away the prize of Oriental trade, and enrich her 
 people — this and more dreamt the great conqueror 
 as he figured himself the laurel-crowned hero of the 
 age.^^ 
 
 The first attempt to gather information about the 
 sea appears to have been through the two Spaniards 
 who accompanied the Michoacan envoys to their coun- 
 try. Immediately after, two small parties were de- 
 spatched to the south and south-west, one of them 
 reaching the sea of Tehuan tepee, each taking possession 
 for the king and church, planting there the cross. The 
 rumor had preceded them of the achievements of 
 white men in overthrowing the feared Aztecs, and 
 everywhere the explorers received marked attention, 
 proof of the same being brought to Mexico in costly 
 presents of gold and pearls, and in specimens of choice 
 
 2^ Alluding to these objections, Contador Albornoz urges the arrest of the 
 king and his supporters. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 
 71-2; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 502-3. This restriction is probably at the 
 bottom of the statement in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 89, that all traces of 
 a rich mine discovered in 1525 were soon after lost. This may be identical 
 with the * sierra de plata ' of the royal c^dula in Puga, Cedulario, 24. * Y 
 siempre quedaron amigos,' is Herrera's concluding allusion to Tangaxofja. 
 dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 
 
 * Y estaba muy ufano, porque me parecia que en la descubrir se hacia d 
 V. M. muy grande y senalado servicio.' CorUs, Cartas, 259. 
 
SHIP-BUILDING AT ZACATULA. 
 
 55 
 
 products from the provinces through which they 
 passed. To Cortes these valuables served to stimu- 
 late the desire for exploration by which a strait might 
 be disclosed, and a route found to the Orient, and with 
 this object he sent another party to examine the coast 
 for a suitable harbor with timber for ship-building con- 
 venient. This was found at the mouth of Rio Zacatula, 
 in the province of Zacatollan,^^ and Villafuerte was 
 tliereupon sent with fully forty Spaniards, chiefly 
 shipwrights, carpenters, sawyers, blacksmiths, and sail- 
 ors, to form a settlement, and build two caravels and 
 two brigantines, the former for sea expeditions, the 
 others for coast exploration. A large number of allies 
 joined, especially such as had been trained in work con- 
 nected with the building of the first fleet. Some were 
 employed in carrying spikes, cordage, sails, and other 
 material from Vera Cruz and Mexico. The colony 
 was reenforced from the abandoned settlement at 
 Tzintzuntzan, and became now the headquarters for 
 
 2^ In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii. , Juan del Valle is mentioned as the 
 discoverer of Tehuantepec, for which he obtained a coat of arms. In dec. iii. 
 lib. iii. cap. xvii., a discovery expedition to Tehuantepec under Guillen de la 
 Loa, Castillo, Alferez Roman Lopez, and two others, is spoken of as if sub- 
 sequent to the above, their route being through Zapotecapan, along Chiapas, 
 and through Soconusco, a distance of 400 leagues. Chico and three others are 
 said to have explored the coast from Tehuantepec to Zacatula, but this is 
 doubtful, since the intermediate Tutupec was hostile. Others sent through 
 Jalisco never returned. Cortes states that his two parties numbered two 
 Sjjaniards each, but they may have been leaders, and were certainly accom- 
 panied by Indians. They appear to have returned before the end of October. 
 Cartas, 259, 262. In Cortes, Besidencia, ii. 118-19, Juan de Umbrla is said 
 to have been leader of one party. On his return he was imprisoned for two 
 years on the charge of having omitted Cortes' name in taking possession of 
 the sea. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 219, assumes that two parties went through 
 Michoacan, and Prescott hastily amplifies the achievements of one party, 
 although the jjchroniclers never mention even what became of it. 3Iex., iii. 
 237. 
 
 2* According to Herrera this should have been the Chico party, but it is 
 doubtful. 
 
 '^^ Native Races, ii. 109. Mercator, 1574, has Cacatula; Munich Atlas, 
 vi., Cacatola, same name a little farther north; Ogilby, 1671, Zacatula; Laet, 
 1G33, R. Zacatula and Zacatula city; Jefiferys, 1776; Zacatela, province and 
 city; Kiepert, Sacatula. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 384. 
 
 ■•^^ Evidently Juan Rodriguez, the leading brigantine captain, vol. i. 615, 
 though Bernal Diaz alludes to him as if he were a different man. Panes, in 
 Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 59. 
 
 " Chiefly Tezcucans, says Ixtlilxochitl, Rel, 429. Zurita speaks of oppres- 
 sion and hardships to which these allies were subjected. Pacheco and Carde- 
 nas, Col. Doc.f xiv. 414. 
 
§6 
 
 RAIDS ALONG- THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 Spanish forces in the south-west. Additional men 
 were brought by Ohd in connection v/ith his second 
 expedition to Michoacan,^^ including the municipal 
 officers appointed by Cortes, and the town was now 
 formally established on the site already chosen, a league 
 and a half from the sea,^^ and named Zacatula, after 
 the river. One reason for Olid's coming was to aid in 
 reducing to obedience the Indians who had been ap- 
 propriated in repartimientos, but who had refused 
 to pay tribute, and even killed several collectors. 
 
 The emperor had expressed great interest in the 
 projects opened by the discovery of the South Sea 
 beyond new Spain, and by cedula of June 1523 he 
 enjoined Cortes to hasten the search for a strait. 
 The latter needed no prompting, but the building of 
 the vessels progressed slowly, owing to the difficulty 
 and delay attending the furnishing of certain material. 
 Finally, when this was obtained, a fire reduced nearly 
 everything to ashes. Without being in the least dis- 
 couraged, Cortes hastened to repair the loss, and toward 
 the end of 1524 such progress had been made that he 
 expressed the hope of despatching the vessels in the 
 middle of the following year. "With tliem, God 
 willing, I shall make your Majesty lord of more 
 kingdoms and seignories than are as yet known to our 
 nation. "^'^ The search for the strait should receive the 
 first attention, however, since the sovereign so de- 
 sired it, for by it the route to the Spice Islands would 
 
 28 * Mas de cie Espaiioles, y quarenta de cauallo, y Mechuacaneses. ' Go- 
 mara, Hist. Mex., 220. Bernal l)iaz j-educes the force to 45 men. Hist. Ver- 
 dad. , 167. On the way he was attacked and suffered a loss of two killed and 15 
 wounded. Herrera makes the force larger than Gomara, and allows Villa- 
 fuerte to come at the same time. dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 
 
 2^ Herrera, Id., cap. xviii., associates Simon de Cuenca with Villafuerte as 
 a leading man. 
 
 2" In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 366-7. 
 
 ' Me cuestan hoy los navios, sin haberlos echado al agua, mas de echo 
 mil pesos de oro, sin otras cosas extraordinarias,' says Cortes in his letter of 
 October 1524. Cartas, 308, Testimony in Cortes, Besidencia, i. 27, etc., 
 assumes that the delays were on purpose, since Cortes had built the ships as 
 a means to escape from the country with his embezzled millions. 
 
 ^'■^ * No le quedara a V. Excels, mas que hacer para ser monarca del mundo.* 
 Cartas, 308. 
 
THE PROVINCE OF COLIMA. 
 
 57 
 
 be greatly shortened.^^ While hopeful that it would 
 be found, he suggested that the trade might in any 
 case be secured by this western route, if New Spain 
 were made the entrepot, goods being readily conveyed 
 overland by the aid of the natives.^* The departure 
 of Cortes for Honduras, in pursuit both of Olid and 
 the strait, delayed the proposed expeditions by sea, 
 although the smallest vessel was sent by one of the 
 officials on a short vain search for certain islands 
 which aboriginal tradition placed to the south.^^ It 
 was but the delay of bitter disappointment. 
 
 On the disbandment of the first colonists in Micho- 
 acan, those destined for Zacatula set forth in that 
 direction under Alvarez Chico,^^ to the number of a 
 hundred foot and forty horse, and a force of Mexican 
 and Tarascan auxiliaries. On the way they received 
 confirmatory accounts of the wealth of Colima, a 
 province extending along the South Sea to the north 
 of Zacatula, and of which glowing rumors had reached 
 them at Tzintzuntzan. They were in search of treas- 
 ures, not of garrison life at Zacatula, and so without 
 permission they turned aside to enter the coveted 
 province. A dispute arising, a portion of the forces 
 
 The interesting speculations concerning the strait, its position and value, 
 and the expeditions to which the search gave rise, are fully treated in Hist. 
 North Mex. States. See also Hkt. JVortJavest Coast, this series. 
 
 '•^^ Cortes, Cartas, 315. The means and desirability are more fully entered 
 into by Albornoz, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 62-3, and 
 Oviedo, iii. 466. The route would present less difficulties than that used by 
 the Venetians. 
 
 Albornoz, ubi sup,, intimates that had he been given the power to send 
 the vessels forth, the route to the Spice Islands, and perhaps richer lands, 
 would by this time have been discovered. Besides the brigantine, two larger 
 vessels lay prepared before the close of 1525. 
 
 2^ A man who figured prominently on the first arrival of the Spaniards at 
 Villa Rica. See vol i. chap. ix. So Bernal Diaz calls him in one place, while 
 in another he applies the name Juan Velazquez Chico. Hist. Verdad., 159-60, 
 166-7, which Panes transforms into el Chico. Monumentos Doniin. Esp., MS., 
 59. Beaumont adopts the Velazquez form. Crdn. Mich., iii. 502; andGd, in 
 Soc. Mex. Geo(j. Boletin, viii. 475-6, attempts to show that no Alvarez 
 Chico exists, though Mota Padilla adopts the name. Hist. N. Gal, 69. See 
 also Hernandez, in Soc. Mex. Geofj. Boletin, 2daep. ii. 478; iii. 187. 
 
 Mota Padilla assumes that Alvarez was specially commissioned by Cortes 
 to undertake the conquest. Several follow him, though they place the date 
 earlier than his 1526. But Cortes clearly indicates tne version of my text, 
 
68 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 separated from the main body, and, proceeding by a 
 different route under Avalos, they obtained the coop- 
 eration of several caciques,^^ who were dissatisfied 
 with the king of Colima, and extended their raid 
 over a large tract, notably the northern j^t^g'on which 
 in honor of the leader obtained the name of Avalos' 
 province.^^ Alvarez had meanwhile, with more ambi- 
 tious views, advanced by a southern route on the 
 capital, only to be waylaid in a ravine by the allied 
 forces under Zoma and Capaya, caciques of Jicotlan 
 and Autlan, and to be driven back with considerable 
 Icss;*^ whereupon he hurried crestfallen upon his 
 original mission to Zacatula/^ 
 
 Informed of the disaster, as well as of the hostility 
 of Impilcingo, a province between Zacatula and Co- 
 lima, which had probably been stirred by the Spanisli 
 defeat, Cortes sent the able Olid with twenty-five 
 horsemen and about eighty foot-soldiers,^^ to chas- 
 tise this province, restore order in Zacatula, and, 
 reenforced by a part of its troops, to subjugate 
 Colima. The rugged nature of the country, which 
 made cavalry useless, and the warlike spirit of the 
 
 •without naming tlic officer. Cartas, 276. Bemal Diaz gives the name, and 
 agrees upon the time. The main cause for the general confusion of writers 
 is Herrera. An analysis of the main historians reveals his errors, dec. iii. 
 lib. iii. cap. xi. xvii. ; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 29-31. Mercator, 1569, Colima; 
 Munich Atlas, xii., 1571, OoZZma, repeated northward; Ogilby, 10 1, Colima; 
 Dampier, 1679, V. Colima; Laet, 1633, Colima; same in West-Ind. SpiegJiel, 
 Colom, Jefferys; Kiepert writes volcano and city. Cariog. Pac. Coasts MS., 
 ii. 472. 
 
 ^'^ Such as those of Zapotlan and Sayula. 
 Mota Padilla, loc. cit. ; Gil, ubi sup. Jacotepec, Zacoalco, an>? Axj^n.c, 
 appear among the subjected districts. The chief inducement for joining the 
 Spaniards was to escape the heavy tribute to the king, one third of all produce. 
 
 Three Spaniards and many allies. Cort4s, Cartas, 276. Gomara, followed 
 by Herrera and Beaumont, throw on Olid the blame for this operation. 
 *Peleo muchos dias. Al cabo quedo vecido,' etc. Hist. Mex., 220. Tello 
 names the allies who supported the king, all of which Mota PadiVia rewo- 
 duces. Conq. N. Gal., 69. Beaumont differs somewhat in rego^d t/j the JilMes. 
 Crdn. Mich., iii. 502. Owing to their confusion about early ev'cnts littic reli- 
 ance can be placed on the names connected with the Invasion. 
 
 *^ Not to Mexico as the above writers assume. ' Sabido per mi, inand6 
 traer preso al capitan, y le castigu(5.' Cort^^, Cartas, 276. Success would 
 have obtained reward for the disobedience. Avalosis said to have held cut in 
 his district, but this is uncertain. 
 
 *2 Herrera, followed by Beaumont and others, gives the same force as 
 Cortes, but places it under Sandoval, d .c. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 
 
NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 59 
 
 mountaineers, prevented success in Impilcingo,*^ and 
 he passed on to Zacatula. Increasing his force to 
 about twice its original strength, he thereupon marched 
 on Colima. After a hotly contested battle at Alima, 
 he compelled the king and his allies to retire to the 
 mountains,^* wdth heavy loss. The rest of the country 
 hastened to submit,^^ and to assure possession he founded 
 a town named Coliman after the country, for which 
 Cortes appointed a municipality. Olid thereupon 
 returned with a rich booty, including some pearls, 
 A.valos being left in charge of the colony, numbering 
 a.bout one hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a force of 
 allies.*^ As in Michoacan, the settlers speedily grew 
 discontented at the rapid dwindling of the much 
 lauded wealth of the country, and many deserted. 
 This encouraged the still hostile royalists in the moun- 
 tains, and when the remaining colonists demanded 
 their tribute from the repartimientos they found most 
 of the natives united in a general revolt.*'' An ap- 
 peal for aid was made to Cortes, and this time he 
 despatched Sandoval, who so effectually suppressed 
 the revolt that none was ever again attempted.*^ 
 
 This conquest opened the gate to the fertile regions 
 northward, since known as Nueva Galicia, extending 
 from the east in a succession of green plains and smiling 
 
 ' Le mataron dos soldados, y le hirieron quinze, e todauia les vencid, ' says 
 Bemal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 167, ^contrary to Cortes, Cartas, 287. 
 
 *^ Bernal Diaz believes that Alvarez perished during the campaign, per- 
 haps in the battle, and Beaumont assumes heavy losses for the Spaniards. 
 Cron. Mich., iii. 158. Cortes acknowledges only wounded. Minotlacoya, lord 
 of Zapotlan, appears to have fallen while aiding the Spaniards. 
 
 Including Aliman, Colimonte, Ceguatan, says Cortes. Herrera gives 
 varied spelling, and adds Impilcingo. 
 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 
 
 * Y los pocos soldados que estaban. . , tomaron remgiarse en las provincias 
 de iCvalos,' adds Mota Padilla. Hst. N. Gal, 69. 
 
 Bernal Diaz places this expedition in the autumn of 1522, and boasts 
 that Sandoval took with him a mere handful of veterans. Hist. Verdad., 167; 
 Aler/re, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 93. Salazar, Hist. Conq., 95, swells the number 
 a little. Herrera 's final episode under Olid and Villafuerte is entirely out of 
 place, and has helped to increase the general confusion among later writers. 
 Villafuerte does not appear to have aj^proached Colima. Plis knowledge of 
 ships and ship-building caused him to be sent in command of the first colony 
 to Zacatula, some time before the disbanded colony from Michoacan made the 
 lirst entry into Colima. 
 
60 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 valleys, watered by numerous streams which expand 
 at intervals into a series of the finest lakes in all these 
 parallels. On the west the Sierra Madre rises in pic- 
 turesque outlines to form a sheltering barrier, and 
 beyond it the more rugged region of Chimalhuacan 
 descends to meet the southern sea. Avalos was grad- 
 ually extending his limits into this country, allured by 
 its natural beauty and resources, and when Olid re- 
 turned to Mexico from his campaign he brought a 
 most glowing report, confirmed by a glittering display 
 of pearls. A little beyond Colima, he said, were sev- 
 eral rich provinces, and ten days' journey to the north- 
 west an island rich in gold and pearls, inhabited solely 
 by women, who permitted only occasional visits from 
 men, and ruthlessly cast forth all male children born 
 among them.^^ He also reported that there was a 
 fine . port in this region, doubtless the later Navidad. 
 Tales so interesting must be investigated, and in the 
 middle of 1524,^^ when he found his hands some- 
 what free, Cortes resolved to seize so promising a 
 region, and to this end commissioned a kinsmen, 
 Francisco Cortes as one trustworthy, to overrun and 
 subdue it. In view of the importance of the expe- 
 dition, minute instructions were issued. No attack 
 was to be made, save in extreme cases, peaceful sub- 
 mission having to be sought with promises and gifts ; 
 a general disregard for pearls and gold should be 
 afiected, so as the more readily to acquire information 
 about the condition and riches of the country,^" and 
 
 * Relacion de los senores de la provincia de Ceguatan, ' adds Cortes to 
 excuse his evident belief in the Amazon story. Cartas, 288. Gomara suggests 
 that it may have originated from the name of a district there, Cihuatlan, 
 meaning place of women. Hist. Mex., 220-1; Oviedo, iii. 447-8. 
 
 ^"Mota Padilla, Hist. JV. Gal, 70, followed by Gil and Hernandez, in Soc. 
 Mex. Geog. Boletin, viii. 476, 2da ep. ii. 479, give the date 1526-7, but the 
 instructions of Cortes are dated 1524, and he alludes to such an expedition 
 two months before his departure for Honduras. Cartas, 491; Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 149-53. Francisco Cortes figured besides during 
 1525-6 as representative for this north-west region, as will be seen later. 
 
 *De San Buenaventura.' Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 480. Some sort of 
 cousin, no doubt, though Gil hastily calls him nephew. 
 
 * Porque no lo escondieren creyendo que lo terneis en poco.* Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 157. 
 
EXI^EDITION OF FRANCISCO CORTES. 
 
 61 
 
 finally, when the mask was thrown aside, the treas- 
 ures disclosed by this artifice should be secured.^^ In- 
 vested with the power and rank of alcalde mayor of 
 Colima, and of governor's lieutenant, Francisco Cortes 
 set out with alDOut eighty men, twenty-five having 
 horses/* and, after passing through Colima and Autlan, 
 he crossed the Sierra Madre range to Ameca and 
 Etzatlan, after defeating the natives in one or two 
 encounters, and intimidating the rest into submis- 
 sion.^^ 
 
 The main object being exploration, Francisco ad- 
 vanced north-westward through Istlan and Ahuaca- 
 tlan.^^ A little further at Tetitlan a numerous army was 
 met under Hujicar and easily vanquished, though with 
 the loss of one Spaniard. This had a salutary effect on 
 the districts beyond, notably JaUsco, well known for 
 its opulence and beauty, which was ruled at the time 
 by a queen, during the minority of her son. She has- 
 tened to send an invitation to the powerful strangers, 
 and came forth herself in state to welcome them at an 
 arbor embellished with flowers, half a league from the 
 town. Her warriors here formed a circle, and game 
 being driven in from the neighborhood, they exhibited 
 their skill in bringing it down, and tendered the result 
 to the guests. This performance was followed by 
 
 ^The instructions are given in full in Pacheco, ubi sup., and Cortes, Escri- 
 t08 Sueltos. 
 
 ^* Pacheco and Cdrdenas, loc. cit. Mota Padilla makes it a round 100, and 
 allows friars Padilla and Boloua and Br. Villadiego to join. Hist. N. Gal., 70. 
 But they had not yet arrived in New Spain. 
 
 °^ ' Hobo ciertos recuentros, y apacigu6 muchos dellos, * says Cortes briefly. 
 Cartas, 492. One version, followed by Navarrete, Bist. Jal. , 24, assumes that 
 Capaya was defeated at Autlan, but Mota Padilla writes that ruggedness of 
 country offered the sole obstacle. Etzatlan, he adds, was given in encomienda to 
 Juan de Escarcena, the second in command, it seems. A report of 1579 
 ascribes the conquest of Amecan, or more probably the encomiendaship, to 
 Juan de Anesta, who is said to have arrived about 1528, and lived four or five 
 years at Colima, enjoying there his tributes from Amecan. Hernandez, in Soc. 
 Mex. Geoq., 2da dp., ii. 465-6. Among those who submitted is named Gua- 
 xicar, cacique of Xochitepec, later Magdalena. 
 
 ' Donde qued6 por encomendero Alonso Lopez,' says Mota Padilla; but 
 this lca.v;ng of isolated men in semi-hostile countries is doubtful. He also 
 assumes Dint Cortes committed so hazardous an act as to divide his forces the 
 better to explore the country, and adds Mexpa and Zoatlan to the places vis- 
 ited. Gil assumes a detour back to Amecan before Istlan was reached, but thia 
 is scarcely possible. 
 
62 
 
 RAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA, 
 
 religious ceremonies at the temple in the town, a 
 pyramidal structure some sixty steps high, dedicated to 
 Piltzinteolli, the * child god,' to whom sacrifice Avas 
 offered in simple fruit and flowers.^' The army was 
 lodged in the palace and its gardens, and welcomed 
 by as many women as there were Spaniards. This 
 thoughtful consideration on the part of the queen 
 was not appreciated, for Francisco, after beholding 
 the women, sent them back, and enjoined his men to 
 observe good conduct. Assisted by a young neophyte 
 from Father Gante's school, he thereupon sought 
 to convert the queen, who professed great interest. 
 Whether she was actually converted is not clear, but 
 she certainly tendered an ofler of allegiance. 
 
 Francisco Cortes did not fimd so much gold as he 
 had expected, and although the provinces of Centiz- 
 pac and Acaponeta, to the north of Tololotlan River, 
 were reported rich, he resolved to return along the 
 coast. After two days' march southward, he came 
 upon an army of some twenty thousand warriors 
 drawn up in battle-array, their bows adorned with 
 little flags of cotton of different colors, though chiefly 
 purple, a dye obtained from a shell-fish left by the 
 retiring tide on the rocks. This appearance caused the 
 Spaniards to name the locality Valle de Banderas.^^ 
 
 A description of this curious temple, and the subject sacrifices, are given 
 in Native Races, iii. 447-8. 
 
 ^^Rio Tololotlan, Santiago, or St Jago. Ogilby writes, 1671, Ji. Baranica; 
 Dampier, 1699, B. St Jago, near its mouth St Pecaque; Laet, 1633, *S'. lago; 
 Jefferys, B. Barania, or St Jago, near by Sintiquipaque, Guaxacatlan; Kie- 
 pert, 1852, Bio St Jago Tololotlan. It is also known as Bio Grande, and de 
 Lerma. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 532. 
 
 Cortes had ordered him to proceed up the coast 150 to 200 leagues, but 
 he went only 130, owing to insufficiency of force and grass. Ten days' jour- 
 ney beyond flowed a large river, probably a strait, of which curious things 
 were said. Ports also existed. Cartas, 492. This distance covered no doubt 
 the turnings of the route, and a stretch of imagination, and gives no idea of the 
 point attained. Beaumont assumes that the army did go as far as Acaponeta, 
 where Cacique Xonacatl peacefully submitted, convinced by oracles of the 
 heavenly mission of the strangers. Cr6n. Mich., iii. 480-1. Mota Padilla 
 allows Cortes to turn back, but he leaves at Jalisco the neophyte Juan Fran- 
 cisco, to carry on the conversion till friars should be sent. Juan Aznar, of 
 the party, offered to return with friars if the place were granted him in en- 
 comienda. This was done, but Aznar failed to come back. Hist. N. Gal., 72. 
 
 Munich Atlas, 1532-40, Banderas; Dampier, 1699, Valderas; Jefferys, 
 1776, Banderas Bay, Valle de Banderas; Kiepert, 1852, B. Ameca. 
 
FRANCISCO CORTES AT COLIMA. 
 
 G3 
 
 As they prepared for the encounter, with no httle 
 misgiving, in view of the number before them, bright 
 Hglits are said to have emanated from the cross and 
 the virgin image on the standard, whereupon the 
 astonished natives became instantly quiet, and even 
 followed the example of the soldiers, who knelt to 
 render thanks for the miracle. 
 
 At Tuito, to the south, they were met by a pro- 
 cession of natives bearing crosses in their hands. At 
 their head marched the chief, dressed like a Domini- 
 can, while his followers wore a kind of scapulary, and 
 had the hair cut like that of friars. As he approached, 
 the chief kissed his cross, and thus reassured the 
 soldiers, who at first held back on seeing that the 
 Indians carried bows. All thereupon kissed the cross 
 and fraternized; and questioned about the Christian- 
 like ceremonies, the chief related that according to 
 a tradition of their forefathers a water-house from 
 across the sea had stranded on their shore. Fifty 
 men landed from the wreck, and were hospitably re- 
 ceived, introducing in return the dress and ceremonies 
 observed. Finally their authoritative manner became 
 unbearable, and one night all were surprised and 
 slaughtered by the oppressed natives. Nevertheless 
 the worship of the cross had proved so comforting and 
 effective in time of trouble as to be retained. After 
 a brief stay, Francisco continued his march to Colima, 
 there to maintain possession as lieutenant during the 
 absence of his chief in Honduras. On the return of 
 the latter, preparations were made to resume the ex- 
 ploration, but obstacles interfered with the project,^* 
 
 Mota Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 73. Another version substitutes musketry, 
 fire, and smoke for lights with which to startle the Indians into obedience. 
 
 A rusted anchor, some nails, and a wooden cross were pointed out in 
 proof of the story. Id., 73-4. This authority believes the shipwrecked crew 
 to have been Englishmen. Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 27, gives the preference to 
 Iberians. The reader may choose to regard the whole as a pious hoax. 
 
 He attended the session of deputies at Mexico in 1525, as will be shown, 
 during which time Avalos, or perhaps Chavez, as Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., 
 M8., 245, asserts, held control. See also Tello, Fragmentos, in Icazhalceta, 
 Col. Doc, ii. 359-60. Francisco was stillin charge in 1527. CorUs^ Escritos 
 Sueltos, 149-50. 
 
 ^Letter of Cortes, September 1526. Cartaa, 492. / 
 
64 
 
 EAIDS ALONG THE SOUTH SEA. 
 
 and nothing more is heard of this region for several 
 years.®^ 
 
 Supplementary list of authorities containing additional matter of more 
 or less value relating to preceding chapters: Puga, Cedulario, 8, 20, 24, 43, 
 86; Oviedo, iii. 424-39, 44G-8, 461-7; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 
 62, passim; xxvi. 149-59; Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 23-6, 42-51, 149-50; 
 Archlvo Mex., Docs., i. 53, 157-8, 236-7, 417; ii. 118-19, 255-6; Icazkalcetay 
 Col. Doc, i. 464-9; Ramirez, Proceso, 15; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. 
 tom. ix. 287-8; sdrie ii. torn. v. 187; iii. 182; Squier's MS., xix. 35-6; Chi- 
 malpain. Hist. Conq., ii. 78-107; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 30-2; 
 Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 518-21 ; Ixtlilxochitl, lielaciones, in KingsborougJi'i 
 Mex. Antiq., ix. 427-9; Monardes, Hist. Medic Occid., 23 et seq.; Moreno, 
 Fragmentos, 27-30; Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 330-6, 347-50, 373-4, 382-5; Gon- 
 zalez Dcivila, Teatro Ecles., i. 4-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 1, 2; Prescott's 
 Mex., ii. 48-9; iii. 237-9, 270-2; also notes in Mex. editions; Humboldt, 
 Essai Pol., ii. 673-4, 691 ; Helps' Cortes, ii. 154-7; Monumentos Domin. Esp., 
 MS., 59; Vetancvrt, Menologia, 105; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 43-101; 
 Alaman, Disert., i. 161-3, 191-3, app. 148-54; ^ivem. Gob. Mex., 16, 17; 
 Brasseur de Bourbourg , Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 380-5, 516-72; Kerr's Col. Voy.y 
 78-101; Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatre, ii. 112; Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 
 171-3; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 80-1; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 20-3, 168; Medina, 
 Chrdn. de San Diego deMex., 245-6; Rivero, Mex. in 18J{.2, 7-11; Russell's 
 Hist. Am., i. 251 ; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 11-15; Voyages, Selection of Curious, 
 31-2; West-IndischeSpieghel,2Q^13,3\^\Q; Galvano's Discov. , 151-2; Santos, 
 Chronologia Hospitalaria, ii. 489-90; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 468, 478-9; 
 iv. 640-2; vi. 197-204; vii. 160-1, 187-8; viii. 475,477, 532; 30th Cong., 2d 
 Sess., H. Com. Rept. 145, pp. 128-32; Nic Municip. Independ., 8; Orozco y 
 Berra, Geog., 276; Stevens' Notes, 45; Overland Monthly, xiii. 365-7; Emd- 
 lay's Directory, i. 259-60; ii. 132-3; Cortesii, von dem Neuen Hispanien, ii. 
 46-5; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, x. 253-83; Spaggiari, Libel Bimest, 
 xxxix.-xlviii.; Dice. Univ., viii. 702-4; Eurney's Hist. Voy., i. 119; Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mej., ii. 733-5; iv. 65-90, 177-8, ;>07-8, 383-5, 507; Carriedo, Estudios 
 Hist. , 92 ; Greenhow's Or. and Cal. , 49 ; March y Ldbores, Marina Espanola^ 
 ii. 195; Harris, Cel. Voy., i. 272-3; Giordan, L'Isthme Tehuan., 12 U; Bus- 
 aierre, L'Emp. Hex., 331-49. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 1521-1522. 
 
 Velazquez still Longing for Mexico — A Goveunok Sent from Spain— In- 
 trigues OF Tapia — Counter-intrigues — Conference of Cempoa.la — 
 The Claimant Ousted — Bono de Quejo's Mission — Revolt of the Az- 
 tecs — A Terrible Lesson — Conspiracies against Cortes — Nabv^iez 
 AT his Feet. 
 
 In the midst of these operations, tending to the 
 increase of Spanish dominion, and as Cortes was 
 about to despatch a force to take possession of that 
 bone of contention, Panuco,^ in the beginning of 
 December 1521, startling information arrived from 
 Villa Rica which caused the postponement of the 
 expedition, and any other movements involving a 
 diminution of available forces. Velazquez had never 
 for an instant relaxed his efforts to overthrow the 
 ambitious lieutenant who had robbed him of the gain 
 and glory connected with the conquest of New Spain, 
 and as reports grew eloquent on its immense extent 
 and resources, his efforts increased, as did the num- 
 ber and zeal of his party, stimulated by shares in all 
 these riches. It is even said that he projected a de- 
 scent in person on New Spain, with a fleet of seven 
 or eight vessels. He must have been encouraged by 
 the assurances of malcontents who had been allowed 
 to return to Cuba, after the Tepeaca campaign, and 
 who affirmed that the presence of the governor of 
 Cuba, supported by profuse promises of favors and 
 
 * For this, 25 horsemen and 150 foot-soldiers stood prepared. GorUSy Gar- 
 tas, 264. 
 
 EzsT. Mbz., Vol. II. 0 (65) 
 
66 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 grants, would be sufficient to win back to his standard 
 the troops of Narvaez, which formed the majority of 
 the army of Cortes. These would swell his forces to 
 irresistible proportions, and taught by the mistakes 
 of Narvaez, he would have no difficulty in defeating 
 Cortes, and reaping the results of his intrigues and 
 campaigns. While all this was alluring, the governor 
 had too great a regard for his portly form to will- 
 ingly expose it to the skill of Cortes, and yet it 
 would be useless to intrust a lieutenant with the 
 expedition. Whether this prudent consideration was 
 sufficient to cause the abandonment of the project is 
 not clear, but it certainly was abandoned.^ 
 
 The friends of Cortes had not failed to point out to 
 the emperor the necessity of sustaining so energetic 
 and able a captain in his effi)rts to extend the domains 
 and revenue of the crown, and since the argument 
 was supported by the eloquent plea of golden treas- 
 ures, his Majesty felt induced to take a lenient view 
 of the offence committed. While not exactly approv- 
 ing it, he left the case in the hands of his council, to 
 be decided by future circumstances.^ Occupied with 
 the affairs of his German empire, he gave compara- 
 tively little attention to discoveries in the remote 
 west, and the India Council managed these interests 
 according to its pleasure. While this body was con- 
 trolled by the regency. Cardinal Adrian was too much 
 distracted by nuncial affairs, particularly the comu- 
 nidad troubles, to exercise fully his authority. Dur- 
 ing the varying course of Cortes' suit, therefore, 
 Fonseca, as president of the council, managed to 
 direct the inflowing testimony to his own advantage, 
 identical with that of his protege, and prevailed on 
 his associates not to let the unscrupulous Cortes pro- 
 
 ^Oviedo, iii. 540, states that the expedition did start, but on coming in 
 sight of Yucatan the timid counsels of Licentiate Parada so alarmed Velaz- 
 quez that he turned back, * con infamia suya y con mucho gasto y p^rdida. ' 
 Herrera also intimates that the fleet sailed, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xviii. But 
 the affair is nevertheless involved in doubt. 
 
 ^See Hist. Mex., i, 173, this series. 
 
APPOINTMENT AS GOVERNOR. 
 
 67 
 
 ceed wholly unchecked in a career which, so dis- 
 honestly begun, might lead to disloyal acts. The 
 previous efforts of the president to obtain the ap- 
 pointment of an agent to assume at least partial con- 
 trol of the new region, and investigate the question, 
 had failed on the ground that such interference might 
 endanger the progress of conquest, or even drive 
 the leader to desperate measures prejudicial to the 
 crown. Now the emperor was absent, however, and 
 Ponseca carried his point by issuing a commission to 
 his adherent, Cristobal de Tapia, inspector of smelting 
 works in Espanola,* to proceed at once to New Spain, 
 and take charge of the government of the countries 
 granted to Adelantado Velazquez, without prejudice 
 to his claims; and further, to investigate the conduct 
 of Cortes toward Velazquez and Narvaez, and his 
 usurpation of office as governor and captain-general. 
 To this end he was empowered to arrest him and 
 any accomplices, and attach their property, refraining, 
 however, from passing sentence, which would be pro- 
 nounced by the crown in accordance with the evi- 
 dence sent in.^ He was also provided with letters for 
 Cortes and leading officers, wherein the president of 
 the council urged them to aid Tapia in his duties as 
 governor and judge, promising favors and intercession 
 with the sovereign if faithful, otherwise the royal dis- 
 pleasure should fall heavily upon them. A large 
 
 * 'En Santo Domingo.' Some say he was commandant of the fort there. 
 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159. 
 
 ^This document, dated April 11, 1521, was signed by Cardinal Adrian, 
 who ruled for the absent emperor, and countersigned by the bishop of Biif gos. 
 It begins by relating how Cortes had assumed for himself the fleet with which 
 Velazquez had sent him to trade and settle in the countries discovered by this 
 governor, and alludes also to Narvaez' maltreatment of Oidor Aillon which 
 must be investigated. Cortes, Velazquez, and other captains are instructed 
 to aid Tapia in his duty, under penalty of 1,000 ducats for each neglect. Pro- 
 vicion de Tapia, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 36-42. Although 
 this was not signed by the emperor, later c6dulas confirmed Tapia indirectly 
 as governor of the lands discovered by Velazquez. See for instance that 
 issued to Garay in the same year, wherein he is informed that Tapia had been 
 instructed to settle the boundaries of the respective grants of Velazquez, 
 Ponce de Leon, and his own. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 148. This order 
 to Tapia must have followed him to New Spain, though Herrera> dec. iii. lib. 
 lii. cap. xvi., includes it in the other instructions. 
 
68 
 
 TxiPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 number of similar letters, unaddressed, were issued to 
 enable Tapia to select useful adherents. 
 
 Elated by the possession of these dignities, Tapia 
 hastened on his mission, in one small vessel, and almost 
 unattended, regardless of the warnings imparted by 
 the audiencia of Espanola, which had declared that the 
 sovereign should be informed of what had happened in 
 New Spain since last advices, before a step was taken 
 that might create an uprising, and injure the royal in- 
 terests.^ On arriving at Villa Rica, Tapia exhibited his 
 credentials to Gonzalo de Alvarado, who had replaced 
 Kangel as lieutenant,'' and demanded recognition. 
 Gonzalo appears to have been somewhat intimidated 
 by the documents, and accorded no little deference to 
 their possessor.^ He would undoubtedly be obeyed, 
 but it was necessary that he should address himself 
 to Cortes. Tapia sought with promises and threats 
 to draw the officials and settlers on the coast to his 
 side, but, warned by former occurrences, the general 
 had taken the precaution to intrust the guardianship 
 of the coast to loyal persons, and, although a few 
 malcontents appeared, yet bribery failed with the con- 
 trolling majority.* Under these circumstances the 
 commissioner deemed it unsafe to penetrate the inte- 
 rior, whose occupants were still more devoted to his 
 rival, and thus place himself entirely at his mercy. 
 Narvaez, still a prisoner at Villa Rica, appears to 
 have increased his fears by pointing out that if he, 
 a general of repute with a strong army, had been 
 
 * *Le quisiero qui tar el oficio la audiencia ygovemador, porquefuera a reb- 
 oluer la nueva Espana, auiedo le madado que no fuesse so gravissimas penas.' 
 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 221. Till the sovereign should have been informed of 
 what had occurred in New Spain. CorUs, Cartas, 267. It is not likely that 
 this body ventured to do more than warn him. Bernal Diaz writes that he 
 came with two vessels. 
 
 ' Rangel, the former alcalde mayor, having been removed through some 
 disagreement, says Bernal Diaz. 
 
 ^ So much so that his brothers accused him of willingness to comply with 
 Tapia's demand, and Cort($s dismissed him from office. Cortes, Besidencid, 1, 
 252> 326, ii. 15, 56-7. 
 
 ■ By the time of the residencia in 1529 different grievances had increased 
 the malcontents, who then pretended, perhaps for prudential reasons, that 
 they had been compelled to ignore Tapia. 
 
THE AETFUL ESTEEMADURAN. 
 
 69 
 
 ignored and attacked, the unattended agent could ex- 
 pect little consideration.^^ Tapia accordingly con- 
 tented himself with writing a carefully worded letter 
 to Cortes, informing him of his mission and leaving it 
 to his decision whether their meeting for the exhibi- 
 tion of credentials should take place at Mexico or on 
 the coast. 
 
 Already informed of the arrival, the general had 
 instructed the authorities at Villa Rica to entertain 
 the claimant till he should meet him, always courte- 
 ously and peaceably, so that the royal service should 
 not suffer. He now wrote to Tapia, w^hose polite letter 
 was wholly eclipsed by the neatly turned sentences 
 and flattering assurances of the king-maker at Tenoch- 
 titlan. Nothing could exceed his joy in welcoming go 
 esteemed a friend; and there was none whom he would 
 rather see installed as governor. Unable for the 
 moment to leave the capital, he had commissioned the 
 bearer of the letter, Friar Melgarejo, the highly re- 
 spectable comisario de la cruzada, to inform him of 
 the condition of affairs, and confer with him on the 
 necessary measures for carrying out the royal wishes. 
 For greater efiect, Cortes impressed the friar, in pres- 
 ence of the royal treasurer, who was regarded as an 
 unfriendly spy, with the most loyal commendations 
 for the entertainment of Tapia. 
 
 This preliminary farce arranged, Cortes prepared 
 to take more eflicient measures for the management 
 of an aiTair too delicate and important to be intrusted 
 to any but the most skilful hands. It is scarcely nec- 
 essary to say that he had no intention to surrender 
 the results of his achievements, the aim and hope of 
 his life, at the first bidding of this interloper. Nor 
 
 The liberty accorded Tapia freely to commune w ith such men as Narvaez, 
 and to exert his persuasion, must have been the main cause for dissatisfaction 
 with Gonzalo do Alvarado. The desire to obtain his release must have strug- 
 gled in iNarvaez' breast with jealousy of success on the part of an inferior 
 man like Tapia. 
 
 " To whatever place he ir.ight go appropriate treatment should be accorded; 
 'fuesse tratado como cOuenia,' is Herrera's significant expression, dec. iii. 
 lib. iii. cap. xvi. 
 
70 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 were his many adherents willing to leave to the friends 
 of Velazquez the distribution of rewards, now swell- 
 ing to vast proportions under inflowing tributes, and 
 rumors of rich developments in different quarters. 
 Indeed, they would probably be deprived even of 
 what they had acquired, as abettors of a usurper. 
 Cortes took occasion to increase this feeling, and to 
 dispel the fears and doubts of less determined persons, 
 by letting it be known that the commissions of Tapia 
 were not signed by the king, but by Fonseca, the 
 patron of Velazquez, and consequently issued without 
 due authority. This revelation made his plan the 
 more simple. At first he thought it better to meet 
 the commissioner himself, but finally he concluded that 
 it was not advisable to let him display his imposing 
 credentials at Mexico, where so many malcontents 
 would muster in his favor under the leadership of 
 Treasurer Alderete. He would direct operations 
 against the claimant at a distance, where his own 
 hand would be less apparent. Who could question his 
 loyalty if he left the disposal of Tapia to a council of 
 delegates representing apparently the whole country! 
 
 The first step was to announce his intention to go 
 and receive Tapia, and to cause a number of delegates 
 to formally protest against his departure. The un- 
 consolidated government would be imperilled by his 
 absence and encouragement given to the scarcely 
 subdued natives to create trouble. Deceived by the 
 manoeuvre, Alderete joined in the protest and the 
 recommendation that deputies be selected to confer 
 with the new governor. Cortes yielded, and appointed 
 Diego de Soto and Diego de Valdenebro to act for 
 him in unison with a council of delegates from the 
 
 This reqiierimiento, made in the name of Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde of 
 Tenochtitlan, Bernardo Vazquez de Tapia, regidor of Villa Hica, and soon after 
 the enemy of Cort6s, and Cristobal Corral, regidor of Segura, was dated De- 
 cember 12, 1521, before the notary at Coyuhuacan. Pacheco and CdrdenaSy 
 CoL D'jC, Xxvi. SO-5. Cortes magnifies the danger o* a native revolt in ex- 
 plaining the motive to the emperor. Cartas, 265. Herrera does not perceive 
 the trick of Cortes, but assumes that he really wished to treat personally with 
 Tapia, rather than trust the affair to others. 
 
MEETING WITH SANDOVAL. 
 
 71 
 
 different Spanish settlements. Sandoval, then paci- 
 fying and settling the Goazaeoalco region, was told to 
 attend the conference to be held at Villa Rica in his 
 character of alguacil mayor. He was also secretly 
 instructed to take a respectable force, and further, to 
 immediately install a municipality at Medellin, so as 
 to increase the number of trustworthy delegates and 
 render the issue more sure.^^ 
 
 Accompanied by Andres de Tapia and a consider- 
 able force, Sandoval met the commissioner and Father 
 Melgarejo at Jalapa, on the way to Mexico, whither 
 the prospect of a strong support from Alderete and 
 his party seems to have called him. The latter 
 spared no argument or threat to induce Sandoval 
 to join him ; but the loyal lieutenant replied bluntly 
 that he would never stoop to treason against his 
 leader,^* who for that matter did not oppose his claims, 
 but had summoned the different local authorities to 
 examine them and accord due obedience. From what 
 he had heard of Cortes' summary way of treating 
 opponents, Tapia was pleased with having to deal only 
 with his representatives. In any case there was too 
 much persuasion in Sandoval's tone, with bristling 
 accompaniment, for Tapia to do aught but return to 
 Villa Rica. The lieutenant's first step was to appease 
 with appropriate favors those of the settlers who ap- 
 peared to have greeted the new-comer with too much 
 cordiality. Further, in order to withdraw the council 
 from all pernicious influence, he caused it to assemble 
 at Cempoala.^^ The members consisted of Francisco 
 Alvarez Chico, alcalde of Villa Rica; Jorge de Al- 
 varado, and Simon de Cuenca, regidores; Bernardo 
 
 ^2 While mentioning' this, Herrera assumes that Cortes instructed Andres 
 de Tapia to leave Villa Rica for the purpose of establishing the town. Mejia 
 agrees with Bernal Diaz that Sandoval founded it, though he states that it 
 was done now, to give authority to the alcaldes and regidores appointed by- 
 Cortes. Cortes, Remlenaa, i. 83-4. 
 
 ' Que los Gouernadores de Castilla, que lo auian embiado estauan mal 
 inf ormados ... y no tomauan el camino necessario. ' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. 
 cap. xvi. But Sandoval was too prudent to make so meddlesome a reply. 
 
 ^^Some believe it to have been held at Villa Rica; others, like Oviedo, iii. 
 517, at Jalapa; but its lately published records mention Cempoala. 
 
72 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 Vazquez de Tapia, factor ; Pedro de Alvarado, alcalde 
 and delegate for Tenochtitlan ; Cristobal Corral, regi- 
 dor and delegate for Segura de la Frontera; Andres 
 de Monjaraz, alcalde and delegate for Medellin; Soto 
 and Valdenebro, agents for Cortes, and Sandoval.^^ 
 
 On the 12th of December Tapia presented before 
 this assembly his credentials and orders, which were 
 received with the customary respect, but he was noti- 
 fied that they would have to be examined and discussed 
 before the nature and manner of the compliance could 
 be determined. Four days later he was informed that 
 petitions had been sent to Spain by the representa- 
 tives of the country concerning the very governorship 
 claimed by Tapia, and pending the reply, which would 
 settle several other important questions, the interests 
 of the sovereign demanded that the credentials be left 
 in abeyance. This was the more imperative since the 
 documents were not signed by his Majesty, or his sec- 
 retary, a defect which implied that the Council of the 
 Indies had not acted in accord with their royal master, 
 whom it was their duty as loyal subjects to obey 
 above all. There were besides certain misstatements 
 in the documents which made it evident that they had 
 been issued under false representations. This mode of 
 avoiding compliance with royal orders may be regarded 
 as flimsy when it is considered that Cardinal Adrian, 
 who signed them, was the appointed representative 
 of the king of Spain; yet a plausible reason existed 
 in the fact that representations afiecting the ques- 
 tion at issue had been addressed directly to the king, 
 and this made it undesirable to act on the orders of 
 his agent before the answer came. The present non- 
 compliance was far less flagrant than many other in- 
 stances of disobedience to royal decrees, so frequent in 
 the Indies, owing to the distance from Spain, and to 
 
 ^^Cuenca is called Ramon in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Gol. Doc, xicvi. 36-7, 
 a misprint evidently for Simon. See Icazhalceta^ Col. Doc. , i. 452. Some of 
 the first-named members were probably a little doubtful in their adhesion, so 
 that the appointment of a delegate for Medellin became rather a necessity for 
 ■welling the majority of Cortes. 
 
OUTWITTED AND DRIVEN FORTH. 
 
 73 
 
 the neglect or difficulty of punishing the culprits. 
 The delegates no doubt felt greatly sustained by the 
 report that the audiencia of Santo Domingo had 
 objected to the decree.^^ 
 
 Tapia lodged a formal protest against the decision, 
 which made them liable to the heavy penalty named 
 in his commission.^^ The delegates replied by repeat- 
 ing their objections, which they would submit to the 
 sovereign, together with a petition. His reasons were 
 invalid, and they did not recognize his power to impose 
 any penalty. They further declared his presence 
 dangerous to the tranquillity of the country, and 
 ordered him peremptorily to depart. The latter mes- 
 sage was delivered by Sandoval, with the blunt inti- 
 mation that if he did not, he would be mounted on 
 an ass and made to leave. He still lingered, however, 
 breathing defiance, and giving rise to no little anxiety 
 among the friends of Cortes, who feared that a delay 
 might enable a faction to take up his cause and create 
 trouble. Some, indeed, counselled that a bribe be given 
 him, but this would have been a needless expenditure 
 of treasure; still, it was thought expedient to offer a 
 liberal price for the horses, negroes, and some other 
 effects,^^ so that no reasons should exist for further 
 delay. This succeeded, and with a sigh of relief his ves- 
 sel was seen to disappear, burdened, however, with a 
 growing array of complaints to be used in retaliation.^^ 
 
 ' Que las prouisiones eran fauorables y falsas: y el incapaz e indigno de 
 tan grande gouernacion,' says Gomara curtly. Hist. Mex., 221. 
 
 ^^He mentioned among other reasons that the royal seal coniinned its 
 va-lidity. The omission of the secretary's signature was an accident. 
 
 ^^The records of these proceedings, which lasted till January 6, 1522, are 
 give?2 In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , xxvi. 30-58. 
 
 2° Bemal Diaz declares that a gold bribe was actually given, and one of the 
 Tesaels bought, Bist. Verdad., 160, but this statement rests no doubt on the 
 purchase alone, which in a sense was bribery. ' Se boluio por donde fue con 
 grande afrenta, no se si cod moneda,' says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 221. Narvaez 
 is said to have advised him to convert available effects into money and 
 hasten to Spain, where the very insult offered the supreme authorities in his 
 person v/ould raise a strong movement in his favor. Cavo has a confused 
 etory that Tapia was incli^ced to settle at Medellin, where a fortune could 
 speedily be made. Internal troubles r/iising, he sought to avail himself 
 thereof to advance his pretensions ; whereupon Cortes caused him to embark. 
 Tres Sir/los, i. 20. 
 
 ^^Most authorities intimate a voluntary embarkation, but testimony in 
 
74 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 The indirect bestowal of a bribe to hasten the fleet 
 of Tapia was by no means misplaced, as it happened. 
 Not long after he had left Villa Rica the good people 
 at Medellin were startled by the appearance of a sail at 
 San Juan.^^ Surely the commissioner was not re- 
 turning to stir anew the quarrel in this locality. The 
 anxiety was not lessened by a summons for the au- 
 thorities to meet Juan Bono de Quejo, the bearer of 
 important despatches for Governor Tapia, with greet- 
 ings from Adelantado Velazquez. The mere pres- 
 ence of Quejo boded no good, for he was a hard- 
 headed Biscayan,^^ who, after sharing the first mishaps 
 of Narvaez on this coast, as one of his officers, had 
 left to plead his cause. Several cedulas having arrived 
 from the king himself, after Tapia's departure, con- 
 taining not only additional instructions but confirma- 
 tion of his powers, it was deemed necessary that they 
 should reach him as soon as possible, for even the au- 
 thorities in Spain could not fail to recognize that 
 objections might be raised to their signatures among 
 the cavilling officials in the Indies. When the de- 
 spatches reached the Islands, Velazquez placed a small 
 vessel at Quejo's disposal. 
 
 These confirmatory documents, signed by the king, 
 were not a little perplexing, and the coast officials 
 could only refer him to Cortes. The latter expressed 
 regrets at the departure of Tapia, which made it im- 
 possible to obey the mandates, and by a combination 
 of suave language and glittering jewels he completely 
 won the heart of the messenger, who quietly placed in 
 
 Cortes, Residencia, ii. 14, 15, 144, states that he was * conducted' on board, 
 by the orders of Alcalde Alvarez. Corral is said to have taken the leading part 
 in tlie previous altercation. According to Cortes and others, Tapia received 
 a severe reprimand in Espanola for his attempt to create troubles in New 
 Spain. If he failed to enjoy the oflSce, he certainly received his salary as 
 governor. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii. 
 
 ■''■■^At Medellin, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 167, whither he sum- 
 moned the authorities from Goazacoalco. The municipality of Medellin had 
 X)rol)al)ly not yet taken up their abode there. San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan, 
 or de Ulua, served as port for Medellin. This summons may account for 
 Cortes' statement that he arrived at Espiritu Santo. Cartas, 279. 
 
 ^•^ Master of one of his vessels. Cortes, Cartas, 279. 
 
THE DELEGATES RESPONSIBLE. 
 
 75 
 
 his pocket the cedulas and accompanying packet of 
 unaddressed letters with which fresh adherents were 
 to be allured, and abandoned himself to the amenities 
 of his situation. A little later he proceeded with 
 well filled pockets to report in Spain the futility of 
 his mission.^* 
 
 In explaining to the emperor the treatment accorded 
 to his governor, Cortes prudently throws the respon- 
 sibility on the popular representatives, w^ho decided 
 in the case as they considered best for the crown ; but 
 he seeks to defend their course by relating that the 
 apprehended danger from this attempt of a stranger 
 to assume the administration did actually come to 
 pass. The mere report of an impending change 
 engendered conspiracy among the Indians, which, if 
 successful, would have been more serious than any pre- 
 ceding revolt. It extended through the districts of 
 Mexico and Coyuhuacan, and broke out also in Tutu- 
 tepec and Meztitlan, to the north-west. 
 
 The main obstacle at Mexico was the presence of 
 the terrible Cortes, and with a view to remove this, 
 and to enable the warriors to assemble, it was arranged 
 to induce the general, by means of a false report that 
 twenty vessels had appeared off the coast, to depart 
 for Villa Rica, and permit them to join his banner 
 with a large force.^^ Informed of the movement by 
 spies, he seized the accused ringleaders, and since the 
 safety and interests of the Spaniards demanded a 
 severe example to similar malcontents, punishments 
 
 Cortes le ayud6 para la costa,' is Bemal Diaz' significant allusion 
 to the departure. Hist. Verdad., 167. Had Tapia still been in Mexico, 
 observes Gomara, there would have been great trouble, in view of the impos- 
 ing letters and cddulas brought. Hist. Mex., 221. One Hernandez declared 
 that Quejo become so intimate with Cortes that he proposed new marriage 
 relations for him with Fonseca's niece. Cortes, Besidencia^ ii. 358, 372. This 
 declaration would indicate that the messenger was still in Mexico in the 
 middle of 1522. 
 
 ^ This Tututepec is called del norte to distinguish it from that on the 
 South Sea. 'Se rebelaron los Cuixtecas, y los de Coa9acoalco y Tauasco, y 
 otros que les costo caro,' is Gomara's account of it. Hist. Mex., 222 ; Cortes, 
 Cartas, 278. 
 
 26 Li support of the story they brought him a painting of the fleet. Co7t6s, 
 Cartas, 266. 
 
76 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 were inflicted which were long remembered in New 
 Spain. Some of the minor culprits were suspended 
 by the noose among the ruins left by the invaders, 
 while the leaders, according to the native historian, Ix- 
 tlilxochitl, were exposed in an amphitheatre, like bulls, 
 to the attacks of infuriated blood-hounds, which tore 
 them in pieces, and even devoured their flesh. 
 
 At Tututepec and Meztitlan the uprising was soon 
 smothered by a large force of Spaniards and allies. 
 A few encounters brought the inhabitants to their 
 knees, and Cortes was even induced to pardon the 
 captured caciques.^^ The revolt appears to have been 
 long planned by the Quauhtemotzin party, probably 
 since his torture, and had in view his restoration and 
 the quick disposal of the Spanish leaders, so as to 
 make the soldiers a readier prey. Nevertheless it 
 could not have been of great extent, though Cortes 
 seeks to make the most of it, and to connect it with 
 the presence of Tapia, a man wholly unfit and inex- 
 perienced to cope with such movements, as he point- 
 edly observes. While influenced by purely selfish 
 motives, there is no doubt that his procedure served 
 the best interests of the crown, for at this early 
 period a man of his sagacity, influence, and skill as 
 ruler and leader, was needed to maintain and advance 
 the conquest of the country. The toleration of fac- 
 tions would have been dangerous. Of this Velaz- 
 quez and his patron and adherents were fully aware ; 
 but envy and ambition blinded them to their own in- 
 efficiency, and to prudence. 
 
 The revolt was not the only danger to Cortes 
 ascribed to the Tapia episode, if we may credit Iler- 
 rera. Disgusted with the disposal of the commissary, 
 and encouraged by the evident wishes of the sov- 
 
 2^ Hor. Crueldades, 61-2. This writer, whose statements cannot always be 
 relied upon, adds that King Ixtlilxochitl saved his brother Cohuanacoch, one 
 of the accused, from the dogs, regardless of the soldiers. The Spanish writers 
 naturally allude to no cruelties. Gomara refers to the revolt on two occasions, 
 with evident confusion. Hist. Mex., 222, 235. 
 
 ^^Tlie campaign cost the lives of two Spaniards and a few allies. Ccrt6s, 
 Cartas, 278-9. 
 
CORTES AND NARVAEZ MEET AGAIN. 
 
 77 
 
 ereign manifested in the cedulas of Quejo, Alderete, 
 the royal treasurer, is said to have promoted two 
 plots against the general's life, one being to assas- 
 sinate him while kneeling at mass, the other to blow 
 him up at his quarters. Informed of the plan, Cortes 
 summoned the official to his presence and revealed it. 
 Alderete was thoroughly crushed by the disclosure, 
 and could only throw himself upon his mercy. Mag- 
 nanimity had proved a politic virtue before this, and 
 it was again exercised, both to avoid dangerous com- 
 plications, and to neutralize the opposition of a strong 
 party. 
 
 Among the orders brought by Tapia was one 
 wherein the Council of the Indies forbade the audi- 
 encia of Santo Domingo to deal wdth the outrage of 
 Narvaez on Oidor Aillon, and signified its desire that 
 he should no longer be kept in durance. Cortes 
 accordingly instructed Rodrigo Rangel, who had re- 
 placed the vacillating Gonzalo de Alvarado as lieu- 
 tenant at Villa Rica,^^ to send him to Coyuhuacan. 
 The long confinement at the coast fortress, exposed 
 to the jeers of every passer-by, had tended not a 
 little to humble the arrogant leader, so much so, in- 
 deed, that when Cortes came forth to meet him he 
 knelt to kiss the hand of his former despised rival. 
 The latter had good reason for remonstrating against 
 this self-abasement, as he had for coming forth to 
 meet a man whose reascending star appeared so sig- 
 nificantly in the cedulas concerning him. He not only 
 raised him from the ground, but offered with fraternal 
 embrace a seat by his side, and showed the most marked 
 attention. Narvaez, on his side, spoke with humble 
 feeling of the glowing achievements which had effected 
 
 29 Such at least must be the conclusion if we accept the story. Alderete 
 died not long after. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 188. ' Vn Clerigo llamado 
 Leon, assi mismo descubrid, que con barriles de poluora, querian bolarle en el 
 aposento/ Iferrera, dec. iii. lilx iii. cap. xvi. The phrasing would indicate 
 that Alderete was not supposed to have managed both the plots. 
 
 ''''With Pedro de Ircio as aid. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159. 
 
78 
 
 TAPIA'S DISCOMFITURE. 
 
 the conquest of so vast and rich a country, with such 
 numerous and strong cities. His own defeat had, 
 indeed, been a trifling matter in comparison. Magnifi- 
 cent rewards must surely flow from the sovereign, and 
 to this end he would devote his own efibrts in the 
 behalf of Cortds. With such words did he mask the 
 burning hatred that awaited only opportunity.^^ The 
 opportunity came when toward the close of 1523 he 
 was permitted, partly through the influence of Garay's 
 pleadings, to leave New Spain.^^ Thereupon he hast- 
 ened to court to stir up afresh the enemies of Cortes, 
 
 The gcssips circulated a story that Cortes gave Narvaez 50,000 ducats 
 wherewith to compensate Velazquez for his losses through the expedition to 
 Mexico, but this deserves little credit, says Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xv. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 160-1. Nor is it likely that Cortes would have 
 given the monoy to Narvaez, who would have kept it for his own claims. 
 
 ^2 His obsequious flattery of Cortes had no doubt assisted at the liberation, 
 as well as the pleadings} of his rich wife Maria de Valenzuela, who appears to 
 have known the conqueror. Narvaez was even given 2,000 pesos de oro, prob- 
 ably in payment of certain effects taken from him, and he left with humble 
 protestations. Bernal DiaZy Hist. Verdad., 170. Among the scores to be 
 remembered by him against Cortes was the execution of Diego Diaz, a ship- 
 master, who sought to procure his escape from Villa Rica early in 1521. The 
 record of the trial is given in Facheco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc, xxvi. 287-97. 
 
CHAPTER 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIi^. 
 1522. 
 
 Cortes Finds Favor with the Audiencia — His Third Letter — Treasures 
 FOR the Emperor — An Ominous Loss — Chased by Corsairs — What 
 King Francis Said — The Curse of Montezuma — Cardinal Adrian 
 Interferes — Cortes' Case before the Sovereign — His Achievements 
 Reviewed — Refutation of Charges — Velazquez Crushed and Fon- 
 SECA Humbled — Cortes Appointed Governor and Captain-general. 
 
 Any fears which Cortes may have entertained with 
 regard to his treatment of Tapia were quieted by the 
 arrival, during the spring, of Alonso de Avila, the 
 commissioner whom he had sent to Santo Domingo 
 more than a year before, to obtain concessions from 
 the audiencia, and war material for the army.-^ The 
 audiencia gave him authority to conquer the whole 
 of New Spain, to brand slaves in accordance with pre- 
 scribed rules, and to distribute encomiendas. Although 
 this was provisional, subject to the royal decision, it 
 nevertheless gave authority to the acts of Cortes, 
 and he received further encouragement in the fact that 
 the audiencia had recommended him to the emperor 
 in a manner that promised to be more effective than 
 any representation so far made. One great advan- 
 tage the audiencia had, namely, means to hide their 
 despatches from the bishop of Burgos, with whom 
 they were not wholly in accord, and have them pre- 
 sented direct to the royal person, nor could their 
 intimations against the bishop's policy fail to have 
 weight. 
 
 ^ Bemal Diaz places the return after the P^lnuco campaign, which is 
 doubtful. Hist. Verdad.y 163. 
 
 (79) 
 
80 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 In return for his success, Avila received a valuable 
 encomienda, together with presents and promises, all 
 of which bound him ever closer to his patron.^ So 
 pleased indeed was Cortes with his ability and loyalty 
 as commissioner, that he caused him to be appointed 
 procurador to the court of Spain, jointly with Antonio 
 de Quinones, his captain of guards.^ They were to 
 support the other agents in obtaining a confirmation 
 of his grant of lands, natives, and offices, and other 
 acts, together with his own tenure of office, as partly 
 advocated in letters intrusted to them, notably the 
 third of his Relaciones. This is dated at Coyuhuacan, 
 May 15, 1522, and narrates the operations since Octo- 
 ber 1520, beginning with the Tepeaca campaign, con- 
 tinuing with the siege and fall of Mexico, and ending 
 with the expeditions to formally occupy surrounding 
 provinces. The latter he describes in a manner in- 
 tended to impress the value of his achievements, and 
 the wealth and extent of the additions thus made to 
 the royal domains. He does not fail to allude to the 
 prospects opening before the maritime exploration for 
 which he is preparing a fleet on the South Sea. One 
 of the main objects of the letter, which had probably 
 hastened its conclusion, was the Tapia affair. While 
 explaining that the course taken had been to save the 
 country and the royal interests, as proved by the 
 attempted revolt of the natives, he points out the 
 injustice and danger of such interference, particularly 
 on the part of selfish and unscrupulous persons like 
 Velazquez, wholly oblivious of their duty to the sov- 
 ereign.* In an accompanying note he commends the 
 
 2 He had formerly been an adherent of Velazquez, and this sufficed to 
 rouse Bernal Diaz against him, as a suspected person, who might hav? been 
 dangerous had he been present when Tapia arrived. The encomienda em- 
 braced Quauhtitlan, with a large rental. Id. 
 
 3 Who had assisted to save the life of Cortes during the siege. 
 
 * In a later letter he goes so far as to propose to arrest the Cuban governor. 
 * Pienso enviar por el dicho Diego Velazquez y prenderle, y preso, enyiarle ii 
 V. M. . .cortando la raiz de todos males.' Cartas, 318. Bernal Diaz wrongly 
 attributes this proposal to the present occasion. It may certainly be called 
 capping the climax of the injuries heaped upon the unfortunate governor, 
 though he deserves little sympathy. 
 
AGEKTS SENT. 
 
 81 
 
 agents to the emperor, and points out the painful 
 anxiety in which he has been left by not receiving any 
 reply to his many dutiful applications. 
 
 The local officials also addressed a letter to the 
 emperor in the name of the army and settlers, extol- 
 ling the deeds and loyalty of their leader, defending 
 their treatment of Tapia, instigated as he was by the 
 hostile Velazquez, and urging the prior claims of con- 
 querors to grants and appointments. Father Olmedo 
 supported these representations in a special letter, 
 wiierein he reviewed the prospects of conversion and 
 requested that religious teachers be sent out. To add 
 weight to the petitions, they received the usual accom- 
 paniment of treasure, in addition to the regular fifth. 
 The present consisted of the choicest specimens of 
 fabrics, feather-work, curiosities, and jewels, set apart 
 from the late repartition, and increased from the sub- 
 sequent influx of tributes, worth fully one hundred 
 and fifty thousand ducats.^ Its notable features were 
 a number of pearls and an immense emerald, as it was 
 supposed to be,^ and trinkets, which wholly eclipsed 
 the already familiar specimens of native goldsmiths' 
 work, in the form of fishes with scales of diflferent 
 metals, of birds and other animals with movable heads 
 and tongues, masks with mosaic ornamentation, and 
 a variety of pieces after European models. Several 
 large bones were also sent, uncovered at Coyuhuacan, 
 
 ^ 'Aunque otros dizen dos tanto.' Gomara, Hist. Conq.^ 216. The jewels, 
 fabrics, etc., 150,000 ducats, the gold and silver as much more. The part set 
 aside from the repartition after the fall of Mexico was worth more than 
 100,000 pesos de oro. Oviedo, iii. 468, 517. A list of the valuables sent to 
 Spain is given in Memoria de Piezas, in Paclieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xii. 
 253-68, 345-9. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. 1. 
 
 ^ *A fine emerald the size of the palm of a hand, of pyramidal shape.' Id. 
 *Perlas tamafias algunas dellas como auellanas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 
 163. This author alludes to a number of chalchiuites, * like emeralds,' wliich 
 can hardly include the stones called emeralds by others, for chalchiuites were 
 never regarded as of much value by the conquerors, though the natives prized 
 them above any other stones. The emerald referred to was a mere jade or 
 serpentine, for Mexico possessed no emeralds. Alaman, Divert., i. 159. In 
 Peru thev did have this precious stone, but the test to which the early adven- 
 turers submitted them — hammer blows — caused as a rule the rejection of the 
 genuine stones, which were smashed in pieces, while the false ones were ac- 
 cjepted. 
 
 Hist. Mez., Vol. II. 6 
 
82 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTfiS IN SPAIN. 
 
 which in accordance with the common native tradition 
 and the declaration a*: the doctors were pronounced 
 to be the remains of giants; also two jaguars, or tigers 
 as they were called, which proved an unfortunate ship- 
 ment, for one escaped from the cage 77hen on board, 
 and fiercely attacked a number of the crew, where- 
 upon it was lost in the sea. Two of the bitten men 
 died from their injuries, and to obviate another disas- 
 ter the second jaguar was killed/ 
 
 As special agents for Cortes went his secretary, 
 Juan de Ribera,^ with whom was associated Friar 
 Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, both to act in concert with 
 his father, Martin Cortes, to whom was sent a power 
 of attorney to act in all affairs for the son.^ This 
 document was accompanied by a few thousand ducats, 
 which the malevolent magnified to large amounts, a 
 portion of the vast treasures that Cortes was said to 
 have secreted. One story current was that he him- 
 self supervised its transmission to Tezcuco in several 
 canoes. When fairly out in the lake a sudden gale 
 capsized the boats, and half a dozen men were drowned ; 
 the rest, including Cortes, narrowly escaped by cling- 
 ing to the wrecks. Divers were afterward sent to 
 search for the treasure, but not a trace could be 
 found. The same agents carried a portion of the 
 remittances sent by the conquerors to friends in Spain, 
 amounting in all to nearly a hundred thousand cas- 
 tellanos, and showing that recent expeditions must 
 have greatly increased the distribution shares, and pro- 
 moted contentment among the lately irate soldiers. 
 
 ' Gomara mentions * three tigers, ' but accounts only for the fate of two. 
 Bisf. Mex., 216. 
 
 ^ A man full of tricks and unfair at the gaming-table, says Bernal Diaz, 
 Ilisi. Verdad., 190-1, and he certainly proved unreliable. 
 
 'Dated May 8, 1522. Poder Otorgado, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, 
 xii. 458-70. A relative named Francisco de las Casas is appointed substitute 
 in caee Martin Cortes fails to act. This Casas, a relative, figures ably in the 
 conquestof Honduras. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 537 et seq., this series. 
 
 ^" Peralta applies this statement to the treasures intended for the emperor. 
 Not. Hist.y 130-2, but it appears to be based on an event which occurred in 
 connection witli Cortes' own departure for Spain in 1528. Gomara, affirms that 
 the sum sent to thu father was 4,000 ducats. Hist. Mex., 216. 
 
 'Ochenta y ocho mil Castelianos en barras de oro.' Bernal Diaz, Hist, 
 
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH. 
 
 83 
 
 The commission set out in June^^ 1522, m three 
 vessels/^ which safely reached Terceira, of the Azores 
 group. Hardly had they again set sail, however, 
 when they were attacked by a fleet of French corsairs, 
 six ships in number, hailing from La Rochelle.^* 
 
 Resistance on the part of the small vessels from 
 New Spain was deemed useless, but they nevertheless 
 did their utmost to escape, regardless of the cannon- 
 balls that whistled around them. The chase became 
 exciting, the more so when splinters began to fly and 
 blood to flow. Finally the French overtook two of 
 the vessels having, in charge of Avila, the greater 
 part of the treasures, which were conveyed to France. 
 The choicest jewels were sent as a present to Francis 
 I., who was not a little surprised at the extent and 
 quality of the wealth flowing in on Spain. "The gold 
 from his western possessions alone must suflice to sun- 
 tain his campaigns against us," he observedo "But I 
 should like to see the last testament of Father Adam 
 which entitles my brothers of Castile and Portugal 
 to the exclusive ownership of those regions, or which 
 forbids me from thus helping myself to a share. "^^ 
 
 Avila was kept behind prison bars for a long time 
 in the vain expectation of a heavy ransom, correspond- 
 ing to the estimate formed of one having in his charge 
 so large a treasure. He managed, however, to forward 
 the despatches, which greatly promoted the cause of 
 his chief. Learning from him or his companions that 
 
 Verdad., 163. Herrera names Diego de Ordaz, of volcano fame, as one of the 
 passengers, while others say that he had gone with the previous mission to 
 Spain. 
 
 ^■^ December 20th, according to Bernal Diaz, but this must be a slip f-ither 
 of memory or pen, which has misled several writers. A receipt for some of 
 the treasure is dated at Seville, November 8, 1522. Pacheco and CdrdenaSr 
 Col. Doc, xii. 258-60. 
 
 Caravels, says Herrera. Bernal Diaz mentions only> 2. One of them was 
 the Santa Maria de laRdhida, commanded by Juan Baptista. Id. , 253, 258, 260. 
 Under command of Juan Florin, or Florentin. 
 
 ^5 ' Que mostrassen el testamento de nuestro padre Adan, si les dex6 a ellos 
 solamente por herederos, y senores de aquellas tierras que auian tornado entre 
 ellos dos sin dalle a el ninguna dellas, e que por esta causa era licito robar, y 
 tomar todo lo que pudiesse por la mar,' Biirnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 164. 
 
 '^The neglect to secure his liberation nettled him greatly, and he is said 
 to have expressed delight at the loss to the court of so much treasure. On 
 
84 
 
 AFFAIRS OF COP-T^IS IN SPAIN. 
 
 the third vessel, which had escaped him, contained 
 additional trer^Kure, the French pirate returned with 
 three of his ships to watch for her. This time fortune 
 turned against him, for near Cape St Vincent he en- 
 countered a Spanish fleet sent in search of him, and 
 after a brief but sharp battle he was captured and 
 conveyed to Spain, 'oh ore to be condemned to the 
 gallows. 
 
 Ill-luck seemed to attend the spoils of New Spain, 
 both in their capture and afterward. The curses of the 
 dying Montezuma and the agonized Quauhtemotzin 
 had clung to them ever since they left the palace- 
 vaults of Tenochtitlan. Miserably perished during 
 the Noche Triste most of those who sought to convey 
 it forth, while the Aztecs who recaptured a portion 
 paid the bitter penalty during the horrors of the 
 following siege. Strife and trouble arose at the dis- 
 tribution of the remnant after the fall of the city; a 
 gale swept a portion into the lake, together with sev- 
 eral of its attendants. Its capture by the French 
 rivolved the imprisonment of Avila and the death of 
 several companions, soon tc be followed by the igno- 
 Eainious end of the pirates and the capture of Francis 
 himself. As for the escaped vessel, the Santa Maria 
 de la Rdbida, she gained Santa Maria Island in a 
 somewhat battered condition, with several wounded 
 persons on board, including Quinones, who died a few 
 days later. Ribera proceeded thence in a Portuguese 
 caravel to Seville to ask for a convoy, and with this 
 
 returning to Spain he received for compensation the permit to retain his en- 
 comiendas and other property, and the appointment of contador for Yucatan. 
 In 1565 the municipality of Mexico granted his brother's family a lot adjoin- 
 ing their house, in consideration for Alonso's services; but in the following 
 year the house was razed, and the site covered with salt, after the execution 
 of his nephews for complicity in the conspiracy of Martin Cortes. Datos 
 Bhg., in Carta:} de Indias, 716-17; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv, cap. xx., lib. 
 X. cap. vii. 
 
 " ' En el puerto do Pico. ' Id. Sandoval places this occurrence in Novem- 
 ber 1522, though he is ncmewhat confused about the facts. Hist. Carlos V.y 
 i. 563. 
 
 So says Herrera, while Bernal Diaz stateo that tho death of the gallant 
 captain was due to dagger thrusts, which he received at I'ercera during a 
 Lotharian escapade, ubi sup. 
 
THE VELAZQUEZ INFLUENCE. 
 
 85 
 
 the remnant cf Aztec treasure reached its destina- 
 tion.^^ 
 
 By this time the affairs of Cortes in Spain had 
 assumed a new aspect. His friends, including Martin 
 Cortes, Puertocarrero, Montijo, Licentiate Nunez, 
 relator of the India Council, Ordaz, and others, had 
 for a time accomplished nothing more than to check the 
 proceedings of the Velazquez party, though they had 
 been unable to oppose the appointment of Tapia. 
 Finally, however, they obtained proofs of Fonseca's 
 machinations in favor of Velazquez, from whom he 
 had accepted heavy bribes, including an encomienda 
 of natives, who were compelled under the lash to 
 extract gold for the good bishop in the Cuban mines. 
 The intimacy between these two officials was strength- 
 ened by the engagement of the governor to the niece 
 of the prelate,^*^ and they concerted to defame Cortes 
 as a traitor, by withholding his despatches, keeping 
 back his agents, and injuring him in every possible 
 manner. It was further shown that the bishop had 
 appropriated a part of the presents sent to the em- 
 peror from New Spain. This was wrong on the part 
 of the bishop, and yet, as we well know, Velazquez 
 had far more of justice on his side than Cortes; but suc- 
 cess defies all. The great achievements of Cortes had 
 by this time spread throughout the country, fostering 
 the belief that he had not been fairly treated. Among 
 the notable persons who warmly expressed themselves 
 to this effect were the duke of Bejar, one of the 
 
 1^ A list of what she brought is given in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.y 
 xii. 253-60. Herrera relates two somewhat varied and confused versions, and 
 says that the vessel with all its effects was placed under embargo by Fonseca's 
 order, which is unlikely. Dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i. iii., lib. ix. cap. xx. Gomara, 
 Hist. Mex., 216, disposes quite briefly of the voyage; but Bernal Diaz is more 
 complete and reliable. In a letter to the emperor, Cort6s expresses regret at 
 the loss, chiefly on account of the choice nature of the specimens, which would 
 have aided in demonstrating his services, but 'yo trabajar^ de enviar otras 
 muy mas ricas y extranas,' he concludes consolingly. Cartas, 317. 
 
 ^"Petronila de Fonseca. Gorr^ ira, Eift. Mex., 238. Bemal Diaz fancies 
 also that she may have been engaged to Tapia. Hist. Verdad.. 183. 
 
 2^ The bishop had hidden his reports, 'que no gs veria inientras -viule.-se.' 
 Herrera^ dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii. 
 
86 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORT^IS IN SPAIN. 
 
 leading grandees, and the German duke of Nassau,^^ 
 whose representations assisted in convincing Cardinal 
 Adrian of the injustice done. Fonseca was there- 
 upon ordered not to meddle in the affairs of Cortes, 
 and the evidence of his conduct was forwarded to 
 the monarch. 
 
 Adrian had no time to do much more, for he was 
 elected successor to Leo X., and was obliged to go to 
 Italy in the spring of 1522.^^ The emperor returned 
 from Germany shortly after, however, and Tapia 
 appearing to support the complaints of the adherents 
 of Velazquez, he resolved to investigate the charges 
 both against Fonseca and Cortes; summoning to this 
 effect a special commission which included such men 
 as the grand chancellor.^^ 
 
 The plaintiff opened with the charge that Cortes 
 had appropriated to his own ends a fleet fitted out at 
 great expense by Velazquez, in virtue of royal author- 
 ity, to continue the exploration of the countries 
 already discovered by him. Velazquez had conse- 
 quently been obliged to spend the remainder of his 
 fortune in efforts to recover his own, notably in the 
 equipment of a second large fleet under Narvaez. 
 Regardless of the lives of his Majesty's subjects, and 
 of his sacred decrees, Cortes had attacked the expedi- 
 tion, killed a number, imprisoned others, and bribed 
 or intimidated the rest into submission, besides tearing 
 
 22 Bemal Diaz says Monsieur de Lasoa, sent by the emperor to congratulate 
 Adrian on his election to the papacy. Nassau certainly proved himself a great 
 friend to Cort6s afterward. 
 
 ^3 It is even said that he suspended the bishop from his presidency cf the 
 council; but this was probably left to the emperor. 
 Mariana, Hist. Esp., vii. 310, viii. 101. 
 
 25Mercurio de Gatinara; Hernando deVega, lord of Grijal and comendador 
 mayor of Castile ; Monsieur de la Chaux, great chamberlain ; Doctor Lorenzo 
 Galindez de Carbajal, an old and eminent jurist; Licentiate Francisco de 
 Vargas, general treasurer of Castile; and Doctor de la Roche, a Fleming. 
 Such are the names given in Herrera, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Cort6s, Vida, 
 in Icazbalcata, Col. Doc. i. 352-3. Several sessions were held. Manuel de 
 Rojas and Andres de Duero, representing Velazquez, appeared with Tapia on 
 one side, while Licentiate Cespedes is said to nave been among those who 
 pleaded for Cortes. Vetancurt, 'Teatro, pt. iii. 153, assumes wrongiy that 
 liiberu and Melf;or'.;;o arrived in time to be present now, and Prescott adda 
 Narvaoz, H^Lx. iii. 246-7. Both confound this trial with subsequent revivals 
 of charges before tribunals and council. 
 
BEFORE THE EMPEROR 
 
 87 
 
 by force from the commander the royal despatches. 
 He had further, by force and fraud, caused himself to 
 be elected leader, ignoring the instructions given him 
 from the audiencia of Santo Domingo through his 
 patron, and punishing even with death those who 
 ventured to oppose him. He had assumed regal 
 powers, made cruel war on unoffending natives to sat- 
 isfy his greed and ambition, and had distributed en- 
 comiendas and slaves for the benefit of his adherents. 
 To this end he had encroached on the royal interests, 
 besides embezzling moneys ari treasures due to the 
 crown, assuming also for himself a fifth like the sov- 
 ereign. Not satisfied with this, he had defrauded the 
 soldiers of their shares, tortured native kings and 
 nobles to obtain more gold, and had tyrannically im- 
 pressed the people to bring material and build houses 
 for him. Finally he had maltreated and expelled from 
 New Spain the governor appointed by the crown, with 
 criminal contempt for the royal commission, thus con- 
 firming the current reports that he intended treason- 
 ably to ignore the sovereign as he had his cedulas and 
 his patron, and usurp the country for himself 
 
 To these charges, many of them too true, the agents 
 of Cortes replied that the honor of discovering New 
 Spain pertained to Hernandez de Cordoba, who, dis- 
 regarding the iniquitous and criminal commission of 
 Valazquez to kidnap natives from the islands, had 
 directed his energies to this nobler aim. Grijalva's 
 expedition, succeeding this, was purely for traffic, as 
 proved by the instructions, and its cost had been de- 
 frayed by the participants, although Velazquez managed 
 to secure most of the profit, which he shared with the 
 bishop of Biirgos, besides bribing him to the preju- 
 dice of the crown with large allotments of slaves. 
 The fleet of Cortes had been fitted out chiefly at the 
 expense of himself and friends, as demonstrated by 
 the vouchers and testimony produced,^^ with clearly 
 
 ^eprobanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i, 411-20; Hist. Mex., 
 L 57-8, this series. 
 
88 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 written instructions to explore, not to colonize. On 
 beholding the vast extent and resources of the coun- 
 try, in products and inhabitants, the commandei' felt 
 that his duty as a loyal and Christian subject demanded 
 the setting aside of the limited and mercenary com- 
 mission given him, in order to acquire for his sover- 
 eign these lands, and for the church benighted souls. 
 This being recognized also by the members of the 
 expedition, they had insisted upon electing him lieu- 
 tenant for the king, and voluntarily so since this pro- 
 moted also their own wishes and interests, hitherto 
 cramped by the avaricious and jealous governor of 
 Cuba. Narvaez expedition had been sent forth in 
 direct disobedience to the orders of the audiencia of 
 Santo Domingo, a step which merited death, followed 
 as it was by the additional outrage on a royal oidor. 
 Its presence in New Spain was so evident a peril to 
 conquest so far achieved, and to the conversion begun, 
 that not only did the adherents of Cortes unhesitat- 
 ingly aid him in overthrowing the intruder, after he 
 had rejected every overture, but many of the followers 
 of Narvaez openly or tacitly refused to support his 
 cause, so detrimental was it to the royal interests. 
 As it was, the great revolt at Mexico, followed by the 
 terrible Noche Triste, must be ascribed to his pres- 
 ence and malicious insinuations. The papers taken 
 from the fallen leader had been vouchers, not de- 
 spatches. The death of a few men on this occasion, 
 and the execution of others at different times, were 
 deplored, but every military organization demands the 
 maintenance of discipline, and is subject to such occur- 
 rences, all of which were no less permissible than the 
 warring on natives who obstinately refused to submit 
 to the sovereign and church. Cortes had assumed 
 no royal power, but had made distribution of enco- 
 miendas for the sake of assuring the obedience of 
 the native Americans and of maintaining possession 
 of the domains for the crown, to whose superior con- 
 firmation the grants were subject. Treasure had 
 
CHARGES AND COUNTER CHARGES. 
 
 89 
 
 been acquired by legitimate methods, and the royal 
 fifth not only duly set aside, but largely increased 
 by contribution of the finest specimens. If they had 
 not reached the sovereign, the bishop of Burgos 
 must be held answerable. The fifth assigned to 
 the commander was in consideration for his services 
 and heavy expenses. The torture of the princes was 
 an act of the army, headed by the royal treasurer, 
 and the employment of natives to rebuild the city of 
 Mexico was a measure demanded by the public in- 
 terests. The arrival of Tapia tended to involve the 
 country in perils similar to those aroused by Nar- 
 vaez, so much so that the delegates of the colonists 
 and army took his disposal into their own hands^ con- 
 fident that the sovereign would confirm an act dictated 
 in his own interest. Indeed, none but Cortes, with 
 skill and judgment as a general and governor, could 
 have undertaken the conquest and carried it to a suc- 
 cessful end, through so many dangers, unsupported 
 by any one save his own followers and his own 
 resources of mind and means, and this in the face of 
 the bitter opposition of Velazquez, Fonseca, and their 
 adherents, who kept back recruits and supplies, seized 
 remittances, withheld his reports and agents, promoted 
 revolts, and misrepresented his every motive and act. 
 The letters from himself, the army, the officials, Friar 
 Olmedo, and others, were filled with proofs of his 
 ability and loyal devotion, while immense domains, 
 larger than any so far acquired for the crown, and 
 teeming with wealth and vassals, stood as eloquent 
 witnesses of his achievements, ever glorious to Span- 
 ish fame.^'' 
 
 What could be more grand and flattering to the 
 Spanish nation than the quality and extent of this 
 
 These and other arguments are produced in Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. 
 iii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 184-6; Gomara, Hist. Jlex.., 238-9, this 
 latter, strange enough, giving the charges pretty fully, but disposing of the 
 defence with the brief remark: 'Los descargos, razon y justicia que tuuo 
 Cortes. . .la historia las cuenta.' From thes-e sources later writers form their 
 account. 
 
90 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORT^IS IN SPAIN. 
 
 success I It had already raised in every Spanish heart 
 a strong admiration for the hero, which overlooked 
 everything but his greatness. Nor was the crown 
 insensible to the necessity of justifying the means to 
 such an end. The surpassing fitness of the man for 
 his position was undeniable; besides, none could deny 
 that Velazquez had been also irregular in his conduct, 
 while his rival had suffered enough injury and oppo- 
 sition to justify many an overt act. The natural 
 result was a decision in favor of Cortes, with the 
 recommendation that neither Velazquez nor Fonseca 
 should be allowed to interfere further in his affairs. 
 The claims of the former to his share in the fleet, and 
 other interests, belonged to the province of the court 
 of law just established for suits connected with the 
 Indies. The emperor rendered his decision in accord- 
 ance, influenced mainly, it seems, by the charge that 
 the Narvaez expedition had been the real cause for 
 the great uprising which ended in the disastrous ex- 
 pulsion of Spaniards from Mexico. 
 
 The blow fell with unnecessary humiliation on Ve- 
 lazquez, being heralded on his own island, to the sound 
 of trumpet, by the messengers who bore tokens of 
 royal favors to his rival. His fortune had really 
 been wrecked by the cost of expeditions and efforts 
 against Cortes, which proved the chief means for his 
 condemnation; and now every ambition was crushed, 
 even the lingering hope of vengeance. The offer of 
 regaining a small portion of his losses by appealing to 
 the tribunals seemed irony. In sullen mood he re- 
 tired to his residence stricken by grief and rage which 
 fast consumed him. Once more he resolved to make 
 fresh representations to the sovereign, and in 1524 he 
 
 2" Cddula, October 15, 1522, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 66. 
 Gomara states that both Velazquez and Fonseca were removed from office, 
 though he is not quite clear about the latter. ' Mado al Obispo ... q no enten- 
 diesse mas en negc-cios de Cortes, ni de Indias, a lo que parecio.' Hist. Mex.^ 
 237-8. Bemal Diaz affirms this more strongly. Hist. Verdad., 183, and in 
 Cortds, Vida, Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 352, tihe bishop is allowed to retire 
 voluntarily; but the case is doubtful, Eemeoal declaring that his successor, 
 Loaisa, did not assume the presidency till August 2, 1524. Hist. Chyapa, 9. 
 
DEATH OF VELAZQUEZ. 
 
 91 
 
 prepared to support them in person, but death inter- 
 vened to spare him from further disappointments.^^ 
 Narvaez, who then joined Tapia and others in the old 
 charges with supplementary complaints, received no 
 satisfaction, though he was encouraged by the varying 
 course of his rival's fortune to maintain the suit for 
 some time.^° 
 
 The ambitious Fonscca was even more deeply 
 affected than his protege by the rebuke of Charles, 
 though he had been prepared for it by the check already 
 administered through Adrian, now his pontiff. The 
 presidency of the India Council was an office connected 
 more intimately than any other v;ith the growth of 
 the new world colonies. Its possessor, indeed, might 
 readily have obtained immortal renown as father or 
 patron of America by promoting its exploration, set- 
 tlement, and administration, with the zeal worthy of 
 a bishop, and the judgment resulting from thirty 
 years' management of affairs. Instead of this, ever 
 since the time of Columbus, he had proved an obsta- 
 cle to advancement through his partisanship and nar- 
 row-mindedness. Columbus, Las Casas, Cortes, and 
 other transatlantic lights incurred successively his 
 pronounced hostility, and he condescended to acts 
 wholly unworthy of his cloth, as if jealous of fame 
 th«t w\^ouId obscure his position. He never regained 
 the favor by which he had rapidly advanced from a 
 dean of Seville, through several prelacies, to the dig- 
 
 2* Oviedo, i. 541. *De pesar cay6 malo, y dende a pocos meses inuri5,' says 
 Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 187. His heirs seem to have made no resolute 
 efforts to recover their claims against Cortes, yet in 1562 his descendant^ 
 Velazquez de Bazan, demanded the fulfilment of the contract with the crowuj 
 granting him and his heir a share in the revenue of the countries he should 
 discover and conquer. In 1584 he offered to compromise for a revenue cf 
 15,000 ducats, and a habit of Santiago for his son. Velazquez, Memorial, in 
 Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 232-8. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, x. 80-6; Panes, 
 in Monumentos Domin. Esp. , MS. , 64. 
 
 2° He was ironically told to bring Avila from his French prison to prove 
 the charge that he had stolen his commission. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 
 186. The claim against Cortes presented by his agent Ceballos some years 
 later, for property lost by him and his followers at Ccnipoala, amounted to 
 300,000 pesos de oro. This included indemnity for his long imprisonment. 
 Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 437-44; Cortes, Residencia, 
 i. 87 et seq. 
 
92 
 
 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN". 
 
 nity of bishop of Burgos, with still higher prospects 
 before him.^^ 
 
 The conduct and measures of Cortes were gener- 
 ally approved, at least in all the main features,^^ and 
 the conquerors were confirmed in the possession of 
 the encomiendas granted them, with the privilege 
 of occupying prominent seats in churches and other 
 public places. In a special cedula of October 15, 1522, 
 the emperor expressed to the leader his appreciation 
 of the services rendered in the conquest of so great a 
 territory, and of the steps he had taken immediately 
 on returning to Spain to become acquainted there- 
 with, through his reports and agents, and to prevent 
 his enemies from creating further mischief He com- 
 mends to his loyal zeal and experience the good admin- 
 istration of the country and the care and conversion 
 of the natives. The better to enable him to carry 
 out this measure and in recognition of his services, 
 he is granted the offices of governor and captain- 
 general of New Spain, with full power to appoint dep- 
 uties and sub-officials throughout its provinces,^^ and 
 with permission to exclude any objectionable person 
 from the country. Cortes was further gratified by 
 
 He fell sick with disgust, and appears to have died during the following 
 year. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xiv.; though Irving says November 4, 
 1554. Columbus, iii. 550. Bemal Diaz states that his troubles were increased 
 by differences with his nephew about the archbishopric of Santiago. Hist. 
 Verdad., 187. Already archbishop of Rosano, and comisario-general de la 
 Cruzada, he might readily have become archbishop of Toledo. Gomara, Hist, 
 2Sex., 238. Solis will not believe all the charges against 'un Varon tan vene 
 rable y tan graduado.' Hist, ifex., ii. 273. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 168, 
 this series. 
 
 22 Umbria and Cdrdenas, who had suffered amputation of the feet for aid- 
 ing in a Velazquezan revolt, were given encomiendas * que renten a cada vno 
 mil pesos de oro.' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. These and a few other indirect re- 
 bakes were the only exceptions. 
 
 2^ This commission, bearing the same date as the c6dula, alludes to the 
 new country as 'Aculuacan and San Xoan de Olua, llamada la Nueva Espana,' 
 a name conferred in accordance irith Cortes' request. He is to be 'royal judge, 
 overnor, justice, and captain-general, without predjudice to any privilege 
 eld or claimed by Adelantado Velazquez. ' From which it appears that the 
 latter still possessed the right to discover and settle lands, or more probably 
 islands, adjoining New Spain, for instance Yucatan, which is not included in 
 the above c6dula. ^eePacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 59-70. Gomara 
 wrongly adds the title of adelantado, which was proposed for him only in 
 1525. Bemal Diaz misleads several in giving a wrong date. The salary 
 
FERDINAND TO CORT^IS. 
 
 93 
 
 a letter from Ferdinand, the brother of Charles and 
 regent of Germany, who lauded his achievements 
 and assured him of his good-will.^'* 
 
 assigned amounted to a little over 300,000 maravedis, while the royal officials 
 appointed at the same time received 510.000. Cortes complained of this 
 inequality, and by cedula of November 4, 1525, he is told that steps will be 
 taken to satisfy him. Col. Doc. InM., i. 99-100, 102; Pizarro y Orellana, 
 Varones Ilvstres, 102 ; CorUs, Cartas ^ 338-9. 
 
 This was in answer to a letter accompanied by presents from Cortes. 
 Bzrnal Diaz, Hist. VerdarL, 186. The general had evidently made wide-spread 
 efforts to curry favor with the court. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 1522-1523. 
 
 Rivalry for PAnuco — Cortes Hastens to Occupy It — Battle at Ayotoch- 
 TiTLAN — Operations at Chila — Native Tactics — Founding of San 
 EsTEVAN del Puerto — A Shipwreck Incident — Disappointing Re- 
 sults — Campaign in Tututepec Mountains — Rejoicings on the Ra- 
 CEiPT OF Cortes' Commission — Alluring Projects for Southern 
 Conquests — Startling News — Garay Prepares to Descend on Pi- 
 Nuco — His Lack of Ability and Firmness — March from Las Pal- 
 mas — Negotiations with Vallejo. 
 
 North of Villa Rica extended the fertile province 
 of Panuco, so called after the ruling chief,^ whose 
 villages bordered the deep-flowing rivers that seek 
 the sea at the present Tampico. It was skirted on 
 the east by woody ranges from which a number of 
 streams ran down the undulating slopes to a flat and 
 sandy seaboard broken by a series of lagoons. While 
 the shore-line was unhealthy and thinly inhabited, the 
 interior was salubrious, and rumor placed there rich 
 mines of gold. To find this gold had been the chief 
 inducement for the expeditions of Garay, and the 
 hostility of the natives, together with a few thou- 
 sand pesos obtained by barter, had only served to 
 confirm the rumor. 
 
 The revelation that others were intent on establish- 
 ing an independent government so close to his own, 
 had been a source of anxiety to Cortds ever since the 
 encounter with Pineda in August 1519.^ He ac- 
 
 ^ 'Cuyo rey se llamana Panuco.' Oomara, Hist. Mex., 67. The province 
 was known to the Mexicans as Pantlan orPanotlan. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iiL 
 132. 
 
 'See Hist Mex., i. 189, this series. (M) 
 
OCCUPATION OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 95 
 
 cordingly hastened to inform the king that the 
 natives of Panuco had already submitted to him ; and 
 he intimated afterward that it would be not only dan- 
 gerous for a strange expedition to enter the country, 
 but injurious to the royal interest there and in the 
 settled districts to the south.^ The claim of submis- 
 sion was based on the allegiance tendered by some 
 towns near Almeria, which by way of diplomacy he 
 made extend indefinitely beyond. The reverses at 
 Mexico, and the subsequent siege, called attention 
 away from outlying provinces, but after the subjuga- 
 tion of Andhuac Cortes took up the matter, although 
 he was prevented from prosecuting it by the arrival of 
 Tapia.* 
 
 Soon after came news from the Islands that a fresh 
 expedition, promoted to some extent by the admiral 
 CI the Indies, was preparing to occupy Pd-nuco. This 
 was confirmed by a letter from Garay himself, who 
 announced that the sovereign had appointed him gov- 
 ernor of that district, and that he would at once enter 
 into possession. Cortes had already made extensive 
 preparations to anticipate his rival, and was not to be 
 held back from a prize now more alluring than ever, and 
 that by the mere indication of cedulas which he had so 
 well learned to circumvent. 
 
 The question here involved was similar^ to that 
 of Narvaez and Tapia. The doscent of an Lrmed 
 force so near to Mexico would encourage the natives 
 to fresh revolts which might involve the loss of 
 the entire country, and the slaughter of every 
 Spaniard. His duty to sovereign and comrades de- 
 manded that he should prevent such disasters, and he 
 was also bound to protect from other invaders a prov- 
 ince which had already submitted to him. Indeed, 
 
 * Cartas, 56, 263-4. 
 
 *Bemal Diaz states that he did send some men to settle near Pdnuco River 
 so as to prevent Garay from taking possession, Hist. Verdad., 160, but this 
 is doubtful. 
 
 ^ The c6dula issued in 1521 is to be found in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 
 147. Instructions connected with it, such as the settling of a boundary, appear 
 to have been brought by Bono de Quejo. 
 
COKTES AND GARAY IN pANUCO. 
 
 the natives had sent to implore him for protection 
 both against strangers and adjoining hostile tribes.® 
 An additional reason for occupying the province was 
 the necessity for New Spain proper to control so ex- 
 cellent a country/ 
 
 The importance of the project demanded that Cortes 
 should undertake it in person, the more so since his 
 leading captains were occupied elsewhere. He accord- 
 ingly left Diego de Soto in charge at Mexico, with 
 instructions for continuing the rebuilding, and set out 
 with one hundred and twenty horse, three hundred 
 foot-soldiers, a few field-pieces, and some forty thou- 
 sand Indians from different quarters.^ A fair propor- 
 tion of the latter were chosen Aztec warriors, whom 
 he thought it prudent to keep under his own im- 
 mediate control, rather than expose the capital to 
 the danger of a fresh conspiracy. The quality of the 
 allegiance accorded to the Huastecs,^ as the Panuco 
 
 ^ Bemal Diaz confirms this, and adds that the greater part of the province 
 had risen and killed the men sent by Cortds. Hist. Verdad., 161. He evi- 
 dently confounds the time and men with previous occurrences, for Cortes 
 would not have failed to use a slaughter of his own men as an argument. He 
 states that the people of Pdnuco came to excuse themselves for killing Garay's 
 men, and later the crew of a vessel, on the ground that they were not his 
 adherents. Cartas, 281-2. The petition came probably from the Almeria 
 region, which he chose to call Pdnuco, for on a previous page he writes some- 
 what contradictorily that the Pdnuco tribes who had formerly tendered alle- 
 giance were now warring on vassals of the crown. Id. , 263. 
 
 ^ ' Mouia le tabien desseo de vengar los Espauoles de Francisco de Garay 
 q alii matara,' adds Gomara. Hist. Mex., 222. 
 
 '^Cartas, 282. One hundred and thirty horse, 250 foot, and 10,000 Indians. 
 Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 161. He never allows more than a limited num- 
 ber of natives, desirous as he is to assume as much credit for Spaniards as he 
 possibly can. A part of the force was recruited from Aillon's unfortunate 
 expedition to Florida. Herrera reduces the horsemen to 80, but Gomara 
 increases them to 150; and Ixtlilxochitl follows him as usual, though he 
 assumes the auxiliaries to be composed wholly of Acolhuas and Mexicans. 
 There must have been a large number of Tlascaltecs, Totonacs, and others. 
 The town of Xochimilco claims to have furnished 500 warriors and large sup- 
 plies. Those who survived this expedition perished under Alvarado in 
 Guatemala. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xiii. 294. Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mej., iv. 104, assumes that the incorporation of so large a force of Aztecs 
 was a proof of growing confidence in them, but the truth is that the select 
 warriors were taken away because they could not be trusted, especially after 
 the recent conspiracy. Two years later the same precaution was observed, 
 even so far as to take away on a long journey their princes, who actually 
 proved a burden from the constant watching and care demanded by them. 
 
 ^ The Huastecs occupied a large stretch of territory, but afterwards their 
 province was limited on the north-east by Tampico. See Native Races, i. 647. 
 
WAR ON^THE HUASTECS. 
 
 97 
 
 people were properly called, was demonstrated imme- 
 diately on approaching their territory. Demands for 
 peaceful submission were met by jeers, and at Ayot- 
 ochtitlan a large force of warriors came to the attack 
 with heedless confidence. Unfortunately for them the 
 ground was advantageous for the cavalry, which fell 
 upon them with an irresistible sweep that scattered 
 the host in confusion. Swamps and forests enabled 
 them to rally, however, and warned by misfortune 
 they presented themselves again in better order, so 
 much so that the allied troops found it no easy matter 
 to complete the rout. Several thousand warriors paid 
 the penalty for resisting the appeal of the Christians, 
 while the invaders lost three soldiers, several horses, 
 and a large number of allies, without counting the 
 wounded. 
 
 The lesson proved most effective, since the demand 
 for submission with the promise of pardon and good 
 treatment, extended through the captive caciques, 
 was now promptly responded to, though the accom- 
 panying presents were so insignificant as to dampen 
 the ardor of the gold-seekers. After a halt of three 
 or four days the army^^ proceeded to Chila, a large 
 village on the Pdnuco River, deserted and partly 
 burned, five leagues from the sea, where Garay's force 
 had suffered disaster. The usual demand, with offers 
 of pardon for past offences, was sent to adjoining dis- 
 tricts, but confident in the strength of their position 
 on rivers and lagoons, the inhabitants scorned the 
 appeal, and even killed the messengers, together with 
 
 ^^The present Coscatlan, says Lorenzana, 25 leagues from Panuco port. 
 Cortes, Hist. JV. Espana, 342. 
 
 Bemal Diaz has 3 soldiers, 4 horses, and 100 allies killed, with 30 Span- 
 iards and 200 allies wounded. The Huastecs numbered GO, 000. He calls the 
 encounter two battles. Ixtlilxochitl increases the allied loss to 5,000 and the 
 Huastec to 15,000. Herrera mentions only 50 Spaniards and several horses 
 wounded, and a number of allies killed; and Cortes as usual refrains from 
 disagreeable details. 
 
 Accompanied by Father Olmedo, Marina, and Aguilar, says Bernal Diaz, 
 Hkt. Verdad., 161, but it is not likely that persons so valuable would be 
 sent to doubtful foes. Those who had formerly submitted, by sending envoys 
 to Mexico, now confirmed the allegiance, says Cortes. 
 
 Bernal Diaz states that only half the army advanced, after a week's rest. 
 
 Hi&T. Mex., Vol. II. 7 
 
98 
 
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 some foragers. During the fortnight required to 
 obtain boats, build rafts, and make other preparations 
 for a semi-naval attack, peaceful overtures were re- 
 newed in the hope that the gentle treatment so far 
 observed might win the natives. 
 
 Everything being ready, advantage was taken of a 
 dark night to cross the river. One hundred and fifty 
 chosen soldiers, one third mounted, had already effected 
 
 the manoeuvre when dawn revealed them to the Ind- 
 ians, who had all this time been massed to prevent 
 the passage. They immediately attacked the invaders 
 with a fierceness heretofore unsurpassed, says Cortes, 
 killing two horses at the first onset, and inflicting 
 other damage. The soldiers stood their ground, how- 
 ever, and, reenforced from the other bank, they took 
 
FURTHER FIGHTING, 
 
 99 
 
 the offensive and quickly routed the natives/^ pursu- 
 ing them with great slaughter. Three leagues from 
 camp they reached a deserted village, in the temple 
 of which were hung in ghastly array the dressed 
 skins and apparel of Garay's slain men. Several 
 could still be recognized by soldiers who had known 
 them, and who now with deep emotion consigned the 
 remains to sanctified graves. 
 
 The following day the party followed the banks of 
 a lagoon, and near sunset reached a beautiful village, 
 apparently deserted. On entering they were sud- 
 denly set upon by an ambuscaded force, though so pre- 
 maturely as to enable them to form. This was most 
 fortunate, since the natives attacked with great reso- 
 lution, and fell back in good order after the repulse, 
 throwing themselves into a compact circle bristling 
 with pikes. When the soldiers charged in their turn, 
 a blinding shower of arrows and darts came rattling 
 against them, and though they broke the ring, the 
 warriors formed anew, the front line kneeling. This 
 was repeated three or four times. " And but for the 
 stout armor of the soldiers, I believe that none of us 
 would have escaped," says the general. Observing 
 the unflinching resolution of the soldiers and the 
 havoc repeatedly inflicted, the rear of the foe began 
 to desert by swimming across a river which entered 
 the lagoon just beyond the village. Cortes was too 
 delighted to attempt interference, and sought rather 
 to accelerate the movement into a general flight. 
 The warriors gathered on the opposite bank, while the 
 tired Spaniards retreated within the village and en- 
 camped under strong guard, feasting on the slain 
 horses^ for they had scarcely any supplies. 
 
 ^* The casualties according to Bernal Diaz~were 2 soldiers, 3 horses, and 
 many allies, with 30 Spaniards and 15 horses wounded. Chimalpain is much 
 more moderate, Hist. Conq., ii. 93, while Ixtlilxochitl claims 10,000 wounded 
 allies. Cortes involuntarily admits heavy losses so far by saying, ' con hasta 
 treinta de caballo que me quedaron . . . segui todavia mi camino. ' Cartas, 284. 
 
 Bernal Diaz, who assumes that the retiring foe was pursued, gives the 
 loss at 2 horses and 3 men, with 4 times that number wounded, Cortes ad- 
 mits the wounding of nearly 20 horses. 
 
100 
 
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 Proceeding on their way, they passed through sev- 
 eral deserted villages devoid even of food, though 
 wine was found in the cellars and declared to be 
 delicious. After three days, without seeing either 
 natives or booty, they turned back to Chila, half 
 starved. Instructed by certain natives, Cortes now 
 sent a strong force by night in another direction, 
 both by land and water, and surprised a large village, 
 inflicting a terrific lesson. The wholly unexpected 
 attack, the strength of the place, and the severity of 
 the punishment, all combined to convince the natives 
 that resistance was useless, and with almost one 
 accord they came to submit, the whole province ten- 
 dering allegiance within three weeks. In order to 
 assure possession, Cortes founded the town of San 
 Estevan del Puerto, a little below Chila, on a lagoon 
 connected with Pio Pdnuco, and established a munici- 
 pality, with Pedro de Vallejo as his lieutenant. The 
 force volunteering to remain consisted of one hundred 
 and thirty men, with twenty-seven horses, and a 
 number of allies,^^ among whom the province was 
 divided in repartimientos.^'^ Their comfort and secu- 
 rity were further insured by the arrival of a small 
 craft from Villa Pica with stores. 
 
 When the expedition set out from Mexico a larger 
 vessel had been sent in advance with supplies; but 
 she foundered at sea during a storm, and only three 
 men managed to reach the shore, clinging to some 
 spars. They found their place of refuge a sandy 
 island, containing nothing but brackish water and a 
 kind of fig. Fortunately it was frequented by mana- 
 tees, which came to sleep on the sand, and were thus 
 
 * En todo este tiempo entre todos no hubo cincnenta libras de pan. ' Cor- 
 Us, Cartas, 285. Messengers were again sent forth to summon the caciques, 
 who replied that they were collecting gold and other presents and would 
 bring them within a few days; but none came. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.y 
 162. 
 
 Including a part of the Acolhua warriors. IxtUlxochitl, Hor. CrueldadeSy 
 
 64. 
 
 '^^ Some of these grants are dated at San Estevan May 1, 1523. Casas, 
 Carta, in Pacheco a,nd Cardenas, Col. Doc, vii. 308, 
 
INFLUENCE OF CORTES OVER THE NATIVES. 101 
 
 easily killed for food. Fire was obtained by the 
 primitive method of rubbing together two pieces of 
 wood. Finding no vessel at Panuco, Cortes had sent 
 instructions to Villa Rica to despatch the above craft 
 in search of it, and so the three sailors were rescued. 
 The vessel and a small boat were left with the settlers 
 to maintain communication.^^ 
 
 The expedition was most disappointing, for hardly 
 any spoils were secured to satisfy the inordinate hopes 
 entertained, while the expenses amounted to quite a 
 large sum, nails and horseshoes costing their weight 
 in gold.^^ Yet the outlay was not in vain, so far as 
 Spanish interests in general were concerned, for a 
 crew wrecked on that coast not long after escaped 
 the slaughter to which they would undoubtedly have 
 been exposed had the province not been subjugated, 
 and later colonists were saved the cost and danger of 
 conquering. 
 
 There seems to have been good reason for the claim 
 that the influence of Cortes was necessary to main- 
 tain the conquests he had eflected, and that his simple 
 presence answered better than armies to control the 
 natives. Of this an illustration was oflered at this 
 time. His absence in Panuco gave rise to the report 
 in some quarters that he had departed for Spain, and 
 
 ^3 * Un barco y un chinchorro. ' CorUs, Cartas, 286. Bernal Diaz adds that 
 when Cortes was about to leave, a conspiracy was revealed among the three 
 leading villages, to lead in a general revolt against the settlers as soon as the 
 general should have left. The villages were burned as a warning. Hist. Ver- 
 dad., 162. Gomara insinuates that this burning occurred during the cam- 
 paign, it seems, in punishment for the attack on Garay's men. Hist. Mex., 
 222-3. 
 
 ' Valian los clauos a peso de oro, de quinze quilates, y cada quatro her- 
 raduras, y cien clauos, costaua cincuenta y quatro Castellanos de buen oro, ' 
 and the horses cost 1,500 to 2,000 castellanos. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. 
 xvii. 'The cost to me alone was 30,000 pesos de oro,' says Cortes, 'and as 
 much more to my companions for outfits and supplies. ' Cartas, 286. Bernal 
 Diaz raises the amount to 70,000. When the general afterward claimed re- 
 imbursement from the crown, the treasury ofl&cials objected on the ground 
 that he had incurred the expense merely to forestall the legally appointed 
 governor. Hist. Verdad., 161, 163. 
 
 21 This applies to Garay's expedition, and Cortds himself points out the 
 gain to the emperor. 
 
102 
 
 CORTES AND GABAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 the troublesome mountaineers of Tututepec,^^ a district 
 between Cempoala and Pdnuco, took advantage of bis 
 supposed absence, encouraged also by false infor- 
 mation from Huasteca. Not alone did they rebel, but 
 they made a raid on the adjoining peaceful territory, 
 burning more than twenty villages. Cortes was on 
 the way back from San Estevan, when messengers 
 from the ravaged district came with their complaints. 
 Both time and proximity favored them, and the gen- 
 eral resolved to personally inflict a lesson that should 
 be lasting. It was no easy task, however, for the 
 march led mostly across rugged mountains, alternating 
 with narrow defiles and dense forests, so much so that 
 a number of horses died from exhaustion. The line 
 was besides exposed to constant assaults on flank and 
 rear by the unencumbered and agile foe, which on one 
 occasion inflicted quite a serious blow on the carriers' 
 train, and escaped with a large part of the baggage. 
 Nevertheless the persevering Spaniards achieved their 
 object, and captured the ruling lord, together with the 
 general, who were promptly hanged for having a sec- 
 ond time broken their oaths of allegiance. As a fur- 
 ther warning to other provinces, the captured natives 
 were enslaved and sold at auction to cover the cost of 
 the horses lost during the campaign, or rather, a por- 
 tion of the cost, for the proceeds of the sale were com- 
 paratively small. The lord's brother Avas installed as 
 ruler, and the expedition turned homeward by way of 
 Villa Rica. 
 
 Costly as had been the campaign, however, both 
 men and leader were to receive a reward which should 
 forever obliterate their late severe troubles. This 
 came in the form of the commission appointing Cortes 
 
 22 Another Tututepec existed near the coast, west of Tehuantepec, and 
 the name has also been applied by careless chroniclers to Tochtepec, or Tux- 
 tepec, on Papaloapan River, creating much confusion. 
 
 2^ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xviii., assumes that only 200 slaves were 
 sold, while 20 horses perished. Cortes says 10 or 12 horses. Cartas, 279. 
 ' Era compensacion religiosa y cristiana, hombres por caballos ! ' observes 
 Bustamante. Chimalpain, Hist. Comi-, ii. 95, 
 
CORTES MADE GOVERNOR. 
 
 103 
 
 governor and captain-general.^^ It had been intrusted 
 by his agents in Spain to Rodrigo de Paz and Fran- 
 cisco de las Casas, two near relatives of the general, 
 who hastened on their way in the fastest vessel they 
 could secure. Nor did they fail to touch at Santiago 
 de Cuba,^^ and there flaunt in the face of Velazquez, 
 with great fanfaronade, the decrees which crushed 
 forever his aspirations and rendered powerless his 
 sting. Their arrival was greeted throughout New 
 Spain with wild demonstrations of joy, with proces- 
 sions, salvos, and prolonged festivities. And rightly 
 so; for the cedulas implied the culmination of years 
 of deferred hopes, of victory achieved after long and 
 varied struggle for all that w^as worth possessing. The 
 triumph alone was soothing to these adventurous 
 spirits, and how much more when it dispelled the 
 weighty cloud of royal displeasure, removed the brand 
 of outlaws, and placed them before the world as ac- 
 knowledged heroes, assured in the enjoyment of their 
 lands, their slaves and treasures, and looking forward 
 with confident exultation to fresh conquests, now 
 more resplendent than ever with prospective gain and 
 glory. 
 
 Their anticipations were not now based on flimsy 
 rumor, but on one of the richest presents laid at the 
 feet of Cortes since the fall of Mexico. It was brought 
 by an imposing embassy of one hundred persons from 
 Utatlan and Guatemala, the result of Alvarado's dem- 
 onstrations along the southern sea the year before. 
 Gold-ware, pearls, rare plumes, and choice fabrics 
 were oflered in token of the friendship tendered by 
 
 2* Remesal leaves the impression that this had called Cortes to Villa Rica, 
 on the way from Tututepec to Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 3. 
 2^ In May 1523, says Gomara. 
 
 2^ The usual reward to bearers of good tidings was this time distributed 
 with princely liberality. Paz was made chief mayordomo of his great kins- 
 man; Casas received a captaincy, to which was soon added the large enco- 
 mienda of Anguitlan, and the office of alcalde mayor, an office for which his 
 al)ility fitted him. Both men figure quite prominently during the following 
 years. Their voyage companions were also remembered, and the captain who 
 had brought them across, says Bernal Diaz, received a new vessel, so that he 
 returned quite rich. Hist. Verdad., 187. 
 
104 
 
 CORTES AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 the distant monarclis. The hearts of the soldiers 
 warmed with delight as they beheld these specimens 
 of wealth, magnified tenfold as they drank with cove- 
 tous souls the stories of the attendant Spanish mes- 
 sengers of cities and palaces surpassing those of Mexico 
 in size and beauty. The experiences in Panuco had 
 already divested the unknown north of its main al- 
 lurement, and now it was wholly eclipsed. All atten- 
 tion turned toward the pearl-lined shores bathed by 
 the southern sea, to the mysterious Quiche kingdom, 
 and beyond to the coast of Hibueras, where gold was 
 so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers. 
 Cortes had additional reasons for his allurement in 
 the absorbing hope of discovering the much sought 
 strait, which might possibly be found even in the 
 south among the numerous inlets which penetrated 
 into the narrow strip of land. To gain this and other 
 laurels for his wreath he must hasten, however, for 
 already the Spaniards of Panamd, were moving north- 
 ward and might forestall him. 
 
 Preparations were accordingly made to carry out 
 both aims by two directions, along the north and 
 south seas, so as to render them quicker and surer of 
 attainment, and to enable the expeditions not only to 
 aid each other in their pacifications, but to present a 
 stronger front to the approaching Spaniards from the 
 south. The importance of the enterprise demanded 
 the best military talent. The choice was easily made, 
 however, for who could come before the often tried 
 adherents, the redoubtable Alvarado, second only to 
 the leader himself, the impressive Olid, and the ad- 
 mirable Sandoval, all able, brave, zealous, and evidently 
 devoted ? To Alvarado, who had already initiated the 
 conquest in the direction of Guatemala, fell naturally 
 its continuation, and Olid, as next in age and standing 
 of the trio, had the best claim to the Hibueras com- 
 mand. The distance of this province, and the uncer- 
 tainty of the land route, made it advisable that Olid 
 
 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 624 et seq., this series. 
 
THE JAMAICAN GOVERNOR. 
 
 should proceed by sea, while the other party advanced 
 along the already disclosed path. By August 1523 
 both expeditions were ready, Alvarado's rendered im- 
 posing by a considerable force of cavalry, with four 
 field-pieces,^^ the more needful in view of reports of 
 hostile movements in the border province of Soco- 
 nusco. Olid was less thoroughly equipped, but funds 
 had been sent to Cuba to secure the needed horses 
 and stores, which he would there take on board. 
 
 Thus stood matters when a messenger from San 
 Estevan appeared among the captains at Mexico with 
 the startling intelligence that Adelantado Garay had 
 arrived there with a large force to assert his claim 
 as governor of the province. While this was most 
 aggravating, Cortes congratulated himself on not 
 having as yet despatched the expeditions. After 
 expending so much money and labor in conquering 
 Pdnuco, and that in the face of royal orders, he had 
 no intention of abandoning it, especially since he per- 
 ceived behind the intruder the portly figure of Velaz- 
 quez, and the meddling admiral of the Indies, with 
 the prospect of never-ending intrigues, attended by 
 encroachments and probably worse troubles. His 
 fears and his ambition allowed him no rest; and 
 broken in health as he was, and lame in one arm 
 through a fall from the saddle, he resolved to lead all 
 the prepared forces in person against the arrival. 
 
 Garay's expeditions to the north-western gulf coasts 
 had by no means been encouraging, what with com- 
 paratively meagre results from barter and loss of men 
 in encounters with the natives. The gold obtained 
 was nevertheless regarded as a specimen of riches 
 which must be great, as the inhabitants were so eager 
 
 28 Cortes enumerates his force as 80 horse and 200 foot. Cartas, 289-90. 
 
 '^^ The purchases were intrusted to Alonso de Contreras. Oviedo, iiu 459; 
 Oornara, Hist. Mex., 229, 243. 
 
 ^He was bedridden. Cortes, Cartas, 291. *Vn Brago, que se le quebr6 
 en vn regozijo, por el nes de Setiembre.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. v. 
 The fall must have occurred earlier than September. 
 
 2^ See Hist. Mex., i. 189, this series. 
 
106 
 
 CORTES AND GAUAY IN PINUCO. 
 
 to defend them. This behef was confirmed by the 
 magnified treasures which Cortes had obtained on 
 the adjoining coast, and despatched to the emperor. 
 Garay had therefore hastened to ask for fresh cedulas, 
 whereby he should be empowered to approach more 
 closely to And-huac, the evident centre of wealth. 
 With the aid of his patron, the admiral, and other 
 friends, these were readily obtained from the regent 
 Adrian, permitting him to colonize the province of 
 Amichel, which embraced the much coveted Pdnuco.^" 
 The fate of Narvaez and Tapia had not failed to im- 
 press the adelantado with the danger of treading on 
 the corns of the formidable Cortes,^^ but if he enter- 
 tained any serious fears^ they were dissipated by the 
 arguments of Colon and Velazquez, who were deeply 
 interested in the success of an expedition which might 
 pave the way for their own plans; sufficiently so to 
 prompt even assistance. 
 
 Preparations were actively pursued, and about June 
 24, 1523,^* Garay set sail from his island domain of 
 Jamaica with a fleet of eleven vessels, well provided with 
 artillery and carrying nearly six hundred soldiers, one 
 hundred and fifty of them mounted, and the rest 
 largely composed of arquebusiers and archers. Stores 
 appear to have been provided in a careless manner, or 
 left to the discretion of different captain s.^^ Touching 
 
 ^2 The c^dula is dated at Burgos, 1521, and signed by the cardinal and 
 admiral. Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 147-53. It contains the usual in- 
 structions for good government and extension of the faith, and stipulates 
 that ' repartimientos of Indians shall under no consideration be made,' as 
 this has been the cause of all the evil in Espanola and other parts. Should 
 his reports prevail on the crown to extend the privilege to him, after the con- 
 dition of the country is known, he must strictly conform to regulations for 
 such repartimientos. Instructions like these amounted to nothing, for they 
 were always evaded with more or less assurance, and by this time the Panuco 
 people had been enslav^ed. 
 
 ^"^In reply to a letter announcing the projected expedition to the gulf 
 coast, Cortes had congratulated him and tendered his services, but this was 
 not supposed to be sincere. Indeed, it was intimated that the wily conqueror 
 rather sought to induce Garay to come, so that he might win over his men, 
 and seize, or buy for a trifle, the outfit. Lucas, in Cortes, Residencia, i. 275-6. 
 This was an idle rumor, no doubt, but it illustrates the opinion entertained 
 of Cortes and his wiles. 
 
 ^ ' Dia de San Johan,' writes Oviedo. June 26th, says Herrera. 
 
 ^ Garay declares 1 1 vessels * navios, ' though the phrase is peculiar, and may 
 
THE GOVERNOR OF NEW SPAIN. 
 
 107 
 
 at Jagua in Cuba, he learned of Cortes' entry into 
 Piinuco and his appointment of governor in New 
 Spain. While notifying the men of prospective resist- 
 ance, he pointed out their irresistible strength, and 
 his own rights, and encouraged them with pro- 
 spective rewards, whereof he gave a foretaste by 
 appointing alcaldes and regidores of the Villa Garay- 
 ana to be founded in the new region.^^ The adelan- 
 tado was a well-meaning man, but too pliable for the 
 scheming adventurers who swarmed to the Indies. Of 
 a good family, he sought to maintain his name and posi- 
 tion by initiating some of the many enterprises which 
 flitted through the brains of his companions, but he 
 lacked both ability and character to direct them, and 
 possessed no military experience with which to impose 
 upon the swaggering horde. The more he heard of 
 the wiles and exploits of Cortes, from the mouths of 
 victims who hardly cared to mention their defeat, the 
 less confident he grew in his project, though Velaz- 
 quez did all he could to encourage him. He resolved 
 to seek a compromise with his great rival, and directed 
 himself to Licentiate Zuazo, an upright and highly 
 respected judge, who had been sent to Cuba by the 
 audiencia of Santo Domingo to take the residencia of 
 the governor. Though unable to leave Cuba just then, 
 
 be interpreted as 12. The word navlos may exclude smaller craft. His offi- 
 cers declare ' about 600 men. ' Provision, in Paclveco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , 
 xxvi. 97-103. Lucas, who shared in the expedition, mentions 11 vessels, 150 
 horse, and 400 foot. Cortes, Residencia, i. 275. Cortes writes 120 horse and 
 400 foot and several cannon. Cartas, 290. This is supposed to be the number 
 which arrived in Panuco, reduced by losses. G-omara specifies 9 larger vessels 
 and 2 brigantines, 850 Spaniards, with 144 horses, 200 arquebuses, 300 cross- 
 bows, a few Jamaican natives, and an abundance of stores and merchandise. 
 Hist. Mex., 224. An exaggeration, no doubt, though the men are increased by 
 the crews. Not to be outdone, Bernal Diaz enumerates 1 1 larger vessels, 2 
 brigantines, 136 cavalry, 840 infantry, chiefly arquebusiers and archers. Hist. 
 Verdttd., 168. A,royal cedula based on a report from the audiencia of Es- 
 panola mentions 16 large and small vessels, 600 men and 150 horses. Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 497-8. 
 
 2^ Where, is not said. It was probably left for events to determine. Pro- 
 vision, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 115-16. Gomara places this 
 incident already at Jamaica, saying derisively, ' Hizo vn pueblo en ayre que 
 llamo Garay.' The alcaldes were Alonso de Mendosa and Fernando de 
 Figueroa, and the regidores Gonzalo de Ovaile, Diego de Cifuentes, and one 
 Villagran. Hist. Mex., 224. 
 
108 
 
 CORTi:S AND GARAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 the licentiate promised soon to undertake the mission.^^ 
 As an additional precaution, Garay took a special 
 oath of allegiance from the men to uphold his cause, 
 and then somewhat relieved he resumed the voyage. 
 After being tossed by a storm, he entered Rio de las 
 Palmas^^ on St James' day, July 25th, and sent Gon- 
 zalo de Ocampo^^ to explore. Their report was so 
 unsatisfactory that the soldiers demanded vocifer- 
 ously to be led to Pdnuco.*^ Unable to resist the 
 appeal, and not particularly captivated by the country, 
 he landed the greater part of the force and proceeded 
 southward, keeping close to the shore, while Juan de 
 Grijalva conducted the fleet to Rio Pdnuco. For 
 two or three days they floundered through a swampy 
 country, and crossing a wide stream in some shaky 
 canoes, they reached a recently deserted village, 
 wherein an abundance of provisions rewarded the 
 toilers. Some Indians who had been at the Spanish 
 settlements were brought in, and conciliated with 
 presents to advance and reassure the natives. On 
 reaching the next village, however, the soldiers began 
 to pillage, regardless of appeals from the leader. 
 Either intimidated or naturally mild, the natives re- 
 mained to serve the army and to assist it onward. 
 The route proved so bad that a number of horses 
 
 37 Uerrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. v. A letter from Bono de Que jo, insti- 
 gated no doubt by Cortes, assisted not a little to frighten the adelantado. 
 
 '^^ The present Rio la Marina, or Santander. On the map of Fernando 
 Colon, 1527, Las Palmas; Ribero, 1529, R. de Palmas; Munich Atlas, 1535, 
 palmas; Agnese, 1540, palmas; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Bo de Palmas; Hood, 
 1592, M. de Palmas; Ogilby, 1671, P. Escondido, marked near the head waters, 
 Culias Vachus Gracos S John Enda; Laet, 1633, P. de Palmas, and south, 
 P. de Montanhas; Jefferys, 1776, Pio de las Palmas, at the mouth Esmotes L.^ 
 tributary Rio de las Nasas; Kiepert, 1852, Rio Rapido, or Igksias. Cartog. Pac. 
 Coast, MS., i. 602-3. It must not be confounded with Rio de la Palma in 
 southern Vera Cruz, as a careless writer appears to do in Soc. Mex. Geog., 
 Boletin, 2da 6p., i. 474. 
 
 A relative, says Gomara. 
 
 A declaration in Provision, ubi sup., 103, states that several persons 
 wished him to settle there, but he refused. There is no doubt that the 
 soldiers objected to remain in a region devoid both of gold and superior 
 culture, so that Garay had to yield. Bernal Diaz places here the creation of 
 a municipality, and the renewal of allegiance. 
 
 Named Montalto from its source in the high mountains five leagues off. 
 Gomara^ Hist. Mex,, 225. This is evidently the Montanhas of Laet's map. 
 
ATTITUDE OF VALLEJO. 
 
 109 
 
 perished, and the incapacity of the captains increased 
 the danger. At one wide stream the horses, arms, 
 and baggage were transferred and left almost unat- 
 tended on one bank while the army camped on the 
 other for the night. A few resolute warriors might 
 have killed or carried off the whole train, and on 
 other occasions the men were almost wholly at their 
 mercy. 
 
 On approaching Pdnuco, where rest and plenty had 
 been looked for, Garay found the villages deserted and 
 bare of food, due chiefly to alarm at the approaching 
 host of starvelings. Informed by interpreters that 
 the cause was Cortesian raids, he sought to win them 
 back by promising to avenge their wrongs, and drive 
 out the oppressors, as governor of that country. 
 The announcement might have been left unsaid, for 
 his famished soldiers were already spreading in dif- 
 ferent directions under impulse of hunger and greed. 
 Little they found to appease the former, while for the 
 latter nothing remained after the careful gleaning of 
 the other party; and hearing from a deserter of the 
 glories at Mexico, they felt prepared for any change 
 that would take them nearer to the imperial city. If 
 there had been any real meaning in the words of 
 Garay, it did not take long to discover the difficulty 
 of enforcing it in view of the growing insubordination. 
 Now that the point of destination was reached, he 
 had no definite idea what to do with the expedition 
 fitted out at such trouble and expense; nor had he 
 the resolution to carry out any effective plan. Why 
 had he come ? 
 
 Something must be done, however, and Ocampo 
 was sent to confer with Vallejo, the lieutenant at San 
 Estevan, and announce that Garay came provided 
 with a commission to settle and govern the province, 
 as adelantado. Vallejo received the envoy with great 
 courtesy, and expressed delight at the prospect of 
 
 *2 The natives were urged to support Garay in driving away the retainers 
 of Cortes. Provision, ubi sup., 125 et seq» 
 
110 
 
 CORTES AND GAUAY IN PANUCO. 
 
 having so esteemed a company for neighbors. He 
 would wilhngly show them every attention, but as 
 for recognizing any other ruler over Pdnuco than 
 Cortes, that was out of the question, since the latter 
 had not only conquered it at great expense, but had 
 received the appointment of governor. Nevertheless 
 he would write to his chief at Mexico for instructions, 
 and forward Garay s letter wherein he proposed a 
 peaceable arrangement, to avoid losses to themselves 
 and the sovereign. Meanwhile he agreed to let the new- 
 comers quarter themselves in some of the villages near 
 San Estevan, notably Taculula and Nachapalan, with 
 the injunction not to harass the natives. This order 
 was not respected, chiefly because of scanty supplies; 
 and finding that no military precautions were observed 
 at the camps, the settlers at San Estevan one night 
 pounced upon the most disorderly, and brought two- 
 score of them as prisoners to the fort.^^ The feat was 
 not dangerous, for the precaution had been taken to 
 extort in payment for food nearly all the ammunition 
 among the interlopers, and weapons and other effects 
 were rapidly being absorbed. Garay protested ; but 
 emboldened by the change of aspect, Vallejo intimated 
 that unless the soldiers were kept under control he 
 should order him to leave the country. 
 
 Meanwhile the long-delayed fleet arrived, after 
 having been exposed to heavy north gales, in which 
 four out of the eleven vessels were lost.^* Their num- 
 ber was increased soon after by a caravel from Cuba, 
 with a number of the retainers of Velazquez, who 
 allured by a fancied scent of spoils came to seek a 
 share. Learning the condition of affairs, Grijalva re- 
 mained at anchor near the mouth of the river, despite 
 the appeals of Vallejo, who objected to the hostility 
 thereby implied, and even threatened him with the 
 anger of his chief. 
 
 Including their captain, Alvarado. Gomara, Hist. Hex., 225. 
 
 Garay 's declaration, in Provision, ubi sup,, 97. Yet the sentence may 
 be understood to say that one of the four was lost in the river. Bernal Diaz 
 allows only two to be wrecked. 
 
CHAPTER YII. 
 
 THE PANUCO AFFAIR AOT) ITS SEQUEL. 
 1523-1524. 
 
 Alvarado Appears upon the Scene — Naval Strategy — Double Deal- 
 ings — How Cortes Settled the Affair — G-aray's Sudden Death — 
 General Uprising in Panuco — Ma&sacres — Desperate Efforts of 
 the Settlers — Sandoval to the Rescue — His Ruse at the Pass — 
 Terrible Retaliation — Burning of the Patriots — Garayan Con- 
 spiracy — An Estimable Judge — His Shipwreck and Island Life — 
 Alvarado and Olid Depart for Southern Conquests — Marin's 
 Campaign in Chiapas and Rangel's Entry into Zapotecapan. 
 
 The first step of Cortes on learning of Garay's 
 arrival had been to despatch Alvarado in advance 
 with all the forces ready for the Guatemalan cam- 
 paign. He himself prepared to follow with additional 
 troops, and had already sent his equipage to the first 
 camp beyond Mexico, when, on September 2d, a mes- 
 senger^ arrived with despatches from Spain, including 
 a royal cedula forbidding Garay to interfere in any 
 district conquered or held by Cortes.^ This document 
 made his presence in Pdnuco unnecessary, and he 
 gladly availed himself of his good fortune to escape 
 from the hardships of a march which might prove fatal 
 
 Gomara supposes the messengers to be Paz and Casas, but he is evidently- 
 wrong. Herrera differs in several points from Cortes, partly through misin- 
 terpretation; and Cavo blunders repeatedly. Tres Sicjlos, i. 25 et seq. 
 
 It was dated April 24, 1523, and based on the representations of Cortes 
 concerning the danger of outside interference in provinces already subdued 
 by him, as instanced by the revolts which followed the meddling of Narvaez 
 and Tapia. The sovereign desired Cortes to be unembarrassed in the govern- 
 ment till the crown should have been informed of the condition and extent of 
 the country, so as better to define the limits for other governments. The 
 document was exhibited at Mexico on Sept. 3d. 
 
 (mj 
 
112 
 
 THE PlNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 in his present state of Health.^ Diego de Ocampo 
 was accordingly sent as alcalde mayor to represent him 
 in Panuco, supported by the cedula, and a force under 
 command of Rodrigo Rangel. He must allow no 
 hostile measures on the part of either Alvarado or 
 himself till the peaceful injunctions of the cedula had 
 been fully exerted and information sent to Cortes. 
 Ocampo did not overtake Alvarado till he approached 
 San Estevan, and found him escorting a large num- 
 ber of prisoners. It appears that the captain had 
 been implored by the frontier people of Pd^nuco to 
 protect them against the raids of Gonzalo de Ovalle, 
 brother-in-law of Garay, who from his camp at Gua- 
 zal tepee was raiding the country at the head of a 
 score of cavalry and other forces. Approaching cau- 
 tiously, he managed to present himself before the 
 astonished and careless Ovalle in a manner that made 
 it difficult for him either to escape or to resist, and 
 since Alvarado possessed also the advantage of 
 superior force, he agreed to surrender his arms and 
 horses.* 
 
 Encouraged by the success of the manoeuvre with 
 the land forces, the officers of Cortes combined to 
 operate against the shipping under the probably fabri- 
 cated plea that Garay had at last resolved to take up 
 a strong position on the other side of the river, and 
 supported by the vessels to defy the settlers.^ Before 
 dawn one morning several boats with muffled oars ap- 
 proached two of the vessels which had been selected 
 for attack. All was silent on board and the assailants 
 gained the deck before the alarm was given. With a 
 Viva Cortes ! they rushed on the surprised watch and 
 
 ^ ' Porque habia sesenta dias que no dormia, y estaba con mucho trabajo, y 
 partirme a aquella sazon nc habia de mi vida mucha segiiridad. ' Cortes, 
 Cartas, 291. 
 
 * Garay protests that some of the men were compelled by fear or want to 
 sell their horses. The party was living peaceably in quarters when surprised. 
 Provision, ubi sup., 88. Many were disgusted with Ovalle for his ready sur- 
 render, and Oviedo, iii. 450, who evidently regards one party as bad as the 
 other, observes, 'no paresQiera mal alguna escaramuga it otro medio.' 
 
 ^So affirms Liicas, in Cortis, Residencia, i. 279-80, leaving the impression 
 that there was some truth in the report. 
 
OCAMPO'S ACTION. 
 
 113 
 
 hastened to take up positions which rendered further 
 or effective resistance useless. Indeed, little opposi- 
 tion was offered, owing in part to a secret arrange- 
 ment with the captains.^ Alarmed by the noise, and 
 suspecting the truth, Grijalva prepared to take steps 
 for recapturing the vessel. When Yallejo's notary 
 came with the formal demand for him to leave the 
 river or to anchor under the fort, he sternly rejected 
 the favorable propositions made, and signalled to his 
 consorts to open fire on the captured vessels, he him- 
 self setting the example.^ Nothing daunted, the reso- 
 lute Yallejo made conspicuous preparations for defence, 
 probably in a great measure for effect. Whether 
 real or not they succeeded, for abandoned by the land 
 forces, and tired of waiting for further developments, 
 with vessels rapidly decaying under the attack of 
 worms, the captains all refused to expose themselves 
 to needless danger. Grijalva could do nothing alone, 
 and so after a brief conference he yielded,^ only to be 
 made a prisoner, together with a number of his offi- 
 cers and crew, whom Alvarado replaced with trusty 
 men. 
 
 Ocampo now stepped in to play his part. With an 
 air of magnanimous consideration he ordered nearly 
 all of the prisoners to be set at liberty.^ He there- 
 upon declared himself ready to extend every aid to 
 
 ^ Castromocho and Martin de San Juan, according to Cortes. Salazar 
 writes Juan de Lepuscuano and Torre Mocho. Hist. Gonq., 108. 'As worthy 
 of being called good mutineers as Ovalle of receiving the term captain, ' says 
 Oviedo. Nearly all the authorities follow the diplomatic version of Cortes 
 that these captains voluntarily surrendered, either by persuasion, or intimi- 
 dated by the formal notifications issued, Lucas speaks on the other hand of 
 a treacherous capture, attended by pillage; but he takes an extreme view, 
 and does not perhaps believe in the perfidy of the captains. 
 
 ^ A number of shots being fired. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 170. 
 
 ^ Herrera assumes that Ocampo arrived in the midst of this excitement, and 
 exhibited the royal cedula, whereupon Grijalva followed the other ships into 
 the harbor, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. Cortes is contradictory about the date of 
 the occurrence, whether before Ocampo's arrival or after; but a statement in 
 Provision, loc. cit., confirms Bernal Diaz in giving Alvarado at least a share 
 in the capture. 
 
 ^With restoration of all effects, writes Cortes, who naturally seeks to 
 place his acts in the best light, Cartas, 294-5; but the followers of Cortes 
 managed nevertheless to retain the best and largest portion of their arms and 
 belongings. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 8 
 
114 
 
 THE PANUCO APFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 the expedition, but as the province pertained to Cor- 
 tes, a large force of armed strangers could not be 
 permitted to remain, as this would prejudice both 
 settlers and natives and create trouble. They must 
 leave. Almost sick with chagrin at this succession 
 of mishaps, Garay met the alcalde mayor at Chiacha- 
 cata, near San Estevan, in the beginning of October, 
 there to arrange terms. He recognized the rights 
 conferred on Cortes by the royal cedula, and agreed 
 to leave the province for Rio de las Palmas or ad- 
 joining regions. In order to do so, however, his 
 ships and men must be restored, with their outfit and 
 belongings, and supplies were also required. This 
 seemed reasonable, and Ocampo hastened to issue a 
 proclamation enjoining all members of Garay's expe- 
 dition, under heavy penalties of lash and fine, to as- 
 semble at Tacalula, and there place themselves at the 
 disposal of the commander; all captured men and 
 effects were to be restored, and the natives instructed 
 to bring in supplies. 
 
 All this was a farce, for the men of Cortes did not 
 intend to lose for their chief so valuable an acquisi- 
 tion of men and vessels, or to surrender the arms, 
 horses, and other efiects obtained. The poor pros- 
 pects of receiving pay for the required supplies was 
 another objection, but the strongest lay with the 
 members themselves, who, instigated by the settlers, 
 and allured by the tales and specimens of wealth in 
 Mexico, by the fame of Cortes as a great and gen- 
 erous leader, and by the projected expeditions to the 
 gilded regions of Honduras and Guatemala, were almost 
 
 Rio del Espiritu Santo was among the points suggested. On an old map 
 relative to Garay's expedition this river is placed near the Espiritu Santo Bay- 
 in Texas. Collection of Mex. Maps, No. 10. 
 
 " The necessary sustenance to be given free of charge, under penalty of 
 2,000 pesos de oro for any opposition on the part of the settlers. The latter 
 must also restore any arms and horses bought from the expedition, on * re- 
 ceiving back ' the money paid. The penalty for members who refused to join 
 their commander was confiscation of effects, or 200 pesos de oro fine for 
 noblemen, and 100 lashes for common persons. See Provision, in Pacheco, 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 78, 92, et seq. • 
 
GARAY PROCEEDS TO MEXICO. 
 
 115 
 
 unanimously opposed to follow the inefficient Garay 
 to the wild north lands. Many, indeed, had already 
 wandered away to Mexico, regardless of the hostile 
 tribes on the way, and others only waited their time 
 to do likewise, hiding meanwhile in the forests by 
 day, and seeking by night the sheltering houses, and 
 camps of the army of Cortes. Garay issued appeals 
 to his men, with abundant promises, and, nothing avail- 
 ing, he turned for assistance to Ocampo. After his 
 many protestations, the latter felt obliged to do some- 
 thing, and his lieutenant was instructed to scour the 
 district for fugitives. At the same time he renewed 
 the demand for Garay's departure, under penalty of 
 confiscation.^^ The result of the measure was the 
 seizure of a certain number of men, chiefly of the 
 Velazquez party, and uncongenial persons, who came 
 forth in a formal protest. Garay was wholly unfit to 
 lead any expedition, and they had followed him so far 
 under misrepresentations. It was certain, however, 
 that Panuco was their proclaimed destination, and 
 they were not bound to proceed elsewhere, the more 
 so since their pay had not been forthcoming. To de- 
 part under such a leader into an unknown wilderness, 
 in rotten vessels, unprovided with ammunition and 
 supplies, could only result in disaster, and they pre- 
 ferred to submit to any punishment rather than en- 
 counter the risk.^^ 
 
 Recognizing the objections to the vessels, he pro- 
 posed to go by land, but this was equally objected 
 to, and perceiving the futility of further efforts in 
 Panuco, he asked permission to confer personally 
 with Cortes at Mexico. Ocampo agreed, insisting 
 however that a number of noted adherents of Ve- 
 lazquez belonging to the party should leave the 
 
 ^2 And even *sopena de muerte/ yet Ocampo aided to deter the men. 
 Cortis, Residenda, i. 279, 282. 
 
 The fleet was no royal navy to which they were bound; the outfit had 
 been furnished partly at their own expense; and yet they had been robbed, 
 starved, and maltreated by the leader. Protest, in Provision, ubi sup., 110-15. 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. 
 
116 
 
 THE PANUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 province in one of the vessels, lest they should create 
 trouble.^* 
 
 On reaching Mexico, Garay received an impressive 
 welcome from his rival, who, having nothing to fear 
 from him, was quite prepared to play the magnani- 
 mous part, and to entertain him as an old friend. He 
 even thought seriously of aiding him, and in token 
 of his good-will agreed to the betrothal of his natural 
 daughter, Catalina,^^ with Garay's eldest son, then 
 acting as his father's lieutenant in Panuco, the defect 
 in the bride's birth being covered with a large dowry 
 in lands and gold. The latter was to be expended in 
 the proposed expedition to the Rio de las Palmas 
 region, for which Cortes promised his assistance in 
 men and means, with a view of sharing in the profits. 
 While the project was maturing the two leaders 
 maintained the most intimate relations, and on Christ- 
 mas eve, about six weeks after his arrival in Mexico, 
 Garay accompanied the governor to midnight mass 
 and then to breakfast. That same day he was laid 
 low with pain and fever, aggravated by previous in- 
 disposition. The doctors declared his case hopeless, 
 and a few days later he expired, leaving Cortes his 
 executor. The funeral was conducted with great 
 
 ^* Cortes names Gonzalo de Figueroa, Alonso de Mendoza, Cerda, Juan de 
 Avilsb, Ulloa, Taborda, Medina, and Grijalva, as the leading exiles. Cartas, 
 297. Permission was nevertheless given to one or two to proceed under super- 
 vision to Mexico, and Figueroa figures there as witness. It was permitted to 
 Cortes by royal orders to exile persons supposed to be dangerous to the peace. 
 Garay exchanged letters with Cortes on the way, for his march was compara- 
 tively slow, and received assurances of welcome. See Pi'ovision, ubi sup., 131-2. 
 
 Surnamed Pizarro, and wrongly supposed by Lorenzana to have been the 
 child of his first wife. Gort6s, Hist. N. Esp., 361. Chimalpain assumes her to 
 be the offspring of Elvira, descendant of Montezuma, and consequently still 
 an infant. Hist. Conq., ii. 98. The marriage evidently did not take place, for 
 in the bull of 1529, making Cortes' natural children legitimate, she is men- 
 tioned as a maiden, and in Cortes' will of 1547 she is said to be in the convent 
 at Coyuhuacan. Yet, in a Memorial of Cortes to the sovereign, not long after, 
 he writes: * Chinanta, que senale a una hija por dote suyo, y con esto la case 
 con el hijo mayoradgo del adelantado. . .Garay.' Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xii. 279. This may be in anticipation of the actual marriage, with a 
 view also to strengthen his claim to the town thus bestowed as dowry. 
 
 ^^Gomara, Hist. Mex., 227. Enemies have declared the promises illusive, 
 Cortes, Rcsidencia, i. 283, but without good reason, for Cortes himself regarded 
 an exp3dition to that region with favor years after. 
 Bernal Diaz adds Father Olmedo. 
 
DEATH OF GARAY. 
 
 117 
 
 pomp. There were not persons wanted who whispered 
 that so sudden a death of a late arrival was significant 
 of poison, though the doctor under oath declared, the 
 cause to be a very prevalent disease to which a num- 
 ber of soldiers had succumbed/^ 
 
 Soon after Garay's arrival at Mexico a messenger 
 arrived in hot haste from Pdnuco with the report that 
 all the natives were in arms, slaughtering Spaniards 
 in every direction, and resolved not to leave one white 
 man alive. The trouble was ascribed to Garay's men : 
 already mutinous before his departure, they wholly 
 ignored the son he had left in charge. A large 
 number felt also absolved from all restraint by the 
 absence of officers, whom Ocampo had exiled for their 
 well-known sympathy with Velazquez, or taken with 
 him to Mexico. Abandoning the camps assigned to 
 them, some disbanding, they scattered over the coun- 
 try in small parties,^^ pillaging the native villages of 
 
 The sickness lasted usually three or four days. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Ver- 
 dad., 170-1. The rumor of poison was freely ventilated in the accusations 
 sent to Spain by royal officials a year later, and in Cortes, Residencia, i.-ii. 
 Gomara ascribes one rumor to the supposed change of feeling between Cortes 
 and Garay when the latter removed from his palace to the house of an old 
 friend named Alonso de Villanueva, where he frequently conversed with Nar- 
 vaez. Hist. Mex.y 227. Neither is said to have spoken there of Cortes save 
 in flattering terms, according to Bernal Diaz. Cortes does not allude to the 
 sickness, but attributes his death to the disappointments suffered in Panuco, 
 to remorse for the revolt then raging in that province, caused by his men, 
 and to fears for the safety of his son. Cartas, 299-300. The audiencia of 
 Santo Domingo, which had looked coldly on Garay's expedition, received a 
 royal decree dated December 27, 1523, instructing them to prevent any 
 quarrel between him and Cortes, each to confine himself to their respective 
 discoveries. Cedula, in Pac7«eco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 498-9. The sons 
 did not take advantage of the privilege this implied, but sent to collect what 
 remained of the father's estate. One of them, named Antonio, received a 
 regimiento in Santo Domingo city, and the lieutenancy of the forts at Santi- 
 ago in Cuba, and Yaquimo in Espanola, with a remission of half the 1,000 
 ducats due by his father to the royal treasury. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. 
 cap. i. In 1532 he figures as regidor of Santiago, while claiming the restitu- 
 tion of certain estates of his father in Jamaica. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xii. 127-33. 
 
 ^3 In the beginning of December 1523, evidently. 
 
 Bernal Diaz differs from Cortes and others in assuming that these very 
 men of Velazquez gave occasion for the anarchy by quarelling for the supreme 
 command. He supposes them to be exiled afterward in consequence. Hist. 
 Verdad., 171. 
 
 2^ By order of the lieutenants of Cortes, says a witness, in Cortes, Resid-'n- 
 cia, i. 284, but this must be an exaggeration of the fact that they were quar- 
 
118 
 
 THE PiNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 provisions and other effects, laying hands on the 
 women, killing those who sought to defend their 
 waves and daughters, and connnitting every conceiv- 
 able outrage. A warlike people could not be expected 
 to long endure what amounted to slow extermination 
 by famine and assassins. They had already been 
 aroused through the raids suppressed by the followers 
 of Cortes, and encouraged by the jealousies and quar- 
 rels between the two Spanish parties. The departure 
 of Alvarado's imposing forces emboldened the con- 
 spirators, who so far had numbered but few. Now 
 every native felt it a solemn duty to join, and within 
 the month the whole province had arisen. Every 
 straggling party was promptly slaughtered, and with 
 tortures that should in some degree compensate in- 
 jured husbands and fathers for the anguish suffered. 
 Growing bolder with success and number, the natives 
 attacked the camps, notably one at Tamiquil,^^ con- 
 taining more than a hundred soldiers, all of whom were 
 killed, a native Jamaican alone managing to escape. 
 
 Alarmed for their own safety, and appealed to by 
 the different settlements, the main corps at San Este- 
 van sent several parties to warn and assist their com- 
 rades ; but the hostile warriors swept everything before 
 them, and one of the expeditions, consisting of fifteen 
 horse and some two dozen foot soldiers, was actually 
 surprised and cut to pieces at Tacetuco,^^ the lieuten- 
 ant and two horsemen alone escaping from the burn- 
 ing quarters, wherein those still alive were roasting 
 amidst the triumphant songs of the enemy. Every 
 other field party was driven back to the fort, to which 
 siege was laid with persistent determination. Vallejo 
 himself headed the settlers in several encounters, till 
 a well-directed arrow stayed his efforts forever. Em- 
 boldened by the death of this valiant captain, the 
 
 tered in different villages, subject to rules for obtaining supplies. Some of 
 the parties numbered less than half a dozen men, says Cortes. 
 
 ^^Also written Tamiquitl, Tamiquistl, Tamuy, Tancanhuichi, and TaquiuitI, 
 '■^"^Now Tanjuco, says Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 364. A fugi- 
 tive from here brought the news to Mexico. Cortes, Cartas, 300. *^ 
 
PiNUCO REVOLT. 
 
 119 
 
 warriors pressed tlie siege closely, attempting also to 
 surprise the place by night. The besieged fought 
 with the energy of despair, and though numbers of 
 natives succumbed, every repulse proved costly, while 
 famine began also to add its quota to the misery. 
 Not knowing whether the message by land had reached 
 Mexico, they sent news to Villa Rica by one of 
 Garay's vessels; but assistance could in any case not 
 come at once, and the delay seemed interminable with 
 the daily addition of victims, now exceeding three 
 hundred.^* 
 
 Still disabled by his broken arm, Cortes could not 
 yield to the desire of personally relieving the province, 
 but Sandoval was immediately despatched with fifty 
 horse, one hundred foot, and thirty thousand natives, 
 reenforced with four field-pieces and a considerable 
 number of arquebuses and cross-bows.^^ His instruc- 
 tions were to inflict a punishment that should remain 
 an ineffaceable warning to rebels. With great alacrity 
 he hastened northward; for when engaged on impor- 
 tant affairs this gallant leader scarcely allowed him- 
 self time for sleep, as his admirer, Bernal Diaz, 
 declares. On approaching the province, he learned 
 that the enemy had occupied both passes leading into 
 it, and thought it best to divide his force, sending part 
 against each, not knowing which passage might be 
 more readily forced. The archers and arquebusiers 
 were ordered to alternate, so as to maintain a steady 
 volley, and create a confusion of which advantage 
 might be taken. This expectation was not fulfilled, 
 
 2* More than 300, according to the declaration of Garay witnesses, Pcbclieco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 123; 400 says Gomara, followed by Herrera; 
 600 is Bernal Diaz' round figure, while Cortes fixes the losses of his party at 
 43, and those of the Garay faction known to have perished, at 210, though he 
 believes that the latter number should be made larger. Oviedo, iii, 458, 
 writes 43 and 270, respectively, while assuming that Garay must have lost 
 over 400 in reality. 
 
 2^ Cortes calls the 100 foot archers and arquebusiers. Cartas, 301. The 
 allies are given by Ixtlilxochitl as 15,000 Acolhuas, under Yoyontzin, the 
 youngest brother of Prince Ixtlilxochitl, and 15,000 Mexicans, under a nephew 
 of Quauhtemotzin. Hor. Crueldades, 65. Bernal Diaz, in reducing the num- 
 ber to 8,000, as usual with him, composes them of Tlascaltecs and Mexicans. 
 
1^ THE P^UCO ATFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL, 
 
 for the natives stoutly kept their ground, responding 
 to the volleys in a manner that laid low quite a num- 
 ber of the assailants, and prevented any advance. 
 Both parties held their positions during the night, 
 and dawn was ushered in with a renewal of the con- 
 flict. Nervous over the prospective delay,^^ Sandoval 
 reunited his force, and retreated as if returning to 
 Mexico. This brought forth the enemy in triumph- 
 ant pursuit: but their joy was brief; for one night 
 the horsemen swooped down upon them, and taking 
 advantage of the rout, the army hastened back and 
 forced their way through the easiest pass, though not 
 without the loss of three horses and other casualties. 
 
 . Once through, they found large forces gathering to 
 resist the advance, and hardly had they formed before 
 the attack was made. The natives flung themselves 
 heedlessly upon the lines, and even sought to wrest 
 the lancers from some inexperienced cavalrymen. 
 
 Curse the fellows!" cried Sandoval as he rushed to 
 their relief. "Better a few soldiers than a host of 
 such imbeciles ! " The repulse eflected, he led the cav- 
 alry to a return charge, with instructions to keep the 
 lances levelled against the faces of the warriors, and 
 maintain a gallop so as to give no opportunity for a 
 hand-to-hand conflict. In this manner the path was 
 opened, and the army made its way to the river, 
 where camp was formed for the night. The horses 
 were kept saddled, and all prepared for instant action, 
 for the constant sound of drums and pipes, in increas- 
 ing volume, showed that the foe was gathering round 
 them. Shortly after leaving camp next morning they 
 came upon three bodies prepared for battle. Sando- 
 val directed his cavalry in two parties against them, 
 and was warmly received, he himself being wounded 
 in the leg, and nearly overthrown by a stone which 
 
 26-Three days of inactivity followed, according to Bernal Diaz; if so, in 
 eflfecting the reunion and in reconnoitring. 
 
 2' Fearful of confounding the allies with the foe, in case of attack, Sando- 
 val ordered the former to camp at some distance from the Spaniards. Bernal 
 Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 172. 
 
SANDOVAL QUELLS THE INSURRECTION. 121 
 
 struck him full in the face.^^ Previous lessons had 
 not been in vain, for the foe soon wavered before the 
 resolute advance, and when the foot and allies came 
 up, the battle turned into a chase and slaughter. A 
 large number of prisoners were also taken, and every 
 village on the way was ravaged and burned by the 
 auxiliaries. 
 
 Sandoval arrived most opportunely at San Estevan. 
 "Three days' more delay," says Cortes, "and all there 
 would have been lost." So reduced were the besieged 
 by wounds, hunger, and fatigue, harassed day and 
 night by the natives, that but for the resolute demean- 
 or of a few of the veterans of Cortes they would 
 have yielded. The besiegers having now dispersed, 
 two expeditions were sent out in pursuit, and to for- 
 age, with the injunction to secure every rebel of note. 
 Sandoval remaining behind among the disabled, no 
 restraint was placed on the troops in observing the 
 order of Cortes to inflict severe punishment. Sack- 
 ing, slaughtering, and burning went hand in hand,^^ 
 the example being set by the Spaniards and eagerly 
 excelled by the auxiliaries with the intensity custom- 
 ary among those cruel warriors. The captain himself 
 set forth a few days later, marking his advance with 
 comparative leniency, even where submission was 
 tardy, yet he failed not to take prisoners all sturdy 
 and prominent rebels, swelling the total of captured 
 chiefs and notable men alone to fully four hundred. 
 
 Sandoval now reported to Mexico the pacification 
 of the province, and asked for instructions concerning 
 
 28 Three horses and two young soldiers are said to have fallen, besides 
 allies, whose losses are seldom thought worth while to mention. 
 
 2^ Bernal Diaz, who naturally seeks to give all the credit possible to his 
 own set, names Navarrete, Carrascosa, and Alamilla among these veterans. 
 He assumes that they had 28 horses left. Others place the garrison at 100 
 men with 22 horses. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 227. Cortes places the whole cav- 
 alry force now mustered, including Sandoval's, at 80. Cartas, 302. 
 
 30 * Quemando todas las casas, de modo que dentro de pocos dias lo saquearon 
 todo, y mataron una infinidad de indios. ' Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, .05. 
 
 3^ Herrera specifies 60 chiefs and 400 rich and prominent natives, dec. iii. 
 lib. V. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz refers to five as ringleaders, and states that 
 wives and children were left unmolested, those not guilty of murder being 
 also set free. 
 
122 THE PiNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 the prisoners and other matter. In answer, Cortes 
 sent the alcalde mayor Ocampo, to whom pertained 
 the administration of justice, while the captain should 
 continue to effectually assure tranquillity. A trial 
 was held at Chachopal, near the fort, where bribery 
 and policy played important parts in securing the 
 acquittal of a few, while confession and testimony 
 consigned the rest to the stake and halter. The con- 
 demned pleaded in vain that they had been driven to 
 rise in defence of their homes by the outrages of the 
 Garay party, against whom the followers of Cortes 
 had incited them; if some of the latter had fallen, it 
 was but the accident of war.^^ But they were pagans 
 who had dyed their hands in the blood of Christians ; 
 and, above all, they had dared to disobey their mas- 
 ters, and for such crimes the perils to which their own 
 insignilicant lives were exposed could be no excuse. 
 White men must be respected at all hazards, and 
 thoroughly to impress this, the pardoned prisoners, 
 including the friends and families of the condemned, 
 w^ere compelled to attend the execution ; to w^itness 
 the agonies of the ringleaders at the stake, and the 
 struggles of the less prominent who were strangled 
 in the noose. Yet it did not need the witnessing of 
 death-throes to teach the lesson : the number of the 
 victims was sufficient. There were whole lines of 
 smoking columns, each enclosing a writhing form and 
 shielding an agonized face; a succession of human 
 bodies suspended amidst revolting contortions. It 
 was one long continuation of horrors, until horror 
 grew tame, and darkness brought rest.^^ 
 
 22 ' Por que nos quemays pues que vosotros los de Mexico nos mandastes 
 que mataramos estos xpianos. ' Liicas, in Cortes, Residencia, i. 283. 
 
 Cortes himself admits that upward of 400 were burned. * Senores y 
 personas principales se prendieron hasta cuatrocientos, sin otra gente baja, a 
 los cuales todos, digo a los principales, quemaron por justicia.' Cartas, 302. 
 Gomara increases this number to 400 rich men and 60 chiefs. Hist. Mex., 
 228. Lucas reduces it to 306, while Herrera seeks to cover Spanish fame by 
 writing 30. Bernal Diaz avoids stating a figure, for the same reason, and to 
 shield his friend Sandoval, whom Robertson charges with the act. Hist. Am., 
 ii. 137, not aware probably that Ocampo was the judge who inflicted the 
 punishment, by the general order of Cortes. While not blameless, Sandoval 
 
THE GARAY PARTY. 
 
 123 
 
 The security of the province was provided for by a 
 politic distribution of the vacant chieftaincies, with 
 due regard to the claims of rightful heirs, and the lieu- 
 tenancy was bestowed on a resolute man named Valle- 
 cillo. An additional weeding had also to be performed 
 among the Garay party, whose excesses had been the 
 main cause of the revolt. This measure appeared more 
 necessary since they exhibited signs of mutiny at the 
 disregard shown for them in the appointment of cap- 
 tains during the campaign, and on subsequent occa- 
 sions. A number are even said to have formed a 
 conspiracy,^^ but this charge may have been made to 
 give color to the proceedings against certain disorderly 
 persons. Sandoval lectured them soundly on their 
 ingratitude to Cortes, who had saved them from de- 
 struction, and on their disregard for the claims of the 
 old settlers and soldiers. A number of the party were 
 enrolled for the campaigns in Mexico, and the more 
 objectionable left for Jamaica, many of them willingly, 
 since the death of Garay must have frustrated the 
 plans which connected them with his expedition. This 
 accomplished, Sandoval and Ocampo returned to Mex- 
 ico, though not until they had joined Father Olmedo 
 in solemn thanksgiving for the success awarded to 
 Christian arms. Neither the good friar nor the 
 worthy commander could see aught of mockery in 
 such an act. They were naturally well pleased at the 
 pacification, which proved effectual, for the province 
 never again revolted. Yet even its conqueror lived 
 to recognize that it was unworthy of the cost and 
 
 must not be rated too harshly, as Clavigero observes. Storia, Mess., in. 9. 
 The number appears to correspond pretty nearly to that of the supposed 
 Spanish victims, and suggests the intention to exact life for life, with the 
 same cruelties perpetrated on the Christians, of whom many had been tortured 
 or burned alive. Whatever may be Christian ethics, the rules of Christian 
 warfare are not far different from those of the savages, an eye for an eye, and 
 a tooth for a tooth. After all, this was but one of the series of barbarities 
 which followed in the train of invasion. On the act of conquest devolved the 
 chief blame of every atrocity, since incidents of war entailed cruelties, and 
 self-preservation demanded them; their nature having to correspond to the 
 exigency of circumstances, and the character of the people and the age. 
 
 ^* The plot was revealed to Sandoval before it had matured, says Bemal 
 Diaz. 
 
124 
 
 THE PANUCO affair AInTD ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 lives expended. The harbor, which had formed one 
 of its chief attractions, proved of no value to New 
 Spain, though a viceroy once did land there, and cause 
 the road to Mexico to be restored for a time. The 
 settlement dwindled, and even the name of San Este- 
 van disappeared.^^ 
 
 It has been mentioned that when Garay touched 
 at Cuba, on the way to Pdnuco, his fear of Cortes 
 induced him to seek a meditator in the person of Licen- 
 tiate Alonso de Zuazo, a prominent and respected 
 lawyer who had been appointed juez de residencia in 
 connection with the audiencia of Santo Domingo, and 
 who as judge of Velazquez had lately held the gov- 
 ernment of Cuba.^^ The mediation had probably been 
 suggested by the audiencia, which certainly favored 
 it, assured that the mere presence of so influential a 
 personage might prevent much trouble. His mission 
 in Cuba concluded, the licentiate accordingly, in the 
 beginning of 1524, set out for new Spain in a small 
 vessel, accompanied by two friars of the order of 
 Mercy, intent on promoting the labors of Father 
 Olmedo.^^ 
 
 When about half-way, their vessel was driven by 
 a gale upon the reefs near one of the Triangulos 
 group. Fortunately they were able to reach in safety 
 the adjoining isle, and to save a few effects, though 
 in fishing them from the sea one of the sailors was 
 snapped up by a shark. The island being small, and 
 
 35 One cause was that the bar grew shallower, says Lorenzana. CorUs, Hist. 
 N. Esp. , 340. A new villa was founded in later times about half-way between 
 the river and the lagoon, the Tamheagua, and in modern times the present 
 Tampico has been established on the opposite bank of the river forming the 
 southern boundary of Tamaulipas state. The old towns, now known as Tam- 
 pico el Alto and Pueblo el Viejo, are included in the state of Vera Cruz. 
 
 3^ Suspended by Colon through false reports of mismanagement, says Oviedo, 
 i. 541, who adds that he was a personal friend of both Cortes and G-aray. 
 
 ^'^ Their names were Gonzalo de Pontevedray and Juan Varillas. 
 
 3^ Oviedo, iv. 484, 499, 507. Bernal Diaz supposes tbe Viboras, near the 
 Alacranes Islands, and states that through an error of the pilot, or by cur- 
 rents, she drifted ashore. Hist. VerdacL, 173. This is less likely, since the 
 islands lie on the route. 
 
THE Pii^UCO CONQUEST COMPLETED. 
 
 125 
 
 devoid of water, the shipwrecked crossed in their 
 boat^^ to a larger island containing plenty of turtles, 
 some of them so large in the eyes of the famished crew 
 "that they could move away with seven men on their 
 backs." Refreshed by this food, they proceeded to a 
 still larger island, the resort of innumerable birds, 
 manatees, and turtles — -a paradise, in brief, to the cast- 
 aways, could they only have found fresh water. The 
 want of this, together with the change of diet, and 
 the hardship, had quite reduced the men,^^ and they 
 were on the point of despair, when the discovery of 
 a somewhat brackish spring infused new spirit. 
 
 They now took steps to accommodate themselves 
 to circumstances, by building huts and establishing a 
 routine for the performance of daily duties. Fire was 
 obtained by the well-known method of rubbing together 
 two pieces of wood, and sustained by shrubs ; there 
 was a variety of food, and material existed for apparel 
 and implements. A tool-chest had been saved, and 
 two carpenters began to construct a strong boat from 
 the remains of the wreck, wherein to seek aid from a 
 Spanish settlement. In this three men, named Gomez, 
 Ballester, and Arenas, together with an Indian boy, 
 volunteered to seek Yilla Rica. For this hazardous 
 undertaking they had taken a vow to observe per- 
 petual chastity if heaven should grant them success.^^ 
 Their prayers were answered, for a favorable wind 
 carried them in eleven days to the coast near Mede- 
 llin, whence their message and a letter from Zuazo 
 
 Oviedo states that Zuazo found an old canoe in which to cross to the 
 adjoining islands, where some of the effects had been cast up by the waves. 
 
 number of men died in consequence, says Oviedo; but he appears 
 intent chiefly on making a strong narrative. 
 
 Oviedo assumes that a vow of chastity for one year induced heaven to 
 reveal the precious liquid; the three men sent in search making the vow per- 
 petual. Gomara applies this to a later occasion. Oviedo continues that the 
 water was found on an adjoining isle devoid of animals, yet they all removed 
 to it, bringing supplies from the larger island. One day a gale swallowed 
 boat and crew, six men. 
 
 *2 ' E de se meter frayres de . . . Frangisco, ' writes Oviedo, stating that they 
 were the same who had made the vow on going in search of water. Yet on a 
 previous page he seems to name them as Espinosa, Arenas, and Simancas. 
 iv. 492, 498. 
 
126 
 
 THE PlNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 were forwarded to Mexico. Cortes immediately or- 
 dered a vessel to be sent to their rescue, and after 
 nearly four months of island life Zuazo and his com- 
 panions, numbering a dozen survivors,^^ were released 
 from their sufferings. The reception of the licentiate 
 in New Spain was worthy of his rank and character, 
 and of the high personal regard of Cortes, who lodged 
 him in his own palace, and tendered him rich presents, 
 though the worthy judge would accept but little.^* 
 We shall meet him soon under trying circumstances, 
 as a ruler, where he came as visitor. 
 
 The Pdnuco conquest ended, Cortes resumed the 
 southern expeditions for which he had already pre- 
 pared. Alvarado set out December 6, 1523, with over 
 four hundred Spaniards, of whom one hundred and 
 twenty were horsemen, and an equal number archers 
 and arquebusiers, supported by fully twenty thousand 
 picked warriors, and well provided with field -pieces 
 and war stores. The force embraced the flower of 
 New Spain chivalry, all eager to participate in the 
 opening of the new Dorado, and to share in the enter- 
 prises of the dashing Tonatiuh, for whom even the 
 natives seemed nothing loath to abandon their home 
 and country, to judge from their enthusiasm. The 
 whole city, with Cortes at the head, turned out to bid 
 them God-speed in the undertaking, which had grown 
 even more attractive with the delay interposed. The 
 first step therein was the resubjugation of Soconusco, 
 the rapidity of which served not a little to infuse awe 
 among the peoples to the south. Nevertheless a long 
 
 Thirteen, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 173, though he leaves the 
 impression that this was the total number escaping to the islands. Oviedo 
 states that those who escaped from the wreck numbered 47, and that only 17 
 reached New Spain; Friar (x-onzalo died on the rescue vessel, iv. 484-510. His 
 account is very full, and may have been obtained from Zuazo's lips, at Santo 
 Domingo; yet it does not appear very reliable. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 228, 
 gives a briefer version than Bernal Diaz, and Herrera follows, dec. iii. lib. v. 
 cap. V. The important character assumed by Zuazo in Mexico lends an 
 interest to this adventure. 
 
 **0f the 10,000 in gold ofiFered, he would accept but 1,300 worth in abso- 
 lute necessaries, such as clothes and horses for himself and party. Gomara 
 makes these effects worth 10.000. 
 
ALVAKADO GOES TO GUATEMALA. 
 
 127 
 
 and bloody campaign was in store for Alvarado, whose 
 fame as a leader was to be made yet brighter by san- 
 guinary successes. The details of the exciting strug- 
 gles and surprising incidents within the domains of 
 the Quiches and Cakchiquels have been fully related 
 in a previous volume.*^ 
 
 A month after the Guatemala expedition the fleet 
 for Honduras left the port of San Juan de Chalchiuh- 
 cuecan to take up one end of the new chain of con- 
 quest, which might thereupon be stretched southward 
 under the combined banners of veterans, perhaps to 
 the very empire of the Incas just then looming forth 
 in mystic distance with a splendor surpassing even the 
 dazzling visions of the legions of Cortes. Although 
 Honduras proved comparatively barren in gain and 
 glory, yet the incidents connected with the expedition, 
 and its effect on the fortunes of Cortes and New 
 Spain, through the disloyalty of the leader, invest it 
 with remarkable interest/^ 
 
 In his march from Tehuantepec to Guatemala, Al- 
 varado skirted the southern slopes of the Cordillera, 
 whose northern straggling ranges here unite to form 
 a more distinct barrier, crowned with lofty peaks. 
 The plateau and slopes extending northward from 
 this barrier embraced the well- watered region of Chi- 
 apas, once the busy haunts of a cultured race whose 
 glories lay enshrined within the matchless ruins of 
 Palenque, guarded by dense and gloomy forest, now 
 the abode of less elevated peoples, notably the dom- 
 inant Chiapanecs, who from their mountain fastnesses 
 had successfully defied the encroachments of adjoin- 
 ing rulers, even Montezuma. Awed by the fall of his 
 great empire, however, they had hastened to send in 
 what was regarded as unqualified allegiance to the 
 children of the sun. Their land was assigned to the 
 settlers of Espiritu Santo, who soon began to exact 
 
 ^Hist. Cera. Am.fi. chap. xxii. et seq., this series. 
 See Hist. Cent, ^m., i. chap. xvii. et seq., this series, for details of Olid's 
 uprising and fate, and the connected expeditions of Casas and Cortes. 
 
128 
 
 THE PiNUCO ATFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL. 
 
 tribute, a measure which the people, already recovered 
 from their first surprise, were quick to resent. Luis 
 Marin, lieutenant in Goazacoalco sought aid from 
 Cortes for enforcing respect, and in Lent of 1524 he 
 marched against the rebellious people with somewhat 
 over a hundred men, one fourth cavalry, all inflated 
 with the confidence born of numerous successes. 
 Equally confident were the Chiapanecs in the shel- 
 tering strength of hills which so far had guarded 
 their liberties. Protected by good cotton armor, and 
 armed with formidable pikes, they managed so well 
 to sustain even in open field the first onslaught of the 
 bearded ones, that the latter were quite dismayed. So 
 severe proved the campaign, that when Marin at last 
 thought himself master in the main district, his force 
 was so reduced in number and efficiency that the for- 
 mation of a settlement could not be undertaken, and 
 the result was an inglorious retreat.*^ 
 
 An equally severe campaign was undertaken about 
 the same time in the mountainous regions of Zapote- 
 capan and Miztecapan, hitherto avoided as too diffi- 
 cult to penetrate. Following the path of Alvarado, 
 Rodrig^o Rano^el had in 1523 entered them to demand 
 allegiance and tribute, only to meet with fierce resist- 
 ance. Rainy weather and ruggedness of country 
 favored the natives, and he was obliged to retreat. 
 This success emboldened them, and, incited partly by 
 escaped negro slaves, they made inroads on the adjoin- 
 ing districts. It would never answer to encourage a 
 defiant robber in the midst of the country, and with 
 the allurement of gilded river-beds, a new expedition 
 was formed under the same captain, consisting of one 
 hundred and fifty soldiers, chiefly arquebusiers and 
 
 ^^For details of these and later expeditions, see vol. ii., Hist. Cent. Am., 
 this series. They are based on the rare and curious accounts of Godoy, Re- 
 ladoriy written by a participant; Remesal, Hint. Chyapa; IxUilxochitl, Hor, 
 Crueldadts; Mazariegos, Mem. Ckia'pa; also Bernal Diaz, Juarros, and other 
 standard historians. 
 
 'Faute de chevaux, il ne reussit pas,* says Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. 
 Nat. Civ.f iv. 572; but horses were found useless in so rugged a region, and 
 were not taken on the subsequent campaign, as Gomara observes. Hist. Mex., 
 234, 
 
RANGEL'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 129 
 
 archers, with four field-pieces and ample stores, sup- 
 ported by a large force of warriors.^^ Rangel left 
 Mexico February 5, 1524, and taught by previous 
 reverses, he took the utmost precaution to render 
 secure his advance. The natives on their side were 
 less cautious, and thus a prospectively hard campaign 
 among the mountains was concluded within quite a 
 brief period, and so thoroughly that no revolt took 
 place again. A fair amount of spoils was obtained in 
 gold, fabrics, and slaves ; the latter numerous, since it 
 had been decreed that all captured natives should be 
 enslaved as a warning to rebels. 
 
 The cost of these expeditions was quite heavy to 
 all concerned, for arms, horses, clothes, and other 
 efiects were exceedingly dear, despite the influx from 
 Spain and the Islands. Soldiers brought nearly all 
 their own outfits, including arms and horses, yet 
 Cortes was obliged to supply war stores, provisions, 
 and articles from what he calls his private estate, 
 though tributes and exactions must have been applied. 
 ''The least of the expeditions," he writes to the em- 
 peror, '^must cost my estate more than five thousand 
 pesos de oro, and those of Alvarado and Olid cost fully 
 fifty thousand." The expense was the greater in the 
 latter case, owing to the fleet being kept waiting 
 during the Pdnuco campaign, with crews in receipt 
 of pay.^^ Indeed, he had not only spent his fortune, 
 but incurred debts, while for certain revolts which 
 imperilled the interests of the crown and its subjects 
 he had been obliged to borrow sixty thousand pesos 
 and more from the royal treasury. Yet nothing should 
 deter him from doing what was necessary for the ser- 
 vice of his sovereign; so he affirmed. 
 
 49 Acolhuas 20,000, and 5,000 to 6,000 Tlascaltecs. IxtUlacochitl, Hor. Cru- 
 eldades, 72. 
 
 ^" ' Los herrasen del hierro de V. A. , y . . . se repartiesen por aquellos que los 
 fueron a conquistar.' Cortes, Cartas, 307. 
 
 ^^For prices, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 526, this series. 
 
 ^^The cost of sending Casas after Olid increased the expense to 40,000. 
 Id., 528. 
 
 ^3 Letter of October 13, 1524, in Cartas, 305. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 9 
 
CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 1523-1524. 
 
 Cortes as Governor — His Ordinances — Armament of Settlers — Pro- 
 moting Agriculture — Pallas and Demeter — Antillean Jealousy — 
 Social Reforms — Sumptuary Laws — Taking Wives — Cortes Shoul- 
 ders his Cross — Suspicious Death of Catalina — Local Government — 
 Efforts to Exclude Lawyers — Removal of Vera Cruz — Markets 
 AND Trade Regulations — Royal Officials Arrive — Traits and 
 Intrigues — Colonial Policy — Enslavement of Native Americans — 
 Suppression of Repartimientos Opposed — Encomienda Regulations — 
 Work and Pay of Serfs — Entrapping Slaves — Representations of 
 the Council — Extorting Tribute. 
 
 We have seen Cortes as a brave soldier, an able 
 general, and astute diplomat; we have beheld him 
 deluding his patron, manipulating to his own purpose 
 the conflicting elements of a horde of adventurers, 
 pitting one people against another to fight his battles 
 or neutralize dangers, and leading his soldiers through 
 strife and hardships to the overthrow of a great em- 
 pire. Glimpses even of statesmanship we have had in 
 his creation of municipalities, his acts of king-making, 
 and his regulations for the army, which tend in no 
 wise to diminish our admiration for the man. These 
 last-mentioned qualities were now to be more widely 
 tested. The conquest was achieved. From sea to 
 sea once more must bow all nations before Tenochti- 
 tlan, only there was a stronger than Montezuma on 
 his throne, one who to the natives of New Spain 
 seemed a god, a descendant of the sun soon to consume 
 their very identity. And now while military rule 
 still prevailed, it was necessary to pave the way for a 
 peaceful administration, and the development olf those 
 
 (130) 
 
GOVERNOR CORTES. 
 
 131 
 
 resources on which permanent progress and prosperity 
 could alone be based. Having subdued the people, 
 Cortes bent his mind to reconciling them to the new 
 order of affairs. He would win Ceres to his cause, 
 and conquer also the soil with a new vegetation, mul- 
 tiply the wealth of a prolific region, and with this 
 alluring bond combine two races and different products 
 into one harmonious whole. It was to be his grander 
 and more enduring conquest, this healing of wounds 
 after a merciless war, this adjustment of differences. 
 Cruelty, intolerance, and avarice were still rampant, 
 but they were now to be softened to some extent, 
 neutralized by blessings which in many respects con- 
 doned for the bitter wrongs of unjust invasion. 
 
 The salient features of the administrative policy of 
 Cortes are given in the famous ordinances of March 
 20, 1524. We may therein recognize the training 
 received by the framer as student and lawyer, in his 
 native country, and later as notary and alcalde; at 
 first appearing as mere hillocks in his plain of life ; as 
 points whereby to measure its progress ; later, evolv- 
 ing into stepping-stones to greatness, adding their 
 quota to the wisdom and foresight which now mark the 
 adjustment of means to ends. Protection being still 
 the main consideration, the ordinances begin by re- 
 quiring all settlers possessed of a repartimiento of 
 less than five hundred Indians to provide themselves, 
 within six months from date, with a lance, a sword, 
 and a dagger, a target, a helmet, and either native or 
 Spanish defensive armor, all in good condition; also 
 two pikes and the necessary ammunition. Holders of 
 repartimientos with from five hundred to one thousand 
 Indians must within a twelvemonth possess in addi- 
 tion a horse fully equipped. Still larger holders must 
 add three lances, six pikes, four cross-bows or fire-locks, 
 and the necessary ammunition. This was by no means 
 a small requirement when prices are considered.^ The 
 
 ^For prices, see Gomara, Hist. 1/ecc., 243; Prohanza de Lejalde, in Icaz- 
 halceta, Col. Doc, ii. 121. 
 
132 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 settlers must hold themselves in readiness for any 
 summons, and in order to supervise the observation 
 of the ordinances, the municipal authorities must 
 hold reviews at certain intervals, exacting penalties 
 for non-compliance.^ As a mark of honor the emperor 
 accorded soon after to the first settlers and conquer- 
 ors of New Spain the privilege of carrying certain 
 weapons wherever they went.^ 
 
 The next feature of the ordinance illustrates the 
 training of Cortes as a planter on the Islands. A 
 great change had come over him since he first set 
 foot there, and received the offers made him with the 
 contemptuous reply, came to get gold, not to till 
 the soil like a peasant." Necessity and common sense 
 came to his enlightenment, and within a few years 
 we find him a flourishing stock-raiser and farmer. The 
 lessons thus learned were to be applied to the benefit 
 of a great country, and since so many among his com- 
 panions had had a similar experience, they were ready 
 to lend their cooperation. He required all holders of 
 repartimientos to plant for every hundred Indians, 
 yearly, one thousand vine-shoots or other useful plants 
 of the best kind in the best location and at the fittest 
 time, until for every hundred of such Indians there 
 should be five thousand plants well placed. The 
 planting of Spanish products was especially enjoined. 
 Cortes himself set an example. 
 
 Soon after the fall of Mexico there came to him 
 from one of the ports some rice, and in it by chance 
 three grains of wheat, one of which was planted and 
 
 2 The penalties were fines for the first two omissions, and loss of reparti- 
 mientos for the third, or loss of office for failure to hold inspection. Town- 
 criers were to proclaim the date for review eight to ten days in advance. 
 In later times only one annual inspection was held, on St John's day, fi-om 
 which may be due the custom of dressing hoys as soldiers on that anniversary, 
 and distributing military toys. Alaman, Disert., i. 178. 
 
 ^ Even in Spain, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. iv. Previous to this the 
 municipality of Mexico found it necessary for public peace to restrict the 
 weapon ordinance within the city. In May 1525 the weapons were thus 
 re<Iuced to a dagger and a sword, a horseman having also a lance, carried by 
 a page. In February 1527 the lance was restricted to the alcalde and offi- 
 cers of justice. Libro de Cabildo, MS., May 23, 1525, February 15, 1527. 
 
AGRICULTURE. 
 
 133 
 
 yielded well, forming the first wheat crop of New 
 Spain/ 
 
 Cortes had early endeavored to interest the sov- 
 ereign in the agricultural interests of the country, and 
 even requested that all vessels for New Spain should 
 be made to bring a number of seeds and plants where- 
 with to enrich the native varieties. This was, to a 
 certain extent, complied with,^ though the selfish en- 
 mity or short-sightedness of officials at first cast many 
 obstacles in the way. The rulers at Santo Domingo 
 were persuaded at one time that unless restrictions 
 were placed on the export of live-stock and products 
 to New Spain the Islands would suffer irreparably, 
 both from the drain and from the gradual transfer of 
 productions to that country, which must thereby also 
 absorb the trade, A prohibition was accordingly 
 issued against exporting anything from the Islands 
 that might be used for reproduction. The colonists 
 poured in their complaints to Spain, and soon came a 
 decree practically annulling the prohibition.^ The 
 fears of the Antilles were not unfounded, for their 
 position as an entrepot was soon lost, and this proved 
 another reason for the increased emigration of its 
 people.^ Meanwhile New Spain profited by this loss, 
 and Cortes was among the foremost to enrich his dif- 
 
 *This is the account of Tapia, Belacion, in Tcazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 593, 
 who adds that wheat was soon produced in great abundance, and the very 
 best quality was sold in 1539 at one real the fanega. Although Cort6s 
 received wheat from other parts, it was damaged by the sea-voyage, and the 
 actual introduction of this cereal was thus accidental. Gonzalez Davila, 
 Teatro Bcles., i. 8, says that the first grain of wheat that sprung up was sown 
 by a servant of Cortes, and produced 400 fold. * Juan Garrido, criado de 
 Hernando Cortes sembrd en un huerto tres granos de trigo; perdiose el uno, 
 y los dos dieron mas de quatrocientos granos' de lo q es de regadio se 
 coge en mayor abundancia; porque un grano produce docientos y mas. ' 
 
 ^By royal order of June 1523, the Casa de Contratacion of Seville was 
 directed to promote the emigration of artisans and farm laborers, and ordered 
 to send Cortes, in convenient seasons, quantities of plants, trees, and seeds. 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. iii. 
 
 ^Decree of November 24, 1525. Mex. Extractos de Cedulas, MS., 9, 10. 
 Oviedo, iii. 471-3, waxes indignant with Cortes for his sharp expostulations, 
 as ungrateful to a country which had fostered both him and his colony. 
 
 ^ Dovalle, Inform. , in Padieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , ii. 375-438, passim. 
 Abuses of New Spain settlers against the Islanders are also complained of. 
 Id., xiv. 43. 
 
134 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 ferent plantations with live-stock and plants, notably 
 in the newly acquired valley of Oajaca.^ He also 
 introduced novelties in the form of machinery, such 
 as water-wheels, whereby the labors of grinding and 
 other tiresome and slow operations were lightened for 
 the women. The establishment of the first mill at 
 Mexico was celebrated with great rejoicings.^ The 
 natives took readily to the novelties, both in products 
 and implements, though some of the nobles sneered at 
 anj^thing that tended to raise the lower classes from 
 abject toil and limited indulgence. 
 
 Cortes did much to ameliorate the condition of the 
 masses, and to temper vices among the richer part of 
 the community. Hours for labor were prescribed to 
 check abuse, and observation of the sabbath was en- 
 joined. Trade and labor were forbidden during the 
 hours of divine service, and attendance at mass was 
 made compulsory on Sundays and certain holidays. 
 Efforts were made to suppress the mania for gambling, 
 which was increasing with accumulating w^ealth, and 
 with the life of comparative indolence following as a 
 reaction upon the tragic incidents of the conquest. 
 Cortes was himself passionately fond of the vice, and 
 though recognizing its evil, he winked at disregard of 
 
 ^ He refers to Matlaltzineo as his stock-raising place; round Coyuhuacan 
 were several farms, and at Rinconada de Izcalpan, sugar plantations. 3Ie- 
 mortal, in Id., xii. 279. His plantations grew more numerous in time, and 
 mulberry-trees were planted at Yauhtepec, Tetecla, and other places; at 
 Matalango were cattle stations, at Tlaltizapan horses were bred, and sugar- 
 mills rose at Quauhnahuac and Coyuhuacan. 
 
 ^ ' En esta ocasion fue quando dixo un Indio anciano, burlando de la inuen- 
 cio: Que hazia holgazanes a los hombres, y muy iguales; pues no se sabia 
 quien era Senor, 6 criado. Y anadia: que los ignorantes nacieron para 
 seruir, y los sabios para mandar, y holgar.' Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 8. 
 The first time mills are mentioned in the Lihro de Cabildo is on Feb. 4, 1525, 
 when to Rodrigo de Paz, as representant of Cortes, land was granted to erect 
 mills on the rivers of Tacubaya, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan. The next land grant 
 made to the same effect was to Diego Ramirez on Dec. 15, 1525, when he was 
 allowed to build a mill near Chapultepec. Afterward the number increased, 
 judging from the different grants of land made later for the same purpose. 
 Libro de Cabildo, MS., Feb. 7, 1525, Dec. 15, 1525. 
 
 ' Entren en ella antes que se comienze el Evangelio, y est6n en ella hasta 
 quel Padre diga He Misa est y heche la bendicion; so pena de medio peso de 
 oro. ' The settlers must be present in their towns at least during Christmas, 
 Easter, and Pentecost; a deputy will answer for other times. Ordenanza, iu 
 Facheco and Cardenas, Col. Jjoc, xxvi. 179-83. 
 
SOCIAL RESTRICTIONS, 
 
 135 
 
 the numerous laws enacted against it." But as ruler 
 it behooved him to enforce them in some respects at 
 least, though his efforts availed little, to judge from 
 the many stringent decrees by local and supreme 
 authorities which followed during subsequent years. 
 The tenor of some indicates that non-observance was 
 almost expected. A check was laid also upon more 
 innocent pastimes common among artisans, lest too 
 great indulgence should lead to neglect of work. 
 During working hours this class was not allowed to 
 play at skittles and similar games. At other times 
 entertainments were encouraged, processions were held, 
 bull-fighting was introduced,^^ and the authorities of 
 Mexico city even favored the establishment of a 
 dancing-school. 
 
 Among the vices attending the increase of wealth 
 and inaction was extravagance, particularly in dress, 
 and this it was thought best to restrict by forbidding 
 the use of brocade, silk, or velvet for clothes, or taf- 
 
 It was among the charges flung at Cortds that he not only enjoyed games 
 himself, but stooped to share in the illicit profits of those who dealt in them 
 unfairly; that he would punish gambling everywhere but in his own house; 
 where tables were always ready, with servants in attendance to furnish cards 
 and collect fees for their use. Several deposed to this effect, but chiefly of 
 those who had been mulcted heavily for violations of the gambling law. 
 CoHes, Residencia, i. 51, and passim. 
 
 Yet the language could not be more positive, nor the penalties more 
 severe. They were renewed with every change of officials. A cedula of April 
 6, 1528, had forbidden all play at dice, and permitted only cards and other 
 games with stakes to the amount of 10 pesos de oro, once within 24 hours. 
 Ponce de Leon failed to execute royal orders in this respect, and they were 
 repeated to the audiencia on July 12, 1530. Puga, Cedulario, 23-4, 42-3. 
 Both having failed, a later cedula reprimands the audiencia and enjoins com- 
 pliance to the letter. Id.^ 70-1. Yet by order of November 5, 1529, that 
 body is directed to withdraw all actions for gambling offences which had been 
 commenced prior to its institution, but to be vigilant against new offenders. 
 An order of March 1530 especially directs it to stop all proceedings against 
 Cortes; these proceedings had been followed by an excessive attachment 
 against his property in the sum of 120,000 pesos de oro. There is some color- 
 ing for the charge that gaming was tolerated in the executive mansion, since 
 a resolution of the cabildo on January 27, 1525, specifically forbids gaming in 
 the atarazanas and in the palace, and directs the levying of prescribed fines 
 in case of violation. Libro de Cabildo, MS., Feb. 1, 1525. 
 ^Ud., June 21, 1527. 
 
 Panes argues for 1529, Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 69, but fights 
 were held already in June 1526, Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6, and perhaps earlier. 
 
 ' Por ser enoblecimiento de la Ciudad. ' A license of 40 pesos was paid. 
 Libro de Cabildo, MS., October 30, 1526. 
 
136 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 feta for saddles, sword-belts, and shoes; or embroi- 
 dery or piecious metals in apparel — to all save those 
 whose possessions and rank gave them some claim to 
 indulgence, yet even in their case the amount and 
 nature of the adornments were prescribed. These 
 regulations were enforced by a royal cedula of 1528, 
 on the ground that extravagance led to extortion from 
 the already impoverished natives. 
 
 Domestic morality was promoted by requiring 
 every married settler whose wife was not in New 
 Spain to bring her to the country within eighteen 
 months from date, under penalty of forfeiting his 
 estates. Unmarried encomenderos were enjoined to 
 obtain a wife within the same period. These meas- 
 ures, prompted by the desire to have well-regulated 
 and orderly settlements, found little favor with some 
 of the conquerors, whose aim was simply to drain their 
 several possessions and depart for homes they had 
 left with regret, and to which they would hasten with 
 delight. But the few must suffer for the general 
 good, and Cortes was prepared to shoulder his part 
 of the burden. Before the issue of this regulation 
 he had made strong efforts to carry out its features 
 by means of persuasion, and by placing funds at the 
 disposal of any one who was unable although willing 
 to comply with the requirements.-^^ Thus he hoped 
 to bind the conquerors to the country and assure its 
 development. 
 
 Puga, Cedulario, 23, 42; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ii., dec. iv. lib. vi. 
 cap. iv. Cortes demanded in 1529 a reenforcement of the laws, which was 
 done with effect, to judge from Salmeron's letter of March 1531. 'There are 
 now but few if any to make silk garments, or to buy those already made; the 
 resources of the people have become small. The members of the audiencia 
 wear only cloth so as to promote the dress reform.' Carta, in Pacheco and 
 Cdrdeiias, Col. Doc, xiii. 202-3. Cortes also set an example by replacing his 
 adorned velvet cap with one of plain cloth. 
 
 ' Porque conviene ansi para salud de sus conciencias . . . como para la 
 poblacion e noblecimiento destas partes.' Ordenanzcbs, in Id., xxvi. 146-7. 
 
 Application to Friar Juan de Tecto or Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer, 
 would insure all necessary assistance to bring out wives or unmarried daugh- 
 ters, on giving bonds. Oomara, Hist. Mex., 236. These curiously ordained 
 marriages proved fortunate in many cases, and had for issue some of the illus- 
 trious of the land. The commander, Lionel de Cervantes, who came with seven 
 unmarried daughters had each of them well married. His daughter Beatrice, 
 
CATALINA m MEXICO. 
 
 137 
 
 In accordance with this spirit, he sent^^ for his own 
 wife, Catahna Suarez, to whom he had been united 
 under such pecuHar circumstances.^^ Sandoval hap- 
 pened to be on the coast when she arrived, and under- 
 took to escort her to the capital. Cortes met them 
 near Tezcuco with a brilliant retinue, and tendered all 
 the honor which the wife of the governor of so vast 
 and rich a country could be expected to receive. At 
 Mexico she was greeted with processions, ringing of 
 bells, and salvos, and at night the queen city shone 
 ablaze with illumination, multiplied in the mirrored 
 surface of the dark waters. Amid all this joyous 
 demonstration Cortes is said to have borne a heavy 
 heart, covered by a mask of cheerfulness. This is not 
 unlikely, for the rather humble origin of his wife, the 
 not wholly spotless fame of her family, and the half 
 compulsory marriage, all must have tended to diminish 
 the devotion of the husband, and caused him to re- 
 gard her as a bar to the ambitious dreams nursed by 
 his ever-increasing fame and power. This view was 
 quite general, prompted partly by her unheralded 
 arrival, which made it appear as if she had come un- 
 bidden, in quest of a truant lord.^^ Nothing in his con- 
 duct, however, gave color to the rumor. He showed 
 loyal attention to her every wish and comfort, and 
 exacted all the deference from others that should be 
 accorded to the ruler's consort. She reigned indeed 
 a queen, a position to which the wildest dreams of 
 Catalina or her match-making mother had never at- 
 
 united to Francisco de Velasco, became noted for her interest in the Francis- 
 cans, and contributed largely to the building of their convent church and 
 hospital. Memoria, in Prov. Sto Evang., MS., 228-31. In Puga, Cedulario, 
 179-80, 205-6, are decrees dated as late as 1559, ordering observance of the 
 regulation. 
 
 Modern writers consider that he should have directed his efiforts more 
 toward a union of the two races, and thus more speedily have won over the 
 natives, as instanced by the influence acquired by himself through Marina, 
 and by others in a similar way. But it was not so easy for the aspiring Cas- 
 tilian thus to reconcile himself to a perpetuation of an honored name by mere 
 half-breeds. 
 
 20 See Hist. Mex. , 48-52. 
 
 2^ So Bernal Diaz intimates. * Y quando Cortes lo supo dixeron que le 
 aula pesado mucho de su venida.' Hist. Verdad., IGG. 
 
138 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 tained. But this was not to last. In October 1522, 
 less than three months after her arrival, she assisted 
 at a banquet in her usual health, and on the morrow 
 she was numbered among the dead.^^ 
 
 Lucky Cortes; men and women lived or died ac- 
 cording to his heart's desire ! Her return to Cortes 
 after years of separation, while he was enjoying the 
 felicities of another liaison, her sudden death, the 
 convenience of the event in view of ambitious dreams 
 attributed to him by certain persons, added to the 
 interest pertaining to the conqueror at this time — all 
 this made the decease a subject of general interest, 
 and the ever-ready tongue of scandal found willing 
 ears for the charge that she had been criminally re- 
 moved. Nothing was openly said, hoAvever, for Cortes 
 was too powerful and too widely feared; but in letters 
 to Spain suspicions were intimated, and when, in 
 1529^ his enemies held an audiencia, unawed by his 
 presence, the mother and brother joined the oppo- 
 nents to arraign him as a murderer, who, like Othello, 
 had suffocated her. The testimony, however, rested 
 on imaginings, for death had removed the only relia- 
 ble evidence, and no decision could be arrived at even 
 by his enemies. The attorney of Cortes attributed 
 the charge to an effort to extort money, and he him- 
 self suffered the affair to pass by in contemptuous 
 silence. The second audiencia did not resume the 
 investigation, and no notice was ever taken of the 
 accusation by friends and patrons of Cortes. This 
 
 22 'Fiestas de todos Santos.' Aaisacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xxvi. 347. 
 
 2^ The trial was held at Mexico in February and March 1529, the crimi- 
 nating circumstances alleged being, the mystery and suddenness of the death; 
 strangulation marks round the neck; the order to the brother not to leave 
 his house; the enveloping of the head of the deceased in a veil, and opposition 
 to any scrutiny of the body; the refusal to impart any information about the 
 death to the alcalde mayor and others; the desire of Cortes to be rid of his 
 wife in order to marry a lady of rank, a niece of the bishop of Burgos. Sev- 
 eral of these points were affirmed by biassed witnesses, but not in any very 
 credible manner; while the wife of Alonso de ilvila, and others who had seen 
 the corpse, denied the knowledge of criminating signs. No sentence was 
 jjassed, and the affair was allowed to lapse into oblivion, the mother making 
 no allusion to it during a later suit for her daughter's share in the property 
 
APPOINTING OFFICERS. 
 
 139 
 
 virtually acquitted him, though scandal-mongers con- 
 tinued to hint that Cortes was not above accomplish- 
 ing the death he so desired. 
 
 In his ordinances Cortes further provided for the 
 appointment of local authorities, to consist at first of 
 two alcaldes, four regidores, a procurador, and a 
 notary, with a person appointed to collect the reve- 
 nue. The municipality must meet once or twice a 
 week in the town-hall, or its temporary substitute, to 
 discuss the affairs of the town. The alguacil mayor 
 had a vote in this council, which could not be held 
 without the presence of the lieutenant or deputy 
 governor. The municipal officers were all appointed 
 annually by Cortes, who selected those recommended 
 to his friendship or interest. This absolutism caused 
 many complaints from disappointed office-seekers, and 
 resulted in a royal decree which placed with the peo- 
 ple the nomination of three candidates for each office 
 of regidor, the governor jointly with two royal offi- 
 cials appointing one of them. The regidores were 
 besides increased to six, and some were appointed by 
 the king in perpetuity.^* Cortes objected to this 
 
 acquired during matrimony. The judges were the hostile Guzman and his two 
 fellow-members of the first audiencia. Francisco Munoz Maldonado repre- 
 sented Cortes. For account of the trial, see Acusacion, in Id., xxvi. 298 et 
 seq,; Cortes, Residencia, i. 161, ii. 358, 370, 372, etc.; Alaman, Disert., i. 30, 
 etc. ' Murio de asma, ' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 166; but the death 
 was too sudden for that. Peralta, a descendant of Suarez, attributes the 
 charge to malice, and maintains that she died a natural death, in a manner 
 similar to that of her two sisters. ' Y no tuvo culpa el marques, y did satis - 
 fa^ion dello con el sentimiento que hizo, porque la queria muy en estremo. ' 
 He erroneously styles Catalina 'Marquesa.' JVot. Hist., 133-4. It is added 
 that two sisters of Catalina lived many years in Mexico. One was married 
 to a prominent man, Andi-es de Barrios, and her three daughters became by 
 marriage related to some of the oldest and noblest houses of Castile. Of a 
 third sister, who died unmarried, nothing is said. 
 
 '^^Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, xxiii. 364, xxvi. 184, etc.; 3fex., Ex- 
 tractos de Cedulas, MS., 2, 3; Cortes, Residencia, i. 89 et seq., ii. 172 et seq. 
 The jurisdiction of the municipality had at first been limited to 3,000 mara- 
 vedis, but the sovereign extended the limit to 100 pesos de oro, and author- 
 ized the governor and his lieutenant, or jueces de residencia, to decide in cases 
 not exceeding 1,000 pesos de oro. From these authorities the appeals went 
 to the audiencia and the India council. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. i. iii. 
 The small limit was placed by decree of December 24, 1523, hence the exten- 
 sion belongs to a later date, say 1525 or 1526. Mex., Extractos de Cedulas^ 
 MS., 4, 5. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 297, 330, this series. 
 
140 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORT^IS. 
 
 abrogation of authority as tending to overshadow the 
 royal prerogative deposited with the executive ; but 
 the opposition did not long endure.^^ He as well 
 his companions made strenuous efforts to exclude 
 lawyers, as tending to create confusion, suits, and 
 embroilment generally. But their services were 
 soon found necessary, and gradually the door opened 
 wider and wider for their admission, one condition 
 being that advocates must promise under oath not to 
 aid a client unless he had justice on his side.^^ 
 
 The promotion of trade and traffic formed another 
 feature of his measures, and foremost stood the consid- 
 eration of a suitable port. Villa Rica Harbor was 
 incommodious, inconveniently situated, and unsafe, 
 particularly in being exposed to north gales. The port 
 at Pdnuco was too remote, and that at Goazacoalco 
 proved less suitable than had been expected. Search 
 was accordingly continued, and resulted in the selec- 
 tion of a site on Rio de Canoas, afterward known as 
 La Antigua.^^ The mouth formed a broad bay, shel- 
 tered partly by the shore, partly by the sand reefs 
 which formed a lagoon in front of it, and wherein 
 vessels would safely discharge goods into lighters for 
 transportation to the town which lay about a league 
 up the river. To this spot was transferred the Villa 
 
 25 Cartas, 333-4. 
 
 ^^Oviedo terms them a pest, and Pizarro y Orellana commends Cortes 
 highly for excluding Moors, Jews, and lawyers, calling him * estotro Sabio de 
 Grecia.' Varones Ilvstres, 103-7. 
 
 ' Jurasen que si sus partes no tenian justicia, no les acudirian, ni pedirian 
 terminos a fin de dilatar.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ix. Under the 
 rule of Salazar, in 1525, the existing restrictions against lawyers were disre- 
 garded, and Alonso Perez was made the jurisconsult of the cabildo, with a 
 salary of 160 pesos de oro. Aguilar, in August 1526, enforced the restrictions, 
 with fines and loss of patent for first and second contravention, and confisca- 
 tion and exile in the third instance. Lihro de Cabildo, MS., August 4, 1525, 
 August 18, 1526, May 17, 1527. By request of the city the prohibitory 
 law was revoked by cedula of August 2, 1527. Mex., Extractos de Cedillas^ 
 MS., 6. 
 
 So named from the situation there of old Vera Cruz. San Juan de Ulua 
 lay about three leagues to the south. Few old geographers pay attention to 
 the change of site undergone by the city, placing it close to Isla de Sacrificios 
 and generally to the south of it. In Munich Atlas, x. 1571, however, we find 
 Jlo de sds Joao; llaueracrus; uilla riqua; Hood, 1592, writes, R. de Medeli7i, 
 S. Son delua, Laueracruz; Sen Jual; Villa Rica, Carto(j. Pac. Coast, MS., i, 
 530. 
 
COMMERCE AND TOWN-BUILDING. 
 
 141 
 
 Rica of Port Bernal, with its officials and settlers, 
 and henceforth the name of Vera Cruz became the 
 common designation of the town.^^ Cortes wrote 
 glowingly of its prospects, as only second in rank to 
 the capital, and he proposed a Casa de Contratacion 
 to promote its trade, the roads connecting it with 
 Mexico being improved for traffic. But it found little 
 favor with the settlers, who complained so loudly of 
 its noxious airs, that those not possessing reparti- 
 mientos near it were permitted to reside at Puebla.^^ 
 An additional cause for the slow growth of Vera 
 Cruz was the removal of Medellin from the interior 
 to near the mouth of the Jamapa, four leagues south 
 of modern Vera Cruz, where its proximity could not 
 fail to exercise a retarding rivalry. Indeed, the former 
 town was frequently called Medellin. 
 
 Nevertheless Vera Cruz remained the entrep6t for 
 trade, and thence after payment of duty the goods 
 were carried to Mexico, to be announced for sale by 
 public crier. To prevent monopoly, no person was 
 allowed during the first ten days after the arrival of 
 cargoes to buy more goods than were required for per- 
 sonal or domestic use.^^ The sales took place at the 
 
 2^ See Alhornoz, Carta, in Icazhalcetxi, Col. Doc, i. 495; Allegre, Hist. Com%. 
 Jesus, i. 149; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii.; and Cortes, Cartas, 312-13, 
 all speaking of the site and removal. 
 
 30 < Porque es sepultura de espanoles y no se crian ninos en ella.' It was 
 proposed to move the town to a healthier site a league and a half below the 
 mouth, but property holders objected. Lettre, in Ternaux-Campans, Voy., 
 ser. ii. tom. v. 213. In 1531 most of the houses were still of straw, and fires 
 were frequent, one in that year causing the loss of 15,000 ducats. Salmeron, 
 Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 198. By law of July 12, 
 1530, the royal officials must alternate in residing there, one at a time. Aided 
 by the local authorities they must make the valuation of goods. Fonseca, 
 Hist. Hacienda, v. 10. Several orders for the selection of sites, the construc- 
 tion of defences, and other measures for towns, are given in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 362-5; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 30. 
 
 2^ Cortes leaves the impression that Medellin was moved to Vera Cruz, 
 Cartas, 313; but the statements of Albomoz and later developments show the 
 contrary. Jamapa appears to have been called also Rio Chalchiuhcuecan. 
 Oviedo, iii. 427. Hood, 1592, writes on his map H. de Medelin; Ogilby, 1671, 
 has R. Medelin. 
 
 32 Yrve days was the limit for provisions, and 10 for other effects, after 
 which traders could buy freely. Libra de Cahildo, MS., November 4, 1524. 
 An early regulation had prohibited traders from buying goods till 30 days 
 after their arrival on the market. 
 
142 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 two great markets of the city, one in the Spanish 
 quarter, the other in the native, both of which were 
 subjected to stringent regulations concerning methods 
 of dealing, kind and quality of goods, and prices, all 
 planned with admirable foresight. The manifold 
 products of the soil and sea, of the manufacturer and 
 artist, were displayed in the same profusion as during 
 Montezuma's rule, though varied with novelties of 
 Spanish origin. Even the production of these, how- 
 ever, was fast falling into the hands of native tillers 
 and artisans, who with a keen faculty for imitation 
 watched the operations of Spaniards, and readily sup- 
 planted them with their cheaper labor.^^ 
 
 Several of the royal cedulas which prompted or 
 modified the preceding ordinances were brought dur- 
 ing 1524 by the new revenue officials aDDointed by 
 
 For all goods a schedule of market prices was established. The method 
 in the important matter of meat was novel. The rate was determined by 
 public competition. Breeders and drovers had from New-Year's day to 
 Ash-Wednesday within which to make tenders, and at the end of that time 
 the lowest responsible bidder was assigned the contract. Owners of cattle 
 were allowed three months within which to slaughter and dispose of their 
 meats; during the rest of the year the city was supplied by the meat con- 
 tractor exclusively at the stipulated rate and under vigilant scrutiny as to 
 weight and quality. The slaughtering of cattle within the city limits was 
 strictly forbidden; the disgusting scenes of shamble life that long disgraced 
 England and other portions of the Old World were unknown. Public slaugh- 
 ter-houses, under surveillance of an inspector, were established on the out- 
 skirts, anticipating the abattoir of France. Particular directions were given 
 for the breeding of all kinds of live-stock; protection and amenability were 
 secured by having all cattle duly branded and the distinctive marks of own- 
 ership properly registered with the city notary. Fish-mongers were the most 
 important tradesmen. The sale of fish, vegetables, and perishable provis- 
 ions was made the subject of many and particular sanitary laws regulating 
 time, place, price, and quality. Cleanliness was made to be regarded as a 
 cardinal virtue. Bread could be offered for sale only in the markets. Ill- 
 baked bread was subject to seizure and the vendor to "fine. The weight of the 
 loaves was fixed and the scale of prices arranged from time to time by the 
 Jiel. The duties of the fiel were those of a market superintendent. He was 
 to inspect the condition of all victuals exposed for sale, and to try weights 
 and gauge measures used in sales. Jointly with a regidor he was to deter- 
 mine prices of goods before they were offered for sale. Scales and weights had 
 to be examined every four months. An assayer was appointed to test the 
 alloy of gold, particularly the uncoined bullion used in lieu of money. Lihro 
 de CaUldo, MS., July 29, 1524, January 13, May 16, 1525. Prices of labor 
 were also regulated to some extent, /(/., December 23, 1527, and the charges 
 at inns. See Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 170-7, etc., and CorUSy 
 Escritos Sueltos, 29 et seq., in both of which all these admirable ordinances 
 are given, as issued in 1524 and following years. 
 
ARRIVAL OF NEW OFFICIALS. 
 
 143 
 
 the crown, Alonso de Estrada, who came as treasurer, 
 Gonzalo de Salazar, as factor, Rodrigo de Albornoz, 
 contador, and Pedro Ahnindez Chirinos, veedor. All 
 had acquired a certain knowledge of their duties in 
 various minor departments of public offices in Spain, 
 although they owed their appointment chiefly to the 
 favor of the all-powerful Cobos, secretary to the em- 
 peror. This was especially the case with Salazar and 
 Chirinos, the latter more generally alluded to as 
 Peralmindez, a contraction of his first two names.^* 
 Both developed a talent for intrigue and unscrupu- 
 lousness that procured for them an unenviable record 
 in New Spain. Albornoz had held a position as sec- 
 retary near the king, and possessed excellent observa- 
 tion, but lacked strength of character. Estrada was 
 the more estimable of the four. He had been regidor 
 of Ciudad Real, and one of the royal body-guard. 
 With a claim of being the offspring of the Catholic 
 king was united love of ostentation, which wholly 
 failed to excite admiration in the minds of the some- 
 what plain and practical colonists, yet his swelling- 
 carriage was not inharmonious with the position he 
 later acquired. 
 
 The development of the country demanded this 
 increase of officials, and, since Treasurer Alderete had 
 died shortly before, their arrival proved opportune. 
 Cortes vied with the rest in according them a demon- 
 strative welcome, and in propitiating with presents 
 and repartimientos men fresh from the imperial pres- 
 ence, and representing in a great measure the supreme 
 authority, with perhaps secret instructions to examine 
 and report on the condition and management of the 
 country, as indeed they had.^^ Their public instruc- 
 tions were sufficiently explicit for them to claim a 
 
 Oveido, iii. 467, gives his birthplace as Ubeda, and that of Albornoz as 
 Madrigal. Gomara, Hist. Max., 242. Bernal Diaz differs, and writes Ubeda 
 or Baeza, and Paladinas or la Gama, respectively. Hist. Verdad., 188. 
 
 2^ This is shown by the reports which began to pour in from them. 
 Salazar on a later occasion even vaunted that he had been empowered to 
 arrest and sentence Cortes, should indications of disloyalty appear. Of this 
 more will be said in a later page. 
 
144 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 considerable share of power, involving tlie right of 
 interfering with many of the gubernatorial measures, 
 particularly those connected with treasures, tributes, 
 and revenue generally. The first step toward assert- 
 ing their power was to demand the reimbursement of 
 certain funds appropriated by him from the treasury 
 and expended on necessary expenditures against rebels ; 
 and further, to refuse allowing his claims for other 
 larger sums disbursed in promoting the welfare of the 
 country. These differences were adjusted in a spirit 
 of great moderation on both sides, for Cortes was 
 restrained by fear of the possibly hidden power of the 
 officials, and they by hopes of gifts and grants that 
 might flow from a man so influential as the captain- 
 general, and reputed to be immensely rich. The 
 time for pranks over royal prerogatives had passed; 
 what the conqueror desired most of all now was to 
 have high position confirmed to him, so that he and 
 his heirs might therein rest secure. Therefore no 
 rupture took place at this time between him and the 
 king's officials, and when he left for Honduras in the 
 autumn all were in apparent accord. In secret re- 
 ports, however, the jealousy and enmity ever present 
 in high places appeared, and this coming to his ears, he 
 wrote to the king in his defence. With Estrada, who 
 figured at Mexico in the early spring of 1524,^^ his 
 intercourse was exceedingly cordial. 
 
 This policy of placing one official to watch another 
 was quite in accord with the spirit of the age, and 
 seemed to rulers necessary for the control of officials 
 far removed from the heavy machinery of home gov- 
 ernment. In the eyes of Spanish grandees Cortds 
 
 2^ They brought special orders to collect the almojarifazgo tax of 7^ per 
 cent on imports. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, v. 7, 8. 
 
 * Pues auia hecho las armadas para sus malos fines. ' Herrera, dec. iii. 
 lib. V. cap. xiv. ; Zumdrraga, Carta, in Ramirez, Doc, MS., 273-4. Albor- 
 noz estimated the sum due by Cortes at 72,000 castellanos. Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 72-3. Cortes admits 60,000 and odd castellanos. 
 CaHas, 365. 
 
 ^^See allusion to him in March. Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 37. Salazar 
 arrived in the autumn. Cortes, Cartas, 318, 
 
MEAGRE REWARDS. 
 
 145 
 
 was but an upstart adventurer with a somewhat 
 soiled record, whose later questionable achievements 
 mu:.^t be regarded with due caution. Then there 
 were ever at hand those who made it their business 
 to defame that merit in others which they themselves 
 lacked. It was his misfortune to be one of a doubt- 
 ful horde; and the crown was at a loss whether to 
 treat him as such, or as his services deserved. Its 
 intentions in the main were good, but it lacked the 
 power of omnipotence to enforce them. 
 
 For those of lesser pretensions the Spanish author- 
 ities entertained benevolent regard, being desirous 
 of rewarding those who had served well; therefore 
 orders were given to assist disabled soldiers with pen- 
 sions, while others were directed to send in an account 
 of their claims and services, so that they might be 
 compensated.^^ Meanwhile their repartimientos were 
 confirmed to them, and exemption was granted for 
 several years from a number of taxes, with reductions 
 in others.*^ The crown was further pleased to assure 
 the colonists that New Spain should never be alien- 
 ated from Castile. 
 
 The most powerful impulse to settlement in Span- 
 ish America was undoubtedly the systems of repar- 
 
 Ordenanza, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 147-8. The re- 
 partition of spoils so far made among them was not yet confirmed, however, 
 owing to the doubts cast upon it. Mex., Extractos de C6dulas, MS., 1. 
 
 *° During the first two years they were to pay the crown but one tenth of 
 the gold obtained by mining; the next year one ninth, and so forth till the 
 regulation fifth was reached. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. iii.; lib. viii. 
 cap. xiv. This was revoked, and in 1526 the municipality of Mexico peti- 
 tioned for a fresh exemption in order to encourage mining. Libro de Cahildo, 
 MS., Kovember 10, 1526. For six years exemption was granted from all 
 taxes on victuals and provisions produced in New Spain, and all persons im- 
 porting provisions and goods for their own account were exempted from 
 almojarifazgo, or other royal duties. For eight years the settlers were free 
 of alcabala and other taxes on internal trade. In 1530 the almojarifazgo 
 exemption was extended for five years to immigrants from Spain. Mex., Ex- 
 tractor de CMulas, MS., 11. Traders paid 7| per cent, a figure which varied 
 greatly in course of time. Fines and similar dues were given to the towns 
 for ten years to assist them in constructing roads. Eonseca, Hist. Hacienda, 
 iii. 458. A revocation of this gift was protested against. Libro de Cahildo. 
 MS., August 31, 1526. 
 
 " Reaflarmed in c^dala of March 12j 1524. /d, 4. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 10 
 
146 OEDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 timientos and encomlendas/^ so equivocally begun bj 
 Columbus, and authorized by the sovereign as an en- 
 couragement to enterprising and meritorious conquer- 
 ors and colonists, and as the means of securing the 
 pacification and conversion of the natives, together 
 with a fair amount of tribute for the crown. The 
 system as concocted by the government, and as per- 
 verted and abused by the subject, has been fully con- 
 sidered in a previous volume. The chief blame for 
 the constant evading of the many measures dictated 
 with charitable intentions by the home authorities, 
 must rest with the officials sent out to watch over the 
 observance of the measures. When those highest 
 in power set the example of disobedience, poor advent- 
 urers could scarcely be expected to imperil their 
 interests by seeking to stem the current of general 
 corruption. It had been repeatedly ordered that no 
 wars should be waged against the natives until every 
 effort for gentle conquest had been employed. Priests 
 must accompany expeditions to watch over the fulfil- 
 ment of this righteous decree, to enlighten the natives 
 as to the consequences of obstinacy, to propose favor- 
 able terms for traffic, and to protect them from unfair 
 and cruel treatment.^* But whether they resisted or 
 submitted, the result was much the same, as we have 
 too often seen. In the former case they were killed 
 or enslaved at once, in the latter the chains of serf- 
 dom were slowly and tenderly wrapped round them. 
 In the Antilles, to replenish their fast thinning ranks, 
 regular slave-hunting expeditions had been organized, 
 
 Leon defines the relative meaning of these words, as understood by the 
 colonists. Repartimiento implies the first distribution of natives among the 
 conquerors ; encomienda, the second grant or redistribution thereof, on death 
 or removal of first holder. In New Spain the former term was retained to 
 designate the weekly repartition of natives to work in field or mines. Ti-at. 
 Encomiendas, 4, 5. The book is an important compilation of laws relating to 
 encomiendas, made by a relator of the Council of the Indies, Madrid, 1630. 
 
 Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262-6, this series. 
 
 These dijfferent laws addressed partly to Cort6s with renowod injunc- 
 tions, partly to governors in the Indies generally, may be consulted in Recop. 
 de Indias, i. 5G4-70 et seq. ; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 21-31; I'actieco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxiii, 353-62; Col. Doc. Ined., i. 117-18; Montemayor, 
 Sumarioa, i. et seq. ; and in preceding volumes of this series. 
 
REPARTIMIENTOS AND ENCOMIENDAS. 
 
 147 
 
 and to one of these was due the discovery of New- 
 Spain, as already related. 
 
 The conquest accomplished, the soldiers demanded 
 their repartimientos, the main and almost sole reward 
 for their long toil, now that the expected treasures 
 had dwindled to insignificance. Cortes claims that 
 the superior intelligence of the natives in New Spain 
 created a doubt in his mind whether they could be 
 successfully parcelled out in the same manner as the 
 Islanders. He thought at one time that the royal 
 taxes might be applied toward the demands of the 
 army, but recognized that the crown would expect an 
 increase of revenue rather than a diminution. The 
 clamor on all sides, from royal official to soldier, 
 must be satisfied, and so he yielded. In addition to 
 this pretext to cover the action of controlling men, it 
 was argued that the distribution of the natives was 
 the only means to protect them against indiscriminate 
 pillage and maltreatment, and to reclaim them from 
 abominable pagan vices.*^ Without real authority for 
 such measures, Cortes could only make them provi- 
 sional, but in a letter to the sovereign he explained the 
 justice and necessity for confirming the grants. At 
 a later date he even recommended the general parti- 
 tion of the towns of New Spain among the colonists.*^ 
 The court, however, had just been startled into activity 
 by the outcry of friars and judges over the cruel 
 extermination of the Islanders, and by order of June 
 26, 1523, repartimientos were forbidden, those already 
 made being revoked.*'^ But the step had not been 
 duly considered, and Cortes with the approval of the 
 royal officials took it upon himself to keep the cedula 
 secret. He frankly explained this course to the sov- 
 
 Cortes, Cartas, 271; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 329. Zumdrraga declares the 
 royal treasurer Alderete to have been the chief instigator for a distribution. 
 Carta, in Ramirez, Doc, MS., 272-3. Motolinia praises Cortds' conduct with 
 regard to the natives. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 253-77. 
 
 *^ ' Vuestra Magestad deve repartir estos pueblos por los espauoles. . .y que 
 los tienen por cosa propia.* Memorial, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xii. 280. 
 
 "6rden, in M, xxiii. 357-8. 
 
148 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 ereign on the ground that its enforcement would have 
 deprived the settlers of means of subsistence, given 
 cause for revolt, and discouraged immigration. The 
 royal revenue would fail, conversion would cease, and 
 the country itself might be lost.*^ So general were 
 the remonstrances that with the advice of the India 
 Council the prohibition was withdrawn and servitude 
 confirmed. 
 
 Even while assured in the possession of their serfs, 
 the conquerors had still grievances enough in connec- 
 tion with the terms, and. especially the amount and 
 nature of the distribution. Indeed, with so many claim- 
 ants, it was impossible to satisfy the expectations and 
 caprices of all. The favored few were naturally de- 
 clared by the dissatisfied many to be less deserving of 
 reward than they. Nor were these accusations al- 
 together unjust, for besides securing to himself large 
 and choice rewards, Cortes gave freely to recently 
 arrived friends, who had taken no part in the conquest, 
 and to others whom policy made it advisable to court. 
 Leading natives were also propitiated with a share. 
 The conditions of the grant required the holder to 
 pledge himself to an eight years' residence in the 
 country in order to assure the interest both of crown 
 and natives. This was readily evaded by obtaining 
 deputies and leave of absence, while many made use 
 of their grant merely to exchange or sell it,^^ Fur- 
 ther, the holder must build a house at the place of 
 
 *^ *Mas que lo que hasta aliora se sabe del mundo.' Cartas, T2S. 
 
 *^ In Cortes, Residencia, i. 48, 61-2, 259-62, etc. , the complaints aie freely 
 ventilated; even Zumdrraga is blunt about it, while Gomara naturally defends 
 his patron's course against insatiable malcontents. Bernal Diaz considers that 
 the country should have been divided into five parts: the best for the crown; 
 the next for the church, for benevolent purposes, and for special rewards, the 
 remainder to be distributed among the conquerors, including Cortes, accorling 
 to their standing. Hist. VerdatL, 187-8. 
 
 Whole villages were sold for a paltry 500 to 1,000 pesos. Peralta, 2^ot. 
 Hist., 128. By c6dula of March 20, 1532, holders were obliged to obtain royal 
 permit for absence, or forfeit their grant; and by anotl cr c6dula of the 16th 
 exchanges and partnerships were declared void. Puga, Cedulario, 10, 11, 79. 
 The marriage regulation could not well be enforced among these loose advent- 
 urers, and this evoked strong representations from such officials as Albornoz 
 and President Fuculaal. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdi^denas, Col. Doc, xiii. 
 75-6, 226-7. 
 
DUTIES TOWARD THE NATIVES. 
 
 149 
 
 residence, yet abstain from visiting his villages with- 
 out special permit from the lieutenant of the district, 
 partly on moral grounds, partly to prevent abuses, 
 which might also react to imperil the life of the vis- 
 itor. In pursuance of this measure, it was forbidden 
 to take away women, and boys under twelve years, to 
 work on plantations. 
 
 In order to bring forth a steady revenue, plantations 
 were to be established near the villages and towns, 
 and cultivated by the Indians of the repartimiento. 
 These were to be summoned in squads, each for a 
 period not exceeding twenty days,^^ their departure 
 and return being noted by the lieutenant of the dis- 
 trict. The working hours were from sunrise till one 
 hour before sunset, with an hour at noon for rest. 
 Dismissed men could not be summoned again within 
 thirty days. While employed they must be given 
 necessary food, and every year merchandise to the 
 munificent amount of half a peso de oro.^^ In return 
 for the service thus obtained, the encomendero must 
 promote the conversion and civilization of his people, 
 first by placing the sons of the caciques, or representa- 
 tive men in his district, in charge of friars or curates 
 to be educated. This step was promoted by the sov- 
 ereign himself in offering to provide for the education 
 of a certain number in Spain, though little came of 
 it.^* Second, by erecting a church in the towns, and 
 
 Travellers often disappeared as Camargo affirj^;!?, Hist. Tlax., 181; rj/id 
 it was found necessary to make the caciques responsible for their safety. 
 Their hospitalities were generally free, although in royal orders relating to 
 the protection of native women, and abuses, even native governors were at 
 last enjoined to take nothing from natives without payment. MontemayoTy 
 Svmarios, 163. This law was also directed against vagrants. 
 
 ^2 The later rule was to apportion 10 Indians for every 100 during 20 
 weeks of the year, and two per cent for the remaining weeks. These squads 
 were called respectively dobla and sencilla, terms corresponding to two coins. 
 Leon, Trat. Encomiendas, 5. 
 
 ^3 Laborers would hardly need more than a loin-cloth for ordinary days, 
 and but little for gala days, so that the amount is after all not so ridiculous. 
 
 5* The offer was made by letter of November 9, 1526, prompted perhaps 
 by Albornoz' suggestion to impress leading natives with the grandeur of Spain. 
 Several children died, and the parents objected to sending them so far, and 
 thus the project failed. Puga, Cedulario, 19, 21; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 482; 
 Albornoz, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Hoc, xiii. 72. 
 
150 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF COE,T]&S. 
 
 arranging for religious instruction, besides destroying 
 idols and repressing pagan rites. The labor squads 
 should receive special training, and be made to join 
 every morning in prayers accompanied by an admo- 
 nition.^^ 
 
 Encomienda Indians could not be taken to work in 
 the mines, or to places very remote fn m their villages. 
 For such purposes slaves were employed, consisting 
 of those who had been originally so held by the natives, 
 or who had been condemned to slavery for rebellion.^^ 
 We have seen how large were the numbers captured 
 and branded after the reduction of every obstinate 
 province and city; quarrels being frequoutly forced 
 upon the natives by greedy captains in order to obtain 
 an excuse for increasing the number of slaves. Even 
 this was not enough, however, and either under pre- 
 tence of purchase or intimidation the caciques were 
 made to surrender the slaves held by them. Fre- 
 quently the chiefs did not possess either sufficient 
 slaves or treasures to appease the demand made, and 
 to save themselves from persecution they gave into 
 bondage free subjects. Others were entrapped into 
 borrowing, or to the commission of petty offences, and 
 held as slaves in expiation. They were not only 
 branded, but treated with far greater severity than 
 
 Every 2,000 Indians should have a priest, where obtainable, otherwise 
 several villages must be grouped under one minister. Of course, the regula- 
 tion was disregarded like most others, and at the petition of friars an order 
 was issued in 1536 to enforce it. Puga, Cedulario, 112. The regulations as 
 issued by Cortes at Mexico, March 20, 1524, are to be found in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 135 et seq., and in Cortds, Escritos Sueltos, 27 et 
 seq. The form of certificate issued to holders may be studied in th^ follow- 
 ing specimen: ' By these presents are deposited with you, Pedro Martin 
 Aguado, a vecino of the villa de Sant Est^ban del Puerto, the lord and 
 natives of the towns of Tautoguene, Granchimar, and Tantucci, that Francisco 
 Ramirez visited, to the end that you may avail yourself of their services, and 
 they may help you in your estates and business, agreeably to the ordinances 
 now provided or hereafter to be enacted upon the subject, with the obligation 
 of giving them instruction upon the teachings of our holy Catholic faith, using 
 therefor all possible and necessary vigil«jice and solicitude. Done at this villa 
 de Santisteban on the 1st of May, 1523. Heriiando Cortes. By order of his 
 Worship, Alonso de Villanueva.' Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, vii. 308. 
 
 Certain villages, originally belonging to rebellious provinces probably, 
 and partly to mining regions, had besides to "urnish four Indians in every 
 hundred for mining. Leon, Trat. Encomiendas, 5. 
 
ABUSES OF POWER. 
 
 151 
 
 under their ancient laws/^ and even exported to the 
 islands to perish miserably under hardships and cli- 
 matic ravages. Motolinia alludes to the inhuman 
 treatment of slaves in the mines, and the consequent 
 mortality, as the sixth plague of Mexico, and he joins 
 in the representations made to the king against the 
 abuse of Indians, particularly the removal from their 
 native districts. To present this the more forcibly it 
 was pointed out that by depriving the chiefs of too 
 many slaves they would be made unable to pay the 
 required tribute. 
 
 The main representations came from the council of 
 friars and officials held at Mexico in September 1526, 
 in accordance with the instructions brought by Ponce 
 de Leon, and among the remedies proposed were the 
 appointment of inspectors to watch over the strict 
 observance of the laws protecting Indians, and the 
 grant of encomiendas in perpetuity to meritorious 
 men, who should be held responsible for the good 
 treatment of their vassals. By thus assuring the 
 possession of the grant, the holder would feel an in- 
 terest to preserve the health and lives of those belong- 
 ing to him.^^ For this reason also the tenure of towns 
 and lands by the crown was not advisable, since the 
 population either neglected to produce tributable 
 effects, or were despoiled and oppressed by different 
 
 See Native Itaces, ii. 217-22, etc., on condition, classes, and treatment. 
 Also Las Casas, El Indio Esclavo, 25. Yet Cortes writes that the most 
 effective menace toward an Indian was to intimate that he should be restored 
 to previous servitude under native masters. * Y esto temen mas que otra 
 ninguna amenaza ni castigo. ' * Esclavos cognosci yo en casa de deudos mios 
 herrados en la cara con letras que decian el nombre de quien los habia vendido. ' 
 Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 520-1. Motolinia^ speaks of the brand called 
 'rescate de S. M.,' which came with the royal officials in 1524, it seems. 
 Carta, in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc. , i. 274. The abuse was fostered partly by the 
 royal permission given in early years to enslave rebels, and to buy those 
 already enslaved, as Albornoz points out. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, xiii. 55-6; Puga, Cedulario, 16. 
 
 It was urged that Indians should not be taken beyond a distance of three 
 to four leagues from their homes; enslaving should be limited; agriculturists 
 might be introduced and given a number of natives to train in their branch. 
 Letters and Memorials, in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc, ii. 155-7, 202-3; 545-51; 
 Pacheco and Cardenas^ Col. Doc, xii. 124-5, 284-5; xiii. 56-8, 65-7; Moto- 
 Umaf Hist. Ind., 18. 
 
152 
 
 ORDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORT^IS. 
 
 officials.^^ The result was a series of decrees, ordering 
 that illegally enslaved beings should be released, that 
 enslavement must be effected only before royal offi- 
 cials, and so forth, all admirable in tone, and com- 
 mended to the clergy for enforcement; but the mere 
 permission to enslave rebellious natives opened the 
 door to many and great abuses, and the royal officials 
 were ready enough to lead the way.^° As for tenure 
 of encomiendas, they were confirmed to the holder for 
 life, subject to good conduct, and though reverting to 
 the crown upon his death, they were generally given 
 to his descendants, in part at least.^^ Others were by 
 special decrees conferred in perpetuity on certain 
 prominent families, including several native princely 
 hcuses.^^ For the crown were set aside the ports, 
 the leading towns, or capitals of districts, and other 
 select tracts.®^ 
 
 For a long time the encomenderos stood between 
 the crown and the natives as subordinate tribute col- 
 
 Cortes explains to the sovereign that on perceiving this deterioration he 
 gave certain towns in repartimientos, to the immediate increase in revenue, 
 and he therefore recommended the transfer of others. Cartas, 331-2. This is 
 confirmed by Zumdrraga's report. Ramirez, Doc, MS., 273. Tlascala had to 
 remain under the crown, but officials watched over the produce yield. Ixtlil- 
 xocliitl claims that Tezcuco declined under its condition as crown property, 
 while low-born collectors abused the impoverished lord and nobles. Rel., 391. 
 
 Indians were intimidated to submit to what was called just enslavement, 
 or voluntary service in mines, and thus the laws of 1526 and 1528 were nullified. 
 Soon after enslavement in war was forbidden, and finally slavery was abol- 
 ished, only to rise again under the term of peonage. For c^dulas see Puga, 
 Cedulario, 16, 17, 21; Col. Doc. In4d., i. 111-19; Becop. de Indias, i. passim; 
 Zamora, Bib, Leg. tilt., iii. 30 et seq. ; Torquemada, iii. 254-5; Quiroga, in 
 Facheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 425. In 1537 Tlascala decreed the 
 liberation of all her slaves, an example commended by the viceroy. Id., ii. 202. 
 
 ^^This inheritance was confirmed by c^dula of June 16, 1535, Puga, Cedu- 
 lario, 108; and opened the way for new abuses, hasty marriages being formed 
 to retain the grants, as Mendoza complains. Carta, in Florida, Col. Doc, 126. 
 
 ^2 Such as Pedro de Montezuma, whose heirs, the dukes of Atlixco, enjoyed 
 in 1699 an immense income chiefly from encomiendas bought back by the gov- 
 ernment. See Hist. Ilex., i. 460, this series, and Fonseca, Hist. Hacienday 
 i. 426. Encomiendas were gradually absorbed by the crown, either by re- 
 version or purchase, and the natives became nominally free, a condition for 
 which they grew more fitted as the new civilization, with its arts and indus- 
 tries, spread among them. 
 
 Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., vi. 81. With this order Cortes had already 
 complied, though he failed not to remonstrate against crown tenure, suggest- 
 ing that at least different measures from those prevailing should be adopted 
 for administering them. 
 
REVENUE. 
 
 153 
 
 lectors. The first revenue obtained irom "New Spain 
 had been the fifth of presents, of extorted treasures, 
 and of slaves. Even before the death of Montezuma, 
 Cortes had compelled the captive emperor to surrender 
 his tribute-rolls for the guidance of Spanish collectors, 
 who after the fall of Mexico went forth again to com- 
 plete their task. The rolls contained the names of 
 three hundred and seventy tributable towns, with the 
 amount and kind of taxes to be paid, usually one third 
 of everything made and produced, and in due propor- 
 tion where service was exacted. The collection took 
 place at different intervals for different towns, though 
 generally once every eighty days.*^ 
 
 The Spanish collectors took advantage Cijf this to 
 guide them in their search for treasures, fabrics, and 
 other valuable effects, one following another in quick 
 succession to extort all that could be obtained, by 
 menace, assumed patronage, and barefaced robbery. 
 Then the encomenderos stepped in and took what 
 they could from what was left, watching in their re- 
 spective tracts over the steady production of raw and 
 manufactured material, which must thenceforth be 
 the main reliance.^^ During the first years the caciques 
 aided both encomenderos and collectors, in receiving 
 the tribute in service and produce ; but the pressure to 
 which they were subjected tended to impoverish them, 
 partly because their vassals grew less submissive, and 
 so they gradually yielded the position to unscrupulous 
 strangers. So great was the extortion practised that 
 Motolinia calls it the fifth plague.^^ As usual cedulas 
 
 ^ The regulations for exacting the fifth have been treated of in Hist. Cent, 
 Am., i. this series. See also Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., v. 272-82; Eecop. de 
 Jndias, ii. 480 et seq. 
 
 ^ See Native Eaces, ii. 231 et seq., for a full description of the ancient 
 Bystem of taxation. In Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., are a number of reproduced 
 rent-roll paintings. 
 
 Cort6s points out that the exaction of produce tribute could not be ef- 
 fected with advantage save through encomenderos. Cartas, 330-1. 
 
 ^ *Los trataban bestialmente, y los estimaban en menos que d bestias.* 
 Hist. Ind., i. 18. Other friars also raised their voice in representations to the 
 court, Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 549, as did Zurita in his able report, wherein 
 he also shows how native rulers were abused or deposed by the encomenderos 
 when greed demanded better collectors. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 
 
154 
 
 OEDINANCES AND STATESMANSHIP OF CORTES. 
 
 appeared to repress the evil, but it was not until the 
 development and reorganization of the treasury de- 
 partment that any improvement took place, with such 
 measures as the abolishing of personal service, and 
 the assessing of tribute solely by officials, supervised 
 by inspectors and the clergy.^^ 
 
 33-5, 103-4. Nor did the disappointed longers for a share in the plunder 
 fail to join in the cry, accusing Cortes above all as one who had assumed for 
 himself the best and most numerous provinces, with some 200 rent-rolls, and 
 several millions in treasure. Cortes, Besidencia, i. 27-8, 68-9 et seq. The 
 tribute embezzled by him from Tezcuco alone was estimated at 60,000 castella- 
 nos, and yet the crown received during the first three years after the fall of 
 Mexico only about 150,000 in fifths, besides some costly presents. 
 
 ^^For the different branches and their routine, see Recop. de Indicts, ii. 
 385 et seq. ; Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, v. 13, etc. Though needing means, the 
 crown was quite moderate in its demands, which 'should never be allowed to 
 exceed those of the pagan rulers, lest the change to Christian ruling compare 
 unfavorably with previous condition.' In Mendoza's time, accordingly, the 
 tax was reduced to the small sum of 32 reales de plata for each Indian, or 
 'ocho tostones' as Fonseca puts it. Id., i. 413-14. In 1571 the tribute was 
 fixed at 72 reals of regular money and one fanega of maize for married tax- 
 payers; one real extra for widowers; and half of what they paid for unmarried 
 of both sexes. The laws in the liecopilaclon, ii. 225 et seq., ordain that sub- 
 dued Indians collected in towns pay only half their original tribute for the 
 first two years; if unconverted, the doctrina share is to be set aside for provid- 
 ing ministers and hospitals. A later decree of 1607 exempted for ten years 
 from tax and service those who voluntarily submitted to sovereign and church. 
 Those not residing within such exempt district, or subject to encomenderos, 
 must pay. Tax levy begins with the unmarried man after the eighteenth year. 
 Caciques and their eldest sons are exempt; also women and alcaldes. No tax 
 must be collected save that declared by the official assessor. Only two to three 
 staple articles should be collected in one town. Laborers should not be taken 
 away from their towns to work in plantations. The encomendero must take 
 away tribute from the towns to his residence at his own cost, and levy none 
 in case the crops fail. Personal service was abolished by law of 1549, which 
 had to be reenforced by later c6dulas, ordering produce or money to be paid 
 instead, and so forth. See also Zamora, vi. passim; Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda^ 
 
 i. 416, etc. Authorities, of greater or less value, consulted in addition to 
 those cited in preceding chapters: Col, Doc. In6d., i. 99-100; Puga, CedulariOy 
 7-71; Squier's MS., ii. 59-62; Oviedo, iii. 436, 465-77; Ternaux-CompanSy 
 Voy., ser. ii. torn. v. 5, 6, 80-5, 212-41, 276-93; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. 
 Doc, ii. 224-5; iv. 567-71; v. 556-61; vi. 170-82, 276-7, 294; vii. 290-338; 
 xii. 213-15, 277-97; xiii. 53-82, 104-8, 132-72; xiv. 43; xxiii. 353-68; xxvi. 
 6-29, 135-84, 298-351; Torquemada, iii. 253-7; Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. pp. 
 xlix.-liv., 470-510; ii. 4-24,545-53, 592-3; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 295; 
 
 ii. 91-113; Cortds, Escritos Sueltos, 26-101, 169-74; Libro de Cabildo, MS., 
 passim; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 18-19; Recop. de Indias, tom. ii. 39-45, 
 268-9; Cortds, Hist. N. Esp., 370-99; Ramirez, Proceso, 6-25, 73-6, 179-84; 
 Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 25 et seq.; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. ilfear., 
 19-21; Prescotfa Mex., iii. 259-65, 327-8; Alaman, Disert., i. 142-6, 171-91, 
 255-6, app. 105-43; ii. 30, 63-78, 178-80, 309-17; Mex. Extractos de Cedidas, 
 MS., 2-6; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 272-4; Remesal, Hist. Chyaya, 44-6; Monu- 
 mentos Domin. Esp., MS., 58, pt. v. 5, 6; Archivo, Mex. Doc, i. 19, passim, 
 ii. 31 et seq.; Panes, Extencion V. Cruz, MS., i; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 16-17; 
 Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 519-29; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa^ 
 i. 41-57; Pizarroy Orellana, Vorones Ilvstres, 103-6, 122-3; Gonzalez Ddvila,, 
 
AUTHORITIES. 
 
 155 
 
 Teatro EcJes., i. 10; Duran, Hist. Ind.y MS., ii. 520-1; Portilla, Esp. en Mex.^ 
 50, passim; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv., 574-93, 727-56, 
 805-35; Rivera, Mex. en 184^, 17-26, Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's 
 Mex. Antiq., ix. 427^7; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii, 133-41; Monglave, R4sum4y 
 133-8; Helps' Cortes, ii. 135-52; Id., Span. Conq., iii. 3-29; Castillo, Dice. 
 Hist., 290-1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 7-29, 80-8; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., 122; 
 Miller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 178-9; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 112-41; 
 Anquetil, Univ. Hist., ix. 505-8; Camargo, Hist, Tlax., 181; Mex. Mem. 
 Agric, 1843, 10-11; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, 215-53, 328-30, 396-418; 
 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 62-5, 88; Fleury, Hist. Decouv., 183-5; Fossey, 
 Mexique, 136-8; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 38, 85-7; Chaves, Resp., MS., 1-19; 
 Laharpe, Abrigi, x. 74-6; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 82 et seq.; Abbot's Mex. 
 and U. S., 27-8; Id., Cortes, 281-303; Tornel y Mendivil, Aparicion, ii. 183-95; 
 Wappdus, Mex. und C. Am., 59; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 84-6; Chevaliery 
 Mexique, 251-6; Escosura, Conjuracion, i. p. xiii; Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 
 448-9; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 249-58; Museo Mex., ii. 268-71, 352-5; Armin. 
 Alte Mex., 339, 346-8; Frost's Pic. Hist. Mex., 122-3; Pap. Var., cl. pt. 
 xxxiv. 8; cliii. pt. viii. 25-9, 46-50; Salmon's Mod. Hist., iii. 194-6; S. Am. 
 and Mexico, i. 43-4; Kewen, Nic. and Walker, MS., 3, 4; Montemayor, Svma- 
 rios, 191; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, v. 326-32; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 178-80; 
 Dubois, Mexique, 85-7; Martinez, Hist. Rev. Mex., i. 13-17; Peralta, Not. 
 Hist, 53-66, 128-34, 256, 315-40. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 1522-1526. 
 
 Religious Feeling among the Conqueroes— The First Ministers— Juan 
 Diaz and Friar Olmedo — Papal Interest Displayed — Francisco db 
 LOS Angeles' Proposed Mission — Brother Gante and his Compan- 
 ions — Father Valencia — Franciscan Rules and Privileges — The 
 Twelve Apostles — Indian Astonishment — Cortes at the Feet of the 
 Friars — Politic Self-abasement — First Synod — Monastic Disci- 
 pline — Convents and Hospitals — Methods of Conversion — Choirs 
 AND Orchestras — Tricks of Trade — Friars and Disciples — Stub- 
 bornness OF Proselytes — Baptism en Masse and Bestowal op 
 Names — Legality of the Rite — The Marriage Question — Nativb 
 Catechists and Missionaries — Inconoclasts and Martyrs — Prog- 
 ress OF Conversion and its Causes — Christian-like Rites among 
 THE Natives — Attractive Features of the Roman Church — ^Fes- 
 tivals — Character of the Friars. 
 
 While political and financial projects formed the 
 absorbing motive with the ever increasing swarm 
 of adventurers in New Spain, as elsewhere, Cortds 
 among others had not forgotten the sacred motto 
 under which he had set forth, and to which he attrib- 
 uted his success. In the famous regulations issued 
 at Tlascala before undertaking the siege of Mexico he 
 had sought to recognize their indebtedness to heaven 
 by proclaiming the primary motive of the campaigns 
 to be spiritual conquest, without which the temporal 
 acquisitions must be regarded as unjust.^ With only 
 one friar, however, whose services, in connection with 
 those of the clergyman Diaz, were almost wholly ab- 
 sorbed by the soldiers, little or no progress could be 
 made toward the great aim. In his letters to Spain, 
 
 ^ See full text thereof in Icazbalceta, Col. -Doc, i. 445-51. 
 
 ( 156 I 
 
RELIGIOUS TEACHERS. 
 
 157 
 
 Cortes clearly pointed out this deficiency, and asked 
 for more workers in so promising a field. The request 
 Was supported by Father Olmedo, and also by others, 
 who, without caring for the salvation of souls, had 
 found friars an eficctive means to promote the subju- 
 gation of the natives, and especially to maintan con- 
 trol, so as to assure possession of the grants and serfs. 
 The presence of the holy men proved also a stimulus 
 to the soldiers during the hardships of a march, or 
 the dangers of a battle, only too clearly recognized 
 by Cortes, who, for that matter, was sincere in the 
 acts of devotion with which he began and ended his 
 undertakings. So were his companions, with more or 
 less feeling, since it would have been heresy to neglect 
 Christian forms, however much the inward nature 
 disregarded them. With the prevailing simplicity and 
 religious zeal most men, indeed, felt comforted by 
 these rites, which to them constituted a great conso- 
 lation. 
 
 The king was aware of the need of spiritual guides 
 for soldier as well as native, and commended the sub- 
 ject to his councils and to the pontiff; but the little 
 known of the conquest and the country during the 
 first years infused a cautious hesitation on the part of 
 both laity and churchmen,^ and the field remained 
 neglected. During the siege of the capital five reli- 
 gious teachers figured among the thousand fighters, 
 with their two hundred thousand auxiliaries, Father 
 Olmedo, the three clergymen, Juan Diaz, Juan de 
 Leon, and Juan Ruis de Guevara, the last two of 
 Narvaez' expedition, and the Franciscan Pedro Mel- 
 garejo de Urrea, who had come to sell indulgences. 
 To this number might be added the interpreter Agui- 
 
 ^ Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 187. The Dominician Remesal charges the delay 
 in part to the want of interest taken by Fonseca in the conquests of Cortes. 
 Hint. Chya'pa, 9, and his hostility must have had its effect. Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg pleads that the hesitation of theologians and jurists to declare the 
 validity of Spain's * right to these countries — 'evidence en ITionneur de la 
 religion catholique et des ministres de Charles V. ' — was the retarding cause 
 for not sending friars to protect the natives. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 576. 
 
158 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 lar, who had studied theology and assisted at service.' 
 Only two, however, stand forward as teachers and 
 ministers, Olmedo and Diaz, the latter already mem- 
 ber of the previous expedition under Grijalva, during 
 whose voyage he performed mass and baptized a native. 
 Even he was forstalled by the priest Alonso Gonzalez, 
 of C6rdoba's party, to whom belongs the highly prized 
 honor of performing the first Christian rites in New 
 Spain.* 
 
 Juan Diaz labored under a disadvantage as a 
 churchman through his pronounced loyalty to Velaz- 
 quez, which caused him to meddle in plots, and 
 brought upon him the disfavor even of the natives. 
 He became the first parish priest in Mexico, but re- 
 signed to follow Alvarado to Guatemala for a short 
 time, after which he returned to Mexico, only to be 
 killed in a tumult at Quecholac a few years later.^ 
 
 ^ Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 215, omits Urrea, and dignifies Aguilar as dean, 
 though his later record is rather of a worldly character. He was made regidor 
 of Segura in 1520, in reward for services as interpreter, and obtained a land 
 grant from the municipality of Mexico on November 28, 1525. Lihro de 
 Cabildo, MS. In 1529 he figured as a witness against Cortes, who had failed 
 to meet his expectations of reward. CorUs, Besidencia, ii. 178-83. Bemal 
 Diaz, who supposes him dead in 1524, casts a slur on the moral character of this 
 professed anchorite by saying, 'muri6 tullido de bubas.' Hist. Verdad., 244. 
 
 *See Hist. Mex., i. 6, 9, 25. Great rivalry existed among the diflerent 
 orders, each exaggerating its share in the work of conversion. The Francis- 
 cans and Dominicans exhibit actual hostility in their relations, and the former 
 do not hesitate in their writings to claim the primacy as first comers, to which 
 end they either ignore the first laborers in the field, or argue that they came 
 without authority, and must consequently be regarded at most as spiritual 
 guardians of the soldiers alone. This spirit is apparent throughout the vol- 
 umes of Motolinia, Mendieta, Torquemada, Vetancurt, and Gonzalez Ddvila. 
 Even special papers have been written to defend the claim, among which may 
 be mentioned Vindicias de la Verdad. MS., 1773, by Francisco Antonio de la 
 Kosa Figueroa, wherein even the three Flemish friars who arrived in 1523 
 are ignored in their claim to primacy among Franciscans, on the ground that 
 they were not under the papal bull authorizing the great twelve who came in 
 1524. The real objection was probably that they were Flemings, not Span- 
 iards. Olmedo, of the order of Mercy, was undoubtedly the first friar, but 
 the organ which proclaimed his fame did not command many hearers. His 
 best champion is the editor of Bemal Diaz' Historia Verdadera, who does not 
 Bcruple, like his rivals, to invent and interpolate in this history statements 
 wherewith to extend the merits of his order. The learned Sigiienza y G6n- 
 gora devotes much attention to the subject, particularly in his Anotaciones 
 Criticas, MS. , wherein he refutes the claims of the Franciscans, yet fails to 
 exhibit sufficient facts for his argument. Grijalva, Cr6n., 1, 2. 
 
 ^Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 104r-5, following a doubt of Vetancurt, sup- 
 poses with several others that he left New Spain forever shortly after the 
 fall of Mexico, but on returning from Guatemala he appeared on October 27,^^ 
 
DEATH OF OLMEDO. 
 
 159 
 
 A more conspicuous role was filled by Father Olmedo, 
 universally respected for his prudent zeal and humil- 
 ity, his devotion to Cortds and the soldiers, and his 
 kind interest in the natives. Not only this : he was 
 in a remarkable degree for the age free from that 
 excessive zeal which controlled the conquerors, and 
 stained so many of their acts; and he possessed an 
 admirable clearness of mind and knowledge of the 
 world, which made him the trusted adviser and agent 
 of his leader, and saved the army on more than one 
 occasion from dangerous imprudence. When Cortes 
 left for Honduras in 1524 he placed him in charge 
 of the religious interests with which he was con- 
 cerned; but the good friar died shortly after, deeply 
 regretted by his countrymen and the natives.^ 
 
 Some time before this friar Melgarejo came from 
 Spain, to grant indulgences for blasphemies, outrages, 
 on defenceless natives, and similar sins and crimes, 
 and set out on his return in 1522 with a considerable 
 sum, which was captured by French corsairs.^ His 
 departure did not affect the financial interests of the 
 church, for the tithes were duly collected, amounting 
 in 1523-4 to five thousand five hundred and fifty pesos 
 de oro for Mexico city alone.^ 
 
 1525, before the municipality of Mexico to obtain tlie confirmation of a land 
 grant. Lihro de Cabildo, MS. In June 1529 he testified at the residencia of 
 Alvarado. Ramirez, Proceso, 124. Soon after he was killed during a tumult 
 between the Popolucas at Quecholac, together with three or four soldiers, 
 and was partly eaten by the natives, of whom the ringleaders were burned 
 for their crime. Testimony oi Indidins, in Concilios Prov, 1555-65, 11-15. The 
 body is said to have been deposited at Tlascala. Torquemada, iii. 71-2; Ca- 
 brera, Escudo de Armas, 215. In the hermitage of S. Estevan, adds Vetan- 
 curt, who doubts the statement of Gonzalez Davila that he was buried at 
 Puebla. Teatro, ii. 146, Puebla was not founded till 1531-2. Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg treats of his career with some pains, but makes several radical 
 blunders. 
 
 ^ He was buried at Tlatelulco, in Santiago sanctuary. Bernal Diaz, Hist. 
 Verdad., 211. It is said that he had baptized 2,500 persons. Granados, 
 Tardes, 296, sends him off to Spain, and Zamacois, as usual, hazards several 
 doubtful assertions. 
 
 ^ The corsairs captured nearly all the treasures and remittances sent on 
 that occasion. See p. 83, this volume. 
 
 ^They were farmed out, and the money used by the royal treasurer for 
 building churches, buying ornaments, and paying priests. Medellin and 
 Vera Cruz tithes were worth at least 1,000 pesosj those of other settlements 
 are not given. COrtes, Cartas^ 321. 
 
160 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 Nevertheless a bull had been issued by Pope Leo 
 X. as early as April 25, 1521, in favor of two Fran- 
 ciscan applicants, the prominent Francisco de los 
 Angeles^ and Juan Clapion, the latter a Fleming and 
 former confessor to the emperor, whereby they wer'* 
 permitted to preach, baptize, confess, administer the 
 sacraments, decide matrimonial questions, administei 
 extreme unction, consecrate churches, excommunicate 
 and absolve from excommunication, without inter- 
 ference from any secular or ecclesiastic authority. 
 While suitable companions were sought for, and the 
 necessary means, the death of the pope took place, 
 followed by that of Clapion and other obstacles, 
 chief among them the election of Angeles as general 
 of his order. 
 
 The election of the cardinal-regent Adrian of Spain 
 to the papacy, early in 1522, and the clearer accounts 
 from New Spain, caused more energetic measures 
 to be taken by the church, and on May 13, 1522,^^ 
 a new bull was issued, authorizing all mendicant 
 friars, especially the minorites designated by their 
 superior, to freely undertake the conversion of na- 
 tives in the Indies. Only those fitted by their life 
 and knowledge for the position should be selected. 
 The prelates of the orders and their delegates were 
 invested with all power needed for the conversion of 
 natives and the maintenance of the faith in the Indies, 
 including the exercise of such episcopal acts as did 
 not actually require the prerogative of a consecrated 
 bishop, in places where no such prelate existed, or in 
 places lying at a greater distance from the bishop's 
 
 • * Por otro nombre, de Quinones, hermano del conde de Luna. ' Mendietat 
 Hist. Ecles., 187. 
 
 ^"Remesal, Bist. Chyapa, 41, seems rather nettled at these vast privileges 
 to a rival order, and assumes with an * of course ' that they applied also to 
 the later coming Dominicans. 
 
 In 1522, at Valladolid, says Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., ii. 501-2, who writes 
 the name Glapion. Torquemada, iii. 6, 7, following Mendieta, attributes too 
 much effect on the project to the demise of the pope. Yet the new pope may 
 have objected to the privilege assigned so exclusively to two friars. 
 
 ^2 In 1523, Mendieta. He afterward became cardinal. Vetancvrt, Chron. , I. 
 So reads the Latin text, yet almost every author says either 9th or 10th. 
 
THE FLFMINGS. 
 
 161 
 
 abode than two days' journey.^* All privileges granted 
 to friars for the Indies by preceding pontiffs ^ ere 
 confirmed. 
 
 Ever since the projected transfer of C6rdoba's dis- 
 coveries to the admiral of Flanders/^ the Flemings 
 had taken a certain interest in the new region, and 
 with the authorization issued to Franciscans generally 
 to engage in conversion, three friars of that nationality 
 obtained permission to begin the long delayed work.-^^ 
 They were Juan de Tecto, guardian of the convent at 
 Ghent, the emperor's confessor, and a most learned 
 man," Juan de Aora, and Pedro de Gante, laybrother, 
 a man of talent and exemplary life, who acquired great 
 respect and influence, the latter chiefly through his 
 relationship to Charles Y}^ 
 
 Leaving Spain in May, they reached Villa Rica 
 
 ^* The permission gave rise to numerous quibbles, and by bull of Feb. 15, 
 1535, at the request of the Franciscan commissary, this episcopal power was 
 extended to any place, without restriction as to distance, but subject to the 
 consent of the bishop in the diocese concerned. The text of the different 
 bulls is given fully, or in substance, in Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 188-96; Prov. 
 Sto Evang., MS., pt. iii. 83; Torquemada, iii. 6, 7; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat.y 
 18; Garcia, Hist. Bethlem., ii. 13; Beaumont^ Gr6n. Mich., ii. 507. 
 See Hist. Mex. , i. , this series. 
 
 Coming solely with the permit of their provincials, ' no con autoridad 
 apost61ica. . .ni con mandato del ministro general,' they cannot be recognized 
 as the first Franciscans in New Spain, observes Mendieta. Hist. Ecles., 215. 
 
 "For 14 years professor of theology at Paris. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 111. 
 As his confessor, the emperor at first hesitated to let him go ; but his star 
 called him to perish miserably on the terrible Honduras expedition in 1525, 
 under Cortes. See Gante in Cartas de Indias, 52; also Hist. Cent. Am.,i. 548, 
 this series. Bemal Diaz includes Juan el Flamenco among those who were 
 drowned in the vessel sent by Cortes to Mexico on arriving at Honduras. Hist. 
 Verdad. , 208. This may refer to Aora, who accompanied Tecto, and died on 
 the same journey, as Gante affirms, Lettre, in Teriiaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i. 
 tom. X. 199-200, for Torquemada, iii. 424-5, declares that Tecto died of star- 
 vation and hardship during the march to Honduras. Mendieta on the other 
 hand writes that Aora died while catechising at Tezcuco, soon after hi3 
 arrival, and that his body was removed to the Franciscan convent at Mexico, 
 after its completion. Hist. Ecles. , 607. If so, he was the first missionary who died 
 in New Spain. The name given to Tecto is the Spanish form for Jean de Toit. 
 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 251. What relationship is not clear, though 
 Alegre says, 'For la ilustre sangre de los reyes de Escocia,' Hist. Comp. Jesus, 
 
 i. 180; and Ixtlilochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 60, guesses at cousin, while Pres- 
 cott, Mex., iii. 256, and Brasseur boldly assert, his 'illegitimate son;' 
 'brother' would have been a better guess, since Charles was born in 1500, and 
 at Ghent (Gante). His proper name was ' Pierre de Mura, natif de la villa 
 d'Yguen, dans la province de Budarde.' Gand, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, 
 Voy., s6riei. tom. x. 199. Hazart writes Petrus de Muro. Kirchen-Geschichtey 
 
 ii. 529; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 47. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 11 
 
162 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 August SOtli/^ and were received with the demon- 
 strations suited to their sacred mission. Tezcuco was 
 chosen for head-quarters, none of them as yet speak- 
 ing Spanish well enough to secure the attention of 
 Spanish congregations at the capital. Indeed, the 
 Flemings do not appear to have been favorites among 
 the soldiers, and Gante, at least, took little pains to 
 court them, or to employ their idiom. Their charge 
 was the natives, whose language they studied and 
 to whose wants they ministered, while rapidly ex- 
 tending the sway of the church, and raising her em- 
 blem in numerous edifices,''^^ assisted, according to 
 Mendieta, by two other Franciscans from the An- 
 tilles, who died soon after their arrival.^^ Little is 
 known of their labors, however, for the chroniclers 
 confined their attention almost exclusively to those 
 sent out by the Spanish prelates. 
 
 The election of Francisco de los Angeles to the 
 generalship of the Franciscans enabled him to prose- 
 cute his scheme for the conversion of the new-world 
 natives with greater directness, and with the approval 
 of the king and council he selected a friar to accom- 
 plish his purpose in the person of Martin de Valencia, 
 provincial since 1518 of San Gabriel, wherein he had 
 earned a pious fame by founding the monastery of 
 Santa Maria del Berrocal. He had long sought in vain 
 for missionary glory, and now, in his fiftieth year, with 
 hope fast fading, his ambition was to be gratified. 
 
 Gand, loc. cit. They had been nearly a year in Spain, learning the lan- 
 guage and awaiting license no doubt. 
 
 Including St Joseph, the first seminary in New Spain. Mendieta^ Hist. 
 Edes. , 407-8 ; Ponce, Bel. de las Gosas, in Col. Doc. Ined. , Ivii. , 181 . 'Catequizado 
 y bautizado por su mano mas de un millon de indios.^ Alegre, ubi sup. 
 
 2^ 'De cuyos nombres no tuve noticia. . .aunque supe que se enterraron en 
 Tezcuco.' Hist. Ecles., 215. Ixtlilxochitl also accepts five friars. Hor. Cruel- 
 dades, 60. One of them was Varilla, no doubt; and perhaps his companion, 
 who is said to have died on board the rescue vessel sent for Zuazo, may have 
 been reckoned as the fifth. 
 
 2^ He was born at Valencia de Don Juan, Oviedo bishopric, in about 1474, 
 his true name being Juan Martin de Boil, according to Vetancurt. Menolog. , 
 93. ' Martinus de Valencia de Alcantara' it is written in Morelli, Fasti Novi 
 Orbis, 103. He took the habit of the order at Mayorga in Benavente. Although 
 Motolinia, Ilisi. Ind., i. 148-56, followed by Mendieta, IJist. Ecles., 571-9, and 
 
MAE,™ DE VALENCIA. 
 
 163 
 
 After selecting twelve companions, he received from 
 the general written instructions, based on the papal 
 decree, whereby Valencia, with the title of custodio,^^ 
 was to proceed to New Spain and there establish the 
 Custodia del Santo Evangelio,^* extending conversion 
 in accordance with the rules of the order. By a 
 special patent, dated October 23d, he was invested, for 
 himself and successors, with all the power possessed 
 by the general in external jurisdiction, including 
 ecclesiastic censures, as well as in points of conscience, 
 save with tw^o exceptions,^^ and in a royal cedula the 
 friars were commended to the governors in the Indies. 
 
 Torquemada, iii, 392-9, devote many pages to his earlier life, yet they reveal 
 little save his character. Remesal assumes that Friar Garcia de Loaisa, the 
 Dominican successor of Fonseca as president of the India Council, appointed 
 Valencia. BisL Chyapa,^9. This can be true only in so far that he assented 
 to the choice made by Angeles. He would no doubt have chosen men of his 
 own order. According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 240, Cortes' own appeal to 
 Angeles gave impulse to the mission. 
 
 '^'^ The superiors in the order, aside from the agents and inspectors, occupied 
 four grades : 'presidente, the chief of a group of two or more friars, collected at 
 any place, to which place the term of convent was usually given, wliile the 
 president was often entitled guardian by courtesy. The next higher grade 
 was that of guardian proper, in charge of a full convent of 12 voters, by whom 
 he was elected; then the custodio, controlling a certain number of convents; 
 and provincial, the chief of a provincia, to which rank a custodia was raised 
 when the number of convents, the resources, and population warranted its 
 formation. Seven convents have been deemed sufficient in some instances to 
 claim the advancement, although a dozen were esteemed a more appropriate 
 number. Above the provincials ruled the general of the order, with his com- 
 missaries, visitadores, and other officers. 
 
 ' En la Nueva Espana y tierra de Yucatan. ' 
 
 2^ The instructions issued at the convent of Santa Maria de los Angeles, 
 1523, on October 4th, it seems, accord to Valencia full control over the Fran- 
 ciscan friars in New Spain, any one who objects having to depart for Espanola. 
 The right acquired by the friars in Spain would continue in force. At the 
 death of the custodio, or at the expiration of his three-years term, the eldest 
 priest must convoke a chapter, composed of those confreres who could gather 
 within 30 days, and by their votes elect the new custodio. The latter must 
 attend in person, or by delegate, the chapter held every sixth year for the elec- 
 tion of a general, there to vote, if permitted, and to receive instructions. The 
 friars should, if possible, live together in one place, in order to promote con- 
 version by their life and example; in any case they must live in groups of at 
 least two or four, one of them as superior, to maintain the law of obedience, 
 and within a distance of al)out 15 days' journey, so as to readily join their 
 prelate once a year for deliberation. Further rules were left to their discretion, 
 and to the general chapter, when the wants of the new district would be better 
 known. Franciscanos, Instruc, 139-43, in Prov. Sto Evang., MS.; Mendieta, 
 Hist. Ecles., 200-2; Torquemada, iii. 10-12. 
 
 ■■^•^ The admission of nuns to any of the three grades of Santa Clara, and 
 absolving those excommunicated viva voce et in scriptis by the general, 
 
 ■''''This was dated December 12, 1523, and recorded in Libra de Cahildo, 
 MS., March 9, July 28, 1525. 
 
164 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 Toward the close of 1523 the missionaries gathered 
 at Belvis convent to perfect arrangements for the voy- 
 age. They numbered besides Valencia ten ordained 
 priests and two lay brothers, nearly all belonging to 
 the provincia de San Gabriel : Francisco de Soto, 
 Martin de Jesus de la Coruna, Jose de la Coruna, 
 Juan Juarez, Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, and Toribio 
 de Benavente, preachers and learned confessors ; Gar- 
 cia de Cisneros and Luis de Fuensalida, preachers ; 
 Juan de Ribas and Francisco Jimenez, priests; and 
 the lay brothers, Andres de Cordoba and Juan de 
 Palos.^^ Soto was a man of recognized intelligence, 
 who had occupied the position of guardian; Fuensa- 
 lida became successor to Valencia, and Benavente 
 figured as one of the leading apostles. They will 
 nearly all appear during the history in more or less 
 prominent positions. 
 
 After a sojourn of a few weeks at Seville they left 
 San Liicar on the 25th of January, 1524, in company 
 with twelve Dominicans, commissioned like them for 
 evangelical w^ork in the Indies. Jose de la Coruna 
 alone failed to join them, having been despatched to 
 the court on business. At Santo Domingo the 
 
 Palos replaced at the last moment Bernardino de la Torre, who figures 
 at the end of the list given in the patent already quoted, and was found 
 'unworthy,' Camargo obtained a list of 15, not one of whom corresponds to 
 the above. Hist. Tlax., 192. 
 
 ^^The family name of Benavente, known afterward as Motolinia, was 
 Paredes, it seems, for so he signs the preface to his Hist. Ind., 13. Juarez, 
 also written Suarez, became guardian at Huexotzinco. Afterward he, together 
 with the lay brother Palos, an exemplary preacher among the natives, joined 
 Narvaez' expedition to Florida, where both perished miserably. Elected 
 bishop of Rio de lasPalmas, according to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. iii., fol- 
 lowed by Vetancvrt, Menolog., 32, without date. The other lay brother, 
 Cordoba, died in Jalisco, and was buried at Izatlan, his bones being held in 
 great veneration. Their biographers may be found in Mendieta, Hist. Edes.y 
 611-28; Torquemada, iii. 432-47; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 52, 63, et seq.; 
 Vetancvrt, Menolog., 32 et seq., and in other authorities which will be given 
 when they are spoken of in the course of history. 
 
 The pope had recently died, and Beaumont believes that a ratification 
 of the friar patent may have been sought from the new pontiff. Cr6n. Mich., 
 iii. 181-3. Whatever his mission, Jose delayed, and after replacing an 
 'unworthy ' lay brother, so as to conform in number to the 12 apostles, ' pues 
 iban a ejercitar el mismo oficio apostolico, ' Valencia embarked with his 11 
 companions. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 207, 628. That 12, not 13, left, is con- 
 firmed by Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 14, 267; 'el.padre Fray Martin. . .con once 
 f railesj' although Valencia's expression in a letter of 1531 is doubtful; ' proe- 
 
CHRISTIAN HUMILITYc 
 
 1G5 
 
 Dominicans remained,^^ and the Franciscans, after a 
 stay with them of six weeks, due partly to the easter 
 celebration, proceeded to San Juan de Ulua, Valencia 
 being invested with the additional power of inquisitor. 
 
 They arrived on May 13th,^^ and although Cortes 
 hastened to send officers and servants with orders to 
 attend to their reception and comfort, the friars mod- 
 estly declined every indulgence, and marched bare- 
 footed toward the capital, attracting no little attention 
 from the natives. " Who are these so humble, yet so 
 revered ? " What coarse and patched robes ! " Poor 
 men!" Among the expressions thus employed was 
 frequent the term motolinia. ' ' What means the word ? " 
 asked Friar Benavente. "Poor," replied a soldier; 
 *'and it is applied, reverend father, to the humbleness 
 of your appearance." "Then shall it be my name," 
 rejoined the friar; and henceforth he called and signed 
 himself Toribio Motolinia, a name spread far and wide 
 during the following years as that of a zealous apostle.^* 
 At Tlascala they sought, with the aid of an inter- 
 preter, to give the wondering natives an idea of their 
 mission, and as they approached Mexico,^^ its impor- 
 
 sertim illi duodecim, qui missi sunt vna mecum. ' Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 
 146. The looseness of utterance in some parts of Motolinia and others has, 
 however, misled most subsequent authorities, and Gomara, Gonzalez Davila, 
 Fernandez, and Cavo, all pronounce for 13. 
 
 To await their prelate, it is said, though their long delay implies that 
 New Spain had not yet been definitely accepted as their destination. They 
 followed the Franciscans only in 1526. The equipment so far had been iu 
 common for both orders, with a view to promote a good understanding. The 
 king had given to each garments of frieze and other necessaries, including 900 
 ducats for church paraphernalia, 800 being payable in the Indies. Remesaly 
 Hist. Ghyapa, 10. 
 
 His title was comisario of the inquisition for New Spain, conferred by 
 the inquisitor Pedro de Cordoba, vicar- general of the Dominicans, then at 
 Santo Domingo. The slightly restricted authority lasted till the Dominicans 
 arrived in 1526. Id., 41. 
 
 ^^On Friday before pentecost, says Mendieta. Motolinia writes 12th. 
 The landing may have taken place on the 13th. 
 
 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 210-11; Molina, Vocahulario. According to 
 Bemal Diaz, the name was applied by Mexican chiefs for the reason that 
 Toribio gave to the natives everything he received. Hist. Verdad., 191. But 
 this version is less credible. Vazquez points out that the friar generally 
 signed 'Motolinia Fr. Toribio,' with true allusion to the meaning. Chron. de 
 Gvat., 527, 534. 
 
 June 23d, Not. Mex., in Monumentos JDom. Esp., MS., 322, though others 
 intimate a few days earlier. 
 
186 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 tant and sacred character was fully impressed upon 
 them by the demonstrative reception on the part of 
 the governor, who came forth to welcome them with 
 a brilliant retinue, including King Quauhtemotzin, 
 the leading captains and chiefs, friars Olmedo and 
 Gante, and with the entire city following. Dismount- 
 ing, Cortes knelt before them, and seized Valencia's 
 hand to kiss it. With the humility characteristic of 
 his profession, the father withdrew his hand, where- 
 upon Cortes kissed the robes of the friars in turn, an 
 example followed by his retinue, to the intense aston- 
 ishment of the natives, who had not hitherto been 
 offered so public and profound a display of humility 
 on the part of the mighty conquerors, men who had 
 barely chosen to doff the hat to the sacred Monte- 
 zuma, and who received the submissive salutes of their 
 lords with disdainful condescension. In brilliant array, 
 decked with gold and precious stones, these men 
 humbled themselves to the dust to the barefooted and 
 meanly clad strangers. Could they be gods in dis- 
 guise ! 
 
 With sincere devotion to the church, Cortes com- 
 bined profound respect for its ministers, as we have seen. 
 Nevertheless, his extreme humiliation on the present 
 occasion was dictated chiefly by politic motives. The 
 friars possessed immense power, representing as they 
 did the church, wherein still lay deposited an influ- 
 ence before which the mightiest of princes bent sub- 
 missive, and at whose hands the sovereigns of Portu- 
 gal and Spain received the heavenly title to half a 
 world. Such personages must be courted, not alone 
 
 According to Ixtlilxochitl, who ever has in mind his own town and fam- 
 ily, the reception took place near Tezcuco, on June 12, 1523! The friars 
 were conducted to Nezahualcoyotl's palace, and there they transformed one of 
 the halls into a chapel, wherein on the following day King Ixtlilxochitl was 
 baptized as Fernando, Cortes acting as godfather. This example was followed 
 by his family, including the mother, though the latter needed much persua- 
 sion, and by all the nobles, as well as a large portion of the common people, 
 prepared as they were by friar Gante. Hor. Crueldades, 73-5. There is evi- 
 dently a good deal of invention in this account. It is hardly probable that 
 Cortes went to Tezcuco to receive .them. When the three Flemings arrived 
 at this city, there was no doubt a fine reception, but Cortes was sick at the 
 time, and his visit of res^Ject must have assumed a more private character. 
 
COKTES PROPITIATES THE FRIARS. 
 
 167 
 
 for their control over the soldiers and colonists, but for 
 their influence at court, to which they would report 
 directly or indirectly concerning the condition of the 
 country and the management of the royal interests ; 
 reports that would have more weight than those from 
 other sources. Then, again, these friars were destined 
 to exercise control over the natives far more effective 
 than that obtained by force of arms, and thereby as- 
 sure possession of the conquest to the crown and of 
 grants and serfs to the conquerors. It was well, there- 
 fore, while propitiating these men to impress on the 
 natives their sacred character, and to set a striking ex- 
 ample of the respect that should be paid to them. This 
 politic deference Cortes constantly maintained, and 
 with good effect on all concerned. On one occasion 
 it is related that the inhabitants of Tezcuco were in- 
 dignant because one of their chiefs had been flogged 
 for not attending mass. Informed of this, Cortes 
 concluded for a little by-play to assume the role of 
 martyr. Informing the priests of his purpose, he 
 absented himself from mass; for which delinquency 
 he was sent for, and stripped and flogged by the friars 
 in the presence of a number of the mutinous natives, 
 and thus reconciled them to the despotic acts of their 
 spiritual guardians. 
 
 Shortly after his entry into Mexico, Valencia sum- 
 moned the five friars who were already in the country 
 and thus seventeen were gathered in chapter to con- 
 sult on the best manner of proceeding with the con- 
 version. On this occasion, the 2d of July, 1524, the 
 custodia was formally established, and divided into 
 four districts centring round Mexico, Tezcuco, Huex- 
 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 186; Vetancvrt, Chron., 2; CorUs, Cartas, 
 etc., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 456, v. 449-50. The natives 
 have commemorated several of these acts in. their picture-writings. Torque- 
 mada, iii. 21-2; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. 
 
 2^ The three Flemings, Varilla who came with Zuazo, and Olmedo proba- 
 bly. Yet Mendieta speaks of the fifth also as a Franciscan, he as well as the 
 fourth 'vinieron. . .al tiempo de la conquista.' i/^.s■^. Ecles., 215. The meeting 
 or chapter was held a fortnight after arrival. Motolinia, Hist. Ind.y 143. ' Dia 
 de la Visitacion de Nuestra Senora, ' says Mendieta. 
 
1^ 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 otzinco, and Tlascala, to each of which were assigned 
 four friars, Valencia making a fifth at the capital. 
 
 Temporary convents were founded at each of these 
 places, while means and aid were obtained to erect 
 permanent edifices, usually in prominent localities, as 
 a standing exhortation to the flock from an architec- 
 tural as well as a religious point of view. At Mexico 
 the site of the first convent appears to have been on 
 Santa Teresa street,^^ and since the building in the 
 
 39 Torqueniada, iii. 25-8, 303, following chiefly Motolinia and Mendieta. 
 Those who lived in Tezcuco had been driven thither by the hostilities en- 
 countered from the Spaniards at Mexico, says Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 
 81, and not so incorrectly, for the Flemings were looked upon as intrusive 
 foreigners, and not well versed in Spanish. Valencia offered to resign if the 
 friars preferred another custodian, but this was unanimously opposed. The 
 chapters were held every three years to elect superiors, and every 18 months 
 an intermediate meeting took place to discuss affairs. They were attended 
 by the guardians of convents, and by discretos, one elected for each convent 
 to represent the presidencia groups of friars. See note 23 for significance of 
 these grades. The discretos must be elected by at least four presidencia rep- 
 resentatives, and be priests who had said mass for three years. They had 
 equal vote with the guardians at the chapter. This was held at the most con- 
 venient meeting-place, in New Spain, usually at Mexico, the sessions being 
 generally of seven or eight days' duration. At the present chapter, and sub- 
 sequently, the rules for the order were duly considered with regard to modi- 
 fications required in a different clime, and with new associations. Novices 
 had to submit in all strictness to the general constitution, and Indians, mes- 
 tizos, and Creoles could be admitted only by the provincial and discretos 
 jointly, after a probationary term at the convent, the vote of whose inmates 
 was required as one of the conditions for receiving them. By regulation of 
 1565 the examination of novices was made stricter. One hour of mental 
 prayer with lesson was required in the early part of the night, and another 
 after matins; discipline three times a week, with extras during lent and feast- 
 days. Alms must be asked only for actual sustenance and sacristy purposes, 
 under penalty. If the collection did not sufl&ce, then the sovereign and enco- 
 menderos might be appealed to, as the Indians were too poor to be molested. 
 The noonday and evening meal should conform to regulated rations, except 
 on feast-days, when a little extra might be taken at noon. The dress must 
 always be of sackcloth, and consist of only one robe and tanic. Blue was 
 adopted as the cheapest and most convenient color. Friars must not interfere 
 in disputes between Indians and Spaniards; or between Indian women, or in 
 appointment of rulers, or with judges, etc. A chorister and a lay brother had 
 no active vote till after wearing the robe three years and passing the 25th 
 year of his age. Guardian might be elected in a convent with 12 voters, not 
 counting presidencia members. Newly arrived members obtained a vote for 
 discrete only after one year's residence, and for guardian after two years, 
 unless given the privilege by chapter, in consideration of ability. None could 
 be elected provincial, definidor, or comisario of the provincia until after five 
 years' residence. For every friar who died one mass was to be chanted in 
 each Franciscan house, with vigil; in addition to this every priest received 
 four masses; every chorister, three funeral services; and every lay brother, 
 300 prayers, etc. Every Sunday services must be held for the dead members. 
 Francis. Constit., 123-34, in Prov. Sto Evang., MS. 
 
 ''•'According to Torquemada, iii. 36, followed by Vetancurt, Chron., 31-2, 
 the site was the same on which afterward rose the cathedral. This appears 
 
HOSPITAL AND CONVENTS. 
 
 169 
 
 capital must ever be regarded as the centre for the 
 order, contributions for it came even from afar, chiefly 
 from the natives, in men and material.*^ 
 
 Cortes also gave substantial aid in different ways 
 in promoting their benevolent aims, one of which was 
 the care of poor and sick natives. To this end he 
 had already erected a hospital, de la Purisima Con- 
 cepcion,^^ which still exists, a monument to his chari- 
 table devotion and a relic of the reedification period. 
 
 to be a mere supposition, based on the fact that the friars had obtained a 
 right to the cathedral ground, which they transferred to the bishops for a 
 cc'^nsideration of 40 pesos and the reservation of a pulpit and altar. The acts 
 of the municipality, Lihro de Cahildo, MS., May 2, 1525, January 31, 1529, 
 and other dates, with observations of Father Pichardo, are conclusive in this 
 respect. Alaman, Disei'L, ii. 142, indicates the house at present occupying 
 the site. Orozco y Berra presents slightly different arguments. 3Iex. Mem. , 
 102. While not wholly agreeing with these writers, Salazar admits in the 
 main their views in his critical notes of Mex. en 1554, 213 et seq. ' Dove 
 6ggidi h il Convento grande di S. Francesco,' says Clavigero, hastily, Storia 
 Mess., i. 272, and with total oblivion of the removal. Prescott and others 
 fall partly into the error. 
 
 Ixtlilxochitl relates that his royal namesake led the Tezcucan nobles in 
 procession to carry stones, thus setting an example to the common people. 
 Bel., 447. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 182, speaks of a splendid building, 
 which is doubtful, since it was erected in great haste; and that Gante built 
 it. In 1534 the site was abandoned, and a really fine convent erected on San 
 Francisco street, so as to be near the Indians, to whom the friars had been 
 sent. Vetancvrt, Chron., 31-2; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esjp., MS., 62. 
 
 *2 The existence of the hospital at this date is shown by the Lihro de 
 Cahildo, MS., August 26, 1524, and, although no name is given, it must be 
 that of Cortes, since the friars could not have erected one so soon after their 
 arrival. The building is of interest as the only relic of the edifices erected 
 by the first Spaniards, all others having either disappeared or undergone a 
 complete change. Orozco y Berra, Mex. Not. Ciudad, 160. It stands in 
 what used to be the Huitzillan quarter, and was most carefully constructed, 
 the site granted comprising originally 128 varas east by west. By bull of 
 April 16, 1529, the pope conferred on Cort6s the perpetual patronage of this 
 and other similar establishments to be founded by him, with the right to 
 appropriate tithes and premices under certain conditions for their support. 
 A bull of approximate date confers absolution on penitents who may attend 
 there. All the privileges of the bulls were not approved by the king, how- 
 ever, and even the cathedral sought to dispute the right to tithes, which was 
 confirmed to the hospital in 1653. A part of its revenue came from rents 
 of buildings upon its ground. Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 404, states that 
 Cort6s proposed it as a sepulchre for his family; but this applies to the con- 
 vent which he intended to erect at Coyahuacan, his favorite city. In 1603 a 
 sacred Christ image fell to the hospital, by lot, and henceforth it assumed the 
 name of Jesus that it still bears. Cortes planned several other institutions 
 which were n^-er erected for want of sufficient funds, and his descendants 
 did not consider themselves bound to supply the money, though appealed to 
 by Archbishop Manso and others; nevertheless they bestowed large gifts on 
 the hospital and other establishments. Alaman, Disert., ii. 81-9, 2d app. 
 26-48, Orozco y Berra and Cabrera already quoted, and Ilamirez, in notes to 
 Prescott's Mexico, have given considerable attention to these and other points 
 
170 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABOES. 
 
 Thus by precept and example Cortds sought to 
 impress the natives with the superiority of the friars 
 even to himself, the representative of the greatest 
 ruler on earth, and the conquered were only too eager 
 to conform to the orders of their masters by tender- 
 ing respect and obedience to the holy men/^ So deep, 
 indeed, was the impression made that their arrival 
 became a starting-point in their chronology under the 
 tonn of ^'the year when the faith came." While rec- 
 ognizing the policy of maintaining a high rank among 
 the flock, the friars nevertheless dissipated the more 
 extravagant notions, and presented themselves as 
 humble and mortal servants of the ruler of heaven 
 and of princes, sent to impart the blessings of the 
 only saving faith, and to rescue the natives from the 
 misleading rites of the evil one. To this end they 
 requested that the children be intrusted to their care 
 for instruction, which afterward should be imparted 
 also to the elders, and that as the first step to its 
 accomplishment a building should be erected close to 
 the convent, comprising school, chapel, dormitory, and 
 refectory, sufficiently large to accommodate a thou- 
 sand children.*^ 
 
 The chiefs hastened to obey, but when the time 
 came for surrendering their children several held back 
 partly from devotion to native gods, and sent instead 
 
 connected with Cortes and Mexico city. Another hospital, San Ldzaro, ex- 
 isted in tlie first decade of the conquest, v/hich may be identical with the 
 infirmary spoken of by Gante, near the convent, wherein as many as 400 sick 
 and destitute natives were cared for. He asks the emperor to give it alms. 
 Letter of November 1532, in Cartas de Indlas, 51-2. It was removed to a 
 new site by President Guzman, for sanitary reasons, and since then no data 
 appear. Puga, Cedulario, 40. In 1572 a license was issued to Pedro Lopez, 
 who erected a hospital for leprous persons chiefly at his own expense. Cabrera^ 
 Escudo de Armas, 434-5. 
 
 *3 Ixtlilxochitl relates that a princess of Tezcuco on first meeting the friars 
 imitated the example of the Spaniards by bending one knee before them. 
 This unusual form of courtesy on the part of a lady created a smile even 
 among the reverend fathers, so much so that the princess drew back with an 
 air of offended dignity. Ilor. Crueldades, 75-6. 
 
 Gante writes in 1532 that he had from 500 to 600 under his charge. 
 Cartas de Indias, 51. While this building and the convent were in course of 
 erection the friars stayed with Father Olmedo, perhaps in one of Cortds* 
 houses. Bernal Diaz, IJist. Verdad., 191, their wants being provided for chiefly 
 by him. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 240. 
 
HOW THE NATIVES WERE TAUGHT. 
 
 171 
 
 children of their servants. The deception turned to 
 their own disadvantage, for the instructed children, 
 though of low origin, obtained preferments which 
 otherwise must have been given to the young chief- 
 tains.*^ At first the instruction was confined chief]}' 
 to learning prayers and participating in the frequent 
 religious exercises. Then were added reading, writing, 
 and other branches. Motolinia goes into ecstasies 
 over the quick apprehension and docility of the pupils. 
 After a short training they could copy elaborate man- 
 uscripts in so perfect a manner that it was difficult to 
 distinguish the original. Illuminations and drawings 
 were reproduced with equal skill, and sent to Spain a-^ 
 specimens, creating no little admiration. Singing 
 proved particularly attractive to them, and was readily 
 acquired, though taught by an old-fashioned friar 
 who addressed the children in studied Spanish phrase- 
 ology to the amusement of listeners. Although 
 the pupils gasped in astonishment at the harangue, 
 without comprehending a word, signs and example did 
 wonders, and it was not long before an excellent choir 
 existed, several of whose members were sent to train 
 their young countrymen in other towns. Their voices 
 were not as good as those of the Spaniards, but in 
 other respects no objection could be found. A Tlas- 
 caltec composed a few years later a mass that received 
 high approval. Instrumental music was also taught, 
 at first the flute, by Spanish professionals, who were 
 paid for their lessons, though the progress of the 
 youth soon rendered foreign masters needless. A 
 band of these flute-players formed an acceptable sub- 
 stitute for organs, and aided not a little to render the 
 services impressive. Clarionets and other wooden 
 wind-instruments were used to some extent, as well 
 as several stringed instruments. Some of them the 
 boys learned to play within a few days, and at Tehua- 
 
 * Pudo ser, que lo ordenase Dios asi, para que cesase de todo punto el 
 Senorio, que tan tiranica, y cruelmente tenian,' is the pious reflection of Tor- 
 quemada, iii. 29. , 
 
172 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABOES. 
 
 can a native youth formed an admirable band, which 
 within one month was able to assist at mass.^^ 
 
 While aiding at the erection of their school-build- 
 ing, the boys were able to observe the operations of 
 the different artisans, such as carpenters, bricklayers, 
 masons, and to offer their services at the bench or 
 trowel. Within a few days they showed themselves 
 so expert that the friars were only too glad to hasten 
 the work by intrusting even complicated sections to 
 them, including the construction of arches, the placing 
 of hewn stone foundations, and the decoration of 
 facades. Churches in the native towns, which began 
 rapidly to rise, were frequently erected even during 
 this early period without the least direction from the 
 Spaniards. One acquisition led to the desire for 
 another; but instead of offering themselves for a seven 
 years' apprenticeship to artisans who would probably 
 have refused to teach their trade under any considera- 
 tion, they managed by brief surreptitious watchings, 
 with the aid of bought or borrowed specimens, soon to 
 produce imitations fully equal to the European model. 
 A saddler found a set of horse furniture missing one 
 day. The next morning it was replaced, and shortly 
 afterward he heard pedlers crying wares in the street 
 exactly like his own, and at prices which put an end 
 to his extravagant demands. A number of other arti- 
 sans succumbed to the same acquisitive spirit, notably 
 a weaver who being alone in his business made even 
 the friars suffer from his monopoly. Rather than pay 
 his prices, they went about in such tattered garments 
 as to excite the pity of the natives. A devout chief 
 took the matter in hand, and sent his servants to spy 
 out the secrets of the weaver. He thereupon con- 
 structed a loom, and soon supplied the friars with both 
 cloth and ready-made robes. "^"^ 
 
 A youth at Tlascala made a rahel, a three-stringed violin, imitating one 
 owned by a Spaniard, and in three lessons he learned all that the master 
 could teach. Ten days later he joiaed the flute band at the church, playing 
 in perfect accord. Motolinia, Hist. Ind.^ 211. 
 
 *^ The good chief was Don Martin, lord of Quauhquechollan. Torquemada, 
 iu. 106. 
 
APT LEARNERS. 
 
 373 
 
 Equally adept were the youth in acquiring finer 
 arts. Embroidery was taught by an Italian friar,*^ 
 and thenceforth the churches were liberally provided 
 with most elaborate work of this class. Images were 
 carved and adorned in perfect imitation of the originals, 
 and large numbers distributed among the natives to 
 help them remember their lessons. So also with 
 paintings and mosaic-work in feathers, both of which 
 were applied to sacred art. In the latter branch the 
 natives needed no lessons, but in painting they had 
 much to learn, though it did not take them long to 
 equal and even excel the mediocre amateur talent to 
 be found among the Europeans then in Mexico. The 
 training of the boys extended even to daily duties 
 and conduct, for while a large proportion attended 
 school during the day only, quite a number remained 
 night and day under the care of the good fathers, 
 many of them supported wholly by the alms which 
 flowed in for the convent/^ 
 
 The friars had in their turn to be pupils, striving 
 to acquire the language with which they hoped to 
 carry out on a grander scale their self-imposed mission. 
 Aguilar, who acted as the chief interpreter, gave 
 lessons, and additional teaching was obtained by the 
 different convents from the Flemings, who had the 
 advantage of several months' residence. At Mexico 
 the chief aid in this direction was obtained from 
 Alonso de Molina, the son of a Spanish widow, who 
 had acquired an almost thorough knowledge of the 
 Aztec. Still, the best means to obtain both fluency 
 
 *^A lay brother named Daniel, who afterward went to Michoacan and 
 Jalisco. Id., 212. 
 
 ^^Gante appealed in 1532 to the emperor for a regular grant of corn, to 
 support the school and hospital. Cartas de Indias, 51-3. 
 
 ^°He remained as interpreter till his age permitted him to join the order. 
 He labored actively as a friar for over 50 years, and wrote a number of works 
 in Aztec which were much used by novices and teachers, notably Aqui corni- 
 enga vn vocabulario enla lengua Castellana y Mexicana, Mexico, Mayo 1555, 
 4°, 259 leaves, exceedingly rare, and remarkable as one of the earliest books 
 printed in the New World. Hardly less rare is the enlarged edition of 1571, 
 folio, in two parts of 121 and 162 leaves respectively, the first devoted to 
 Spanish- Aztec, the second to Aztec-Spanish. The first title-page bears the 
 
174 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 and accent was found to be intercourse with the 
 natives, and to this end the friars unbent their dignity 
 so far as to gambol with their Httle disciples, noting 
 the words that fell from their prattling lips, and study- 
 ing them at leisure. The elder children soon caught 
 the spirit and strove to act as teachers. 
 
 In a few months fathers Fuensalida and Jimenez 
 were so far advanced that, aided by the most intelli- 
 gent pupils, they were able to address themselves to 
 the older portion of the community, who in accord- 
 ance with instructions issued to the chiefs were mar- 
 shalled in procession to the convent. Here they were 
 made to recite hymns which they neither understood 
 nor cared to understand, and to join in ceremonies 
 that to them had no significance. The friars them- 
 selves recognized the want of sincerity and the small 
 effect of the exercises, but they persevered, ever 
 hoping for improvement. One encouraging sign was 
 the quick mastering of the points of doctrine, which 
 Gante with native aid had translated into Aztec, in the 
 form of a hymn.^^ Set to a pleasant tune this proved 
 quite attractive, possessing, besides, the peculiar pop- 
 ularity to be expected where an imperfect form of 
 writing prevails. Many were deeply impressed by 
 the new faith, and looked up to the friars with great 
 veneration, pleased even to find their shadow fall 
 on them, and to be allowed to deliver a confession of 
 their sins in picture-writing. It was hoped that the> 
 sacred influence of baptism might aid in fructifying the 
 words of faith, and to this end quite a mania was de- 
 veloped among the worthy apostles to bestow the rite. 
 It was deemed requisite for the prospective neophyte 
 
 escutcheon of Viceroy Enriquez to whom it is dedicated, the second, a kneel- 
 ing supplicant. This work may still be regarded as the standard in its field, 
 and has proved of great service in my studies of Aztec history and literature. 
 
 So difficult did this prove that many a one thought of St Jerome's ex- 
 pedient of sawing his teeth to learn Hebrew. It is even said that one friar 
 followed the example. Cartas de Indias, 659-60. 
 
 ■'''^"x'fctancurt, Chron., 3, gives Gante andTectothe credit; Mendieta points 
 to Fuensalida and Jimenez. He has evidently less desire to applaud foreign 
 talent. 
 
BAPTISM OF THE MULTITUDES. 
 
 175 
 
 merely to listen Tor a few days to the sermons and 
 exhortations of the teachers, sorely distorted as they 
 were by perplexed interpreters, and to imitate the 
 devotional ceremonies in order to become worthy of 
 admission into the church. Frequently even this 
 requirement was evaded by the native, who felt either 
 indifferent or unable to master the intricacies of the 
 new creed, and by merely joining the crowd which 
 gathered to attend service at the convent or at the 
 village square, or at the roadside, he could readily 
 persuade the unsuspecting friar that he had been 
 duly prepared for baptism. This was thereupon ad- 
 ministered with all the zeal born of lofty enthusiasm 
 and assumed victory. Father Gante himself writes 
 without hesitation that he and a companion used to 
 baptize "eight thousand, sometimes ten thousand, and 
 even fourteen thousand persons in one day."^^ 
 
 With such numbers the formalities prescribed in 
 the ritual could not be observed, and a readier method 
 was adopted. Those who declared their willingness 
 to be christened were assembled in formidable groups, 
 the children being placed in the first ranks. The 
 ritual was then performed with a few select, and the 
 rest was merely sprinkled with the water. In apply- 
 ing names, all the males baptized on one day received 
 the appellation of John, aud the females Mary. The 
 following day the names of Peter and Catalina were 
 given, and so on through the list of saints. To each 
 person was given a slip with name inscribed, and in 
 case of forgetfulness he had merely to exhibit the slip 
 to prove his baptism and identify himself^* The rite 
 
 In all, during five years, they had baptized ' une telle multitude, que je 
 n'ai pas pu les compter.' Lettre, 27 Juin, 1529, in Ternaux-Conipans, Voy., 
 s6rie i. torn. ii. 197. Others admit large numbers, and even Torquemada, iii. 
 156, allows such instances, mentioning that one priest at Toluca baptized 
 3,000 in one day. 'On the eve of Sb John,' says Vetancurt, Chron., 5, 10, 
 * 40,000 were baptized in the chapel of St Joseph, Mexico. ' Motolinia appears 
 to attribute this lavish extension of the rite to impatience at the failure to 
 produce any efi'ect on the natives by catechising, and he scolds the mission- 
 aries for allowing such a weakness even for a moment to encroach upon their 
 duty. Hist. Ind., 112-13. 
 
 ''^Id.; Torquemada^ iii. 155; Vetancvrf, Chron., 5. Camargo assumes that 
 
176 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 had an attraction for these superstitious people in its 
 similarity to their own, which conveyed purification 
 from spiritual stains not alone at the lustration of the 
 child, but in the immersion of self-scarified priests 
 and ascetics, at the midnight hour, into the conse- 
 crated pools within the idol temples. It is but natural 
 that they should look with no less veneration on the 
 solemn sprinkling received so devoutly by the mighty 
 children of the sun, and imparted by the hands of 
 men as benevolent in aspect as they were saintly in 
 conduct. So impressed, indeed, were many by a belief 
 in the mysterious virtue imparted by the rite that 
 they sought again and again to share in its blessings, 
 yet without feeling bound by the assumed discarding 
 of paganism. 
 
 As time passed on and revealed the many abuses 
 and deceits practised upon the guileless teachers, 
 doubts began also to creep in regarding the legality 
 of the informal baptisms, though authorized by Father 
 Tecto and other canonists, mainly on the ground of 
 necessity, with so small a number of ministers, and in 
 accordance with the precedent furnished by many of 
 the early fathers, and recently by so eminent a per- 
 sonage as Cardinal Jimenez, during his mission to the 
 Moors. Another objection was the use of merely 
 blessed water, instead of duly consecrated water and 
 oil. The friars being unable to settle the question, 
 submitted it to the supreme pontifi*, who, by bull of 
 May 15, 1537, confirmed the baptisms so far per- 
 formed, and authorized the friars thenceforth to apply 
 the salt, saliva, candle, and cross to a few only of a 
 group, though consecrated oil and water must be 
 given to each person.^^ Another knotty question con- 
 
 this method was pursued already during the conquest years by Cortds' chap- 
 lains; but he must be mistaken. Hid. Tlax.^ 159. 
 
 The necessity for this is pointed out by Vetancurt in the observation, 
 * whence, indeed, could saliva come for a large number !' Chron., 9, 10. Tor- 
 quemada reviews the question at some length, and defends the friars, in the 
 opening chapters of his ICth book. See also Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 267-0. 
 When the consecrated oil came, Sunday and Thursday were set aside for ad- 
 ministering it to those who had not been so favored, thus rendering the rito 
 
MARRIAGE REGULATIONS. 
 
 177 
 
 cerned marriage. Although the greater part of the 
 people, the lower and middle classes, possessed but 
 one wife, yet many of the rich and the noble had 
 quite a number, and since the Christian religion per- 
 mitted no such indulgence, the polygamists were 
 ordered to discard all but one spouse, to whom they 
 like the other husbands must be joined anew with 
 Christian ceremonies. It was found no easy matter 
 to determine which of the wives, as the legitimate 
 consort, had the right to be preferred, and so it was 
 decided, after years of doubt, to accord it to the first 
 wife, and when this could not be determined, to the 
 one chosen by the husband. Meanwhile little atten- 
 tion was paid by polygamists to the exhortations of 
 the fathers, and even in later times the law was dis- 
 regarded. 
 
 These and other rites in connection with Indians 
 were discussed in a council of friars and jurists which 
 appears to have been held in the autumn of 1526, 
 with the assistance of Cortes. Therein were deter- 
 mined not only points bearing on baptism, confession, 
 and communion, but on the treatment and rule of 
 natives, the more difl&cult questions being embodied 
 in representations to the transatlantic authorities. 
 The importance of the meeting, both in respect to the 
 number and quality of the attendants, and to the dis- 
 cussions, has caused it to be signified as the first synod 
 of the church in New Spain. 
 
 more * satisfactory, '^i term used also by Archbishop Lorenzana in his com- 
 ments on the sweeping baptism. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 2 et seq. 
 
 This is the bull of Paul III., the wisdom of which must have been in- 
 spired by God, exclaims Torquemada: * Non recordantur, quam prim6 acce- 
 perint, Conversi ad Fidem unam ex illis accipiant, quam voluerint.' About 
 the same time was issued another bull reprimanding those who had hinted at 
 the incapacity of Indians to partake of holy communion, and affirming their 
 capacity. Before these decisions were sought. Bishop Zumdrraga had sent 
 to Spain for advice, and Cardinal Cayetano among others proposed the hus- 
 band's choice when the legitimate wife could not be pointed out. Concilios 
 Prov. , 1555-65, 5, 6. Herrera blames the inexperience of the friars in not 
 being able to select the true wife. dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. The lirst native 
 marriage with Christian rites was Prince Femando's, at Tezcuco, October 14, 
 1526. Seven of his retinue followed the example. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 124. 
 
 There is a great uncertainty among the authorities as to the time it 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 12 
 
178 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 In their eagerness to extend conversion the friars 
 found themselves altogether too few for the task under- 
 taken, and as soon as their older pupils revealed suffi- 
 cient knowledge of religion and of Spanish, they were 
 impressed into the service. At first they accompanied 
 the ministers in their tours through the districts, to 
 preach and establish (iocM'nas,^^ acting as interpreters,^' 
 or delivering under their eyes the sermon already 
 learned. Afterward they were sent forth alone to 
 impart the lessons acquired, and war against idolatry, 
 often with a zeal that brought martyrdom. This 
 devout spirit had been well inculcated among the 
 children, and even the youngest did good work at 
 their homes and in the neighborhood. On the way 
 to the convent one day the scholars met a procession 
 of natives, brazenly parading the living representa- 
 tive of an idol. In a twinkling they were upon him, 
 and before the skirmish ended he had been stoned to 
 death. Regular raids were also made on the temples. 
 At Tezcuco, for instance, the friars themselves led a 
 procession amid chants to the famous chief teocalli, 
 and after breaking the idols to pieces they fired the 
 
 was held. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 77, confounds it with the informal 
 meeting of 1524, wherein the Flemings were consulted on conversion methods. 
 Others, like Vetancurt, assume the year 1525, and Zamacois guesses at June 
 1526. But the letters of Father Valencia, acting governor Aguilar, and 
 Alonso de Castillo, speak clearly of a formal meeting of friars and officials 
 held in September to October 1526, to consider matters touching the Indians. 
 Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 155-7, 202-3, 545-53. Lorenzana calls it Junta 
 Apostolica, and observes that title of Conciiio Provincial, as applied by some 
 writers, is wrong. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, iv. 8. It was attended by 
 Cort6s, 19 representative friars, including no doubt Dominicans, 5 clergymen, 
 and 3 jurists, some say 5 or 6. Vetancur, Chron., 6, T7-at. Mex., 22; Oonzalez 
 Ddvila, Tcatro Ecles., i. 20; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 63. 
 Beaumont, who argues hard for June 1526 as the time, sides with Torque- 
 mada for the convent church of San Francisco as the place, contrary to 
 Vetancurt, who names San Jos6 chapel. Cr6n. Mich,, iii. 223-4. 
 
 58 Indian towns and villages newly converted to Christianity, to which 
 parochial organization has not been given. 
 
 ^^These preaching interpreters were employed formany decades, since friars 
 were continually arriving from Spain, who knew not the language, or who 
 entered into new districts. Mestizos gradually supplanted the pure Indians 
 as interpreters. Many of these aids were taught Latin, partly as a mark of 
 favor. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 413-14. 
 
 '^'•It occurred during the Ometochtli festival at Tlascala, and not wholly to 
 the satisfaction of the friars, who sought to avoid similar extreme measures. 
 Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 214-16. 
 
ICONOCLASM. 
 
 179 
 
 building. It was market day, and a vast gathering 
 of natives rent the air with lamentation, their tearful 
 eyes and boding hearts following the smoke columns 
 as they dissipated into space, the concrete symbols of 
 their faith, without rousing a single angry god to 
 avenge the act. Similar destructions were perpe- 
 trated in different towns, the Franciscans alone claim- 
 ing to have destroyed more than five hundred temples 
 and twenty thousand images within seven years. 
 
 Fear of the Spaniards made idolatrous exhibitions 
 rare, except in the remote districts, nevertheless the 
 rites retained their hold even upon a large proportion 
 of the converts, for it proved no easy matter to uproot 
 superstitions cherished during a lifetime, and to ruth- 
 lessly cast aside idols to whom so many blessings were 
 attributed. Many placed the images behind the crosses 
 and saint tablets, or worshipped them with elaborate 
 ceremonies, in common with others, in secret local- 
 ities.^^ When remonstrated with for his obstinacy, 
 a cacique once exclaimed: ^^How is it," pointing to 
 a picture of a saint, "that you Spaniards preach so 
 much against idolatry while you yourselves worship 
 images?" The Spaniard replied with the usual ex- 
 planation "that they did not adore the images, but 
 gazed on them in meditation of the great virtues of 
 the saints whom they represent." Hereupon the chief- 
 tain remarked : " Neither do we worship images of gold 
 or wood; our prayers and sacrifices are offered to 
 God." The friars made strenuous efforts to stop this 
 evil, and aided by their young disciples great progress 
 was made, though not without sacrifice, notably in 
 Tlascala, where the son of a cacique fell a victim to 
 
 Camargo states that several caciques were hanged by Cortes, with con- 
 sent of the Tlascaltec leaders, for relapsing into idolatry. Hist. Tlax., 178. 
 The obstinacy of the idolaters was attributed both by friars and converts to 
 the evil one, and in their paintings the latter depicted this personage hover- 
 ing with his servants round the Christian meeting -places and seeking to entice 
 away the worshippers. Leon, Camino del Cielo, 95. Several of these curious 
 specimens of native art, merging into Spanish, are given in the MS. work of 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., and aid to give this a value not possessed by the 
 lately printed issue. 
 
180 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 his excessive zeal. His father Axotecatl had at first 
 sought to prevent his attendance at school, but the 
 friars carried their point, and soon the boy was bap- 
 tized under the name of Cristobal. Eager to convert 
 also his family, the boy destroyed the idols and wine- 
 butts, as the main obstacles to the desired end, only 
 to rouse the bloody spirit of fanaticism in the father. 
 Half dead with wounds, the young iconoclast escaped 
 to his mother's side. The infuriate parent pursued 
 him, nearly killed those who sought to interfere, and 
 cast the boy into a fire. Presently he drew him forth 
 and ended the flickering life with dagger blows. Rage 
 now turned to fear, the body was buried in a corner 
 of the house, and other precautions were taken to 
 keep the murder secret. The friars made inquiries, 
 however, for their missing pupil, and Axotecatl was 
 executed. About the same time two other Tlascal- 
 tec youths were killed by the obstinate idolaters of 
 an adjoining district, while assisting two Dominican 
 missionaries. Thus the little republic attained dur- 
 ing the first decade the glory of presenting three 
 widely applauded martyrs. 
 
 Tlascala enjoyed the additional preeminence of giv- 
 ing the earliest voluntary converts to the faith, with 
 one or two exceptions,^* and in the persons of her 
 leaders. The lords of the adjoining state of Huexo- 
 tzinco embraced the faith under the name of Francisco 
 de Sandoval y Moreno and Juan Juarez; at Mexico 
 Quauhtemotzin himself thought it prudent to set his 
 
 ^2 Different versions relate that the body of. the boy was cast into the fire 
 to be consumed, but the flame woukl not touch the sanctified martyr. The 
 mother was killed to prevent disclosures, or on account of her Christian zeal. 
 Camargo, Hist, Tlax., 179-81. It is also said that a quarrel with a Spaniard, 
 brought before the courts, led to the apprehension of the murderer. MotoU' 
 nia, Hist. Ind., 220-3. The deed took place at Atlihuetza, a league and a 
 half from Tlascala. Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. No Esp., 208; Mendieta, Hist, 
 Edes., 236-45. 
 
 ^'^They were Antonio, grandson of Xicotencatl, and his servant Juan. 
 Their bodies were cast over a precipice at Quauhtinchan or Tecalpan. Ubi 
 sup.; Ddvila Padilla, Fvnd. SanVuKjo de Mex., 60-74. Camargo states that 
 in this case the murderers were not punished, owing to the implication of so 
 many and prominent people. j 
 See Hist. Mex., i. 558-60, this series. 
 
TEMPLE-BUILDING. 
 
 181 
 
 people the example, while at Tezcuco the Flemish 
 friars had already gathered a rich harvest, chiefly 
 among the children, for here the worthy Gante estab- 
 lished the first public school in Nev/ Spain, in connec- 
 tion with the first convent. More friars arriving, the 
 work of conversion was forwarded so rapidly that soon 
 hardly a village in the lake regions, and the adjoining 
 convent districts, was without its church or chapel,^^ 
 Gante claiming to have built in Mexico city alone, 
 within five years, more than one hundred temples. 
 
 There were several reasons for this success, won- 
 derful in its extent, though shallow at first. Fore- 
 most stood fear and policy, for it was dangerous to 
 disobey the conquerors, while favors could be gained 
 by courting them. Then came the undefined belief 
 with many that the religion of men so superior in 
 prowess and intelligence must contain some virtue, 
 something superior to their own. In the districts 
 occupied for some time by Spaniards the idea of their 
 being divine had long since faded; still, their origin 
 was involved in obscurity: the land whence they 
 came, the gilded regions of the rising sun ; the august 
 ruler beyond the great sea; the pontiff who repre- 
 sented the Infinite — all this loomed dimly forth in 
 mystic grandeur and awe, the great prompter of wor- 
 ship, laid its influence upon their mind. In the newer 
 districts, where Spanish vices and weaknesses were 
 less understood, these ideas had greater effect, and 
 tended to infuse greater veneration for their rites. 
 
 Several prominent men had been baptized before this time at Tezcuco 
 and other places, by Olmedo and his companions, and young princes had 
 been taught the rudiments of secular and religious knowledge, but impulse 
 in this direction was first given at Tezcuco by the Flemings, and at Mexico, 
 Huexotzinco and Tlascala, by the 12 Franciscans. When Quauhtemotzin 
 and Ixtlilxochitl received baptism is not clear, though it must have been before 
 the end of 1524, when Cortes took them to Honduras. A convent existed at 
 Tlascala in October of that year, but the permanent edifice was still building 
 in 1526, when Chirinos created a dispute by taking refuge there. Herrera^ 
 dec. ii. lib. x, cap. xiii.j Panes, in Momumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 73-5, and 
 later references. 
 
 Gante claims to have baptized, with aid of one friar, in Mexico province, 
 more than 200,000 souls. Lettre, in Ternaux-Com'pans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 
 197, 202. The letters of Cortes and Albornoz, in Jcazhalceta, Col, Doc, i. 
 487-8, also bear witness to the progress. 
 
182 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 Further, the new rites and doctrines had many simi- 
 larities to their own to commend them to the natives. 
 Baptism was used for infants generally, and purifying 
 water was applied also by ascetics; the communion 
 was taken in different forms, as wafer or bread, and 
 as pieces from the consecrated dough statue of the 
 chief god, the latter form being termed teoqualo, ' god 
 is eaten;' confession was heard by regular confessors, 
 who extended absolution in the name of the deity con- 
 cerned. The idea of a trinity was not unknown, and 
 according to Las Casas' investigations, even a virgin- 
 born member of it; the flood existed in recorded 
 traditions, and Cholula pyramid embodied a Babel 
 myth; while the mysterious Quetzalcoatl lived in the 
 hopes, especially of the oppressed, as the expected 
 Messiah. Lastly, the cross, so wide-spread as a 
 symbol, held a high religious significance also here, 
 bearing among other names that of 'tree of life.'^^ 
 Although these similarities appeared to the friars 
 partly as a profanation, and were pointed out as a 
 perversion by the evil one, nevertheless they failed 
 * not to permit a certain association or mingling of 
 pagan and Christian ideas in this connection with a 
 view to promote the acceptance of the latter. The 
 Indians on their side availed themselves so freely of 
 this privilege as frequently to rouse the observation 
 that they had merely changed the names of their 
 idols and rites. 
 
 Even more eflPective than the preceding features, 
 from the permanent allurement it oflered, was the 
 ceremonial pomp, the gorgeous display, in connection 
 
 A very similar term was applied to an Egyptian cross according to Lip- 
 sius. De Cruce, lib. iii. cap. viii. Several more similarities of rites and 
 beliefs could be pointed out, but for such, as well as for a full consideration 
 of the above points, I refer to my Native Baces, particularly volume iii., bear- 
 ing on mythology. 
 
 *La Vierye immacuUe. . .c'est I'image qui approche le plus de celle de la 
 m6re de leur dieu HuUzilopuchiU,' observes Beltrami in this connection. 
 Mexique, ii. 52. Mexican writers also find objections in the picture used by 
 Indians. Moniimentos Domin. Esp., 3G0. Viceroy Mendoza sought to remove 
 one obstacle to conversion among nobles by restoring the tecles order of knight- 
 hood. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 201-2. 
 
PLEASING WORSHIP. 
 
 183 
 
 with the services, so fascinating to the cultured Euro- 
 pean, how much more therefore to the ruder Mexi- 
 can. The effect can be readily estimated by compar- 
 ing the rapid progress among the northern Indians of 
 Catholic missionaries, and their stronger hold upon 
 them, as compared with Protestant ministers. With 
 the ruder man, as with children, the appeal to the senses 
 is always the stronger. When the eye is dazzled, the 
 ear soothed, the emotions of the heart can be the more 
 readily stirred and kept awake than by the unaided 
 efforts of oratory. And who shall question the legiti- 
 macy of such aids in so good a cause as the substitu- 
 tion of a gentle, elevating religion for a bloody, debasing 
 ritual ? Religion is primarily an appeal to the senses, 
 and even the cultivated philosopher who may enter- 
 tain a vague pantheism is allured by the object-lessons 
 of nature to thoughts beyond the material. 
 
 The priests took pains, therefore, to make attractive 
 the place of worship : the altar with lace, and gold, 
 and flowers, all resplendent with lights; pictures and 
 statues with colors and attitude appealing to the ten- 
 derest feelings; solemn chants and gorgeous proces- 
 sions, while around in the recesses an awe-inspiring 
 half-gloom impelled the thoughts and feelings of the 
 worshippers yearningly toward the enchanted scene 
 before them. The numerous feast-days gave the friars 
 frequent opportunity to indulge the natives with 
 alluring pageantry, varying in its nature with the 
 significance of the festival. Christmas came with 
 appropriate and brilliant tableaux ; epiphany had its 
 representative magi following an imagined star to 
 render homage. Palm-Sunday revelled in flowers, and 
 easter-tide followed with impressive scenes and ser- 
 vices. There were processions brilliant with gala- 
 dresses, flowers, plumes, and banners, with here and 
 there crosses and saints' images borne by chiefs and 
 chosen ones, and attended by large escorts of candle- 
 bearers. The priests chanted solemnly, and now and 
 then the refrain was taken up in swelling volume. 
 
184 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 Arches rose at frequent intervals, and embowered 
 chapels. Motolinia describes a Corpus Christi cele- 
 bration at Tlascala for which more than a thousand 
 floral arches had been erected along the streets taken 
 by the procession, with ten larger arches in form of 
 naves, and four artificial scenes of wild and placid 
 nature, rocks, trees, moss, and lawns, one representing 
 Adam and Eve in paradise, a second, the temptation 
 of Christ, the fourth. Saint Jerome and Saint Francis, 
 and all elaborated with surprising skill, and with 
 hunters and animals, some natural, others imitated. 
 Many pagan ceremonies were introduced, endeared to 
 the congregation by long association, and frolics and 
 dances lent a cheerful after-glow to the solemnity, and 
 gilded the remembrance of the feast. 
 
 Another factor remains to be considered among the 
 causes for success with conversions : the saintly char- 
 acter of the friars; their benign appearance; their 
 kindness of heart; their benevolent acts; their exem- 
 plary life; all so worthy of admiration, and in so 
 striking contrast to the fiercer aspect and bloody 
 doings of the native priests, in harmony truly with 
 their horrid idols and rites, as the appearance and 
 acts of the friars accorded with the gentle virgin 
 image and the pious teachings of their faith. The 
 records of the chroniclers are filled with glowing 
 testimony to the self-sacrificing conduct, in private 
 and public life, of these missionaries, misdirected 
 though they often were from a more active and use- 
 ful path by excess of zeal, and by hallucination, which 
 caused too many of their heroic acts to be spent 
 against the bare cell walls, instead of furthering the 
 real good of individuals or communities. Yet they 
 remain heroes in their sphere, ennobled by a lofty 
 though empty purpose. Others there are, like Va- 
 
 ^^This celebration took place in 1538. Motolinia describes several others 
 hardly less elaborate. Hist. Ind., 73-81; Torquemada, iii. 230-1; Ddvila Pa- 
 dilla, Hist. Fvnd. Santiago, 79-84. 'Sou vent quatre-vingts et mdme cent 
 mille personnes assistent.' Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.^ s6rie i. torn. 
 X. 220. 
 
MIRACLES. 
 
 185 
 
 lencia and Motolinia, who, heedless of hardships, of 
 dangers, seeking not even glory save perhaps martyr- 
 dom, passed in toil and travel even their declining 
 years, when comfort lures most men to repose. They 
 penetrated to distant provinces, now following in the 
 wake of ruthless invaders to act the part of Samari- 
 tans; now intruding on the golden arena where rival 
 governors were ranging the forces to wage hot battle 
 for possession of the shackled native; now entering 
 alone on some primeval scene to plant the crucifix, 
 harbinger of a gentle culture, even though it serve 
 only too often to guide the way to vultures, in the 
 shape of rapacious and cruel soldiers. If the mission- 
 aries could not prevent this evil, they could at least 
 soften it by interposing at times the shielding arm of 
 the chu:xh, and range themselves as champions of the 
 oppressed. In this work they shine with brightest 
 glory, undimmed even by that thirst for gold which 
 overshadows them in many another part. Yet even 
 here th j more immediate end, at least, may be sum- 
 moned to justify the means, embracing also doubtful 
 mummery and miracles. The latter were not so 
 numerous in New Spain, says Mendieta with unin- 
 tentional significance, for the reason that the natives 
 embraced the faith readily enough without much 
 stimulant of that nature. There are records, how- 
 ever, of rains produced or stayed by carrying around 
 the cross and saints' images; of the resurrection of 
 dead persons, and the like.'^^ 
 
 Several of the miracles are properly attributed to 
 Father Valencia, as the chief of the Franciscan apos- 
 tles, and because of a saintly life. While most exem- 
 plary in conduct, and rigid in the observance of rules 
 laid down by the order, he was a stout defender of 
 the prerogatives of the church and of the oppressed 
 natives, and on more than one occasion assumed a bel- 
 ligerent attitude toward the local authorities. His 
 
 Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 105, 145-6; Mendieta, Hist, nicies., 597-600, and 
 other authorities. 
 
186 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 apostolic zeal was so great that, although approaching 
 the age of seventy, the confined limits of New Spain 
 were evidently too narrow for him, and he made 
 more than one attempt to go to China/^ As if dis- 
 heartened by the failure, he retired to a spot near 
 Tlalmanalco to meditate and mortify the flesh. So 
 severe was the self-imposed penance that he fell sick, 
 and on being removed for nursing to Mexico, he died 
 on the way, and was buried at Tlalmanalco/^ His 
 dress and other belongings were preserved as relics, 
 and his grave was for years a point of attraction to 
 worshippers/^ No less revered figures are to be found 
 
 The plan was conceived in common with bishop Zumarraga and the Do- 
 minican Betanzos. The first attempt was frustrated by the rotten condition 
 of the vessel for which he had been waiting some seven months at Tehuante- 
 pec. Id., 394-8, 584-8. 
 
 ^2 He died at Ayotzinco, the 21st of March, 1534, and was taken back to 
 Tlalmanalco convent. The journey to Tehuantepec in 1533, barefooted, had 
 broken his health. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 158-9; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 595-6, 
 601-2; Vetancurt makes the date Aug. 31st. Menolog., 95. 
 
 '''^The corpse was several times disinterred. In 1567 it suddenly disap- 
 peared, by a miracle, it was said, as a chastisement for curiosity and lack of 
 reverence. Up to that time it had shown no putrefaction, Mendieta writes 
 that only one of his several letters had been preserved, but in Ternaux-Com- 
 pans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 224, and in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 155, are oth- 
 ers, speaking well for his zeal. Authorities, in addition to those elsewhere 
 cited, that treat wholly or in part of church history: Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, iv. 456, 568-9; v. 449-50; viii. 19; xii. 281-3, 485; xiii. 50-1; 
 Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. pp. xlv.-cxix. 487-8; Puga, Cedulario, 21, 40; Gri- 
 jalva, Cr6n. S. Aug., 1, 2; Oviedo, iii. 469-71; Cartas de Indias, 54-6, 712, 
 780-857; Libra de Cabildo, MS., 65-6; IxtUlxochitl, Relaciones, in Kings- 
 horough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 429-47; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 9, 10, 41; Ternaux- 
 Cornpans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 199-200; Vazquez, Chron. Chat., 2-3, 19, 20, 
 527-35; Col. Doc In6d., Ivii. 181; Arcliivo Mex., Doc, i. 49-50, 92, 150-62; 
 ii. 178-83; Recop. de Indias, i. 29 etc.; Ramirez, Proceso, 246-8, 299-302; 
 Cortes, Hist. JST. Esp., 208, 389-95; Peter Martyr, de Iiisvlis, 145-6; Prov. 
 Sto Evangelio, pt. i. iii. v.-vii. xvii. ; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 63, 
 255-79, 322, 360; Mex. Extr. de Cedulas, MS., 1; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 
 45-65; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 66-74; Rivero, Mex. in 184^, 
 225-7; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 20, 25, 74^5; Frejes, Hist. Conq., 
 70; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orhis, 103, 112-14; Medina, Chrdn. San Diego, 9; 
 Mex., Not. Ciudad, 66; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 22-4, 98-110; Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. de Jesus, i. 180-1; Prescott's Mex., ii. 96-8, iii. 265-8, 380-9; 
 also notes in Mex. eds.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 26-7; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 
 404-8; Alam,an, Disert., i. 198, 209, app. 109-12; ii. 109-91, app. 26-48; 
 Heredia, Serm. y Disert. Guad., pt. i. 139; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones 
 Ilvstres, 102-10; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. passim; v. 168-71, 496; Vetan- 
 cvrt, Trat. Mex., 22; Id., Menologia, 32, 54-105, 149, 297-304; Id., Chrdn. 
 Sto Evangelio, 4-10; Id., Teatro Mex., ii. 146; Mex. Hieroqlyphical Hist., 
 113; Granados, Tardes Am., 270-4, 298, 327-9; U. S. Cath. Mag., IS44, 
 488-93; /(/., 1846, 261^5; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 125-30; Quart. Ref^, i. 
 214; Mayers Mex. Aztec, i. 84-5; Marshall's Christian Missions, ii. 22^"^; 
 
TORIBIO MOTOLINIA. 
 
 187 
 
 among his companions, the apostoUc twelve, whom we 
 shall meet frequently in the course of our history. 
 
 Garcia, Hist. Beth., ii. 13, 14; Mosaico Mex., ii. 448-50; Abbott's Hex. and 
 U. S., 19-28; Miller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 178-80; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., 
 iv. 383-93; v. 320-48; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., ii. 207-11; Salazar, 
 Mex. en 15U, 233-6, 248-50; Hefel4, Cardinal Ximenez, 508-30; Helps 
 Cortes, ii. 149; Mexicanische Zustdnde, i. 278-81; Brasseicr de Bourbourg, 
 Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 575-93, 712-30; Doc. EcUs. Mex., MS., i. pt. v.; De- 
 fensa de la Verdad., 4-6; BurJce's Europ. Settl, i. 124-9; Camargo, Hist. 
 Tlax., 158-60; Hazart, Kirchen-Gescliichte, ii. 531-2; Dice. Univ., ii. 314-15, 
 601; V. 253; vii. 227; viii. 217-18; x. 739-48; Leyes, VariasAnot., 8-12; Mag- 
 llano's St Francis, 538-47; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 52-3; Portilla, Espana in 
 Mex., 40-5; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 82; Id., Gob. de Mex., i. 18; Fricius, 
 hid. Religionstandt, 50-118; Concilio Prov., 1555 and 1565, pt. iv. 1-10; 
 Clemente, Tobias Chronoldg., 227-8; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 324-31; Touron, 
 Hist. Gen. Am., iv. 204-19; v. 1, 2, 35-55. 
 
 One of the leading authorities on the ecclesiastical history of Mexico for 
 the first period succeeding the conquest, is Father Toribio de Benavente, 
 known as Motolinia, whose family name appears to have been Paredes, for so 
 he signs the preface to the Historia de los Indios. He was born at Benavente 
 in Leon, and early evinced a devout disposition and a leaning for the priest- 
 hood. After entering the Franciscan province of Santiago, he was transferred 
 to that of San Gabriel, and came as one of the apostolic twelve to Mexico. 
 Hearing frequently from the wondering Indians who clustered along their 
 route the word Motolinia, and learning that it meant * poor, ' in allusion to 
 their threadbare garments and careworn appearance, he adopted it as an 
 appropriate name for himself, and was ever after so called. He even signed 
 himself Motolinia Fr. Toribio, with true reference to the meaning. Vazquez, 
 Chron. Gvat., 527, 534. The name, indeed, became identified not alone with 
 a man of profound humility, but of a zeal that bordered on fanaticism, 
 as instanced by his fiery advocacy of forcing conversion with the sword, 
 which involved him in bitter altercation with Bishop Las Casas. While im- 
 bued with views different from those of the apostle of the Indies, he was no 
 less a champion of the oppressed natives, devoting to th^m his b'^'st talents 
 and energy; now appearing in hot contest with political powers in their be- 
 half; now shielding them from cruel taskmasters; and anon following with 
 crucifix in hand the bloody path of conquerors, to act the good Samaritan. 
 Already during the first decade of the Conquest he had penetrated into Cen- 
 tral America, wandering through Guatemala and Nicaragua, and adding 
 thousands to the list of converts baptized by his hand. Vetancurt allows 
 him to have baptized 400,000 during this tour alone. Menolog., 85. Torque- 
 mada, iii. 441, makes this the total number of his recorded converts ' por 
 cuenta que tuvo en escrito. . .sin los que se le podrian olvidar.' On his return 
 he became superior at Tezcuco; later, comisario, and vice-comisario general 
 for Guatemala, and attained to the dignity of sixth provincial. The last 
 years of his life were spent at San Francisco convent in Mexico, in devout 
 exercises, and during the performance of one he expired in 1568, says Beri- 
 stain, probably August 9th, the last of the apostolic twelve, according to Men- 
 
188 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 dieta. Hist. Ecles., 620-]; Beristain, Bib. Hisp. Am.; Ramirez, in Icazhahetay 
 Col. Doc, i. p. cxviii., etc.; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 810; Fernan- 
 dez, Hist. Ecles., 52-3; Salazar y Olarte, Co7iq. Mex., 207-11. His robe was 
 kept as a relic of a saintly man to whose prayers many miraculous happen- 
 ings were attributed. His intimacy with the natives led to a careful study 
 of their customs, religion, and history, while his admirable knowledge of Aztec 
 caused him to prepare several writings for their instruction. The list includes: 
 De morihus Indorum, used to a great extent by Torquemada; Adventus duo- 
 decim Patrum, qui primi eas regiones devenerunt, et de eorum rebus gestis; giving 
 an account of the apostolic labors of himself and his companions; Doctrina 
 Christiana, in Mexican, for the benefit of the converts, to which Torquemada, 
 iii. 386, alludes: 'Hi9o luego una breve Doctrina Christiana, Fr. Toribio 
 Motolinia lo qval anda impressa;' Guerra de los Indios de la Nueva Esjpana; 
 Camino del Espiritu; Calendario Mexicano, to which Henrico Martinez makes 
 reference. Memoriales Histdricos, quoted sometimes by Herrera and often by 
 Torquemada; and some letters, notably that of January 2, 1555. But the 
 most important of Motolinia's writings is the Historia de los Indios de la Nueva 
 Espafia; to which Antonia andPinelo, Epitome, ii. 711, refer under the original 
 title of Relacion de las cosas, Idolatrias Ritos, i Ceremonial de la Nueva 
 Espafia, MS., fol. It forms three tratados, the first, in 15 chapters, relating 
 to the idols and religious ceremonies of the Mexicans; the second, in 10 
 chapters, to missionary labors, and acceptance of Christianity by the natives; 
 the third, in 20 chapters, to a medley of civil and ecclesiastic, scientific points, 
 resources, towns. One of these chapters was intended for the second part. 
 In chapter ix. of third part the author promises a fourth tratado, which lie 
 failed to add. It was probably intended as an amplification of the Adventus 
 duodedm, to judge by the productions of other monk chroniclers, and conse- 
 quently of great value. As it is, the treatise contains a vast amount of 
 information of which later writers have eagerly availed themselves, based as 
 it is on personal inquiries and observation. While it exhibits a rambling 
 order, and a naive acceptance of the marvellous, yet it is pervaded by a vein 
 of candor that wins confidence. The manuscript circulated in several copies, 
 two of which have of late years been published, in Kingsborouglis Mex. Antiq., 
 wherein !;he first "iratado by the duplication of a chapter number, closes with 
 chapter xiii. instead of xiv., and in the admirable collection of Icazbalceta, 
 prefaced by an exhaustive biography from the pen of the Mexican scholar 
 Ramirez. 
 
 There were several others, who with a longer period and a wider range of 
 subjects at their command, assumed a more important position as chroniclers, 
 such as Mendieta, Torquemada, Vetancurt. They will be noticed in more 
 appropriate places. All the orders had their annalists, though the writings of 
 most appeared to the public only in compiled form, in the books of favored 
 ones. Among these, Juan de Grijalva early appeared as the historian of the 
 order of San Augustin, which enjoyed a comparatively small representation in 
 New Spain. The writer is the more interesting to us in being a Creole, born in 
 Colima about 1559. As a child already he displayed a literary taste, and as a 
 priest he delighted the public with his oratorical powers, while the order es- 
 teemed him as authority on theologic and other topics. He figured successively 
 
GRIJALVA, GARCIA, DAVILA. 
 
 189 
 
 as rector of San Pablo college, as definidor, and prior. His Cronica de la Orden 
 de K. P. S. Aiigustin enlas provincias de Nueva Espana, Mexico, 1624, 218 pp. 
 folio, in four tratados, covers the labors of the order from 1533 to 1592, and 
 contains a number of biographies, together with an account of the strife 
 between the orders and the secular clergy for the possession of parishes. 
 Both order and style are above the average productions of contemporaries, 
 and less rambling is apparent, as Pinelo observes: ' Es Historia bien escrita i 
 que no sale de lo que en el Titido promete.' Epitome, ii. 761, 839. According 
 to Vetancurt, he also wrote the book on which Cisneros founds his Hist, de 
 N. Sra. de los Eemedios. A special history of the Augustinian sub-pro- 
 \dncia of San Nicholas appeared at a later date, under the title of Historia de 
 San Nicholas de Tolentino del drden de San Augustin of 215 folio pages in three 
 libros, wherein is recorded the mission work of the order in Michoacan and 
 adjoining regions from 1537 to 1646, at first under the provinciales of Mexico, 
 later as independent provincia. Half the space is devoted to the lives and 
 particularly the virtues of the missionaries, the remainder to the founding 
 and progress of the diflferent convents and stations, with few allusions to 
 political and civil affairs. 
 
 The history of the Bethlehemite order has been written by friar Joseph Gar- 
 cia de la Concepcion, who had acquired some fame as a preacher and pro- 
 fessor, and it exists under the title of Historia Bethlehemitica. Vida exemplar 
 y admirable del venerable Betancvr. Seville, 1723, folio, 203, 173, 39 pp. re- 
 spectively. The first of the four tratados is devoted to a biography of Vetan- 
 curt, who founded the order in the middle of the 17th century; the second 
 relates to the life of Rodrigo de la Cruz, and the missions in Mexico and Centra] 
 America; the third and fourth to minor biographies and progress of the order. 
 
 More attractive, if less valuable to the present historic field, is the rare 
 and curious Nova Typis Transacta Navicjatio. Novi Orhis Indice Occidentalis, 
 Admodvm Rev. Bvellii, Avthore Fr. Honario Pldlopono (Monacho), 1621, folio, 
 which relates to the labors of Benedictine missionaries in America chiefly 
 under Buil, the vicar of the pope, and the first patriarch of the New World, 
 who accompanied Columbus on his second voyage with instructions to take 
 charge of the education of Indians, and who afterwards became so bitter 
 against the admiral. It opens with a treatise on ancient knowledge of a 
 western world, and of St Brendan's discoveries in this direction, and treats 
 of the aboriginal beliefs in Mexico and other regions. On the finely engraved 
 title-page are given full-length portraits of St Brendan and P. Buil, 
 engraved by Kilian, who furnishes several other plates illustrating sea-mon- 
 sters and Indian barbarities. The book is dedicated to Casparus Plautius, 
 the abbd of the Seittenstotten convent, to which the author belongs. By 
 some the two are regarded as identical. Philoponus takes a decided stand- 
 point in several places, particularly where the prerogative of his cloth is con- 
 cerned. In a reference to the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, for instance, he 
 attacks him severely for daring to perform miracles among Indians. 
 
 Notwithstanding the extent and importance of the church in the New 
 World, it was not till 1649 that the first church history of America appeared 
 in Teatro Eclesidstico de la Primitiva Iglesia de las Indias Occidentales. By 
 Maestro Gil Gronzalez Davila, Madrid, 1649-55, 2 vols, folio — giving an account 
 
190 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 of the foundation and progress of the church in each province of Spanish 
 America ; its officials and coats of arms, together with the biography of bish- 
 ops and pious members ; an account of the introduction of literature and art, 
 and some valuable vocabularies. It was Ddvila's first work as chief chroni- 
 cler of the Indies and the two Castiles. The dedication to Felipe IV. refer- 
 ring to him as 'mvy alto y mvy Catolico y por esto mvy poderoso Seiior Rey, » 
 shows Ddvila to be at least a devout reasoner, since the subject of the book 
 and the character of the age hardly permit the supposition of veiled irony in 
 the simple *por esto.' For a royal chronicler the work is very carelessly 
 written, with glaring faults on all hands, and in poor style. Pinelo gives 
 1645 as the date of one volume, but this is probably mtended for the Teatro 
 Eclesldstico de las dos Castillas, Madrid, 1645-50, 3 vols., with a 4th volume in 
 1700, concerning which Ddvila had sent to the king a memorial, referred to 
 by Pinelo. This and his Teatro de las Grandegas de Madrid, 1623, were 
 probably better written, since they must have aided in obtaining for him the 
 position of chronicler. 
 
 A rarer and earlier work than Ddvila's is the Historia Eclesiastica de Nves- 
 tros Tiempos, by the Dominican Alonso Fernandez. Toledo, 1611, folio. The 
 chief object of which claims to be the recording of the glorious deeds of zeal- 
 ous sons of the church outside of Spain, particularly contemporaries, with a 
 view to animate her children to remain steadfast. The first and largest of 
 the three libros is occupied with America, beginning with the Antilles, but 
 soon passing to Mexico and Central America as the main field, and closing 
 with South America. The entry of friars and the progress of missions and 
 ecclesiastic provincias are related, with innumerable passages on miracles, 
 martyrs, and saintly men, and with some account of native idolatry and of 
 books printed in native idioms. The rest treats of the other continents and 
 islands. The title-page bears an engraving of the madonna adored by St 
 Dominic and St Francis. 
 
 Another general work on the church is the Kerchelycke Historie van de 
 gheheele Wereldt, by the Jesuit father Cornelius Hazart. Antwerpien, 1667, 
 4 vols, folio. Among its several editions the most notable is the German 
 Kirchen-Geschichte. Wienn, 1678-1701, 3 vols., rearranged and improved by 
 M. Soutermans of the same order. Besides giving an account of missionary 
 labors, particularly by Jesuits, the political and social condition of each 
 region of the world is considered, though not with any care or critique. 
 Opening with Japan the first volume proceeds to treat of other parts of Asia, 
 while Prester John's country heads the second volume for the African divi- 
 sion. The last two thirds is filled with the New World, beginning with South 
 America, and proceeding with Florida, Canada, Mexico, and Maranhan. The 
 hundred pages of the Mexican section treats of the origin and belief of the 
 Indians, the omens preceding the Spanish arrival, the conquest and descrip- 
 tion of Mexico, and the conversion. The copperplates are chiefly illustra- 
 tive of martyrdom, with fancifully drawn natives, headed by a portrait of 
 St Francis Javier, not only as missionary apostle, but as a Jesuit, one of the 
 first nine companions of Loyola, as the author vehemently maintains. 
 
 Regardless of the efibrts made by the church historians already mentioned, 
 and by others. Father Touron of the order of Preachers comes forward with 
 
FERNANDEZ, HAZART, TOURON. 
 
 191 
 
 a Histoire Gdnirals de VAm^rique, Paris, 1768, 8 vols., 12°, wherein he proposes 
 to repair the neglect of general histories to fully record the important branch 
 of spiritual conquest. Dividing his work into four parts, relating to the juris- 
 dictions of Santo Domingo, of Mexico, of Peru and Chile, and of New Granada, 
 he relates under three epochs for the three centuries, the progress of Chris- 
 tianity in each section. Aware of the necessity of rendering ecclesiastic 
 records acceptable to 'Lecteurs dans un sifecle d'autant plus frivole,' he re- 
 solves to ' marcher sous I'escorte de I'Histoire Politique et Naturelle, ' in short 
 to sugarcoat the pill. While several religious chronicles have been the guide 
 for the main subject, the rest is evidently borrowed from one general history, 
 without much digestion of either, since this was probably deemed irreverent 
 with respect to the former and unnecessary with the latter, as contributing 
 merely to a minor topic. With the progress of the work the author gradually 
 throws off the political shackles which have so far bound the guileless student, 
 and leaving him adrift he abandons himself wholly to his clerical guide. 
 
 In connection with these may be mentioned the Ceremonies et coutumea 
 religieuses, Amsterdam, 1723-43, 8 vols, folio, to which belongs Superstitions 
 anciennes et modernes, 1733-f, 2 vols. It opens with a full account of the 
 Jewish religion, with the rites and social institutions in connection therewith, 
 and proceeds with the Roman Catholic, to which are appended lengthy 
 memoirs on the rise and operations of the inquisitions. Then comes an account 
 of American religictis and features relating thereto, particularly those pre- 
 vailing in New France; but Mexico receives a considerable space, followed by 
 South America, chiefly Peru. The origin of the Indians is naturally considered, 
 and analogies with Old World customs are consequently numerous. The nations 
 of East India and other countries are next taken up. The work was compiled 
 by J. F. Bernard and others, and owes its success chiefly to the fine engravings 
 after Picart. Among the several editions is The Religious Ceremonies and Cus- 
 toms of the Several Nations of the Known World, London, 1731-9, 7 vols. The 
 plates are the same bearing the mark of Van der Gucht. 
 
 One of the main sources for the history of missions and of the condition of 
 the church in remote lands must be sought in Lettres J^difiantes et Curieuses, 
 £criies des Missiom etrang^res par quelques Missionaires de la Compagnie de 
 Jesus. Paris, 1702-76, 34 vols, 12°; to which belongs Memoires des Missions 
 du Levant, 9 vols. As indicated by the title, the contents is a series of letters 
 by Jesuit missionaries in different parts of the world, addressed to their 
 superiors and to one another, describing the progress of conversion, together 
 with historic events, native customs, geography, and other scientific matter. 
 Bibliographers are greatly pt variance as to the date of the set, owing to the 
 different title of the first volume, published in 1702 as Lettres de quelques Mis- 
 sionaires, etc., for which the sanctions of the Jesuit provincial and king are 
 dated 1702. These, followed by the Lettres i^difiantes, were reprinted in 1717, 
 forming, according to Charlevoix, the first whole issue of the set. An English 
 translation of the first three volumes appeared in 1707. In 1758 the work was 
 interrupted with the 28th volume, owing to the persecution of the Jesuits in 
 France; but it was resumed in 1773. Another cause of confusion is in the several 
 reprints and abridgments of sets or partial sets, among them the issue in 
 1780-3, in 26 volumes, of the first systematically arranged edition, and for 
 
192 
 
 APOSTOLIC LABORS. 
 
 this reason esteemed above others. A continuation was issued in 1818-23 as 
 
 Nouvelles Lettres ^dijiantes, which also enters into several foreign editions in 
 connection with the first set. The Spanish translation is interesting from the 
 fact that it shared in the troubles which fell upon the original, and stopped in 
 consequence with vol. 16. Cartas Edijicantes. Madrid, 1753-7. It was com- 
 piled by P. Davin from the Lettres as well as the Memoires du Levant, and 
 prefaced in each volume with a review of the contents, and of mission 
 progress. The letters of the original collection were published as soon 
 as a sufficient number had accumulated, without regard to the country 
 they related to, so that a lamentable want of order resulted, which had 
 to be rectified in later editions. In that of 1819 they are separated into 
 sets called Memoires du Levant d^Amerique, etc.; but are otherwise not 
 well arranged. In the earlier volumes, for instance, relating to America, 
 IV. is devoted to the north-east coast of the northern continent, and to 
 South America. The latter region extends over the greater part of V., 
 wherein is given also a memoir on Lower California. P. Charles le Gobien 
 was the first editor, succeeded by the talented P. Du Halde, well known 
 through his History of China, and after them came Ingoult, de Neuville, and 
 Patouillet. The value of the letters to science as well as to history becomes 
 apparent from a mere consideration of the extensive learning and zeal of the 
 Jesuits, and their power of observing and of acquiring influence with rulers 
 and people. But the valuable material is interwoven with a mass of prosy 
 tedious details, chiefly of a religious nature, and it is to be noticed that the 
 contributions of the Spanish and Italian fathers appear more exaggerated and 
 credulous than those written by men from Prance and adjoining countries in 
 the north. The needless prolixity was the chief cause of the many abridg- 
 ments which taxed the forbearance of the worthy editors by their irreverent 
 omissions, and by frequently giving no credit to the original. The Memoires GeO' 
 graphiqiies, etc., Paris, 1767, 4 vols., afl"ords an instance. A more ungrateful 
 borrower is Lockman, who, in condensing the first ten volumes of the Letters 
 in his Travels of the Jesuits, announces that he omits prosy accounts of miracles 
 and conversions as ' ridiculous to all persons of understanding. ' The prom- 
 ised continuation of the work failed to appear, to the delight of the pious 
 fathers, who no doubt saw in this non-success a condign punishment of blas- 
 phemy. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 DTTEIGUES AGAINST CORT^:S. 
 1524. 
 
 Inteigties oi* Disappointed Officials — Insinuations against Cortes — 
 His Fourth Letter — The Silver Cannon — Convoy System — Deferred 
 Contract with the Sovereign — Cortes under a Cloud — Prepares 
 FOR THE March to Honduras — Acting Governors Appointed — Machi- 
 nations OF Salazar — The Hypocrite and the Tool — Atteimpt to 
 Oust the Treasurer — Subtle Duplicity — Zuazo Made Prisoner — 
 Casas and Gonzalez Appear on the Scene. 
 
 Roused by the glowing reports of soldiers, the royal 
 officials had come to Mexico full of high anticipations 
 concerning the great treasures obtained from native 
 princes, a small portion of which had sufficed to dazzle 
 the court of Spain. They were disappointed, like 
 most of the crowd, yet with the men of Velazquez 
 they clung to their belief Gold existed; but where ? 
 Directed by gossip, they looked upon Cortes as pos- 
 sessing countless coffers filled with the fabled wealth 
 of Montezuma, and others filling with the constant 
 stream of tributes and presents from cities and prov- 
 inces. Such a man must be won; and straightway 
 they began to fawn upon the captain-general. Though 
 pompous with their own importance and power among 
 the colonists, they readily sank all pride in bending to 
 Croesus. They were quite willing to hide from the 
 crown and others the deposits, if they were but allowed 
 a share for themselves; and this regardless of their 
 duty as royal officials. They had not left comfortable 
 h«")mes in Castile to brave the dangers of the sea, 
 and the hardships of a new settlement, only to swell 
 
 Hist. Mez., Vol. II. 13 ( 193 ) 
 
194 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 the royal coffers ; they must have something foi them- 
 selves. But Cortes neither possessed the treasures, 
 nor was he inclined to share his receipts with the 
 cormorants. He preferred to extend the inflowing 
 revenues on further expeditions, whereby to enhance 
 his fame and his credit with the king. So," they 
 said, "this upstart ignores us; then shall he sufler." 
 And while still bending low to pour the oil of flat- 
 tery, they prepared a venomous sting behind his back. 
 Soon rivalry was displayed in their efforts to cata- 
 logue his defects, and build a reputation for zeal in 
 his overthrow. In this work of libel the vanity and 
 presumption of the royal bastard Estrada were added 
 to the insidious caution of Albornoz, and the subtle 
 cunning and ambition of Salazar, supported by Chiri- 
 nos. Though divided among themselves they were 
 united in their opposition to Cortes. 
 
 Despatches were sent by every opportunity partly 
 in cipher,^ repeating every tale that could in any way 
 injure their opponent. The treasures of Montezuma, 
 and those lost during the retreat from Mexico, were 
 all in his possession, they said, to the value of three 
 or four millions, buried in different spots, and vessels 
 were building in the South Sea to carry them to 
 France or to lands that were to be wholly under his 
 control. Countless provinces with vast rent-rolls had 
 been seized for himself ; caciques were made to swell 
 his wealth with presents, and common natives to work 
 in the mines for his benefit, while to the king he sent 
 a few jewels which might please the royal fancy. He 
 thwarted their every effort to increase the royal rev- 
 enue, partly by marking his gold with false stamps, so 
 as to avoid paying the fifth. ^ Worse than this, he 
 was preparing vast armaments which could not be 
 
 ^ 'Arcanse"vero ac particulares litterse a solo computatore Albornozio, regie 
 a secretis, veuiunt sub ignotis caracteribus, quos Zif ras iiuncupat usus. ' Peter 
 Martyr, dec. viii. cap. x. 
 
 Ixtlilxochitl of Tezcuco had given him presents worth 60,000 castellanos, 
 and since this was a royal province, the acceptance of such gifts was robbery. 
 These and bimilar statements are given also in Cortes, Residenda, i. 209. 
 
JEALOUSY AND DENUNCIATIONS. 
 
 195 
 
 intended for Indian warfare, though such was the 
 pretence, and with this rebelHous aim he had even 
 seized over sixty thousand pesos de oro from the royal 
 treasury. The natives looked upon Cortes as a king, 
 and would follow him anywhere, and so would the 
 soldiers, whom he had attracted by his magnetism or 
 won with his gold. This strength, supplemented by 
 manifold resources, had made him so ambitious and 
 imperious that he gave no heed to royal orders, but 
 dealt with the country and the offices as if they were 
 his own. A change was urgent, or all would be lost 
 to the king. The best means was to give them author- 
 ity to proceed against him, withdraw his arms, and 
 gradually dispossess him of the government. He 
 should be ordered to do nothing without the approval 
 of the royal officials, and blank commissions should 
 be sent for them to distribute to loyal men so as to 
 strengthen their party, and they should be given a 
 place among the regidores, whose votes were at pres- 
 ent controlled by their patron Cortes.^ Authority 
 shoul«ji also be given them to make a fresh reparti- 
 miento of the natives who had been appropriated by 
 the supporters of the captain-general.* 
 
 In this tirade of denunciations they spared not one 
 another, and foreseeing the evil effect of such jealousy, 
 the wily Salazar intimated that Cortes was creating 
 discord between them for his own purposes; adding 
 that he had sent one hundred and thirty thousand 
 pesos to Spain wherewith to bribe the members of the 
 council, and to his father other large sums embezzled 
 from the royal treasury. 
 
 ^ The king had ordered regidores and other officials to be appointed 
 annually by the governor and royal agents, but this had not been done, says 
 Albomoz, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 495, implying that Cort6s pre- 
 ferred to keep liis retainers in these controlling positions. His adherent Lope 
 de Samaniego was the bearer of the charges, directed also to the powerful 
 Comendador Cobos, the patron of the officials. 
 
 * ' Y que se permitiesse, que ellos pudiessen tener Encomiendas.' Herreray 
 dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. ii. To hold encomiendas had been expressly forbidden 
 the royal officers, yet they had eagerly scrambled for a share. It was also 
 charged that the followers of Cortes appropriated all the daughters of nobles 
 for mistresses, so that honorable men could obtain no wives. Bernal DiaZy 
 Hist. Verdad., 192. 
 
196 
 
 rN-TRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 Aware of the machinations of the officials, having 
 learned much in his relation with the Velazquez 
 party, Cortes takes pains in his fourth letter to the 
 king to point out many things that may explain 
 charges, yet he cannot peer into those cipher de- 
 spatches and counteract all. To promote the subjuga- 
 tion of the country he has expended all his funds, 
 over one hundred thousand pesos de oro, and has been 
 obliged to take a sum from the treasury, though this 
 would be recovered a hundred-fold after securing such 
 provinces; he has also borrowed thirty thousand pesos 
 wherewith to buy in Spain arms, implements, plants, 
 and other needful material for the colony. He asks 
 that the royal officials be ordered to recognize these 
 expenditures and repay his outlay, or he would he 
 unable to settle his debts. 
 
 In a special letter of the same date, 15 th of Octo- 
 ber 1524, he thanks the sovereign for ignoring the 
 caiiimnies of his enemies and favoring him as he had 
 done. He submits a number of proposals for bene- 
 fiting the country and the natives, particularly the 
 introduction of more friars to educate and pacify the 
 natives, and he urges that the royal officials be told 
 not to meddle with his affairs. This he supplements 
 by letters to his friends and agents, relating how Al- 
 bornoz, for instance, has become implacable because 
 he does not receive all the encomiendas and noble 
 maidens he desires.^ 
 
 With his usual prudence he resolved to strengthen 
 his observations with such glittering tokens as he 
 could gather, including a quantity of silver from 
 Michoacan, some pearls, and gold- work, besides feath- 
 ers, skins, and fabrics, and a revenue remittance of 
 seventy thousand pesos de oro. These presents, he 
 observes, were far inferior to those sent before, but 
 their capture by the French made him desirous of 
 tendering some compensation. The object of Cortes 
 
 ^ All these letters went in duplicates so that if the bishoj) of Burgos seized 
 one set, the other might reach its destination, lb. 
 
THE SILVER CANNON. 
 
 197 
 
 being to attract attention to himself and to his repre- 
 sentation, he recognized that the presents were inade- 
 quate, and bestirred his ingenuity to discover a means 
 to enhance their value. Finally he hit upon the idea 
 of forming the silver into a cannon of about twenty- 
 three hundred weight, costing nearly thirty thousand 
 pesos de oro.^ It was engraved with several artistic 
 designs ''to be worthy of appearing before so high 
 and excellent a prince.'"^ 
 
 The chief ligure was a phoenix in relief, with the 
 inscription : 
 
 Sprung from out fire, a peerless thing 
 
 Type of the services I bring 
 
 To thee, unrivalled mighty king.^ 
 
 Cortes also sent twenty-five thousand castellanos in 
 gold, and over fifteen hundred marcos in silver, to his 
 father, with instructions to buy arms, dresses, plants, 
 and other effects for the colony. In charge of the 
 presents was Diego de Soto, accompanied by Diego 
 de Ocampo and Francisco de Monte jo, procuradores 
 for Cortes and New Spain.^ 
 
 Orders had been issued from Spain to send only a 
 limited amount of treasure in one vessel, so that the 
 loss might not be great in case of capture ; but Cortes 
 
 ^Twenty-four quintals and 2 arrobas of silver were used, some lost in 
 Ihe double smelting, the metal costing 24,500 pesos de oro, at 5 pesos de 
 Dro for the marco, of which 2 went to the pound. Engraving and smelting 
 cost 3,000. CorUSy Cartas, 317. ' Por este precio se ve que la plata. . .estaba 
 mezclada con cosa de una tercera parte de cobre,' observes Alaman, Disert., 
 i. 194. Oviedo, iii. 468, who saw it at the palace in Spain, calls it ' media 
 culebrina de metal rico de oro e plata. ' A list of the other presents is given 
 in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 339-52. 
 
 '' It was among the last specimens of native art, for about this time work- 
 ers in precious metals were forbidden to exercise their calling in New Spain. 
 This order was afl&rmed in a special decree of the 9th of November 1526, 
 wherein the i>enalty of death was applied to its infringement. Puga, Cedula- 
 rio, 16, 20. Proclaimed at Mexico on the 31st of July 1527. Libro de Cahildo, 
 MS. Mexican writers lament this as one of the greatest blows at native 
 culture. 
 
 8 Aquesta nacio sin par, 
 yo, en seruir oa sin segundo : 
 vos, sin ygual en el mundo. 
 
 None ever made a silver gun, save Cortes, I trow, observes Gomara, and many 
 Bought in vain to form a similar verse. Hist. Mex., 241. Bernal Diaz begins 
 the first line, Estaaue. 
 
 * Herrera states that a son of Montezuma accompanied them, and waa 
 placed with the Dominicans at Talavera. dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. i. 
 
198 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST COETES. 
 
 chose to disregard the injunction in view of the press- 
 ing need for money at the court, as he pleads. Soto 
 reached the Azores in safet}^, and receiving news of 
 French cruisers off the coast he resolved to stay there 
 awhile, together with half a dozen other vessels, some 
 bringi^^g valuable collections of pearls. Great waa 
 the alarm in Spain among the traders, whose ship- 
 ments of merchandise to and from the Indies were 
 gradually assuming large proportions. Convoys had 
 been provided for several years to protect their fleets, 
 but owing to trouble in collecting the convoy tax, 
 and other causes, the protection had been withheld 
 for some time. Strong eflbrts wext made to reestab- 
 lish the convoy, which were successful, and a regular 
 board was formed to assume the management of this 
 department, known as the Contaduria de Averia: to 
 collect the averia tax from the merchant- vessels, and 
 attend to its distribution for the benefit of the ships- 
 of-war.^° 
 
 The first fleet under the new arrangement consisted 
 
 The officials of the department consisted in course of time of four conta- 
 dores de averia ^ or accountants, appointed for life, two being proprietary, a 
 contador mayor, equivalent to superintendent, a j^.ceptor, or receiver, and a 
 few sub-officials. The office was situated in the Casa de Contratacion, and 
 subject to its president and judges^ who assigned much of the work, and 
 decided in cases of dispute. One cf the officials of the Casa, termed juez oji- 
 cial, who attended at the departure of the fleets, together with visUado7'es, or 
 inspectors, to watch over their outfit and despatch, gave also a certain super- 
 vision in the interest of the averia department. The veedores and pagadores, 
 inspectors and paymasters, t.ni other officials of the fleets, attended to the 
 collection of the tax, and renaered account to the averia office. The levy wa3 
 at first not regular, but on the formal establishment of the office it was fixed 
 at one per cent. In 1528 this was increased to five per cent, and subse- 
 quently to a higher figure, reaching at times 14 per cent, according to the 
 risk and loss involved. This was collected from every part of the cargo, in- 
 cluding the royal treasures, and in course of time also from every passenger, 
 without exception. The fund was increased by certain fines, seizures, and 
 prizes, and kept in a strong box under three keys. All warrants for disburse- 
 ments must be drawn by the president and judges of the Casa de Contrata- 
 cion. With the beginning of the eighteenth century the aveda tax proper 
 appears to have ceased, and the expenses of the convoys were covered by the 
 public treasury; but in 1732 the government was so pressed as to accept an 
 offer of the merchants to convert the former averia into a contribution of four 
 per cent on gold, silver, and first-class cochineal. Yet one per cent of 
 averia continued to be collected till 1778 to pay the expenses of mail and 
 despatch boats to the Indies. After this, only a half per cent was collected. 
 For details of the laws governing the office, see JRecop. de Lidias, iii. 89-120; 
 Zamora, Bib. Leg. UU., i. 490-7; Montemayor, Svmarios de Ccdulas, 143; also 
 Jlerrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. i., and Hist. Cent. Am., i. 282-3, this series. 
 
A KING'S HEWARD. 
 
 199 
 
 of five vessels under Sancho de Herrera, obtained 
 from different grandees, and reenforced by three Por- 
 tuguese cruisers. Meanwhile the French fleet was 
 destroyed by a storm, and without waiting for escort 
 a score of trading-vessels hastened to escape from 
 their confinement at San Liicar. So did the treasure- 
 ship at the Azores, and Soto reached San Liicar, May 
 20, 1525. 
 
 All this time the affairs of Cortes had been p?oiii> 
 nently before the court. Now his deeds were extolled, 
 and again his fame was sullied by malicious reports, 
 or tossed about by contradictory rumors. In response 
 to the appeal of the king for money, in 1523, Cortes 
 had empowered his agents Juan de Ribera and Friar 
 Melgarejo to meet the demand and secure advantages 
 for himself In the early part of 1525, accordingly, 
 they offered to provide two hundred thousand pesos 
 de oro within a year and a half, partly through the 
 regular channels of royal revenue, partly in the form 
 of loans. The two agents pledged themselves to fit 
 out three vessels, and in them proceed to New Spain 
 and procure the money. To this end letters were to 
 be given them for the leading Spaniards and chiefs in 
 the colony, some unaddressed, to support their appeal.^^ 
 In return the king promised to duly remember the 
 services of Cortes. The welfare of the country and 
 natives being left to his care, he might make what 
 appointments he thought fit, and exercise the pardon- 
 ing power in connection with certain crimes and in- 
 fringements. In addition to previous dignities he was 
 to be made adelantado of New Spain, with the title 
 of Don, and the habit of the Santiago order, a coat 
 of arms commemorative of his achievements being 
 also granted. It was cheap recompense, truly, for 
 
 ^1 Any sum over 50,000 sent to Spain after the date of this agreement was 
 to be oounted as part of the 200,000; the 6,000 ducats to be spent on fitting 
 oat the vessels should be repaid from the treasury. 
 
 12 This was conferred in a special despatch dated March 7, 1525, wherein 
 are recounted with some minuteness the services and deeds of the captain 
 during the conquest. It consisted of a quartered shield bearing on the upper 
 
200 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTfiS. 
 
 cue who had performed such services, achieving vast 
 ccnq nests without cost to the crown.^^ 
 
 After all this had been arranged/* the letters came 
 from the royal officials, so full of abuse and insinua- 
 tions against Cortes that the king began to doubt 
 what course to pursue. The intimation that immense 
 treasures had been collected by the conquerors, con- 
 firmed by the liberal offers of Ribera, indicated that 
 equal or larger contributions might be obtained with- 
 out this agreement. It was, besides, dangerous to con- 
 fer more authority upon a man whose ambition leaned 
 toward an empire of his own, over a pliant and numer- 
 ous people, aided by a host of devoted soldiers. The 
 charges of the Velazquez party had proved exag- 
 gerated, yet the suspicions scattered by them kept 
 smouldering, now to burst into flame on the arrival 
 of confirmatory statements from all of the four royal 
 officials. About this time also a quarrel arose between 
 Ribera and the father of Cortes concerning some funds 
 which the former had failed to deliver, and finding his 
 master falling in favor the secretary thought it best 
 to secure himself by keeping the money and currying 
 favor with the opposition by offering damaging testi- 
 mony.^^ 
 
 Under such circumstances it is not surprising that 
 the king took alarm; he might lose great treasures 
 
 right-hand division a double-headed black eagle on a white field, the arms of 
 the empire; in the lower division a golden lion on a red field, significant of 
 Cortes' deeds. In the upper left division, three golden crowns in pyramidal 
 position on a black field, denoting his subjugation of three sovereigns; in the 
 lower division a representation of Tenochtitlan city. The yellow border dis- 
 played seven heads of leading chiefs linked by a chain with a padlock. A 
 plumed closed helmet surmounted the shield. Real Cedula, in Col. Doc. In6d.^ 
 iii. 196-204. 
 
 ^3 The agents received a proportionately greater reward, Melgarejo being 
 appointed royal preacher with permission to call himself of the Council of the 
 Indies, and Ribera was made royal treasurer of the South Sea, *por continue, 
 de su casa,' with 50,000 maravedis in pay, and permission to wear an open 
 helmet in his coat of arms. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. iv. 
 
 ^* 'Se les dieron los despachos dependientes desta capitulacion,'etc. Id. 
 
 ^^While engaged in defaming Cortds he died from overeating, saysGomara. 
 *Comio vna noche vn torrezno en cadahalso, y nmrio dello.' Hint. Mex., 275. 
 Bernal Diaz gives him a bad character. Bist. Verdad., 190-1. His premature 
 death is doubtful, for the Libra de Cabildo, March 1, 1527, mentions Juan de 
 Ribera as regidor of Mexico, evidently the same man. 
 
CONQUEROHS AS GOVERNORS. 
 
 201 
 
 and the New Spain empire also. It had been found 
 prudent in other cases to replace a conqueror by crown 
 agents, so as to guard against the control and influence 
 acquired by military leaders in distant provinces. 
 Even the Great Captain was recalled from Naples 
 with delusive promises lest he should grow too power- 
 ful. With others it was often deemed sufficient to let 
 an agent suddenly appear and take the command from 
 the leader, unsupported by any other power than the 
 royal commission, which in those days received devout 
 obedience. The complaints of the humbled conquis- 
 tador met with little consideration where the interests 
 of the crown were at stake. In pursuance of this 
 policy it was decided to supersede Cortes, and at the 
 same time ofler the government as a peace-oflering to 
 Diego Colon, who through his offices as admiral and 
 viceroy pretended to certain claims over New Spain 
 as well as other regions. Since Cortes with his im- 
 periousness and large armaments might run 1st a re- 
 moval. Colon must take with him an army sufficient 
 to enforce respect. 
 
 These measures were not made public, lest Cortes 
 should receive w^arning and prepare for resistance, yet 
 they leaked out, and created no little conflict of opin- 
 ions. Even the opposition clamored against Colon as 
 head of so large a government, to the acquisition of 
 which he had contributed nothing. The father and 
 agents of Cortes were greatly alarmed. Fortunately 
 they possessed a powerful friend in Alvarado de 
 Zimiga, duke of Bejar, with whose niece, Juana Are- 
 llano, a marriage had already been arranged for Cortes, 
 for the famous conqueror of Mexico, the rumored pos- 
 sessor of millions, controlling the grei-iest empire in 
 the western Inde, was an acceptable suitor even in 
 the house of a duke. Attended by a number of 
 friends and Martin Cortds, this grandee appeared be- 
 
 'El Almirantazgo de la Nueua Espana.' Id., 193. 
 " The cost of which was to be recovered from Cortes, says Bemal Diaz. 
 If guilty he was to be beheaded. 
 
202 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORT^IS. 
 
 fore the king to protest against the intended injustice 
 to a man who had gained such vast domain and treas- 
 ures for the crown, and whose loyalty was impugned 
 solely by greedy and jealous intriguers. He showed 
 the letters of Cortes to his father and agents, breath- 
 ing the most devoted sentiments for the king, and re- 
 vealing the cunning artifices and hostility on the part 
 of the royal officials. Finally he offered himself with 
 all his estates as surety for his protege. 
 
 With such influential and explanatory representa- 
 tions the king was induced to await further develop- 
 ments, particularly as Soto arrived at this juncture 
 with the fifths and the presents. In good truth," 
 says Gomara, *4t was this gold that saved Cortes 
 from removal." This was not literally true, however. 
 The money value of the presents could have had little 
 eftect on the decision of the king, in view of the pecul- 
 iar nature of his suspicions. Moreover, he seized the 
 private remittances of Cortes to his father, and with 
 little scruple, since this money was declared to be stolen 
 from the crown and intended for armaments where- 
 with to strengthen his position. The seizure was 
 made under pretence of a loan, with a promise of re- 
 payment never intended to be kept.^^ The strength 
 of the treasure shipment lay wholly in the silver gun, 
 and it no doubt assisted with its boastful and flatter- 
 ing volley to make a breach in the barricade of preju- 
 dice raised against its sender. Brought to the palace, 
 it created great attention, from the novelty and the 
 inscription, as Cortes had intended. Not a few took 
 umbrage at the pretentious triplet, even among his 
 friends, though the greatness of his achievements was 
 conceded. 
 
 The silver gun may have embodied also a propitia- 
 tory idea, for at the time of sending it Cortds, con- 
 
 ^^Long after his final return to Spain, in 1540, Cortes was still pressing for 
 the fulfilment of the royal promise. Col. Doc. Inid. , iv. 227. Other persona 
 in the same vessel as Soto were allowed to retain their property, observes 
 Herrera, loc. cit. 
 
IGNOBLE IDLENESS. 
 
 203 
 
 trary to the wishes of the colonists, was preparing to 
 enter upon fresh paths, which were to lead to com- 
 plications no less troublesome thau those menacing 
 him at the court. Hampered on all sides by med- 
 dling officials, and annoyed by begging intruders with 
 exorbitant demands and illusory expectations, his 
 position was becoming less enviable. The Pdnuco 
 affair was now settled, and accustomed to the stir of 
 battle and the adventures and novelties of the march, 
 his spirit began to feel the pressure of monotony, to 
 pine for new scenes, allured also by reports of the 
 victorious advance in Guatemala under Alvarado. 
 Still greedy for gold and glory, he longed to secure 
 to himself the fame of such conquests, or excel them; 
 and while excited by glowing rumors w^hich filled the 
 region to the south with great cities and treasures, 
 he desired above all to be the discoverer of the long:- 
 sought strait. "It seemed to me," he writes to the 
 king, ''that my person had long been idle, without 
 performing anything new in your Majesty's service. "^^ 
 When news came of Olid's defection, he felt 
 prompted to go in person against him; but owing to 
 certain pressing duties, and the remonstrances of 
 iViends, the task of reducing the rebellious lieutenant 
 was intrusted to Francisco de las Casas, his relative, 
 and a man of valor and energy.^^ Soon, however, he 
 bethought himself of Olid's skill as a leader and the 
 li amber and devotedness of his followers; and he 
 began to doubt the ability of the comparatively un- 
 tried Casas to effect his object. Therefore, yielding 
 to his fears and to the allurements held forth by a 
 roving fancy, he prepared for his departure. At once 
 arose an outcry both among adherents and opponents, 
 What would become of the country without its direct- 
 ing spirit, its bulwark! Dissensions would ensue, 
 perhaps anarchy, and the still unquiet natives might 
 
 i» Letter of September 3, 1526. Cartas, 395-6. 
 
 20 For a full accoTint of this expedition, see Hist. Cent. Am.j i. 528-34, 
 this series. 
 
204 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORT^IS. 
 
 take advantage of this to rise and exterminate the 
 Spaniards. His mere presence sufficed to prevent all 
 this. The road to Honduras was unknown and full 
 of danger; the punishment of Olid belonged to the 
 king, though Casas might by this time have effected 
 it. The royal officers also considered it their duty to 
 remonstrate against an expedition which must take 
 away so many of the much needed soldiers, and en- 
 danger the safety of all. They no doubt felt delighted 
 at the blow struck by a rebellious lieutenant at one 
 whom they both feared and envied, and would, under 
 ordinary circumstances, have preferred to see him de- 
 part. 
 
 Cortes had expected these remonstrances, and re- 
 plied that prompt chastisement was needed to prevent 
 other officers from revolting and creating disorder, 
 with a loss to himself of respect and territory. He 
 . would take due steps for the government and safety of 
 Mexico. This was not deemed satisfactory, however, 
 and a formal protest was lodged, which Cortes could 
 not altogether ignore. He pretended to yield, and 
 declared that he would merely proceed to the Goaza- 
 coalco region, where troubles demanded his presence. 
 He even wrote to the king that he had yielded to 
 the general desire. 
 
 As rulers during his absence he appointed Treasurer 
 Estrada and Licentiate Zuazo, the latter more prop- 
 erly as justicia mayor, to control all matters pertain- 
 ing to justice. It may appear strange that he should 
 have overlooked his many faithful followers in this 
 selection, and it must be assumed that the reason lay 
 greatly in the mistrust created by the conduct of Olid, 
 who had been one of his three most intimate friends. 
 To prevent jealousy he must have given the preference 
 to the leading captains of the conquest, and with their 
 military skill and authority among natives and colo- 
 nists they might become dangerous. The appointees 
 held neither experience as soldiers nor great popularity, 
 while the selection of a royal officer would be a proof 
 
THE HONDURAS EXPEDITION. 
 
 205 
 
 before the sovereign of his loyalty, and might aid to 
 conciliate a libellous clique. It must be mentioned 
 that Estrada was the least obnoxious of the officials, 
 less false in his friendship than the others, and Zuazo 
 was a most estimable man, for whom Cortes had 
 great respect and admiration. To promote good 
 feeling, a distribution of natives was made to the 
 officials and other persons. Francisco de Solis was 
 appointed commandant of the arsenal, with control of 
 the fleet and sufficient arms for an emergency, and to 
 Rodrigo de Paz, his own cousin, a rather turbulent 
 fellow, Cortes intrusted the care of his house and 
 property, as mayordomo mayor, with the offices of 
 alguacil mayor and regidor.^^ 
 
 For greater security he took with him the three 
 late sovereigns of Mexico, Tlacopan, and Tezcuco, 
 also the actual ruler of Acolhuacan, Ixtlilxochitl, and 
 several of the leading caciques, nearly all destined to 
 succumb to the hardships of the march, or perish by 
 the hand of the executioner, as in the case of Quauh- 
 temotzin and Tetlepanquetzal.^^ The patriotism and 
 influence of the former had ever rendered him an ob- 
 ject of suspicion, particularly after his unjust torture, 
 and he must fall a victim to the first adverse circum^- 
 stance that seemed to threaten the safety of the Span- 
 iards from his side. His seeming strength and his 
 friends caused his fall, for their muttered remonstrances 
 
 21 His formal installation as alguacil mayor did not take place till February 
 17, 1525. Libro de Cabildo, MS. 
 
 2^ For a detailed account of the charges against them, and their execution, 
 see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 551-6, this series. Among the other hostages, as they 
 may be called, are named Oquitzin, lord of Azcapuzalco; Panitzin, lord of 
 Ecatepec; Andres, lord of Mexicaltzinco, a brother of the king of Mi- 
 choacan; the cihuacoatl, or lieutenant of Quauhtemotzin; Tlacatecatl, a 
 brave and spirited chieftain. As lieutenants for the three sovereigns, 
 or nominally so, were appointed Mexicaltecuhtli at Mexico, Cohuatecatl 
 at Tlacopan, and Alonso Itzcuincuani at Tezcuco. None of them mem- 
 bers of the royal families, it seems, who were excluded for the very rea- 
 sons that caused hostages to be taken with the expedition. Ixtlilxochitl, 
 Rel, 435, 446, who gives the above names, rather tardily admits this motive, 
 after offering several unlikely reasons. According to Chimalpain, Hist. 
 Conq., ii. 120, 153, Don Andres Motelchiuhtzin was elected by the Mexicans 
 as their cajjtain-general in place of the cihuacoatl. See also Herrera, dec. iii. 
 lib. vi. cap. x.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 246; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 31. 
 
206 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORT^IS. 
 
 in behalf of themselves and their leaders, under the dif- 
 ficulties of the march, rose as damaging evidence, while 
 their number, overwhelming as compared with the sol- 
 diers, made a severe example appear necessary. The 
 control of the natives of Mexico was left partly to the 
 influential friar Olmedo, with the injunction to pro- 
 tect them and promote their conversion, which he 
 faithfully did during the short term of life left him. 
 
 The preference given Estrada in the appointment 
 of rulers was a source of bitter annoyance to the other 
 officials; and rather than be subject to him Salazar 
 and Chirinos oflered to accompany the expedition, 
 much as they disliked it. Albornoz would probably 
 have joined them, but he fell sick, it is said, and the 
 factor suggested that, since he must remain, a share 
 in the government ought to be accorded him. This 
 was done with the malicious expectation of creating 
 mischief, for he w^ell knew that the treasurer and con- 
 tador nursed a strong dislike and jealousy. Cortes 
 could not have been wholly unaware of this, yet he 
 acquiesced.^^ The appointment was most mischievous, 
 for Estrada, who prided himself on being an offspring 
 of the Catholic king, despised Albornoz, and felt not 
 a little annoyed at the partnership, while Albornoz re- 
 garded himself as under no obligation for an appoint- 
 ment tardily granted at the instance of others.'^* 
 
 Cortes set out from Mexico in the latter part of 
 October, with about one hundred and fifty Spanish 
 followers, chiefly horsemen, and three thousand natives, 
 both largely reenforced on the way.^^ During the 
 march news overtook him of repeated disagreements 
 
 23 * Como fue importunado, y desseaua complazer. . .lo hizo,' says Herrera, 
 loc. cit. Gomara assumes that Cortes took the accompanymg officials with him 
 of his own accord, to soothe them. In the acts of the municipality all three 
 rulers are termed tenientes por el gobernador, Zuazo standing at the head. 
 Lihro de Cabildo, MS., 24-5; Zumdrraga, Carta, in Facheco and CdrdenaSf 
 Col. Doc, xiii. 109. 
 
 2* Alluding to this appointment, in a letter written after the reported death 
 of Cortes, he relents so far as to admit the loyalty indicated thereby. Carta, 
 in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 487. Albornoz had been worsted by Cortds in a 
 love affair previous to the conquest, and he never forgave him. 
 
 25 For a full account of the expedition, its strength, sufferings, and achieve- 
 ments, see Iliat. Cent. Am., i. 537-83, this series. 
 
ESTPAMOUS OFFICIALS. 
 
 207 
 
 between Estrada and Albornoz, who on one occasion 
 went so far as to draw the sword on each other before 
 the town council. They were warned to desist, or 
 their commissions would be revoked. This had no 
 effect, and on reaching Espiritu Santo, Cortes received 
 an urgent demand for a remedy in the matter; his 
 presence was imperative. Salazar and Chirinos were 
 not displeased at the success of their machinations. 
 The condition of affairs was now more favorable for 
 their return, and they certainly would never proceed 
 farther than Goazacoalco. By stirring the discord 
 and using their influence over the weaker Albornoz, 
 they might emerge into a commanding position. There 
 were even better prospects, for if they could so readily 
 procure the appointment of their associate, their own 
 could be obtained, and for this, indeed, they had been 
 striving. None could have shown greater attention 
 to Cortes than they, particularly Salazar, who always 
 doffed his hat in addressing him, says Bernal Diaz; 
 ever obsequious and intent on flattery. Finding his 
 importunities unavailing for Cortds' return,^^ he did 
 not fail to detract from the character of the rulers at 
 Mexico, and to insidiously urge his own ability and 
 devotion. 
 
 Cortes was a good judge of human nature, much 
 of his success being in fact due to this instinct, yet he 
 often misplaced his confidence. Like many men of 
 genius, he was irregular, erratic in certain lines of 
 
 26 According to the custom he gave them a poetic form, singing: 
 Ay tio, ■boluamonos, 
 Ay tio, boluamonos. 
 
 To which Cortes replied: 
 
 Adelante mi sobrino, 
 Adelate mi sobrino, 
 Y no creais en agueros, 
 Que sera lo (jue Dios quisiere, 
 Adelante mi sobrino. 
 
 Which may be translated: 
 
 Alas, uncle, let us return, 
 Alas, uncle, let us return. 
 
 Reply: 
 
 Onward, my nephew, 
 Onward, my nephew, 
 In vain omens put no trust: 
 What God wills to happen, must. 
 Onward, my nephew. 
 
 Bernal Diaz, HisL Verdad., 196. 
 
208 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 action, and allowed weaker traits to overcome his 
 judgment. Such missteps are noticeable in the career 
 of the most illustrious leaders, and create astonish- 
 ment even in commonplace minds. Generally it is 
 the result of miscalculation, often of preoccupation. 
 In this instance Cortes was too absorbed by his im- 
 mediate projects to sound their hollow deceit, though 
 he accepted but little they said as true. At any rate 
 he was persuaded to issue a commission for Salazar 
 and Chirinos to rule jointly with the other lieuten- 
 ants at Mexico; and further, to give them a secret 
 mandate to suspend the treasurer and contador, if still 
 creating trouble, and to rule jointly with Zuazo alone. 
 
 Cortes is said to have been warned against these 
 men, particularly by the friars, to whom he ever lent 
 an attentive ear, but their voice had not the influence 
 of good Olmedo. He could not endure the idea of 
 returning to Mexico to settle the difiiculty, for this 
 involved not alone delay, but a probable abandonment 
 of the expedition. Agents must be sent, and he did 
 not see the danger of selecting these officials who 
 besides were proving irksome witnesses to his acts and 
 movements. Their appointment might prove a bond 
 of gratitude, and an additional commendation before 
 the sovereign. It is not unlikely, as Herrera suggests, 
 that he also hoped through their dissensions to find 
 his own conduct and policy placed in a more favorable 
 light, by contrast and by the discredit to be thus cast 
 upon their testimony. The officials were eager to 
 hurry away with the precious commissions, and on 
 taking leave, says an eye-witness, Salazar sobbed as 
 he embraced his dear friend, Cortes, the commissions 
 heaving in sympathy from the breast-pocket.^^ 
 
 27 *Para que castigassen los excesses del Tesorero, y Contador. . .pero con 
 limitacion, qui si los hallassen conformes, no tratassen de castigo, sino que 
 todos juntos gouernassen.' Herrera^ dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xi. Bernal Diaz 
 intimates that Ibe commissions were made out by a secretary friendly to Sal- 
 azar. Hist, Verdad.y 196. 
 
 2^ Even Salazar is said to have made some faint objections to the distribu- 
 tion of power among so many. Herrera, ubi sup. Torquemada, i. 589. 
 
 2^ ' Que parecia q queria llorar al despedire, y co sus prouisiones en el seno 
 de la manera q 6l las quiso notar.' Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. 
 
CONSPIRACY AOT) TREACHERY. 
 
 209 
 
 On reaching Mexico, during the Christmas hohdays, 
 they found Estrada and Albornoz in harmony;^'' but 
 since this did not suit their plans, concocted on the 
 way, they exhibited merely the secret commission 
 empowering them to remove these two officials and 
 to assume their places. On the 29th of December 
 1524, accordingly, they were received by the cabildo 
 as sole rulers in connection with Zuazo. Soon the 
 trick became apparent, however, probably through 
 letters from the camp,^^ and presenting themselves 
 before the town council, Estrada and Albornoz de- 
 manded to be reinstalled as lieutenant-governors. The 
 case was referred to Zuazo, as one learned in law and 
 at the head of the tribunal, and he deciding in their 
 favor, they were admitted as joint rulers with the 
 others on the 25th of February. Salazar and Chi- 
 rinos had sought to win Zuazo to their side, but he 
 was incorruptible, and in their disappointment they 
 vowed vengeance. To resist the decision of the 
 council was out of the question, for this body way 
 really more powerful than the combined lieutenants. 
 It could be made an instrument, however, through the 
 power possessed by the governor to appoint regidores. 
 The present members being of Cortes' selection, his 
 word and interests were law to them. By and by 
 the new rulers, through intrigue and forcible appoint- 
 ments, managed to obtain a controlling voice in the 
 assembly, and consequently the power to carry out 
 their own schemes. 
 
 Matters went smoothly for some time, during which 
 Salazar, seconded by Chirinos, was maturing plans for 
 the removal of his obnoxious partners in the govern- 
 ment. The most influential man in Mexico at this 
 
 '°They had become reconciled the very day after the sword-drawing. 
 Memoria, in Jcazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 512. A document attributed to Estrada. 
 
 2^ Zumdrraga states that on arrival the twain had taken Albornoz into 
 their confidence, and he offered to withdraw from the government so as to pro- 
 mote the removal of Estrada and thus be revenged upon him. Soon they 
 became friends again, and now Albornoz demanded the reinstallation of both. 
 Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 109-10. 
 
 ^'Libro de Cabildo, MS., 25, 31-8. 
 Hi8T. Mex., Vol. II. U 
 
210 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 period was Kodrigo de Paz, who, as relative of Cortds, 
 in charge of his vast interests, and figuring as alguacil 
 mayor, stood the conceded leader of his controlling 
 party. The success of Salazar's schemes required the 
 cooperation of such a man; but he was the friend of 
 Zuazo and Estrada. The first step, therefore, must 
 be to alienate him from them. Finding that some 
 old offence of Paz still remained unpunished, Salazar 
 demanded that the joint governors should sign an 
 order for his arrest. Estrada suspected sinister 
 design on the part of his opponent, and objected, 
 declaring the offence insufficient for (.he proposed 
 penalty. The others were persuaded, hcjwever; the 
 joint signature was obtained, and the alguacil mayor 
 found himself suddenly carried off in shackles to Sal- 
 azar's house. This selection of a prison was part of 
 the plan. 
 
 After allowing time for his feelings to foment, 
 Salazar presented himself. " This is rather severe 
 treatment your friends subject you to, senor,"he said. 
 
 Had you been so devoted to me as to them, I never 
 would have permitted such an outrage." Nor did he 
 fail to paint their motives in colors as black as their 
 deeds; he declared his aversion to them and his sym- 
 pathy for him, and finally proposed an alliance. He 
 would liberate him, cost what it might, and jointly 
 they would drive the others from the government and 
 share it between themselves. The prisoner acquiesced. 
 Within two hours their compact was ratified by solemn 
 oaths and tokens,^^ and within two days the other gov- 
 ernors had been prevailed upon to allow the liberation 
 of the prisoner. 
 
 Rumors of the compact reaching the ears of Sala- 
 zar's partners, they challenged his conduct. He de- 
 nied the accusation, and pretended to be angry with 
 Paz, and proposed a combination for his overthrow. 
 To strengthen the proposal, and lull their suspicions, 
 
 ^3 Bello, chaplain to Salazar, administered the oaths. Paz surrendered a 
 valued ring as token. Memoria, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 514-15. 
 
THE CONSPIRATORS IN COUNCIL. 
 
 he joined them at communion,^* and on Easter Sun- 
 day he dined with Estrada. Next day the three con- 
 spirators proceeded to the council, where Paz had 
 managed to win the majority to his side, and had 
 arranged for the exclusion of Estrada and Albornoz 
 from the government, partly on the plea that they 
 were seeking to ignore the authority of Cortes. On 
 the 19th of April 1525^^ they were accordingly de- 
 clared excluded, on the strength of the secret com- 
 mission already so effectually used by Salazar and his 
 companion. Zuazo protested, as did the minority in 
 the council, and the excitement became so great in 
 the city that bloodshed was feared. Indeed, Pedro, 
 a brother of Paz, came to blows with Albornoz. Es- 
 trada rushed to the rescue, and Rodrigo de Paz joined 
 in the melee with a large force, showering stones. 
 Peace was restored, and Pedro placed under arrest, 
 only to be released by his patrons. 
 
 Francisco Davila, one of the alcaldes, now issued a 
 proclamation, forbidding any recourse to arms under 
 heavy penalties. This being directed against the 
 Salazar faction, they indignantly attacked him, broke 
 his staff, and carried him to prison. Here an effort 
 was made to win him to their side, and this failing, 
 an assassin was instructed to remove him. He es- 
 caped, however, to a place of refuge, and his pursuers 
 wreaked their vengeance on his property.^'' Estrada 
 and Albornoz continued to sign documents as lieuten- 
 ant-governors, regardless of the injunction, and orders 
 were issued for their arrest. Fearing more trouble, 
 the Franciscans interposed and prevailed on them to 
 submit.^^ This effectually excluded them from the 
 government. 
 
 2* * Para que su conformidad fuesse mas notoria al pueblo, y nadie se atre- 
 uiesse a assistir a Rodrigo de Paz. ' Herrera, loc. cit. ; Memorial ubi sup. 
 ^'^Lihro de Cabildo, MS., 41-5. 
 
 2° Pedro de Paz intended to kill Albornoz, three of whose companions were 
 wounded. Memoria, in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc, i. 516. 
 
 3' He was reinstated under the later rule of Estrada. Lihro de Cabildo ^ 
 MS., February 22, 1526. 
 
 2^ At their respective residences, under the guard of Paz. Zumdrraga, 
 Cartay in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 110-11. ' 
 
INTRIGUES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 The removal of Zuazo was equally desired, but this 
 could not be effected for want of grounds. It so 
 happened, however, that a cddula arrived demanding 
 the licentiate's presence in Cuba to undergo residencia 
 in connection with his administration there. This 
 fell into the hands of Paz in opening the despatches 
 for his master, and was only too eagerly seized upon 
 to further his plans. On the evening of May 23d, 
 Zuazo was summoned to confer with Salazar and 
 Chirinos, and in their presence the alguacil mayor 
 exultingly snatched from him the staff of chief-jus- 
 tice, and he was ordered to be immediately removed 
 as a prisoner to Medellin, there to await the first 
 departure for the Islands. ^'I thank God for taking 
 me from a country so rife with discord," he exclaimed, 
 as the guard bore him away.^^ 
 
 This treatment of a man so irreproachable and so 
 universally respected created no little excitement;, and 
 many residents prepared to abandon the city, but Paz 
 came forward with the cedula and reassured them.^^ 
 Shortly afterward news was received of the approach 
 of Casas and Gil Gonzalez, on the way from Honduras 
 to report to Cortes their overthrow of Olid. While 
 they were advancing along the easy highways of con- 
 quered Guatemala, their chief was marching in the 
 opposite direction, along the eastern borders of Vera 
 Paz, wading through marshes, climbing rugged ranges, 
 and cutting his way through dense forests, struggling 
 with famine, disease, and discontent, and all in pur- 
 
 According to Oviedo 200 men surrounded his dwelling at midnight. 
 Having a number of armed men with him, he prepared to resist, but Paz aa 
 *his friend' persuaded him to surrender, promising that his person and prop- 
 erty would be respected. Casas joined him at Medellin with 200 cavalry, 
 and offered to install him at Mexico as sole ruler, but Zuazo refused to create 
 trouble. All this is unlikely. He was embarked at San Juan in shackles, in 
 the middle of August, for Habana, where all vied to do him honor. He 
 passed the residencia without a stain, and was thereupon appointed oidor of 
 the audiencia at Santo Domingo with a pay of 300,000 maravedis. There he 
 died in 1539, rich and honored. Oveido, iii. 518-21, i. 542; Navarrete, in Col. 
 Doc. InM., ii. 376-9. 
 
 *° Estrada and Albomoz appear to have been among the alarmed ones, and 
 to have gone in hiding in the suburb, while the forces of Paz scoured the city 
 for them. Memoria, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 516. 
 
CASAS AND GONZALEZ. 
 
 213 
 
 suit of an object already accomplished. Estrada and 
 Albornoz were the first to receive the information, 
 and with a view to obtain news of Cortes, and to take 
 counsel with Casas about the policy to be pursued, 
 they proposed to meet them. As they could not 
 leave the city without permission, they obtained this 
 on the plea of conveying a quantity of gold to Medellin 
 for shipment to Spain. No sooner had they gone 
 than Chirinos also learned of Casas approach, and 
 hurrying after them with a squad of men he brought 
 them back to their houses, seizing their arms and 
 horses.^^ 
 
 A week later Casas and Gonzalez arrived in the 
 city, and proceeded to Estrada's residence. Rumors 
 of their intention were rife, and formal charges against 
 them were made before the notary, concocted prob- 
 ably by the lieutenant-governors, who resolved not to 
 afford time for conspiracies.^^ That very night they 
 appeared before their house and demanded the sur- 
 render of certain armed men harbored by Estrada 
 contrary to orders. Whatever may have been the 
 projects of the treasurer and his guests, they were 
 not prepared to resist this prompt summons, sup- 
 ported by a strong force with artillery, nor did Casas 
 feel it proper to oppose Paz, the relative and repre- 
 sentative of Cortes, and so the gate was opened.^^ 
 All the arms were now seized, even those of Casas' 
 party, and five armed adherents of Estrada were car- 
 ried off to be lashed and exiled, regardless of their 
 rank as hidalgos. Salazar did not fail to wreak his 
 
 *^ The hostile object of their journey was confirmed by the absence of the 
 royal treasure which they pretended to convoy. Ocana, in Icazbalceta, Col. 
 Doc. , i. 524r-5. This is stated also by other witnesses. Estrada declares the 
 Casas meeting to be an invented charge, and states that they did convoy gold, 
 yet with the object also of sending private despatches to Spain. Memoria, in 
 IcL, 516. Herrera says the friars interfered to prevent bloodshed when 
 Chirinos overtook them. 
 
 *2 Estrada proposed to seize them, including Paz, and assume the govprrx- 
 ment, with Casas for alcade mayor. Testimonio, in Cort6s, Razidencia, i. 
 217. Ocana, ubi sup., was the notary who recorded the charges. 
 
 'This was done at the instance of Casas,' says Herrera, yet other testi- 
 mony intimates that he would have been ready to aid Estrada in resisting. 
 ,CorU8, Eesidencia, i. 77, 402. 
 
214 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST COET^S. 
 
 hatred on Casas in abuse and insinuation, and the 
 latter being a high-spirited cavaher retorted in no 
 measured terms/* Such insolence was beyond endur- 
 ance, but as it was conveyed by a relative of Cortes, 
 whom Paz would most likely protect, the factor was 
 obliged to nurse his wrath for the present. Casas 
 thought it prudent, however, to leave for his estates 
 in Oajaca.*^ 
 
 He even ventured to attack Salazar's party one day, and maltreat Al- 
 bomoz, whose vacillating demeanor did so much to aid the former. Gomaray 
 Hist. Mex., 248. He would hardly have dared to raise his hands against 
 Salazar. Bernal Diaz gives some doubtful details about Casas' conduct against 
 Salazar. Hist. Verdad., 210-11. He was not present. E.iT.T'c-ila was confined 
 in another house, and Albornoz in the arsenal. 3femoria, in Icazbcdceta, Col. 
 Doc, i. 519. 
 
 'Exiled by Salazar,' says a witness in Cortes, Residencia^ i. 403. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND O'vTRTHROW. 
 1525-1526. 
 
 OVERTHKOW OF PaZ — HiS TERRIBLE FaTE — PERSECUTION OF THE FrIENDS 
 
 OF Cortes — Alvarado Considers the Matter — Search for Cor- 
 tes — His Funeral Honors — Spoliation of his Property — Lashing a 
 Wife — Tyrannical Proceedings of Salazar — It Leads to Revolt — 
 General Alarm — Expeditions against Rebels— Chirinos' Fiasco — 
 The Friars Hurl Anathemas — The Governors Humbled — The Mys- 
 terious Messenger — Rising of the Men of Cortes — Election op 
 Estrada and Albornoz— Assault on the Government House — Sa- 
 lazar Encaged — Conspiracy to Release Him. 
 
 After aiding Salazar in the achievement of his 
 plots, Paz was no longer indispensable ; indeed, he 
 was an obstacle to the free sway of the lieutenants. 
 Their longing for uncontrolled action was fostered 
 partly by rumors of disasters to Cortes, borne from 
 the natives of the south, and all the more alarming in 
 the absence of news from him. The ruling faction 
 did not hesitate to magnify these reports and to cir- 
 culate fantastic stories about Cortes, Marina, and San- 
 doval having been seen burning in vivid flames in the 
 Tlateluco church-yard.^ Machinations against the 
 immediate adherents of Cortes could accordingly be 
 ventured upon, but their leader must above all be re- 
 moved. An additional incentive existed in the wealth 
 of the captain-general, of which Paz was the guardian, 
 and in the enmity of Chirinos, who had lost to him 
 at the gambling-table the greater part of his fortune.^ 
 
 ^ The man who saw it became sick with horror. Their ghosts were seen 
 also at Tezcuco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 210. 
 
 ^ Some 20,000 pesos de oro. Estrada assumes this to have been the prin- 
 cipal cause for the plots against Paz. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 519-20. 
 
 (215) 
 
216 SALAZAR'S USUE-PATIOK AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 In futlierance of tlie design, the devoted friends of 
 Cortes had been gradually replaced by more pliable 
 members. An able adviser and promoter of these 
 machinations existed in Diego de Ocana, who had 
 lately arrived as royal notary, probably at the recom- 
 mendation of Cobos, the powerful patron of his prin- 
 cipals.^ 
 
 Paz had given umbrage to the Franciscans by a 
 neglect of religious duties and want of respect for the 
 friars, a proceeding which was aggravated by his pas- 
 sionate and reckless nature. Salazar represented this 
 to Father Valencia, the custodian, and agent for the 
 Inquisition, and proposed that authority be given to 
 seize and arraign him. The friar replied that the 
 anger of the church had been propitiated by humble 
 penitence, and that Paz stood absolved. This answer 
 may have been dictated partly by a repugnance 
 toward the applicant, whose every proposal seemed to 
 cover some deep-laid plot, and whose reverence for 
 the cloth was by no means conspicuous. Thus foiled, 
 Salazar turned to another quarter. 
 
 After the treatment received from Paz, neither 
 Estrada or Albornoz could be expected to harbor 
 any good- will for him, and they were readily induced 
 to join in the not altogether improper demand upon 
 the mayordomo of Cortes to exhibit what treasures 
 his master had sent to Spain, so that the royal fifth 
 might be collected where still due ; and further, since 
 Cortes was evidently dead, to repay to the treasury 
 the sixty thousand pesos de oro taken by him. Paz 
 naturally objected, and his refusal was made to appear 
 as contempt for the officials of the king, strongly 
 indicative of treason. With loud words about the 
 necessity for protecting the royal interests, Salazar and 
 
 ^In Tcazhalceta, Col Doc, i. 524-37, is printed a letter of this person, 
 addressed probably to officials of the Casa de la Contratacion, with which he 
 seems to have been connected. It is full of malicious charges and insinua- 
 tions against Cortes and his party, and reveals him as a base hypocrite, as old 
 in wickedness as in age, whereof he claimed over sixty years. 
 
HIDDEN TREASURES. 
 
 217 
 
 Chirinos began to summon men to their support, 
 promising repartimientos and other favors to some, 
 and assuring others that no harm should come to Paz 
 himself. Observing this movement, the latter also 
 began to muster for defence. A proclamation was 
 issued forbidding any one under heavy penalties to 
 resist the royal cause. Nevertheless, when the lieu- 
 tenant-governors appeared before his house on the 
 19th of August, Paz had quite a force within. Es- 
 trada now spoke to him, and, representing the treason- 
 able appearance and danger of resisting royal officials 
 in discharge of their duty, he prevailed upon him to 
 yield, after receiving the solemn oath of Salazar and 
 Chirinos that his person should be respected.* 
 
 After disarming and dismissing the opposing force, 
 and sending Paz to the arsenal, the four royal officers 
 took possession of the residence of Cortes. An ex- 
 amination of the premises folio v/ed, and a number of 
 valuables at once disappeared, while the native prin- 
 cesses and ladies of noble birth there living as wards 
 were grossly insulted, to the deep humiliation of their 
 people. The belief was that vast treasures lay hidden 
 in or beneath the palace, and Estrada and Albornoz 
 were directed to retire so that the lieutenants might 
 have no official witness to their further search. The 
 better to promote their designs these worthies caused 
 themselves on the 2 2d of August to be sworn in as 
 lieutenant-governors for the king, till his Majesty 
 should decide, with the same power as that possessed 
 by Cortes in his offices of chief justice and captain- 
 general.^ A devoted adherent named Antonio do 
 Villaroel was at the same time installed as alguacil 
 
 *This oath, termed 'pleito homenage, was tendered before several cavaliers 
 and friars in the presence of Jorge de Alvarado and Andres de Tapia. Both 
 of these being afterward proscribed, Salazar may have considered the oath 
 less valid. Gil Gonzalez was among those who persuaded Paz to yield, says 
 the Memoria, in Id., 520. 
 
 ^ The council swore to obey them as * Tenientes de Capitan General 6 Go- 
 bemador y Justicia mayor de esta N. E. por SSMM.' Libro de Cabildo, MS., 
 70-6. ' Till Cortes should return,' was one of the clauses. Henceforth they 
 are spoken of as governors, though the record title remained lieutenant-gov- 
 ernors. 
 
218 
 
 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 mayor, in place of Paz, and the subservient council 
 was made to issue permission to the new governors to 
 take an inventory of the property of Cortes. 
 
 The search for treasures proved comparatively bar- 
 ren, though every corner was examined and the ground 
 dug up beneath and around the palace. They were 
 fully convinced, however, that treasures existed some- 
 where, for a belief in the wealth of Cortes was too 
 wide-spread not to be true, and it seemed incredible 
 that he should have neglected his opportunities to 
 enrich himself The only question was about the 
 hiding-place. Paz must know, and must be made to 
 speak. Pegardless of their oath they submitted him 
 to torture, applying among other means boiling oil to 
 his feet, which were then slowly roasted before a fire. 
 In his agony he declared that Cortes had taken his 
 treasures with him: he knew of none. This answer 
 was not accepted, and the torturing continued till the 
 toes fell off, and the feet were charred to the ankles.^ 
 
 Regarding it as unsafe to leave alive an enemy so 
 terribly outraged, to bear convicting evidence against 
 them, the governors concocted fresh charges against 
 him, notably that he intended to excite an insurrec- 
 tion, and condemned him to death. The popular 
 feeling was strongly in favor of the prisoner, and 
 efforts were made to enforce the appeals against the 
 sentence; but the safety of his persecutors demanded 
 its execution, and effective precautions had been taken 
 to cloak the proceedings in the royal name, and sup- 
 port them with a considerable force, while stringent 
 orders existed against armed gatherings on the part of 
 ordinary citizens. Still hoping to extort a confession, 
 Salazar held out to Paz the delusive promise of pardon 
 if he would reveal the treasures. I have none," 
 replied the outraged victim, and I implore Cortds to 
 
 ^ ' Di^ronle grandes tormentos de agua 6 de cordeles 6 de fuego. ' Memoria^ 
 in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.^ i. 521. This authority believes the treasures to have 
 been sent away before Paz came to serve Cortes, a year previous. ' Con hierro, 
 y fuego le atormetarO. ' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii. * De que no podia 
 vivir.' Testimonio Mex.y in Pacheco and GdrdenaSy Col. Doc, xiii. 34. 
 
EXECUTION OF PAZ. 
 
 219 
 
 pardon me for saying in my agony that he had taken 
 them away; it is not true." Unable to walk he was 
 carried to the square on an ass, and hanged/ What 
 a fall was this of the haughty leader of a faction which 
 but a few weeks before controlled the destinies of an 
 empire I How far removed were such proceedings from 
 those of savages? It is a singular coincidence that 
 the representative of Cortes should have suffered the 
 same torture for the same end as Quauhtemotzin, and 
 have been hanged about the same time as this prince, 
 under a similar pretext.^ 
 
 Pedro, the brother of Paz, was seized to please 
 Albornoz, but he escaped from prison and took refuge 
 in the sanctuary of San Francisco, followed by a num- 
 ber of adherents of Cortes, such as Jorge de Alvarado 
 and Andres de Tapia, for none knew where the tyrants 
 would stop, or whom they had marked for their next 
 victim. The desire was now paramount to find Cortes 
 if peradventure he still lived, as the only one who 
 could save them and the country. Aware of this 
 feeling, the governors ordered the sails of vessels at 
 the gulf ports to be removed, so that none might go 
 without their knowledge.^ Efforts were made, how- 
 ever, to send intelligence through Guatemala, and 
 Pedro de Alvarado was urged to come to the rescue 
 and assume the government. The proposition fell on 
 no heedless ears, for this leader was only too willing 
 to figure as the savior of a country he had assisted 
 
 ' * Estuvo en piemas 6 desnudo 6 un pano sucio tocado en la cabeza. . .todo 
 un dia. ' Memoria, loc. cit. During his imprisonment of a month and a half 
 his property was appropriated by Salazar and Chirinos, partly to repay the 
 gambling losses of the latter. Albornoz, who had been left as his heir, says 
 Herrera, ubi sup. , with little probability, failed to receive any of the property. 
 Villaroel claimed 12,000 pesos of it won from him at the gambling-table. Paz 
 was evidently fortunate on the green cloth. 
 
 ^ Patriotic Mexicans did not fail to recognize in this occurrence, and in the 
 spoliation of his estates, the divine vengeance for the torture and execution of 
 the Aztec emperor by Cortds. 
 
 ^Gomara writes that Casas had done a similar thing, shortly before, to 
 prevent Salazar from sending false reports to Spain, or transmit royal moneys 
 in his own name. Hist. Mex. , 248. Bernal Diaz states something similar, and 
 adds that it was mainly this that drew upon him the persecution of the gov- 
 ernors. Hist, Verdad., 210. 
 
220 SALAZAR'S USUHPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 to conquer, and if Cortes proved to be dead it was 
 necessary to foster his own pretensions to independent 
 sway in Guatemala. He accordingly prepared to set 
 out with a small escort. At the last moment, how- 
 ever, the trip was abandoned, partly because it became 
 apparent that a larger force was needed for the project 
 than could be spared from Guatemala, and partly be- 
 cause his interests at court might be imperilled by an 
 armed demonstration against officials cloaked in royal 
 authority and protected by the powerful Cobos.^^ 
 
 Shortly before this, Diego de Ordaz had arrived 
 from Spain, proudly bearing the new coat of arms 
 commemorating his famous ascent of the Popocate- 
 petl volcano. He was naturally interested in the fate 
 of his former chief, and rumors coming from Xicalanco 
 of the death of Cortes in that region Salazar agreed 
 that he should sail down the coast with two vessels 
 to investigate. On reaching the Usumacinta he ob- 
 tained confused versions of disaster to the forces both 
 by land and water, the latter under Cuenca and Me- 
 dina having been destroyed near the coast. Among 
 those captured was Medina who met a fearful death 
 as a sacrifice to the idols. Wooden splinters were 
 stuck into his body, and fired. Thus bristling with 
 torches he was made to walk in solemn pace round a 
 hole, till he dropped from agony and exhaustion, and 
 was then burned to death.^^ This story by no means 
 encouraged Ordaz to penetrate the country, and ascer- 
 tain the truth of the reports that Cortes and his land 
 
 ^° Brasseur de Bonrbourg assumes that a great outcry -was raised against his 
 departure, but the municipal records show nothing of the kind, an escort 
 "being actually ofifered him on October 4, 1525. Ar6valo, Adas, Ayunt., Guat.y 
 15. See also Bemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7. Bemal Diaz, loc. cit., writes that he 
 returned on receiving fresh news of Salazar's despotic measures and evident 
 strength. Chirinos' expedition against Oajaca about this time is supposed to 
 have been intended chiefly to intercept him. Testimonio Mex. , in Pacheco and 
 Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 40. 
 
 ^' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 2^1, relates that he met his fate when going in search 
 of Cortes. See also liemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164. But Medina was of Cortes' 
 party, as shown by his, companion Bernal Diaz. Hist. Cent. Am.j i. 543-4, 
 this series. 
 
COHT^S REPOETED DEAD. 
 
 221 
 
 party had been killed some seven moons before at a 
 city in the interior. He contented himself with ac- 
 cepting the reports, and returned to curry favor with 
 the new ruler, who rewarded his devotion with the 
 office of alcalde mayor. 
 
 Salazar and Chirinos eagerly circulated his state- 
 ments with the authoritative declaration that Cortes 
 was indeed dead. To impress this upon the people 
 solemn funeral honors were ordered by the local 
 authorities to be held throughout the country. The 
 sermons on the occasion were duly tempered in defer- 
 ence to the hostile feeling of the ruling faction. At 
 Mexico a monument was erected in the parish church, 
 and a sum of money was assigned from the estate of 
 Cortes to pay for masses.^* 
 
 The evident effort to enforce the acceptance of this 
 view, and by men of Salazar's intriguing nature, ex- 
 cited doubts among many. Such suspicions were 
 regarded as mischievous to their projects, and the 
 governors forbade their expression under heavy pen- 
 alty. Juana Ruiz de Marcilla, wife of Valiente, sec- 
 retary to Cortes, not only criticised the permission to 
 marry granted to women whose husbands had left on 
 the Honduras expedition/^ but loudly declared that 
 the followers of Cortes were not such poltroons as 
 
 ^2 Albornoz gives the report with detail. Cortes had maltreated the lord 
 of Cuzamelco, a lake city, seven days' journey from the coast — evidently Itza — 
 and the natives had resolved to be avenged. At the next camp they fell 
 upon the sleeping forces with sword and fire, and slew the greater number. 
 The remainder, including Cortes, were sacrificed, not a man escaping. Cartay 
 in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 485-6. 
 
 ^^Lebro de Cabildo, MS., November 2, 1525. *Afirm6 que era muerto y 
 trajo ciertos Indios que lo decian.' Ocaiia, Carta, in Id. , 526. He swore before 
 Cortes afterward that he never affirmed the death of his party; he merely 
 reported the native rumors. He sailed on to Cuba. Hist. Verdad., 221. Her- 
 rera intimates that Ordaz pretended to have made greater investigations than 
 he did, in order not to be regarded as intimidated by the natives. He com- 
 ments on Salazar's neglect to properly search for a party engaged on royal 
 service, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xi. 
 
 When Cortes sued for the recovery of this and other funds, Juan de 
 Cdceres, nicknamed the rich, bought the masses for his benefit ! Bernal Diaz, 
 loc. cit. 
 
 Chiefly with a view for the governors to obtain possession of two of 
 these women. Their new husbands were given repartimientos, and con- 
 veniently withdrew from the city. Herreray dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii. 
 
222 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AKD OVERTHROW. 
 
 the soldiers of Cliirinos, to allow a horde of natives 
 to cut them down. This contumacy must not be tol- 
 erated. Regardless of her sex, position, and wealth, 
 she was ordered to be publicly lashed, as a warning 
 to others. 
 
 A certain portion of the estate of Cortes which 
 could not well be secretly appropriated by the despoil- 
 ers had been placed in the depository for the property 
 of deceased persons. Salazar now ventured to have 
 this sold at any price, and appropriated the proceeds 
 to the payment of real or fictitious claims by himself 
 and friends, also cancelling any of their indebted- 
 ness to the estate. So rapidly did the property dis- 
 appear that when the royal treasurer made his claim 
 for the sums which had served as pretext for the 
 spoliation, there was not enough left to pay them.^^ 
 When remonstrated with for this reckless manage- 
 ment both of private and royal interests, he declared 
 that the king did not know what orders were issued, 
 nor the Council of the Indies what was observed. Be- 
 sides, he had authority to seize Cortes, should he ever 
 return, and might even hang him, a piece of bombast 
 which tended to intimidate quite a number. 
 
 January 4, 1526. She received 100 lashes, accordmg to her own formal 
 complaint presented on the return of the husband. Pacheco and Cardenas^ 
 Col. Doc, xxvi. 198-223. Cortes made amends by carrying her in procession 
 on his horse, followed by all the cavaliers of the city, and by ever afterward 
 giving her the noble title of Doua. Rhymster scofhngly alluded to this en- 
 noblement. ' Dixeron por alia q le auian sacado el don de las espaldas, como 
 narizes del braco.' Gomara, Hist. 3Iex., 248. Bernal Diaz states that Es- 
 trada made this amend. He relates that Gonzalo Hernandez of Goazacoalco 
 narrowly escaped hanging for expressing a doubt. On humbly declaring this 
 a falsehood told to console a sorrowing widow he was rewarded, but made to 
 leave the city. Hist. Verdad., 211. Cortes was later accused of having as- 
 sumed the privilege to confer knighthood on several followers. Cortes, Resi' 
 dencia, i. 163-4; ii. 119. 
 
 This is Estrada's formal declaration, yet the obsequious Albomoz inti- 
 mates that the royal claims could be covered by the real estate yet remain- 
 ing, valued at 200,000 castellanos. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 503. 
 Cort6s estimates his losses through the spoliation at 300,000 ducados. Hel. 
 Servicios, in Cortds, Escritos Sueltos, 224-6. Salazar borrowed large sums, 
 which were sent to a safe place in Spain, says Zumdrraga. Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 113. Certain gold deposited by Cortes in the 
 cofiers of the sanctuary was also seized. Herrera, ubi sup. 
 
 ^^'Aunque Fernando Cortes fuese vivo, y bolviese, no le recibirian, sino 
 que lo avian de ahorcar.' Torquemada, i. 593. Testimonio Mex., in Pachtco 
 
HIGH-HANDED PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Not only the estates of Cortes, but the offices, 
 lands, and Indians of his followers, were appropriated 
 for the benefit of the governor's friends, and many 
 who had failed to take refuge in the sanctuary were 
 arrested. This created a further dispersion, and not 
 a few fled to the mountain regions, preferring to trust 
 themselves among the half-revolted Indians rather 
 than to the tender mercies of the executioners of 
 Paz. In this persecution Casas and Gil Gonzalez 
 were not overlooked, the former indeed being too dan- 
 gerous. They were arraigned for the murder of Olid 
 and condemned to death; to decapitation in this in- 
 stance, since the culprits were by their rank exempt 
 from the ignoble noose. Their appeal to the sover- 
 eign was at first disregarded, but their friends were 
 sufficiently influential to prevail upon the governors 
 to modify the decision and order their removal to 
 Spain for judgment. 
 
 By the vessel in which Gonzalez embarked, the 
 governors sent a paltry remittance to the king, and a 
 large number of costly presents for friends and their 
 patron, whose favor and efforts in their behalf would 
 be more effective than any services they could perform 
 for the crown. The fate of the chivalrous Vasco 
 Nunez, and the success of the nefarious schemes of 
 the tyrant Pedrarias had proved a lesson to many 
 another besides Salazar, and the sovereign suffered 
 
 and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.^ xiii. 35. He came not only as factor, but to seize 
 Cort6s, and would have done so had he not departed for Honduras. Zumdr- 
 raga, ubi sup. 
 
 Gonzalez gave bonds on November 22, 1525, as knight of Santiago, to 
 embark. Concerning his fate, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 534, this series. 
 Although most authorities assume that Casas also embarked, this is doubtful, 
 for he is said to have been with Cortes shortly after his return in the middle 
 of 1526. Testimony, in Cortds, Besidencia, i. 310, etc. He probably re- 
 mained in hiding on his estates inOajaca. Herrera includes Hurtado de Men- 
 doza in the condemnation. 
 
 20 These went in charge of Juan de la Pena, with instructions how best to 
 promote the governors' interests. The remittance to the king was merely 
 12,000 ducados says Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 523. Albomoz enumerates two 
 remittances of 20,000 and 21,000 castellanos in gold, and 102 marcos of silver, 
 sent in August and December by way of Espanola. He remarks on the insig- 
 nificance of even these amounts, due to reigning disorder. Carta, in Icazbal- 
 ceta, Col. Doc, i. 501-2. 
 
224 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 deservedly for listening to partisans to the discourage- 
 ment of loyal and zealous servants. For support of 
 their pretensions the governors convoked the delegates 
 of the Spanish settlements in the country, as well as 
 the town council of Mexico, and by subterfuge and 
 intimidation compelled them to sign a representation 
 to the king recommending their confirmation as gov- 
 ernors in lieu of the defunct Cortes.^^ The same per- 
 sons were made to elect as agents or procuradores in 
 Spain two of Salazar's friends, Bernardino Vazquez 
 de Tapia and Antonio de Villaroel, to replace those 
 appointed by Cortes. They reached Spain, though 
 the vessel was wrecked on Fayal Island with the loss 
 of the treasure and most of the documents, including 
 the process against Casas and Gonzalez.^^ 
 
 With a view to render themselves secure, the gov- 
 ernors fortified their residence with artillery and arms 
 from the arsenal, appointing Luis de Guzman captain 
 of the battery, and several others as captains of their 
 guard and house.^^ The apparent devotion of their 
 followers made them quite overweening in their con- 
 fidence, and they ventured to sneer even at demands 
 and regulations connected with the royal interest, de- 
 claring that any royal judge who might arrive and 
 presume to interfere with them would find it difficult.^* 
 
 21 Francisco Cortes and other procuradores of settlements swore that 
 they never affixed their signature to the document for their appointment 
 as governors. Ortega, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxix. 93. The 
 authorities of Mexico in their representation to the king, February 1526, 
 declare that they were obliged to sign documents without learning their con- 
 tents. Testimonio Mex., in Id., xiii. 36-8. Though confirmed by the dele- 
 gates as governors for the king, the municipal acts allude to them as 
 lieutenant-governors. Libro de Cahildo, MS., December 16, 1525, etc. In 
 January, however, the absent Chirinos is called simply by his royal ofl&ce of 
 veedor, while Salazar figures as the 'gobernador.' 
 
 Ti jfcrrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii. Yet Loaisa, loc. cit., states, 'salrdse 
 el oro.' The agents were further secured with large salaries and fees, Villaroel 
 recovering 12,000 pesos of gambling losses from the estates of Paz, says Her- 
 r'sra. His office of alguacil mayor was conferred on Ordaz. 
 
 23 Arteaga was made captain of the guard, Gin^s Nortes received another 
 important trust, etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211. 
 
 2* Alcalde Bonal of Villa Rica declared that he had orders from Salazar to 
 arrest any royal judge who might arrive, and send him back to Spain. Her- 
 rera, ubi sup. 
 
OFFICIAL ROBBERY. 
 
 225 
 
 They hampered the treasurer and contador hi their 
 duties, and transferred crown lands and diverted reve- 
 nues into different channels whereby they and their 
 friends might profit, going even so far as to appropriate 
 them partly as presents to influential friends at court.^^ 
 In this process of enrichment the defenceless natives 
 were subjected to every extortion. Salazar's agents 
 scoured the provinces, and entering the houses of all 
 who appeared rich, carried off every object of value, 
 maltreating those who failed to satisfy their expec- 
 tations. Many caciques out of fear or self-interest 
 assisted to extort property from their wealthy sub- 
 jects. Itzcuincuani, the lieutenant at Tezcuco, aided 
 to sack the palaces of his royal master Ixtlilxochitl, 
 absent on the Honduras expedition, and to persecute 
 his family, distributing, besides, his lands and reve- 
 nues, in the belief that he must be dead.^^ All this 
 greatly excited the natives, and in a number of dis- 
 tricts the feeling led to serious demonstrations. Yet 
 a general revolt was prevented through the numerous 
 matrimonial alliances established with the conquerors 
 and colonists, and through rivalry between tribes, 
 classes, and caciques, for the hostile feeling of pro- 
 vincial peoples against those of the lake valleys was 
 still bitter, the former clinging to the white leaders 
 who had guided them to the long-desired victory, or 
 vying for the favors which flowed through them alone. 
 The frairs also had acquired great influence, and knew 
 how to apply their warnings and counsel, informed as 
 they were by the children, of the projects of their 
 elders. 
 
 2^ Some treasures discovered in a certain building, and properly claimed for 
 the king, were appropriated by Salazar on the ground that the house adjoined 
 his own. Id. Estrada presents a doleful complaint against the criminal mis- 
 management and treasonable conduct of these rulers. They are prepared to 
 do anything against the king. Mernona, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, 1. 522-3. 
 Ocana defends their management, as may be expected. Id. , 526. 
 
 '^^Ixtlilxochitl, Rel, 446. 
 
 2^ The lingering doubt about the death of Cortes had also an effect. ' Mas 
 esperauan que Quahutimoc se lo embiasse a dizir, ' says Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 
 250, in allusion to the proposed revolt of this prince during the march to 
 Honduras. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 15 
 
226 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 As it was, the natives did rise in several directions, 
 notably in Oajaca, Goazacoalco, and Panuco regions, 
 attacking the Spaniards not only on the road and in 
 the mines, where isolated, but in the settlements. 
 Quite a number were killed, and many under the 
 most atrocious tortures that gradually accumulated 
 wrongs could exact or invent. Some were kept with- 
 out food until famished; then one of their legs or 
 arms was cut off and cooked and eaten before their 
 eyes. Some were flayed alive, or roasted over slow 
 fires ; others were used as targets. 
 
 The absence with Cortes of so many of the influen- 
 tial conquerors tended to increase the alarm, and the 
 colonists retired to the larger settlements, particularly 
 to Mexico, to prepare for what might happen. As 
 it would not answer to encourage the natives by a 
 neutral or vacillating policy, several expeditions were 
 formed to chastise the revolted districts, and to keep 
 the others in awe. One party of sixty men, under 
 Captain Vallecillo, proceeded in the direction of Ta- 
 basco, there to encounter great hardships, the leader 
 among others becoming incapacitated for active ser- 
 vice. Under these distressing circumstances, one 
 man, Juan de Lepe, ventured to find his way to 
 Medellin alone, and thence to Mexico, where his ap- 
 peals were responded to with a fresh force, under 
 Captain Baltasar de Gallegos, bearing extra supplies 
 and arms. The conquest was now completed; the 
 country was divided among the soldiers, and near the 
 spot where Cortes had gained his first victory in New 
 Spain a town was founded under the commemorative 
 name of Nuestra Senora de la Victoria.^^ 
 
 2^ In Tutntepec region, toward the North Sea, a number of captives were 
 placed in a yard enclosed by a stone wall, and goaded with pointed poles, 
 like bulls. Some climbed the walls to receive a quicker death; others knelt 
 in resignation. Remesal, Hist. Cliyajpa, 164. Fifteen were killed at one town. 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xii.j Testimonio Mex., in Pacheco and Carc^e- 
 nas, Col. Doc, xiii. 39. 
 
 ■■^^ Torqijemada, iii. 57, assumes that before the influx Mexico contained 
 but 200 defenders, but this is evidently too low a figure, as will be seen. 
 
 One league from the sea, where vessels could load close to the bank, 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. iii. The name applied by Cortes to the na- 
 
REVOLT IN OAJACA. 
 
 227 
 
 The chief expedition sent out in consequence of 
 the revolt was directed to Oajaca, where the most 
 serious slaughter of colonists had taken place,^^ in the 
 Coatlan Mountains. The party consisted of about 
 two hundred men,^^ commanded by Chirinos, who 
 prided himself on his military qualities, and preferred 
 to figure as captain-general, while Salazar was only 
 too glad to rule as sole governor. In these inclina- 
 tions and qualities of the worthy pair, respectively 
 soldier and diplomat, may be found an explanation 
 for their continued harmony, when all other bonds 
 were disregarded. Chirinos had evidently been con- 
 tent to cede the first place to his partner in civil mat- 
 ters, receiving in turn supreme control in the military 
 department. A still stronger bond was perhaps that 
 both were proteges of the king's secretary, to whom 
 they owed everything. The leading men in Mexico 
 attributed the present elaborate expedition chiefly to 
 the prospect of an encounter with Pedro de Alvarado, 
 who was also supposed to have incited the revolt in 
 Oajaca.^^ However this may have been, Chirinos 
 found occupation enough with the rebels, who, unable 
 to face him on the plains, took refuge in the hills with 
 their treasures, and finally concentrated on the penol 
 Coatlan. This was impregnable, or nearly so, and the 
 party was obliged to invest it. The siege continued, 
 with gambling and feasting in the camp, until the na- 
 tives were almost forgotten. The besieged were more 
 watchful, and one night they surprised the camp and 
 killed a number of men before they were driven back. 
 
 tive town here appears to have been slightly changed. See Hist. Mex. , i. 92, 
 this series. Bernal Diaz names Baltasar Ossorio, an hidalgo of Seville, as 
 the leader sent by Aguilar to settle Tabasco. Hist, Verdad., 221. Aguilar 
 ruled after July 1526. 
 
 Fifty Spaniards and from 8,000 to 10,000 slaves being killed in the 
 mines. Oviedo, iii. 518. It is more likely that the 10,000 slaves killed the 50 
 taskmasters. Gomara places the incident in Huaxacac and Zoatlan. Hist. 
 Mex., 247. 
 
 '^'^ Oviedo, iii. 514. The Testimonio Mex. has * 60 infantry and 50 cavalry,' 
 which may be the force taken from Mexico city alone, as Herrera places 
 the total at 300, of which 100 were horsemen. 
 
 ' Su principal motivo fue ir a resistir el capitan Pero de Albarado.' Tes- 
 timonio Mex., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 40. 
 
228 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 Shortly afterward the Spaniards awoke to find the 
 penol evacuated, and all the effects, including a serpent 
 of pure gold, carried away. Circumstances now com- 
 pelled Chirinos to take a hasty departure, leaving in 
 command Andres de Monjaraz, who had lately ar- 
 rived with reenforcements.^* 
 
 Affairs had been gradually assuming a different 
 aspect at Mexico, where the overweening confidence 
 and attendant excesses of the usurping rulers were 
 preparing the way for their downfall. Particularly 
 unpleasant to their sight were the refugees in the 
 San Francisco sanctuary, whose mere presence there 
 seemed a defiance of their power, against which they 
 were known to be plotting. Repeated orders were 
 issued for them to leave the temple and return to 
 their homes, but this demand implied in itself some 
 nefarious project, and after the disregard shown by 
 the authorities for solemn oaths, none could trust 
 himself in their hands. The obsequious council now 
 assisted in condemning the refugees as traitors, with 
 confiscation of property.^^ In his bitterness Salazar 
 even went so far as to forcibly take them from the 
 sanctuary. Friar Valencia, the custodian, protested 
 against this desecration, and no heed being given to 
 his words, he laid the whole city under excommunica- 
 tion, and departed from it with his Franciscans, carrying 
 away also the sacred vessels and other paraphernalia. 
 Imagine the excitement created by this withdrawal of 
 the divine favor ! The church was no longer so om- 
 nipotent as in the days of Hildebrand, who compelled 
 the mighty Henry to creep for mercy at his feet, yet 
 among the Latin races it still appeared as an arbiter 
 invested with superhuman attributes, by whose decree 
 
 2* The news of Cortes being alive contributed to their reduction soon after. 
 Bernal Diaz, HisL Verdad., 215; Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 524; Herrera, dec. iii. 
 lib. vii. cap. viii. 
 
 2^ Their houses would be torn down and salt scattered upon the site. Lihro 
 de Cahildo, MS., December IC, 1525. 
 
 To despatch them to Spain, says Herrera; yet it is probable that some 
 were intended for a worse fate. 
 
CORTES MAY BE ALIVE. 
 
 229 
 
 a world was partitioned, and by whose servants mil- 
 lions of souls were redeemed from paganism. Men 
 who had tamely submitted to Salazar, even yielding 
 their leader to his executioner, now dared to raise 
 their voices, so that his adherents wavered and fell 
 back. Comparatively free from the passion of the 
 others, the governor had failed to weigh the effect of 
 his step. It dawned upon him with the first protest ; 
 but he was too proud to retract. Now he must yield, 
 however, and with curses on his lips he bent to implore 
 forgiveness of the friars. The prisoners were restored, 
 and he received absolution.^^ 
 
 This humiliation of the tyrant brought about a 
 revulsion of feeling, as he probably had feared, for 
 the result of the excommunication revealed how slight 
 was his hold on the community, despite his seemingly 
 unbounded sway. Men who had hitherto shunned 
 their neighbors with suspicious fear now began to 
 reveal their feelings, encouraged also by the mute 
 support of the friars. Opinions were revived that 
 Cortes was alive, and these appear to have been based 
 not alone on hope, or a longing for relief, but on a 
 letter from Pedro de Alvarado, and probably on re- 
 ports from the Islands, whither Cortes had despatched 
 vessels from Honduras, in the early part of the sum- 
 mer. The friends of Cortes grew confident again, and 
 began to collect arms and discuss the best means for 
 removing the usurpers, whether by the hand of an 
 assassin, or by declaring open war. Salazar became 
 alarmed, and proportionately profuse with favors and 
 promises to his adherents. So serious did he regard 
 the movement that he convoked a meeting of citizens 
 to consider repressive measures, and sought at the 
 same time to propitiate them by tendering an enter- 
 
 'Con poca reverencia de la Iglesia, diciendo muchas injurious.' Torque- 
 mada, i. 593; iii. 57-8. The friars had gone to Tlascala. He and other 
 chroniclers comment on the frequent service the friars rendered by their inter- 
 ference, but he forgets that this very meddling frequently allured the best 
 men from the determined action demanded against nefarious schemes. Moto- 
 linia, Hist. Ind., 20-1. 
 
 ^ See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571-2, this series. 
 
230 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 tainment at his gardens, a league from Mexico, 
 whither he led them with great pomp.^^ 
 
 In the midst of this turmoil, on the night of Sun- 
 day, the 28th of January, 1526,^^ a man in laborer's 
 attire, knocked at the gate of San Francisco convent, 
 and was admitted. In a close conference with the 
 inmates he revealed himself as a messenger from 
 Cortes. He related how poignant had been his mas- 
 ter's grief and anger on receiving from the exiled 
 Zuazo an account of the outrages and misrule in 
 Mexico ; how he had prepared to come in person to 
 restore order, but had been deterred by a succession 
 of mishaps wherein he perceived the desire of God 
 for him to remain and achieve the conquest of Hon- 
 duras.^^ He had accordingly contented himself with 
 sending instructions by the hand of his groom, Mar- 
 tin de Orantes, a man of great intelligence, who left 
 Trujillo during the new-year celebrations, accompanied 
 by several cavaliers and chiefs, through whom the 
 statement of the messenger might be verified. The 
 captain and pilots of his vessel had been well paid to 
 observe every precaution, and Orantes was landed 
 alone, some distance above Vera Cruz, while his com- 
 panions sailed onward to the safer district of Panuco. 
 Disguising himself as a workingman, in bushy beard, 
 with the despatches concealed round his body, he pro- 
 ceeded to Mexico on foot, avoiding Spaniards as much 
 as possible. The despatches which he now exhibited 
 revoked the existing gubernatorial commissions, and 
 invested Casas with the supreme command. In case 
 of his absence, Pedro de Alvarado should govern. 
 If neither appeared, Orantes was to institute inquiries, 
 
 ^^On January 19, 1526, several gardens were granted by the council to 
 Chirinos, Salazar, and other prominent persons, those of the former lying at 
 San Cosme. Lihro de Cahildo, MS. 
 
 Salazar's own letter gives it with great precision as 3 A. M. on Monday. 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxix. 95. 
 
 *^'Dixo: Al ruin ponelde en mando, y vereys quienes.' Gcmiara, Hist. 
 Mex., 270. 
 
 ■*2 For a full account of these singular mishaps and their result, see Hist. 
 Cent. Am.f i. 573-G, this series. 
 
CORTES LIVES. 
 
 231 
 
 guided by the friars, in whose judgment and devotion 
 Cortes reposed great faith, and if Estrada and Albor- 
 noz appeared in accord and trustworthy, to surrender 
 to them the despatches and command.*'^ 
 
 The treasurer and contador were accordingly sum- 
 moned, together with the refugees of the Cortes 
 party, among whom Andres de Tapia and Jorge de 
 Alvarado were the leading spirits. These two imme- 
 diately summoned the less hostile members of the 
 council and the reputed adherents of their party, and 
 sent to traders and friends for lances and other arms. 
 A sufficient number having gathered, including thirty 
 horsemen, Alvarado led them through the city in the 
 moonlight, shouting Yiva el rey ! and calling upon the 
 citizens to assemble at the convent in the service of 
 the king. The news had spread by this time, and 
 soon a large crowd was gathered. As Tapia read 
 the letters of Cortes, cheers upon cheers rent the 
 air, revealing clearly enough the popular feeling. He 
 thereupon reviewed the usurpation and despotic rule 
 of the incumbents, now dispossessed by their chief, 
 and indicated his wishes in the appointment of Es- 
 trada with Albornoz, who had governed so acceptably 
 before. This selection was by no means to the liking 
 of a large number ; but the evident wishes of Cortes 
 must be respected ; and it would have been difficult 
 to find one more fitting for the position than Estrada ; 
 for the condition of affairs demanded a man of influ- 
 ence, like the leading royal official, upon whom the 
 
 Such is the intimation of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 213, and of Gomara, 
 Hist. Mex., 248-9, both of whom must have known the facts; yet Herrera 
 writes that Andres de Tapia and Jorge de Alvarado received the confidence 
 and despatches of Orantes, and that Tapia in particvilar managed to impress 
 upon the adherents of Cortes summoned to the sanctuary the necessity for 
 choosing Estrada and Albornoz as rulers, since Casas was absent, dec. iii. lib. 
 viii. cap, v. This is probably taken from the memoirs of Tapia, to judge by 
 the prominence given him for several pages. Zuazo had not failed to speak 
 favorably of his f ellow-suflferers Estrada and Albornoz, whose government had 
 progressed smoothly till Salazar overthrew them, and although he preferred 
 such able military men as Casas and Alvarado under the circumstances, yet 
 there could have been no reason for him to set aside these royal officials. The 
 acts of the town council allude to no appointee save Casas, but Cortes could 
 not have failed to signify several selections, by which the council must have 
 been guided. 
 
232 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AKD OVERTHROW. 
 
 majority could unite without the reproach or jealousy 
 which might have tended to division and consequent 
 failure if any of the refugees had been chosen. The 
 objections centred probably in Albornoz, and the 
 feeling was not diminished when he was met shortly 
 after, coming from the house of Salazar, whom he had 
 hastened to warn of what was brewing, promising to 
 take no active part against him. Not possessing 
 sufficient confidence in the strength of the new party, 
 even to voluntarily accept the position then offered 
 of joint governor, he insisted that they should take 
 him prisoner, so as to give an appearance of compul- 
 sion to his election.^* 
 
 The meeting before the convent having declared in 
 favor of Estrador and Albornoz, and having promised 
 to assist in overthrowing the usurpers, Tapia, Alva- 
 rado, and Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, a cousin of 
 Cortes, were chosen captains to plan the operation 
 and lead the party. While a portion scoured the city 
 to obtain fresh arms and supporters, Tapia proceeded 
 with the rest to the house of Regidor Luis de la 
 Torre, to which the council members had been already 
 summoned. Having nothing more to gain from Sala- 
 zar, the majority of these were readily induced to 
 listen to a deputation so numerous and well armed, 
 appearing, besides, under the auspices of the mighty 
 Cortes. The two candidates were accordingly sworn 
 in as lieutenants of the real governor and captain- 
 general,^^ and they in turn strengthened their position 
 
 1 1 ' Para que si la parte contraria ven9iesse, pudiesse de9ir que yba f or9ado. * 
 Loaisa, in Oviedo, iii. 524. 
 
 ^^The members who elected them were: Alcalde Juan de la Torre, and 
 regidores Garcia Holguin, the captor of Emperor Quauhtemotzin, Comen- 
 dador Leon de Cervantes, Hernan Lopez de j^vila, Luis de la Torre, and 
 Francisco Verdugo. The new governors appointed Cervantes alcalde in place 
 of the hostile Diego de Valdenebro, Rodrigo Rangel receiving his vacated 
 office of regidor, and Andres de Barrios that of an obstreperous regidor named 
 Carbajal. Arriaga and Tirado, the procurador and mayordomo of the city, 
 were removed in favor of Miguel Diaz and Hernando de Villanueva, and the 
 irascible notary Ocana was dispossessed in favor of Hernan Perez, while his 
 garden was given to Orantes. Libro de Cahildo, MS., Jan. 29, Feb. 3, 9, 1526, 
 The plea for the election of the governors was that they had held the office 
 before, by the appointment of Cortes, and that the choice would obviate dis- 
 orders. 
 
INSURRECTION. 
 
 233 
 
 and rewarded supporters by appointing Bachiller Juan 
 de Ortega alcalde mayor of the country, Andres do 
 Tapia, alguacil mayor, Jorge de Alvarado, alcalde of 
 the arsenal, and Saavedra Ceron, lieutenant at Vera 
 Cruz and adjoining ports, while the council was 
 strengthened with two new men to take the place of 
 obstreperous members, Comendador Cervantes being 
 promoted to joint alcalde with Juan de la Torre. ^ 
 
 On leaving the council, the party joined the gath- 
 ered citizens, now about five hundred strong, and 
 marched to the residence of Salazar. The new gov- 
 ernors were kept in the centre, Tapia and Alvarado 
 led the van, and a notary and a crier attended to 
 attest and announce the new order of affairs. On 
 reaching the house they found it held by some two 
 hundred men, protected by a strong battery.^' After 
 arranging for the distribution of his force, Tapia 
 demanded a parley. Although he and his comrades 
 had been deeply injured, they bore no malice, but 
 desired peace. Salazar had declared himself empow- 
 ered to arrest Cortes. • Let him exhibit this and other 
 orders from the authorities in Spain, and they would 
 obey him. If he possessed no such authority, it 
 behooved all loyal men to adhere to Cortes, or his 
 substitute, as the legal representative of the king. 
 Salazar replied that he had no such orders, but had 
 acted as he thought best under the circumstances. 
 He would continue to rule or perish in the attempt. 
 "Gentlemen, you hear!" cried Tapia to those attend- 
 
 *^ Tapia claims to have been invested with the office of captain-general, or 
 rather with the control, under the governors, of the military department. 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. v. Ortega was afterward arraigned for ac- 
 cepting the office of alcalde mayor. He was a graduate of Salamanca Univer- 
 sity and about 50 years of age. Ortega, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , 
 xxix, 7. Ocana, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 527, and witnesses in 
 Cortes, Residencia, i. 81, stamp the changes made by the new movement as 
 effected by intimidation and f orca According to them two regidores and one 
 of the alcaldes were placed under arrest. One of these regidores was Mejia, 
 probably an alternate, who figures shortly after among the loyal ones in direct- 
 ing a statement to the king against Salazar. Testimomo Mex., in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 34—45. 
 
 Loaisa, in Ovvedo^ iii. 525. Herrera raises the number to 1,000, with 12 
 camiou. 
 
234 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 ing Salazar. "Seize him, for you cannot afford to be 
 traitors to your king!" "Be still, or I will fire!" 
 shouted the other, at the same time taking up a 
 match. No less resolute, Tapia gave the signal for 
 attack, whereupon his opponent applied the match, 
 calling on all to rally round him. The men of Cortes 
 had watched the movement, and had opened a path 
 along the range of the cannon, so that the ball sped 
 harmless into the church wall. The next moment 
 they rushed forward amidst ringing cheers. Little 
 resistance was offered, for no sooner had the waver- 
 ing supporters of the usurper observed the number 
 and determination of the assailants than they threw 
 their arms right and left and turned to escape, a large 
 proportion joining the opposite party. Among the 
 first to desert was Guzman, captain of the artillery, 
 whose example was followed by some other leading 
 men, hitherto vying with one another for the favors 
 of their chief, now jostling at the windows for an 
 exit, or scrambling for the roof. Only about a dozen 
 followers remained true, with whom Salazar retired 
 to a less exposed position, only to delay for a brief 
 moment the inevitable capture, yet not till Tapia had 
 received a sharp reminder in the form of a stone- 
 throw, which knocked him down, though not perma- 
 nently injuring him.*^ 
 
 The feeling against the resolute captive was intense, 
 and but for the protection afforded him by the new 
 governors and leaders he would have been killed. 
 There was no restriction as to abuse, however, which 
 flowed in endless tirade as he was led through the 
 streets by a chain. Nor did it stop with that day, for 
 he was not conducted to the regular prison, but was 
 placed in a cage of strong timbers, under two keys and 
 
 ^^Bernal Diaz names a few of those who remained with Salazar. He 
 assumes that Salazar was seized before he could fire the gun. Hist. Verdad., 
 214. Zamarraga implies a considerable resistance, by saying that the adher- 
 ents of Cortes had to force an entrance with artillery. Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, xiii. 114. During the parley, or immediately before, Guzman 
 withdrew his artillery into the building to prevent its capture. Herrera, loc. 
 cit.; Oviedo, iii. 518, 524; Cortc6, BeaiUeiicia, i. 171. 
 
THE TYRANT CAGED. 
 
 235 
 
 a faithful guard, there to be submitted like a wild 
 beast to public gaze and jeers. To this ordeal his 
 associate Chirinos had also to submit. This leader 
 had hastened from Oajaca at the first report of troubles 
 to aid Salazar, but learning the result, he fled to Tlas- 
 cala and took refuge in the monastery. This being- 
 still in the hands of the builder, his pursuers declared 
 that it could not be regarded as sacred protection, and 
 carried off" the refugee, placing him in a cage adjoining 
 that of his ally. Not long after it was decided to 
 restore him to the monastery.*^ 
 
 The citizens repeatedly demanded the condemnation 
 to death of the two prisoners for their treatment of 
 Paz, and for other ofiences, and Estrada does not seem 
 to have been averse, but Albornoz had a wholesome 
 respect for their powerful patron at court, and so they 
 were allowed to live. He resolved not to commit him- 
 self in behalf of a man with such precarious favor at 
 court as Cortes, for whose downfall he himself had 
 ardently labored. 
 
 Notwithstanding the obstacles interposed by this 
 man, several reforms were carried out. The officials 
 of Cortes were in many instances restored, among 
 them the procuradores in Spain, and sequestrated 
 property was released, while that of despoilers passed 
 into the hands of trustees. During this spoliation 
 the governors did not fail to profit by the example 
 of their predecessors in striving to obtain the lion's 
 share of offices and wealth for themselves and their 
 friends. Their tenure of power might not last long, 
 
 *^ Their safety was intrusted to Villafuerte whom they had kept under 
 arrest. Ocana, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , i. 528. Cortes claims that he restored 
 to sanctuaries several persons taken forth by Estrada, and this he did to avoid 
 the imputation of passionate judgment in his own interest. Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 482. Commenting on the evil of these turmoils, 
 Zumarraga observes: 'Tanto escandalo, alboroto y riesgo, que en no perderse 
 aquel dia la tierra parece i, los que lo vieron cosa miraculosa, porque . . . los 
 indios estavan tan alborotados. ' Carta, in Id., xiii. 115. Carpenter Torres 
 received seven pesos de oro for work on the cages. Lihro de Cabildo, MS. , 
 191. The abuse of sanctuary immunity was considerably reduced in accordance 
 with an appeal from the crown to the ecclesiastics, dated March 29, 1532. 
 By law of April 12, 1592, the privilege was further restricted. Hecop. de 
 Indms, i. 35. 
 
236 SALAZAR'S USURPATION AND OVERTHROW. 
 
 a fear which to the disgusted adherents of Cortes 
 became a hope. 
 
 So fierce was the raid against the late party that 
 a revulsion set in among them, strongly in sympathy 
 with their liberal chiefs. Indeed, a conspiracy was 
 formed to restore them to power. With this object 
 the ruling men were to be killed, including Ortega, 
 who as alcalde mayor had shown a pronounced zeal 
 for the interests of Cortes, and the caged leaders re- 
 leased so that they might assist in carrying the move- 
 ment to a successful issue. Since the cages could not 
 well be broken, keys were needed, and application was 
 made to a locksmith named Guzman,^^ a supposed ad- 
 herent of Salazar, but above all devoted to his own 
 interests. With expressions of sympathy he secured 
 their confidence, and on the easter eve set for the 
 attack revealed the plot. A number of the conspir- 
 ators were arrested, largely composed of deserters 
 from Guatemala, and seven of the ringleaders suf- 
 fered death, the rest being lashed and exiled, with 
 loss of property/^ 
 
 Son of a Seville Jew, who took this name from his godfather. He wa3 
 an adept in making cross-bows and locks. Oviedo, iii. 525. 
 
 In Ortega, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxix. 6-45, three hidal- 
 gos are named as the leaders, who were beheaded; three others were 
 hanged, and one was dragged to death. More would have been executed but 
 for the arrival of Cortes. Testimony in Cortes, Residenda, i. 244. Bernal 
 Diaz states that Albornoz knew of the revolt, and had an interest in it, 
 according to the confession of prisoners. Estrada therefore arrested the 
 culprits without informing him. Hist. Verdad., 214. But this may be but 
 rumor. In addition to the authorities already quoted in this chapter, I may 
 mention Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 387-8; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 
 318-403, 486; xiii. 32-49, 70-1, 109-11, 368-9, 394-400; xxix. 95-6; Icaz- 
 halceta, Col. Doc, 1. 20-1, 470-537; Puga, Cedulario, 16, 20; Cortes, Escritos 
 Sueltos, 105, 224-6; Archivo Mex. Doc, i. 75-82, 147, 177-8, 215-18, 244, 
 et seq.; ii. 16, 208, etseq.; Col Doc Ined., i. 101-2; ii. 378-9; iv. 227; Re- 
 mesal, Hist. Chyapa, 13, 164; Oviedo, i. 542; iii. 468, 510-25, 549; Recop., 
 de Indias, i. 35; Ixtlilxocliitl, Relaciones, in KingshorougK s Mex. Antiq., 
 ix. 435^6; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 31-56, 70-1; Ternaux-Gompans, Voy., serie 
 ii. tom. V. 7-19, 47-50; Chiinalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 115-25, 147-54, 181; 
 Torquemada, i. 524-6, 569, 588-96; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 275-89; Alaman, 
 Disert., i. 172, 194-5, 222-45, app. 24-6, 162-214; ii. 51, 312, app. 3-14; 
 Solis, Hist. Mex. (Madrid ed. 1843), 471-8; Prescotfs Mex., iii. 300-6; also 
 notes in Mex. eds. ; Helps' Cortds, ii. 330-41; Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. 
 Nat. Civ., iv. 706-22; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 318-23, 393-7, 416-26; 
 Montemayor, Svmanos, 11, 12; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 118-19; 
 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa^ i. 45; Id.y Gob. Mex., i. 19-22; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., 
 
AUTHORITIES. 
 
 237 
 
 iii. 589-93; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 593; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 
 233-52, 327-57; Armin, AUe Mex., 362-6; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 340-54; 
 Bustamante, Gab. Mex., ii. 46; Escosura, Conjuracion, i. pp. v.-xcvi.: La- 
 cunza, Disairsos Hist., pt. xxxiii. 452-3; Mendoza and Homo, Nooioms 
 Cronoldg., 287-8; Mex. Not. Ciudad, 264-6; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., 
 i. 235-9; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 188-9; Gottfried, Bey sen, iv.; Museo Mex., 
 
 iv. 454-63; Gordons Anc. Mex., ii. 215-18; Aa, Naauheurige Versameling, 
 xi. 8-21, 59-65, 94-104; Granados, Tardes Am., 274-8; Domenech, Hist. 
 Mex., i. 241-9; Voyages, Selectioii of Curious, 661. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 1526. 
 
 Altamirano Sent to Bring Cortes — His Arrival at Medellin — De- 
 monstrative Reception — Reform Measures — A Juez de Residencia 
 Sent to New Spain — Ponce de Leon and his Instructions — How 
 Cortes Received the Blow — The Banquet — A Scheming Friar — 
 Ponce de Leon Assumes the Government — The Residencia of 
 Cortes — Death of Ponce de Leon — Aguilar Succeeds Him — His 
 Unfitness and Death. 
 
 However promising the new administration might 
 have been, it could never be regarded even by the 
 most confident of the adherents of Cortes as anything 
 but temporary. Cortes alone would be able to restore 
 order and save the country. The efforts to accom- 
 plish his return were therefore continued, and while 
 some wrote to Pedro de Alvarado to go in search of 
 him, others persuaded to the same end Father Diego 
 Altamirano, cousin of the great captain, and a man of 
 sagacity, who had also followed the profession of arms. 
 Family interests did much to prevail upon the cousin, 
 and chartering a vessel at Medellin he reached Hondu- 
 ras, there to find his kinsman absorbed in glowing visions 
 of conquest. Kindly, yet firmly, he remonstrated with 
 him for abandoning actual possessions and neglecting 
 his duty to family, friends, and sovereign, for shadowy 
 gains. Interference with governments already con- 
 ferred on others would surely meet with condemna- 
 tion, and further injure his tottering interests at court. 
 He had already achieved as conqueror of Mexico a 
 reputation far above that of any man in America, and 
 
 (238> 
 
ARRIVAL OF CORTES. 
 
 239 
 
 he must not imperil it by doubtful projects. He must 
 return, assume the dignity due to his position, and 
 exact reverence from subordinates and recognition 
 from his king. 
 
 The sagacious Altamirano succeeded in every par- 
 ticular, and Cortes embarked at Trujillo on the 25th 
 of April, 1526, with a few followers and a number of 
 natives.^ When off Yucatan a gale compelled him to 
 seek a not distasteful refuge at Habana, where several 
 days were passed in the society of former comrades. 
 A voyage of eight days brought him on the 24th of 
 May to the port of San Juan, whence he proceeded on 
 foot to Medellin.^ It was midnight when he reached 
 the spot, and all had retired; but the door of the 
 church stood open, and the weary wanderers entered 
 to give thanks for their safe return. The sacristan 
 had heard their heavy tread, however, and rushed 
 forth to alarm the settlers, who soon appeared in a 
 body. Hardships and fever had so changed their 
 chief that he was not known until his voice revealed 
 him. Then all crowded round him to kiss his hand, 
 overjoyed at his presence. He was escorted in triumph 
 to the best house in the town, where night was turned 
 into day with lights and bustle. Messengers were 
 immediately despatched to carry the news, and in a 
 special letter to the town council of Mexico Cortes 
 commended their adhesion to Estrada and Albornoz, 
 and requested that in view of the unquiet condition 
 of the country none should leave the city to meet him, 
 except perhaps when he approached it.^ 
 
 Great as was the joy among the colonists at his arri- 
 val, that of the natives appeared to surpass all bounds. 
 Malinche was cherished by them, not alone for his 
 brilliant qualities as a military leader, so alluring to 
 any race, especially to a people constituted as were 
 
 ^For details, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 580-2, this series. 
 
 2 Bernal Diaz writes that they met a pack-train en route with passengers 
 i'or San Juan. This carried them to Medellin. HiM. Verdad., 215. But 
 ('ort^s states that he walked the four leagues to the toAVTi. Cartas, 479. 
 
 ^ Libi'o de Gahildo, MS., 117-19; Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 102-6. 
 
240 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 the Mexicans ; but he had endeared himself by what 
 they regarded as magnanimous acts in a conqueror, 
 and by his efforts to protect them from the more cruel 
 soldiers. These efforts acquired an even brighter color 
 under the late oppressive administration, until the per- 
 secuted beings began to invest their hero with the 
 divine attributes of an omnipotent savior, a messiah, 
 who must come and deliver them. From afar they 
 flocked into Medellin to pay him homage, bringing 
 presents of food, fabrics, feathers, and gold, and offering 
 their services against his enemies. They were willing 
 to die for Malinche, they said. This well-known 
 influence over them, greater than any one ever has 
 since wielded, combined with the devotion of soldiers 
 and friars, was the foundation of the suspicions that 
 Cortes might place himself at their head and found a 
 kingdom for himself. 
 
 At Medellin even he found evidence of wrongs 
 against him by the removal of its chief interests and 
 settlers to Vera Cruz, by order of Salazar.^ After 
 a sojourn of eleven days he proceeded by slow stages 
 toward Mexico. It was a triumphal march worthy of 
 the conqueror and governor, and in accordance with 
 the lordly dignity that Altamirano had prevailed upon 
 him to adopt. Pomp, indeed, came naturally to him, 
 and complacently he received the title of senoria from 
 the deeply bowing suite. It was one series of demon- 
 strations, by settlers and natives, who congregated 
 from every direction at the stations, laden with pres- 
 ents and burdened with complaints. The natives 
 swept the road and even strewed it with flowers, as 
 if indeed a monarch were advancing ; and in the desert 
 they erected shelter, with food and water. ^ 
 
 On approaching Tezcuco he was met by Albornoz 
 with a large following, and a brilliant reception was 
 
 * Alvaro tie Saavedra, who suffered great loss by this removal, was at the 
 instance of Cortes granted compensatory interests in Vera Cruz, by royal 
 order. ITerrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap, viii., dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii. 
 
 ^, Inns existed in several places along the route, as shown by the record of 
 grants in Libro de Cabildo, MS., Nov. 28, 1525. 
 
A NEW MARCH TO MEXICO. 
 
 241 
 
 accorded him and his companion, Prince Ixthlxochitl, 
 the lord of the province.^ Still more imposing was 
 the procession headed by Estrada, which came forth 
 from Mexico. It included nearly every Spaniard in 
 the city and suburbs, all arrayed in gala-dress. Na- 
 tives innumerable lined the roads and covered the 
 lake in their canoes, presenting a brilliant spectacle in 
 their variegated devices, flowing plumage, and glitter- 
 ing paraphernalia. Music sounded in every direction, 
 accompanied by the ringing of bells and the firing of 
 cannon, and at night there were bonfires and illumina- 
 tion, with feasting, singing, and dancing. The return 
 of so small a proportion of the native warriors and 
 princes who had shared in the Honduras expedition 
 does not appear to have diminished the general joy 
 among the natives. Cortes proceeded directly to the 
 convent to render thanks ; and there he spent a week, 
 partly in religious meditation, partly in consulting 
 the friars and others about needful reforms. The 
 place was constantly thronged with visitors and par- 
 ticipants in the solemn praise services in honor of 
 his return. Presents and complaints flowed in, even 
 from distant provinces and native courts. Many 
 chiefs came to clear themselves of the suspicions 
 cast upon them and their vassals during the late 
 troubles, and to renew their homage. Inquiries were 
 made into the recent abuses and disorders, and wrongs 
 were righted by the restoration of estates and offices, 
 several new appointments being also made,^ notably 
 that of Alonso de Grado as inspector-general of the 
 
 ® This prince recovered little of the property squandered by his faithless 
 lieutenant, and sank into comparative obscurity, neglected even by Cortes, 
 for whom he had sacrificed family, country, honor. He married in 1526 the 
 widow of Emperor Cuitlahuatzin, and henceforth cultivated chiefly the society 
 of the friars, whose sympathy formed a consolation. His last notable act was 
 to set his subjects the example of carrying stones for the church building of 
 San Francisco, at Mexico. IxtUlxocIiitl, Rel, 447, etc. After his death, in 
 about 1529, Yocontzin succeeded to the lordship. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., ii. 277; 
 Motohnia, HisU Ind., 124-5. 
 
 ^The Lihro de Cahildo, MS., 121-2, reveals several changes in the council, 
 alcaldes Francisco de Davila and Juan de la Torre being replaced by Juan 
 Xaramillo, the husband of Marina, and Cristobal Flores and a number of 
 alcaldes following the example. 
 
 Hist. Mex.. Vol. II. 16 
 
THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 Indians, with a view to remedy their grievances. He 
 was instructed to make a tour of all settlements in 
 New Spain, with full power to release the wrongfully 
 enslaved, to enforce good treatment for others, and to 
 arraign civilly or criminally all offenders against the 
 laws for protection of natives. In order to bind him 
 more closely to his new sphere of duty he received 
 for wife the beautiful Tecuichpo, widow of Quauhte- 
 motzin, enriched on the same occasion with a dowry 
 of several large encomiendas.^ 
 
 In measures like these, not entered upon for effect 
 only, but with earnest intent, we may find qualities 
 elevating the hero to the plane of true greatness. 
 They were the crowning deeds of his life ; atonements 
 they might be called, as he was the primary instru- 
 ment in the grievances calling for redress. No won- 
 der that the name of Malinche, if at first fear-inspiring, 
 gradually became hallowed among the natives with 
 grateful remembrances, exalted by simple contrast 
 with others. Yet during the republican frenzy of 
 a later century all seemed to be forgotten, save the 
 abhorrent fact that he had led the first of the hordes 
 which descended upon the country like birds of prey. 
 
 Cortes was less prompt and determined in regard 
 to his own interests. Salazar and Chirinos, who had 
 tarnished his memory, persecuted his friends, despoiled 
 his estates, and well nigh overthrown his life's work 
 by endangering possession of the country — these men 
 were left unharmed, regardless of the importunate 
 cries of the supporters of Paz, and his own desire. 
 So sure did he feel of their condemnation before a 
 tribunal, that he preferred not to figure as judge in 
 his own case, especially against royal officials. Nor 
 
 ^ Granted her as the daughter of Montezuma. See Hist. Mex. , i. 459, this 
 series. Grado's instructions are given in the Lihro de Cabildo, MS., June 
 28, 1526. In Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 95-102, is the fragment of a regulation 
 for treatment of Indians, issued soon after, probably. Ocana, who picks out 
 only the faults in the new measures, mentions the assumption of the sehoria 
 title, the sale of the office of notary at a low price to a friend, and so forth. 
 Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 528-30. This very Ocana and the troublo- 
 8ome Ocampo were arrested by Cort(5s. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 216. 
 
RESIDENCIA OF CORTES. 
 
 243 
 
 was he wholly free from the fear of Cobos which per- 
 vaded all who had interests to sustain at court.^ He 
 was greatly blamed for this leniency, even by members 
 of the Council of the Indies, it is said, and the com- 
 mon opinion was that no serious exceptions would 
 have been taken had he executed them/^ Whatever 
 may be the opinion regarding his cautious policy, he 
 certainly was no longer the same determined, self-reli- 
 ant commander that had achieved the conquest. The 
 hardships and attendant sickness of the journey to 
 Honduras had evidently left an indelible impression, 
 as shown by his puerile regard for omens there, and 
 his vacillating attention to different counsels. 
 
 We have seen hovr the duke of Bejar and other 
 influential friends of Cortes had prevailed upon the 
 king not to condemn him unheard. Nevertheless the 
 complaints of his enemies were too serious and the 
 interests involved too weighty to permit the matter 
 to rest. It was decided to send a judge to take a 
 residencia on the spot, in accordance with the laws 
 of Spain, and involving no actual indignity, as the 
 government was naturally expected to give heed to 
 the complaints of its subjects. It was an admirable 
 arrangement of Spain to place this salutary curb on 
 the ambition and avarice of its governors, though, like 
 many similar enactments, it was liable to abuse.^^ In 
 view of the interests at stake and the merits of the 
 accused, a person of quality and learning was selected 
 for judge, in the person of Licentiate Luis Ponce de 
 Leon, a relative of the Conde de Alcaudete, and act- 
 
 ' As Gomara himself intimates. Hist. Mex,, 247; Cortes, Cartas, in Pacheco 
 and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xii. 482. In his letter from Medellin Cortes had 
 Bent the assurance that he would chastise none save those guilty of ' lese ma- 
 jestatis,' or offence against third parties who complain. Libra de Cabildo, MS,, 
 118. 
 
 '°So Bemal Diaz, ubi sup., expresses it. 
 
 ^^In a letter to Cortes announcing the resolution the king takes pains tc 
 impress this necessity. He had every confidence in his loyalty, and \7m 
 pleased with his services, and felt sure that the residencia would reveal the 
 purity of both. C6dida, in Col. Doc. IriAd., i. 101-2. 
 
244 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 ing for him as corregidor in Toledo.^'^ Though com- 
 paratively young he enjoyed quite a reputation as a 
 well read man of admirable judgment. Both to suii- 
 tain him in case of resistance, and in pursuance of tlie 
 new policy to limit the power and domains of governors, 
 the Panuco region was granted to Nuno de Guzman, 
 who nevertheless failed to present himself at his post 
 for a long time. Further aids were provided in Co- 
 mendador Diego Hernandez de Proano, as alguacil 
 mayor, and Pedro de Salazar de la Pedrada, as com- 
 mandant at Mexico, with Lope de Samaniego, as lieu- 
 tenant.^^ He was also empowered to call upon the 
 audiencia at Santo Domingo and authorities for assist- 
 ance, and letters were given him, addressed to the 
 leading colonists and native chiefs, ordering them to 
 support him. 
 
 In his instructions, dated November 4, 1525, Ponce 
 was directed to forward the letters to Cortes and the 
 royal officials immediately on landing at Vera Cruz, 
 and to follow without delay, evidently with a view tc 
 give no time for placing obstacles in the way. He 
 must communicate with the officials, select confidants, 
 and while assuming the governorship and taking the 
 residencia of Cortes, he must ask his opinion in all 
 matters, so as to render less irritating the necessary 
 measures for reducing any dangerous or undue con- 
 trol over vassals, soldiers, officers, and military ma- 
 chinery. The charges to be investigated embraced 
 those already enumerated in the letters of the royal 
 officials, notably the disregard of orders from Spain, 
 the assumption of regal privileges, the proposal to 
 withdraw the country from the crown, the possession 
 
 '2 Oviedo, iii. 494. 'Alcalde Mayor de Toledo, siendo Corregidor el Conde. ' 
 Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 119. Both of the ducal house of Arcos. 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 229. A cousin of the count, says Bemal Diaz. 
 Hist. Verdacl, 193. His pay was 3,000 ducats a year while on this service. 
 Librode Cabildo, MS., 135. 
 
 Cort6s complained sharply to the king at this reckless grant of important 
 offices to t]ie first applicant, to this boy Samaniego, a mere servant of Albornoz. 
 Escritos Sueltos, 114-15. Salazar is written Salvador in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc. J xxiii. 371; Mex., Extractos de Cddulas, MS., 5. 
 
A JUDGE APPOINTED. 
 
 245 
 
 of vast rent-rolls, and the appropriation of immense 
 treasures belonging partly to the king, partly to mem- 
 bers of the expedition; also the causes for the death 
 of Garay and Olid.^* The three months of residencia 
 passed, Ponce should send in his report and opinion. 
 If Cortes proved disloyal he should be given a letter 
 of recall from the king, who therein expressed a wish 
 to consult him. If this was disregarded he should be 
 forcibly embarked. In case the charges proved to be 
 false, on the other hand, he should be given the com- 
 mission of adelantado, with the title of Don,^^ and 
 further honors would follow, according to the royal 
 letter addressed to Cortes. 
 
 Whether the charges against Cortes were false or 
 not, the management and demeanor of the royal offi- 
 cials should be investigated.^' A report should be pre- 
 pared on the condition, features, and resources of the 
 country, particularly the mines, with suggestions for 
 needed measures and reforms. Alloyed gold was for- 
 
 ^* Disregard for God and king; preparing native warriors and war material 
 for setting aside royal authority; autocratic measures; claiming for himself 
 40 provinces, extending over an area of 300 leagues, with over a million and 
 a half of vassals, and 200 rent-rolls, of which one alone yielded 50,000 cas- 
 tellanos per day; the appropriation of Montezuma's treasures and 4,000,000 
 of money from the countrj'-, and shipping them to safe places with the vessels 
 built on the South Sea; the exaction of a fifth of all treasures for himself; 
 withholding the royal revenue; seizing the royal treasures saved during the 
 escape from Mexico, while pretending that they had been lost; taking 60,000 
 castellanos from the treasury under shallow pretences. The alleged appro- 
 priation by Gil Gonzalez of 130,000 pesos de ore from C6rdoba's party in 
 Honduras must also be investigated. 
 
 Ponce must have been favorably impressed with Cortes' loyalty from the 
 day of meeting him, for in the official act of surrendering the governorship 
 the latter is already styled Don. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxvi., 
 223-4. The king also addresses him as Don in c6dulas of 1528. Navarrkle, 
 Col. de Viages, v. 440. Herrera states that a commission of captain-general 
 was also to be given, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xv., but this he already enjoyed. 
 According to the arrangement with Ribera in the spring of 1525, the office of 
 adelantado conveyed also the title of Don. Nothing is said about the habit 
 of Santiago, then conferred. 
 
 In this, or an accompanying letter, the king refers to the charges that 
 Cort6s had appropriated the best and greater number of provinces and pue 
 bios for himself, leaving only a small part for the crown. His services deserved 
 reward, but this must not exceed a just moderation. He asked him to 
 excuse the seizure of his remittances to Spain ; it was merely a loan. A gov- 
 ernor had been appointed over Honduras, so that he must send no agcnta 
 there. Col. Doc. Incd., i. 101-2. 
 
 " By c6dula of Nov. 9, 1526, they were directed to send in a yearly state- 
 ment of the royal rental. Puga, Cedulario, 20. 
 
246 
 
 THE PONCE DE L£0\ EPISODE. 
 
 bidden, and new bullion stamps were provided.^^ Par- 
 ticular attention should be given to investigating the 
 condition of the natives, to assure their good treat- 
 ment ; and the question must be settled whether they 
 should remain in encomiendas, be placed as feudal 
 vassals, or on the same footing as tax-payers in Spain. 
 The well-being of the colonists was also remembered. 
 The interests of early settlers and participants in the 
 conquest should be accorded the preference in the 
 bestowal of land and Indians ; at the same time their 
 vices and irregularities must be repressed.^^ 
 
 Ponce left San Lucar on the 2d of February 1526, 
 for Santo Domingo, there to wait two months for a 
 vessel to New Spain. The delay caused him little 
 anxiety, however, on learning of the expedition to 
 Honduras, where Cortes was still supposed to be. 
 On leaving the island, Ponce took with him Licenci- 
 ate Marcos de Aguilar, who had for some years gath- 
 ered experience in colonial administration as alcalde 
 mayor.^^ A number of Dominicans under Father 
 Ortiz came on the same vessel, which carried about 
 one hundred passengers. On arriving at San Juan, 
 Samaniego was at once despatched with the letters of 
 notification, but swifter messengers from the lieuten- 
 ant on the coast brought the news to Mexico a day in 
 advance.^^ 
 
 Cortes was probably little affected, for his friends 
 in Spain must before this have warned him of the 
 machinations which at one time threatened to bring 
 about his removal. His prolonged meditations at the 
 convent may have been due to such information, and 
 
 'Con la diuisa de su Magestad, q era el Plus vltra.' Ilerrera, loc. cit. 
 A mint would be provided, if needed. 
 
 Such as gambling excesses. Their exemption from tithes on gold must 
 apply only to mined metal. Instructions to Ponce, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, 
 Col. Doc, xxiii. 368 etseq. ; Puga, Cedulario, 15-18. 
 
 ^'^He came as inquisitor for the Indies, says Cort6s. Escritos Sueltos, 110. 
 He was a native of Ecija, and after serving as alcalde he left for Espanola 
 in 1508, with Diego Colon, as alcalde mayor. Herrcra, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. 
 viii., etc; Oviedo, iii. 519. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219, allows him to be 
 merely a bachiller. 
 
 '^""En dos dias por postas que auia puestas de hobres. ' Gormra, Hist. Mex., 
 276. 
 
AN UNFORTUNATE FEAST. 
 
 247 
 
 intended to prepare him for any blow. Calm and 
 dignified he assisted on the following day, St John's^ 
 at the public bull-fight, and while there Samaniego 
 was introduced. He placed the royal letter devoutly 
 on his head, then kissed it, and after reading ex- 
 claimed, " I am glad the king has sent some one to 
 learn the truth. "^^ He had already despatched mes- 
 sengers to welcome the royal representative, and to 
 ascertain what route he preferred to take, so that 
 suitable preparations might be made. They met him 
 pushing his way to Mexico in all haste, and declining 
 their services. He had gone to Medellin with the 
 intention to rest there after the fatigues of the voy- 
 age, but evil-disposed persons were at hand, stating 
 amono^ other things that Salazar and Chirinos would 
 be executed unless he hastened to interfere. Thor- 
 oughly alarmed both for them and himself he set out 
 immediately by the longest and most settled road, as 
 the safest. 
 
 Informed of this, Cortes sent Tapia with presents 
 to tender him a reception at Iztapalapan. Ponce de- 
 clined the gift, but accepted a banquet, chiefly for the 
 sake of his suite. Tired and hungry, and for a long 
 time unused to good fare, the new-comers ate heartily, 
 and imbibed the iced liquids in large quantities. Father 
 Ortiz alone was abstemious and seemed to eye the 
 dishes suspiciously. At last came a custard, and 
 Tapia asked permission to serve him. ^^Not of this 
 or any other dish I" was the curt reply. The rest par- 
 took, however, but hardly had they finished when 
 Ponce was seized with vomiting. The friar imme- 
 diately asserted his belief that he had been poisoned 
 
 2' Yet Bemal Diaz says: *al tiempo. . .queria recibir el Cuerpo de Nuestro 
 Sefior.' Hist. Verdad., 217. 
 
 23 'I rejoice,' he writes to the king, 'at the immense favor Y. S. M. has 
 done to me in seeking to learn my services and faults, and in signifying the 
 intention to reward me. For one and the other I kiss a hundred thousand 
 times the royal feet of Y. C. M.' Cartas, 481. But for the well known loy- 
 alty of Cortes some terms in the letter might be considered ironical. In 
 Cortes, Hesidencia, i. 254 et seq., is testimony to the effect that several adhe- 
 rents urged him to exclude Ponce by force. Later developments will show 
 that he could not have listened to them for a moment. 
 
248 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 by that last dish which he himself had prudently 
 avoided, and others were quite prepared to echo so 
 authoritative a statement, regardless of the evident 
 cause, excessive indulgence in rich food and iced 
 drinks.^"* 
 
 The following morning Ponce left Iztapalapan at an 
 early hour, apparently in good health. His object 
 was to avoid a public reception, but fully advised of 
 his movements, Cortes met him at the entrance to the 
 capital, attended by a long train of cavaliers. Both 
 were most profuse with courtesies,^^ and as they ad- 
 vanced side by side toward the monastery, Ponce 
 expressed his surprise at the greatness of the general's 
 achievements in conquering so large and populous a 
 country, with so many strong cities. After mass 
 Ponce was conducted to his residence, which had been 
 arranged with all possible elegance. Indeed the judge 
 was quite delighted both with the house and host, and 
 declared that the latter must long have been used to 
 the life of a lord. Cortes spoke freely about the 
 charges against him, and explained his acts so clearly 
 that the other expressed himself convinced of his loy- 
 alty, and politely postponed the transfer of authority. 
 
 That same day the meddling friar, Ortiz, called on 
 Cortes and mysteriously intimated that Ponce had 
 power to behead him, and this might be done unless 
 he took precautions. It is supposed that the Domini- 
 
 Proano ate from the same plate and felt no inconvenience, yet several 
 vomited, ' Y juntamente con el bomito tuuieron camaras. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex, , 
 276-7. Only one became sick according to Bemal Diaz. Tapia's presence 
 was chief cause for the suspicions. Hist. Verdad., 217. Lucas testified after- 
 ward that he heard Tapia say to a friend, he would give Ponce a banquet, 
 and if that sufficed not, another ! Samaniego declared that he warned Ponce 
 not to eat at the banquet, for rumors were abroad of intended poisoning. 
 Proano's plate was taken from him with the remark that a better part would 
 be given him. This roused Ortiz' suspicions, and he immediately went out 
 to reject the food, urging Proano and Ponce to do the same. The latter could 
 not, and he afterward told the witness that he believed the cream was poisoned. 
 Ziirate tells an equally damaging story, Cort6s, Eesidencia, i. 161, ii. 316-20. 
 Any one who examines the testimony during this residencia must admire the 
 promptness with which witnesses swore to anything their memory had treas- 
 ured from vague rumor. 
 
 '■'^ Ponce excused himself for a long time from taking the proffered hand of 
 Cortes, till the latter insisted. Bernal Diaz^ loc. cit. 
 
DEATH OF PONCE. 
 
 249 
 
 can, who bore the reputation of being both untrust- 
 worthy and scheming, had an eye to the influence and 
 profits which must be his if he once succeeded in be- 
 coming the confidant and mediator of one reputed so 
 wealthy and powerful. Cortes opened neither his 
 heart nor his purse, and the friar departed, his declared 
 enemy. 
 
 The following morning, after mass, before a general 
 gathering in the church. Ponce exhibited his commis- 
 sions, which were reverently kissed by the authorities 
 in turn, with the promise to obey them. He there- 
 upon received all the stafls of office, returning them 
 immediately, however, save that of Cortes, to whom 
 he said with great politeness, ''Your worship, his 
 Majesty desires me to retain this." No change was 
 made in the captain-generalship, including the control 
 of Indians, as it was deemed unsafe to disturb the 
 influence of Cortes.^^ The residencia was thereupon 
 proclaimed against the suspended governor and his 
 officers, and shortly afterward the new commandant 
 and alguacil mayor were installed. 
 
 A few days later Ponce w^as seized with fever, 
 accompanied by delirium, which lasted for three days. 
 It soon became evident that he could not live, and the 
 sacrament was administered. Nevertheless he re- 
 mained cheerful during the lucid interval that followed, 
 and one afternoon he demanded some favorite airs on 
 the guitar, to which he kept time with feet and hum- 
 ming. When the music ceased, his power of speech 
 was gone and he died during the night, the 20th 
 
 26 Such is Cortes' own statement, though he writes more strongly: *me 
 aconsejaba que para lo remediar, yo no recibiese al dicho Luis Ponce.' He 
 even implored him, and the Franciscans also. Carta, January 12, 1527, in 
 CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 124. Beimal Diaz, ubi sup, , places the occurrence a 
 day or two later. 
 
 2^ The official report of the proceedings in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, , 
 xxvi. 195-8, shows the surrender of the ' vara de la Xusticia' alone; yet, in 
 the proclamation for the residencias, Cort6s is alluded to fiii Don Hernando, 
 late captain-general and governor. Cortds himself mentions th&t he retained 
 the ofGce. Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 118. And a royal c6dula of June 1526 
 calls him both governor and captain-general, since he was merely suspended. 
 Navarreie, Col. de Via/jes, v. 440. 
 
250 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 of July.^^ The body was deposited with great pomp 
 in the church of St Joseph.^^ Cortes donned deep 
 mourning, as for a father, and most of his followers 
 shared his sincere grief; for the geniality, clear judg- 
 ment, and impartiality of the deceased had filled them 
 all with the hope of obtaining justice and the desired 
 reward for their services. Cortes in particular had 
 longed for the disprovement of the charges against 
 him, and for a public vindication of his loyalty and 
 good services. He reveals his bitter dissapointment 
 to the king. For seventeen days, he declared, the 
 residencia had been proclaimed, without bringing forth 
 a single demand against him.^^ This was on account 
 of intimidation, his enemies said. The charges against 
 him were chiefly rumor. Cortes took the opportunity, 
 however, to review them in a letter to the king, and 
 demonstrate the absurdity of some of them. Whatever 
 the riches acquired by him, he had ex23ended far more 
 for the advancement of the royal interests, so much so 
 that he was now in debt to the extent of half a mil- 
 lion of pesos de oro. The domains he had gained for 
 the king were greater in wealth and extent than any 
 so far conquered by others. As a proof of his com- 
 parative disinterestedness, he offered to surrender all 
 he possessed, including the rumored two hundred rent- 
 rolls, for a score — ay, half a score — of moderate rentals 
 in Spain. 
 
 Libro de Cahildo, MS. After seven days of sickness, says Oviedo; nine 
 days, according to Bernal Diaz. 
 
 2^ Vetancvrt, Ciudad Mex., 6. Bernal Diaz states, and testimony in Cortes, 
 Residencia, i. 290, intimates, the San Francisco convent, but this mistake may 
 be due to the close proximity of the temples, and the assistance of the friars 
 at the ceremony. 
 
 Cartas, 482. * Entre algunas f ortunas contrarias . . . una de las mas ad- 
 versas para ml ha sido la muerte de Luis Ponce.' Carta, September 11, 1526, 
 in Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 110. 
 
 ' Much land and gold have I received in truth, ' he says, in substance, 
 'but more have I expended, till I am indebted for 500,000 pesos de oro, with- 
 out a castellano to pay with; all expended to increase the domains of Y. M. 
 My books show more than 300,000 pesos de oro of my own estate expended 
 on conquests, in which my life and health have also been ventured. From 
 these conquests Y. M. has received larger returns than from all other lands so 
 far subjugated. ' He thereupon recounts what he has done, and what he pro- 
 poses to do. ' From Montezuma's treasures I and my men assigned more than 
 the fifth due to Y. M. They say that I possess 200 rent-rolls. I am willing to 
 
AGUILAR GOVERNOR. 
 
 251 
 
 Ponce's death so soon after his arrival revived the 
 charge of poisoning, although the doctors under oath 
 declared malignant fever the cause. The disease was 
 even regarded as a pest, for a large number of those 
 who came with Ponce died from the same malady, 
 and also several settlers. 
 
 A few days before his death Ponce had summoned 
 the town council and substituted Marcos de Aguilar 
 as alcalde mayor in place of Ortega, with instructions 
 that he should be recognized as his successor. This 
 recognition was made on the 30th of July;^^ but 
 immediately after, the adherents of Cortes raised the 
 question whether the late judge had a right to trans- 
 fer his power as governor, and the council, together 
 with the delegates from the other towns, formally 
 called upon Cortes to reassume the post till the king- 
 could decide. He refused, however, to take a step 
 that might imperil the opinion of his obedience, and 
 he even counselled Sandoval to decline the proposal to 
 associate him with Aguilar. The latter was accord- 
 ingly received as governor the 26th of August,^* and 
 
 surrender all I have for 20 [on the next page he says 10] rent-rolls in Spain 
 and go to serve Y. M. there, where none can accuse me of securing further 
 revenues.' If this is not agreed to, he begs permission to keep what he has 
 for himself and his heirs, so that he may not be obliged to go to Spain and 
 beg his bread, the purity of his motives being proven. Letter of September 
 3, 1526, in Cartas, 482-9. 
 
 Writing in the beginning of September, Cortes states that 30 of Ponce's 
 companions had died, including two friars and two settlers, a large number 
 of both classes being still in a critical condition. Cartas, 482. Bernal Diaz 
 places the mortality about three times higher. Hist. Verdad., 219. The 
 alcalde, Pedrada, was among the dead. Gomara states that most of Ponce's 
 travelling companions died. Hist. Mex., 277. It was assumed by those who 
 testified to the belief in poisoning that the custard at the banquet brought 
 about the death. Cortes, Residenda, i. 161, 239, 288-90, 442. The charge was 
 revolved in 1543-5. See Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxviii. 245-80. The 
 doctors who attended Ponce and gave a statement of the nature, progress, and 
 treatment of the disease, wereOjeda and Licentiate Pedro Lopez, protomedico 
 of Mexico, who presented his appointment as such on January 11, 1527. Libr'O 
 de Cabildo, MS. Gonzalez Davila, Teatro, i. 7, wrongly claims the protome- 
 dico title for Doctor Olivaras, who came with a royal license dated July 8, 
 1524, as he says. The belief in a murder was sustained to some extent by 
 malicious verses sung in Mexico. PeraUa, Not. Hist., 138. 
 
 ^2 Libro de Cabildo, MS. His appointment as alcalde mayor was made on 
 July 16th. Ocaiia writes that he had offered to assure him 10,000 pesos de oro 
 a year as lawyer; but when the royal interest demanded his services he threw 
 aside this brilliant prospect. Carta, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 529. 
 
 ^*Cort^Sf Escritos Sueltos, 111; Libro de Cabildo^ MS. The negotiationa 
 
252 
 
 THE PONCE DE LEON EPISODE. 
 
 Cortes now made a formal demand upon him to con- 
 tinue the residencia, but received answer that he pos- 
 sessed merely the power of a ruler. 
 
 Cortes still retained the office of captain-general, 
 with the administration of Indians, as the most 
 experienced and needful person for the position, and 
 in this capacity he issued a decree promoting the 
 good treatment of his charge. Certain clauses were 
 deemed objectionable by his opponents,^^ and quite an 
 outcry was raised. Galled by the recent opposition 
 to his appointment, and encouraged by success, Agui- 
 lar readily listened to the proposal to curtail the power 
 of his rival. As a preliminary step he conveyed the 
 imprisoned Salazar from the house of Cortes to the 
 regular prison. This created a certain commotion, 
 and a number of armed adherents presented them- 
 selves to support the remonstances of their chief. 
 The governor now issued an order forbidding armed 
 assemblies, and then called on Cortes to show cause for 
 retaining the office of captain-general, or to resign. 
 Finding his opponents intent on creating trouble, 
 which under the circumstances might affect his inter- 
 ests at court, Cortes surrendered the office, under 
 protest. One reason for this arbitrary action of 
 
 for Cortes' reassumption of office are given in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc.f XX vi. 256-80. Ocana seeks to show that the recognition of Aguilar was 
 due to the persuasion of Estrada and Albornoz. Carta, in Icazbalceta, i. 530. 
 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 235-7. Bernal Diaz assumes 
 that Cortes was driven to make the demand by the clamor of his enemies. 
 Hist. Verdad., 219; but he is probably wrong. 
 
 Spaniards were ordered not to leave the towns wherein they were settled 
 without his permission, nor to sell their grain — lest their dependents suffer 
 want, it would appear. Testimony in Co?'tes, Residencia, i. 294. It was 
 said that he wished to sell his own stock of grain, and make the people 
 dependent on him. 
 
 ^'^ Which is recorded in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxvi. 241-6. 
 In case of Indian troubles he was to resume the office, says Estrada, Carta, in 
 Jd., xiii. 85, who appears to have used his persuasion in favor of Aguilar. 
 Ocana, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 533-4, does not fail to cast imputations on 
 Cortos. Blank orders shoald be sent to arrest him and his adherents so that 
 witnesses may freely testify against them. Cortes pours his complaints over 
 these outrages committed by an incompetent j^^dge. He demands that the 
 residencia be taken so that his loyalty may be manifested. Carta, in Cortes^ 
 Escritos Sueltos, 118-22. One reason for the outcry against the decree had 
 been the use of the title governor, which Cortes claimed that he could use in 
 virtue of recent royal letters being so addressed to him. 
 
DEATH OF AGUILAR. 
 
 253 
 
 Aguilar was the approach of Pedro de Alvarado, with 
 a large force of Cortes' soldiers, who had taken the 
 land route m returninof from Honduras. It was 
 feared that their presence would render the power of 
 Cortes too imposing, and so the measure was precip- 
 itated. It would have little availed the opposite fac • 
 tion, however, had Cortes chosen to lay aside for a 
 moment his prudence, and give the signal to his 
 adherents. 
 
 Aguilar was hardly the man to hold the reins of 
 government during times so troublesome, and it was 
 owmg chiefly to the forbearance of his opponent that 
 affairs progressed as they did. He was not only aged, 
 but so enfeebled by diseases resulting from bad habits 
 that his flickering life could be sustained only by 
 suckling.^^ The task and worry of office had its effect, 
 and a fever came on which induced him to appoint a 
 deputy in the person of Geronimo de Medina.^^ On 
 his sick-bed, however, February 23d, he appomted Es- 
 trada as successor. Again the right of transferring 
 power was disputed, and Cortes was called upon to 
 assume the control; but he adhered to his former 
 decision. The council and delegates thereupon insisted 
 that he should at least manage the Indian and war 
 department, while Sandoval^ his sworn friend^ should 
 be associated with Estrada as governor.^^ 
 
 ^^Ocaiia, ubi sup., alludes to the fears concerning Alvarado. Bernal Diaz, 
 who came with the Honduras force, joined others in an appeal to Aguilar for 
 a change of encomiendas, but received the answer that he had no power in the 
 case. Hist. VerdacL, 221. 
 
 ^'^ He suckled a woman and also goats. ' Caducana, y estaua tullido de 
 bubas, y era de poca autoridad. . .y hetico.' Id., 219. His son had recently 
 died from the same disease as Ponce. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 278-9. 
 
 *° December 10, 1526. Libro de Cabildo, MS. Cortes was again accused of 
 using poison, and in the later residencia witnesses declared that he sent Aguilar 
 some flemish-cured meat which nearly caused the death of an indulging at- 
 tendant. Cortes, Residencia, I 297-8; ii. 288-9. 
 
 Their installation took place on March 1, 1527. Lihro de Cabildo, MS. 
 On the day of Aguilar's death, a Friday, Cortes' friends had sought in vain to 
 prevail on the sinking governor to appoint him. Cortts, Residencia, i. 300-1. 
 Some declare that Estrada had no objection to Sandoval, but rather desired 
 him for a son-in-law, to whom the government might then have fallen. Bernal 
 Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 ESTKADA'S RULE— CORTES DRIVEN TO SEEK JUSTICE IN SPAIN, 
 
 1527. 
 
 Campaign m Zapotecapan — Spice Island Projects — Loaisa's Expedi- 
 tion — Guevara Finds the Way to Zacatula — Saavedra's Voyage to 
 THE Moluccas — Cortes Slighted — He is Exiled ftom the Capital — 
 Reconciliation with Estrada — Guzman Appointed Governor of PI- 
 Nuco — Finding No Gold, He Turns Oppressor — Encroachments 
 Mexico — Raid into Las Palmas Region — Slave-trade Horrors — 
 Cortes to Plead before the Sovereign^ — Fears that He will Re- 
 volt — Preparing for the Voyage to Spain. 
 
 Under Aguilar's rule a number of expeditions had 
 been sent out to open new districts, and to assure 
 the subjugation of others. One force of nearly three 
 hundred men prepared to disclose the mysteries of the 
 region to the north, between Michoacan and the gulf 
 soon to be famed for its mineral wealth. This project, 
 intended as the precursor to an entry to the Rio de las 
 Palmas region, was carried out only m part,* owing to 
 changes m the plans of Cortes, but others were de- 
 veloped, involving the occupation of Tabasco and Chia- 
 pas, and the continuation of the campaign against the 
 Zapotecs and Mijes, connected with the late Coatlan 
 revolt.^ In order to render this campaign more 
 effective, two expeditions were sent to operate on the 
 south and north sides respectively. The southern con- 
 sisting of somewhat over one hundred men, with a 
 
 ^Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282-3. The Palmas project was abandoned when 
 news came that Narvaez had received a commission to conquer that district. 
 
 2 A town had been formed with the Indians of Cortes to assure this dis- 
 trict. Ocafta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 526. The preceding expeditions, 
 alluded to by Cortes, CartaSy 490-1, and Bernal Diaz, loc. cit , are treated o£ 
 elaewhere. 
 
 ( 254) 
 
PROJECTS OF CORTES. 
 
 255 
 
 dozen horses, was placed under command of Diego de 
 Figueroa, a friend of Estrada. On reaching the border 
 he summoned Alonso de Herrera, the captain in charge, 
 to place himself under his command, giving orders in 
 such a tone as to offend the fiery Herrera, and soon a 
 quarrel arose wherein Figueroa and several others were 
 wounded. Neither commander nor men were accus- 
 tomed to Indian warfare, and the toil of mountain 
 marches was by no means to their taste. Finding that 
 the graves of chiefs contained large treasures, they di- 
 rected their attention rather to ghoulish raids, varied 
 by occasional descents upon settlements for the pur- 
 pose of extorting contributions. After accumulating 
 about a hundred thousand pesos de oro, Figueroa, 
 with a few friends, abandoned the district, now more 
 disturbed than ever, and hastened to Mexico to pre- 
 pare for the voyage home. They had hardly left Vera 
 Cruz before a gale wrecked their vessel, and buried 
 fifteen of them, together with the yield of their dese- 
 crations. 
 
 The northern expedition, similar in strength and 
 quality of men, had a more soldierly captain, Barrios 
 by name, who had seen service in Italy, and bore a rep- 
 utation for bravery. He had little experience in native 
 warfare, however, and one night the warriors surprised 
 his camp, slew the leader and a number of his follow- 
 ers, and pursued the rest till they gained refuge in a 
 friendly town. " Thus served these doughty captains 
 from Europe," exclaims Bernal Diaz, '^leaving us 
 conquerors to remedy their failures."^ Cortes had 
 evidently nothing to do with the appointments for the 
 Zapotec campaign, since his selection of officers was 
 usually admirable, and the result better where he 
 attended to the management. He was fully occupied. 
 
 Not content to explore the vast regions adjoining 
 their new conquest, and there unfold the wealth which 
 at a later period poured forth in streams to enrich the 
 
 ^ Hist. Verdad., 222. San Alfonso was founded by the later expedition. 
 The victorious tribe is called the Tiltepec. 
 
256 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 enterprising, the fancies of the colonists were ever 
 leaping far beyond to remoter points, invested by 
 rumor with readier treasures. Toward the west in 
 particular, the gilded path of the^departing sun seemed 
 ever to revive the ancient Hesperides, and attract 
 visionaries. Not that all was a dream ; for had not 
 Magellan's fleet in that direction disclosed a series of 
 pJluring lands, among them the long-sought islands 
 of spices, whose produce was esteemed equal to 
 almost any treasure ? More and richer islands must 
 surely exist. At any rate, something new had been 
 found, and attention was directed thither with absorb- 
 ing interest. 
 
 During Cortes' absence in Honduras, Albornoz 
 among others had pictured this feeling in a letter to 
 the king, and suggested that the fleet in process of 
 construction at Zacatula should be sent in search of 
 the Spice Islands, which were thought to be quite near, 
 and of other isles, ^'rich in pearls and precious stones, 
 and undoubtedly in gold, since they lie to the south." 
 The existence of these isles was asserted by natives 
 on the Zacatula coast, who said that in the time of 
 their forefathers large pirogues came from them at 
 intervals to trade.^ On his return, Cortes took up 
 the idea with enthusiasm, and formed the project, not 
 alone to win fresh laurels, but to increase the value of 
 his actual conquest by annexing to it the Moluccas 
 and any other islands on the way, and making it the 
 pathway for the prospective flow of wealth. In a 
 letter to the king he offers to conquer and settle these 
 islands free of all cost, and to hold them against any 
 other claimant.^ 
 
 This offer was formulated to a great extent by the 
 
 * Had Albornoz received authority to act, he would by this time have dis- 
 covered the route to the Moluccas, which were supposed to be some 700 leagues 
 off. Carta, in Icazbalceta, CoL Doc, i. 496-7. 
 
 ^ ' Que V. M. no haya la especeria por via de rescate, como la ha el rey de 
 Portugal, sino que la tenga por cosa propria.' Letter of September 3, 1526, in 
 Cartas, 490. In a letter of about the same date Ocana urges that Cortes was 
 so disloyal that he ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. ' Si 
 Cortes lova d hacer morird con corona.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 532. 
 
LOAISA AND THE I^IOLUCCAS. 
 
 257 
 
 report of an expedition lately sent from Spain to 
 develop the results of Magellan's discoveries. The 
 people in Europe were also quite interested in the 
 Spice Islands project, and in pursuance of an agree- 
 ment formed with Portugal, at Badajoz, a fleet of 
 half a dozen vessels was despatched in August 1525, 
 under the knight Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, with instruc- 
 tions to establish a settlement, without encroaching 
 on the Portuguese, or endangering possession by haz- 
 ardous operations. Loaisa was to remain on the 
 islands as governor, assisted by a full staff of officials, 
 and superintend the collection of spices for the 
 annual fleet which should follow the present return 
 shipment. The expedition encountered several mis- 
 haps : Loaisa died during the voyage, together with 
 a large number of officials and other members of the 
 party, including Sebastian del Cano, the first circum- 
 navigator, and onlj one of the vessels reached the 
 Moluccas, there to form a precarious settlement.^ A 
 second expedition was despatched in the same direc- 
 tion in April 1526, under Sebastian Cabot, who, on 
 reaching Rio Plata in South America, was so capti- 
 vated by the rumors of its wealth that he remained 
 there to establish Spanish sovereignty. 
 
 Not content with these measures the king instructed 
 Cortes to send his Zacatula vessels to open a route to 
 the Moluccas, searching at the same time for Magel- 
 lan's missing vessel, inquiring into the movements of 
 Cabot, and joining Loaisa's fleet."^ The captain-general 
 hastened to carry out an order so much in consonance 
 with his own wishes, and so needful for the royal ser- 
 vice, since news of disaster to Loaisa's expedition had 
 already reached New Spain. Among its scattered 
 vessels was a small craft under command of Santiago 
 de Guevara. Unable to sight the consorts, and ill- 
 
 ^ The expedition is quite fully described, with its regulations and fate, in 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. v.-vii.; lib. ix. cap. v.-vL, ix. ; dec. iv. lib. i. 
 cap. vi. , etc. See also the following notes. 
 
 ^ The c6dula is dated June 20, 1526. Navarrete, Col, de Viages, v. 440. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 17 
 
258 
 
 rSTE^AjDA'S RULE. 
 
 provided with supplies, he concluded to seek one of 
 the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast of 
 America. After great hardships, to which the cap- 
 tain among others succumbed, the vessel was brought 
 into Cihuatlan harbor, in Zacatula province.^ 
 
 Aided by the advice of her officer, Cortes began 
 to prepare for his expedition, but neither Aguilar nor 
 the royal officers were disposed to promote the aims 
 of a rival, even when duty pointed the way, and he 
 was obliged to meet not only the whole expense but 
 the opposition of the officials.^ The fleet consisted of 
 the flag- ship i^/on(ia, the Santiago of nearly the same 
 size, and the small brigantine Espiritu Santo , all well 
 armed, and carrying provisions for a year. The com- 
 mand was intrusted to a cousin of Cortes, Alvaro de 
 Saavedra Ceron, with the title of captain-general.^^ 
 
 After a few days' trip up the coast by the brigan- 
 tine, to a port named Santiago, the expedition left 
 Cihuatlanejo on the 31st of October 1527. The two 
 smaller vessels were soon lost to sight, never to be 
 heard of again, and the flag-ship continued her course 
 
 ^ In July 1526, under command of Fortunio dc Alango. On first arriving 
 off the strange coast, a clergyman named Arraizaga volunteered to try for the 
 shore, half a league distant, in a big box, the only means of conveyance left. 
 Upset by a wave, he sought to swim ashore, but would ha^ e perished had not 
 some natives come to his aid. He was not a little delighted to find himself 
 in Spanish domains, and to be received with kindness. Ilerrera, ubi sup. ; 
 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280-1; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Z)oc., xii. 488. The 
 port where the vessel entered is also called Macatan. 
 
 ^ The men he required were taken for different military operations, etc. 
 The expedition cost him over 60,000 pesos de oro, as per accounts rendered. 
 Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 215-16. The details of cost are given in Col. Doc. 
 Incd., ii. 405-15. The king ordered the authoritien of Ne"vV Spain to repay 
 the amount, Ccdula of April 1, 1529, but it was understood that the disobe- 
 dience of the order would not be regarded with disfavor. The amount 
 formed one of the many standing claims of Cortes, for which he was ever 
 pressing. 
 
 ''^Luis de Cdrdenas commanded the Santiago, and Pedro de Fuentcs the 
 brigantine. According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi., they carried 50, 
 45, and 15 men, respectively. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 232, adds a 
 vessel and increases the force to 250 'soldiers;' but this must be a mli^take, 
 though Herrera gives, erroneously perhaps, an armament which required a 
 larger crew. The instructions for the diflerent officers, and letters for Cabot, 
 the kings of Ceba and Tidore, and others, dated May 27, 1527, are given in 
 Cortds, Escritos Sueltos, 127-69; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 442-64. No 
 liind must be taken possession of, and no trading undertaken, except by 
 Saavedra, or in his presence. 
 
THE TRIUMVIRATE. 
 
 259 
 
 alone, reaching the Moluccas in safety, after discover- 
 ing on the way a group which was named Islas de los 
 Reyes/^ Saavedra found the remnant of Loaisa's party, 
 under command of Hernando de la Torre, engaged in 
 a struggle with the Portuguese, and was able to 
 render some aid. He thereupon repaired his vessel, 
 loaded a quantity of cloves, and after several mishaps, 
 and cruises along New Guinea and other islands, he 
 was able to depart for New Spain in May 1529. Two 
 groups were discovered on the way, named respec- 
 tively Los Pintados and Los Buenos Jardines,^^ and 
 shortly afterward, when fully half-way across the 
 Pacific, the commander died, whereupon the crew 
 returned to the Moluccas, only to fall into Portuguese 
 prisons.^^ Even had Saavedra succeeded in opening 
 the route to New Spain, nothing would have resulted 
 from it, for intermarriage between the royal families 
 of Spain and Portugal, and other circumstances, caused 
 Charles to abandon his Molucca schemes, and they 
 were not revived for nearly half a century. 
 
 After a few months' rule under the triumvirate of 
 which Estrada was evidently the head, a despatch 
 arrived confirming Aguilar, or any appointee of his, 
 as ruler, but without power to take residencia or to 
 interfere in matters outside of the government. This 
 order was owing chiefly to the efforts of Albornoz, 
 who had left for Spain shortly after Ponce's death, 
 chiefly to promote the interests of the anti-Cortes 
 faction, and the aspirations of certain friends, while 
 
 Galvano, Discov., 174, assumes this to be the same group discovered by 
 SeqiTeira, or rather, named Siquiera; but Burney, Discov. South Sea, i. 148, 
 doubts it. 
 
 12 Burney places them in T'' N., and 176° w. from Greenwich, and 10° to 12'' 
 N., 174° w. 
 
 " They numbered 18 on reaching the Moluccas, and 10 more died before 
 they were enabled in 1534 to reach Spain. One of the survivors, named 
 Ndpoles, there rendered an account of the expedition which is printed in 
 Navarrete, Col. de Viages, v. 465-86. Besides the authorities already quoted, 
 see Oviech, ii. 88-95; Gomara, Hist. lad., 134-6; Id., Hist. Mex., 280-2; 
 Ilerrera, dec. iv, lib. iii. cap. v.-vi.; lib. v. c^p. vi.; March y Labores, Marina 
 Esjpahola, ii. 67-93, with copies of documents. Most of these authorities refer 
 also to Loaisa's expedition. 
 
260 
 
 ESTRADA'S EULE. 
 
 posing himself before the court as an ofSc(3r wholly 
 devoted to the sovereign. He did not fail to give his 
 views of transatlantic affairs, and to urge measures 
 which were many of them admirable; but he also 
 predisposed the crown against Cortes, whose interfer- 
 ence in government ought not to be tolerated. Estrada, 
 who had personally complained of the associates forced 
 upon him, was greatly elated, and presenting the royal 
 decree, he was received, August 22, 1527, as sole 
 ruler.^* 
 
 This was not the only slight suffered by Cortes at 
 the royal hands. Albornoz had been induced to be- 
 friend Salazar and Chirinos, and so well did he plead 
 their cause, under the auspices of Secretary Cobos, 
 that their release was ordered, though their seques- 
 trated property remained in charge of guardians. 
 
 Cortes felt this act deeply. He saw all hope 
 fading for redress of the bitter wrongs suffered at 
 their hands, wrongs which he could so readily have 
 avenged, and which seemed too clear to escape pun- 
 ishment. As if to impress the infliction upon his 
 rival, Estrada formed a sort of alliance with the two 
 released officials, with a view to strengthen his own 
 party against one of wdiose influence he was both 
 jealous and afraid. The extreme to which he carried 
 this feeling threatened on one occasion to produce 
 most serious results. Figueroa of Zapotec fame had 
 returned to Mexico with his spoils, and meeting one 
 of Cortes' adherents named Cortijo, an altercation 
 
 ^^Lihro de Cabildo, MS., 200-3. 
 These were instructed to pay them an allowance. The sequestration 
 took place chiefly at the instances of relatives of Paz in Spain. They were con- 
 demned to death by the audiencia of Espanola, but the sentence did not take 
 eflfect, though affirmed by the Council of the Indies. The audiencia of Mex- 
 ico afterward ordered them to repay to Cortes all they had taken. Chirinos 
 joined Guzman in his outrages on the Jaliscans, and shared in Mendoza'a 
 expedition, after which he left for Spain, in 1542, in charge of royal treasure. 
 Mendoza, Carta, in Cartas de Tndias, 254, 715. Salazar went to Spain at an 
 earlier date, and joining Soto in the expedition to Florida he narrowly escaped 
 hanging for disobedience to iiis chief. He died in obscurity. We shall find 
 allusions to botn during the next few years. Sec also Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. 
 ix, cap. viii. ; lib. x. cap. i.; dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. i. ; Gomara, Hist. 3Iex., 280; 
 Alaman, Disert., i. app. 231; Puga, Cedulario, 25, 43, 79. 
 
CORTES EXILED. 
 
 ensued from which the former retired with a wound 
 to attest a complaint to his friend Estrada. Such 
 an outrage on one of liis adherents by a follower of 
 his rival could not be endured, and without listening 
 to any defence the governor ordered the man's hand 
 to be cut off.^^ Cortes, who seems to have retired to 
 his beloved Cuernavaca, since the appointment of the 
 treasurer for sole ruler, hastened to interfere, but came 
 too late, and gave vent to his indignation in bitter 
 words. Quite alarmed, Estrada summoned the royal 
 officials and his friends to sustain him^ and was coun- 
 selled to exile his opponent from the city, as the only 
 means to maintain order. Thc.-re was every justifica- 
 tion for such a step against a man who had dared to 
 threaten the king's governor, and the temptation to 
 humiliate the rival was too great to be withstood. 
 
 "It is well," said Cortes, \\hen notified of the 
 measure, "that persons unfit to hold office should be 
 allowed to exile me from the spot which I and my brave 
 followers acquired for the king at the cost of so much 
 toil and blood." But after all Estrada may have 
 overreached himself, for now Cortes would proceed to 
 Spain and pray for justice against a man so ungrate- 
 ful for the many favors conferred. 
 
 Great was the commotion when this measure became 
 known, and many regarded a recourse to arms as in- 
 evitable ; but Cortes silenced his angry adherents, and 
 
 'En termino de vna hora. . .y. . .le sentencio en destierro de Nueua 
 Espana.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. viii. Bemal Diaz calls the man an 
 hidalgo, and states that he suffered for aiding Captain Herrera to attack 
 Figueroa on the Zapotec border. A page of Sandoval suffered a sin\ilar pun- 
 ishment for stabbing a sen-ant of Estrada. Hut. Verdad. , 222. 'The notary, 
 Castillo, who ventured to remonstrate against this rash and unjust proceeding, 
 was assaulted, removed from his office, and cast into prison, Avith sequestra- 
 tion of property. The audiencia was in 1528 ordered to restore, the man to 
 his office and estate after investigation. Cortijo appeared in Spain to com- 
 plain and was permitted to return, while Estrada received orders to give 
 5,000 ducats surety to respond to the claims of the plaintiff for 3,000 ducats 
 damages, besides costs. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i. 
 
 1' Lest he resent the outrage, observes Herrera. 'For que no le quitasse 
 el preso.' Oomara, Hist. Mex., 279. Oviedo, iii. 519, considers that Estrada 
 did his duty, though he regrets the humiliation indicted. 
 
 ^^'Daua gracias a Dios que dcllo eni, servido,' etc. Bemal DiaZy Hist. 
 Verdady 223. 
 
262 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 withdrew, though a motion of his finger would have 
 sufficed to overthrow his opponents. ^*For thy king 
 and thy law must thou die/' was an oft-used saying 
 of his which he evidently resolved to uphold. Estra- 
 da's wife,^^ among others, censured the governor for 
 this treatment of a man who had so greatly favored 
 him with appointments and grants, and warned him 
 of the consequences. At this time arrived Fray 
 Julian Garces, bishop of Tlascala, and attention was 
 diverted somewhat by the demonstrations attending 
 the reception of the first prelate in the country. 
 His first task was to reconcile Estrada and his injured 
 opponents. The former had already repented of his 
 haste, and the bishop followed Cortes to Coyuhuacan 
 to prevail upon him. 
 
 The first impulse of resentment passed, Cortes 
 admitted that unjust as the governor might have 
 been, the expulsion was brought about chiefly by his 
 own hasty utterance. Not that this recognition alone 
 would have induced him to relent, but potent agencies 
 were the fear of imperilling his cherished prestige 
 among the natives, and the need of Estrada's favor 
 for certain projects. The good prelate therefore suc- 
 ceeded in his mission, and Cortes relented so far as to 
 stand godfather to the governor's infant son.^^ Estrada 
 was not so base and selfish as his advisers, and re- 
 pentance for his ingratitude had moved him to some 
 extent, as well as a politic regard for the great con- 
 queror's influence over the natives whom it would be 
 difficult to control in case they were roused. Still 
 another motive may have influenced him: the pres- 
 
 ^*Als':i: 'El rey sea mi gallo.' Gomara^ Hist. Mex.^ 280. 
 2° Dona Marina Gutierrez de la Caballcna, a most estimable •woman, says 
 Bemal Diaz. 
 
 Hi« ccmmission was presented to the t')vrn council of Mexico October 19, 
 1527. Lihro de C^jildo, MS. 
 
 ^"^ Rtinesal, Hist. Ghya'pa, 14; ITerrer-t, dec. iv. lib iii. cap. vii. This 
 author and Oviedo leave the impression that the reconciliation was effected 
 before Cort6s left the city. The version of Lvicas is that ' el obispo de Tax- 
 cala rogo al dicho thcsu/cro que dexase entrar al . . .Cortes.' Cortds, liesidenciay 
 i. 308-9, 311. Bernal Diaz states on the ether hand that Cortes refused to be 
 reconciled, though the prelate appealed to him several times. 
 
NUNO DE GUZMAN. 
 
 263 
 
 ence of a formidable enemy in the coast provinces, 
 whose threatening attitude against both him and 
 Cortes served to form a bond between them. 
 
 More than a year previous, Nuno de Guzman had 
 been appointed governor of Pdnuco, in accordance with 
 the royal policy of restricting the power of officials, 
 and with a view to support Ponce de Leon, in case 
 of need, to obtain control at Mexico. He was a cava- 
 lier of good connection, from Guadalajara, who had 
 long resided at Puerto de Plata, in Espanola, as enco- 
 mendero; but beyond the claim as colonist, and a 
 knowledge of law, he appears to have possessed no 
 experience or merit for service rendered that could 
 have warranted the bestowal of so important a por- 
 tion of New Spain, conquered and settled by more 
 deserving men. The preferment was due chiefly to 
 the influence of the Velazquez party, who, regardless 
 of the many zealous adherents in Mexico, chose to 
 support a member of the ruling clique.'^^ He was 
 known, however, as a man possessed of the talent and 
 resolution necessary to support Ponce and to face the 
 dreaded Cortes in his own field. 
 
 Sickness and preparations detained him from his 
 post for over a year, and he did not reach his capital of 
 San Estevan del Puerto until May 20, 1527.'' His 
 entry was celebrated with processions, triumphal 
 arches, and other demonstrations attending the inaug- 
 uration of a new government from which conciliatory 
 reforms and favors are expected. These hopes were 
 not unreasonable, for Guzman was most engaging in 
 manners, pleasant in converse, and of evident culture ; 
 and only time revealed the haughty disposition, the 
 cruel nature, and the unprincipled ambition of the 
 
 That he was of this clique appears from the advancement soon after of 
 his relative Gonzalo de Guzman to the governorship of Cuba. Zumdrraga, 
 Leltrc, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 19. 'Sin mas seruicios, 
 ni esperiecia de guerra,' is Herrera's indignant comment on Guzman's appoint- 
 ment, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii. 
 
 ^*Herrera indicates the year 1528. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. 
 Civ., iv. 733, writes 1525, and others are equally in error. 
 
264 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 self-sufficient autocrat. His domains extended in a 
 broad belt from the coast inward, under the name of 
 Panuco and Victoria Garayana,^^ penetrating a region 
 as yet almost unknown, and looked upon as rich in 
 gold, so much so that the autliorities had issued special 
 regulations securing the crown duus tiicreon.^^ All this 
 had raised the hopes of Guzman, only to be brought 
 low when he beheld the comparatively poverty-stricken 
 expanse before him. He was resolved to make the 
 most of it, however, and in particular to exercise the 
 newly acquired dignity in a manner befitting his train- 
 ing as slave-owner on the Islands. Sweeping changes 
 were made in offices and regulations, and agents were 
 sent round to investigate the titles of all grants of 
 land and natives, and to seize all that were not fully 
 secured. As a partisan of Velazquez his efforts were 
 directed with especial severity against the adherents 
 of Cortes, who had assisted to conquer and settle 
 the region. Of their repartimientos, indeed, almost 
 every one was deprived on some pretence. The na- 
 tives were treated with absolute disregard of justice. 
 Their houses and lands were ravaged, and everything 
 of value was carried away, including slaves, and even 
 their scanty stock of provisions, so that some of them 
 were reduced to actual want. In his imperious cruelty 
 he caused several natives to be hanged for omitting 
 to sweep the roads before him.'^^ 
 
 These outrages were not prompted so much by 
 avarice, which formed the main impulse with New 
 World adventurers, as by egotism. Of a noble and 
 
 25 Of noble birth, discreet, inclined to great deeds, enduring, and intrepid, 
 are the features added by Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 99. 
 
 26 Puga, Cedulario, 22. Guzman claimed the whole parallel to the South 
 Sea. Zumarraga calls the provuice 25 leagues at its greatest width. Ternaux- 
 Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. y. 91. A later report gives it 50 leagues in 
 length and breadth. In formes, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xv. 446. 
 This was probably after the audiencia defined the limits, as ordered. 
 
 2^ ' Que el oro de Panuco, se labrasse en barras por los quales. . .y corriesse 
 por aquel precio . . . sopena de niuorte . . . ni labrasse oro f uera de las f undici- 
 ones.' Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii. Another significant rule was that 
 soldiers should not be use»l in agriculture. 
 
 28 His alguacil mayor, Halcon, appears to have been a zealous tool in these 
 performances. 
 
INFAMOUS DOINGS IN pANUCO. 
 
 265 
 
 proud stock, Guzman had come to the Indies filled 
 with the glowing hopes engendered by such achieve- 
 ments as those of Yasco Nunez, Gil Gonzalez, and 
 Cortes, but circumstances confined him to a narrow 
 sphere, till now, the vista opening, his unbridled 
 ambition was prepared to break every bound. He 
 longed above all to acquire a wider influence, and the 
 present efforts were chiefly toward this end. His own 
 province was not sufficient, and he cast longing eyes 
 toward the border along which lay a number of flour- 
 ishing settlements. He declared that they belonged 
 to his district, but the settlers stoutly objected to the 
 claim. Guzman promptly sent to arrest the most 
 unruly, notably Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo and Fran- 
 cisco Ramos. Several of them being cavaliers refused 
 to bend to the imperious governor, and were there- 
 upon lashed and tortured ; one was nailed to a post by 
 the tongue for insolent language, and another was 
 hanged,^^ w^hile the natives of their towns were many 
 of them butchered for obeying their masters. 
 
 News of this reaching Mexico, Estrada and Sando- 
 val, who then governed jointly, sent peremptory orders 
 for Guzman to exhibit his commission and to restrict 
 himself to what they declared to be his boundary.^^ 
 A number of despatches were exchanged on the ques- 
 tion, wherein discourteous language was freely dis- 
 pensed, particularly by Guzman in letters to Cortes, 
 who as military chief became involved with him. 
 Sancho de Caniego, cousin of the Panuco governor, 
 received such treatment at Mexico, in his character 
 of commissioner, that he departed fuming with tiireats. 
 No satisfaction being obtained, Estrada, w]iO during 
 the autumn assumed sole rule at Mexico, prepared an 
 
 2^ Testimony in (7o7-^(^s, Residenda, i. 311, agrees with Bernal Diaz that 
 Trujillo was hanged, without receiving a trial, though he was of noble blood. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221. Herrera, loc. cit., declares that the person 
 hanged was a servant of Trujillo, the master being tortured by nailing the 
 tongue and the like. 
 
 ^"Regidor Hinojosa was sent with the message, but either a fear for his 
 own tongue, or actual sick:,ess> caused another commissioner to be appointed. 
 Lihro de Cabildo, MS., June 14 and 21, 1527. 
 
£66 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 expedition to enforce his demands. At this juncture 
 arrived Juan Perez de Gijon, alcalde of San Estevan, 
 and appealed for a stay of hostilities, chiefly for the 
 sake of the settlers, promising either to effect a peace- 
 ful arrangement, or to return to Mexico as a prisoner. 
 For this unauthorized mediation Guzman treated him 
 rather severely, and like Regulus the alcalde went 
 back to redeem his word.^^ 
 
 Meanwhile Captain Gil Gonzalez de Benavides, 
 alcalde of Mexico,^^ had approached the boundary and 
 taken possession of the tract in dispute. A commis- 
 sioner thereupon came down from San Estevan to 
 arrange the matter, but nothing was effected until 
 Guzman managed, under a change of circumstances, 
 to settle everything according to his own fancy.^^ 
 
 Not content with encroaching on Mexico, Guzman 
 had turned his desire also to the adjoining northern 
 territory of Kio de las Palmas, granted to Panfilo de 
 Narvaez as a solace for the defeat inflicted by Cortes. 
 Like other little known regions it v^^as supposed to be 
 rich in precious metals; not more so than his own 
 interior tracts, but more alluring since it belonged to 
 another; and he resolved to gather the first-fruit 
 before the rightful owner appeared. To this end he 
 sent his cousin, Caniego, with all his available force. 
 The expedition penetrated for a considerable distance 
 without finding any settlements of note, and struggling 
 
 He left Mexico in the beginning of December, and returned March 16, 
 1528. Id. 
 
 ^2 Testimony in GorUs, Residencia, i. 311-12, ii. 147, shows that Estrada at 
 first proposed to go in person to seize Guzman and ' desolate Pdnuco, ' but the 
 rumored disloyal projects of Cortes deterred him. Estrada was not a military 
 man, however. 
 
 ^3 ' Prendio a Andres Duero e a Juan Astudillo e a otros dos. . .e destruyo 
 la tierra.' Zuuiga, in Id., ii. 147. This Duero appears to be the secretary 
 from Cuba who at first befriended Cort6& and then became his enemy. 
 
 ^'Benavides ofiered to surrender ' Tepehuacan, Quautla, Yahualica,' but 
 insisted on retaining the, towns in the district of ' Meztitlan, Oxitapa, Tla- 
 matlan, and Guazalingo.' Libro de Ccbildo, MS., Fel)ruary 19, 1528. Caniegois 
 named as the Pdnuco commissioner, though he appears to have gone to Spain 
 about this time. The audiencia of Mexico, which arrived this year, with 
 Guzman for president, received orders to define the boundary, and to forbid 
 any encomcndero to hold land on both sides of it, or to keep natives out of 
 their native district. 
 
GUZMAN THE SLAVE-MAKER. 
 
 267 
 
 with obstacles of every description, and suffering 
 great hardship. Finally dense forests obliged them 
 to turn back, and the band reached San Estevan half 
 famished and in a sad condition, with little to recom- 
 pense them for their five months' search, except a 
 report that the country beyond the forests must be 
 rich and settled.^^ 
 
 This report was considered by Guzman to be a 
 sufficient inducement to extend the exploration, but 
 the means were wanting. As a last resource he seized 
 upon the natives, and began to export them as slaves, 
 pleading that the public good demanded such a meas- 
 ure, and pointing to even worse acts by other rulers. 
 Besides, the voices of these natives could be suppressed 
 only by removing them from home associates and 
 placing them under strict supervision.^^ The argument 
 found ready sustainers when the permission was given 
 also to settlers to sell from twenty to thirty slaves 
 each. Traders came by invitation to buy slaves, and 
 others were exported by the ship-load, in chartered 
 vessels, from the stock-yard in which they were branded 
 and herded. A panic seized upon the poor creatures, 
 and they began to desert the villages to seek refuge 
 in the forests and mountains, preferring hunger and 
 death at home to a worse fate abroad. Then hunting 
 expeditions were sent out to ferret them, and to seize 
 also upon Indians pertaining to Mexico. Caciques 
 were tortured to reveal the hiding-places of their 
 people, and to save themselves many surrendered even 
 relatives as slaves. Some ten thousand of God's human 
 creatures were thus carried away in more than twenty 
 vessels, three of which foundered at sea. In their 
 despair a large number of the kidnapped cast them- 
 selves overboard; others suffered so severely from con- 
 
 ^5 Guzman justified the encroachment by sending an early complaint that 
 Narvaez had received much of what belonged to P^nuco. The audiencia was 
 ordered to define the boundary. Ilerrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii. 
 
 2^ In a letter to the king, he pointed out that the royal service demanded 
 horses, and that these could be obtained in no other way. He did not make 
 one dollar by the traific. On leaving Pdnuco he forbade it, because he had 
 .heard that the king objected. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 410-11. 
 
2C8 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 finement in the infected atmosphere of the hold as to 
 die during the voyage, or immediately after, while the 
 rest rapidly succumbed to the hardships of their new 
 life, magnified by the change of climate and food.^^ 
 
 But neither reconciliation with Estrada, nor the 
 demand for his interference in the Guzman dispute,^^ 
 changed the resolution of Cortes to proceed to Spain. 
 His position in Mexico was becoming insupportable, 
 what with lost power, fading influence, and constant 
 annoyance from insolent officials. Then, his presence 
 was necessary at court to refute the accumulating 
 slanders, to place in a proper light his many services, 
 and to claim a fit reward,^^ besides advocating meas- 
 ures for the development of the country and the ad- 
 vancement of conquest. It was also time to solemnize 
 the marriage arranged for him in Spain, so that he 
 might obtain heirs to perpetuate his name. 
 
 His main effort accordingly was to obtain sufficient 
 means to present himself at court in a manner corre- 
 sponding to his fame and position. Sandoval, Tapia, 
 and other proposed companions joined him in the 
 task to collect rents, receive presents, and effect loans, 
 and thus they made quite a tour of the country, 
 directing themselves chiefly to the caciques, from 
 whom large contributions were received, partly as 
 gifts to the honored Malinche, partly in consideration 
 for the ofier to present their sons to the sovereign and 
 advocate their respective claims. 
 
 These facts are affirmed by Bishop Zum^rraga in his letters and sworn 
 statements. ' Cette province . . . contenait 25,000 Indiens sonmis et pacifiqnes. 
 II en a vendu 10,000 comme esclaves, et les autres. . .ont abandonn6 leurs vil- 
 lages.' These shipments were continued from Mexico, the kidnapped being 
 sent to Pdnuco to embark. Ternaux-Compans, Voy.y serie ii. tom. v. 91-2, 
 45. Further details in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 144-6, 171. 
 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ix. 'Se herraron tantos, que casi despoblaron 
 aquella Provincia. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 228. 
 
 Testimony in CorUs, Residencia, i. 311-12, shows that Cortes at first 
 offered to take the field against him. Estrada hesitated, and when he finally 
 offered the command Cortes replied that his preparations for going to Spain 
 could no longer be deferred. 
 
 ' Algun titulo, para q no se le igualasseu todos,' is the pointed remai'k of 
 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282. 
 
SCHEMES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 269 
 
 This round of interviews with native leaders, and 
 the preparations for the voyage, were sufficient to 
 revive among opponents and tattlers the oft-spread 
 report of disloyalty on the part of one who so recently 
 had threatened the governor, and was still smarting 
 under humiliation. The reports were not altogether 
 devoid of foundation, for a number of Spanish and 
 native partisans who had witnessed the indignities 
 heaped upon their leader, and presumed upon his 
 resentment, offered him their aid to redress his wrongs, 
 even so far as to seize the whole country for himself 
 But Cort6s was too wise to entertain the project; he 
 even shrank from allusion to it, and also threatened 
 to hang one or two of his advisers ; others he severely 
 reprimanded, and prudently so, since the proposals in 
 more than one instance covered a trap to criminate 
 him withal. Estrada is said to have been so alarmed 
 that he sent Bishop Garces to sound Cortes, and to 
 exert his influence if needful.^^ 
 
 The desire of Cortes to be saved from friends so 
 apt to embroil him, formed another motive for leaving, 
 and this was hastened by the receipt of a letter from 
 the president of the India Council,^^ urging him to 
 come to Spain so that the king might consult him on 
 needful measures, and reward his services. This let- 
 ter was the first move in a rather elaborate scheme on 
 the part of a misinformed sovereign to withdraw a 
 dangerous subject from a tempting field. As will be 
 
 *° The persistent Ocana dwells on this movement with a desire to criminate 
 Cortes. Carta, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 530-1. Testimony in Gort6s, Resi- 
 dencia, i. 309-11, 407-8, declares that Cortes did ask the opinion of several 
 persons whether it would be advisable to seize Estrada and hold the govern- 
 ment for the king, or to go to Spain. Dominican friars warned Estrada of 
 this. If he ever alluded to an arrest, it must have been when his resentment 
 was hot. Letters were sent from Mexico on the subject, to entrap him, 
 observes Bemal Diaz. Hist. Verdad. , 223. 
 
 *^ Bemal Diaz assumes that the two leaders were not reconciled, and that 
 the efforts of Garcds were to unbend Cortes. Guzman intimated that Cortes 
 left orders for the natives to rise after his departure. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. 
 cap. vii. This accusation was also intended to reflect on Estrada's inefficiency 
 to control the natives. 
 
 *2 The successor of the intriguing Fonseca was Fray Garcia de Loaisa, con- 
 fessor of the king and bishop of Osma, afterward made cardinal in recognition 
 of his services, influence, and admirable traits. 
 
270 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 shown hereafter, the appeal was supported by letters 
 from the duke of Bejar and other friends. At the 
 same time came the news of the death of Martin 
 Cortes. This proved a severe blow to the son, who 
 after so long a separation had vividly pictured to him- 
 self the joy of once more embracing his father and 
 able friend who had so zealously protected his in- 
 terests against assailants. He caused an impressive 
 funeral ceremony to be held, and put on the customary 
 mourning attire. 
 
 Two new vessels, reported to be fast sailers, had 
 just arrived at Vera Cruz, and Cortes despatched his 
 majordomo, Ruiz de Esquive], to secure them. Ac- 
 companied by a negro to carry two bars of gold for 
 the purchase, he took a boat with six native rowers 
 to carry him across the lake to Ayotzinco, but he 
 never appeared. Search was instituted, and a month 
 later attention was attracted to a human arm pro- 
 truding from the ground, the flesh eaten by birds. 
 The half-buried body ]3roved to be that of the ma- 
 jordomo, almost nude and with a knife wound in the 
 head. The gold and the boatmen had disappeared. 
 Though the gold appears to have been the motive, 
 some prefer to connect the murder with Ruiz' indis- 
 creet vauntings of successful intrigues with dames of 
 the capital.*^ 
 
 Another agent went to secure the vessels, which 
 were at once prepared for the voyage, and provided 
 with a respectable armament to protect their valuable 
 cargo against corsairs. The intention of Cortes was 
 to carry with him a varied assortment of effects, not 
 so much for presents as to exhibit the resources of the 
 country he had conquered. The most valuable part 
 consisted of fifteen hundred marcos^* of wrought silver, 
 thirty thousand pesos de oro in gold, a portion alloyed, 
 and several thousand pesos in jewels, including precious 
 
 *3 Indeed, little effort was made to trace the murderers, says Bemal Diaz, 
 Hist. Verdad. , 224. Ruiz appears to have been an attractive fellow, and an 
 hidalgo from Seville. Oviedo, iii. 527. 
 Marco, equivalent to eight ounces. 
 
RETURN OF CORTES TO SPAIN. 
 
 271 
 
 stones and pearls.*^ Then there was a mass of fabrics, 
 and robes, plumes, and feather-work, hquid amber, 
 vanilla, balsam, flint implements, and mirrors, weapons, 
 paintings, and curiosities of every description, notably 
 strange plants and animals, tigers, parrots, quetzals, and 
 the like. Also a variety of natives, albinos, dwarfs, and 
 monstrosities, together with acrobats, such as pole- 
 turners, foot-balance performers, equilibrists, and ball- 
 players.^^ Of staple resources and provisions large 
 quantities were contributed by the natives, sufficient 
 to have supplied a fleet. Much came also from the 
 estates of Cortes, the extent of which may be under- 
 stood from their value of two hundred thousand pesos 
 de oro, estimated at a time when the price of real 
 estate was very low. The care of these possessions 
 devolved during his absence on Licenciate Juan Alta- 
 mirano, his relative, Diego de Ocampo, and Santa 
 Cruz.^^ 
 
 Large retinues were among the most marked attri- 
 butes of greatness at this period, and eager to impress 
 the haughty courtiers of Castile, Cortes offered, 
 chiefly Avith this view, free passage and maintenance 
 to whosoever chose to accompany him to Spain. 
 Quite a number availed themselves of the liberal pro- 
 posal, though a few, like Fray Loaisa, accompanied 
 
 ^•^ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 283. Oviedo, iii. 528, writes 1,000 marcos of silver, 
 partly wrought, and estimates the jewels at merely 2,000 to 3,000 pesos. Gal- 
 vano, Biscov., 176, increases the gold and silver to the more effective amount 
 of 250,000 marcos, whereupon Cavo plucks up courage to value the pure gold 
 alone at 200,000 pesos, Tres Siglos, i. 74; an amount which Prescott rashly 
 trebles by calling it pesos dc oro. Mex. , iii. 312. He has evidently confounded 
 the total value of all the treasures, including the rare precious stones carried 
 secretly on his own person by Cortes. A part of the gold and silver was 
 registered at the port as belonging to other persons. This was declared to be 
 a false declaration, * to defraud creditors,' and half the silver and some gold 
 were accordingly seized in Spain. Cortes appealed, but the judge neverthe- 
 less sentenced him to pay a fine of 100,000 maravedis, though the treasure was 
 ordered to be restored. Beal Executoria, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, 
 xii. 406. The restitution appears to have been neglected on the plea that 
 Cortds owed the treasury certain sums. His process for its recovery is given 
 in /cZ., xiv. 395-410. 
 
 **^For description of feats and games, see Native Races, ii. 295 et seq. 
 The latter from Burgos. Bemal Diaz adds the secretary Alonso Valiente. 
 From Altamirano descends the house of Marqu6s de Salinas, later incorpo- 
 rated with that of the Condes de Santiago. Alaman, Disert., i. 252. 
 
272 
 
 ESTRADA'S RULE. 
 
 him no farther than the Islands. Sandoval, Andres 
 de Tapia, and several other captains joined the ex- 
 pedition, to present claims for services before the 
 sovereign; also some two score of native princes and 
 chieftains, conspicuous among whom was a son of 
 Montezuma, and a son of Maxixcatzin.*^ 
 
 *^ Chimalpain names two sons of Montezuma, Pedro, from whom descended 
 the Condes de Montezuma and Tula — see Hist, 3Iex., i. 460, this series — and 
 Martin Cortds Nezahualtecolotl, also a nephew of the late emperor, Francicco 
 de Alvarado Matlaccohuatzin, Gabriel, a son of the king of Tlacopan, Baltasar, 
 Felipe, Juan, sons respectively of the lords of Culhuacan, Cuitlahuac, and 
 Cempoala. He also gives the baptismal and native names of three Tlascaltec 
 chiefs and of others. Hist. Cowg., ii. 163-4. Among the Tlascaltecs, Bemal 
 Diaz mentions a son of Xicotencatl. They numbered 39 in all, those at least 
 who reached Spain, as shown by a decree of the emperor ordering dresses and 
 entertainment to be provided for them. Ternaux-Compans., Voy,, s6rie ii. tom. 
 V. 87-8. From this it appears that the son of Montezuma now taken was 
 Martin, not Pedro. Among the other six names mentioned is Lorenzo of 
 Tlascala, I may mention the following as authorities supplemental to those 
 quoted in preceding chapters: Cortes, Escritos Suellos, 102-26, 213-14; Ovicdo, 
 
 iii. 494-5, 519-27; Pacheco and Cdrde.nas, Col. Doc, v. 68-96; vi.; xii. 
 287-91, 406-17, 480-90; xiii. 73-85, 115-17, 144-6, 348-56, 400-11; xiv. 
 65-9, 395-410; xv. 446-7; xxiii. 368-84; xxvi. 160-3, 195-280; Lihro de 
 Cahildo, MS., 121, passim; Torqvemada, 1. 597-9; iii. 190; Archivo Mex.y 
 Doc, i. 141-4, 161-85, 239 et seq.; ii. 18, passim; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 
 285-9; Col. Doc Jn6d., i. 14-30, 101-2; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 229-30; 
 
 iv. 99-100; Puga, Cedulario, 15-25, 43^, 79; Monumentos Domin. Esp., 
 MS., 69; Ramirez, Proceso, 73, 157, 188-91; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in 
 Kingshorour/h's Mex. Antiq., ix. 447; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii. tom. 
 V. 19-27, 44-8; Chimalpain, Hist. Cong., ii. 158-60; Mex., Extr. de Cedulas, 
 MS., 5; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 11-14; Alaman, 
 Disert., i. 245-50; ii. 305-8; Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 
 722-34; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 56-95; Prescotfs Mex., 306-11, 452-4; also 
 notes in Mex. eds.; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 7; Helps' Span. Conq., 
 iii. 60-4, 144-67; Salazar y Glarte, Conq. Mex., 194-9, 323-67; Mayer's 
 Mex. Aztec, i. 87-8; Galvano's Discov., 36-7; Ao-roniZf Hist. Orizaba, 
 310-14; Cortes, Brieven, ii. 287-90; Paf>. Var., cliii. pt. ix. 13-16; Aa, 
 NaauJceurige Versameling, xi. 22-32, 56-68; Dice Univ., i. 83-6; Kerr' a 
 Col. Voy., iv. 283-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 138-9, 339; Soc Mex. Geog., 
 Boletln, viii. 477; Solis, Hist. Mex. (ed. 1843), 479-81; Russell's Hist. Am.y 
 256; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 364-463; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 45-9; Id.f 
 Gob. Mex., i. 22-3; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt. iv. 245-7; Piwirro \ 
 Orellana, Var ones Ilvstres, 117-24. 
 
CHAPTEE XIY. 
 
 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA ATO ITS MISRULE. 
 1528-1529. 
 
 OiDOREs Appointed — Stringent Measxjres Proposep against Cortes — 
 Guzman Made President — Power and Jurisdiction of tete, Audien- 
 ciA — Its Instructions — Laws of Alfonso the Wise — Reception of 
 THE New Rulers — Their Avarice Excited — Intrigue against Cor- 
 tes — Robbery and Extortion — Abuse of Friars and Clergy — Resi- 
 DENCiA OF Cortes — The Bishop's Anathema — Shameless Conduct of 
 OiDOREs — Guzman's Palliative Schemes of Conquest — Smuggling 
 Despatches. 
 
 The friends of Velazquez and of Narvaez, together 
 with those gratuitous enemies whom the deeds of 
 the conqueror brought into being among the needy 
 and envious, continued to vex the ears of the emperor 
 and his advisers with complaints of Cortes. An im- 
 portant accession to their ranks was Albornoz, who 
 just at this time arrived at Seville with treasure for 
 the crown/ and whose ill-will toward Cortes readity 
 induced him to lend aid to their projects. Since Salazar 
 and Peralmindez were his creatures, favorable reports 
 concerning them imposed upon the good-nature of 
 Cobos, and lent a tinge of color, unconsciously to the 
 secretary, to the representations made by him to the 
 emperor, who, while little apt to take unquestioned 
 the statements of any man, well knew the tried 
 worth of this faithful servant. Doubts of the fealty 
 of a powerful vassal beyond the seas were certainly 
 not out of place, as precedents to justify them were 
 not wanting; while the disturbed condition of New 
 
 ^He brought 20,000 pesos. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 18 ( 273) 
 
274 
 
 THE FmS>T AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 Spain formed a base sufficient for the suggestions 
 which now came to Charles, from the colony itself as 
 well as from the wiser among his advisers, that no 
 man unassisted was able to bring order out of the 
 chaos. Aided by the deliberations of the India Coun- 
 cil, the emperor determined to send to Mexico an 
 audiencia such as had been established at Santo Do- 
 mingo,^ which should hear and determine the affairs 
 of the settlers in New Spain; which should put an 
 end to quarrels among Spaniards and protect the 
 long-suffering natives ; which should submit Cortes to 
 the residencia he demanded, and the royal officials to 
 an examination of their accounts and conduct. At the 
 time the crown was unable to fix upon a capable man 
 for the presidency, but the oidores were appointed. 
 These were four licentiates : Francisco Maldonado, a 
 native of Salamanca ; Alonso de Parada, who had lived 
 in Cuba for several years; Diego Delgadillo of Gra- 
 nada; and Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, a Biscayan.^ They 
 were ordered to embark at once, and in order that 
 they might be treated with greater respect on the 
 voyage they were given command of the vessels which 
 conveyed them. Since in the city of Mexico there 
 was no public building suitable for their reception, the 
 emperor wrote to Cortes requesting him to give them 
 accommodation in his palace. 
 
 Soon after the arrival of Albornoz, tidings came to 
 court that Fray Diego Altamirano and Pedro de Sala- 
 zar, sent by Cortes with gold for his father, intended 
 to land in Portugal that they might smuggle the 
 treasure, and any letters they might bring, into Me- 
 dellin.* Orders were issued at once to watch for and 
 seize the vessel, and the Portuguese authorities were 
 requested to receive the treasure for account of the 
 
 2 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 269-70, this series. 
 
 ^ Herrera and other early authors, as well as modern writers who have 
 followed them implicitly, are wrong in giving Matienzo's Christian name as 
 Martin; he signed himself Juan, and it is so written in the records. lAbi^o de 
 Cabildo, MS., Jan. 1, 1529. 
 
 * A comparatively easy matter since the town lies withia a day's journey 
 to the Portuguese frontier. 
 
CHAKGES AGAINST CORTES. 
 
 275 
 
 Spanish crown. ^ This added rumor served to fan the 
 smouldering embers of suspicion against Cortes and to 
 whet the eager envy of his foes. Narvaez and his friends 
 presented a lengthy memorial to the emperor, insisting 
 that he should be punished;^ the sudden taking-off of 
 so many persons who having thwarted his interests 
 gave color to the charge, now renewed by Albornoz, 
 that he had poisoned them ; his agents defrauded the 
 crown in Spain, while across the Atlantic he himself 
 plotted treason. Even the puissant nobles who ever 
 stood steadfast for the absent one were powerless now. 
 Such an effect did this combined attack have upon the 
 emperor and council that, shortly after orders had been 
 despatched for Aguilar to rule alone, the matter of 
 providing a president for the new audiencia was held 
 in abeyance, while preparations were making to send 
 Pedro de la Cueva to Mexico with power to deal sum- 
 marily with Cortes and his confederates, if guilty, 
 bestowing his pueblos upon deserving conquerors.'' 
 
 But these measures were of no effect, for while 
 they were still unperfected there came a letter from 
 Cortes,^ together with the certificates of the physi- 
 cians who attended Ponce, and the project was aban- 
 doned. Orders were given, however, that any relations 
 sent by Cortes should not be published, and that all 
 ships about to sail for the Indies should be detained, 
 
 ^ Landing in Portugal, for the purpose of evading compliance with the 
 registry laws, was growing common. About this time two vessels from 
 New Spain arrived at Lisbon. Mafra, the master of one, brought all his 
 treasure to Seville. In the other vessel came Hernan Lopez Davila, late ad- 
 ministrator of decedents' estates; he and other passengers were allowed by the 
 captain to land, and some of them took their gold home unregistered. Orders 
 were issued to proceed against them. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii. 
 
 ^ That envy was at the bottom of Narvaez' action is apparent from one of 
 the many charges contained in the document; it was said that Cortes ' tenia 
 tantas varras de oro y plata como Vizcaia de fierro. ' G&mara, Hist. Mex. , 285. 
 
 ^ *Si le hallasse culpado, le cortasse la cabe9a.' Cueva, a very severe 
 man, was brother to the count of Siruela, and himself comendador mayor of 
 Alcantara. At the time he was the emperor's majordomo, and later he be- 
 came a general of artillery. He was to take with him 300 soldiers, and the 
 whole cost of the commission was to be met by Cortes, whether guilty or not. 
 These two afterward met at court and made merry over the matter, agreeing 
 that 'a lengtias vivas, lenguas mentiras.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 222; 
 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. i. 
 
 8 That of September 3, 1527. 
 
276 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 that he might not learn what was going on till some 
 definite action had been taken. But when Altamirano 
 and Salazar without delay came on from Lisbon, the 
 emperor was still further mollified, although the let- 
 ters and treasures brought by them were seized. Just 
 then, too, Pedro de Alvarado arrived at Seville, and 
 was ordered to court post-haste, and Charles, well 
 pleased at the coming of a person so competent to 
 give an account of affairs in New Spain, as well as 
 desirous of knowing what had taken place in Guate- 
 mala, further postponed definite action.^ The narra- 
 tions of Altamirano and Salazar, supplemented by the 
 account of Alvarado, who declared that Cortes would 
 come to Spain at the least intimation of the emperor's 
 wish, caused the tide to turn in his favor. It was 
 shown that he had conducted himself obediently and 
 modestly during the government of Ponce, as well as 
 since that time, and that he had suffered many indig- 
 nities at the hand of Estrada. This was additional 
 cause for action, and the appointment of a president 
 for the new audiencia now engrossed the emperor s 
 attention. 
 
 The case was urgent, and the man to be appointed 
 was to hold office only until such time as it should be 
 determined what was to be done with Cortes. Owing 
 to these considerations the choice was not made with 
 very great care, the post being given to Nuno de Guz- 
 man, governor of Pd^nuco. Since his arrival in Amer- 
 ica Guzman had been busy trying to enlarge his 
 
 ^ Accepting the testimony of Gronzalo Mejia, the treasurer accused Alva- 
 rado of fraudulently retaining treasure belonging to the crown to the amount 
 of 100,000 pesos, besides which several charges of malfeasance in office were 
 brought against him. He was ordered, therefore, to give bonds to submit to 
 a residencia and to pay any damages in which he might be mulcted, or to have 
 his estate sequestered to the amount of 15,000 ducats. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. 
 ii. cap. i. But, favored by Cobos, partly because of the marriage arranged 
 between him and Francisca de la Cueva, he was given the government of 
 Guatemala — which, in accordance with the policy that sought to limit the 
 size of colonial dependencies, was made independent of New Spain. His 
 sequestered property was released, his repartimiento confirmed, his residencia 
 put aside, and, accompanied by his bride and a brilliant staff of officers, he 
 sailed for America. Id., dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii. See HisL Cent. Am., ii., 
 this series, for full account. 
 
GUZMAN PRESIDENT. 
 
 277 
 
 jurisdiction, for to his insatiate mind his petty govern- 
 ment seemed far too small. Thwarted in New Spain, 
 he formed the bold resolve of appealing to the emperor 
 to decide a quarrel in which he was clearly in the 
 wrong; and ignorant of the good fortune that had 
 befallen him, he despatched Caniego as procurador to 
 Spain. The emissary came to court at the very time 
 when the hounds were in full cry after their quarry, 
 and he forthwith joined the pack. He not only sup- 
 ported the accusations made by the others, but alleged 
 that Cortes was smelting gold secretly in his palace, 
 and that he had ships in readiness at a port in the 
 South Sea for the purpose of making his escape with 
 the treasure. Salazar and Peralmindez, he averred, 
 were upright officials, but Estrada was as great a 
 tyrant as Cortes, and there was sore need of a gover- 
 nor and a juez de residencia in New Spain where the 
 emperor and his orders were ignored. Caniego's 
 assertions had a certain weight in hastening the reso- 
 lution of the monarch. The powerful friends of the 
 appointee had not failed to present in the best light 
 his qualifications for the post of president, notably his 
 standing as an able and even brilliant lawyer, a man 
 above all needed to guide the deliberations of an au- 
 diencia; and his energy and firmness, which were 
 indispensable qualities for one destined to cope with a 
 person of the wily and aggressive nature of Cortes. In- 
 deed, the disordered condition of afiairs in New Spain, 
 bandied as they were by irresponsible factions which 
 found security in the remoteness of the only feared 
 authority, demanded the supervision of a sagacious 
 mind with a firm hand. On their part the friends of 
 Cortes made light of his story, and as Guzman's evil 
 deeds were not yet known in Spain, no great efforts 
 were made to prevent his appointment to the presi- 
 dency, for it was generally considered that as he was 
 to have no vote, the oidores could control him easily 
 were he viciously inclined. That it should fall to 
 the lot of such a wretch to become the first purely 
 
278 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 civil magistrate sent by the crown to New Spain, was 
 an unfortunate circumstance. He was possessed of 
 bravery as are all great villains; cowards were rare 
 in those days. His avarice was of that quality which 
 knew no pity, exceeding that of Pedrarias Davila 
 himself, who was at the time holding sway in the 
 south. Luckless land! with two such rulers as rep- 
 resentatives of European civilization and the church 
 of Christ! Guzman was ordered to appoint a deputy 
 to govern Piinuco during his absence, and to await 
 the coming of his associates before going to Mexico. 
 
 And now the oidores were hurried off to New 
 Spain, for it was the middle of the year, and necessary 
 that without further delay the reins should be taken 
 from the nerveless grasp of Estrada. The cedula 
 appointing them was dated at Burgos December 13, 
 1527, and gave jurisdiction over the country lying 
 between the capes of Honduras and Higueras, and 
 the cape of Florida, including the provinces round 
 these capes, and those extending to the South Sea, 
 all of which were embraced under the general term of 
 New Spain." 
 
 i^The oidores sailed from Seville in July 1528, Cartas de Indias, 748, with 
 instructions to join their president at Panuco. If from stress of weather, or 
 from any other cause, they were obliged to land at Vera Cruz, or elsewhere, 
 they were to advise him and to await his coming, that together they might 
 enter Mexico. In view of the urgency of the case, however, and the perils of 
 the sea, it was afterward determined that the president, or any of the oidores 
 who might arrive first at the common destination, might proceed, in certain 
 minor matters, as though all of the associates were present, seniority being 
 determined by date of commission. For several years the audiencia of Mexico 
 consisted of a president and four oidores. A year after the establishment 
 of the audiencia the emperor appointed the grand chancellor of Castile, 
 Dr Mercutino Gatinara, chancellor of the audiencia of Mexico, notwith- 
 standing that he held already a similar position in that of Santo Domingo. 
 He was allowed to exercise his functions by deputy, and to enjoy the deredios 
 de sella during his life. The second audiencia began to petition for an increase 
 of oidores and officials, and the number was increased to eight oidores, four 
 alcaldes del crimen, two fiscales, for civil and criminal cases respectively, one 
 alguacil mayor, one deputy of the grand chancellor, and other needful officers. 
 Hecop. de Indias, i. 325; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i. ; Zamora, etc. 
 
 See Puf/a, Cedulario, 12, 22, etc.; Becop. de Indias, 1. 324-6. These 
 official authorities for the application of the name suffice to settle a much dis- 
 puted question for which writers have hitherto been content to accept the 
 unsupported statement of Herrera, 'Con parecer de don Hernando Cortes, 
 para mayor declaracion se mando, que para adelante fuess visto llamarse 
 Kucua Espana, todas las prouincias que al presente (1528) eran de la gouerna- 
 
INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 279 
 
 They were invested with greater authority than 
 was permitted to the kindred tribunal at Santo Do- 
 mingo/^ the instructions being in amphfication of those 
 given to Ponce de Leon. They were to retain the 
 staffs of justice to be taken from present holders, and 
 determine all causes, civil and criminal, with appellate 
 as well as original jurisdiction.^^ The residencia of 
 the existing officials must be proclaimed, and the per- 
 tinent features thereof embodied in an exhaustive 
 report to the India Council, accompanied by the opin- 
 ion of the audiencia. 
 
 The treasurer, factor, and veedor were to be sent to 
 Spain, but only after a satisfactory examination of their 
 accounts. The audiencia, conjointly with Albornoz, 
 whose accounts were also to be investigated, were 
 to appoint deputies to serve during the absence of 
 their principals, and neither the contador, treasurer, 
 nor veedor was to engage in business or to hold Ind- 
 ians in encomienda. A full statement of all accounts 
 must be sent immediately to Spain ; no one was to 
 be in arrears, and all fines imposed up to this time 
 were to be collected. The best method of adminis- 
 tering justice must be considered, and offences pun- 
 ished without fail, judges guilty of malfeasance having 
 to pay the cost of remedies. No oidor or judge could 
 sit in judgment of a matter in which a relative within 
 the second degree of kinship was interested. Law- 
 
 cion de Mexico, Panuco, Yucatan, Cozumel, y la de Guatemala, y del rio de 
 las Palmas, que estaua dada a Panfilo de Naruaez, con todo lo incluso en sus 
 limites. ' dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ii. Yet New Spain * proper ' came some 20 
 years later to be understood as embracing only the districts confined by the 
 audiencias of Guatemala and New Galicia, created in 1543 and 1548, from a 
 line drawn between the gulfs of Tehuantepec and Honduras, and from the 
 southern border of New Galicia to Florida. Becop. de Indias, i. 324; Calle, 
 Mem. y Not., 44. In this sense it really meant the audiencia district, and 
 New Spain as a political division extended properly from Guatemala into the 
 undeveloped north, Guatemala and Honduras being nearly always spoken of 
 as independent, so that the application of New Spain to their provinces had 
 a merely nominal significance. 
 
 * Traian los may ores poderes q nunca a la Nueua Espana despues truxeron 
 Virreyes, ni Presidentes. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 227. 
 
 ^^They must engage in no other business, nor hold a second office; a rule 
 infringed by their predecessors. 
 
 They were not to appear as counsel nor to serve as referees; suits to 
 which an oidor was a party must be heard and determined by the alcaldes 
 
280 
 
 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 yers were to be allowed in the colony, that the wheels 
 of justice might not be entirely blocked by ignorance 
 of forms on the part of suitors, provided they under- 
 took no unjust causes nor sought to interpose delays 
 in the determination of suits. 
 
 A full report was to be sent to Spain on the con- 
 dition and resources of the country; the number, 
 character, and treatment of the natives; the names, 
 standing, and services of the conquerors and settlers, 
 with the extent and nature of the encomiendas held. 
 A score of inland towns and the seaports were desig- 
 nated as political centres, and a memorial should be 
 sent in concerning the number of regidores, and the 
 like, needed in these and in other cities and villas, 
 together with a list of meritorious persons fit to hold 
 these offices, conquerors being preferred. After re- 
 serving for the crown such lands and natives as might 
 seem proper, and a further sufficient reservation being 
 made for future settlers, the land and Indians remain- 
 ing were to be apportioned equitably in encomiendas 
 to deserving persons, subject to royal confirmation. 
 The first preference must be given to conquerors, 
 especially to married men, for they would be more 
 likely to remain in the colony, and accord better treat- 
 ment to the natives. As extravagance was a leading 
 cause for oppressing the natives, the sumptuary laws 
 must be enforced and gambling restricted. 
 
 The just amount of tribute to be paid by crown 
 tenants and by natives belonging to the crown was 
 to be fixed, and provinces where the precious metals 
 and stones existed must be especially noted, the silver 
 
 orclinarios, with direct appeal to the India Council. Every Saturday the 
 president was to appoint two of the oidors, who should serve by turns, to 
 inspect the common jail and that reserved for prisoners of state. 
 
 The manner of taking testimony was prescribed, as well as the duties of 
 all officials, and the audiencia was empowered to establish a free bill which 
 should be posted in the audience chambers. The secretary might appoint 
 his own deputies, and the porter of the audiencia was to act as court-criero 
 Puga, Cedulario, 9, 10, 18, 19, 22-33. 
 
 Silken clothing was forbidden. 
 
 Dice could on no account be used, and at cards none must exceed stakes 
 to the amount of 10 pesos in one day. 
 
SPECIAL ORDINANCES. 
 
 281 
 
 hill said to exist in Michoacan being reserved for the 
 crown. The advisability of establishing a mint at 
 Mexico must be considered. 
 
 Many of these and other matters connected with 
 administration, notably the conversion and protection 
 of the natives, were to be discussed and determined 
 in a council assisted by religious and secular prelates, 
 and prepared for its important task by a solemn in- 
 vocation of divine guidance during the deliberations. 
 As for the audiencia and its officers, special ordinances 
 were issued for their government. This body was to 
 sit daily, except on a dies non, beginning at an hour 
 varying with the seasons, any oidor tardy or absent 
 without good cause being fined. In all matters of 
 more than trival import there must be at least three 
 votes in accord. Only the members of the tribunal 
 were to be present at the time of voting, and in all 
 matters their votes, which were to be kept inviolably 
 secret, were to be recorded by the secretary, in a book 
 kept for the purpose, before the decision was made 
 public. 
 
 1^ In these ordinances there is some repetition of orders to be found in 
 the several c^dulas containing instructions given to the audiencia. In addi- 
 tion, the following rules were established for its guidance: A faithful record 
 of all its proceedings was to be kept, as well as a calendar of causes, which 
 should be considered in the order of their reception, and the mode of receiv- 
 ing and determining appeals was specified. The president and oidores were 
 to occupy the same residence, if possible, but in no case were any of them to 
 live with a lawyer or an official of their tribunal, nor could they receive gifts 
 from any such persons or from suitors. 
 
 In all cases not provided for in the instructions given to Ponce or those 
 now given to the audiencia, the laws of Spain were to be binding. The in- 
 structions may be found in the opening pages of Puga, Cedulario, and in 
 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii., and adjoining chapters. They are partly 
 incorporated in the general laws of Becoip. de Indias, Zamora, and Montemayor. 
 
 The broad and firm foundation of the laws of Spain is the Siete Partldas 
 of Alfonso X., called *The Wise,' who ascended the throne of Leon and 
 Castile in 1252. The designation was well bestowed. Although the costly 
 tables bearing his name are based upon the erroneous hjrpothesis of epicycles, 
 his knowledge of astronomy, of which his observatory in the palace at Segovia 
 is still a witness, was such as to gain for him among his subjects the reputation 
 of a warlock (by some of them he was also deemed a heretic because of the 
 remark not the least pregnant of his wis j sayings, that had he been present at 
 the creation he could have given some useful hints touching the better order- 
 ing of the universe); by his order the first chronicles of Spanish history were 
 compiled; he increased the efficiency of the university of Salamanca by en- 
 dowing it with new chairs, especially in the department of law; he aided in 
 the development of the language by ordering that all legal documents should 
 
282 THE FIRST AUDIEKCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 Armed with these extraordinary powers, the oidores 
 arrived at Vera Cruz the 6th of December, 1528. It 
 would seem that from the beginning they resolved to 
 stretch to its utmost limit the authority given them. 
 Determining not to await the arrival of their president 
 they sent him word of their intention,^^ and went on 
 at once to the capital, accompanied by the three regi- 
 dores of that city sent by the ayuntamiento to do them 
 honor. At Mexico that body had been busied for 
 several days preparing for their reception, and they 
 made their entry with great pomp, under triumphal 
 arches bearing inscriptions hailing their coming as 
 blessed since it was in God's service that they came.^^ 
 Although Matienzo was the oldest and most infirm of 
 the four, Maldonado and Parada had fallen victims to 
 the hardships of the voyage and the treachery of the 
 climate shortly after their arrival in the country,^^ 
 leaving their two associates in undisputed possession 
 of power. The president did not arrive until the end 
 of the month, entering upon his duties for the first 
 time on the 1st of January, 1529, at a joint meeting 
 
 be couched in Latin; and some of his poems are still preserved in the Escurial. 
 His enduring monument, however, is the great national code; and his name 
 has come down to us for transmission to future generations as the peer of 
 Theodosius and Justinian. This work was begun four years after he came to 
 the throne and finished seven years later, was the result of a dual in- 
 spiration drawn from the canon and the Roman laws, and was the most com- 
 plete system of laws yet given to western Europe. Nevertheless it was not 
 adopted even by Castile until the reign of Alfonso XL, who, at the celebrated 
 cdrtes of Alcala, held in 1348, recognized the Siete Partidas as the comple- 
 mentary code of the kingdom, and ordered that they should supply what was 
 lacking in the Gothic fueros and the ordenamiento of the cdrtes referred to. 
 The code takes its name from its division into seven parts, which treat, 
 respectively, of the Catholic faith; the rights and duties of earthly sovereigns; 
 justice and judges; matrimony; contracts; wills and inheritances; and 
 crimes. The earliest edition is that of Venice, printed in 1483, and very rare; 
 the best and latest, that of 1847, published at Paris, which follows the 
 correct text of a former edition issued under the auspices of the Spanish 
 academy, in which the forcible diction of the royal author is preserved ver- 
 batim, and adds thereto the Latin foot-notes of the learned Gregoria Lopez. 
 
 Vetancurt, Tratado de Mex. , 6, says that they did not advise the presi- 
 dent of their coming until after their arrival at the capital. 
 
 2® At a meeting of the cabildo, held on the 4th of December, the major- 
 domo of the city was authorized to pay all expenses incurred in the public 
 reception of the oidores. Libro de Cabildo, MS. 
 
 21 ' Antes que viniese a esta ciudad. ' Zumdrraga, Carta, in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 119. 
 
ARRIVAL OF THE OIDORES. 
 
 283 
 
 of the audiencia and the cabildo held for the election 
 of municipal officers, as was customary at the begin- 
 ning of the year. 
 
 The valley of Mexico, with its numerous towns, 
 teeming with a busy population, and rich in products 
 of the soil and workshop ; its stately capital, wherein 
 concentrated the wealth of the whole country — it must 
 have seemed a paradise to the not opulent oidores, 
 and to Guzman, fresh from the wilderness of Pdnuco. 
 From the beginning of their rule they were seized by 
 an insatiable avarice to which all things were made 
 subservient. Knowing that his hold on office was 
 provisional at the best, the president above all deter- 
 mined to take advantage of opportunities which at 
 any time might cease, and no persuasion was needed 
 on his part to gain the active cooperation of his col- 
 leagues. They had already been persuaded by the 
 wily factor Salazar, who found more than one power- 
 ful reason to prompt him in dancing attendance on 
 those in power. Having won their appreciation with 
 liberal gifts, he continued to point the way to extor- 
 tion and opposition, wherein he shared to a great 
 extent, and he figured indeed as the leading adviser 
 in nearly every evil transaction. Under his experi- 
 ence and advice the audiencia cast aside all duty to 
 the emperor, to justice, and to humanity. They 
 strengthened their hands for evil by usurping the 
 functions of the ordinary ministers of justice, while 
 the suppression of all letters directed to persons in 
 Spain which contained complaints of their conduct 
 shielded, if but temporarily, their iniquities.^^ 
 
 They kept themselves fully apprised of all occur- 
 
 22 < Mirando mas a sus particulares afetos, que al cuplimiento de las orde- 
 nan9as, e instruciones Reales, ni a la justicia.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. 
 xi. 'Despues, que se entroni9aron en el Govierno, no sola procedian como 
 Ministros de el Rei; sino como el mismo Rei.' Torquemada, i. 600. 
 
 Despatches to the home government were forcibly taken from friars 
 and couriers, as Zumarraga relates. Pacheeo and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 
 153. This unjustifiable meddling with private correspondence could not con- 
 tinue long with impunity. The queen, then governing, by a letter dated 
 July 31, 1529, forbade the practice, oy them or by any one else, under penalty 
 of perpetual exile from Spain and the Indies. Piuja, Cedulario, 21-2. 
 
m THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 rences, and when tidings came to Mexico of the recep- 
 tion of Cortes at court and the high favor he enjoyed 
 there, they feared lest he might come back clothed 
 with an authority greater than he had enjoyed pre- 
 viously, and decided upon a measure which seemed 
 to them best calculated to prevent this. They sum- 
 moned the procuradores of the cities and towns to 
 Mexico, ostensibly to treat of matters of general 
 public importance, but in reality to sign a petition 
 to the emperor that Cortes should not be allowed to 
 return to New Spain. The delegates brought with 
 them the lists of natives called for by the instructions 
 to the audiencia, and demanded that the repartimi- 
 entos should be allotted as had been ordered. This, 
 however, did not suit the purpose of the triumvirate, 
 and the demand was refused. In this Guzman was 
 guided by Salazar, who suggested that by giving and 
 taking away Indians at its will the audiencia would 
 be more powerful and more feared.^* In taking away 
 repartimientos — and they now took them from Jorge 
 de Alvarado, Gonzalo Meji'a, and others — it was as- 
 serted that they were to be reserved for the crown, 
 but they were given to men more pliable than their 
 late holders. 
 
 At length, thinking that in this way and by the 
 use of other questionable means the convention 
 had been sufficiently well packed, Guzman broached 
 his design against Cortes. But many of the pro- 
 curadores were conquerors, and with few exceptions 
 refused to sanction any action prejudicial to their old 
 commander. The wily president saw that he had 
 gone too far, and now proposed, with apparent good 
 faith, that a commission should be sent to Spain to 
 represent the real wants of the colony. The proposi- 
 tion was accepted, but when it came to a choice of 
 
 2* The scheming factor had so ingratiated himself with the president, that 
 soon afterward he was despatched to court in order to solicit for Guzman the 
 government of New Spain. Salazar actually embarked, but stress of weather 
 forced the ship ashore near the mouth of the Goazacoalco, and he returned to 
 Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 227. 
 
UNHAPPY MEXICO! 
 
 285 
 
 commissioners and the partisans of the audiencia put 
 in nomination Antonio de Carvajal and Bernardino 
 Vazquez de Tapia/^ declared enemies of Cortes, the 
 veterans, whose trust in him had come to be part of 
 their being, refused to take further part in the pro- 
 ceedings. For this refusal, the sturdy delegates, to 
 the number of one hundred, were banished from the 
 city, and the candidates were elected. They were 
 well furnished with gold wherewith to buy favor at 
 court, and instructed to say that, had not Estrada 
 thwarted it, Cortes would have succeeded in his trea- 
 sonable design, that he went to Spain only because 
 of this discover}^, and that the well-being of the 
 colony demanded that he should not return. The 
 privilege of a vote was to be asked for on the part of 
 Guzman, and in order to ward off the blow which the 
 audiencia knew would come, the bishops were to be 
 accused of meddling in secular matters under pretence 
 of protecting the Indians, while against the friars it 
 was to be alleged that a blind deference to Cortds, 
 if unreproved, would bring ruin on New Spain. At 
 this time Pedro de Alvarado arrived from Spain, and 
 busied himself in drawing up a representation in 
 favor of Cortes, which was signed by all who had 
 refused Guzman's request, besides others whom he 
 had cajoled or forced into the support of his plan. 
 Alvarado was on this occasion a stanch supporter of 
 his old commander. Foiled in their endeavor to warp 
 the popular will, the partisans of the audiencia re- 
 doubled their eiforts to defame Cortes. Later, Sala- 
 zar at a social gathering made a remark derogatory 
 to the emperor as well as calumniatory of the captain- 
 general.^^ The circumstaxice came to the knowledge 
 of Alvarado, who appeared before the audiencia ask- 
 
 2^Tapia had been factor for the army, and regidor of Mexico, which office 
 was conferred upon him in perpetuity. He afterwards became procurador 
 mayor, and alferez real, dying as a rich and prominent colonist some time 
 after 1552. Lihro de Cabildo, MS., passim; Beawmmtf CrOn, Mich., v. 229; 
 Mex. Arch., i. 35. 
 
 '■'^Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 227-8, 
 
286 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 ing leave to challenge Salazar, but the permission 
 was refused, and Guzman issued a decree declaring 
 that Alvarado "lied like the foul traitor that he was," 
 for Salazar had never uttered such a word. 
 
 Meanwhile the plundering schemes of Guzman and 
 his confederates widened like a dread disease, till 
 Spaniards and natives groaned under the infliction. 
 Their first step had been to extort gold from those 
 prominent chiefs whom as yet they dared not seize. 
 In this they were well served by a certain native in- 
 terpreter, at whose suggestion all caciques were ordered 
 to present themselves in Mexico for the consideration 
 of matters of importance. In accordance with custom 
 the chiefs brought with them rich gifts, which served 
 but to whet the unappeasable appetite of the recipients, 
 and the most generous of the givers were summoned 
 again and again. Among these was Francisco Cal- 
 tzontzin, king of Michoacan, who succumbed to his 
 generosity, for at length Guzman caused him to be 
 lodged in his own house, where he was constantly 
 subjected to exactions of treasure, which the presi- 
 dent retained for himself. Kepartimientos were seized 
 in every direction, and the natives forced to labor with- 
 out reward. The complaint of an individual thrall was 
 punished with stripes and torture; at the least sign 
 of discontent whole towns were declared in rebellion, 
 subdued by force of arms, and sold into captivity in 
 provinces remote from those of their birth. By their 
 victims this tyranny was contrasted with the treat- 
 ment they were wont to receive from Cortes, whereat 
 they all the more revered his name. These wrongs 
 they dared commit in the very neighborhood of the 
 capital, though more especially in the outlying prov- 
 mces. 
 
 2^ Among the outrages are instanced the crucifixion of a cacique to extort 
 gold, besides the hanging of minor individuals, and the appropriation of Guz- 
 man, for his mills, of the Tacubaya aqueduct, to the prejudice of 2,000 natives 
 who were dependent on its water. Zumdrraga, Carta, in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col. Doc^ xiii. 126-7, 161; Ternaux-Comipans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 
 115-16. 
 
ILL-TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. 
 
 287 
 
 One of the principal causes of complaint against 
 the audiencia was a too free permission to brand 
 natives, and it was alleged that the privilege was 
 paid for by associations formed for the purpose. So 
 many were branded and exported that some districts 
 were well nigh depopulated, partly also owing to the 
 retirement toward the interior of large numbers. The 
 clergy, headed by Bishop Zumdrraga, who had been 
 invested with the title and duties of protector of Ind- 
 ians, were powerless to stay these outrages, for to men 
 who held in contempt the commands of their earthly 
 sovereign, and in whose natures there was no instinct 
 of piety, the thunder of the church was indeed an 
 empty sound. On one occasion Guzman and his col- 
 leagues were present at mass when an over-zealous 
 friar took occasion to upbraid them from the pulpit. 
 He was forcibly removed by order of the president, 
 and ordered into exile ; the bishop himself being threat- 
 ened with violence for daring to remonstrate.^^ 
 
 The persecution of Spaniards was directed against 
 nearly every conqueror and wealthy man not of the 
 clique favored by Salazar, particularly the friends 
 of Cortes. With the power given the audiencia to 
 reform the distribution of repartimientos, there was 
 little difficulty in finding the needful pretence to dis- 
 possess holders from their estates, and bestow them 
 on favorites, after appropriating to themselves the 
 richest. Those against whom this process of sum- 
 mary eviction did not avail were attacked with judi- 
 cial arraignment for having infringed the laws con- 
 cerning gambling, payment of tithes, and the like, 
 and as false witnesses could always be found where 
 true evidence failed, fines were levied to an enormous 
 extent, and collected by hasty sale of property at ruin- 
 
 2^ ' Dijo el Presidente . . .me echara del pdlpito abajo.' Carta, in Pacheco and 
 Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 132. The practice, nevertheless, continued, if not 
 so openly, and finally led to the issuing of a royal letter prohibitory of excess 
 in language used in the pulpit concerning lay authority. Puga, Cedulario, 21. 
 
 ^^In Pacheco aud Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 127-9, is a long Ust of the 
 most prominent encomenderos thus dispossessed. 
 
288 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 ous prices, when the money was not forthcoming, 
 A large part of these fines found their way to the 
 pockets of the audiencia, by virtue of a decree which 
 assigned certain classes of tribunal revenue to the 
 settlements for constructing roads and other public 
 works. Against other victims of their greed or 
 hatred private suits were promoted, by which means 
 both passions were appeased. For instance, the wife 
 of Panfilo de Narvaez, apprehensive on his account, 
 sent from Cuba an agent, Zavalos, with authority to 
 collect what belonged to her husband. The reason of 
 his coming was not known in Mexico, and the oidores 
 easily persuaded him to complain before them for the 
 ill treatment of Narvaez, and loss of his property, 
 against all those soldiers of Cortes who had accom- 
 panied him in the expedition to Zempoala, and who 
 were at this time in Mexico. In consequence two 
 hundred and fifty of them were arrested, mulcted in 
 difi'erent amounts, and banished to the distance of five 
 leagues from the capital. 
 
 The members of the audiencia were always pre- 
 pared to remit the sentence of fine, imprisonment, or 
 exile, on receiving a substantial bribe. Indeed, a 
 large proportion of the suits were brought to intimi- 
 date the defendant into such a course, so that the 
 plaintiff was often the creature of the judge; or, if 
 not, he might be mulcted for defamation or other 
 offence, if the opposite party bribed the judges. 
 Appeals only evoked bitter persecution.^^ 
 
 Cortes was, after all, the chief object of attack, for 
 his wealth, and for his hostile attitude against Guz«. 
 
 ^''It was revoked in 1528. Ptiga, Cedulario, 51. 
 
 31 The latter part of the sentence was soon revoked, and in many cases 
 the fine was remitted, but the offence rankled. The audiencia also caused 
 proclamation to be made that all of Moorish lineage, any one of whose parents 
 or grandparents had been burned or sentenced to wear the sanbenito by the 
 Inquisition, should depart from New Spain. Condemnation to wear the san- 
 benito was the mildest form of punishment known to the holy tribunal. What 
 the garment was, and what its uses, I shall treat in detail when I come to 
 write of the Inquisition in Mexico. 
 
 2^ In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 136-44, are given long lists of 
 bribes accepted by the audiencia, to stay persecution or grant favors. 
 
RESIDENCIA OF CORTES. 
 
 28^ 
 
 man as the aggressive governor of Pdnuco. Fines 
 innumerable were levied upon his estates where seiz- 
 ures could not be made, and his agents suffered not a 
 little in seeking to protect the interests intrusted to 
 them.^^ This vindictiveness was carried out chiefly 
 under cover of the residencia to which the audiencia 
 had been ordered to submit Cortes and other royal 
 officers.^* Immediately on arriving, they took steps 
 to call witnesses and frame questions for indictments. 
 These embraced the usual points concerning malfeas- 
 ance by the executive; maleadministration of justice; 
 disobedience of royal orders ; neglect or perversion in 
 connection with revenue ; favoritism and other abuses 
 in bestowal of oflices, and in supervision of municipal 
 affairs ; oppression or neglect of the natives, and social 
 misdemeanor, relating to immorality, gambling, and 
 blasphemy. Besides these there were the special 
 charges sent in since the first year of the conquest by 
 the royal oflicers and other enemies, embracing the 
 disloyal intent to revolt from the allegiance to Spain, 
 with the aid of Spanish and native confederates, sup- 
 ported by artillery and forts ; the use of regal cere- 
 monies; the embezzlement of several millions in 
 treasures and rental; the acceptance of a special fifth, 
 like that of the sovereign, and the withholding of 
 revenue due to the crown; the appropriation of prov- 
 inces assigned to the crown, and of a million and a 
 half of vassals, with some two hundred rent-rolls; 
 abuse and outrages against private and official persons, 
 including the murder of his wife and of the two royal 
 commissioners. Ponce de Leon and his successor. 
 
 The preparations made, the residencia was pro- 
 claimed February 11, 1529. All persons were en- 
 
 ^^To judge from Cortes' complaints on this score, one is led to suppose 
 that hardly anything was left of his vast estates, * Demas de haberme to- 
 rnado toda cuanta hacienda, mueble y raiz yo deje en esta Nueva Espana, me 
 quitaron los dichos pueblos [all, he adds], 6 me han dejado sin tener de ddnde 
 haya una hanega de pan . . , se han muerto mas de cient personas de las que en 
 mi compania traje, por falta de refriserios y necesidad de provisiones. ' Cartas 
 October 10, 1530, in Escritos Sueltos, 181-2, and other letters. 
 For 90 days. Puga, Cedulario, 6, 7; Cortes, Residencia, i. 2, 6. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II 19 
 
290 
 
 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 couraged to come forward and enter complaints, no 
 matter how trivial or ill founded, or even if devoid of 
 any foundation. Envy and discontent during a series of 
 years had gathered in some quarters and concentrated 
 against Cortes as head of the faction which had caused 
 their real or fancied injuries. The charges sometimes 
 assumed the form of pure calumnies instigated by 
 blind hatred. Few witnesses dared testify in favor 
 of the accused, save in a negative manner, and thi« 
 feature tended to stamp the entire testimony as of 
 little or no value. Nevertheless the audiencia de- 
 clared as proven that Cortes had in 1519 usurped the 
 supreme authority by wrongful means, and was con- 
 sequently guilty of illegal and disloyal conduct in 
 punishing those who had opposed his authority, such 
 as Narvaez, Villafane, and Tapia, and in the enactment 
 of many measures which might have been justifiable 
 in a legally appointed officer. These charges were 
 followed by various indictments for injury committed 
 against the person and property of opponents. Trea- 
 sonable utterances and acts were enumerated, also 
 embezzlements and seizures. The torture of Quauh- 
 temotzin, the execution of caciques and vassals by the 
 thousands, and the desolation of provinces for gold 
 and slaves, were prominently noted among his crimes 
 by Guzman, from whom they came with appropriate 
 grace. The operations against Garay and Olid were 
 not omitted, and his conduct in relation to Ponce 
 de Leon and Aguilar gave rise to several disloyal 
 charges, although their death was not openly laid 
 upon him 
 
 The agents of Cortes, Diego de Ocampo and Licen- 
 tiate Altamirano, filed their refutation of the charges 
 through Garcia de Llerena, accompanied by counter- 
 charges for malicious attacks on their principal, and 
 
 ^^The indictment covers over 50 pages in Pacheco and Cu7'denas, Col. Doc, 
 xxvii. 5-59. In pages 190-301 is given the reply of Cortds' agents, denying or 
 refuting the charges. The charge of murdering his wife formed a special 
 subject of inquiry. 
 
EXCOMMUNICATION. 
 
 291 
 
 for spoliation of his estates, and this in so fearless a 
 manner as to bring upon them the wrath of this most 
 just audiencia, Altamirano was exiled, after losing 
 his property, and Llerena was forced to seek refuge 
 in a sanctuary. Their successful defiance of the church 
 so far had made the audiencia wholly regardless of its 
 protests, and Delgadillo proceeded to forcibly take 
 forth Llerena for exemplary dealing, driving back at 
 lance-point the body of friars led by the bishop elect 
 in defence of the victim and of the sacred rights of 
 the temple. After this extreme outrage nothing re- 
 mained but to launch the ban of excommunication 
 against the desecrators. As this ban affected only 
 the two oidores, no popular demonstration occurred, 
 as with Salazar in 1525 to compel submission, and 
 the hardened oidores took no notice of it, but pro- 
 ceeded severely against their prisoner, whereupon 
 the ban was reissued. When Cortes returned from 
 Spain, fresh replies were made to the indictment 
 against him, and it remained pending for several 
 years before the Council of the Indies, receiving little 
 more attention than it deserved. A few fines were 
 about all the penalty inflicted. 
 
 The proceedings in the residencias of the royal 
 officials went on according to the feelings of the 
 members of the audiencia in each particular case. 
 Estrada wisely reminded the emperor of the old 
 quarrel with Guzman, and requested that the presi- 
 dent should not sit in judgment upon him. The 
 
 It was proclaimed in March 1530, and remained in force even in the fol- 
 lowiq^ year. Guzman had already left for Jalisco, so that he escaped. The 
 document relating to the ban is given in the appendix to A laman, Disert. , i. 
 215-17. Angulo, the companion of Llerena, was executed, the latter manag- 
 ing to escape with a lighter sentence. The new audiencia caused the ban to 
 be removed. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 140. 
 
 2^ By cedula of February 8, 1537, Cortes was ordered to appear in Spain, 
 in person or by proxy, to hear sentence. The death of Ponce de Leon and 
 other points were revived in later years. All the documents relating to the 
 residencia and its results have not been preserved or published. A portion, 
 relating to the inimical testimony and a few other j)oints, was published at 
 Mexico in 1852, in two volumes, under the supervision of Ignacio L. Rayon, 
 with careful adherence to the original. This, together with a mass of docu- 
 ments bearing on the residencia of the other officials, and on the later suits 
 of Cortes, has been reproduced in Pacheco and Cardenas^ Col. Doc, xxvi.-xxix. 
 
292 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 request was granted and the rectitude of his rule was 
 established, but the turn affairs had taken so weighed 
 upon him that vexation of spirit soon brought about 
 his death.^^ Salazar and Peralmindez were also held 
 blameless, and Guzman praised them highly to the 
 emperor. Shortly after arriving, the audiencia sought 
 to interfere also in Guatemala, and sent Francisco de 
 Orduna to take the residencia of Jorge de Alvarado, 
 as is related elsewhere.^^ 
 
 Among the three members of the audiencia Mati- 
 enzo was the least culpable^ for Delgadillo vied with 
 Guzman in arbitrary acts. All three, moreover, in 
 everything save the paramount matter of money- 
 getting, were greatly influenced by favorites, and these 
 of both sexes, for all were given to gallantry, Delga- 
 dillo excessively so.^^ In this connection they were 
 not ungenerous, but then their liberality cost nothing 
 save bitter denunciation and lament on the part of 
 those from whom the gifts, in treasure and estates, 
 had been wrung. 
 
 Even their few aids to progress and beneficent acts 
 were but the means of further extortions. Delga- 
 dillo, for instance, fostered sericulture, but his opera- 
 tions were conducted in such a manner as finally to 
 bring upon him a fine. Antequera, the capital of 
 
 Had Estrada manifested a reasonable amount of spirit in asserting him- 
 self, it is not impossible that his appointment as governor might have been 
 confirmed. His old comrades would have stood by him, for they approved of 
 all that he had done. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 227. 
 
 ^^See vol. ii. Hist. Cent. Am. The charges against the officials are to be 
 found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxviii.-xxix., passim. Alcalde 
 Mayor Ortega's case was pending as late as 1541. 
 
 *® In open day he forcibly took from the asylum founded by Cortes two 
 beautiful native girls and carried them to his house. He sent another Ind- 
 ian woman, together with 3,000 pesos, to Spain; but the woman was set at 
 liberty and the money seized by the crown. Zumdrraga, Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 134; Cartas delnd., 748. In the most shame- 
 less manner this man admitted from the cabildo, in return for his favor, the 
 gift of some land next to that belonging to his brother, Juan Perez Berrio, 
 whom he protected in the tyranny and extortion of which he was guilty as 
 the alcalde mayor of Oajaca. 
 
 ^/v'ben Albornoz returned from Spain with his bride he received from 
 Guzma.n the town of Guazpaltepec, belonging to Sandoval. Bernal Diaz, 
 Hist. Verdad. y 228-9. Even the menials of the oidores received valuable grants 
 thus seized. 
 
GUZMAN FEAKS FOR HIMSELF. 
 
 293 
 
 Oajaca, was founded by this audiencia, but upon land 
 wrested from Cortes; and with a view to injure him. 
 
 Where oppression had not produced tlie hatred of 
 all save their own creatures, and those whose interest 
 lay in courting their favor, the estrangement increased 
 rapidly. In less than a twelvemonth the general 
 discontent had reached a point which bordered on 
 disloyalty.*^ 
 
 Guzman was too sagacious long to be blind to the 
 signs of storm fast coming from across the sea. And 
 now letters from Spain plainly warned him of his ap- 
 proaching downfall. The brilliant scheme of further 
 conquest planned by Cortes had been made apparent 
 to the crafty lawyer who had just presided at his 
 trial. It was no mere after-math for the gleaner's 
 hand which awaited him first afield, but an abundant 
 harvest, and to Guzman's ignoble nature, that Cortes 
 was absent was no reason why another might not 
 forestall him.*^ Hoping, therefore, to regain by an 
 offer of subjugated provinces the favor he had for- 
 feited, and moved by a desire to take advantage of 
 the errors into which his colleagues were sure to fall, 
 he now proposed an expedition to Jalisco. On their 
 part the oidores for the furtherance of their own 
 ends desired his absence, and consented readily that 
 the president should become its leader. 
 
 By generous gifts to captains in his confidence, 
 chief among whom were Cristobal de Oiiate, Rodrigo 
 de Albornoz, and Peralmindez Chirinos, of pueblos 
 which of right belonged to Cortes and others, by 
 
 *2 * El afeto de los Oydores daua materia, para que sucediessen atreui- 
 mientos e libertades: i ansi andauan las cosas con mucha confusion, i de- 
 suerguen9a.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. xi. 
 
 ^-'The mineral wealth of Miclioacan had roused general interest, and 
 Guzman is said to have secured possession of mines there before this time. 
 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii. Some authorities even state that he had 
 received special information concerning rich and populous towns in the north- 
 western region, from a native in his employ and whose father had visited 
 them. Castaneda, in Ternaux-Covipans, Voy., s6riei. tom. ix. 1-5. Repeated 
 in Davifi' El Grinyo, 58-9; Schoolcraft's Arch., iv. 22; Domeneclis Deserts, i. 
 167-8, and elsewhere. This seems to have been the beginning of the reports 
 v/hich gradually extended to the seven cities of Cibola, so famous, as we shall 
 see, a little later. 
 
294 
 
 THE FIRST AUDIENCIA AND ITS MISRULE. 
 
 means of liberal bounties and seductive promises to 
 some, while the unwilling were forced to enlist or to 
 send substitutes, Guzman succeeded in recruiting a 
 sufficient number of men in Guatemala, Oajaca, and 
 elsewhere. He filled his military chest by seizure of 
 funds belonging to the crown, an act involving a con- 
 structive arrest of the treasury officials who opposed 
 him,** and the extortion of forced loans from the 
 wealthy of the city, though this was forbidden by law. 
 Preparations for the campaign though hasty were 
 thorough, and greatly facilitated because of the almost 
 omnipotent power enjoyed by the president, and just 
 before Christmas*^ he hastened to his usual pleasant 
 pastime in fresh fields at the head of the largest and 
 best equipped army that as yet had marched under 
 the royal banner in the New orld, consisting as it 
 did of two hundred horse, three hundred foot soldiers, 
 and some artillerymen with twelve guns, together 
 with at least ten thousand Tlascaltecs and Mexicans/^ 
 Two chaplains, joined afterward by two others, accom- 
 panied the force, and Guzman took with him the 
 unfortunate Caltzontzin, who, after having been forced 
 to minister to the avarice of his jailer, was so soon to 
 become his victim.*^ 
 
 **This amount was 6,033 pesos de oro. The second audiencia was in- 
 structed (see Pu(ja, Cedulario, 45) to collect this amount from Guzman, or 
 failing this, from the property of the royal officials who had given it without 
 authority. 
 
 Pilar, 248, writes 22d, while Mota Padilla makes the date early in 
 November. 
 
 These figures are but approximate, hardly two authorities being in 
 accord. Guzman's own estimate, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 294, 
 350-93, and in jRamusio, iii. 331, is the lowest, and gives 150 horsemen, as 
 many footmen, and from 7,000 to 8,000 auxiliaries. According to l^orque- 
 onada, i. 348, and Villa Senor, Theatro, ii. 203^, there were 250 of the former 
 and twice that number of the latter. Viceroy Mendoza, in a letter to Charles 
 v., speaks of 400 Spaniards and 14,000 natives. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. viii. 
 cap. i., estimates the natives at 8,000, excluding carriers and those obtained 
 later in Michoacan. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 69, says there were 800 Spanish sol- 
 diers. Fuenleal complains of the loss to the settlements of this withdrawal 
 of men, and urges more stringent laws against such operations. Carta, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 215-16. 
 
 *^ Garcia del Pilar, the conquistador and interpreter, who had suggested to 
 Guzman the ingenious plan of inviting the caciques to Mexico that they might 
 be rol)bed, says, Relacion, in Icazhalceti, Col. Doc, ii. 248, that Caltzontzin 
 welcomed the president to his capital, that he complied with a requisition for 
 
THE SHAMELESS OIDORES. 
 
 295 
 
 Nevertheless, though rogues fell out honest men 
 did not receive their dues; the oidores, freed of 
 Guzman's rivalry, kept the shameless tenor of their 
 course, reckless of the reckoning-day. The Spanish 
 government had received the petition instigated by 
 the audiencia and praying that Cortes should not be 
 allowed to return to New Spain, but with it was the 
 representation forwarded by Pedro de Alvarado, as 
 well as letters from many of those who had signed 
 the first of these documents, making it evident that 
 they had done so under compulsion. Then came the 
 letter of Zumarraga and the clergy, which the bishop 
 managed to smuggle into Spain concealed within a 
 hollow wooden image sent by a faithful retainer with 
 the pretence that he wished to show them at home 
 the advancement made by the natives in sculpture/^ 
 This letter Zumarraga had read to other prominent 
 clergymen who signed it jointly with him. In it 
 were given details of the audiencia's misrule, and the 
 statement was made that, to secure the prosperity of 
 the people and the propagation of the faith, there was 
 needed an upright man both able and willing to com- 
 prehend the condition of the country and shape aright 
 its destinies. It was shown that New Spain was 
 given over to disorder; that the hatred of the presi- 
 dent and oidores, displayed on all occasions toward 
 Cortes and those who sustained him, resulted from 
 envy and avarice alone ; that the clergy were not only 
 unable to aid Spaniard or Indian, but were powerless 
 to save even themselves from persecution. In con- 
 clusion, the writers disclaimed all motive for their 
 complaint other than the greater glory of God and 
 the desire of loyal subjects to serve the crown.*^ 
 
 8,000 Indians, and that three days afterward he was seized by his treacherous 
 guest. But the interpreter was a particeps criminis iu the iniquities of his 
 chief, and is unworthy of belief. 
 
 **^lt was conveyed by a sailor, says Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 631. In a buoy, 
 adds Vetancurt, Aparic, Guad., 7; Fernandez, Hist. Ecks., 59. 
 
 Zumdrra/ja^ Carta^ in PcLcheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 104 et seq. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTIIS IN SPAIN. 
 1527-1529. 
 
 Vicissitudes ov the First See — Bishop Julian Gauges — The Iconoclast 
 
 ZUMARRAGA — LAMENTABLE VANDALISM — CHARACTER OF THE ClERGY — 
 
 Arrival of Dominicans — Rivalry of the Orders — Introduction of 
 Nuns — Meeting of Cortes and Pizarro — Death of an Ideal Soldier — 
 Excitement over Cortes' Arrival in Spain — Playing the Gallant— 
 His Reception by the Emperor — Marks of Favor — He is Made a 
 Marquis with Large Grants — Politic Soothings of Discontent- 
 Why He Lost the Governorship — His Contract for South Sea Dis- 
 coveries — His Bride and Jewels — Papal Concessions — Return to 
 New Spain — Ovation to the Hero — Hostility of the Oidores. 
 
 New Spain had assumed the position of Castile's 
 leading colony in the Indies, and the cross had ex- 
 tended its sway from ocean to ocean before the church 
 proper stepped forward to assume control. Never- 
 theless a see and a bishop had been granted prior 
 to a single conversion. On the strength of the glow- 
 ing reports brought by the expeditions of Cordoba 
 and Grijalva, Bishop Fonseca had hastened to confer 
 upon his confessor, Julian Garces, a Dominican, the 
 title of bishop of Cozumel, and this proving an in- 
 significant island, his jurisdiction was extended over 
 Yucatan.^ The peninsula remained unsettled, how- 
 ever, and the see was in 1526 extended over the 
 Tabasco and Vera Cruz districts to Chiapas, including 
 
 1 ' Obispado llamado Carolense, y Santa Maria de los Remedies, en la 
 Peninsula de Yucatan.' By bull of January 24, 1518, corresponding to the 
 civil year 1519. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 241-2, 227-40, with copies of bull, 
 etc. He was bishop on September 6, 1519, says Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes.y 
 i. 80; while the date in Nueva Espafia, Breve Bes., MS., 225, is January 9, 
 1518; and in Iglentas y Conventos de Mex., 324, October 13, 1519. See also 
 Co(jollvdo, Hist. Ym., 16, 17. 
 
 (296> 
 
JULIAN GARCES, BISHOP, 
 
 297 
 
 Tlascala, the latter being designated as the centre 
 and episcopal seat, chiefly as a mark of favor to this 
 loyal little state, and partly because of its location.^ 
 
 Thus commissioned, Father Julian presented himself 
 in October 1527^ to assume charge, and was hailed 
 with all the demonstrations properly attending the 
 reception of the first prelate. A septuagenarian of 
 a noble Aragonese family and of brilliant attainments, 
 which had procured for him the position of royal 
 chaplin,* he couid not fail to command great respect, 
 even if his influence was not widely felt among the 
 tumultuous factions w^hich kept the country in a fer- 
 ment. He arrived in the midst of the disputes be- 
 tween Cortes and Estrada, and exerted himself to 
 conciliate these unquiet spirits ; after which he retired 
 to Tlascala, there to pursue his duties with the zeal 
 and energy of a younger man, holding aloof as much 
 as possible from political affairs.^ 
 
 The limits assigned to his see indicated that another 
 was already under consideration, to embrace the more 
 important districts of the lake valley and the prom- 
 ising regions west and south. The bishopric was 
 indeed decided upon about the same time that Garces 
 obtained the Tlascala see,^ and was offered to the 
 xleserving and highly esteemed Pedro de Gante, who 
 since 1523 had labored as Franciscan lay brother in 
 
 2 For limits, see Concilios Prov., 1555-65, loc. cit. The papal bull was dated 
 October 13, 1525 corresponding to 1526, and the royal decree, September 19, 
 1526. 
 
 ^Mex. Extractos de Cedidas, MS.. 7. 
 
 *Born at Munebrega in 1452, he had studied at the university of Paris, 
 and attained a high record for learning, which assisted to advance him in his 
 order. *Llamabanle por su eloqiiente Latiuidad el segundo Nebrija, y redivio 
 Ciceron.* Granados, Tardes, 334. Fonseca first designated him for the see of 
 Cuba, ere he proposed the delusive advancement to Cozumel. Herrera, dec. ii. 
 lib. iii. nap. xi., and previous authorities; also Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 
 465-6; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles.^ 112-13; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orhis, 104; 
 CamargOy Hist. Tlax., 192. 
 
 ^ The cathedral erected by him was ' dedicada a la Concepcion Immaculada 
 de Maria,' Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 243, 
 
 ^It was created October 13, 1525. Morelli, Fast?, Novi Orhis, 104; Villa 
 Sehor, Theatro, i. 28. This date is confirmed by the very limitation of the 
 Tlascala see, and despite the assertions of Lorenzana and other authorities, 
 who confound the buU of 1530 for the bishop and cathedral with that for the 
 see. 
 
298 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— COKTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 Mexico Valley, foremost as teacher and apostle. 
 Deserving and well fitted as he was for the post, the 
 offer is said to have been due chiefly to his relation- 
 ship to Charles V/ He had more than once been 
 urged by his superiors and others to accept prefer- 
 ment in his order and in the church, but had always 
 declined to leave his humble position, and to this 
 decision he still adhered. The see was thereupon 
 bestowed, the 12th of December, 1527,^^ on Juan de 
 Zumarraga,^ guardian of the Franciscan convent of 
 Abrojo. 
 
 The emperor was in the habit of retiring to this 
 place occasionally for meditation, and had become im- 
 pressed by the zeal and austerity of the friar, and by 
 his efficient conduct in suppressing witchcraft in Bis- 
 cay. Such qualities appeared to be needed in a country 
 so racked by abominable superstitions and reckless 
 factions, and as the first audiencia was about to leave 
 for New Spain when the appointment was made, Zu- 
 marraga received orders to accompany them without 
 waiting for consecration. He was invested with the 
 additional power of protector of the Indians, and 
 ordered to watch over the observance of the many 
 laws issued in favor of his oppressed proteges. 
 
 On arriving at Mexico he found it extremely diffi-r 
 cult to carry out these instructions, for a check upon 
 the ill treatment of the natives touched the nearest 
 interests of the settlers. The audiencia instead of aid- 
 
 'See Beaumont f Cr6n. Mich., iii> 251. 
 
 ^Cedula, in Bamirez, Doc, MS., 5, granting him control of tithes. 
 
 ^He was born at Durango — 'at Zumarraga,' says Vetancurt, Menolog., 61, 
 if so, a village subject to Durango — in 1468, and after assuming the Franciscan 
 habit he rose rapidly to the positions of guardian, definidor, and provincial. 
 Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 19 et seq.; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 
 69; Torquemada, iii. 448. 
 
 The bull confirming his appointment was issued only on September 2, 
 1530. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 2Vi. Beaumont adds, ' Clemente VIL, en con- 
 sistorio secret© de 12 Agosto de 1530. . .erigid la catedral de Mexico.* 
 Cr6n. Mich., iii. 251-3; and, confounding this act with the erection, he wrongly 
 challenges Calle, Mem. y Not. Gonzalez Davila, loc. cit., assumes that he 
 was consecrated at Tlascala by Garces, but he is wrong in both date and fact. 
 The different letters of the two audiencias call him simply 'bishop elect.* 
 Pdclteco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 119, etc. We shall follow him back to 
 8pain for consecration in a few years. 
 
PIOUS VANDALISM. 
 
 299 
 
 ing him opposed every measure, as we have seen, and 
 even came to open conflict with him, leading to the 
 excommunication of the two oidores. While correct 
 enough in his course, he was thought to use the pulpit 
 too freely for commenting on the acts of the officials, 
 and the second audiencia received power not only to 
 restrain his language, but to limit his interference as 
 protector. Yet this was but the spirit of the arch- 
 enemy of witchcraft which had so captivated Charles ; 
 and checked in one direction, it broke out in another. 
 His zeal was vehement. Eager to extend the faith, 
 and observing how difficult it was for the people to 
 receive it, he thought the cause must be the heathen 
 relics which kept alive in their hearts their ancient 
 history and religion, hallowed by time, and consecrated 
 by persecution and suffering. Avaricious conquerors 
 and zealous friars had left few public monuments to be 
 cherished, but in the homes of the natives was many 
 a treasured image, and many a picture record of ab- 
 original tradition, art, industry, and society. 
 
 This chain of bondage to old memories must be 
 broken ; and in imitation of the example set not long 
 before by Jimenez in regard to the Moors, Zumdrraga 
 started out his friars and loyal neophytes on a fresh 
 and searching raid, notably for the abominable scrolls 
 and manuscripts, wherein every sign or picture seemed 
 to the prelate the embodiment of satanic art and 
 witchery. From local and family archives, from public 
 places and from private houses they were brought and 
 cast into one vast pile in the market-place and there 
 burned. It was the crowning act of misguided zeal ! 
 And what a pyre was there ! Kecords of the strange un- 
 foldings of an aboriginal civilization, of half-developed 
 myths, of curious customs, of evolving sciences, per- 
 haps of arts already lost. This pious vandalism was 
 not confined to Mexico city, but in all the larger cities 
 and towns great heaps of human experiences were 
 gathered and committed to the flames. And like 
 these pillars of smoke, which on every side were seen 
 
300 
 
 ERECTION or BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAVIN. 
 
 ascending to heaven, shall this act of the first bishop 
 of Mexico forever rise before our minds as dark and 
 unwise. And those fires smouldered, now and then 
 lighted afresh — ay, for centuries before church and 
 laity began to realize what they were doing. How 
 fared the results of Boturini's researches? how fared 
 later the archives of Mexico and of the states to the 
 south 
 
 Notwithstanding the grievous mistake he had com- 
 mitted, Zumarraga's fiery zeal could not fail to achieve 
 also much real good. Quick to observe and of fluent 
 speech, he succeeded in teaching, during the first years 
 at least, a wholesome lesson to the mercenary and 
 indolent of the clergy who formed his staft?^ Among 
 the settlers this address proved less effective, owing 
 to the shock given to his influence by the audiencias. 
 For the natives he ever appeared a champion, as must 
 be expected from his position as missionary, bishop, 
 and protector. His jurisdiction was rapidly extending 
 with the formation of settlements in differenf; quarters, 
 and the spread of conversion under the daily increas- 
 ing band of friars,^^ who were penetrating southward 
 into Oajaca and Guatemala, and north-westward into 
 Michoacan and New Galicia. 
 
 ^^Even among sixteenth-century men, however, there were those who 
 objected, though passively, to the destruction at lease of the temple-buildiug3; 
 and Torquemada, iii. 47-50, finds it necessary to come forth in defence of the 
 deed. Vetancurt, Chron., 4, etc., speaks in a similar strain. The emperor wrote 
 approval, as Gonzalez Davila, TeatroEdes., i. 26, fails not to point out. Among 
 modern writers there is but one opinion, of condemnation, although Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mej., iv. 388-9, seeks to magnify the efforts of later missionaries to 
 repair the inj^^ry by preserving what knowledge they could gather. Others 
 chose to regard the loss as trifling, one writer in U. S. Cath. Mag., 1844, 142, 
 taking this view on the ground that Aztec hieroglyphics were undecipherable! 
 
 ^2 There was evident need for reform., as accusations were already made 
 against friars and clergy during this first decade, and an imputation against 
 their morality stands forth glaringly in royal cedulas for this period, wherein 
 public mistresses of the representatives of the church and of married men are 
 made subject to certain fines, and to banishment and lashes in extreme cases. 
 Pu'ja, Cedulario, 54-5. The term *x)ublic mistresses' indicates that secret 
 concubinage was not greatly condemned. 
 
 ^^In 1527 and the following years regular reenforcements of friars came, 
 according to Vetancurt, Chron., 4, and other writers; yet Herrera states that 
 before 1531 there were not over 100 in New Spain, of all orders combined. 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 407. Friar Jacobo de Testera obtained permission 
 to bring 120 Franciscans, who arrived after this date. Torquemada, iii. 261, 
 305, 310. 
 
THE DOMINICANS. 
 
 301 
 
 The Franciscans did not long labor alone, for other 
 orders hastened to share in the promising harvest. 
 Early among these were the Dominicans, twelve of 
 whom were sent from Spain, in company with the 
 twelve Franciscans. Their head, Vicar-general Tomas 
 Ortiz, was detained at court for a time, and his asso- 
 ciates waited for him at Santo Domingo. He joined 
 them finally with an additional number, and from the 
 whole selected the symbolic twelve^* with whom he 
 reached Vera Cruz in June 1526, in company with 
 Ponce de Leon. 
 
 The malady which brought to his death this prom- 
 inent personage wrought havoc with the friars, as 
 well as others, and soon their number was reduced to 
 seven. Friar Tomds, who on a former occasion had 
 evinced little regard for the glories of martyrdom, 
 hereupon took alarm and hastened to depart with 
 three of his companions, leaving Padre Betanzos alone 
 with Deacon Lucero and the novice Casas. 
 
 Among those who accompanied Ortiz, chiefly on 
 account of ill health, was Vicente de Santa Maria, a 
 favorite of the Dominican general. Finding himself 
 safe again on his native shore, his missionary zeal 
 blazed up anew, and with assistance from the sover- 
 eign he returned to New Spain in 1528, at the head 
 
 ^* His second company from Spain consisted of seven besides himself, and 
 from the nine survivors at Santo Domingo he selected the remainder„ Men- 
 dieta gives the names of the seven as Vicente de Santa Maria, Tomas de Ber- 
 langa, Domingo de Sotomayor, Pedro de Santa Maria, Justo de Santo Domingo, 
 Gonzalo Lucero, and Bartolome de Calzadilla, the last two deacon and lay 
 brother, respectively; and those who joined at Santo Domingo as Domingo 
 de Betanzos, Diego Ruiz, Pedro Zambrano, and Vicente de las Casas, novice. 
 Hist. Ecles. , 363-4. Torquemada writes in one place Ramirez instead of Ruiz. 
 Several old authorities, including the Dominican chronicler Remesal, appear 
 ignorant of this formation of the band, the latter giving a list made some 
 time after their arrival, which embraces two novices received at Mexico. 
 Hist. Ghya'pa, 11, 12. See also Ddvila PacUlla, Hist. Fvnd. 3Iex., 3; Vetan- 
 cort, in Monumentos Domin. Esp.^ MS., 34. Ortiz had gained his position 
 chiefly through his service as vicar at Chiribichi, Torquemada^ iii. 40, 598, 
 whence he escaped from the massacre perpetrated by the natives. His in- 
 triguing character has already been pointed out. 
 
 ^''Remesal mentions four of the dead. Davila, Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex.^ 
 4, has five names. Ortiz left with Betanzos, as prelate, and held * tambien el 
 oficio de Comissario de la Inquisicion, ' i?cmesa?. Hist. Ghya'pa, 41, hitherto 
 exercised by the Franciscan custodian, yet we find Aguilar named by Cortes 
 as inquisitor. 
 
302 
 
 ERECTION OF BISHOPHICS— CORT^:S IN SPAIN. 
 
 of a larger company than the first, though sickness 
 and other causes reduced the number to six before he 
 reached Mexico. Installed as vicar-general and in- 
 quisitor, he gave an impulse to mission work, re- 
 enforced as he was shortly after by a dozen or more 
 friars. ^'^ 
 
 At first they agreed very well with the Franciscans, 
 who surrendered to them several districts already 
 occupied,^^ and joined in opposing many of the iniqui- 
 tous measures of the audiencia; but soon the old 
 rivalry broke out, creating not only a division on 
 public questions, but internal dissensions, which found 
 vent chiefly on the subject of Indian treatment, and 
 the forcible spread of conversion, the Franciscans 
 favoring the alhance of sword and cross. The larger 
 number of the latter, and their earlier occupation of 
 the field, gave them precedence among both settlers 
 and natives, and the Dominicans were obliged to 
 exert themselves for a share of influence. Some 
 features of their order gave them an advantage, and 
 they attracted attention by the imposing beauty of 
 their convent. 
 
 Among the early missions founded by the order 
 were those of Pdnuco, Oajaca, and Guatemala. 
 That of Oajaca was intrusted to Lucero, now a 
 
 Names in Granados, Tardes, 330-1. Remesal seeks vainly to account 
 for the falling away of the priests. At first it was proposed to take 40, but 
 a number of these were directed to Venezuela, and Santa Maria left with 24. 
 They were given free passage, 1,500 pesos for a convent, 100 pesos for robes 
 and other necessaries. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ii. 
 
 ^'^ 'Entre todos fueron veinte y dos,' before Betanzos went to bring more. 
 Mendkta, Hist. Ecles., 364. Several of these attained the dignity of bishops. 
 
 Notably Tlahuac, Coyuhuacan, Amequemecan, east of the capital, and 
 other sections. Vetancvrt, Chron., 26. 
 
 * Che 6 vno de i grandi & f orti edificij & buoni che sia in Spagna. ' Eel. 
 Gentilihvmo, in JRamusio, iii. 309. It was founded in September 1526 on the 
 street named in consequence Santo Domingo, Libro de Cabildo, September 17, 
 1526; but according to a writer in Monumentos Domln. Esp., MS., 329, it was 
 occupied only in 1530. It was afterward surrendered to the inquisition 
 office, which again has given place to a medical school. The convent was 
 removed to the site now occupied, and dedicated in 1575. Torquenwuda^ iii. 
 40; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 62-4. 
 
 Convents were also erected at Puebla, Vera Cruz, Goazacoalco, in the 
 towns transferred by the Franciscans, and notably among the Miztecs and 
 Zapotecs. Fernandez, Hist, Ecles., 75; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 
 210. 
 
THE MERCED FATHERS. 
 
 303 
 
 priest,^^ and to Deacon Minaya, who in the middle of 
 1529 founded the first convent at Antequera,^^ about 
 the time that Betanzos had undertaken his apostolic 
 tour to Guatemala, there to lay the foundation of 
 Dominican labors. 
 
 When Cortes returned from Spain in 1530 he 
 brought twelve friars of the order of mercy, endeared 
 to him by the sage and gentile influence of Father 
 Olmedo. Their leader, Juan de Legmzamo, acted as 
 confessor to his family. Under the special care of 
 the marchioness came besides a number of Concepcion 
 nuns, who founded the first nunnery under the name 
 of Concepcion Purisima. It was endowed by four 
 young ladies who had already sought shelter from 
 the world in the house of Andres de Tapia, and who 
 now assisted in spreading the order throughout New 
 Spain, and in training its noble maidens. 
 
 Cortes had meanwhile embarked with friends, and 
 after touching at the Islands to display his retinue 
 and riches, he entered the famous little seaport of 
 
 2^ Bom at San Juan del Cuerno, Andalusia, of poor parents. He per- 
 fected his education after admittance to the order. After 1535 he was 
 removed frpm Oajaca to Miztecapan, where he died. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., 
 i. 8-20. 
 
 22 Twelve building sites were granted on July 24, 1529. The establish- 
 ment became a priory in 1549. Id., Palestra, 1-15; Carriedo, Estudlos Hist., 
 98, 121. 
 
 2^ As early as 1527, says Remesal, though it must have been a little later. 
 He returned to Mexico in 1531, thence to undertake an important mission to 
 Rome. Hist. Chyapa, 51-8; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., 380-5, 396-7. Betanzos 
 was of a noble family from Leon, educated for the law, but turned pilgrim, 
 and, being disowned by his father, he took the habit in 1514. Although 
 occupying no very prominent office, he ranked high in the order for his austere 
 virtue, his apostolic zeal, and his efforts to promote its interests. Ddvila 
 Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Ilex., 5-32; Torquemada, iii. 41-2, 94, 106, 454-5. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 231. 
 
 2^ By order of July 12, 1530, the audiencia had been enjoined to found an 
 establishment of heatas for teaching Indian maidens. Puga, Cedulario, 42. 
 Vetancurt gives to Friar Antonio de la Cruz the credit of bringing the first 
 three nuns; namely, Paula de Santa Ana, Luisa de San Francisco, and Fran- 
 cisca Evangelista. Trat. Mex., 41. Gonzalez Davila names Elena de Medrano 
 as leader. Teatro Edes., i. 7; Medina, Ckr6n. 8. Diego, 237. Beaumont as- 
 sumes that Augustinian nuns also came with Cortes. Chrdn. Mich., iii. 264. 
 Brotherhoods were fostered to encourage a religious feeling, and the Archico- 
 fradla de Caballeros de la Santa Vera Cruz is claimed to have been founded 
 as early as 1523, by Cortes. See names and other information in Pap. Var., 
 xlvii., pt. iii. 4. 
 
304 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 Pales toward the end of 1528.^^ With characteristic 
 devotion he knelt, immediately on landing, to express 
 thanks for being permitted to regain his native shore 
 after so many vicissitudes. While awaiting the land- 
 ing of his party and effects, which involved considera- 
 ble delay under the cautious restrictions then ruling, 
 he proceeded to the convent of La Rabida near by, 
 there to perform his devotions and despatch advices. 
 It was in this sacred spot that Columbus had sought 
 shelter when on his way to advocate those grand 
 projects which were to reveal a new world ; to point 
 out the field whereon the conqueror might achieve 
 fame while giving new domains and fresh souls to the 
 king and church. Here also Pizarro, the conqueror 
 of the other great empire in America, is said to have 
 met the victor of Montezuma; the latter with his 
 great achievements ended, the former at the opening 
 of a brilliant career. Another strange coincidence : 
 with Cortes was Juan de Pada, a valiant soldier dur- 
 ing the conquest, who afterward joined Almagro, and 
 avenged his death by cutting down Pizarro in the 
 midst of his successes. 
 
 During the voyage Sandoval had been ill, and on 
 landing he was taken to the house of a rope-maker to 
 receive the necessary care. The hardships he had 
 undergone in the Indies, particularly during the Hon- 
 duras campaign, had undermined his health, for he 
 sank rapidly. During a fit of depression he sent for 
 Cortes. While the servant was absent, the host, a 
 
 ^^Gomara, Hist Max., 283; Sandoval, Carlos V., i. 895. Bernal Diaz writes 
 December 1527, meaning 1528 no doubt, while Herrera, followed by Prescott 
 and others, gives the end of May 1528. There are several reasons supporting 
 the better authority of Gomara and Sandoval. ' En quarenta y vn dias llegd 
 a Castilla, sin parar en la Habana.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 224. Both 
 of which statements appear to be unfounded. 
 
 2^ The meeting j)robably took place in another part of Spain, though his- 
 torians and poets have preferred to associate it with a spot hallowed by the 
 presence of Columbus. The intercourse between the two men was natural 
 enough, for they had known one another in the Antilles, and were allured by 
 the similarity of their enterprise and renown. * Fue cosa notable ver juntos 
 a estos dos liombres, que eran mirados, como Capitanes de los mas notables 
 del mundo, en aquel tiempo.' Herrera, dec. iv, lib. iv. cap. i. ; Pizarro y 
 Orcllana, Varones Ilvst., 121. 
 
DEATH OF SANDOVAL. 
 
 305 
 
 burly, brutal fellow, entered the room and stealthily 
 examined it. Sandoval pretended to be asleep. The 
 man thereupon broke open the treasury-box contain- 
 ing a number of gold bars and carried them away, the 
 sick man, unable even to stand, being afraid to make 
 an outcry lest the robber should murder him. Cortes 
 soon entered, but no trace could be found of the man, 
 who appears to have gained Portugal with his booty. 
 Sandoval did not long survive. In his will he named 
 the general as executor. To his sisters he gave the 
 greater part of his fortune, the remainder being left 
 to convents and poor people to form a crown of bless- 
 ings to his memory. He was buried with great pomp 
 in La Rdbida, Cortes and all his suite assuming deep 
 mourning, which was not alone upon the surface. 
 Poor Sandoval ! so young, so gentle, the purest and 
 noblest of them all, and to die so soon on his return 
 with all the joys and glories of home unrealized. 
 An enemy even could not meet this cavalier without 
 admiration of his character, and none could long be 
 his associate without learning to love him. Though 
 but thirty-one he had by his bravery and skill 
 achieved a reputation equal to any, as one of the fore- 
 most captains in all the Indies. He had not been 
 given the same opportunities for independent achieve- 
 ment as Alvarado, but neither had he nor would he 
 have stained his name with the cruelties of Tonatiuh. 
 He was also more prudent than the latter, and more 
 frank and loyal, and probably abler than Olid, the 
 third of the great captains of Cortes. In the total 
 of his admirable qualities as man and officer he sur- 
 passed any of his associates, and gradually assumed 
 the chief place in the affection of his leader, who 
 usually addressed him by the endearing name of Son 
 Sandoval." His men also loved him as they did no 
 other commander for his kind demeanor, his rare disin- 
 terestedness and his constant regard for their welfare, 
 
 ' Vna hermana. . .se casd con vn hi jo bastardo del [Conde de Medellin.' 
 Bemal Diaz, loc. cit. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 20 
 
306 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IK SPAIN. 
 
 even to the neglect of his own comfort and advan- 
 tage — a marked contrast to the absorbing selfishness, 
 insatiate greed, and relentless cruelty of nearly all the 
 adventurers who overran the new region, and con- 
 trolled the destiny of its peoples. And now after his 
 multitudinous dangers and strange adventures, he 
 reached the shores of Spain only to die of disease 
 and find a grave in the soil which gave him birth. 
 
 The news of the arrival of Cortes created quite a 
 revulsion of feeling at court, where his presence was 
 entirely unexpected. The prestige of success with 
 high honors and reputed wealth drove calumniators for 
 the moment to the wall. Doubts and suspicions were 
 dispelled, and one vied with another to honor the so 
 lately assailed soldier. The court was then at Toledo, 
 and the king ordered the towns along the way to rs- 
 ceive the hero with suitable demonstrations. Crowds 
 thronged the line of march to behold the famous cap- 
 tain, and to gaze at the strange retinue. The Indians 
 in flowing plumage and gaudy ornaments 'had been 
 seen frequently enough since Columbus first brought 
 them to Spain, but the tumblers and athletes, the 
 albinos and monstrosities, were new, and most of the 
 animals, while curious interest was attracted by the 
 plants and merchandise, and the heavy coffers that 
 betokened rare treasures raised eager expectation. 
 All this, however, served but as a frame to the picture 
 of the leader, who was conspicuous by his dignified 
 bearing and simple elegance of dress. 
 
 On approaching Seville he was met by the power- 
 ful duke de Medina Sidonia and conducted with great 
 pomp to his castle, receiving in return for his own 
 presents several fine Andalusian horses. From here 
 he proceeded to Guadalupe to hold a novena at this 
 
 29 Herrera states that he avoided Seville, where Alvarado then happened 
 to be, preparing to return to Guatemala with his newly secured commission 
 as governor. Remesal gives as reason that he was offended with the lato 
 lieutenant for neglecting to marry his cousin, as agreed. Hist. Chja'pa, 39. 
 It is probable that the avoidance was mutual, and based in part at least on 
 the interference of Alvarado in Cortes' projects to his own advancement. For 
 full particulars, see Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series. 
 
ROYAL HONORS. 
 
 307 
 
 celebrated slirine, and to obtain masses for his dead 
 friend. It so happened that Maria de Mendoza, wife 
 of the powerful secretary, Cobos, was there at the 
 time, attended by a large suite. Aware of his influ- 
 ence with the fair sex, Cortes resolved not to miss so 
 good an opportunity to win the approval of the im- 
 perial favorite. Never did his fluent tongue serve 
 him to better purpose than when he made his bow 
 before Dona Maria. He even ventured upon a mild 
 flirtation with her beautiful sister, sighing a subtle 
 allusion to the chains that bound him to another. 
 All the ladies were enchanted with the gallant and 
 talented hero, who could so well supplement his fas- 
 cination with rich presents, and Dona Mana wrote 
 the most glowing commendations of her protege to 
 her lord, sufficient at least to dissipate many of his 
 prejudices against the adventurer. 
 
 In promise of coming honors, the sovereign was 
 pleased to assign Cortes quarters during his stay at 
 court. On approaching Toledo he was met by the 
 duke of Bejar with a brilliant retinue, who con- 
 ducted him into the city. The following day, in com- 
 pany with the admiral of the Indies, Cobos, and 
 others, he was received by the emperor, and kneeling 
 to kiss his hand was graciously commanded to rise. 
 He thereupon gave an outline of his achievements, 
 and illustrated the resources of the country with 
 specimens of produce, natives, and treasures. In 
 conclusion he made excuses for the length of his 
 speech and the boldness of his utterances, and pre- 
 sented a memorial wherein his services were more 
 fully recorded. The emperor appeared greatly im- 
 pressed by the story of the conquest, related with all 
 
 It has even been hinted that Dona Maria made an effort to unite the two, 
 and that Cortes' unwillingness made her his enemy, greatly to his preju- 
 dice. But this is unlikely, for the alliance with the ducal family was already 
 a settled affair. Bemal Diaz hints that the match would have procured 
 him the greatest favors at court. Hist. Verdad., 225. The sister married 
 not long afterward the adelantado of the Canaries. 
 
 Bemal Diaz states that Cobos was so pleased that he showed his wife's 
 letters to the king. 
 
308 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 the skill and grace of which the Estremaduran was 
 master, and by his self-possessed dignity and evident 
 loyalty. Charles frequently called the hero to his 
 presence to be entertained by his conversation, or to 
 consult him upon affairs of state, particularly concern- 
 ing Mexico, and many of his suggestions for its 
 government were carried out. Taking their cue from 
 the emperor, the courtiers danced attendance upon 
 the adventurer, and stayed awhile their supercilious 
 slander. Cortes became the fashion ; and he seemed 
 to play his part as well at the court of Charles as 
 at that of Montezuma. His audacity was charming ; 
 at times, indeed, startling to old courtiers. One Sun- 
 day, it is related, he had been commanded to attend 
 mass at the court chapel. He surprised the assembly 
 by coming late, and further by passing in front of 
 royalty and taking a seat beside the duke of Nassau, 
 a sovereign prince of Germany. The disturbance 
 was hardly calmed by the information that Cortes 
 had been instructed so to proceed. A still more 
 conspicuous mark of favor was a visit of the em- 
 peror to his chamber during an illness arising from 
 change of climate and other causes. This act of con- 
 descension created general remark, and was regarded 
 by many as sufficient compensation for the greatest 
 services. 
 
 More substantial honors were accorded by cedulas 
 of July 6, 1529, whereby Cortes, in consideration of 
 his many achievements in acquiring for the crown 
 and church so many provinces, at great personal risk, 
 and in order to set an example for good and loyal ser- 
 vice, was granted twenty-two towns in New Spain, 
 chiefly in Oajaca, to contain not exceeding twenty- 
 three thousand vassals, including their lands and sub- 
 ordinate hamlets, civil and criminal jurisdiction, offices 
 and rentals, and with full power to dispose thereof 
 
 It was the greatest of all favors bestowed upon Cortes, * desafuciado de 
 los Medicos.' Pizarro y Orallana, Varones IlvsL, 120. This occurred a few days 
 after his arrival at Toledo, says Bernal Diaz, at the instance of Be jar. Hist. 
 Verdaxl., 225. 
 
EXTENSIVE GRANTS. 
 
 309 
 
 according to his pleasure and that of his heirs. He 
 had been offered his choice throughout New Spain, 
 although the kingdom of Michoacan was pointed out 
 for selection; but he preferred the fertile valley of 
 Oajaca, together with a few places particularly ad- 
 mired in and round the lake valley, including the two 
 favorite towns of Coyuhuacan and Cuernavaca, which 
 he had fancied from the first, Huastepec, with its 
 famed gardens, Jalapa, the beautiful health-resort 
 lying half-way between Vera Cruz and the plateau 
 summit, the seaport of Tehuantepec, and several 
 places in the fertile province of Matlalzinco. The 
 
 ter. He also received certain lands and lots in and 
 
 new, of Montezuma, and two isles in the lake, Xico 
 
 ference, and intended for hunting-parks/* 
 
 * Como de cosa vuestra, propia. ' Appeals from him or his alcalde mayor 
 could, however, be made to the king, council, or audiencias; no fortress must 
 be erected without permission; mines and salt-fields were retained for the 
 crown; but the jurisdiction, revenues, and tribute otherwise due to the crown 
 were conceded to him and his heirs. In case of transfer, church and convents 
 could not be included without royal permission; nor could a sale be made 
 without first giving the refusal to the sovereign. The estate was subject to 
 the regulations for government issued December 4, 1528. Possession could be 
 taken from date. This document, wherein Cortes is addressed as ' Don, and 
 governor and captain-general of New Spain,' is dated at Barcelona, July 6, 
 1529, and countersigned by Secretary Francisco de los Cobos, the bishop of 
 Osma, who was the president of the Council, and Doctor Beltran, licentiate 
 for the court. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 291-7. The towns named 
 in the c6dula are: Caljmacan (Coyuhuacan), Atlacabuye (Atlacubaya, later 
 Tacubaya), Matalcingo (Matlalzinco), Taluca (Toluca), Calimaya, Quanixaca 
 (Quauhnahuac, later Cuernavaca), Guastepeque (Huastepec), Acapiptla (Aca- 
 pichtla), Antepeque (Antepec), Tepuzlan (Tepotzotlan), Guaxaca (Oajaca), 
 Cayulapeque (Cuitlopan probably), Tlantequila (Tenquilaba), Bacoa (Tepeaca 
 probably), Teguamtepeque (Tehuantepec, a seaport), Yalapa (Jalapa), Utlate- 
 peque (Huitlatepec), Atroyatan (perhaps Atloixtlan), Quetasta (Cuetlachtlan), 
 Tuztlatapeca (Tuxtepec, evidently), Yzcalpan. Gomara, who differs consid- 
 erably in spelling, adds Etlan, as the twenty-second town. Hist. Mex., 284. 
 The list of the towns, hamlets, and farms, according to the modified list of 
 1532, is given in Pacheco duud. Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 500-2. See also Puga, 
 Cedulario, 66-7; Montewmjor, Svmarios, 150-2. 
 
 The latter, known also as El Penol del Marques, was the scene of exploit 
 when the first fleet sailed against Tenochtitlan. See Hist. Mex. , i. 625, this series. 
 The boundaries of the lots and the land along Tlacopan road are minutely 
 
 near Mexico city. 
 
 and 
 
310 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 There was one thing above all, however, that Cortes 
 longed for — a title. Wealth he possessed, and lands 
 he could acquire, but the credential of nobility, to 
 raise him above the rank of adventurer, give him a 
 place in the select circle of the court, and even to 
 admit him into the fellowship of grandees, this the 
 sovereign alone could confer, and charily enough it 
 was dispensed to the man of inferior connection, how- 
 ever great his merits. The emperor understood the 
 longing, and perceiving the necessity for some such 
 recognition of great services, since the grant of estates 
 was really a mere confirmation of what Cortes already 
 possessed, he gave him the title of Marques del Valle 
 de Oajaca.^^ Henceforth the name of Cortes gave 
 way gradually to the designation Marques del Valle, 
 Oajaca being rarely used, though the mere term ^ the 
 marquis' was his common appellation in New Spain, 
 just as Hhe admiral' was set apart for Columbus. 
 The title and authority of captain-general of New 
 Spain and provinces, and coasts of the South Sea, 
 were also conferred on him, with power to appoint 
 and remove lieutenants.^^ 
 
 Cortes had evidently expected a dukedom, with a 
 proportionately larger domain, for when the several 
 documents for title and estates were presented, he 
 declined to receive them, declaring the reward unequal 
 
 given in Packeco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 376-81; JReales CMulas, MS., 
 1. 48-9. See also Carr-iedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 7. The grant of the isles is 
 dated 6th of July, that of the lots, July 27, 1529, though Icazbalceta, Col. 
 Doc. , ii. 28-9, prints July 23. Among the lands was the Tlaspana, afterward 
 known as Rancho de los Tepetates. 
 
 3^ This grant is dated July 6th, the 'July 20th,' in Col. Doc. InM., i. 105-8, 
 being an error. Yet in a cedula of April 1st he is already called Marques. 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 379-80= 
 
 2^ The grant of marquisates became more common after this, chiefly in 
 connection with services in the Indies. Pizarro received it, and Cobos was 
 made Marques de Cameraza, shortly after Cortes. There was an evident dis- 
 inclination to increase the number of dukes, and so th is half-way concession 
 was tendered where the merits really deserved a dukedom. 
 
 This commission is also dated July 6th, but is merely a forn^^al repetition 
 of one issued April 1, 1529, in answer to an ai)peal for his reinstatement, both 
 as governor and captain-general. He was told that the governorship could 
 not be granted till the residencia reports arrived. Real Cidula and Titulo, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 379-80, 384-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monu- 
 rmntos Domin. £Jsp., MS., 71; Col. Doc. Md., i. 103-5. 
 
NOT ENOUGH. 
 
 311 
 
 to his services. When summoned before the emperor, 
 he observed that the sovereign could not have been 
 properly informed of the extent and resources of the 
 country he had gained for the crown, or of the 
 immense efforts for its conquest. "Cortes, what I 
 have given is not in final payment of your services," 
 was the politic reply. ^'I shall deal with you as the 
 archer at practice, whose aim gradually improves till 
 he hits the mark. Receive therefore what I have 
 given, as an earnest, until, with a better understanding 
 of how matters are yonder, I shall be able to conform 
 more entirely to your merits." Cortes could not but 
 kiss the royal hand and accept, though he was by no 
 means satisfied. Indeed, when the partial concession 
 of a habit of Santiago was tendered, he declined it on 
 the ground that no adequate rental or encomienda ac- 
 companied the title to support it.^^ 
 
 Among his most cherished desires was the rein- 
 stallation as governor, both as a solace for his injured 
 pride, and for the power it conferred to grant offices, 
 encomiendas, and other favors to adherents. The 
 latter was sufficient inducement both for patrons and 
 friends to support the application with powerful argu- 
 ments and repeated instances. But the counter- 
 argument of opponents proved stronger, upheld as 
 they were by reports from New Spain, where his 
 enemies now held sway. Neither did the emperor 
 desire a repetition of the troubles which promised 
 to arise from such an appointment, nor, perhaps, to 
 hold out the temptation it offered to an ambitious 
 subject not wholly satisfied with the reward granted 
 for his services. The suspicions concerning Cortes' 
 
 ^^Cortls, Ifemorial, in Col. Doc. Inid., iv. 224-5. A substantial increase 
 in favors never came, and for years afterward we find him clamoring about the 
 neglect, and the reduction in his grants owing to ambiguous documents. 
 
 ^^Yet his name remained on the register of the order. Torres, Hist. 
 (Jrdenas Mil., 103. The honor was hardly worth his while, as a marquis. 
 His two natural sons Martin and Luis received it. Most writers, including 
 Prescott, consider the reward as a whole gratifying, but his biographer 
 Pizarro y Orellana hesitates not to write, ' Todas parecieron pequenas, con- 
 siderando los servicios, lealtad, y hazanas deste gran Caudillo ' — an expression 
 which appears to echo a wide-spread sentiment. Varoiies Host., 120. 
 
312 
 
 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 loyalty liad evidently revived to some extent, and it 
 had furthermore been concluded for the present to 
 try the efficacy of an audiencia in that country. In 
 any case the result of the residencia must be awaited. 
 The crown had long been impressed with the policy 
 of not confiding the government of a new region to 
 its conqueror, and this even before Columbus demon- 
 strated the wisdom of the measure by his failures. 
 The Great Captain had aspired to rule in Naples, but 
 was recalled for a diiferent reward. These and other 
 answers were given to the applicants, but, aware 
 probably that a delay would lessen their chances, they 
 persisted till the emperor returned a sharp refusal. 
 
 Speak no more of it," he said to the duke of Nassau, 
 who was among the supporters of the petitions; "he 
 has now a marquisate with greater rental than all 
 your duchy yields." Cortes' influence was evidently 
 waning, and while the reason may readily be found in 
 the severe reports of the residencia judges, additional 
 ones have been alleged in the offence he is supposed 
 to have given the empress by bestowing on another 
 the choicest of the gems brought from Mexico, after 
 receiving her intimation to inspect them, and by neg- 
 lecting to court the favor of the president of the 
 council and Secretary Cobos, on obtaining his mar- 
 quisate. 
 
 One more concession was made, however, both as 
 an honor and to promote the interest and extension 
 of the crown, by permitting him to make discovery ex- 
 peditions in the South Sea of New Spain, and to con- 
 quer and settle any island or coast thereof, westward, 
 not included in the grants to others, such as those to 
 Narvaez and Guzman. Of all such discoveries and 
 conquests he was made governor, magistrate, and 
 
 ^^Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 225-6, points wholly to these additional 
 reasons, particularly to the latter. Cortes relied too much on the support of 
 Bejar, and of the sovereign prince of Nassau, by whose friendship he was 
 deeply imjjressed, while Cobos and President Loaisa objected to this foreign 
 interloper. ' Porq no piense ningun conquistador que se le deue,' is Gomara's 
 chief reason for the refusal of the government. Hist. Mex., 284. 
 
FURTHER INDUCEMENTS. 
 
 313 
 
 alguacil mayor for life, with power to appoint officials 
 and deputies. Further, one twelfth of all such land 
 was granted to him till a full report concerning its 
 nature and resources should enable the sovereign 
 better to decide. This grant was in consideration 
 of the expense he would incur as discoverer and con- 
 queror. He must be governed by the regulations 
 lately issued for discovery expeditions, wherein it is 
 forbidden to take anything from the natives without 
 payment or permission, including their labor, or to 
 carry them away from their country, or to enslave 
 them, save for refusing the faith or to submit to the 
 sovereign. Two friars or clergymen must accompany 
 the expedition to convert and instruct the natives, to 
 prepare a report upon them and the country, and 
 to give permission for enslavement when this was 
 deemed indispensable. Enrolment of men for the 
 expedition must not be made from among actual set- 
 tlers.^^ This commission was issued in October 1529 
 by the queen, the emperor having gone to Italy to be 
 crowned. 
 
 In the distribution of favors the friends and com- 
 panions of Cortes also received a share in the form of 
 coats of arms, offices, and lands, together with a con- 
 firmation of the encomiendas already granted them. 
 All who took part in the actual conquest were per- 
 mitted to carry weapons even in Spain.^^ The young 
 native nobles who came with Cortes were given in 
 charge of Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo to re- 
 ceive dresses and religious images, and to be taken 
 
 These essential features for the government of discoverers, part of a 
 cedula issued November 7, 1527, are incorporated in the commission to Cortes 
 dated October 27, 1529. On the 5th of November following, a confirmatory 
 cedula was issued, detailing certain powers to be exercised by the governor, 
 such as exiling and punishing objectionable persons. The text of both is 
 given in Puga^ Cedulario, 36-7; Col Doc. Irdd., i. 108-22, ii. 401-5; Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 490-6, xxii. 285-95; Alaman, Disert., ii. app. ii. 
 21-5; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, v. 325-6. By decrees of May 9 and June 9, 
 1530, Juan Galbarro and Juan de Sdmano of Tenochtitlan were appointed 
 treasurer and comptroller, respectively, of the lands Cortes might discover 
 and occupy in the South Sea. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 77-83. 
 
 *2 ' En estos Reynos, como en la Nueva Espana, pudiessen traer armas 
 ofensiuas, y defensiuas.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iv. 
 
314 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTl^S IN SPAIN. 
 
 home/^ To the daughters of Montezuma, whom 
 Cortes had taken under his care at Mexico, were con- 
 firmed the estates given them by him on their mar- 
 riage,^* to the great dehght of the natives, who 
 regarded this act as a favor to the whole people. The 
 services of the Tlascaltecs were further remembered 
 by exempting them from being given in encomienda 
 even to the crown.*^ 
 
 Shortly after receiving the title of marquis, Cortes 
 was formally united to the woman already bound to 
 him by his father,*^ the beautiful and spirited Juana 
 Ramirez de Arellano y Ziiniga, daughter of the sec- 
 ond conde de Aguilar, and niece of the duque de 
 Bejar,*^ a connection which admitted him to the inti- 
 mate circles of the highest society in Spain. Bril- 
 liant as the marriage must be regarded for Cortes, it 
 does not appear to have been looked upon as a conde- 
 scension on the part of the bride, for the groom 
 ranked as one of the most famous generals of the 
 age, the rumored possessor of untold wealth and 
 unlimited resources, and withal a gentleman by birth, 
 whose credit for services rendered and opportunities 
 to render more, promised for him even greater honors 
 and grants than he had received. All this was tempt- 
 ing even to the foremost of Spain's grandees, among 
 whom wealth was not over-abundant, and the uncle the 
 duke is said to have been quite eager for the match. 
 Many of the grandees dated their boasted titles but 
 
 *^The dress is described in a special decree to that effect, in Ternaux* 
 Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 88. 
 
 So far one or two out of four had married it appears. Cortes' successor 
 took away the grants, and these were now restored, chiefly as a matter of 
 policy. 
 
 Herrera, loc. cit. 
 
 Be jar ' trato con mucho calor de casar le. Y assi le case con dona luana 
 . . .por los poderes que tuuo Martin Cortes.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 284. 
 
 The father was Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, the mother, Juana de 
 Ztiniga, daughter of Conde de Banares, first-born of Alvaro de Zuniga, first 
 duke of Be jar. Both families came of royal blood. The title of Conde 
 Aguilar de Inestrillas was created in 1476, in favor of Arellano, first gentle- 
 man of the bedchamber. The title of the duke de Bejar was created in 
 1485. Siculo, Cosas Mem., 24^5; Clavlgero, Stoma Mens., iii. 236; Alaman, 
 Disert., ii. 123. * Hermana del Conde de Aguilar,' says Herrera, dec. iv. lib. 
 iv. cap. i., from which it would appear that the father had already died. 
 
THE BRIDE'S JEWELS. 
 
 315 
 
 one or two generations back, and beyond this they 
 ranked with the ordinary nobihty, to which Cortes' 
 ancestors belonged. 
 
 Juana was indeed an envied bride, and the more so 
 when she appeared at court decked in the magnificent 
 jewels bestowed by her husband. The choicest were 
 five stones of great size and brilliancy supposed to be 
 emeralds, and so pronounced by experts, for one of 
 which forty thousand ducats was offered.^^ They had 
 been cut by Aztec lapidaries with admirable skill and 
 taste, three in the form of a rose, a bugle, and a fish, 
 the fourth as a bell, with a pearl for clapper, and 
 bearing on the rim the inscription, " Blessed the one 
 who reared thee." The fifth and finest was in the 
 shape of a cup, with golden foot, and four chains 
 secured by a pearl which served for the handle. The 
 golden rim bore the scripture text, ''Inter natos mu- 
 lierum non surrexit major." 
 
 Quite a number of people were gratified with a share 
 of the precious stones, pearls, and gold trinkets brought 
 by Cortes, all distributed with politic calculation. A 
 portion was set apart to procure spiritual favors, 
 through the instrumentality of Juan de Rada, who 
 was sent to Italy to kiss the feet of Clement VII. in 
 the name of his master, to relate his efforts for the 
 advancement of the faith, and represent the spiritual 
 wants of the newly conquered region, among which 
 were more friars, and a reduction of tithes. The pope 
 held solemn services to render thanks for the acquisi- 
 tion of so many souls, and issued a number of bulls 
 
 *^But refused, says Gomara, though Herrera, ubi sup., writes: *Le dauan. 
 por ella mercaderes de Seuilla; quarenta mil ducados,' to resell to the Great 
 Turk. The stones have since been classed as jade or serpentine, since no 
 emeralds exist in Mexico. Alaman, DiserL, ii. 31. 
 
 These five stones, * que las apodaron en cien mil ducados,' were lost when 
 Cortes landed at Algiers in 1541, during the storm which wrecked a part of 
 the Spanish fleet. Gormra, Hkt. Mex., 284, 347; Cavo, Tres S'lglos, i. 75. 
 These, the * finest jewels possessed by woman in Spain,' had been described to 
 the empress, and roused her curiosity. Cortes was informed that she wished 
 to see and probably to buy them, and, unwilling to part with them, they were 
 sent to his wife before appearing at court, according to Gomara. This was 
 probably represented to the empress with a little exaggeration, and she re- 
 membered it to his prejudice. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,, 226. 
 
316 
 
 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTlfeS IN SPAIN. 
 
 granting absolution to conquerors for excesses, indul- 
 gencies for churches and hospitals, and special favors 
 for Cortes and Kada, for the former notably the per- 
 petual patronage of hospitals founded in his name, 
 and the legitimation of his natural children/^ The 
 favors for Rada consisted chiefly of recommendations 
 for his advancement, and these not being carried out, 
 the disappointed soldier went to Peru, where in the 
 capacity of an Almagrist captain he led the onslaught 
 wherein fell the mighty Pizarro.^^ 
 
 After the departure of the emperor from Spain, 
 Cortes found no reason to prolong his stay. He felt 
 on the contrary that he must hasten back to Mexico 
 to protect his interests before it was too late. The 
 decision of the crown to appoint a new government 
 for New Spain gave cause for delay, however, as it 
 would be preferable that he should not enter into 
 Mexico before the change had taken place. The 
 representations from there sought, indeed, to prevent 
 his return at any time. The India Council appear 
 to have advised him to wait yet a while ; but, finding 
 that the delay would prove long, he disregarded the 
 hint, and early in the spring of 1530^^ he left Se- 
 ville, attended by a brilliant retinue of companions 
 and servants, nearly four hundred, well armed and 
 equipped, and befitting his position as a leading noble 
 of the kingdom, and the central figure in the empire 
 he had won. He was accompanied by his wife and 
 
 These are named as Martin Cortes, Luis de Altamirano, and Catarina 
 Pizarro. The only hospital so far founded by Cortes* was de la Purisima Con- 
 cepcion, now Jesus Nazareno. The bulls are given in Alaman, Disert., ii. 
 app. ii. 26-48. By request of the sovereign to whom belonged the patronage 
 of churches, Cortes surrendered the bull granting to him such privileges. 
 Puga, Cedulario, 75; Pacheco Sbud Cardenas, Col Doc, xiii. 237^1. 
 
 He was an hidalgo from the mountains of Castile. Almagro the elder 
 at first placed him in charge of his son Diego, who later made him maestro 
 de campo. ' Su Santidad le hizo merced . . . de le hazer Conde Palatino, ' is 
 Bemal Diaz' addition to favors granted him by the pope. Hist. Verdad., 227. 
 
 ^2 A royal decree forbidding his entrance into Mexico is dated March 22, 
 1530, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 403-5, hence he must have left 
 before that date. In a letter to the emperor, Cortes explains that he waited 
 for some time at Seville, and subsequently at San Liicar, hoping to join the 
 new oidores. Escritos Sueltos, 177-8. Alaman assumes without good reason 
 that he was bidden to wait for the oidores. Disert., ii. 32. 
 
RETURN TO MEXICO. 
 
 317 
 
 toother, and proud indeed must have been the parent 
 to share in the ovation which fell from every side 
 upon the renowned conqueror, and to witness the 
 scenes of his achievements.^^ 
 
 After waiting at San Domingo for over two 
 months, in vain expectation of the new oidores, 
 Cortes found the cost of maintaining four hundred 
 men too severe; he therefore proceeded, and arrived 
 safely at Vera Cruz the 15th of July. 
 
 His reception was not unlike that tendered him 
 four years before, when he was hailed by oppressed 
 natives and persecuted Spaniards as a savior. It was 
 not fully understood on the present occasion what 
 power he possessed, but the mere presence of the 
 hero, fresh from the hallowed circle of the court, and 
 radiant with the honors and retinue of a grandee, was 
 enough to obtain for him an ovation worthy of his 
 pretensions. The natives, in whose eyes none could 
 compare with Malinche, the conqueror, were the most 
 demonstrative, as with flowers they strewed the path 
 before him, and crowded round to place at his feet 
 their presents, from the humble oflering of provisions 
 on the part of the poor common people, to the embroi- 
 dered robes and glittering jewels of the caciques and 
 nobles. The demonstrations by the Spaniards, who 
 flocked from every part of the country to meet him,^^ 
 were fraught chiefly with abusive accounts of the 
 audiencia, and loud complaints over the outrages com- 
 mitted against them. 
 
 Cortes exhibited his commission to the municipality 
 of Vera Cruz, and caused himself to be proclaimed 
 captain-general, whereupon he took formal possession 
 
 Under their care came a number of Franciscan nuns and a dozen friars 
 of the order of Mercy. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 231; Pacheco and Carde- 
 nas, Col. Doc, xiii. 412. 
 
 A later investigation made it appear that the costly presents were with- 
 drawn from the eyes of officials, and that Cortes sent secretly to Spain some 
 10,000 pesos' worth of trinkets. Informacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xii. 531-40. 
 
 * Casi todos los Espafioles de Mexico, con achaque de salir a recibir le. 
 En pocos diaa se le,iutaron mas de mil.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 286-7. 
 
318 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS— CORTES IN SPAIN. 
 
 of Izcalpan, five leagues from the port, as one of the 
 towns granted him by the crown. 
 
 Both alarmed and angered at these independent 
 proceedings, the oidores sent orders for all Spaniards 
 to return to their towns under severe penalties,^'^ so as 
 to enable them to keep back Cortes, and perhaps to 
 drive him from the country. The natives were for- 
 bidden to hold intercourse with him, or to supply him 
 food. As for the authorities at Vera Cruz who had 
 countenanced the captain-general, they were punished, 
 and Alcalde Mejia received orders to dispossess him, 
 and cast down the gibbet erected on his grant in sign 
 of authority. The oidores had heard of the coming 
 of new members from Spain, but seem to have at first 
 regarded them as intended to replace their defunct 
 associates, and they felt therefore as confident as ever. 
 Others understood the case rightly, however, and 
 many had suflered too much already from the audi- 
 encia to fear additional persecution, so that they pre- 
 ferred to remain with their old leader. 
 
 While at Vera Cruz, Cortes received a decree from 
 the queen forbidding him to approach within ten 
 leagues of Mexico, until the new audiencia arrived, 
 lest his presence should give rise to troubles. He 
 resolved nevertheless to leave the unhealthy coast and 
 establish his headquarters at Tezcuco, although this 
 lay within the prescribed limit, for here alone could 
 he have ready access to supplies for his numerous ret- 
 inue. In their alarm the oidores sent an appeal to 
 Guzman for aid, and took steps to defend the capital. 
 Cortes being both unwilling and afraid to create dis- 
 turbance, commissioned Bishop Garces and some of 
 
 Also called La Rinconada. According to his opponents these proceed- 
 ings were arrogantly conducted, * con alguna manera de boUicio, ' and this is 
 not unlikely with so large a band of turbulent followers. It is even said that 
 he claimed all manner of authority not mentioned in his commission, and 
 threatened to hang the oidores. Letters of Salmeron and Guzman, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 190, 412. 
 
 'So pena de muerte.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. viii. cap. ii. 
 ^8 This bore the date March 22d, and was read to him also at Tlascala by 
 an ofl&cer of the audiencia, on August 9th. 
 
INFAMOUS PERSECUTIONS. 
 
 319 
 
 the friars to represent his peaceful intents. If their 
 miHtary preparations had for an object the pacification 
 of some district, he as captain-general would take 
 charge of any such undertaking, otherwise he implored 
 and even commanded them to pursue a peaceful course. 
 This representation had a certain effect, but the re- 
 sentment of the oidores was not relaxed. They laid 
 hands on the remaining property of their opponent, 
 cutting off all supplies from that source, and then 
 sought by strict orders and severe punishment to 
 lessen his intercourse with the natives, and by dimin . 
 ishing the contributions on which he subsisted to 
 drive him away.^^ 
 
 Galled by the deference shown to him, they sought 
 to rouse a hostile feeling among the Spaniards by de- 
 claring that the laws restricting encomiendas and other 
 privileges were due to his efforts. Under these re- 
 strictions Cortes' party was brought to such a stress, 
 according to his own statement, that more than a hun- 
 dred died from want of food, including his aged mother. 
 This, however, was exaggeration, and the deaths 
 must be attributed chiefly to the usual fever which so 
 frequently attacked new-comers. Though resolved 
 not to be driven to overt acts, he felt it necessary to 
 intimate that unless the persecution relaxed he would 
 be obliged to seize the towns granted him by the 
 emperor, so as to save the rest of his party from star- 
 vation. Greater harmony was also necessary to check 
 the growing insubordination among the natives, who 
 felt encouraged by the dissension to attack isolated 
 Spaniards. Reasoning and meditation had their 
 effect, and Cortes remained at his camp to await the 
 new rulers. 
 
 Algiiaciles were constantly busy arresting chiefs and purveyors, and 
 leading them to punishment with halters round the neck. CorUs, Escritos 
 Suelto.% 228. 
 
 ^ The lord of Tezcuco killed several chiefs and took refuge in sanctuary to 
 escape arrest. Zumdrraga, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 
 181. * Y no en muchos dias faltuan mas de dozientos,' writes Gomara some- 
 what hastily. Hist. Mex., 287. 
 
CHAPTER XVL 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 1530-1532. 
 
 The New President and Oidores — Their Instructions — Measures eor 
 Settlers and Natives — Sumptuary Laws — Impressive Entry of the 
 Oidores — The Government House — Swearing Allegiance to the 
 Sovereign — Residencia and Fate op Matienzo and Delgadillo— 
 
 CORREGIMIENTO SySTEM INTRODUCED — A ChECK TO SLAVERY — ADVANCE- 
 MENT OF Natives — Social Reforms — Founding of Puebla of the 
 Angels — Secret Order to Restrict Encomiendas — General Clamor 
 AGAINST It — The Conquerors and their Reward. 
 
 After the reception in Spain of Bishop Zumd-r- 
 raga's raking denunciation of the audiencia, every 
 ship that left Mexico carried scores of letters detail- 
 ing the ceaseless abuses of which Spaniards as well as 
 Indians were victims. The conduct of Guzman dur- 
 ing his brief sway at Pd-nuco was known already at 
 court, and now that to these charges were added 
 others still more damnatory, as well as complaints 
 against Matienzo and Delgadillo, it became evident 
 to Charles that his ministers had erred in the selec- 
 tion of men to whom the destinies of the colony had 
 been confided. He resolved on their removal, and as 
 his presence abroad was necessary, he charged the 
 empress to see justice dealt to these malefactors, and 
 worthy persons sent to take their places. Isabel of 
 Portugal was a princess of noble sentiments and of 
 sterling sense. Having submitted the matter to the 
 council, she resolved to make a viceroyalty of New 
 Spain, and to send thither as ruler from among the 
 nobles surrounding the throne a man whose birth and 
 
 320" 
 
THE PRESIDENCY. 
 
 321 
 
 position were guaranties not only of his loyalty but 
 of his freedom from the excessive avarice and vile 
 ambition native to men like Guzman. But time was 
 required both for selecting such a person, and to ena- 
 ble him to make preparations; and as the ills of New 
 Spain demanded an immediate remedy, it was decided 
 to send a new audiencia composed of members well 
 known for prudence and rectitude.^ Some trouble 
 was encountered in the selection, several persons ex- 
 cusing themselves; but finally the presidency was 
 conferred upon Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, some- 
 time inquisitor of Seville and oidor of Granada, and 
 then bishop of Santo Domingo and president of the 
 audiencia of that island.^ He was informed immedi- 
 ately of the appointment, and ordered to be ready to 
 join his colleagues on their arrival at Santo Domin- 
 go.^ The selection of the oidores was intrusted to 
 the venerable bishop of Badajoz, president of the 
 audiencia of Valladolid, with instructions to choose 
 only those worthy of association with the illustrious 
 prelate. The bishop, after due deliberation, named 
 Juan de Salmeron, Alonso Maldonado, Francisco 
 Ceynos,* and Vasco de Quiroga for these positions ; 
 and the nominations were accepted without question 
 by the empress. 
 
 Salmeron had acquired both skill and reputation as 
 alcalde mayor of Castilla del Oro, and Ceynos as late 
 
 *The appointment had been determined upon early in March 1530 — see 
 the queens decree in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 404 — but the 
 oidores were not officially named until the 12th of July following. Puga, 
 Cedidario, 37. 
 
 ^ Of the family of the count of Villaescusa de Haro, bom in the province 
 of Cuenca, and well educated at the college of Santa Cruz at Valladolid, He 
 had been made third bishop of Santo Domingo in 1524, and three years later, 
 president of the audiencia established there. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i. ; 
 Datos Biog., in Cartas de Ind., 829; Mex., Not. Ciudad, 266. Oviedo, i. 82, 
 says that he was also bishop of Concepcion de la Vega in the island of Santo 
 Domingo. 
 
 2 The order was dated April 12, 1530. Gonzalez Ddvila, i. 262. 
 
 * I have preferred the spelling of Puga, Cedulario, 56, and of Cortes, Real 
 C6dula, in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 241. Torquemada, Monq. 
 Ind., i. 603, twists the name into ' Cavnos.' Lacunza, Discurso, Hist., 459, says 
 * Cainos.' They came respectively from Madrid, Salamanca, Toro, or Zamora, 
 and Madrigal. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 230, 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 21 
 
S22 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 fiscal to the Council of the Indies, was admirably- 
 fitted to act as oidor, but Quiroga's leanings were of 
 too clerical a character.^ According to the instruc- 
 tions, dated July 12, 1530, on arrival in New Spain 
 they were to forward to their predecessors the letter 
 of the empress, notifying them of the change. Their 
 residence at Mexico should be the palace of Cortes, 
 who would be asked to sell it at a fair appraisement. 
 In the absence of the president, the oldest oidor must 
 preside. As protection of the natives was particu- 
 larly enjoined, they must strictly adhere to the order 
 disregarded by the former audiencia, to hold no na- 
 tives, not even the ten servants allowed to the former, 
 their pay being for that reason increased by one fourth.^ 
 All unfinished business pending before the first audi- 
 encia was to be promptly despatched.^ The residencia 
 of the late oidores and officials should be proclaimed 
 without delay,^ and if guilty they must be sent to 
 Spain, together with the papers in the case.^ Guz- 
 
 ^So observes Mendoza, Carta^ in Florida, Cot Doc, i. 121-2. See Hist. 
 Cent. Am., i., this series. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii, cap. viii., says that 'el 
 Consejo supremo daua priessa en la partida de los nueuos Oydores, i procu- 
 raua de embiarlos con mucha conformidad de el Marques del Valle.' Taken 
 alone the latter part of the sentence might be construed to mean that Cortes' 
 feelings or wishes were consulted in the appointment of the oidores, but it 
 refers most likely to the orders given that Cortes and the oidores should sail 
 together; for Cortes himself admits that the matter was not referred to his 
 judgment. EscHtos Sueltos, 176-8. 
 
 ^'The salary amounted to 500,000 maravedis. Puga, Cedulario, 110. Mo- 
 reno, Frag. Quiroga, 13, says 600,000, which may include extras. The late 
 oidores should be made to pay the natives employed by them, and if any 
 of the laborers had died the amount should be applied to the hospital fund. 
 Land and other property extorted should be returned, even in case of bona 
 Jide sale, if rightful owners so demanded. The fees of audiencia officers should 
 be the same as those of Valladolid and G-ranada. 
 
 Including the residencia of Cortes. But this had already been concluded. 
 The accounts of the late administrator of decedents' estates, Lopez de Avila, 
 were to be examined, and, as the office had been abolished owing to fraudu- 
 lent management, the unsettled estates and fees must be taken in charge. In 
 1550 a juzgado de bienes de difuntos was established, from which the crowTi 
 derived a goodly revenue. Becop. de Indias, i. 489. For previous regulations, 
 see Puga, Cedulario, 13, 14, 20, 73-4; Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, v. 458. 
 
 ^ The process was specified, yet Fuenleal in a letter of the 30th of April, 
 1532, asked for further instructions. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xiii. 20&-9. 
 
 ^ The royal officials had already been ordered to Spain, but the factor had 
 alone presented himself. They must now be sent after having submitted 
 their accounts and left deputies. One charge against them was the engaging 
 in business contrary to instructions. The residencia of alcalde mayores might 
 
INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 323 
 
 man, if not guilty, should return to Pdnuco.^^ The 
 es"cates of Cortes should be restored, and friendly 
 relations maintained. This applied also to adherents 
 who had suffered in his cause,^^ and to all whose prop- 
 erty had been unjustly seized. 
 
 In distributing encomiendas they should give con- 
 querors the preference, without favoritism, the limit 
 for such grants in the towns being two hundred pesos 
 income/^ The towns might for the present elect their 
 own alcaldes. Sumptuary laws should be enforced 
 with more strictness, since extravagance in dress and 
 living was a cause for oppressing the natives. Gam- 
 bling must be punished, yet the fines imposed for 
 offences committed in this respect during the period 
 of conquest were to be remitted, except in extreme 
 cases. Concubinage must be suppressed, yet in such 
 a manner as to cause no social disturbance. While 
 the maintenance of harmonious relations with the 
 clergy was a duty, as otherwise the salvation of souls 
 would be unattainable, they were instructed to report, 
 after their acquaintance with the country, whether 
 the actual bishops of Mexico and Tlascala were fitted 
 to occupy those positions, and if it were not well to 
 increase the number of bishoprics. The crown had 
 been informed that, contrary to the agreement made 
 with all bishops of the Indies, the two referred to 
 were in the habit of collecting personal tithes; this 
 must be strictly prohibited in any form. Friars could 
 
 be taken by deputies. Alguacil Mayor Proano should, if reinstated, as not 
 guilty, be restricted to the power enjoyed by similar officers in Valladolid and 
 Granada. 
 
 ^•^Or a lieutenant should be appointed. Puga, Cedulario, 45. It was 
 pointed out afterward that this province was too poor to support a governor, 
 and Fuenleal recommended the appointment of a settler as alcalde mayor, 
 for sole ruler, with some deputies to collect taxes. Carta, in Pacheco and 
 CdrdeTim, Col. Doc, xiii. 222. 
 
 Such as Paz' brothers, Altamirano, who returned to testify against Guz- 
 man, Ordaz, and others. 
 
 All petitions to the emperor in this and other cases should first be exam- 
 ined by the audiencia, to guard against unfounded pretensions and statements. 
 
 By decree of 1530 Cortes was ordered to have restored to him 12,000 
 pesos in fines for eight years of gambling. Pacheco and Cardenas, in Col. Doc.y 
 xii. 510. Regulations were also issued to restrict gambling. Pu(ja, Cedulano^ 
 70; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 60-4. 
 
324 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 hold no encomiendas, and exactions by them should 
 be redressed and punished.^^ 
 
 The nuns sent to teach native girls should be pro- 
 tected and favored both by the audiencia and the 
 bishops. The care of the natives was particularly 
 enjoined, and Bishop Zumdrraga received praise for 
 his energetic defence of them. There must be no 
 more branding, and traffic in slaves must be reformed 
 or abolished. Wrongfully enslaved natives were to 
 be liberated. Conversion being a main obj ect, churches 
 should be erected, religious education promoted, and 
 exemplary life set forth. In order to promote the 
 spread of Spanish customs and culture the audiencia 
 should appoint, from among Indians dwelling in the 
 towns of the Spaniards, two regidores and an alguacil, 
 to sit in cabildo with the Spanish officers, who under 
 penalty of the royal displeasure must treat them with 
 the greatest consideration.-^^ On the other hand, they 
 must not be initiated into branches of knowledge 
 which might endanger the colonists. They should 
 not be allowed to ride, and neither horses nor mules 
 must be sold or given to them under penalty of death 
 and confiscation. The sale or gift of arms to them 
 was also forbidden. A full report of the condition 
 and resources of all the provinces subjugated must be 
 sent in, also information concerning adjoining districts, 
 officials, and other subjects. Encouragement should 
 be given to the cultivation of flax and other products, 
 and all women, natives and Spanish, should know how 
 to spin and weave. 
 
 The belief in the existence of a hill of silver in 
 Michoacan still lingered in the royal imagination, and 
 it was ordered that careful assays should be made, not 
 only here but in all provinces where the precious 
 metals existed. The crown had abandoned its claim 
 to all tithes on gold taken from mines, which were 
 
 ^* It was instanced that the Franciscans had exacted gold from the Cem- 
 poalans. 
 
 Fraud on the part of interpreters should be prevented by employing two 
 to give separate renderings. 
 
THE NEW OIDORES. 
 
 325 
 
 iiow free to all, but no gold having been obtained, 
 except from natives, the royal intent was defeated; 
 it was ordered, therefore, that the privilege should be 
 annulled. Frauds against the treasury, in non-pay- 
 ment of tribute, secretion of moneys, and unauthor- 
 ized loans, must be investigated, and in order to 
 protect the custom-house revenue the three crown- 
 officers were to reside at Vera Cruz, each in turn, and, 
 conjointly with a regidor and the justice of that city, 
 appraise all cargoes in the presence of a notary. 
 
 Meanwhile fresh complaints of Guzman and the 
 oidores continued to arrive, until it seemed that their 
 sole aim had been to disobey every instruction given 
 to them. The newly appointed oidores had been for 
 some time at Seville,^^ and were now hurried away. 
 They sailed on the 16th of September, 1530, with 
 orders to touch at Santo Domingo so that their presi- 
 dent might join them, but on account of stormy 
 weather they were unable to obey these instructions, 
 and landed at Vera Cruz at the end of the year.^^ 
 With them went several persons appointed to office, and 
 others on whom the emperor had conferred honors for 
 distinguished services. The report of the coming of 
 the new audiencia, so long expected in Mexico, had been 
 
 Many of the instructions are mere repetitions of those issued to the firs 
 audiencia, and others are trivial. They are all to be found in Puga, Cedula- 
 rio, 38 et seq. ; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. viii. Many are incorporated 
 in the general laws of Eecop. de Indias, Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., and Monte- 
 may or, Svmarios. The ordinances for the government of the audiencia were 
 similar to those given to the previous body. See also Fomeca, Hist. Haci- 
 enda, i, ii. v.; Gonzalez Ddvda, Teatro Ecles., i. 24. Puga's work, properly 
 entitled PhiUjnis Secundus, etc., Promsiones, Cedulas, Jnstrumentos, etc., Mex- 
 ico, 1563, is remarkable as the first law-book printed in America, and perhaps 
 the first American book of any practical value, the earlier specimens of typog- 
 raphy, of which I have several, being chiefly ecclesiastic treatises. 
 
 During their stay in that city one of them belied his reputation for dis- 
 cretion by meriting a reproof on the part of the India Council for communi- 
 cating to an officer of the India house a certain royal order. Herrera, dec. iv. 
 lib. vii. cap. viii. 
 
 ' Nous arrivkmes ici le 23 decembre, ' at Mexico, evidently. Letter of 
 audiencia, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom, v. 138. 
 
 Among those to whom the privilege of using coats of arms had been 
 granted were Gerdnimo Lopez, Juan de Burgos, Hernando Gomez, Ruy Gon- 
 zalez, and Garcia del Pilar. Id. AW of these persons could not have accom- 
 panied the audiencia; the last named, as we shall see, was serving at the time 
 as interpreter to Guzman in Jalisco. 
 
32a 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 hailed with joy by all but Matienzo and Delgadillo, 
 who pretended that the new magistrates were simply 
 to fill the places of the president and the two oidores, 
 made vacant by death and absence. Whether it had 
 been entertained or not, the illusion was rudely dis- 
 pelled when the four oidores came on immediately from 
 Vera Cruz. Convinced at length, with becoming impu- 
 dence they covered their criminal hearts with the garb 
 of humility, and when their judges approached the 
 city they were foremost to render homage during the 
 pompous reception. The oidores entered Mexico in 
 accordance with the instructions they had received. 
 Just before they reached the city a box containing the 
 royal seal was placed on a richly caparisoned mule, on 
 each side of which walked two oidores, the seniors in 
 advance, marching under a rich canopy of silk, borne 
 by the noblest in the land, whereon were emblazoned 
 in all the pride of heraldry the arms of Castile and 
 Aragon. They took their seats on the 12th of Jan- 
 uary, 1531, their instructions and the ordinances for 
 their government being read in full audience, after 
 which each of the four, placing the documents upon 
 his head, promised obedience. The president did not 
 arrive until September from Santo Domingo, where he 
 had been waiting the arrival of his associates. They 
 took possession of the finished palace of Cortes, accord- 
 ing to orders, although not readily agreeing with him 
 upon the price. 
 
 2" Hearing at last of their arrival in New Spain, he set out and reached 
 Vera Cruz September 23d. There seems to have existed an impression that 
 he would not come. No one desired his presence more than Quiroga, who, on 
 the 14th of August, wrote to the India Council urging that the bishop of 
 Santo Domingo be not allowed to decline the position of president, for the 
 state of affairs in New Spain demanded his presence. He added that no soldier 
 should be placed at the head of affairs but a man of letters, whose conscien- 
 tiousness, experience, and freedom from avarice fitted him for the position; 
 such a man was Fuenleal, as he, while in Hispaniola, had had ample oppor- 
 tunity of judging. 
 
 '''^This was the western building, with the shops, and 20,000 pesos de oro 
 was demanded for the whole, but the audiencia paid him barely half that 
 amount for the main building, returning the shops which yielded a rental of 
 3,000 pesos or more. Cortes demanded more, and was still complaining of 
 delayed payment in 1533. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 550-1. It 
 was proposed in 1537 to buy also the shops, but during the interval of commu- 
 
A HUNDRED VERDICTS FOR CORTES. 327 
 
 One of their first acts was a renewal of the oath 
 of allegiance to the king, the queen-mother, and the 
 young prince Felipe, in accordance with special in- 
 structions. This was administered after solemn mass 
 by the bishop, on a raised and decorated platform, 
 first to the audiencia, then to the officers of the mu- 
 nicipality and leading citizens, in the presence of the 
 assembled subjects. A similar procedure was exacted 
 in all the settlements of the country. After a pre- 
 liminary investigation the residencia of the late audi- 
 encia was proclaimed, and an embargo placed upon 
 their property including Guzman's Pdnuco estates. 
 Now for the first time dared the oppressed give vent 
 to the feelings pent up during a long series of indig- 
 nities and outrages, and haste was made from all parts 
 to testify against the tyrants, and to claim damages. 
 The claims of Cortes' attorneys alone aggregated some 
 two hundred thousand pesos de oro. Matienzo and 
 Delgadillo naturally threw the chief blame on the 
 absent Guzman, but there was enough immediate evi- 
 dence to cause their arrest, the former, as the least 
 guilty, being confined merely to the city limits, while 
 the insolence of the latter was softened by a term of 
 prison seclusion.^* The suit against them proved strong, 
 Cortes alone gaining a hundred verdicts,^^ and they 
 
 nication with Spain on this point property doubled in value, and Mendoza 
 objected to pay the 50,000 ducats demanded. Cortes' other house was then 
 valued at 60,000 castellanos. Mendoza, Carta, in Id., ii. 200-1. See letter of 
 oidores in Ternaux-Corwpams, Voy., serie ii. torn, v, 161, on payments, and 
 Puga, Cedulario, 37-8, on royal order to buy. The occupation of this house 
 involved the audiencia in certain meddling with municipal affairs, which was 
 resented by the city council. Appeals were addressed to the home govern- 
 ment and resulted in a cedula granting one oidor the right to assist in the 
 cabildo sessions. Id., 109-10. 
 
 ■''^ Torquemada, i. 605, describes the ceremony, and adds: * Y esta fue la 
 primera Jura, que huvo en estas Indias.' 
 
 23 Which consisted of slaves and live-stock, the whole insufficient to cover 
 the ' dix mille pesos qu'il a pris dans le tresor royal.' Ternaux-Compans, Voy., 
 serie ii. tom. v. 139. Delgadillo had hastened to convert his property into 
 money. Id., 174. 
 
 '^^ Matienzo was even trusted so far as to be sent to Panuco to report on the 
 slave-trade there. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 228. 
 
 Yet not all he sought, for his suits against them and Guzman continued 
 until after his death. See Paclieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxix. 298 et seq., 
 xxiv. 462. They were mulcted 40,000 pesos de oro in 1532, for 25 of those 
 suits. Cartas de Indias, 748. 
 
328 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 were sentenced to heavy payments, for which their 
 property was wholly insufficient. They were sent to 
 Spain in the autumn of 1532, together with the evi- 
 dence, there to linger in disgrace and poverty. 
 
 The encomiendas wrongfully granted to their friends 
 were either restored to the rightful owner, or taken 
 for the crown, yet several holders made appeal and 
 managed to retain their grants. 
 
 With the residencia, the administration of justice, 
 and the inauguration of reforms, involving long sit- 
 tings and rounds of visits, the audiencia had a hard 
 task before them, working daily twelve hours out of 
 the twenty-four, not excepting feast-days. Fuenleal, 
 indeed, felt it necessary to recommend the appoint- 
 ment of two more oidores for a term of two years, 
 the others serving four years. In a special council, 
 assisted by the bishop, a number of friars, Cortes, and 
 several officials and residents, the holding and treat- 
 ment of the natives were carefully considered, as well 
 as the tribute system and cognate branches, and many 
 valuable conclusions were reached to aid the audiencia 
 in executing the orders for the withdrawal of enco- 
 miendas. Under the direction of the empress the sev- 
 eral councils in Spain had joined at the end of 1529 
 to consider Indian affairs, notably the holding of 
 Indians, and had resolved that encomiendas should 
 not be sustained. Their recommendation was to effect 
 this change within one year, granting present holders 
 but half the revenue during that time. In view of 
 the reasons presented by Cortes as well as by the 
 friars in favor of the system, and the danger of so 
 sudden a reform, the second audiencia was empowered 
 
 ' "^^ Fuenleal, Carta, in Pa^lieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 251; Villa 
 Sefior, Theatro, i. 14. Two brothers of Delgadillo died in prison for their out- 
 rages. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 230. 
 
 Two should remain in the capital with the president, the rest should 
 travel, each in his district, to watch over the execution of laws, the collection 
 of revenue, and the welfare generally of the people. A relator was also recom- 
 mended, and a fiscal, since the order for a lawyer to fill this office at call did 
 not promote impartial pleadings. Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xiii. 207, 225. The advice was partly followed, according to Puga, Cedu- 
 lario, 84. 
 
CORREGIMIENTOS. 
 
 329 
 
 to use their judgment before they took a step that 
 might create a revolt among the Spaniards, retard 
 settlement, or even affect the natives in a manner 
 prejudicial to the crown. They had secret orders 
 nevertheless to withdraw all grants unjustly held, to 
 incorporate for the crown all that fell vacant, and as 
 many more as they could with safety. 
 
 The system intended to replace the encomendero 
 rule was that of corregimientos, in charge of petty 
 governors or magistrates known as corregidores,^^ who 
 as royal representatives were to govern the Indians as 
 tributary vassals, granting them almost equal freedom 
 with the Spaniards. They must report on the land 
 and industrial resources of the natives in their dis- 
 trict, so that the higher authorities might determine 
 
 ' 2^ Salmeron alludes to the clamor created by the execution of this secret 
 decree; but 'come what may, your Majesty's orders shall be carried out,' for 
 they are just. Letter, in l^ernaux-Cortvpam, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 126. See 
 also Pufja, Cedulario, 52, and Leon, Trat. Ecom., 18, on the new order. 
 
 2^ Who held civil and criminal jurisdiction in the first instance, and politi- 
 cal and economic supervision of his district. They were of three classes: 
 letrados, or versed in law, polUkos 6 de capa y espada, and poUticos y mili- 
 tares. All had the same power, except that the last two, as not versed in 
 law, had in suits to consult the alcaldes mayores, who acted as their counsel. 
 Those now to be appointed in New Spain were not all of this formal dignity, 
 though enjoying the title and duties. In the instructions for their guidance, 
 dated July 12, 1530, they were ordered to obtain an account of the lands cul- 
 tivated and the amount and kind of tribute paid; to keep a record of the 
 encomiendas adjoining their corregimiento, by whom held, how managed, what 
 tribute was obtained, how the natives were treated, what religious instruc- 
 tion was given, and whether there were any vagrants. They could accept no 
 gift or fee, directly or indirectly, under penalty of loss of office and a fine 
 seven times the value of the gift. Sujjplies might be obtained from the 
 natives, but only on account of salary, to be deducted when tribute levy was 
 made. They could form no business connection, and could neither build a 
 house nor engage in trade. Besides responding to the usual demands on 
 their political and judicial duties, they must make an annual tour of their 
 district to watch over the interests of the natives. The established tariff of 
 official fees must be strictly observed. This clause was much needed owing 
 to the excessive demands of judges and advocates. The audiencia were will- 
 ing to allow at first eight and subsequently five times the amount charged in 
 Spain, while 20 times more was expected, and that in nearly all trades and 
 professions. See Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 123^. 
 Setena fines were to be applied wholly to the royal household. Tlie super- 
 vision of municipal duties, of religious and social conduct, of roads and fences, 
 of inns, and so forth, was enjoined. All official acts were to be testified toby 
 notary. The care of the Indians was particularly urged, to liberate them 
 from oppression, idolatry, and vices, and to promote Christian civilization. 
 The instructions are quite minute. See Pwja, Cedulario, 52-6; Herrera, 
 dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xiv. 
 
330 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 upon the kind and amount of tribute to be collected 
 by the corregidores. They must watch that the na- 
 tives tilled their land and kept to their other work 
 so that the tribute might not fall off ; they must pro- 
 mote their conversion and the spread of civilization, 
 and protect them from every abuse and maltreatment, 
 keeping also an eye upon adjoining encomenderos and 
 settlers within the district, and watching as magis- 
 trates over the observance of social, religious, and 
 political laws. 
 
 An alguacil and a priest aided them in the dis- 
 charge of these duties. Their only recompense was 
 a salary which for smaller districts amounted to a 
 trifle over three hundred pesos. As the new system 
 would materially affect the conquerors who had cer- 
 tain claims to the land acquired by them, it was 
 proposed to give them the jDreference in appointing 
 corregidores. The first task of the audiencia was to 
 inspect the towns and apportion districts of sufficient 
 size to support the many claimants entitled to office. 
 Many of the divisions were fcoo small to support the 
 triple offices of corregidor, alguacil, and priest, and 
 acting corregidores or agents were appointed, partly 
 for economic reasons, partly to allow the appoint- 
 ment of humbler candidates, as but too many of the 
 conquerors were declared to be unfit for the office of 
 corregidores. By March 1531, about ninety of the 
 dispossessed landholders had been compensated with 
 appointments as corregidores, alguaciles, and as super- 
 visors of small districts. 
 
 Another reform introduced was the treatment of 
 natives by encomenderos, as only a portion had been 
 dispossessed. The audiencia perceived with horror 
 how the poor creatures had been torn from their 
 homes under the most shallow pretences, to be en- 
 
 ' Le salaire des corregidors varie de 320 380 pesos d'or, celui des 
 alguazils de 120 h 140, et celui des cures de 150 -k 170. lis sont tres-moderes, 
 et cependant nous ne savons avec quoi les payer.' Lettre des auditeurs, in 
 Ternaux-Corrvpans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 132. 
 
 * De ceux ... 38 seront corregidors ou alguazils. ' Id. 
 
TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. 
 
 331 
 
 slaved and branded; some carried to distant regions 
 and made to work in the mines, there to die from 
 hardships and maltreatment. Wars had been forced 
 upon provinces in order to give excuse for enslaving ; 
 petty offences had been falsely charged against free 
 men to secure their condemnation, and, failing in this, 
 they had been declared slaves of chiefs and transferred 
 as such to the Spaniards. For this a remedy existed 
 in a cedula of August 2, 1530, forbidding enslave- 
 ment either in war, or by any process whatsoever, 
 and as a check to further abuses in this direction, all 
 holders of slaves were directed to register them be- 
 fore the royal officials, and if necessary prove their 
 title. Bishop Zumdrraga was by the same decree 
 confirmed as protector of the Indians, to watch over 
 its observance, and shield the oppressed, yet with au- 
 thority subordinate to that of the audiencia.^^ Strict 
 as the law appeared, it was not difficult to evade it 
 with the aid of corrupt officials, by whom the audien- 
 cia could easily be deceived. Even the saintly oidor 
 Quiroga joins Salmeron in suggesting, a few months 
 after the issue of the cedula, that natives guilty of 
 rebellion, idolatry, and social crimes be condemned to 
 the mines, which must be abandoned unless workers 
 could be obtained. Despite the abuses that crept 
 in, a salutary check had nevertheless been given to 
 Indian slavery. Soon followed the liberation of chil- 
 dren born of such slaves, and gradually slavery in its 
 real sense became confined to the negro race.^* 
 
 Another evil was the carrier system, by which chiefs 
 
 ^2 His jurisdiction was limited in cases of maltreatment to 50 pesos de oro, 
 or ten days imprisonment, and he had no authority over officials. Puga, 
 Cedulario, 64-6. His interference became nevertheless distasteful, it seems, 
 to Fuenleal, who recommended that no more protectors be appointed. 
 
 Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 199-200, 424-5. Sal- 
 meron even uses the word enslavement in this connection. A joint letter of 
 the audiencia, of March 1531, states that the order against slavery had 
 already injured mining and raised the price of goods. Ternaux-Ccmpans, 
 Voy. , serie ii. tom. v. 147-8. 
 
 Cortes urges in 1537 that no undue haste be used in liberating slaves, 
 merely that children be declared free. Escritos Sueltos, 277-8. The price of 
 slaves in ]532 was 40 pesos. See Fuenleal's letter, ubi sup., 258-9. 
 
332 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 or towns were called upon to furnish men to enco- 
 menderos and officials, or for pretended royal service, 
 to transport provision and material to the settlements, 
 or for armies. The burdens and pressure to which 
 such impressed natives were submitted were quite 
 appalling, hundreds perishing on the road, there to 
 be left as carrion.^^ To stop the impressment was 
 impossible, as available beasts of burden were too few, 
 and as there was no other way to utilize certain na- 
 tives who were accustomed to carrying. Neverthe- 
 less restrictions were introduced, with limits on the 
 burden, the distance, and the proportion of the in- 
 habitants to be thus employed. Married men were 
 allowed to employ four carriers, bachelors, two, who 
 must volunteer for the work and receive in payment 
 one hundred cacao beans daily. All natives, indeed, 
 must be paid for work, the rate and number of hours 
 being determined by the audiencia.^^ 
 
 In these and other tasks of reform this body was 
 aided by native alguaciles, instructed by Spanish 
 officers and intrusted with the staff of office, as a step 
 to teaching them the administration of municipal 
 affairs. A further step was the establishment of 
 the town named Santa Fe, near Mexico, for converted 
 natives, especially those who had left the monasteries, 
 and here under the care of friars in their convent 
 hospital they were to be confirmed in the knowledge 
 
 The Huexotzincas, who bordered on the mountain passes leading to 
 Mexico Valley, were constantly impressed for scaling the ranges with bur- 
 dens, a strain under which hundreds perished, as Zumarraga writes in his oft- 
 quoted letter, 
 
 '^^Fuenleal, Carta, in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 212. He sug- 
 gests on a later page, that enough beasts exist to dispense with much of the 
 carrying, and urges the continued introduction of live-stock. Guzman favored 
 the same idea for Mexico, but not for New Galicia, where few beasts could 
 be found. Id., xiv. 86-7, 92-3. Beaumont adds his comments. Cr6n. Mich., 
 iii. 447-8. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vi., alludes to the limit of 30 leagues 
 for certain transportations, with proper care and maintenance of the carriers. 
 
 Puga, Cedulario, 77, 85. The audiencia speaks in 1531 of * un demi- 
 celemin de mais par jour ' to workers on a convent. Ternaux-Com.'pans, Voij., 
 s6rie ii. tom. v. 178. At a later date the pay was a silver cuartillo daily, and 
 Mendoza recommended the increase to ten maravedis, owing to the rise in 
 prices generally. Itdacion, in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 506-7. 
 
 ^^The audiencia did not find the Indians civilized enough to form town 
 councils. Lettre, in Ternaux-Covivpans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 168. 
 
PUEBLA BE LOS ANGELES. 
 
 333 
 
 and practice of European arts and institutions. Others 
 were placed in apprenticeship to Spanish artisans. 
 Efforts were also made to gather and provide for half- 
 breed children deserted by their fathers/^ and to 
 administer relief for the suffering created by the 
 measles, which burst suddenly upon the natives as an 
 epidemic, and committed ravages only inferior to those 
 of the small-pox.^^ Moors and Jews, and descendants 
 of those who had been stamped by the inquisition, 
 were expelled, so that their presence might not pro- 
 fane the increasing number of converts. Measures 
 against vagrants were made more stringent, as they 
 set a bad example to the community, and created no 
 little mischief in the native towns. This applied also 
 to many idle and dissolute persons, who, without being 
 actual vagrants, proved equally pernicious to the com- 
 munity. A number of these were settled in different 
 towns, and given land, together with ten or twenty 
 natives to aid them in cultivating it. 
 
 Among the results of the colonization measures was 
 the founding in 1530 of the city of Puebla de los An- 
 geles, by Hernando de Saavedra, corregidor of Tlascala, 
 with the approval of the audiencia. Bishop Garces had 
 
 ^^It was founded by Quiroga, who projected two more. Id., 135, 166; 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 310-11. 
 
 *° They might be intrusted to encomenderos till of an age to care for them- 
 selves. Puga, Cedulario, 88. Quiroga had been actuated to this step partly 
 by the number of children drowned in the ditches round Mexico. Moreno, 
 Fragmentos, 20-1. The illegitimate offspring of Indians and Spaniards 
 received the name of Montaneses. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 174. Bishop Zumar- 
 raga had fined Indian adulterers, but this act was annulled. Ordenes de la 
 Corona, MS., ii. 6. 
 
 *^It stands recorded in the native annals as tepiton zahuatl, small pest, 
 the small-pox being called great pest. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 514-15. Moto- 
 linia places it 'eleven years after the conquest,' Hist. Ind., i. 15; while 
 Bernal Diaz assumes that it came in 1527, preceded by a ' sabre-like light* in 
 the heavens, from which the priest predicted what followed, namely, an epi- 
 demic of measles and a sort of leprosy. In the year after, a rain of toads 
 terrified the settlers of Goazacoalco. Hist. Conq. (Paris, 1837), iv. 461-2. In 
 Oajaca, Bel, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Hoc., ix. 212, a famine is recorded, 
 which extended over Miguatlan region. Sahagun describes a pest about that 
 period, ' y salia como agua de las bocas . . , gran copia de sangre [a] por lo cual 
 moria y murid infinita gente,' Hist. Gen., ii. 273. 
 
 *^ Several petitions appeared to this effect. See Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, xii. 124, 136. The decree against Jews appears in Lihrode Cahildo, 
 MS., 194, and that against the others was already issued by the previous 
 audiencia, both to be evaded by bribes. 
 
334 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 already represented to the crown that unless a Spanish 
 town was established in his diocese little progress could 
 be made in the way of either spiritual or temporal im- 
 provement, and he applied for permission to found one. 
 The necessity was, however, so evident that, confident 
 of the approval of the king, the audiencia authorized 
 the beginning of the w^ork before the receipt of instruc- 
 tions from the crown/^ According to Motolinia, the 
 work was begun on the 16th of April,^ and from 
 Bishop Zumarraga's statements we learn that the site 
 first selected was situated on low ground, and that it 
 had been decided before he left New Spain, in 1532, 
 to remove the town to a higher position/^ 
 
 Although great assistance had been given to the 
 settlers by supplying them with native labor from the 
 neighboring towns of Tlascala, Tepeaca, and others, 
 during the first three years the colony did not make 
 that progress which the promoters of it had hoped. 
 The cause was the uncertainty as to the royal orders 
 
 *^By c^dula of January 18, 1581, the queen approved of the plan by 
 instructing the audiencia to found a town on an eligible site. Puga, Cedidario, 
 68. 
 
 There is some descrepancy about the date of the founding of Puebla, but 
 that given by Motolinia is well supported. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 232; Concilios 
 Prov., 1555-65, 243. Salmeron, writing on the 30th of March, 1531, uses these 
 words: ' Se comienza a ensayar la Puebla de los Angeles,' Paclieco a,nd Cardenas^ 
 Col. Doc, xiii. 196; yet on August 14, 1531, he describes the town as fairly built, 
 containing a church, public structures, four hostelries, and 50 houses, and the set- 
 tlers already engaged in agriculture. Ternaux-Compans, Voy. , serie ii. torn. v. 
 163-5, 187-90. Vetancurt gives April 16, 1530, as the date when the first mass 
 was said, which statement is corroborated by Motolinia. Vetancurt, however, 
 errs in asserting that the work was begun by permission of Fuenleal, as the 
 president had not yet arrived in New Spain. Chron., 47. Zamacois states 
 the city was founded in 1533 as a measure resolved upon by Fuenleal and the 
 audiencia. Hist. Mex., iv. 562. Some minor authorities give the year 1531, 
 and others 1532, as the date of the founding of this town. 
 
 Pac/ieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xvi. 560-2. The new town was built 
 on the margin of the river Atoyac. The site was five leagues south of Tlas- 
 cala, 20 leagues east of the city of Mexico, and 40 leagues west of Vera Cruz. 
 Upon it were very ancient ruins, those, according to tradition, of the city 
 of Quilaxcolapan, founded centuries before by Vemecat and Xicalantoalt. 
 Another name given to this ancient city was Vasipalan, meaning * country of 
 snakes.' Medina, Chron. de San Diego de Mex., 242-3. Quilaxcolapan signifies 
 the ' place where entrails are washed, ' the name being derived from the cus- 
 tom of throwing into the streams near by the entrails of human victims sac- 
 rificed by the Tlascaltecs. Alcald, Descri.p. Puebla, MS., 15. 
 
 *^ Salmeron, in a letter dated November 1, 1532, states that the colony 
 was on the decrease. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 207. 
 
COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 335 
 
 with regard to privileges and immunities. Doubt also 
 prevailed as to repartiniientos.^^ Meanwhile the queen, 
 by cedula of the 20th of March, 1532, sanctioned the 
 proceeding, and instructed the audiencia to advance 
 the settlement as fully as lay in its power, granting 
 exemption from taxation for thirty years. She also 
 conferred upon the town the title of city, and granted 
 it a coat of arms appropriate to its name of Puebla 
 de los Angeles. 
 
 Yet for some time discontent prevailed among the 
 colonists, and their numbers decreased considerably.^^ 
 But this unfavorable state of affairs did not last for 
 many years, as in 1535 a subscription to the amount 
 
 ' Les mecontents rep^tent sans cesse aux colons qu'ils les perdent et se 
 perdent eux-memes, puisque cet essai prouve qu'on peut gouverner le pays sans 
 repartimientos. ' Id. 
 
 Medina, Chron. de San Diego de Mex., 243; Puga, Cedulario, 76. The arms 
 consisted of five towers, through the central one of which rushed a rapid river. 
 The shield was surmounted by 
 an imperial crown, and sup- 
 ported by two angels holding 
 in their hands the letters K and 
 V, which, as Medina conjec- 
 tures, signified Charles V. In 
 the orle is inscribed the motto: 
 'Angelis svis Devs Mandavit 
 de se vt cvstodiant te.' I re- 
 produce a wood-cut represen- 
 tation of these arms from Gon- 
 mlez Ddvila, Teatro Udes., i., 
 between pp. 70 and 71, in which 
 an error of se for te occurs in 
 the motto. Calle asserts that 
 the coat of arms was granted 
 on the 20th of July, 1538, and 
 the title of * muy Noble, y Leal ' 
 on February 24, 1561. Mem. y 
 Not., 61. 
 
 Salmeron, in March 1531, informed the crown, without giving any reasons, 
 that this name had been adopted subject to his Majesty's approval. Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 196. Tradition, however, assigns reasons for 
 the name. One is that Bishop Garces saw, in a dream, angels surveying the 
 site, ConciUos Prov., 1555-65, 243; and another one informs us that while the 
 Sjjaniards were employed in founding the city a great multitude of angels 
 appeared in a dream to Queen Isabel and indicated to her the site. Garcia, 
 Hist. Beth., lib. iii. 19. 
 
 ^"Luis de Castilla made declaration in Toledo 1534, that he had been at 
 Puebla and that the vecinos were dissatisfied. Although he had heard thatj 
 there were 60 colonists when it was first settled, when he was there there 
 were only 17. These complained that Tlascala and Cholula had not been, 
 assigned to them in repartimiento, though a promise to that effect had been 
 made. Puebla, Probanza, in Pacheco and Cardenas, xvi. 557-9. 
 
 Arms op Puebla de Los Angeles. 
 
S36 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 of eleven hundred and twenty-six pesos was raised for 
 the erection of a more suitable church, which was 
 begun in August 1536 and completed in October 1539, 
 From this time continued success followed, and Puebla 
 became not only the cathedral town of the diocese3^^ 
 but a flourishing agricultural and manufacturing cen- 
 tre.^^ 
 
 Flattered by the good effect of many benevolent 
 measures, and the ease with which reforms had been 
 introduced into the Indian department, the audiencia 
 began to write glowing reports of their progress, and 
 of the improvement of affairs generally. Their secret 
 orders were not divulged, and for a long time the 
 withdrawal of encomiendas was understood to be a 
 step toward a new distribution, partly of grants in per- 
 petuity. This belief was fostered to some extent by 
 the utterances of certain oidores, made in good faith 
 in favor of encomiendas as needful to colonial advance- 
 ment, and partly by the public letters of Fuenleal 
 to the same effect. But the latter were intended 
 only to deceive the settlers, or calm them, for in pri- 
 vate letters he spoke against all but temporary grants, 
 and made light of protests from the colonists. Some 
 of these, however, thought it prudent to secure all 
 the benefit possible from the natives held, and this to 
 a degree that left a stamp of desolation upon many a 
 fair district. This done, they were ready to join 
 those who had been dispossessed in an overwhelming 
 clamor against the gradually disclosing pohcy of the 
 audiencia. The country would surely be ruined. 
 
 The episcopal seat was removed from Tlascalato Puebla in 1550. About 
 this period it contained 500 vecinos. Mex. Inform., in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, XV. 447-9. As early as 1531 Salmeron had suggested that Puebla 
 should be made the seat of the bishopric — Ternaux-CompahS, serie ii. torn. 
 V. 185 — and Bishop Garces also agitated the question of removal thither. 
 He did not, however, live to see the change effected. 
 
 Notably that of silk. By cedula of April 23, 1548, free license was 
 given to its inhabitants to establish silk factories without being subject to 
 control or interference. Recop. de Ind., ii. 108. 
 
 ' El aber quitado los indios y avellos tomado para Vuestra Magesta.d 
 fue cosa guiada por Dios.' A little below he urges delay in considering per- 
 petuity grants, 'aunque en el parecer que envio digo otra cosa.' Carta, in 
 Padieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 252-3. 
 
CORREGIMIENTOS OR ENCOMIENDAS. 
 
 337 
 
 Without natives to work for them the Castihan would 
 be reduced to starvation and compelled to go in search 
 of other fields. The natives would relapse into their 
 old ways, grow arrogant, rise against the Spaniards, 
 and none might predict the end. 
 
 The corregidores also joined in the cry, and com- 
 plained bitterly of the small pay which barely sufficed 
 for absolute necessaries.^* The friars, who were inter- 
 ested, for that matter, by reason of a number of snug 
 grants, came to their aid with strong arguments, 
 dwelling in particular on the need of the encomienda 
 system to promote conversion, and thereby maintain 
 control over the natives. The oidores became divided 
 on this point, Salmeron and Quiroga showing a pref- 
 erence for the system, and the able Ceynos appearing 
 against crown holdings by which the revenue was 
 reduced to nothing. It was also argued that encomen- 
 deros could be supervised in their treatment of vassals 
 fully as well as corregidores, and would not only take 
 greater interest in their charge, but insure a larger 
 tribute. The economic feature must after all out- 
 weigh philanthropy, at least with a monarch in need of 
 funds, and as corregimientos involved a costly staff of 
 petty governors and collectors, with payment of army 
 and perisioners, nearly all of whom could be discarded 
 under the encomienda system, which also afibrded a 
 surer return, it is no wonder that the high resolves 
 were shaken. Viceroy Mendoza, indeed, received 
 orders to stay his hand against encomenderos, and, as 
 he strongly condemiied corregidores, and advocated 
 native service as necessary for the country, we find 
 
 This is graphically set forth ia a petition from a number of conquerors, 
 in Col. Doc. Inid., i. 526-30. 
 
 Ceynos recommended entailed grants, with enriquena clause, of most 
 land, and in large lots, say to about 400 deserving men in all, 200 of whom 
 were to reside at Mexico, paying one tenth of revenue to the crown. Smaller 
 grants lead to extortion. Carta, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 158 et seq., 237. 
 The representations of the friars, headed by Valencia and Betanzos, are given 
 in Id., 156, 190, and others appear in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 
 56(>-71, xi. 197-8, xii. 123-6, 140, xvi. 560. 
 
 ^<^See his letters in Id., ii. 183-5, Florida, Col. Doc, i. 122, and Ternaux- 
 Vompans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 364, wherein he also exposes the corregidores 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 22 
 
338 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 the old system revived with ever increasing entailment, 
 for a number of lives, side by side with corregimiento 
 rule, till it withers in the general advancement, and 
 disappears by decree of Carlos III/'' 
 
 The question was of vital importance to the con- 
 querors, who, after performing achievements unequalled 
 for daring and grandeur, as Bernal Diaz asserts, had 
 for a dozen years assisted to establish a new country 
 for the crown. If their motives were not governed 
 wholly by patriotism, the result nevertheless appeared 
 to the benefit of their God, their country, and their 
 king, and they were entitled to a better reward than 
 appears to have been given them — instance such meri- 
 torious men as Montano, the volcano-climber. Much 
 of the complaint, as recorded in different memorials, 
 and in the soldier chronicle of Bernal Diaz, is no 
 doubt the chronic grumbling of men disappointed in 
 their inordinate pretensions, or torn by envy at the 
 greater honors and opulence gained by favorites of 
 fortune, or by persons more careful of their opportu- 
 nities than the reckless, shiftless adventurers who seized 
 an emperor and subdued a nation, and then abandoned 
 the substance to disperse in profitless search of new 
 worlds to conquer. There had been here a Monte- 
 zuma, and there an Atahualpa ; surely there was noth- 
 ing so very improbable in the fancy that there might 
 be half a score of such kingdoms scattered about the 
 world. But the gold and pearls of new kingdoms 
 once more melted into air, and when the restless sol- 
 diers returned to neglected grants, they found them- 
 selves too often stripped of these. And so they 
 struggled on, a prey to their own folly, yet ever 
 bringing accusations against a not altogether thankless 
 
 as negligent officers and cruel extortioners. The commissioners sent to do 
 justice, Puga, Cedulario, 75, did little good. 
 
 In Leon, Trat. Encom. , 4 et seq. , we find the rules and progress of the 
 system fully revealed, with entailment to the third, fourth, and fifth genera- 
 tion, in from 1559 to 1629. Mendoza speaks of a system of deductions and 
 vacancies in the corregidoi" holdings, m order to obtain funds to support 
 appointees for whom no place could be found. Pacheco and Cardenas, CoL 
 Doc, vi. 500. 
 
DISPERSION OF THE CONQUERORS. 
 
 339 
 
 government, and finding consolation in tirades and 
 petitions, and above all in dwelling upon the pictures 
 of the glorious past, dimmed here and there by recol- 
 lections of those who had yielded life upon the terrible 
 stone of sacrifice, yet anon illumined by heroic deaths 
 on the battle-field. Many succumbed to broken 
 health, and a half-century after the landing of Cortes 
 but five of his famous band of five hundred and two- 
 score remained, as Bernal Diaz querulously relates : 
 *'A11 of us aged and infirm, and very poor, burdened 
 with sons, and daughters to marry, and with grand- 
 children ; and so we live in trouble and misery " — a 
 sentence which may possibly belie itself, however. 
 But let the old soldier grumble ; it gives us pleasure 
 sometimes to exaggerate our merits. 
 
 As for the band of Narvaez, about a thousand 
 strong, he knows of but twelve remaining; and the 
 followers of Garay, all gone or dispersed. Yet the con- 
 querors did not disappear so entirely after all; the 
 number of prominent and wealthy men who in later 
 generations claimed descent from them is quite numer- 
 ous, and many, indeed, have by illustrious deeds 
 revived the laurels gained by their forefathers.'^^ 
 
 Bernal Diaz' own family, despite his complaints, rose to prominence, or 
 rather sustained itself, as told in Juarros, Guat., i. 338; Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 
 604. His own book concludes with brief biographies of a large number of 
 his comrades. Hist. Verdad., 14, 129, 240-7, and passim; the records in (7or- 
 t6s, Residencia, i. ii., and Ramirez, jProceso, give additional facts, and long 
 and nearly complete lists of the first-comers have been collected in Icazbal- 
 ceta, Col. Doc., i. 431-6; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da 6p., ii. 254-63; Dice. 
 Univ., ii. 492-510; Ilustracion Mex., i. 345-9. The Monumentos Hist, y 
 Polit., MS., opens with a list of descendants living in 1590, and gives some 
 account of their condition. See also Mex. Manif. al Rey, 22-6; Gonzalez 
 Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 177; Torquemada, i. 351, etc. Additional authorities 
 for the three preceding chapters are: Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 
 45-6, 114, 200-3; iv. 146-7, 566-74; vi. 277, 500, 507; viii. 21; ix. 212; xi. 
 197-8; xii.-xiii. passim; xv. 443; xvi. 368, 560; xxvi. 352-564; xxvii.-ix.; 
 Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 162-9; Ternaux-Com/pans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 
 205-57, 345-65; serie ii. tom. i. 209 et seq. ; tom. v. passim; Lihro de Cahildo, 
 MS., 144, 194, 240-4; Oviedo, i. 114-15; iii. 520-35; Leon, Trat. Encmi., 18 
 et seq.; Pwja, Cedulario, 6 passim; Cartas de Indias, 659, 837-41; Torque- 
 mada, i. 312-13, 502-3, 599-608; iii. 39^2, 101-2, 157, et seq.; Las Casas, 
 Rerjio. Ind. Devastat., 40-5, 91-112; Ramirez, Proceso, 191-205, 236-58; 
 Fifjueroa, Vindicias, MS., 121-2; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. pp. xlviii.-ix., 
 Ivi.-lxiv., 14 et seq.; ii. pp. xxiii.-v., 28-30, 156-89; Col. Doc In6d., i. 29, 
 31-41, 10.3-22, 521-30; ii. 401-5; iv. 224-6; Arckivo Mex., Doc, i. passim; 
 ii. 81, 166-7, 297-302; MorelU, Fasti Novi Orbis., 104; Florida, Col. Doc, 
 
340 
 
 THE SECOND AUDIENCIA AND ITS REFORMS. 
 
 121-33; Ordenes de la Corom, MS., i. 1-6, 60-4; Alfonso el Sahio, Las Siete^ 
 Partidas, i.-iv.; Hecop. de Indias, i. 570; ii. 157-8, 197; Cortes, Escritos 
 Sneltos, 75 passim; Ramirez, Doc., MS., 269-362, 399-402; Daran, Hist. 
 Ind., MS., 517-25; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 224 passim; Vireyes, Instrvc., 
 MS., serie ii. pt. i.; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 20-4, 71, 80-6, 262; 
 A rroniz. Hist. Orizaba, 314-15; Medina, Chrdn. de San Diego, 9, 10, 19-20, 
 242-3, 256; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 1-54, 126-49; Prescotfs Mex., 
 ii. 477, 311-33; also notes in Mex. eds., i.-ii. ; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 164, 
 182; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 47-96; 112-13, 156-9; Peralta, Not. Hist., 136-7; 
 164-8, 276-9; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 210 passim; iv 51, 85-96, 115-16, 
 571-90; V. 229, 287-9; Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 30, 284-93, 312; Busta- 
 mante, Necesidad, 41-3; Monumentos D&niin. Esp., MS., 8j 62, 72-6; pt. v, 
 6, 7, 34, 41, 45-50; pt. vi. 322-9; Escosura, Conjuracion, ii. 48-62; Burgoa, 
 Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, i. 3-64; ii. 380-97; Villa Senor, Theatro, i. 13-14; ii. 
 112; Lerdo d^ Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt. iv. 248-52; Montemayor, Svmarios, 
 pt. i. 87-105, 175-81, 209-36; pt. ii.-iii. passim; Alaman, Disert., i. 250-70, 
 app. 29-30, 125, 215-22; ii. 20-33, 151-96, 307-16, app. 15-49; Burgoa, 
 Palestra Hist., 1-15; Concilios Prov., 1555 y 1565, 29-34, 227-82; Salazar, 
 Mex., 1554, 303-7; Salazar y Olarte Conq. Mex., 346-52, 398-441; Cortes, 
 Hist. N. Esp., 12-13; Prov. Sto Evangelio, pt. i.; Calle Mem. y Not., 41^; 
 Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. '22-7; Mex. Extractos de Cedidas, MS., 5-12; Mex., 
 Not. Cindad, 265; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., pt. xxxiii. 458-60; Vetancvrt, 
 Menolog., 485; Id., Chron., 26^8; Id., Trat. Mex., 28-54; Id., Puebla, 54^6; 
 Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult, ii. 374-418; v. 149-306; Museo Mex., iii. 82; Brasseur 
 de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 723-74; La Ilustracion Mexicana, i. 345-0; 
 Pelaez, Meni. Guat., i. 123-9; Nueva Esp. Breve Res., MS., 225^5; Mex., 
 Manijlesto al Rey., 22-6; Mex. Mem,. Agric. 1843, 9, 10; Peter Martyr, de 
 InsvUs, 147-57; Aa, Naauheurige Versameling, xxviii.; Dice. Univ., i. 356-8, 
 500-13; ii. 475-510; v. 678; vi. 475-8; viii. 62-3, 135, 213 et seq.; ix. 412-13; 
 x. 746-69; Reales Cedulas, MS., i. 148-9; Granados, Tardes Am., 28-338; 
 Evans' Sister Rep., 42; Fnndacion, Prov. Santiago, MS., 1, 2, 15; Helps' 
 Span. Conq., iii. 114 et seq.; iv. 354; Id., Cortes, ii. 176-82, 248-58; Cavo, 
 Tres Sighs, i. 66-116; Clemente, Tablas Chronoldg., 173-220; Remesal, Hist. 
 Chyapa, 10-13, 35-41, 104-11, 479; Revilla, Resumen Hist., 481-8; Soc. Mex. 
 Geog. Boletin, i. 228, 828-41; ii. 7, 137, 254^63, 434-44; iii. 347; v. 325-6; 
 X. 108-13; xi. 501; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 197 passim; v. 71, 165; x. 
 1208-9; Santos, Chron. Hospitalaria, 433, 473; Pap. Francis, MS., i. pt. i.; 
 Larenaudi^re, Mex. et Giiat., 152-8; Mazariegos Chiapa, 33-^3; Lafmrpe, 
 Abrege, x. 62-122; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 46-60; Campbell's Hist. Span. Am., 
 41; Diorama, 169-70; Cortds, Brieven, ii. 290-3; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 
 895; Nouv. Bib. des Voy., 124r-7; Pimentel, Mem. Lit. Actual, 168-76; Guerra^ 
 N. Esp., ii. 608-10; Alegre, Hist. Comp., i. 213-16, 434-9; Voyages, New Col, 
 i. 348; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcix. 192; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 62^, 
 175-90; Frost's Pic. Hist. Mex., 130-4; Garcia, Hist. Beth., liii. 19-20j 
 Young's Hist. Mex., 46; Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 356-80; Sanchez, Pueb, 
 Sagrada., 1-162; Salmon's Mod. Hist., iii. 196; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., 
 vii. 198; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 205-12; Mex., Col. Leyes 1801, i. p. xl.; Heller, 
 Reisen in Mex., 128; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 87-90; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., 
 v. 93-7; Episcopado, Mex., 7; Portilla, Esp. in Mex., 199-202; Gottfried, 
 Reisen, iv.; Cortes, Aven, y Conq., 289-304; Dunbar's Mex. Papers, 192; 
 Lettres ^difantes, iv, 356-68; Diario Mex., viii. 325; El Lkeo Mexicana, L 
 280-97; Fossey, Mexique, 601; Grijalva, Crd?dca, 2-9. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 1526-1534. 
 
 Coruna's Mission — Advance of the Cross — Entry of Guzman into Mi- 
 CHOACAN — His Atrocities — Terrible Fate of King Tangaxoan — 
 Cajvipaign in Cuinas, Cuitzco, and along Chapala Lake — Battle of 
 Tonala — Raids from Nochistlan — El Gran Teul — Operations in 
 Jalisco — In Quest of the Amazons — The Greater Spain — Cross- 
 ing THE EspiRiTu Santo — On to Aztatlan — Devastating Floods — 
 Branding Slaves — The Amazon Myth — Change of Plans — Found- 
 ing OF Towns — Guzman Defies the Audiencia — Castilla s Discom- 
 fiture — Nemesis — Bibliography. 
 
 It has been related how Cortes, lured by ever 
 present rumors of gold and pearls, had sent forth 
 expeditions which skirted the southern sea from rich 
 Tututepec to distant Jalisco, and then retired to 
 Colima and Tzintzuntzan to form nuclei for proposed 
 colonies, and starting-points for more effective inva- 
 sions. In Michoacan the exploitation of mines proved 
 a means to attract and maintain settlers chiefly of a 
 reckless class, whose conduct was not calculated to 
 create admiration. The native king, indeed, had cause 
 for bitter complaints, and after the overthrow of 
 Salazar, in 1526,^ he came to Mexico for redress, 
 there to observe for himself the beneficial influence of 
 friars, particularly in restraining the colonists in ex- 
 cesses against natives. Of a timid nature, Tangaxoan 
 thought it politic not only to accept baptism, with the 
 
 ^Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 215, places this visit during the troublous 
 time of Salazar 's rule; but had he come then that rapacious tyrant would 
 have held him a prisoner to extort treasures, for Albornoz writes in 1525 that 
 the king should be sent for and seized, because he resisted the miners. Carta, 
 isx Isazbakta, Col, Doc, i. 502-3. 
 
 (341) 
 
342 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA G ALICIA. 
 
 name of Francisco,^ but to ask for friars to accom- 
 pany him and spread their faith in his kingdom. This 
 was accorded, and Martin de Jesus, also known as De 
 la Coruna, one of the twelve Franciscans,^ set forth 
 with two or three companions/ 
 
 They were well received, and soon a convent and 
 church arose, the latter dedicated to Santa Ana, 
 wherein began their proselyting work. A not alto- 
 gether politic iconoclasm created a hostile feeling 
 among the people, abetted by the native priests, and 
 but for the decided attitude of the king and his 
 courtiers in favor of the friars, their task would have 
 been difficult. As it was, idol after idol v/as cast 
 down, and temples were purified of their abomina- 
 tions, or destroyed,^ and since the wrath of the gods, 
 manifested only in impotent oracles, seemed powerless 
 against the attack of these solitary men, the people 
 recovered from their first shock and began to look 
 more kindly on a religion held by doughty conqueror 
 and patronized by royalty. This change was greatly 
 promoted by the exemplary life of the friars, unselfish, 
 devoid of greed, patient, benevolent, and sympathiz- 
 ing, and these virtues touched the people in particular 
 through the care of children and invalids. With the 
 
 2 So Torquemada, iii. 332, assumes, followed by Beaumont, yet it is not 
 unlikely that the baptism took place later, though not after 1529, as shown 
 by Pila7\ in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 248. Alegre names him Antonio. Hist. 
 Corny. Jesus, i. 92, and so does Chimalpain. Hist. Conq., ii. 78. 
 
 ^ He is highly spoken of for his charitable character and rigid observance 
 of rules. After working zealously in Michoacan he went with Cortes to Cal- 
 ifornia, became guardian at Cuernavaca, returned to Patzcuaro, where he 
 died probably in 1558. Vetancurt says September 25th, omitting the year. 
 Menolog., 185; Dates Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 780; Torquemaday iii. 435-7; 
 Beristain says 1568. 
 
 ^Mendieta, Hist. EcUs., 376. In a memorial of Gonzaga five are men- 
 tioned: Angel de Saliceto, or Saucedo, later known as Angel de Valcencia, 
 Gerdnimo de la Cruz, Juan Badiano, or Badillo, properly Vadier, Miguel de 
 Bolonia, and Juan de Padilla, and Beaumont insists on accepting them, but 
 Torquemada points out that some of these arrived only in 1527. Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 731, 745-6, takes a ground opposite to the 
 clear statements of Mendieta, and perverts his quoted authority, Torque- 
 mada. 
 
 ^The chroniclers gravely relate that idols even of gold and silver were 
 destroyed or cast away. * Junt6 vna gran suma de idolos, y k los de metal, y 
 oro los arroj6 en lo mas profundo de la laguna.' Vetancvrt, Menolog., 105. 
 
MARCH OF GUZMAN. 
 
 S43 
 
 arrival of more friars,^ conversion spread, and hermi- 
 tages and convents were soon established in different 
 towns, as Guayangareo, Patzcuaro, Acdmbaro, Urua- 
 pan, and Tarecuaro, all of which were subordinated 
 to the mother institution at Tzintzuntzan, a city con- 
 firmed as capital by decree of 1528/ 
 
 MiCHOACAN AND COLIMA. 
 
 Thus spread a peaceful conquest, marred only by 
 occasional excesses from ruthless colonists, and the 
 Tarascans were becoming reconciled to the Spanish 
 domination, tempered as it was by the influence of 
 the cross. But the peace of Michoacan was not des- 
 tined to be of long duration. The wealth of its hills 
 was against it, as demonstrated not alone by the 
 unruly conduct of the first colonists, but by the 
 infamous proceedings of the first audiencia against 
 Tangaxoan Caltzontzin, king of Michoacan, who had 
 been summoned to Mexico and there held captive, 
 with significant intimations that it would be as well 
 for him to arrange for a plentiful supply of gold. 
 
 ^The records of Acambaro give the names of several additional friars 
 who are said to have arrived already before the close of 1526. Beaumont, 
 Cr6n. Mich., iii. 27-53. 1527 is a more correct date. 
 
 Pwja, Cedulario, 27. Beaumont enumerates several more establishments, 
 notably round Lake Patzcuaro. Cr6n. Mich., iii. 243-8. 
 
344 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA. 
 
 It was in December 1529 that Nunc de Guzman 
 left the capital as one flying from retribution. He 
 appeared in Michoacan at the head of a well-equipped 
 army, accompanied by the king, who now served in 
 the additional capacity of hostage.^ The return of the 
 monarch was sufficient in itself to give rise to dem- 
 onstrations of joy, notably at Tzintzuntzan, although 
 the festivities were soon marred by bitter grief. Im- 
 mediately after his arrival the president required the 
 king to furnish the Spaniards with from six to ten thou- 
 sand servants for the march northward, and a few days 
 later, under pretext that Tangaxoan did not supply 
 the necessary provisions, Guzman placed him in irons 
 arid confined him in a room near his own. Gold and 
 silver were also demanded, but the amount given was 
 far from satisfying Guzman's greed, and Tangaxoan 
 was repeatedly tortured^ in the effort to ascertain 
 from him the hiding-place of his store of precious met- 
 als, small amounts of which were still brought in from 
 time to time in the vain hope of obtaining the royal 
 captive's release. 
 
 As soon as the requisite number of natives had been 
 furnished they were distributed among the Spaniards, 
 and the march of the army continued, the lord of 
 each town or village being carried along in chains as 
 a guaranty of submission on the part of his sub- 
 jects, after the manner of Tangaxoan, Don Pedro 
 the governor, and Don Alonso, the king's son-in-law. 
 From Tzintzuntzan they went to Purudndiro, fording 
 the river Tololotlan, or Lerma, February 2, 1530, at 
 or near Conguripo. From the day, they named the 
 river Nuestra Seriora de la Purificacion del Buen Paso, 
 
 ^ The king was apparently at liberty, but a guard, specially appointed to 
 watch him, would have made futile any attempt to escape. Guzman, Rel. 
 Andn., 463. 
 
 ^ Garcia del Pilar and the alcalde Godoy were employed for the purpose, 
 but the statement of the former leaves it uncertain whether the kmg was tor- 
 tured while in Tzintzuntzan. An order was given, but before it was carried 
 into effect two friars interceded and the king was restored to his prison, where 
 he was kept altogether about three weeks, until the march of the army was 
 resumed. Pilar, Melacion, 248-9; Guzman, Hd. Andn., 403. 
 
THE TORTURE APPLIED. 
 
 345 
 
 taking formal possession by appropriate ceremonies, 
 on February 7tli, of the country on the northern bank 
 now visited for the first time, and building a kind 
 of walled church, or hermitage, also dedicated to Our 
 Lady of the Purification.^^ 
 
 Encamping near the ford, Guzman proceeded to 
 further try the king, charging him with the murder 
 of several Spaniards, relapse into paganism, and the 
 treacherous design of laying an ambush for the army. 
 Observing that his prisoner was not willing to confess 
 crimes which he never had committed, Guzman re- 
 solved to apply more forcible remedies. 
 
 Two Tarascan interpreters were the first victims. 
 Information was demanded as to the number of Chris- 
 tians killed by their ruler, the time since the occur- 
 rence, and the whereabouts of Caltzontzin's wives and 
 treasure. It was of no avail that they protested 
 ignorance, the lash and dripping water were employed 
 to revive their memory, and at last fire was applied 
 to the feet, until the toes dropped off.^^ 
 
 During the following three days Don Pedro, Don 
 Alsonso, and even Tangaxoan were subjected to the 
 same treatment, all except the application of fire, and 
 
 ^"Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 354-60, followed by Ramirez, Proceso, 203-6, 
 and others, represents the army as having reached the river on December 8th 
 at Conguripo, whence they went to Tzint ^'u j tzan, thence to Puruandiro, and 
 after advancing a few leagues crossed a groat river. No one would suppose 
 from this version that Conguripo and the crossing near Puruandiro were 
 identical as is the fact; clearly the authors had no such idea themselves. 
 Other writers, as Frcjes, Hint. Breve, 73, and Romero, J^of. Mich., 122, make 
 December 8th the date of the final crossing. But most of the original 
 documents say the river was forded in February, while Guzman in Eamusio, 
 iii. 331, and Oviedo, iii. 563-5, affirm it was on Purification day, or February 
 2d. The confusion in dates, anc' consequent blunder in the route, arises doubt- 
 ' less from the fact that certain writers, learning that the event took place on 
 the day of Nuestra Senora, have supposed it was the Conception, December 
 8th, instead of the Purification, February 2d, of our i idy. Throughout this 
 campaign there is the greatest confusion in dates. I have spared no pains in 
 ascertaining in each case the exact or approximate dates; but I have not 
 deemed it best, except in a few cases for special reasons, to show in note^ the 
 methods of arriving at my conclusions. I have abundant material at hand 
 for such notes, but they would be long and numerous, and serve no useful 
 purpose save perhaps as a record of the author's industry. 
 
 ^^Only a few Spaniards who enjoyed the confidence of the general were 
 present at this infamous proceeding, conducted in a small hut outside the 
 camp. FilaTf U'estinwnio, in liamirez, Proceso, 266. 
 
346 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 with the same result. They were firm in denying 
 the possession of treasure, and affirmed, as was doubt- 
 less true, that the gifts already made represented the 
 accumulations of many years, and that as their coun- 
 try produced but little gold they had no more to 
 give.-^^ Irritated by failure, Guzman sentenced the 
 ruler to death, declaring him guilty of all the charges ; 
 and after having been dragged over the plain tied to 
 the tail of a horse, Tangaxoan was burned alive at 
 the stake. 
 
 To the last Tangaxoan protested his innocence and 
 his good faith toward the Christians, called on his 
 people to witness how the Spaniards rewarded his 
 devotion, and asked that his ashes be taken home^* 
 for burial. This request was disregarded, however, 
 and the ashes were thrown into the river by order 
 of Guzman. These facts were brought out at the 
 trial of the infamous president in later years, and are 
 supported by statements of the best authorities. I 
 believe there is no circumstance to be urged in behalf 
 of Nuno de Guzman which can justly relieve him of 
 
 ^2 Pilar and the author of the 4a Eel. Andn. state that the day after the 
 torturing of Caltzontzin, several of Guzman's followers left the camp and 
 returned some days later with a great quantity of gold and silver, found in a 
 house indicated by the king when under torture. Filar, JRelacion, 250-1, and 
 Guzman, If.a Bel. An6n., 461-5. 
 
 ' El pregon decia por haber muerto muchos cristianos, ' Guzman, 3a Bel. 
 Andn., 439, * decia el pregon a este hombre por traidor, por muchas muertea 
 de cristianos que se le hanprobado.' Sdmuno, Bel., 262. Bernal Diaz, Hist. 
 Verdad., 230, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 752, afl&rm 
 that the king was strangled, but they are evidently mistaken. Pilar, Testi- 
 monio, in Baminez, Proceso, 269, says, ' luego pusieron fuego a la lena, y 
 comenzd a arder, y asi quemd al dicho Cazolzi, hasta que naturalniente 
 perdid la vida. ' Don Pedro and Don Alonso were only saved from sharing 
 the king's fate on account of the intercession of the former contador Albornoz 
 and of Father Miguel de Bolona. Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., 
 i. 800, 
 
 ' Mandaba que despues de quemado cojiese los polvos, y cenizas de el. . . 
 y que alii hiciese juntar a todos les senores de la dicha Provincia, y que les 
 contase . . . que viesen el galardon, que le aban los Christianos. ' Pilar, Testi' 
 monk), in Bamirez, Proceso, 269. Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 29, says, 'though the 
 king's will was complied with, the Tarascos remained quiet; their own king 
 had accustomed them to pusillanimity.' 
 
 Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 752, following an old manu- 
 script, claims that the greater part was saved by friends and servants of the 
 late king, and secretly buried at Patzcuaro, with all the honois and solem- 
 nities due to his rank. 
 
TANGAXOAK BURNED. 
 
 347 
 
 the black crime of having foully and without provoca- 
 tion murdered the kind-hearted Caltzontzin.^^ 
 
 These proceedings materially affected the progress 
 of the expedition, for the news spreading throughout 
 the neighboring districts caused the natives either 
 to fly, or to rise in defence of their homes, only to 
 encounter certain defeat. Any other leader would 
 have been startled by the desolation which met his 
 eye on every side, but Guzman seemed rather to 
 accept it as a flattering tribute to his renown, and 
 made light of the alarm manifested by some of his 
 followers, declaring that he would assume the respon- 
 sibility before the crown of all his acts. 
 
 During the stay of nearly two weeks at the camp 
 by the ford of Purificacion, and while the proceedings 
 against Caltzontzin were carried on, detachments were 
 sent out in different directions to receive the submis- 
 sion of the towns, and they met with no resistance. 
 Then, after military ordinances were published, the 
 army started down the river on or near the northern 
 bank, and after a march of six days arrived on the 
 borders of Cuinao, or Coynan province, watered by 
 the stream known afterward as the Zula. Chirinos, 
 the late worthy associate of the tyrant Salazar, who 
 accompanied the expedition as captain, was sent in 
 advance to demand submission. He found the chief 
 town abandoned, and the inhabitants in rapid flight. 
 
 It is fair to present the excuses that have been offered for Guzman's act. 
 Oviedo, iii. 564-5, says the king refused to give information about the northern 
 country, and that he confessed the murder of 35 Spaniards, whose remains 
 were used at pagan festivals. Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 426, tells us he 
 had relapsed into idolatry and sacrificed Spaniards, dressing himself in the 
 skins of the victims. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 23-4, says he was accused 
 of disloyal plots, was formally tried and convicted, and that so learned a 
 lawyer as Guzman would not have proceeded illegally! Guzman himself in 
 Carta a S. M., in Ramusio, iii. 331, says that Tangaxoan was tried on many 
 charges, especially that of rebellious designs, impudently referring to the 
 records of the trial. If from the standpoint of the times we admit relapse 
 into idolatry as a justification for his death, it is very evident from the friend- 
 ship of the friars for Caltzontzin that there was no such relapse in his case, 
 
 Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 27, without naming any authority, states 
 that one of these expeditions penetrated to Guanajuato. According to Tello, 
 Guanajuato was then conquered. Both Mota Padilla and Navarrete, who 
 follows him, Hist. Jal, 29, mention Penjamo as one of the pueblos subjected 
 at this time. 
 
343 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GAUCIA. 
 
 yet defiant, though a shght skirmish, involving the 
 capture of a few of their number was all that resulted 
 from the demonstration. For several weeks the 
 army remained in the camp outside of Cuinao, the 
 town itself having been burned, doubtless by Guz- 
 man's order, although it was claimed, as also in many 
 later instances, that such deeds were due to the 
 Aztec and Tlascaltec allies who could not be con- 
 trolled. Meanwhile expeditions were made into the 
 neighborhood by detachments under Guzman, Chirinos, 
 and Cristobal de Onate, to reduce the country and to 
 ravage. Their task was not difficult, for the villages 
 and farms were all abandoned, while straggling fugi- 
 tives hovered in the distance. A number gradually 
 came in to tender submission, and among them the 
 cacique, upon whom the devout Guzman himself 
 exerted his oratorical power in behalf of the faith for 
 which he was thus mowing a path. It is unnecessary 
 to say that the chieftain was convinced by the argu- 
 ments of his teacher. 
 
 From here a message was sent to the adjoining 
 province of Cuitzeo,^^ which lay on both sides of the 
 main river on and near the shores of Lake Chapala,^ 
 the chief town of the same name being on the south- 
 ern bank and within the territory discovered by Fran- 
 cisco Co.rtes in 1524. It was, however, no part of 
 Guzman's policy to avoid that territory or to respect 
 the rights of preceding explorers. Chimalhuacan 
 
 It is amusing to read Guzman's account of this effort, and to note the 
 flow of devout sentiments from his pen. Truly, the sovereign must have con- 
 gratulated himself on possessing so earnest a champion of the cross. See Car- 
 ta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 363-4. According to Mota Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal. , 29, Fray Martin de J esus made here an attempt at conversion, 
 but this is more than doubtful, for he is nowhere else mentioned as a member 
 of the expedition. It is also said that, while in Cuinao, messengers returned 
 from Michoacan, bringing more gold and silver than ever before. They had 
 been sent by Don Pedro and Don Alonso, who by this means sought to obtain 
 exemption from further torture. Pila7', Pel., 251, and Guzman, 4^ Pel. Andn., 
 466. 
 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 384, followed by Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 
 500, tells us this was not Cuitzeo de la Laguna near Lake Chapala; but they 
 are clearly in error. 
 
 '^^ Chapala, lake in Jalisco; Laet, 1633, L, Chapala; Jefferys, 1776, L. Cha- 
 pala; Kiepert, 1852, lake and city Chapala. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS,, ii. 496. 
 
BATTLE AT THE FORD. 
 
 349 
 
 and the Avalos provinces he regarded as legitimate 
 fields of conquest, and he anticipated pleasure as well 
 as profit in wresting these regions from Cortes. 
 The natives of Cuitzeo, however, were not at all inclined 
 to receive the strangers with open arms, and their 
 cacique sent answer "that he knew what sort of men 
 the Spaniards were, and challenged them to enter his 
 country." Guzman is said to have hesitated as to what 
 course he should pursue, but Cristobal de Onate soon 
 solved his doubts by tauntingly observing that Cortes 
 would never have achieved his glorious triumphs had 
 he allowed himself to be regulated by formalities and 
 requerimientos. He made his demands with foot in 
 stirrup, and entered the very camp of the foe to hear 
 the answer. The march was accordingly directed 
 toward Cuitzeo, and before long they came in sight of 
 the enemy. When at a gunshot's distance, a native 
 champion came forth to test in a personal combat the 
 valor and weapons of the Spaniards. He was easily 
 vanquished by Juan Michel, a Portuguese soldier, 
 who obtained permission to exhibit his prowess, and 
 the defeat so terrified the Indians that they hastened 
 to seek shelter at the river. Here they recovered 
 their courage, and, on attempting to cross the stream 
 on rafts and by fording, Guzman's forces were attacked 
 in the water and a desperate struggle ensued in the 
 current, on the banks, and on the river island, where 
 the foe had intrenched them selves. 
 
 This continued for several days with severe losses 
 on both sides, Guzman's being mostly confined to his 
 native alUes. A few horses were killed, but great 
 care was used in disposing of the bodies so that the 
 
 2iMota Padilla, Conq. N. Oal, 27, here as well as in the rest of hig 
 account of Guzman's campaign, seeks to defend the unscrupulous policy of 
 the j)resident. 
 
 '^'^ ' Cortes. . .con las armas en la mano y el pie en el estribo; remitia sus 
 embajadas, mas las respuestas las oia en las mismas canales de las poblaciones. ' 
 Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 30. 
 
 Captain Vasquez, armed with a sword and a buckler, was the first who 
 leaped into the river, and, followed by some of his foot,- soldiers, opened the 
 attack upon the natives intrenched on the island. Sdmano, Relacion, 268. 
 
350 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 foe might not know that those dreaded monsters were 
 vulnerable to their weapons. At last the river was 
 passed, Cuitzeo was taken, and within a fortnight the 
 neighboring places on or near the northern shore of 
 Lake Chapala, and on both sides of the river from La 
 Barca to Poncitlan, were reduced to allegiance by a 
 series of minor expeditions, described with some detail 
 in the records, but a fuller narrative of which is 
 neither practicable nor desirable here.^* 
 
 Prom Cuitzeo the Spaniards proceeded to Tonald,^^ 
 the aboriginal name of the region about the present 
 Guadalajara, entering and taking possession of the 
 chief town, also called Tonald, on March 25th. The 
 town and province were at the time under a female 
 ruler, who received the Spaniards with kindness, 
 mindful of the former visit of Francisco Cortes ; but 
 some of her people, notably those of Tetlan, well in- 
 formed of Guzman's proceedings in Michoacan and 
 the murder of Tangaxoan, were indignant that their 
 mistress had welcomed the enemy of her race, and two 
 
 2* I deem it useless to give long lists of town names, most of which can be 
 found on the maps, but very few of which are applied to the same localities 
 as in aboriginal times. The original towns were for the most part destroyed, 
 and those which succeeded them under Spanish auspices have in many instances 
 experienced several changes of locality, while retaining the same names. As 
 a rule I shall name only such towns as are necessary to show the route fol- 
 lowed, and such as acquired some importance in later times. Among the acts 
 of cruelty perpetrated in this region was the setting a fierce dog on the fat 
 cacique of Cuitzeo for alleged neglect in fvirnishing supplies, an act attributed 
 by Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 426-8, to a 'delirious impulse' on the part 
 of Guzman. A Mexican chief also was so beaten for some fancied misconduct 
 that he lost permanently the use of his hands. Guzman, J^a Rel. Andn., 467. 
 Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 35, speaks of the artificial formation of a ford by filling 
 the river with sand. Guzman, Hamusio, iii. 332-4, tells us of finding cannibals 
 and burning a sodomite; he regrets the idolatrous tendencies of the natives, 
 and says — uncontradicted so far as I know — that he is himself the greatest 
 sinner of all, but hopes that God in his great goodness will accept his efforts 
 for the conversion of gentiles. Oviedo, iii. 565-6, speaks of ovens filled with 
 human bodies frying in their fat and blood, to be used as food. 
 
 Chirinos was detailed with one detachment to reach Tonala by a differ- 
 ent route and render Guzman assistance in case of need. Guzman, Carta, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 370; Tello, in Hist. iV. Gal, ii. 343, 
 and others imply that Chirinos was instructed to conquer the northern regions, 
 joining the main army at Tepic; but probably the division of the army was 
 not effected till later. On the march from Cuitzeo to Tonala the ' friendly 
 Indians ' were kept in chains, or under strong guard, by order of Guzman; 
 to prevent them from escaping or abandoning the baggage. Guzman, Hel. 
 An6n., 467. 
 
FIGHTma AND PLUNDERING. 
 
 or three thousand of them gathered with hostile dem- 
 onstrations on a height overlooking the capital, near 
 the actual site of Guadalajara. A demand of submis- 
 sion was haughtily spurned, whereupon Guzman led 
 the charge against them, assisted by Onate and. Ver- 
 dugo. A. lively battle ensued, for the natives fought 
 with a desperation hitherto unparalleled; but they 
 were comparatively few in number, and had at last to 
 succumb, with great loss. During the struggle Guz- 
 man's lance was wrested from his grasp and directed 
 against himself, but one of his companions turned the 
 weapon from its course and saved his life. It is even 
 said the fight was so hot that Santiago himself felt 
 obliged to appear in succor of his faithful children. 
 
 After this battle the whole province was quickly 
 brought into subjection; in fact, there was no further 
 resistance. Yet the hostility of the Tetlan warriors 
 gave Guzman a pretext for plundering and burning, 
 the latter part of the performance being always at- 
 tributed to the unmanageable Indian allies. On the 
 ground that the province had not been permanently 
 subjected by Francisco Cortes, Guzman claimed it as 
 a new conquest, and in commemoration of his great 
 victory two chapels were built, one within the town, 
 dedicated to the holy virgin; the other on the lofty 
 battle-ground, dedicated to the victoria de la cruz, by 
 which term the chapel became known, and in token 
 of the same a cross was erected, some sixty feet in 
 height, which could be seen for many a league, bearing 
 witness to the irresistible valor of Christian soldiers. 
 
 2^Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 39, says the attack was made while the 
 Spaniards were seated at a banquet given by the queen, while most of the 
 original authorities and eye-witnesses state that the battle was fought before 
 Guzman entered Tonala, but the president's own report shows clearly that it 
 took place after he had left the town. Sdmano, Relacion, 269-70; Guzman, 
 3a Rel. An6n., 441; Id., 4« ReL, 468; Ldpes, Rel., in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc. , xiv. 41 9-20. The day after the battle Chirinos arrived, and was sent 
 to the other side of the river to disperse the reassembling fugitives, but owing to 
 the ruggedness of the country his expedition failed. Gur^mjan, in Id., xiii. 374. 
 
 ' Yo no les muestro boluntad de querello [gold and silver] ni que vengo 
 d ello . . . yo les he mandado decir que no tengo necesidad de oro, sino de que 
 sean buenos,' says the president hypocritically in his letter to the emperor in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 373-4. 
 
352 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 After a fortniglit's stay at Tonald, about the begin- 
 ning of April, the army resumed its march,^^ passing 
 almost wholly through deserted farms and villages. 
 N ear Contla a body of natives ventured to attack the 
 vanguard under the maestro de campo, in retaliation 
 for which a hill village was suprised while the inhab- 
 itants were engaged in religious exercises. On ap- 
 
 NuEVA Galicia. 
 
 proaching Nochistlan, Guzman learned that numbers 
 were prepared for resistance. Messengers were sent 
 to demand peaceful submission, only to be driven 
 
 28 According to Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 53, and Beaumont, Cr6n. 
 Mich., iii. 391-2, a garrison was left at Tonala under Captain Vasquez de 
 Buendia. Guzman appropriated Tonala to himself, but later the crown took 
 it from him and made it a corregimiento. Lettre, in Ternaux-Com'pans, Voy.y 
 serie ii. tom. v. 177. 
 
 IK) «^ Tolilitla . . . hallelos en una borrachera, por donde creo que no noa 
 salieron de guerra.* Chtzman, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc^ 
 xiii, 375, The places touched sines Tonsild were Chapetala, Ximoamtla, 
 Ixcatlan, Hacotla, Contla, Tolilitla. 
 
THE GRA^D TEUL. 
 
 353 
 
 back by missiles. When the army came in sight, 
 however, the natives retreated toward the mountains, 
 the cavalry pursuing and capturing a number. The 
 torch was now applied to the deserted town, and 
 detachments were sent to explore and conquer the 
 neighboring districts. One band under Chirinos, 
 sent to Teul, passed through an ancient city, with 
 many large buildings similar to those found in Mex- 
 ico by the first Spaniards, but returning to Nochis- 
 tlan the accompanying natives burned the relics. 
 Another successful expedition was made under Ver- 
 dugo^^ in the direction of Xalpan; within a few days 
 the lords of that region appeared in the camp, tender- 
 ing their submission, and delivering some idols, which 
 were immediately destroyed. 
 
 The people in Nochistlan, though fugitives, had not 
 abandoned all thoughts of resistance ; and when one 
 day a body of about five hundred came to the deserted 
 town in search of provisions, they attacked and killed 
 a number of Aztecs and Tlascaltecs and pursued the 
 remainder to their camp. Immediately some Span- 
 iards, and later Guzman himself, mounted and went 
 to the rescue, but night having set in, the enemy 
 retreated in safety to the penol.^^ Next morning, at 
 the head of a division, Onate started in search of the 
 fugitives, and was followed a few hours later by Guz- 
 man. During the day various encounters took place ; 
 the enemy were in all cases put to flight, though sev- 
 eral horses were wounded. The army remained here 
 about a month, celebrating holy week in a small church 
 hastily erected. Soon after easter, having previously 
 taken possession in the name of the crown, the march 
 was resumed,^^ and after three or four days they reached 
 
 He was a brother-in-law of Diego Velazquez, the governor of Cuba, and 
 companion of Narvaez. After the capture of the latter, he enlisted in Cortes' 
 army, and at Villafane's conspiracy, without knowing it, he was chosen as 
 successor of Cortes. Later he settled in Mexico, holding alternately the 
 officers of regidor and alcalde. See Hist. Mex., i. passim, this series. 
 
 This penol is said to be the same on which Alvarado fell in later years. 
 ^2 Telle, followed by Mota Padilla, Beaumont, Frejes, Ramirez, Navarrete, 
 and Gil, speaks of expeditions under Chirinos ard Onate, from Cuitzeo and 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 23 
 
354 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 the " grand Teul," the principal aboriginal town of all 
 this region, spoken of as a kind of sacred stronghold 
 built on a high mesa, and containing fine temples, 
 fountains, and statues of stone.^^ But hallowed as it 
 was to the entire native population of that region, it 
 possessed little attraction for the Spaniards, whose 
 forces under Chirinos had reduced it to ashes. 
 
 From here it was decided to cross the western 
 range in search of the large and populous provinces on 
 the South Sea, distant some twelve days' journey, and 
 as provisions were scarce, with few prospects of re- 
 plenishing along the route, the army was divided. 
 One division under Chirinos marched westward across 
 the Nayarit Mountains, by a difficult route which can 
 not be exactly traced by the records, and arrived at 
 Topic early in May.^* Guzman with the remainder 
 followed a route to the south, recrossed the river, and 
 approached Topic by way of Iztlan and Aliuacatlan, 
 likewise over bad roads, where part of the baggage 
 was lost. They met with no resistance, though some 
 of the villages had been abandoned. On reaching 
 Jalisco, the last place explored by Francisco Cortes 
 in 1524, they learned that Chirinos had been in Topic 
 
 Tonala, as distinct from the operations of the main army, exploring part of 
 Aguascalientes and extending as far as Jerez in northern Zacatecas. Accord- 
 ing to these authorities the main army remained south of the river, waiting 
 at Aztatlan until joined by Onate's force, thence proceeding to Tepic, where 
 was Chirinos' division. Gil even makes Guzman in his march from Aztatlan 
 to Tepic pass as far south as Mascota. But all these statements are indefinite 
 and contradictory to those of Guzman and others, who agree that the main 
 army crossed the river and marched by way of Nochistlan to Teul. None of 
 the latter speaks of any independent branch expedition, but Oilate or Chiri- 
 nos are repeatedly mentioned as having been sent forward to reconnoitre. 
 Oviedo, Herrera, and Salazar agree with this version, at least with that which 
 refers to Guzman's march in person through Nochistlan. See Telh^ Hist. N. 
 Gal., 343-7, and others, ubi sup. 
 
 There is much doubt about the locality of ' the grand Teul. ' No extensive 
 ruins so far as I know have been discovered in the region of the pueblo which 
 now bears that name. For a description of the aboriginal remains in this 
 region, see Native Races, iv. 578-93, this series. Guzman calls Teul, Teblichan, 
 and also Teul or Tonauipan. 
 
 2* The country was so rugged that of the 17 days employed they could 
 travel only three days on horseback. Guzman, Carta, 383. Telle, Hist. N. Gal. , 
 343-5, compares this crossing the sierra to Hannibal's crossing the Alps. The 
 Tepic natives thought the Spaniards must be birds, regarding the route as 
 impassable to men. Ramirez, Proceso, 207-8, thinks Chirinos reached the coast 
 north of the Rio Grande and returned southward to Tepic. 
 
GUZMAN AT TEPIC. 
 
 355 
 
 for three days, and was then only two leagues distant. 
 Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour they imme- 
 diately joined him. Guzman remained at Topic about 
 three weeks to refresh the horses and to await reen- 
 forcements from Mexico. In the mean time parties 
 were sent out in different directions to receive the sub- 
 mission of the native chieftains and to gather supplies 
 for the army. There was no organized opposition here, 
 though the general feeling in the province was hostile, 
 as indeed it could not long fail to be under the treatment 
 of Guzman's raiders, and as the commander really 
 wished it to be, so that the conquest might not seem too 
 easy, and that an excuse for plunder might not be 
 wanting. The caciques of Jalisco declined the honor 
 of becoming vassals of Spain, and all the efforts of 
 three or four embassies to persuade them were in vain ; 
 they even went so far as to kill several of the allies 
 and one Spaniard, who, too confiding, had strayed 
 from the camp. Thereupon an expedition against 
 Jalisco was undertaken in three divisions, commanded 
 by Guzman, Chirinos, and Onate, respectively; but 
 besides securing a few prisoners and burning the 
 towns and villages on the way, nothing was achieved. 
 Having previously been informed of Guzman's plans 
 the natives fled to the mountains, and though pursued 
 for eight leagues, rough ground saved them.^^ 
 
 When Guzman halted he learned that the ocean 
 lay but two leagues distant, whereupon he proceeded 
 thither the following day and took possession. After 
 extending his exploration a short distance in a north- 
 ern direction, and having discovered a port, sup- 
 posed to be the best on the whole coast,^^ he re- 
 turned to Tepic, whither meanwhile the caciques of 
 Jalisco and neighbormg towns had repaired, volun- 
 
 ^^The author of the J^a Bet An6n., 469, asserts that Jalisco had peacefully 
 submitted, but rebelled when an excessive tribute was imposed, in consequence 
 of which Guzman burned the town. 
 
 Just below the present San Bias; Guzman called it Martouchel, and as 
 Mantanchel, or Port of Jalisco, it was known for many years. Map-makera 
 and writers evidently considered it distinct from San Bias. 
 
356 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 tarily tendering submission. A garrison was estab- 
 lished, the nucleus of the villa de Compostela founded 
 the next year, and regular officers were appointed to 
 collect tribute and otherwise attend to the emperor s 
 interests in this region. In the last days of May the 
 horses were rested, the province was pacified, and the 
 army ready to advance. 
 
 Although successful in the acquisition, or rather 
 aj)propriation, of vast tracts of land properly belong- 
 ing to the conquest of Francisco Cortes, so far the 
 expedition was deemed a failure, having yielded but 
 little gold and silver. It was expected, however, that 
 the northern provinces and especially the country of 
 the Amazons, the Hesperides of the sixteenth-cen- 
 tury Spaniards, would yield ample compensation for 
 all hardships. Progress hither was checked some- 
 what by the hostile attitude of the inhabitants of 
 Centipac, or Temoaque, a rich and populous province 
 on the northern bank of the Tololotlan, where Captain 
 Barrios had been sent to explore and seek a ford. He 
 crossed the river, but was repulsed with some loss by 
 the native chieftains, who sent back a warning to 
 Guzman not to invade their country on penalty of 
 being cooked and eaten. The main army, however, 
 marched at once from Topic and reached the bank of 
 the river on the 29th of May,^^ when the commander, 
 clad in his best armor and mounted on a gayly capar- 
 isoned steed, entered the stream, and halting in the 
 midst of the current named it Espiritu Santo. Then 
 mounting the opposite bank, closely followed by the 
 army, Guzman took possession of the new territory 
 
 Here were appointed Francisco Verdugo, treasurer; Cristobal de Ofiate, 
 contador, or auditor; Juan de Samano, factor; and Hernan Chirinos, veedor, 
 or inspector; but most of these officers seem to have gone on with the army. 
 
 This date — Espiritu Santo day — is given by Guzman, in several of the 
 original documents, and by Oviedo, iii. 571. Tello, Hist. Gal, 347, 
 makes the date May 1st, which is the day of San Felipe and Santiago. This 
 author was perhaps misled by the name Santiago afterward applied to the 
 river. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 401, says the crossing took place early in 
 1531. A native captured near the river was delivered to the blood-hounds for 
 refusing to give information. 
 
GREATER SPAIK. 
 
 357 
 
 for Christ and Charles, by waving his sword and witli 
 it cutting down some branches of trees; he ordered 
 the trumpets to be sounded, and pompously pro- 
 claimed that this new conquest be thereafter known 
 as "la conquista del Espiritu Santo de la Mayor 
 Espana," or Greater Spain. The acts of possession 
 and naming were properly certified before the notary, 
 and the whole world was defied through loud-voiced 
 heralds to appear and dispute the regularity of the 
 proceeding. But no champion of aboriginal rights, 
 nor envoy from any old-world nation appeared to utter 
 a protest. 
 
 The army of Centipac soon appeared drawn up not 
 far from the shore to utter a more practical protest by 
 disputing the further advance of the invaders. That 
 the Spaniards might not be terrified by superior 
 numbers and escape annihilation by flight, a part of 
 the native force was at first placed in concealment ; 
 but the leaders soon realized that their full strength 
 was needed, as the Spaniards attacked and were 
 attacked simultaneously at several points, one part of 
 the native force falling furiously on the division in 
 charge of the baggage. For several hours a desperate 
 struggle was carried on, the natives exhibiting not 
 only valor, but a skill in military tactics unprece- 
 dented in Spanish experience of aboriginal warfare. 
 Superior weapons, discipline, horses, and at least equal 
 numbers, including auxiliaries, at last gave the victory 
 to the invaders ; the brave defenders of Centipac fled, 
 but relatively few escaped. 
 
 Armed resistance in this and the adjoining prov- 
 inces was at an end, and the army of Nuno de Guz- 
 
 Tello, 349, names it Castilla la Nueva de la Mayor Espana. The title 
 Greater Spain was bestowed with a view to eclipse the glory of Cortes as the 
 conqueror of New Spain. Mota Padilla, Gonq. N. Gal., 23, etc., says that 
 Guzman gave this name at the first crossing of the river on the Michoacan 
 border. Ramirez, Proceso, 208-11, strangely confused in this part of Guz- 
 man's trip, identifies this Rio Espiritu Santo with the Rio de las Canas instead 
 of the Santiago de Tololotlan. The crossing was probably not far from 
 Santiago Ixcuintla. For account of ancient remains on this river, see I^cUive 
 Races, iv. 575, this series. 
 
358 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 man was drawn up next day to thank the holj spirit 
 for the victory .^^ 
 
 For two or three days the army remained encamped 
 near the river, in a town called Temoaque according 
 to some documents then they marched northward, 
 crossed a large river, and encamped at the town of 
 Omitlan on the northern bank. The river, doubtless 
 from the day of crossing, June 5th, was called Trini- 
 dad, and was probably that now known as the San 
 Pedro/^ Here the festival of Corpus Christi Sunday 
 was celebrated on June 9th, and here they remained 
 about forty days to refresh horses and men, await 
 correspondence and reenforcements from Mexico, and 
 receive the submission of the country. The province 
 was fertile, supplies were plentiful, and the inhabitants 
 well disposed at first ; but very soon, despoiled of their 
 property, most of them fled to the mountains. From 
 Omitlan several officers returned to Mexico,*^ and by 
 them Guzman sent his report to the emperor, dated 
 July 8, 1530, a document which, except where it refers 
 to the outrages committed, is one of the best author- 
 ities extant. Guzman requests the emperor to confirm 
 his past acts and the names he had given. He an- 
 nounces his intention to march four or five days later 
 to Aztatlan, three days farther on, a province reported 
 to be rich and populous, which he desired to reach 
 
 *" Seven or eight Spaniards, 10 or 12 horses, each worth about 400 pesos 
 de minas, and hundj-eds of native allies, all of whom were probably valued 
 less than a single horse, were killed, while a large part of all the forces and 
 about 50 horses were wounded more or less seriously. Guzman tells us that 
 several of the Indian allies were killed by the lance-thrusts of the Spaniards, 
 the struggle being so close it was impossible to distinguish them from the foe. 
 Oviedo represents the force of the enemy at 12,000, that of the killed as 
 5,000, and says all the Spaniards were wounded. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 347 et 
 seq., and Beaumont, Crda. Mich., iii. 401, state that the entry into this province 
 was without resistance, and minutely describe the ceremonies and attentions 
 at the reception. 
 
 *^The author of the 3a Rel. Andn., 446, calls the place Atecomatlari. 
 
 *2 The small stream between the Tololotlan and San Pedro could hardly 
 have been called a large river by Guzman and others, who imply that the 
 Trinidad was the first large stream north of the Tololotlan. 
 
 Captain Bocanegra, the maestro de campo Vallaroel, and the comendador 
 Barrios, according to Sdmam, 279-80, and Lopez, 432, 436. As to the latter, 
 l)oth authorities are confused. He is also mentioned as having returned from 
 Aztatlan three months later. 
 
AZTATLAN. 
 
 359 
 
 before the threatened rising of the rivers should stop 
 his progress. From Aztatlan he proposed to press 
 on to the Amazon country, reported to be ten days 
 distant/* 
 
 About the middle of July it was resolved to pro- 
 ceed, and Gonzalo Lopez, who after Yillaroel's return 
 to Mexico had been made maestro de campo, was 
 sent in a northerly direction to find suitable winter 
 quarters. Passing over flooded roads, where some- 
 times the water reached to the stirrups, Lopez 
 discovered Aztatlan, the chief town of a province of 
 that name, and with this information he returned to 
 the camp. A few days afterward the whole army 
 resumed the march ; but instead of three days, as ex- 
 pected, it required nearly a week to reach Aztatlan, 
 on account of the rainy season and the marshy nature 
 of the soil. Several days alone were spent by the 
 maestro de campo with the vanguard in building two 
 bridges over swollen rivers, which otherwise it would 
 have been impossible for the foot-soldiers to pass.*^ 
 Aztatlan reached at last, they establish themselves 
 in winter quarters, and remained there about five 
 months. This province, situated on the northern 
 bank of probably the actual Rio de Acaponeta,*^ 
 afforded food in abundance, and at first, as long as 
 the rains did not prevent raids for plunder, all went 
 well. 
 
 Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 356-93, and in Ramusio, 
 iii. 331-9. Guzman also asserts that a church was built at Omitlan. 
 
 Samano, Rel. , 279-80, speaks of a river called Santa Ana from the day 
 of crossing, July 26th; and says they afterward crossed another river, on 
 which lay Aztatlan on Santiago day, or July 25th! 
 
 *^It was certainly on either the Acaponeta or the Rio de las Canas, the 
 present boundary between Jalisco and Sinaloa. The two streams are not 
 over 10 miles apart at their mouths. The Sa Rel. Andn., 446-7, makes the 
 distance from Omitlan 10 leagues, and adds that when the army had forded 
 the stream and were pursuing the foe they came to a larger river, which 
 stopped the pursuit. It is clear that no such stream could have been found 
 near the Cafias and north of it. The la Rel. An6n., 288-9, makes the dis- 
 tance 10 or 12 leagues from Espiritu Santo River. The statements are not 
 definite enough for exact location in a country like this, where there are 
 several streams, each with branches, to say nothing of possible changes within 
 three centuries. The name Aztatlan applied in later times to a town on the 
 Acaponeta, is considered by Ramirez, Froceso, 208-11, as worthy of notice in 
 
360. 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 While here, Guzman learned that his presentiment 
 of a change unfavorable to him in the government of 
 New Spain had been verified. A letter from the 
 oidores Matienzo and Delgadillo arrived in the first 
 week of September, announcing the return of his 
 enemy Cortes and the overthrow of the first audien- 
 cia. Certainly Guzman congratulated himself for 
 having so timely and with such advantage escaped 
 the company of his former associates. Although 
 probably on the same occasion he was summoned to 
 appear in Mexico, he was in a mood rather to increase 
 the present distance from the capital, until he could 
 return as the conqueror of a new kingdom. But in 
 any case it would be better not to leave the terri- 
 tory wholly to his enemies, particularly as the late 
 oidores would doubtless attempt to prove their own 
 innocence by heaping blame upon him. It was diffi- 
 cult, however, to find a person intelligent and at the 
 same time trustworthy enough to plead successfully 
 for the absent governor. Nevertheless he wonld do 
 what he could. So he selected the former veedor, 
 Peralmindez Chirinos, whose interest he considered 
 as linked with his own, especially since the appoint- 
 iment at Tepic of his nephew, Hernando Chirinos, as 
 veedor. With a letter of Guzman, and accompanied 
 by ten or twelve other Spaniards, Chirinos set out 
 from Aztatlan for Mexico. 
 
 Scarcely had Chirinos departed when a fresh mis- 
 
 this connection. Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 349-50, says that Aztatlan was burned, 
 vaguely implying that a battle was fought in which a great number of natives 
 perished, and that subsequently the province submitted, the Spaniards being 
 received amidst dances and festivities. He also gives an account of a public 
 performance arranged in honor of the strangers, a fight between a tiger and a 
 caiman in the yard of a house. According to the 3a Bel. Andn., 447, the 
 relics of a Christian trader who had died seven years before were found at 
 Aztatlan. Have we here a trace of the missing Villadiego? 
 
 ^■^ The author of Bel. An6n., 470, says he had received the news of 
 the arrival of Cortes already at Omitlan, though the message of the oidores 
 reached him only at Aztatlan. Beaumont asserts that it was at Tepic, but 
 his account of this expedition is very confused. Cr6n. Mich., iii. 400-1. 
 
 *^In his letter to the emperor, dated Chametla, Jan. 15, 1531, Guzman 
 refers to another sent from Aztatlan. Guzman, Carta, in Pacheco and Carde- 
 nas, Col. Doc, xiii. 406. According to the la Rel. An6n., 292-4, Chiiinos 
 returned from Chametla north of the other point named. 
 
DIMINISHING NUMBERS. 
 
 361 
 
 fortune befell Guzman. About the 20th of Septem- 
 ber, when the ramy season was nearly over and the 
 patience of the inhabitants quite exhausted, a sudden 
 rise in the river at midnight, preceded by a tempest, 
 and, as some say, by the appearance of a comet, sub- 
 merged the whole region of the camp for about two 
 leagues in circumference, and made it literally azta- 
 ilan, ' place of waters' — now known as Etzatlan. The 
 slight shelter of the soldiers — for the army was not 
 encamped in the town — was blown or washed away ; 
 hogs, cattle, and large numbers of sick allies were 
 drowned ; and it is even said that the towns near the 
 river were flooded; the waters subsided rapidly, but 
 left the army in a critical situation. 
 
 The rich stores of food which the natives had 
 been forced to supply were now spoiled, and as the 
 people had for the most part fled to the moun- 
 tains, there were no means of replenishing the store. 
 A pestilence attacked the auxiliary troops, carrying 
 them ofl" by thousands; the survivors were threat- 
 ened with starvation. Notwithstanding this, Guz- 
 man persisted in his plans of further exploration 
 northward, and it was in vain the Aztec and Tlas- 
 caltec leaders implored permission to leave that vale 
 of death and remove to some healthier locality. In 
 vain they offered all their booty, jewels, gold, and 
 silver. The leader's inflexibility could not however 
 prevent attempts to escape. A number of Indians 
 ran away ; others were killed in the attempt ; and not 
 a few recaptured were hanged, while others anticipated 
 such a fate by committing suicide. Even the Span- 
 
 *^ The accounts given of this inundation are doubtless exaggerated. It is 
 said that the soldiers escaped drowning only by climbing trees; that 1,000 sick 
 Indians were drowned; that of the remainder only 500 survived the famine 
 and the pestilence; that the survivors had to live on toads and insects; that 
 all the Mexican leaders perished, etc. Beaumont, Crdn Mich., iii. 399-401, 
 represents the flood as having occurred at Tepic. Escudero, Not. Son., 25-6, 
 puts the flood at Chametla. Navarrete says the Spaniards escaped on balsas 
 to Acaponeta. Lopez, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 439, makes 
 the somewhat broad assertion, 'Adolecieron muchos espanoles, los cuales, asi 
 ellos como los indios, fueron curados y asistidos del capitan general. . .como si 
 fuesen sus hijos.' 
 
362 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 iards become rebellious, and at least one of their num- 
 ber was hanged as an example. 
 
 What concerned Guzman most was the decrease 
 of his force. He was determined on this adven- 
 ture. In fact, he must go on ; he could not well turn 
 back. It was sad for him to see his men perish, not 
 because of the men, but because of himself Even 
 now if he would continue his expedition he must have 
 reenforcements. The maestro de campo, Gonzalo de 
 Lopez, was therefore sent to Michoacan and the Avalos 
 provinces for Tarascan warriors and carriers, together 
 with hogs and other supplies. 
 
 At length Guzman became convinced that he must 
 remove from that spot if he would not see the 
 whole army perish, for disease was daily thinning his 
 number. A division under Lope de Samaniego was 
 sent northward to Chametla, where they met with a 
 friendly reception, and brought back fowl and fish. 
 As they gave a good account of the place Guzman 
 resolved to remove thither, sending first Verdugo and 
 Proano with a small force to prepare quarters, a task 
 which they easily accomplished, aided by the friendly 
 natives. At the same time, that is, at the end of 
 November or beginning of December, Garcia del Pilar 
 was sent southward to hasten the return of Lopez, 
 who had been absent about forty-five days. He found 
 the worthy maestro at Ahuacatlan faithfully engaged 
 in branding slaves,^^ for the northern market. On 
 
 ^ Another Spaniard was saved from the gibbet only on account of influen- 
 tial intercession; others charged with attempts at flight were kept prisoners. 
 
 Tello and Mota Padilla, followed by Navarrete, says it was the captain 
 Juan Sanchez de Olea who was sent to Mexico for aid. According to Tello 
 he returned in two months with 6,000 carriers and supplies. Mota Padilla 
 estimates the number at 3,500. Lopez, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xiv. 437-8, and the author of the Sa Rel. Andn., 447, add, that a commission 
 was given by Guzman to enslave and punish the natives of the Jalisco dis- 
 trict for having attacked a convoy of provisions sent from Michoacan, killing 
 some of the men. 
 
 ^^Oviedo informs us that Lopez served under Guzman with 10 horsemen 
 at his own expense; and unlike most of his companions he came back as poor 
 as he started ! 
 
 ^2 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 404, speaks of 5,000 slaves sent by Guzman 
 from Jalisco to Panuco. This statement, if founded on fact, probably refers 
 to a somewhat later period. Pilar and Lopez in their declarations estimate 
 
THE LAND OF THE AMAZONS. 
 
 3G3 
 
 their return with succor they found Aztatlan ahnost 
 deserted, Cristobal de Onate alone having remained 
 in charge of the baggage. 
 
 About three weeks after Verdugo had been sent to 
 Chametla, Guzman followed with the main army, 
 and was kindly received by the natives/* who sent 
 them food, and furnished a thousand carriers to trans- 
 port their baggage. But continued friendships the 
 Spaniards could not endure. Would not some of the 
 survivors of this sickly army, some of the soldiers 
 of this dastardly commander, prick these unsophisti- 
 cated natives to the commission of some rash act 
 which would justify the Spaniards to rob and enslave 
 them! Nothing more easy; and by the time the 
 maestro de campo and Pilar arrived with reenforce- 
 ments the country was in a state of glorious hostility. 
 Enslavement flourished so that soon almost any num- 
 ber of human beings could be obtained at the rate of 
 five pesos each. Those captured in raids were divided 
 among the Spaniards present. 
 
 After a month's stay at Chametla the army pro- 
 ceeded northward to the Quezala province, and thence 
 to Piastla, easily subduing the natives of the district. 
 The women were becoming more beautiful as they 
 continued their course, which seemed to indicate that 
 they were approaching the object of their dreams, 
 the country of the Amazons. And indeed, glowing 
 reports of Cihuatlan, the ^ place of women,* confirmed 
 the marvellous tales which had reached the capital. 
 
 the number at 1,000. They were branded with an iron given Lopez by Guz- 
 man, and with the commander's authorization. Making considerable allow- 
 ance for exaggeration in the statement of Pilar, there still remains little doubt 
 that the outrages committed on this people may be classed among the most 
 noteworthy of the world. See Pilar, 256-7; Guzman, 4a Rel. Andn., 473-4; 
 Lopez, in PacJieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 461-2. 
 
 •''^ Passing on the road through Acaponeta, Juan Sanchez de Olea with 
 auxiliaries and supplies is said to have joined them. In the same place the 
 troops and stores were mustered. Tello, Hist, N. Gal, 351-2. The province 
 of Chametla was on a river from 12 to 20 leagues beyond Aztatlan according to 
 different estimates by Guzman's officers. The chief town, bearing the same 
 name, was about five leagues from the river's mouth, which formed a tolerably 
 good harbor. The stream was doubtless the one flowing into the sea next 
 above the Rio de las Canas, which still retains the name on some modern 
 maps, as does indeed a town near the original site. 
 
364 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 All was SO unknown; great patches of untraversed 
 earth spread out in the boundless blank plains ; it was 
 as easy for the credulous sixteenth-century men to 
 believe one thing as another concerning those lands as 
 concerning the unexplored sky or the dark bowels of the 
 earth — to believe of all these places to be what they 
 were told, whether by home sages or foreign savages. 
 And it may not be the last time that these Span- 
 iards awoke to disappointment, when they learned at 
 Cihuatlan that the Indians had been telling stories to 
 amuse them; that there was no Amazon island or 
 other great wonder there awaiting them. Yet for a 
 long time they continued to talk of these things, and 
 in a measure to believe in them though they knew 
 them to be false. Still, the determination of the 
 commander was to go forward. Marching yet far- 
 ther north they came to Colombo, in the province of 
 Culiacan, where they remained for seven months. 
 Fruitless explorations were sent out in divers direc- 
 tions; tracts of barren land inhabited by rude people 
 offered little inducement for further efforts. The 
 fading of the Amazon myth tended to lower the 
 enthusiasm of the soldiers, but Guzman remained 
 steadfast. It is even hinted that vague rumors of the 
 later famous Seven Cities had reached his ears, and 
 served to fire his mind, now weakened by hardships and 
 disease. So impaired was his health that he had to 
 be carried in a litter. Be this as it may, the march 
 was renewed, now in an easterly direction over rough 
 roads and across steep mountains. 
 
 But Guzman's star was sinking, and however much 
 his efforts attempted to avert it, he was finally com- 
 pelled to yield before nature's barriers. Confronted 
 by the fact that to continue would entail the loss of his 
 entire force by starvation, he returned to Culiacan, 
 where the villa de San Miguel was established. Local 
 authorities were appointed, and a number of soldiers 
 
 Guzman, la and 2a Rel. Andji., 292, 303; but these allusions may be based 
 on later reports. 
 
GUZMAN IN JALISCO. 
 
 385 
 
 left there as settlers, to whom were given repartimi- 
 entos. With the remainder of his army Guzman 
 beg^an about the middle of October 1531 his march 
 southward, to protect what he chose to regard as his 
 rights in Jalisco. Having failed to find the Amazon 
 Isles, and having also by his unwise and oppressive 
 policy estranged the inhabitants and destroyed the 
 riches of the provinces to which he had some claim 
 as discoverer, and which should have satisfied his am- 
 bition, he felt that the region south of the Rio Grande 
 del Espiritu Santo must be preserved at any cost. 
 Perhaps to a man of his temper these lands seemed 
 all the more desirable because another had a better 
 right to them. His northern possessions properly 
 managed would have brought him wealth and fame; 
 he chose to return and renew his quarrel with Cortes, 
 and thus bring upon himself ruin; but he had the 
 satisfaction of knowing that in these later years his 
 old enemy was hardly less unfortunate than himself. 
 Guzman had asked the emperor to confirm the name he 
 had bestowed of Greater Spain, his own title as gov- 
 ernor of that province, his distribution of the towns 
 among his friends, and his right to enslave rebellious 
 natives. His petition was granted except in the mat- 
 ter of making slaves, and in the substitution of the 
 more modest and appropriate name of Nueva Galicia. 
 This confirmation of his authority was probably re- 
 ceived by Guzman before his return to Tepic.^^ His 
 authority as governor of Panuco was continued, but of 
 course at the coming of the second audiencia he lost 
 his governorship of New Spain. 
 
 It is not likely that definite southern limits were 
 
 Moia Podilla, CoTiq. N. Gal., 83. The document containing this confirma- 
 tion so far as I know is not extant. The first mention of the new province by 
 royal authority which I have found is in a cedula of Feb. 17, 1531. Puga, 
 Cedulario, 73. The new province is spoken of in the earlier documents not as 
 Nueva Galicia, or Nuevo Reino de Galicia, but as Galicia de Nueva Espana. 
 Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xi., says tha"*-. Guzman received notice of his 
 appointment at Chiametla on his journey south. The oidores at first doubted 
 the genuineness of the commission. Letter of 1531, in Ternaux-Com.'pans, Voy., 
 serie ii. torn. v. 136-8. 
 
366 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 at first assigned to New Galicia, and the governor's 
 first care was to distribute the Jahsco towns among 
 his partisans/^ encroaching without scruple on the 
 earlier encomiendas of Francisco Cortes and others in 
 southern Jalisco, the A.valos provinces, Colima, and 
 even Michoacan, maintaining that the former dis- 
 coverers had not permanently occupied the territory, 
 and that he had been obliged to reconquer it — a plea 
 of some plausibility, were it not that the hostility 
 of the natives and the necessity for reconquest had 
 resulted altogether from his own outrageous acts/^ 
 He founded, either immediately or within a few years, 
 several Spanish settlements. Among these was the 
 villa of Santiago de Compostela, in the immediate 
 vicinity of Tepic and Jalisco towns, for a long time 
 the capital of New Galicia/^ 
 
 Not long afterward Juan de Onate was sent to 
 establish Espiritu Santo, called later Guadalajara, in 
 honor of Guzman's birthplace. The first founding was 
 
 Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 355-62, gives a list of the principal encomiendas and 
 the persons who received them. See also Societd Amer., i. 35-52. Guzman 
 was in some way prompted to it, because several of his captains, asking per- 
 mission to go to Mexico, went to Peru. Afraid lest the desertions might 
 materially reduce his power, thus invalidating his conquest, he went in person 
 to Ahuacatlan and the Rio Grande, where by liberal grants of encomiendas he 
 contrived to satisfy the discontented. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich. , iv. 58-9. 
 
 The dispossessed holders appealed to the crown, and by cedula of April 
 20, 1533, Guzman was forbidden to meddle with Colima encomiendas. Puga, 
 Cedulario, 82. He pleaded that the settlers of Colima had encroached on 
 Jalisco. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 438. 
 
 Named after the capital of Galicia in Spain and honored with all the 
 privileges of its old-world namesake. Also called by some writers Espiritu 
 Santo de Compostela, Compostela y Santiago. Ogilby, 1671, Dampier, 1699, 
 Laet, 1633, West-Ind. Spieghel, 1624, write Gompostella; the latter adds Cen- 
 quipa; Jefferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Compostella. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 
 528. Beaumont and Mota Padilla mention the year as 1535, but the different 
 declarations given by Guzman's captains about the year 1532 speak already 
 of the establishment, and agree that it was made on their return from the 
 north, and hastened by the arrival of Castilla from Mexico. Guzman him- 
 self says in his letter of January 16, 1531, that the 'Villa del Espiritu Santo/ 
 as he calls it, had been established in the Tepic province, and that it was the 
 first town laid out on this expedition, but probably the real foundation was 
 made when he returned. Ramirez, Proceso, 215, claims that Guzman founded 
 the town in that place against the wishes of his officers, in order the better 
 to defend himself by sea or land against Cortes. Tello gives a list of the early 
 settlers. Hist. _ZV. Gal., 360-1. Ancient map-makers fill up this space as fol- 
 lows: Lok, 1582, Galicia, in large letters across the country; Laet, 1633, Nueva 
 Galicia; Kino, 1702, Nova Gallicia; Jefferys, 1776, New Gallicia or Guadala- 
 xara; Kiepert, 1852, Jalisco or Nueva Galicia. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 552. 
 
FOUNDING OF GUADALAJARA. 
 
 367 
 
 at Nochistlan; but in 1533 the town was removed to 
 the Jacotlan Valley, near Cuquio, and finally in 1541 
 placed south of the river, in Tonald. Even in 1533 
 the transfer was talked of, the latter place being deemed 
 more convenient, but Guzman objected, preferring to 
 hold that region for himself. 
 
 During this time La Purificacion on the Colima 
 frontier was also founded by Guzman, all with an 
 eye to defeating his archenemy in case of open rup- 
 ture.^^ 
 
 While thus engaged in establishing his authority 
 in the south of New Galicia, Guzman was beset with 
 serious difficulties from the first. The second audien- 
 cia had come with instructions to proceed with the 
 residencia against the former president and oidores, 
 and while hastening to seize the property of the 
 
 «<'Mota PadiUa, Conq. N. Gal, 55, 
 77, asserts that in 1530, when Guzman 
 marched northward, a garrison under 
 Juan de Onate was left in Nochistlan, 
 and that on December 3, 1530, Guzman 
 issued at Culiacan a commission to or- 
 ganize that settlement. The latter date 
 is evidently wrong, as Guzman was in 
 January 1531 still at Chametla. The 
 statements made by members of the 
 expedition, however, agree that Gua- 
 dalajara was established after the 
 founding of Compostela. laRel. Andn., 
 292-3; 3a Bel. An6n., 459-60; Lopez, 
 Eel., in Paclieco and Cardenas, xiv. 
 46 1 . By a c6dula of November 8, 1 529, 
 the king granted the city of Guadala- 
 jara a coat of arms, described in Telia, 
 Hist. N. Gal., 371-3; Beojumont, Cr6n. 
 Mich., iv. 176-7; Alegre, Hist. Camp. 
 Jesus, i. 81 passim; Mota Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal, 109, 188-9; Calk Mem. 
 y Not., 90; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro 
 Ecles., i. 1 78-9. Some writers, as Beau- 
 mont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 498, 557-8, and 
 Navarrete, Hist. Jal, 59, mention an- 
 other intermediate transfer of Guadalajara. Ogilby, 167, writes Guadalarra; 
 Laet, 1633, Guadalajara; Jefferys, 1776, Kiepert, 1852, Guadalaxara. Cartog. 
 Pac. Cowit, MS., ii. 492. 
 
 ^^Authorities differ between 1533 and 1536 as the date. Tello, Hist. JV. 
 Gal, 360, gives a list of 21 settlers. Ogilby, 1671, gives this place as Puri- 
 Jicatio; Dampier, 1699, Purification; Laet, 1633, Purification and Acatlan; 
 West-Ind. SpiegJiel, 1624, Purificatio and east Ycatlan; Jefferys, 1776, la Pu' 
 rificadon; Kiepert, 1852, Purificacion. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 484, 
 
 Coat of Arms 
 OF THE City of Guadalajara. 
 
368 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 implicated officials, they had summoned Guzman to 
 answer at Mexico to the fast accumulating charges, 
 including not only abuses as head of the administration, 
 but the illegal apj)ropriation of treasury funds for his 
 expedition, the torture and execution of Tangaxoan, 
 and other outrages. Guzman paid no attention to the 
 orders of the government at Mexico, which he refused 
 to recognize, still styling himself president and gov- 
 ernor of New Spain. His policy was to communicate 
 directly with the crown, and thus gain time to estab- 
 lish himself firmly in his new possessions, and to take 
 advantage of circumstances in finally defending his 
 conduct before the emperor. 
 
 Meanwhile he sought through the agency of friends 
 at court, who had so far served him well, and by 
 means of letters, to exculpate himself In a tone of 
 injured innocence he protested against the sequestra- 
 tion of his property, and the maliciousness of the 
 charges against him. "What justice is it that per- 
 mits such measures without a hearing? Is this my 
 reward for having served your Majesty with so much 
 labor, faithfulness, and honesty?" It is well for some 
 that they can make up in brazen assurance what they 
 lack in humanity and integrity. 
 
 His refusal to attend at Mexico for trial was based 
 on the ground that the conquest in the north-west 
 demanded his constant attention, and as even his 
 opponents recognized that interference therein might 
 imperil Spanish interests, the audiencia resolved to 
 postpone the case.^^ Soon after came orders to inves- 
 tigate the main charges, and depositions were taken 
 and forwarded to Spain. 
 
 ^2 The blame for slave traffic he threw upon the settlers. The reports of 
 the bishop could serve only to prove his malice and Guzman's uprightness. 
 * No puedo de todos ser amado, mas espero en la misericordia de Dios. Carta^ 
 in PacJieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 407-13. 
 
 ^"^Zumarraga and others thought, however, that Guzman should not be 
 left in charge of the country. Id., xvi. 363-75. 'Nous lui avons accorde un 
 an.' Letter of audiencia, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy,, serie ii. torn. v. 205; 
 Torquemada, i. 604-6. 
 
 ^*By dififerent decrees of 1530 to 1532 the crown demanded the immedi- 
 ate repayment of treasury funds and the investigation of Guzman's rule in 
 
EXPLOITS OF CASTILLA. 
 
 369 
 
 The authorities at Mexico clearly saw the futility 
 of discountenancing the acts and attitude of Nuno de 
 Guzman. Indeed, with the forces at his command, 
 he could afford to bid defiance even to armed oppo- 
 nents, as he stood prepared to do. Cortes had natu- 
 rally objected to the advantage taken by Guzman of 
 his discoveries and plans for conquest, but this could 
 no longer be remedied, and all he might do was to 
 take possession for New Spain of the districts actually 
 subjugated by his lieutenants, and at the same time 
 afford an opening as settlers to a number of the needy 
 adherents who had followed him from Spain. While 
 taught by his own acts in similar cases, and by the 
 trickery of others, he allowed himself nevertheless to 
 suppose that the authority of sovereign and audiencia 
 would be sufficient to obtain respect for the claim. 
 In this belief, as captain-general, he commissioned 
 Luis de Castilla, a knight of Santiago, of noble 
 family, to proceed with a hundred men to settle and 
 rule the country bordered on the north by Rio Tololo- 
 tlan. 
 
 Castilla approached Jalisco from the south at the 
 same time that Guzman returned toward it from the 
 north. Informed of the presence of a rival, the latter 
 hastened to install a municijDality at Compostela, as 
 capital of the district, and to let the intimation reach 
 Castilla that he had been anticipated. Luis replied 
 that he came in the name of his Majesty, and must 
 take possession. Guzman was by no means prepared 
 either to yield or to shed the blood of officers armed 
 with a royal commission ; yet peradventure he might 
 capture him. To this end artifice alone was left to 
 him ; so he sent a message full of bland assurances, 
 
 Panuco, and his execution of Tangaxoan. Puga, Cedulario, 75, 79-80, 83, 87. 
 The receipt of the papers was acknowledged in April 1533, the examination 
 having begun in January 1532, says Beaumont. Crdn. Mich., iii. 379; Id., MS., 
 179. The chief witness was Garcia del Pilar, a conqueror under Cortds, 
 whose services had procured for him a coat of arms. Lately he had served 
 as officer and interpreter under Guzman, and was accordingly well informed. 
 He died during the trial, in February. CorUs, Residencia, ii. 201-24. Bernal 
 Diaz wrongly states that he fell in battle. Hist. Verdad., 241. 
 Hist, Mex., Vol. II. 24 
 
370 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 declaring that the commands of the sovereign would 
 receive his humble obedience, and even bidding the 
 knight welcome as a valued neighbor. Satisfied, Cas- 
 tilla encamped at Tetlan, preparatory to entering 
 Jalisco on the morrow. 
 
 The object of Guzman's message was to throw the 
 recipient off his guard. Following it came Captain 
 Onate with some fifty trusted cavalry to seize upon 
 whatsoever advantage might ofifer. Informed of the 
 negligence prevailing in the enemy's camp, he pointed 
 out the easy task of capturing the company. It was 
 finally agreed to undertake it, and, stealing forward un- 
 der cover of the night, at the first break of dawn they 
 fell upon the camp with a thundering *^Viva Dios y 
 el rey, y su gobernador Nuno de Guzman." The sol- 
 diers of Castilla were so completely taken by surprise 
 that they made no efibrt at resistance, and all were 
 quickly disarmed under the eyes of their leader, 
 whom Onate sought to reassure with affected consola- 
 tion. • Finding that his person was respected, Castilla's 
 fears abated, and he hastened to use the permission 
 granted to exhibit his credentials at headquarters. 
 On beholding him, Guzman broke forth with the fierce 
 inquiry why he presumed to enter with an armed 
 force into his territory. Castilla answered by pre- 
 senting the royal commission in dignified silence. This 
 being read, Guzman kissed it with great humility. 
 As for obeying it, that was another matter. The 
 cedula had evidently been issued under false repre- 
 sentations, for the province of Jalisco had never been 
 subjugated by Cortes, and as the sovereign could not 
 desire to give to another his hard-earned conquests, 
 wherein he had founded the first settlements, he must 
 appeal to Spain before obeying the order. While a 
 notary drew up the answer and protest, the governor 
 sought to charm his captive by a display of his bril- 
 
 ®^ Some of his followers expressed doubts about Guzman's sincerity, but 
 Castilla maintained: 'Ko hay que recelar.' Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 94, 
 Another account refers to the preliminary capture of some of Castilla's strag- 
 glers. Guzman, ^aRd. An6n., 481-2. 
 
FALL OF GUZMAN. 
 
 371 
 
 liant conversational power; but when he dismissed 
 him, he changed his tone, and bade him depart with 
 his followers within four hours, under penalty of a 
 traitor's doom.^^ The threat lent wings to Castilla, 
 and he hastened crestfallen to report his failure to the 
 captain -general. " It appears that the Castillas in 
 New Spain are better fitted to govern in peace," caus- 
 tically observed Cortes as he turned his back upon him.^'' 
 This was the governor's last triumph; from this 
 time his prosperity waned. His friends and sup- 
 porters one by one left him, some of them estranged 
 by his arbitrary misrule, others because the star of his 
 foe seemed in the ascendant. The refusal of the king 
 to confirm Guzman's license to enslave the natives 
 thinned the settlers' ranks ; the governor's severe pun- 
 ishment of certain persons who disobeyed the law — 
 a tardy attempt to conciliate a powerful element 
 among his foes — drove away others; while of the 
 remaining colonists many were drawn away by ex- 
 citing reports of the gold discoveries in Peru. The 
 governor had the petty satisfaction on several occa- 
 sions, as will appear, of refusing water and other aid 
 to the vessels sent out by Cortes, or of plundering 
 those vessels when cast aground on the coast; but so 
 weak did he become finally that he ofiered no resist- 
 ance when Cortes marched to Jalisco to recover his 
 vessels. 
 
 ' Tenia intencion secreta de mandarle cortar la cabeza,' says Beaumont, 
 Cr6n. Mich., iv. 68. The 4a Rel. An6n., 483, states that Castilla had been 
 captured on the road in company with four or five men. 
 
 Castilla was ordered to Spain with the documents bearing on the case, 
 there to add to the charges against Guzman, but a gale swept the sea which 
 swallowed the vessel bearing them with all on board. Mota Padilla., Gonq. N. 
 Gal., 97; Castilla's death is implied in Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 193, yet a man of 
 similar name figures some years later in New Galicia. Ramirez and some other 
 writers represent that this expedition of Castilla was subsequent to, and partly 
 in consequence of, Guzman's treatment of Hurtado during his voyage up the 
 coast; but this is erroneous, for Hurtado did not sail until May or June of 
 1532, wbile the audiencia reported the whole Castilla affair to the court on 
 April 19, 1532; and their action in the matter was approved by the queen in 
 a letter of October 16th. Pufja, Cedulario, 80. Moreover Cortes describes the 
 affair in a letter of April 20, 1532, and says that Guzman from the north, and 
 Castilla from the south, both arrived at Jalisco the same day. Cartas, 512. 
 ''^In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. xiii. and xvi., are a number of 
 
372 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA, 
 
 Shortly after Castilla's return, the audiencia, doubt- 
 less at the petition of Cortes, had ordered Guzman to 
 confine the exercise of his authority to the region 
 north of Jalisco, and in no case to interfere in the 
 government of Colima, Michoacan, or Tonald.^^ This 
 was confirmed by a peremptory order from Spain of 
 April 20, 1533, bidding Guzman not to interfere in 
 the southern encomiendas, and not to call himself 
 hereafter governor of Pdnuco. A month later he 
 was required to report in future directly to the audi- 
 encia of Mexico in all matters affecting Nueva Gali- 
 cia/^ Of his later transactions we know little save 
 in connection with the seizure of Cortes' vessels, and 
 in allusions to petty campaigns against natives whom 
 oppression had driven into revolt, and to visits to his 
 possessions at Pdnuco/^ The succession of disap- 
 pointments and humiliations encountered in the deser- 
 tion of comrades, in signs of disfavor at court, in 
 pending residencias, and in subordinating him to the 
 government at Mexico — all this, in connection with 
 dwindling credit and resources, could not fail to bend 
 his haughty spirit. " I am driven to despair," he 
 writes, ^'without a crust to eat."^^' 
 
 Better boldly face the storm, he concluded, than 
 endure this torture. He would throw himself at the 
 feet of the emperor and seek mercy. He accordingly 
 placed Cristobal de Onate in charge of the govern- 
 ment, and set out for Pdnuco, to collect additional 
 funds and seek means of conveyance to Spain. His 
 star willed it, however, that he should turn aside to 
 Mexico, there to meet a portion of his just deserts. 
 
 his letters wherein he seeks to justify his conduct and bring censure on that 
 of his opponent. 
 
 Tonala, however, seems to have been under the rule of later governors 
 of New Galicia. 
 
 ''^Puga, Cedulario, 82-^, 87. 
 
 Carta^ in Pacheco and Cardenas^ Col. Doc, xiii. 414-20. 
 
 * Y creo que ni la justicia divina ni humana no son dello servidos.' Carta^ 
 in Id., 419. 
 
 ' Con el motivo de no perder crecidas sumas de dinero que le debian en 
 la caja real de Mexico de resulta de sus salarios.' Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 
 81. Bcrnal Diaz states that Mendoza invited him to come to Mexico with a 
 
r 
 
 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 373 
 
 view to save Hm from the indignity of arrest in his own provinces. Hist, 
 Verdad., 231. But this is doubtful. 
 
 The original authorities which I have consulted on Guzman's expedition are 
 as follows: Relatione di Nvnno di Gvsman, in Ramusio, iii. 331-9. This is a 
 letter of Guzman dated Omitlan, July 8, 1530, directed to the emperor, and giv- 
 ing a detailed account of progress down to the date. The Spanish original has 
 been published in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 356-93, and a very 
 impefect condensation in English may be found in Purclias, His Pilgrimes, iv. 
 1556-9. The writer admits only such outrages on the Indians as were mer- 
 ited through disloyalty to the emperor or infidelity to the white man's God; 
 but in such cases speaks of his orders to hang and burn with a coolness that is 
 revolting. The narrative is marked by hypocritical expressions of submission 
 to the divine and royal will, extreme even for that time. The Relaciones 
 An6nimas {la, 2a, 3a, and 4(^) de la Jornada que hizo Nuno de Guzman d la 
 Nueva Galicia were written by eye-witnesses of the events described, includ- 
 ing both friends and foes of the leader, were drawn out apparently by the 
 official investigation of Guzman's conduct, and are to be found only in Icaz- 
 halceta. Col. Hoc, ii. 288-306, 439-60, 461-83. The first and second seem to 
 have been written by the same person, whose name is unknown, as is that of 
 the writer of the third. Icazbalceta finds much reason to identify the author 
 of the fourth with Cristobal Flores. Similar to these narratives is the Rela- 
 cion of Gonzalo Lopez, ia Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 411-61; the 
 Relacion de Gurcla del Pilar and the Relacion de la Conquista de los Teides 
 Chichimecas by Juan de Samano, in Icazhalceta^s Collection, ii. 249-87. Yet 
 the similarity between the statements of Lopez and Samano, as also between 
 those given by Pilar and the author of the 4a Rel. Andn., implies that they 
 were not made quite independently. The testimony of Lopez may claim, as 
 to facts, perhaps more reliability than the other when we consider that dur- 
 ing the last part of Guzman's campaign he held the position of a maestre de 
 campo. Pilar was a young interpreter of Nahua dialects, and one of the 
 original conquistadores, but not of good repute, if we may credit Bishop 
 Zumarraga's allusions to his maquinaciones diabdlicas and to his unfortunate 
 escapes from being hanged. Ternaux-Com^ans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 26. 
 He was a willing tool of Guzman during the campaign, but a bitter foe after- 
 ward, showing all his leader's acts in their worst light, and relieving himself 
 of all complicity by throwing the blame on the other interpreter, Juan Pas- 
 cual. In addition to this narrative, Pilar's testimony taken at Guzman's 
 trial is published by Ramirez and Beaumont, whose works are noticed below. 
 Juan de Samano was one of Guzman's captains, and afterward held a high 
 position in Mexico. 
 
 Of the early chroniclers who claim or may be supposed to have had access 
 to original sources of information, are Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 561-77, who 
 consulted several members of the expedition, especially Francisco de Arzeo; 
 Padre Tello, Hist, de la N. Galicia, written about 1650 by a Franciscan who 
 had spent over 50 years of his life in the country of which he writes, but 
 whose work, or such portions of it as have been preserved, is valuable rather 
 for information on aboriginal manners and customs than as an historical narra- 
 tive; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap, viii.; lib. viii. cap. i.-ii.; lib. ix. cap. 
 ix.-xii., who consulted some of the anonymous manuscripts; Mota Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal., 23-66, 75, who also saw some of the original documents and 
 often cites Tello; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 266-7, 352-422, MS., 135, 
 174-207, who cites Tello and Herrera, and gives Pilar's testimony. See also 
 Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex.y 426-35; Torquemada, 1. 338, 600-4; Gomara, 
 Hist. Ind., 56, 271; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. 229-31; Villa Senor, Theatro, 
 ii. 203^, 229; Calle, Not. y. Mem., 89-90; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 14, 95, 101-2. 
 
 Among modern writers the only ones who have treated this expedition at 
 length are Frejes, Hist. Breve, 41-68, 118-21, Ramirez, Proceso de Resid. 
 contra Alvarado y Guzman, 187-258, and Navarre te, Cmvpendio de la Hist, de 
 Jalisco, 27-61, 85-6. The second gives some of the original documents of the 
 residencia, and draws his historic^ sketch chiefly from Beaumont and Mota 
 
374 
 
 CONQUEST OF NUEVA GALICIA. 
 
 Padilla, with somewhat less skill than might be expected from the author's 
 high reputation. The latter follows Telle to a great extent, and his work 
 does not show extensive research. Other works which mention the expedi- 
 tion are the following: Escovedo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 5, 6; Gil, in /c?., 
 viii. 477-80; Garcia, in Id., viii. 23; Pay no, in Id., 2a ep. i. 797-801, ii. 
 137-8; Hemandos y Ddvalos, in Id., 2a ep. iii. 187-8; Romero, Not. Mich., 
 122, 186, 193, 197-8, Museo, Mex., iv. 115; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 184^6; 
 Moreno, Frag., 8, 9, 30; Escudero, Not. Son., 25-6; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., 
 serie i. tom. ix. 286, etc.; Burney's Chron. Hist. Voy., i. 165, 169-70; GaU 
 vino's Discov., 40; West-Ind. Spieghel, 334-50; Gallatin, in Nouv. An. Voy., 
 cxxxi. 240-1; Davis' El Gringo, 58-9; Laet, Nows Orhis., 284-6; DomenecKs 
 Deserts, i. 168; Gottfriedt, N.' Welt, 605; Societe Amer., i. 35-52; Rivera, Gob, 
 Mex., i. 18, 24-5; Larenaudihre, Mex. et Guat., 144; Puga, Cedulario, 80, etc.; 
 Dice. Univ., ix.-x.; Greenhow's 3Iemoirs, 25, etc.; Parra, Conq. Xal., x. MS,, 
 76; Rivera, Descrip. Zac, pt. ii. 1-5; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 204; Gonzalez 
 Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 178-9; Alaman, Disert., i. app. 27-8; Brasseur de 
 Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 744-53; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 182; Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mej., iv. 476-7, 489-90, 493-515; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orhis, 21; Rmiero, 
 in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 538, ix. 15, 85-6; Archivo Mex., Doc, i. 
 362-3, ii. 201-2; Monumentos Hist. Polit., MS., 8, 9; Monumentos Domin. Esp., 
 MS., 239-40; RusseWs Hist. Am., i. 381; Voyages, Selection of Curious, 39; 
 Santos, Chron. Hospit., ii. 445; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 34-62; Gordons Anc. 
 Mex., ii. 248-9; Expl. del Codex. Tel. Rem., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.y 
 v. 155; Dillon, Beautes, 39-61; Pimentel, Mem., 96. 
 
CHAPTEE XYIII. 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 1535-1537. 
 
 Appointment of Mendoza — His Instructions and Prerogatives — Arrival 
 AND Reception of the First Viceroy — Inaugural Ceremonies — Re- 
 tirement OF the Oidores — Difficulties of the Administration — City 
 Improvements — Defensive Measures — Apparent Weakness of the 
 Spaniards — Proclivities and Condition of Negroes — Their Conspir- 
 acy and its Suppression — Mustek of Spaniards in the Capital. 
 
 The sad failures attending the governing of this 
 distant world which the Genoese had found and the 
 Estremaduran had conquered, led Charles to bethink 
 himself of other means. Would not a miniature 
 court, having about it the sacred smell of royalty, the 
 very embodiment of imperial power and prerogative, 
 awe the turbulent spirits of New Spain into more 
 courteous submission? And so it was determined 
 that a viceroyalty would be the proper thing in this 
 region. 
 
 Acting in accordance, therefore, with the wishes of 
 his Majesty, who was in Flanders, the queen proceeded 
 to select a person qualified both by birth and ability 
 to fill so high a position. Her first choice fell upon 
 the conde de Oropesa, who, however, under various 
 pretexts declined the offer, as did also the mariscal de 
 Fromesta. She next tendered the appointment to 
 Manuel Benavides, but his exorbitant demands with 
 respect to the power to be vested in him, and supplies 
 of money, induced her Majesty to withdraw the nom- 
 ination. The position was lastly offered to Antonio 
 de Mendoza, who though he accepted it was detained 
 
 (375) 
 
376 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 several years in Spain before sailing for the seat of his 
 government.^ 
 
 Though the Cortes party considered that the choice 
 ought properly to have fallen upon the marques del 
 Valle, the crown did not evidently deem it prudent to 
 invest with such power one whose possessions in the 
 country were so extensive, his interests so large, and 
 his friends so numerous.^ The selection of Mendoza 
 was, morever, a fortunate one. Of noble birth, being 
 son of the second conde de Tendilla, and first marques 
 de Mondejar, he was connected with the celebrated 
 naval commander Bernardino de Mendoza, and the 
 equally famous statesman and historian Diego Hur- 
 tado de Mendoza. Both as regards character and 
 ability he was well fitted for the place, his governing 
 capabilities being equalled by the integrity of his in- 
 tentions. Austere in his habits, and practising absti- 
 nence to an extent injurious to his constitution, he 
 never relaxed his exertions in the discharge of his 
 duties, while the responsibility of his position increased 
 his anxiety. 
 
 Besides his appointment as viceroy,^ Mendoza was 
 created president of the audiencia in the place of 
 Fuenleal, who was returning to Spain. This office did 
 not, however, entitle him to vote in judicial matters, 
 the administration of justice remaining in the hands 
 of the oidores, whose provisions, sentences, and decis- 
 
 ^He received the appointment in 1530, Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 539, 
 but did not arrive in Mexico before 1535. From Puga it appears that his 
 appointment was formally made out April 17, 1535. Cedulario, 98-9. 
 
 ^ Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i.; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 540-1. 
 
 ^ He was assigned a salary of 6,000 ducados, 3,000 of which he received as 
 viceroy and 3,000 as president of the audiencia. He was, moreover, allowed 
 2,000 ducados for the expenses of his body-guard. Puga, Cedulario, 98-9. In 
 1614 this salary was raised to 20,000 ducats, pay for six months being allowed 
 for the voyage out, and a similar amount for the expenses of returning. A la- 
 man, Disert., iii. app. 25. The 6,000 ducados, at 375 maravedis each, were 
 equal to 5,000 pesos de minas at 450 maravedis, and the laborious investigator 
 Clemencin estimates the value of the pesos de minas in 1497 to have been nine 
 dollars and seventy-five cents, so that Mendoza's salary would be about equiv- 
 alent to 48,750 dollars of modern coin. But the purchasing power of coin then 
 was in some directions five or ten times greater tlian at the present day; so 
 that it is impossible to estimate accurately the value of coin then as compared 
 with the present. Mem. Valor Moneda, MS., 501 et seg. 
 
Ai^TONIO DE MENDOZA. 
 
 377 
 
 ions had to be signed by the viceroy. In addition to 
 these appointments he was constituted acting captain- 
 general, and empowered to assume the corresponding 
 functions should circumstances render such a step 
 necessary. His privileges and prerogatives were most 
 ample, and although he was advised to consult with 
 the audiencia on matters of importance, he was fully 
 authorized, after receiving their opinions, to act on his 
 judgment. The instructions given him for his guid- 
 ance were explicit. All affairs of the government were 
 placed under his direction. The prelates were to be 
 consulted on ecclesiastical matters, the establishment 
 and extent of bishoprics, and the erection of churches ; 
 and a full report thereon was to be forwarded to the 
 king. Clergymen who caused scandals were not to 
 be tolerated in the province, and such as had been 
 frairs were to be sent back to Spain ; the limits of the 
 bishopric of Oajaca, which it was proposed to erect, 
 were to be determined; the church patronage enjoyed 
 by the crown was to be upheld, particularly the right 
 of presentation to all ecclesiastical positions; ecclesi- 
 astical judges could have no power to arrest and punish 
 civilians, and the audiencia was empowered to inter- 
 fere in cases of appeal. Convents were to be reformed, 
 and not allowed to become places of refuge for crimi- 
 nals.^ 
 
 But though his Majesty was anxious for the proper 
 spiritual government of his realm, his worldly inter- 
 ests were by no means left out of sight, and sugges- 
 tions were made to promote the increase of the royal 
 revenue.^ The capability of the natives to bear in- 
 
 * The payment of church tithes by the natives was to be closely investigated, 
 and an estimate made of what portion of them ought to revert to the crown. 
 It was ordered, also, that in the existing convents the natives should receive 
 better instructions, Pacheco a,nd Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 426-45; and they 
 were to be encouraged in industrious habits, and to collect themselves into com- 
 munities. No arms were to be sold to the natives, nor were they to be taught 
 to manufacture them. Spaniards settled in Mexico were to keep offensive and 
 defensive arms in their houses, and negroes were forbidden to carry weapons 
 either publicly or secretly. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i. and ii. 
 
 ^ Mendoza, among other orders, was instructed to search for buried treas- 
 ures in the great temples of Mexico, the king having been informed that 
 
378 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 creased tribute was to be considered, as well as the 
 question whether those portions of the country hith- 
 erto exempt could not be taxed. Moreover industries 
 were to be encouraged for the promotion of the wel- 
 fare of the country and the benefit of the royal treas- 
 ury; the accounts of the royal officials were to be 
 examined and the collection of all balances due was 
 ordered. Instructions were also given for the erec- 
 tions of forts, and provisions were made with regard 
 to arms in order to insure the safety of the country. 
 
 About the beginning of October 1535, Mendoza 
 arrived at Vera Cruz,^ and preparations were made to 
 receive him with becoming ceremony. He was con- 
 ducted in great state to the capital, where he was 
 sumptuously entertained by the authorities. Never- 
 theless the reception was quite tame as compared with 
 later ones, when the viceroy was conducted with ex- 
 cessive pomp and pageantry, involving great expense, 
 from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico, the whole 
 journey being a triumphal march, the road spread 
 with palm-branches and spanned by arches of fresh 
 evergreens and flowers; the entrance into Tlascala, 
 Puebla, and all the principal towns on his route being 
 signalized by martial music, and processions of multi- 
 tudes of natives decked in brilliant colors and bearing 
 aloft the banners and devices of their towns. High 
 in front of the viceregal party there used to float a 
 richly embroidered flag, on one side of which were 
 worked the arms of the king and on the other those 
 of the viceroy. The solemnity of the reception on 
 
 native nobles had been buried there with great riches. The question of send- 
 ing slaves from Spain or elsewhere to work in the mines was also to be exam- 
 ined. Id. 
 
 ^ Herrera only mentions the year without giving the month. Id. Torque- 
 mada says in 1534, Monarq. Ind., i. 608; followed by Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 
 126, Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 7, and several minor authorities. Padre Medina 
 assigns the 15th of August, 1535, as the date of his arrival in Mexico, Chron. 
 de San Diego de Mex., 233; but the acts of the ayuntamiento of Mexico show 
 that on the 13th of October dispositions were made for the reception of Men- 
 doza, and on the 17th the commission made a report of the conference held 
 with him. Presuming that the conference was held on the 16th, his arrival 
 probably took place on the 15th. Zamacois accepts this date. Hist. M6j., 
 iv. 586; and Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 29. 
 
RECEPTION OF A VICEROY. 
 
 379 
 
 each occasion was proportionate to the importance of 
 the town; and as his successor approached the capital 
 the outgoing viceroy left the city to meet him and 
 resign the government into his hands. 
 
 On arrival at Chapultepec the viceroys used to halt, 
 and in the evening proceed to the city, where the cere- 
 mony of taking possession would be performed with 
 great solemnity. Then he was conducted first to the 
 hall of the audiencia,^ after that to the hall of civil pro- 
 cedure, where the seal was delivered to him, the royal 
 cedulas constituting his appointment were exhibited, 
 and the oath was taken by him on the holy gospel. 
 Then followed, on a day appointed for the purpose, his 
 public entry into the city, on which occasion was dis- 
 played a costly magnificence in retinue and apparel. 
 Near the church of Santo Domingo the ayuntamiento 
 delivered to him the city keys beneath a triumphal 
 arch, whence, under a canopy of state, he was con- 
 ducted to the cathedral, where he was received by the 
 archbishop in his pontifical robes. At the entrance 
 another was usually erected for the occasion, beneath 
 which a panegyric in verse was addressed to him. 
 After the te deum the viceroy would proceed to the 
 palace, and for several days the city would be gay 
 with festivities, the night bright with fireworks, and 
 the day one continuous round of bull-fights and other 
 amusements.^ 
 
 ^ Each viceroy was the bearer of a sealed letter, called the pliego de mor- 
 taja, addressed to the audiencia, and which could be opened only in case of 
 his death while in ofl&ce. This document designated the person whom the 
 crown appointed to succeed him under such an event. 
 
 ^ The expenses of these inaugurations in time became excessive, amounting 
 to as high as 26,000 pesos. The king, by royal c6dula of May 6, 1688, limited 
 the sum to be employed for this purpose to 8,000 pesos. Ordenes de la Co- 
 rona, MS., i. 9-11. On account of the disputes which occurred on the entry 
 of the viceroy Galvez, in 1783, the court ordered that in future the procession 
 on horseback into the city should be discontinued, and thenceforth the cere- 
 mony terminated, and the viceroy and accompanying authorities entered the 
 city from Guadalupe in carriages, the garrison being drawn out in the streets. 
 The respective oaths were taken in the council-chamber, and the ayunta- 
 miento paid the expenses of banquets and other festivities. These still 
 amounted to the great sum of 14,000 pesos, and the second count of Revilla 
 Gigedo advised his successor to suppress them. Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 99. 
 In former times it had been, the custom for the authorities of the capital, 
 
380 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Soon after the arrival of the viceroy several mem- 
 bers of the audiencia retired from office. President 
 Fuenleal, already advanced in years, had in 1532 
 requested permission to return to Spain, and the 
 oidores Salmeron and Ceynos, for the same reason, 
 were equally anxious to be relieved from their duties. 
 By cedula dated November 13, 1535, Francisco de 
 Loaisa was commissioned to take the residencia of 
 the four oidores.^ On the 24th of February, 1536, 
 this order was proclaimed with the usual form in the 
 city of Mexico; but it does not appear that charges 
 were preferred against any one except Quiroga, who 
 was accused of having caused to be erected two hos- 
 pitals, one at Santa Fe near the capital, and the other 
 in Michoacan, the construction of which had brought 
 great distress to the natives, whose houses had been 
 destroyed to supply materials. Quiroga, however, 
 vindicated his action by proving the great benefit that 
 had been derived from the hospitals, especially from 
 that in Michoacan, and in March 1536 he was 
 formally exonerated by the juez de residencia. 
 
 Shortly after the favorable termination of their 
 residencia. President Fuenleal and the oidores Sal- 
 meron and Ceynos returned to Spain. It is no more 
 than a just tribute to their memory to acknowledge 
 that they faithfully discharged the duties intrusted to 
 them;^-^ that during their administration, in conjunc- 
 tion with their colleagues, the system of tyrannical 
 misrule organized by their predecessors was broken; 
 and that reforms of essential benefit were effected by 
 
 including the tribunal of the inquisition, to meet the viceroys at Chapultepec, 
 where they were entertained with bull-fights and festivities, but from the 
 tenor of a royal cedula of 1761 it appears that before that year Chapultepec 
 had ceased to be the halting-place before their solemn entry into the city. 
 Reales Cedulas, MS., i. 105. 
 
 ^ On the 19th of the same month an order was addressed to the viceroy 
 directing him to return their staffs of office to the oidores on the event of their 
 residencia being satisfactory. From the day on which the varas were given 
 back to them they could continue to receive their annual salary of 500,000 
 maravedis. Puga, Cedularlo, 110. 
 
 Beaumont, CrOn. Mich., iii. 316-17, iv. 315-49. 
 
 Bernal Diaz says that the new audiencia ' no entendian sino solamente 
 en hazer lo que Dios, y su Magestad man da.' Mist. Vei'dad., 230. 
 
A RIGHTEOUS RULER. 
 
 381 
 
 the HI under circumstances which required the greatest 
 prudence, good judgment, and courage. 
 
 It is refreshing to be able to speak well of one of 
 Spain's rulers in America. Mendoza made every 
 effort to carry out the instructions he had received. 
 The duties of his position had been rendered some- 
 what less difficult of performance by the previous ex- 
 ertions of the second audiencia in the work of reform ; 
 nevertheless it was no easy matter to rule with satis- 
 factory results a community divided into factions, 
 whose opposing interests were asserted with jealous 
 claims of merit and equal expectations of support. 
 The number of provinces, and the varied condition 
 of the native tribes in different parts, rendered it im- 
 possible to apply the same rules in all cases. Regu- 
 lations which were beneficial and necessary in some 
 districts were inapplicable in others; hence discon- 
 tent and charges of capriciousness against the viceroy. 
 Moreover, each ruler of a province and each enco- 
 mendero wished the government to adopt his own 
 particular views, and the advice offered to Mendoza 
 was so multifarious that he found it the best plan 
 quietly to listen to all without dissenting, and then 
 do as he thought best,^^ as contradiction on his part 
 led to interminable wrangling. The adjustment of 
 existing jealousies between the conquerors proper and 
 the new settlers was a difficult task, but much more 
 so was the enforcement of the new laws relative to 
 the treatment of the natives; and though he was 
 
 ^2 Speaking of President Fuenleal, Gonzalez Davila attributes to his care 
 and prudence all the good that was effected in New Spain during this period, 
 and adds that he returned to the Peninsula without gold or silver. Teatro, 
 Ecles., i. 262. On his return he was appointed to the see of Tuy; afterward 
 he was made bishop of Leon, and finally of Cuenca on the 25th of July, 1542. 
 At the same time he was chosen president of the audiencia of Valladolid, 
 where he died January 22, 1547. He was buried in the Dominican convent 
 of Santa Cruz, founded by himself in his native place. Bernal Diaz, Hist, 
 Verdad., 230; Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. i.; Oviedo, in. 534-5; Torquemada, 
 i. 608; Cartcus de Indias, 829-30. 
 
 ' En verdad, ' says Mendoza to his successor, * que si hubiese de hacer lo 
 que se aconseja, que ya la tierra estuviera trastomada de abajo arriba viente 
 veces.' Helacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 509-11. 
 
382 KSTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 well aware of the necessity of extending to them 
 protection, he advised the repeal of the laws.^* The 
 excessive difficulties encountered in leofislatinnf for the 
 benefit of the natives are aptly represented by Men- 
 doza, who considered that the numerous experiments 
 tried were enough to drive them to insanity.^^ 
 
 Apart from the administration of political affairs 
 the viceroy was occupied in carrying out improve- 
 ments in the city of Mexico, and providing means of 
 defence against outside and inside attack. The second 
 audiencia had already executed certain works benefi- 
 cial to the comfort of the inhabitants, such as the 
 introduction of water into different parts of the cap- 
 ital, and the substitution of stone bridges for wooden 
 ones.^^ The aqueduct from Chapultepec to the city 
 had also been begun by order of the oidores.^^ The 
 continuance of these improvements under a viceroy, 
 and the prospects for the future of stability in the 
 government, had naturally an effect upon the value of 
 city real estate; and Mendoza informs the king, on 
 the 10th of December, 1537, that rents and property 
 had doubled in value since his arrival. The defensive 
 
 **The general outcry against these laws impelled Mendoza to act contrary 
 to his feelings. ' Tengo harto escrupulo, ' he writes to the king, * de dar pares- 
 cer que V. M. los quite de su cabeza; ' and he goes on to state that on one 
 occasion when in 1537 he had transferred certain Indians to the care of the 
 royal treasurer they wept for joy. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 205-6. 
 
 * Y en lo de los indios, son tantas las mudanzas, que algunas veces he 
 dicho que los hemes de volver locos con tantos ensayos.' Mendoza, in Id., vi. 
 510. One of Mendoza's first actions was to induce certain prominent enco- 
 menderos to exchange towns which it was important that the crown should 
 control — such as Cholula and Huexotzinco — for encomiendas in the interior. 
 The principal incentive to the assignees was the expectation that much gold 
 existed in the new districts assigned to them. The encomenderos, however, 
 soon repented of their bargain and reclaimed the towns they had surrendered, 
 but in vain. Torquemada, i. 613-14 
 
 ^®Fuenleal, writing in September 1532, stated that these improvements 
 would be finished during the next month. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
 xiii. 235. 
 
 ^^The queen, by cedula of November 13, 1535, ordered the viceroy to 
 complete it, as being most necessary for the convenience of the inhal)itants. 
 Pmja, Cedulario, 109. Its completion, however, was not the result of a lim- 
 ited number of years, and indeed work at this aqueduct has been going on, 
 from time to time, ever since its commencement. 
 
 Ternaux-Com'pans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 260; Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 CoL Doc, ii. 200. Arrangements were made with the different religious 
 orders that the construction of their buildings should be conducted on proper 
 plans so as to insure the erection of good edifices. Jd., vi. 513. 
 
MORE ARMS NEEDED. 
 
 383 
 
 measures adopted by him also contributed to this 
 increase of prosperity. Besides steps taken to cast 
 pieces of artillery from metal produced in the coun- 
 try/^ he proposed to erect on one of the causewa^^s a 
 fortress, which he considered would greatly contrit3ute 
 to the security of the city.^^ Though this project 
 does not seem to have been carried out, at Vera Cruz 
 he began the erection of fortifications, as a defence 
 against corsairs and for the purpose of providing 
 facilities for the repair and security of vessels, which 
 were frequently exposed on that coast to violent 
 storms. 
 
 Protective measures against internal revolt were 
 indeed of vital importance to his Majesty's domain, 
 and instructions were from time to time issued, de- 
 signed to keep the colonists on their guard. Owing to 
 the scarcity of arms the position of the Spaniards at this 
 juncture was by no means secure. The recognition of 
 this want had not only impelled Mendoza to apply to 
 
 Mendoza reports to the king December 10, 1537, that there is abun- 
 dance of metal in the country for the manufacture of artillery, but that 
 skilled workmen are wanted to extract and smelt it. He therefore requests 
 that such be sent from Spain. Id., ii. 183; Florida, Col. Doc, 121. 
 
 20 He moreover recommended the building of a strong fortification on the 
 Calzada de Tacuba, containing apartments for the audiencia, a foundery, 
 mint, and arsenal. Such a fortress he believed could be constructed for 9,000 
 pesos, the sum which had been paid Cortes for houses for the audiencia. Id. 
 This work, however, had not been commenced in 1540, and Mendoza that 
 year describes the old fortress as in a ruinous condition and of no further 
 use for the purpose it was intended, namely, as an arsenal and dock-yard, 
 since the lake was quite dry. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 357. He 
 had in 1537 stated that, from the same cause, it could be removed to no place 
 that would enable the brigantiaes to be of any service. Id., 182-3. 
 
 2^ Tlie India Council had, as early as 1526, deemed it advisable to order 
 the building of forts in America as a protection against pirates. Herrera^ 
 dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. 
 
 2'^ To defray the expenses of these works he laid an impost upon the mer- 
 chandise imported from Spain, and borrowed 2,000 pesos with which to begin 
 operations. The viceroy, however, met with difficulties and delays: some 
 Basque workmen whom he had employed died; and Sancho de Piniga, master 
 of a vessel bound for Spain, attempted to steal 2,000 pesos de minas which 
 Mendoza intrusted to his care for the purchase of tools. He was detected 
 and imprisoned, but managed to escape. These mishaps retarded the work, 
 and in December 1537 Mendoza requested the king to send out competent 
 men. Florida, Col. Doc, 123-5. 
 
 2^ The queen in November 1535 ordered arms to be distributed among the 
 Bettlera in the city of Mexico. Purja^ Cedulario, 109-10. 
 
384 ESTABLISHMENT OF A VICEREGAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 the king for weapons of war,^* but also for permission 
 to retain and purchase arms which were on the point 
 of being withdrawn by adventurers from Perii. This 
 apparent weakness of the Spaniards in New Spain 
 was regarded by the negro population as offering a 
 favorable opportunity to effect their destruction, and, 
 with the cooperation of the natives, liberate the 
 country from the Spanish yoke. 
 
 The vindictive character and hardihood of the Afri- 
 can race had at an early day attracted the attention of 
 the government to the danger to which the Indies 
 were exposed by the importation of negro slaves. In 
 proportion to the population their numbers were be- 
 coming alarming, and although their number in New 
 Spain was relatively insignificant compared with that 
 of the indigenes, it was such as to hold out to them, 
 turbulent as they were and refractory by nature, a 
 prospect of gaining their freedom. They were further 
 emboldened by the knowledge which they obtained 
 of the troubles that embarrassed the king, and by the 
 arrival of vessels from Spain only at long intervals. 
 
 Their intercourse with the Indians, and the mutual 
 
 24 December 1537 he informs the king that no arms had been received 
 by him from the royal officials at Seville, to whom the matter had been in- 
 trusted. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , ii. 200. 
 
 2^ In 1523 it was ordered that the number of negroes should only be in 
 the proportion of one to three Spaniards, and that the latter should be well 
 armed; ' porq a causa de auer muchos mas negros, q Christianos en las islas, y 
 auerse comen9ado a desuergon9ar. ' Jlerrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii. Later 
 other precautionary laws were passed. In 1551 negroes were prohibited from 
 carrying arms. By order of 1542 they were not permitted to be out of doors 
 at night. Becop. de Ind., ii. 363-4. In 1575 they were forbidden to live in 
 Indian towns, and negroes without occupation were to be sent to work in 
 the mines. As the necessity of more stringent laws became apparent, it was 
 ordered, in 1612, that they should not congregate in companies of more than 
 three, while only four negro men and four women were allowed to attend 
 at the funerals of those of their race. Montemayor, Svmarios, 208, pt. iii. 
 45-6. Nevertheless the negroes in many matters met with consideration, 
 and inducements to become quiet members of the community to which they 
 belonged. By a royal letter to the authorities of New Spain, dated Novem- 
 ber 1526, we learn that it was considered advantageous to allow them to 
 marry, and after a certain period of service even to purchase their freedom. 
 Puja, Cedulario, 20. Marriage was to be encouraged among them, but the 
 act of marriage did not confer freedom. Recap, de Ind., ii. 361. 
 
 The viceroy in his letter to the king of December 10, 1537, alluding to 
 'las guerras y necesidades que V. M. tiene,' remarks, * y viene d, noticia de 
 los negros y de indios, sin que se les encubra nada. ' He also advises the king 
 
THE NEGHOES BECOMING DANGEROUS. 
 
 385 
 
 sympathy which existed between the two races, offered 
 a temptation to their unsubmissive proclivities. Ac- 
 cordingly a plot was formed to massacre the Spaniards 
 and, in alliance with the natives, gain possession of 
 the country. The head-quarters of the conspirators 
 was in the city of Mexico, and there they held meet- 
 ings, elected a king, and formed their plans in connec- 
 tion with those of their race located at the mines and 
 Dutside towns. One of their number, however, informed 
 the viceroy of the plot, and Mendoza by judicious man- 
 agement succeeded in arresting the already elected 
 king and the ringleaders. Confessions opened their 
 eyes to the danger escaped. The Spaniards in the 
 mining districts and country towns had already been 
 put upon their guard, and other arrests were made out- 
 side the capital. Twenty-four of the captured con- 
 spirators were hanged and quartered.^^ Although no 
 complicity could be proved against the Indians, in- 
 vestigation left little doubt that they were aware of 
 the piot, and that, had the negroes broken into overt 
 acts, the natives would have given their aid. 
 
 It was now deemed dangerous to import negroes, 
 and the viceroy requested the king to prohibit the 
 traffic. Moreover, to arouse the settlers from their 
 apathy, and inform himself of powers for defence, he 
 ordered a muster in the city, at which six hundred 
 and twenty horsemen presented themselves, four hun- 
 dred and fifty of whom were well equipped and fit 
 for service. There was also an equal number of foot- 
 soldiers, well conditioned.^^ 
 
 to send vessels regularly, so that news from Spain might be received fre- 
 quently. Such communication would contribute greatly to the content and 
 quiet of the x)eople. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 199. 
 
 2^ Many of the negroes fled, four of whom with one woman were killed by 
 the Indians, who salted their bodies and brought them to Mendoza, because 
 he had ordered the fugitives to be taken dead or alive. Id., 198. *En este 
 auo de 6 Casas y de 1537 se quisieron alzar los Negros en la Ciudad de Mexico, 
 de los quales dhorcaron los in ven tores de ello.' Cod. Tell. Rem., in KingS' 
 borough's Mex. Antiq., v. 155. 
 
 ^2 These numbers do not represent the whole Spanish male population in 
 the capital at this time, because there were ' otros muchos que, por indisposi- 
 cion y otros impedimentos justos, dejaron de salir.' Pacheco and Cdrdenas, 
 Col. Doc, ii. 199-200. 
 
 Hisi. Hex., Vol. II. 25 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 1530-1540. 
 
 Troubles of Bishop ZumArraga — He Goes to Spain — His Consecratioit 
 AND Return to Mexico — First Churches in the Capital — Uncertain 
 Priority and Sites — The First Cathedral — Necessity of More 
 Bishoprics — Dioceses of Oajaca and Michoacan Established — Fran- 
 ciscan Progress — Custodia of Santo Evangelio Raised to a Prov- 
 ince — Labors of the Padres — Dominican Provincia Established — 
 Unseemly Strife — Successful Propagandism — Arrival of Augus- 
 tinians — Labors and Hardships — Provincia Established — Miracu- 
 lous Shrine at Chalma — Dagon Overthrown — The Virgin of 
 Guadalupe — A Glorious Vision — A Modest Shrine and a Costly 
 Church— A Wonderful Painting — ^Multitudes of Converts— Secret 
 Idolatry. 
 
 While the political government of New Spain was 
 thus undergoing important changes, reforms equally 
 momentous were being effected in the ecclesiastical 
 administration. The disorders which had prevailed 
 previous to the arrival of the second audiencia had 
 been such as no efforts of the church could arrest. The 
 ecclesiastical body found their labors at conversion 
 almost ineffective from the fact that their teachings 
 were naturally disregarded by the natives, who saw 
 clearly enough that the doctrines of the religion 
 preached to them were practically ignored by the 
 race enforcing it. The condition of the natives, both 
 spiritual and temporal, during this period was lament- 
 able in the extreme. Bishop Zumdrraga, who had 
 been appointed protector, exerted himself in vain to 
 alleviate their sufferings; his efforts in their behalf 
 seemed only to bring upon himself the animosity of all 
 
ZUMARRAGA in SPAIN. 
 
 387 
 
 interested. Nevertheless his words had their elfect, 
 and he was sent for from Spain to give advice on 
 measures for amehorating the condition of the Indiariti. 
 
 Without money/ but resolute in his labor.':, ho 
 arrived in Spain about the middle of 1532, and was 
 received at court with every mark of favor. His 
 defence of the religious orders in New Spain, and of 
 his own line of conduct, his description of the con- 
 dition of the natives and his fervid pleadings in their 
 behalf were listened to with attention. His eloquence 
 and earnestness, his self-negation and poverty, be- 
 spoke favor for his cause. The title of protector was 
 confirmed to him, and he was empowered to examine 
 the sytem of tributes, with the object of their reduc- 
 tion, and the audiencia received instructions to assist 
 him and conform to his views as far as possible.^ 
 On the 27th of April 1533 he was solemnly conse- 
 crated as bishop at Valladolid in the Franciscan church 
 by the bishop of Segovia, in the presence of a large 
 assembly. After the ceremony he journeyed through 
 different parts of Spain for several months, and in- 
 duced many members of his own order to return with 
 him to Mexico and aid in the labor of conversion. 
 
 In 1534 he again arrived in Mexico, having at 
 some time during the same year issued a letter from 
 Toledo erecting his cathedral, establishing the digni- 
 taries of his chapter, and defining the rules by which 
 his diocese would be governed.^ 
 
 It has been a matter of much discussion as to the 
 
 ^ * Con harta pobre(?a de dineros. ' Torquemada, iii. 449. 
 
 ^ Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 21; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 631; Sosa^ 
 Episc. 3Iex., 9 and app. 2.36. 
 
 3 The chapter consisted of a dean, archdeacon, precentor, chancellor, treas- 
 urer, ten canons, and six prebendaries. The salaries of these ecclesiastics varied 
 from 150 to 35 pesos per month. Nueva Espaiia, Breve Resf, MS., i. 120-40, 
 contains a copy of the bishop's letter. One fourth of the tithes he reserved 
 for himself and successors ; one fourth was appropriated for the payment of 
 the salaries of the cathedral dignitaries and others; the remainder was 
 apportioned for the payment of rectors, the king's tithes, the building of 
 churches, and the support of the hospital. The parishes of Mexico city are 
 mentioned in Maltrat. de Indios, MS., No. 18, fols. 6-11. 
 
388 
 
 A DECADE OF CHUECH MATTERS. 
 
 first church erected in the city of Mexico. During 
 the next three years after the capture of the city no 
 cciiice was built for church service, but a hall in ihe 
 Lou. e of Cortes was set apart for the purpose of 
 divine worship. This place was soon required as a 
 store-room for arms, and a chapel was established in a 
 narrow corridor, inappropriate both to religious solem- 
 nity and the requirements of the worshippers, many 
 of whom had frequently to stand outside unprotected 
 from the sun or rain.* 
 
 The Franciscan order claim to have founded the 
 first church, but some doubt exists as to their priority 
 from the fact that in the books of the cabildo it is 
 recorded that on May 30, 1525, a piece of land for an 
 orchard was granted to Fray Pedro de Villagran, 
 who is styled the parish priest "of the church of this 
 city."^ It is not unreasonable to conclude that Cor- 
 tes, previous to his departure, marked out the site 
 and took measures for the erection of a church, which 
 was begun during his absence, and completed at a 
 later date. 
 
 ^Cortes, Besidenaa, i. passim; Motollnia, Hist. Ind., 101. 
 
 ^ The same book proves that, in August 1524, the hospital of Jesus was 
 founded and a church attached to it. Alaman maintains that the parish 
 church and this one were the first established. Disert. , ii. 133. Orozco y Berra, 
 quoting the same authority, draws the conclusion that in the last months of 
 1524, after Cortes had left for Honduras, the first church was built. 3Iex. 
 Not. Ciud. , 69. Icazbalceta considers that hardly any doubt exists that the 
 first church was not built until after the arrival of the Franciscans. Salazar, 
 Mex. en 1554, 184-202; Torquemada, iii. 35-6, According to Vetancurt, the 
 name of St Joseph was given to the parochial church. Trat. Mex., 6. The 
 assertions of Mendieta and Torquemada, who advance the claim of the Fran- 
 ciscans, are disputed by Sigii^nza y G6ngora and Alaman. They are, more- 
 over, at variance with Herrera, who plainly attributes to Cort6s the estab- 
 lishment of the principal church. Herrera 's statement — dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. 
 viii. — may, however, be reconciled with that of Mendieta, by interpreting it' 
 to mean that only the initiatory steps were taken by the conqueror. Men- 
 dieta asserts that the church was built in 1525, *con muchabrevedad; porque 
 el gobernador D. Fernando Cort(5s puso en la edificacion mucha calor.' Hist. 
 Edes. , 222. Cortes, however, was in Honduras at that time. According to 
 evidence given by witnesses in his residencia it would appear that it was 
 built during his absence in Honduras; though Ixtlilxochitl claims that his 
 ancestor of the same name, after the return of the expedition, rendered great 
 aid in its construction by supplying both labor and materials. The house 
 for the Franciscans had been already begun, and after the completion of the 
 church Ixtlilxochitl assisted the friars in the erection of their buildings. Hor, 
 Crueldades, 114r-16. 
 
THE FIRST CHURCH. 
 
 389 
 
 An equally difficult question to decide is the site 
 of the first church,^ but there is good reason to sup- 
 pose that the parochial church stood on ground previ- 
 ously occupied by the great Aztec temple, and where 
 the old cathedral was afterward erected/ By a bull 
 of Pope Clement VII. this church was elevated in 
 1530 to the rank of cathedral,^ so that the first cathe- 
 dral and the parochial church were identical. But 
 this edifice was only regarded as a provisional one, 
 and during the presidency of Fuenleal the construc- 
 tion of a more appropriate building was begun and 
 completed by the viceroy Mendoza.^ As time advanced 
 this structure also was too humble in which to cele- 
 brate the worship of God with becoming grandeur. 
 A few decades later was laid the first stone of the 
 magnificent edifice which exists to-day. 
 
 ^ Icazbalceta, after carefully weighing the arguments adduced by Alaman 
 and Jos6 F. Ramirez in analyzing the statements of Torquemada, although 
 recognizing the difficulty of proof, comes to the conclusion that the conjecture 
 that the Franciscan church was the first one built in the city of Mexico is 
 probably right and that its site was that occupied by the atrium of the 
 present cathedral. Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 184-202, 213-29. 
 
 ^ Herrera states that the foundation-stones of the parochial church were 
 idols, 'y comen^b la mayor' — i. e. iglesia — 'sobre ciertos idolos de piedra q 
 eiruen por vasas de las colunas.' dec, iii. lib. iv. cap. viii. If this vexed 
 question as to priority and site should ever be solved it will probably be 
 found that the first parochial chiirch and the first Franciscan church were built 
 almost contemporaneously, the former occupying the site of the Aztec temple, 
 and ground which had, according to Vetancurt, been assigned to the Fran- 
 ciscans for a convent, but of which they relinquished their rights as owners, 
 Trat. Mex., 17; and that the latter named church stood near by on the east, 
 in Santa Teresa street. There is evidence which indicates the site of the first 
 cathedral, for Fuenleal, writing to the empress on the 30th of April 1532, 
 suggests the appropriation of 12 out of 25 lots, 'seflalados para hacer iglesia, 
 claostra y casa episcopal, ' for the purpose of erecting on them buildings for 
 the audiencia. These lots of ground were situated in the plaza between the 
 two houses of Cortes, and the position of those proposed to be appropriated was 
 Buch, 'questa casa de Audiencia y las dos casas del Marques tengan la iglesia 
 y plaza en medio.' Carta, in Pacheco and Gdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 214-15. 
 This subject is discussed at great length and ably by Icazbalceta in Salazar^ 
 Mex. en 1554, and by Alaman, Disert. 
 
 ^ Nueva Espaiia, Breve Res., MS., i. 124. From the same bull we learn 
 that the church was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Speaking of the cathe- 
 dral Beaumont says: 'cuya titular es la Asuncion de Nuestra Senora.' Crdn. 
 Mich., ni. 251. 
 
 ^By a c6dula, dated August 28, 1532, it was ordered by Prince Felipe 
 that '■•'^ cost of construction should be divided into three portions, and 
 defrayed respectively by the royal treasury, the encornenderos, and the 
 natives in the diocese. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 519-20. 
 
 ^^Its growth was slow, however; slower than that of the temple at Jeru- 
 salem. Forty-two years were occupied in building the outer walls, and it 
 
390 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 The careful attention with which the second audi- 
 encia examined into the ecclesiastical system, and the 
 suggestions made by them, showed the necessity of 
 reorganization. In August 1531 they represented to 
 the king that the districts comprised in the diocese of 
 Tlascala were unwisely selected, inasmuch as they 
 were distributed at distances from the episcopal town 
 varying from fifty to one hundred and sixty leagues, 
 and they urged the necessity of establishing more 
 bishoprics of limited extent,^^ and consisting of con- 
 tiguous districts. Such a system, they argued, would 
 compel the prelates, whose means and power would be 
 curtailed, to confine themselves to the conversion of 
 the natives, and attention to church matters only.^* 
 The metropolitan see of Mexico ought, they considered, 
 to be of limited extent, but it was advisable that the 
 bishop should be invested with extraordinary power to 
 decide doubtful questions. These representations had 
 their effect, and by cedula of March 20, 1532, the 
 bishopric of Tlascala was limited to the districts of the 
 town of that name, and of Huexotzinco, Cholula, Te- 
 peaca, and the newly founded city of Puebla de los 
 Angeles.^* 
 
 Further, in accordance with Fuenleal's recommenda- 
 tion,^^ the India Council expressed their opinion to the 
 king that not only ought there to be four bishoprics 
 in New Spain, the number to be increased as circum- 
 stances might require, but that an archbishopric, or 
 
 was not until 1626 that the interior was so far completed that the old cathe- 
 dral, beside which the new one was reared, could be pulled down. Orozco y 
 Berra, in Mex. Not. Ciud., 71; Not. Mex., m Monumentos Domin. Esp.^ MS., 
 320. Vetancurt gives 1655 as the date. Trat. Mex., 18. 
 
 They advised that the diocese of Tlascala be limited to a radius of 10 
 leagues. Cartayin Ternanx-Com'pans^ Fo?/. , serie ii. tom. v. 166-8. 
 
 ^2 Friars Domingo de Betanzos, Francisco de Soto, and Martin de Valencia 
 are mentioned as being willing to accept so poor bishoprics. Id. 
 
 ^2 Especially regarding native marriages, as the Indians concealed their 
 degrees of relationship when it was their interest to do so. 
 
 The audiencia was also instructed to give its views after due consulta- 
 tion regarding the establishment of other sees. Pu<ja, Cedidario, 76-7, 90-2. 
 
 ^^He remarks, 'yan de ser personas que anden d pi(5 d6 no pudieren andar 
 cavalgando, y que se contenten con el mantenimiento de los indios y con toda 
 pobreza. ' Carta, in Facheco and Cardenas, xiii. 225. 
 
PROVIN-CES AND BISHOPRICS. 
 
 391 
 
 metropolitan bishopric with superior powers, should 
 be established.^^ 
 
 By a royal cedula issued in February 1534, New 
 Spain proper was divided into four provinces, desig- 
 nated as Mexico, Michoacan, Goazacoalco, and Miz- 
 tecapan;^^ but the bishoprics, which it was intended 
 to some extent should follow these political divisions, 
 were known by the names of Mexico, Michoacan, Tlas- 
 cala, and Oajaca. The boundaries of all new dioceses 
 were to be limited to a radius of fifteen leagues, having 
 the cathedral town as the centre. Intervening space 
 between two sees was to be equally divided, but 
 should any principal town be situated near a boundary 
 line the district belonging to it was to be under the 
 jurisdiction of the bishopric in which the town lay, 
 even though it extended into the neighboring dio- 
 cese.^^ 
 
 But these regulations were attended with incon- 
 veniences. The different bishoj)rics still included 
 greater territorial extents than were consistent with 
 thorough work, and in later times the want of definite- 
 ness respecting boundaries led to frequent disputes. 
 In addition to the two bishoprics now existing, namely, 
 those of Mexico and Tlascala, two others were to be 
 established, those of Oajaca and Michoacan. The see 
 of Oajaca was first offered to Padre Francisco Jime- 
 nez,^^ one of the first twelve Franciscans, but he did 
 not accept the appointment, and it was conferred 
 upon Juan Lopez de Zd,rate, a licentiate in canonical 
 law, doctor of theology, and a devoted member of the 
 Dominican order. 
 
 ^^Parecer del Consejo, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, xii. 133-4. 
 The limits of each were properly defined. Puga, Cedulario, 90-1. 
 Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult. , iv. 484. 
 
 He had been called to several different sees. Torquemada states that he 
 refused that of Guatemala. Gonzaga calls him the bishop of Tabasco, and 
 Medina considers him to have been the first bishop of Oajaca. This latter 
 author considers that the vagueness of diocesan boundaries at this period 
 gave rise to this diversity of opinion. Chron. de San Diego de Mex., 246; 
 Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. de Jesus, 231-2. According to the first-quoted 
 authority and Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 222, he was appointed by Charles 
 V. on the 14th of January, 1534. 
 
 He gave permission to this order to establish in his diocese all the con- 
 
332 
 
 A DECADE OF CHUECH MATTERS. 
 
 On the 20th of May 1535 the pope established the 
 bishopric, designating Antequera as the cathedral 
 town, and on the 21st of June of the same year con- 
 firmed tho bishop elect in his appointment. Bishop 
 Zarato on the 28th of September following issued his 
 letter of instructions for the organization of his diocese 
 and its government. 
 
 The bishopric of Michoacan was established the 
 year after by bull dated the 8 th of August, Tzintzun- 
 tzan being selected as the cathedral town. The estab- 
 lishment of this see had been meditated since 1533, 
 after the visit of the oidor Quiroga, and the Francis- 
 can, Luis de Fuensalida, had been nominated bishop 
 in 1534, but he declined the honor.^^ Some delay was 
 caused by the death of Pope Clement VII., and the 
 appointment of a bishop was not effected before 1537.^^ 
 The oidor Vasco de Quiroga had displayed so much 
 wisdom and disinterestedness in the affairs of Michoa- 
 can, that although not a churchman, the bishopric was 
 offered to him as being the person most suitable for 
 the position. He accepted, and having received all 
 
 vents they might choose, and left one third of his library to the Dominican 
 convent in Mexico, and another third to that in Oajaca; the remaining third 
 was willed to his own church. He attended the first ecclesiastical council in 
 1554 and died the same year. On his death-bed he requested the Domini- 
 cans to bury him in the same grave with Padre Pedro Delgado, * para que el 
 valor de sus huessos fauoreciesse los pobres suyos,' and accordingly he was 
 interred in the Dominican convent of Mexico. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 
 i. 222-3. 
 
 2^ The dignitaries, members of the chapter and vestry, and all appoint- 
 ments were the same as those of the bishopric of Mexico. For want of funds, 
 however, to pay the salaries, only the four dignitaries and five canons were 
 appointed, the other positions being left vacant. A copy of the bull and the 
 bishop's letter is contained in Nueva Espaiia, Breve Hes., MS., ii. 278-97. 
 Bishop Zdrate one time appears to have been dissatisfied with his diocese. In 
 a letter, dated May 30, 1544, addressed to Philip II., he complains of not being 
 permitted to go to Spain, and reiterates his previous request for permission to 
 appear at court. He moreover remarks upon the extent of his diocese, which 
 he says was too large for three bishops, and yet only contained within it two 
 con.ents occupied by eight friars. Zarate, Ca^-ta, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.y 
 s^rie i. tom. x. 287-306. Consult also Calk, Mem. y Not., 19; Mendieta, Hist. 
 Ecles., 547. 
 
 '2 Vet incvr, 3Ienolog., 84; Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 37. Beaumont, in 
 Crdn. Mich., iv. 12-18, considers that Moreno is in error in stating that Fuen- 
 salida was proposed as bishop in 1533, and approves Calle's date 1534. See 
 Mem. y Not. , 72. 
 
 23 The establishment of this bishopric was recommended by Viceroy Men* 
 doza. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. vii. 
 
CONVENTS ESTABLISHED. 
 
 303 
 
 the priestly orders at the hands of Zumdrraga was 
 consecrated by him in 1538;^* but owing to a vari..5:y 
 of circumstances he did not issue his letter organiz'ng 
 his diocese till 1554.^^ Both these sees were subject 
 to the jurisdiction of the archbishopric of Seville. 
 
 While the church was thus extending her jurisdic- 
 tion over the country, and gradually unfolding an 
 organized system of conversion and instruction, the 
 several orders were making similar progress by estab- 
 lishing convents in various parts of the country. The 
 rivalry existing between the Franciscans and Domin- 
 icans acted upon each order as an incentive, and the 
 competition for power produced rapid results. As 
 early as 1535 the convents of the Franciscans in 
 Michoacan were of sufficient number and importance 
 to cause the founding of a custodia,^® and in 1536, at 
 the general chapter held in Nice by the Fre.rxiscan 
 order, the custodia of Santo Evangelio in Mexico 
 was raised to the dignity of a provincia,^^ Fray Garcia 
 de Cisneros being appointed first provincial. On the 
 
 2* Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 112, says in 1537, which is some- 
 what supported by a letter of the queen to Mendoza, dated September 20, 
 1537, representing that Quiroga had written to her expressing his desire to 
 proceed to his diocese and undertake his spiritual duties; but Beaumont, on 
 the authority of an old manuscript of the Jesuit Father Francisco Ramirez, 
 states that Quiroga took possession of his bishopric on the 22d of August, 
 1538; and was consecrated at the end of the same year. Crdn. Mich., iv. 
 162-3. 
 
 ^'^Nueva Espana, Breve Res., MS., ii. 250-70. In Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., 
 MS., 731-2, may be found a list of the border towns of the diocese proper. 
 
 ^^Mendieta, //is^.^c^es., 376; Torquemada, iii.333; Beaumont, (7rd>?. J/ic^., 
 iv. 52-6, write 1536. It became subject to the provincia del Santo Evangelio, 
 and when founded was promised one third of the members of the order that 
 should arrive from Spain. Padre Testera, in 1542, during the few months of 
 his administration as commissary-general, provided the custodies of Yucatan, 
 Michoacan, and Jalisco with a competent number of religiosos, out of the 150 
 brought out by him. Figueroa, in Pap. Francis., MS., series i. No. 1. Antonio 
 de Beteta was probably the first custodian. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich. , iv. 52. 
 
 The first comisario general was Alonzo de Hozas who was afterward 
 custodian in Michoacan and Jalisco. Mendieta, 543; Torquemada, in. 374. 
 The custodia had existed nearly 1 1 years. Figueroa, in Pap. Francis. , MS. , i. 
 series i. No. 1. During that time there were four custodians who held office 
 in the following order: Fray Martin de Valencia, Luis de Fuensalida, Fray 
 Martin, a second time appointed, and Jacobo de Testera. Torquemada, iii. 
 303, 305. This provincia del Santo Evangelio, when Torquemada wrote, con- 
 tained within its limits 70 convents and included the archbishopric of Mexico 
 and the bishopric of Tlascala. Id. 
 
394 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 following year Cisneros died,^^ and was succeeded by 
 Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, who occupied the position 
 for the full term of three years, and was followed by 
 Marcos de Niza, as third provincial in 1540. 
 
 Thus the Franciscan order established in New 
 Spain a regular government at an early date, and 
 under its direction systematic measures for the con- 
 version of the natives gradually supplanted the doubt- 
 fully productive efforts of erratic missionaries. The 
 instruction of children in Christian doctrines through- 
 out the subjugated provinces was carried on with un- 
 relaxed zeal, while the adults listened to the words of 
 salvation in their own language. Missionary enthu- 
 siasm increased. Fearless friars pushed forward into 
 remoter regions, and dauntlessly entered the haunts 
 of tribes untamed as yet by sword and arquebuse. 
 Whether it was Guzman's explorations into unknown 
 lands, or a voyage of discovery undertaken by Cortes 
 into unknown seas,^^ that offered an opportunity of 
 carrying tlie tidings of joy, there were ever at hand 
 priests ready to risk their lives to extend the spiritual 
 conquest. We cannot but admire the courage with 
 
 2^ Garcia Cisneros, a Castilian, received the appointment because of his 
 many virtues and literary attainments. He mastered the native language, 
 and is said to have baptized 100,000 persons. He founded the important 
 college of Santa Cruz de Tlatelulco as a seminary for native nobles, and placed 
 there such learned professors as Bassacio, Olmos, Sahagun, and others. He 
 contributed largely to the foundation of Puebla de los Angeles. Mendietay 
 621-2. 
 
 2^ The proficiency acquired by the friars in the native languages was in 
 many cases remarkable. Among great numbers may be mentioned Pedro de 
 Castillo, who acquired the Mexican and Otomi dialects to perfection. This 
 friar's religious enthusiasm was unyielding. Crippled and blind, he caused 
 himself to be borne from town to town in a chair, preaching and teaching on 
 every occasion possible. Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 686-8. Equally famous for his 
 aptitude to acquire the native tongues was Fray Alonso de Escalona, who in 
 three years acquired the Mexican so thoroughly that his written sermons in 
 that language were extensively used by other preachers. Id.y 667-74. See 
 also Torquemada, iii. 490-9. 
 
 Friars Juan Padilla, Antonio de Segovia, and Martin de Jesus accompanied 
 Guzman's expedition into Nueva Galicia, and baptized multitudes at the 
 founding of San Miguel. They afterward traversed a great extent of country 
 represented by the present states of Michoacan, Jalisco, and Zacatecas. Beau- 
 mont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 423-6. Franciscans accompanied Cortes on his expedi- 
 tion on the Pacific, and while at Tehuantepec waiting for the completion of the 
 fleet, they preached through the country by the aid of interpretex-s of the 
 Zapotcc language spoken there. Id., ii. 486-7. 
 
THE DOMINICANS. 
 
 395 
 
 which they penetrated alone into the country of the 
 barbarous Chichimecs. In 1539 two friars went from 
 Michoacan into that region and baptized many,^^ 
 while in 1540 Fray Francisco de las Navas was the 
 first to administer baptism to the Popolucas who in- 
 habited the valley of Tecamachalco.^^ 
 
 The Dominicans were not less zealous and active. 
 Down to the year 1532 the monastic establishments 
 of this order were subject to the jurisdiction of the 
 provincia of Santa Cruz, in Espaiiola, which had been 
 made independeut of Andalusia. But Padre Betan- 
 zos had been sent as a delegate to the general chapter 
 held at Rome in that year, to represent the interests 
 of his convent, and procure, if possible, the creation 
 of a Dominican provincia in New Spain. His efforts 
 were successful, and the provincia of Santiago of 
 Mexico, independent of that of Santa Cruz, was 
 established at the convocation, and approved by Pope 
 Clement VII. on the 2d of July, 1532, Fray Tomds 
 de Berlanga being appointed acting provincial.^^ 
 
 Unfortunately for the harmonious working of this 
 decree, the first provincial chapter of Santa Cruz, held 
 in the city of Santo Domingo in August 1531, had in- 
 cluded the convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico as a 
 part of its organization, and elected for its prior Fray 
 Francisco de San Miguel, who had recently arrived from 
 Spain with a small party of friars. These appoint- 
 ments gave rise to strife scarcely less unseemly than 
 
 Friars had previously entered this region. The two mentioned in the 
 text visited about 30 small towns, the population of the largest of which did 
 not amount to 600 inhabitants. Motolmia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 173. 
 
 2^ According to Torquemada Navas baptized 12,000 natives in two months, 
 and told the date of his own death long before the event. He was twice 
 guardian of the convent in Mexico, and at times definidor of the province, iii. 
 623-6. 
 
 33 Chiefly through the instrumentality of Betanzos. Prov. Santiago, MS., 3. 
 The term of the provincial's office at first was three years, but in 1568 it was 
 increased to four years. Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 284. 
 
 3* Padre San Miguel was the first prior proper, the government hitherto 
 having been in the hands of vicars. Having served only one year, he was 
 succeeded by Bernardo de Minoya. Hemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 56; Ddvila, Con' 
 tinuacion, MS., 284. 
 
396 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 that which disgraced secular rule. Berlanga arrived 
 in New Spain with ten friars at the beginning of 
 1532, but when he entered the monastery and pre- 
 sented his appointment as provincial, the prior caused 
 him and his companions to be put in irons. The 
 proceeding reached the ears of the audiencia, and 
 President Fuenleal ordered the immediate release 
 of the friars, who thereupon assumed control of the 
 convent. 
 
 In July 1534, copies of the official documents rela- 
 tive to the creation of the provincia were received, 
 and in 1535 Betanzos returned from Spain, invested 
 with the authority of vicar-general. On the 24th of 
 August of the same year he convoked a provincial 
 chapter, by which he was himself elected provincial 
 and Fray Pedro Delgado prior, who succeeded him as 
 provincial in 1538. The organization of the provincia 
 was thus at last effected; but though its creation had 
 given rise to temporary dissension in the ranks of the 
 order, it did not retard their advance or interrupt 
 their labors. 
 
 About this time the fierce and man-eating Chon- 
 tales,^^ who had liitherto scorned to accept civilization 
 at the point of the sword, yielded to the preaching 
 of the devoted Diego Carranza and other Dominican 
 friars. Under the spiritual guidance of these mis- 
 sionaries they cast aside their baser habits, clothed 
 themselves, and changed their contumacious hate to 
 active obedience alike to spiritual and civil superi- 
 ors.^'' The labors of the friars in Tehuantepec were 
 of a different kind. Aided by King Cociyopa, they 
 erected a magnificent monastery and church, besides 
 making other material progress. In puebla, also, 
 
 2^ President Fuenleal in letter of April 30, 1532, to the king, speaking of this 
 arrest says : * Un fray Vicente que se decia prior, le prendid . . . y le hechd unos 
 grillos, y le quito los poderes que traia.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas^ 
 Col. Doc, xiii. 210-11. 
 
 '^^ They occupied a considerable portion of the wilder districts of Tabasco. 
 Native Races, i. 645, this series. 
 
 Burgoa, Geocj. JJescrip. Oajaca, ii. 335-6, in which is a description of the 
 condition and mode of life of these people. 
 
THE AUGUSTINIANS. 
 
 397 
 
 and Oajaca the Dominicans were quite successful in 
 their efforts.^^ 
 
 The Augustinians were first represented in New 
 Spain in 1533, when seven of the order arrived under 
 the leadership of their prior, Francisco de la Cruz.''^ 
 Their names were, Agustin de Coruna., afterward 
 bishop of Popayan, Geronimo Jimenez, Juan de San 
 Ramon, Juan de Oseguera, Alonso de iiorja, Jorge 
 de Avila, and La Cruz.^^ 
 
 On their arrival in June they were hospitably lodged 
 in the convent of Santo Domingo, while their applica- 
 tion for a grant of land was being considered by the 
 cabildo to whom it had been referred by the audi- 
 encia/^ 
 
 They at once began their labors, and the wild dis- 
 tricts of Tlapan and Chilapan having been assigned 
 to them, two of their company. Fray Jimenez and 
 Padre Avila were selected to enter upon the work of 
 conversion. The town of Ocuituco in Mexico was, 
 however, at that time without spiritual instructors, 
 
 Fray Gonzalo, specially competent for the position on account of hia 
 knowledge of the native languages, was placed in charge of the mission 
 of Chila; and Oajaca, the district of Villa Alta, and the peaceful valley of 
 Yanguitlan, were occupied by friars in 1538. By the exertions of Fray 
 Domingo Santa Maria, 12,000 families in the latter district accepted the 
 Christian religion and received instruction. Santa Maria acquired the lan- 
 guage in one year, and wrote a work on Christian doctrine for the use of the 
 natives. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, i. 14-18, 131-3, ii. 262-4. 
 
 2^ As early as 1527 they had requested permission of the emperor to pro- 
 ceed to New Spain, and made preparations accordingly. Grijalua, Cron. jS. 
 August., 2-9. Before departing they met at Toledo in 1532, elected La Cruz 
 prelate, and resolved to make the journey on foot in hempen sandals to the 
 place of embarcation. Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 123. Hazart states that they 
 entered New Spain in 1532. Kirchen Geschichte, ii. 532 Medina and Vetan- 
 curt follow Grijalva. 
 
 The above list is from Fernandez. Grijalva mentions Fray Ger6nimo de 
 San Est6van, who doubtless is to be identified with Jimenez. 
 
 Torquemada states that they bought the site for their monastery in the 
 city of Mexico with the alms they received, iii. 70. Icazbalceta, in Salazar, 
 Mex. en 1554, concludes that the cabildo assigned the piece of ground to 
 them, though there is no record of such a grant. The Indians called it Zoqui- 
 pan, 'in the mire,' because it was always muddy, owing to a neighboring 
 spring. Grijalva says: *A1 fin resoluio la Audiecia de seiialarles sitio dondo 
 fundasen.' Cron. S. August., W. Fernandez remarks: 'Al principio era muy 
 corta la casa de Mexico, y assi viuian los EeligioBoa de dos en dos en vna celda.' 
 Hist. Ecles., 124. 
 
398 
 
 A DECADE OF CHUUCH MATTERS. 
 
 and the audiencia granted the Augustinians permission 
 to found a convent there. These two friars, therefore, 
 directed their steps thither, and were joined shortly 
 afterward by Padre Cor una and Padre Ramon. 
 
 In October the friars Coruna^^ and Jimenez pro- 
 ceeded onward to the Chilapan district, where for 
 several months their efforts to convert the natives 
 were unavailing, and the sufferings they endured were 
 extreme. Influenced by their priests the natives 
 refused to supply them food or render any assistance, 
 but held aloof and left them to starve. For three 
 months these enduring men sustained themselves on 
 ears of corn w^hich they gathered from the patches of 
 the natives at the risk of their lives. Yet return was 
 never thought of They could die, but not abandon 
 their trust. At last curiosity prompted the natives 
 to come forward; and soon they would learn some- 
 thing from these holy men. Gradually their dislike 
 yielded before the kindness and winning example of 
 the friars, who before long founded a convent at Chi- 
 lapan.^* 
 
 While Coruna and Jimenez were thus establishing 
 
 *2 Juan de San Ramon was one of the most prominent of the first Augustin- 
 ian friars in Mexico. His parentage and birthplace are not recorded, but at 
 an early age he was made superior of the convent at Valladolid. His fame in 
 Michoacan as prior of the convent of Tiripitio caused his election at a later 
 date as provincial of that provincia. In 1544 he returned to Spain to plead 
 in behalf of the encomenderos, and, with Jorge de Avila as his companion, in 
 order to have an interview with the emperor, who was then in Germany, he 
 travelled through the Lutheran countries disguised as a soldier. His mis- 
 sion was successful. He returned to Mexico after an absence of nine years. 
 Again, in 1555, he visited Spain in behalf of his order, which was ciTgaged in 
 certain disputes with the bishops. His efforts obtained from the king a 
 c^dula ordering the bishops to make no innovations. Having returned in 
 1564, he was appointed provincial in 1566, but needing rest, he declined the 
 honor. In 1569, however, he felt compelled to accept that office, a second 
 time offered to him; but on the conclusion of his term, retired to the convent 
 of Puebla, where he died and was buried in 1581, being the last survivor of 
 the seven first Augustinians wlio came to Mexico. He was about 80 years of 
 age. Mich., Crdn. San Nicolas, 26-32. 
 
 Fray Agustin de Coruua was bom in the city of that name in Spain, 
 and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. He labored for '20 years in the 
 districts of Chilapan and Tlapa, and then returned to the capital. He was 
 afterward appointed bishop of Popayan, and consecrated in Madrid in 1562. 
 He died in 1590 at the age of 80 years, at the town of Tamana. 
 
 " The church and convent of Chilapan were destroyed by an earthquake 
 in 1537. AH their convents had hospitals connected with them. 
 
AUGUSTINIAN ORGANIZATION. 
 
 399 
 
 themselves in Chilapan, Father Borja^^ had been sent 
 to Santa Fe, a town founded by Quiroga, two leagues 
 from the city of Mexico/^ Thus five of the seven 
 Augustinians were placed in different parts of the 
 country, while in Mexico the prior and Padre Oseguera 
 labored to support their brethren by the collection of 
 alms,*' and by forming a system of government for 
 their prospective province. 
 
 In June 1534 La Cruz convoked a meeting of his 
 brethren at the central convent of Ocuituco, to con- 
 sider the prospects of the order and consult upon 
 future measures/^ Some months later La Cruz re- 
 turned to Spain and obtained further assistance from 
 his order, which had previous to his arrival appointed 
 him provincial vicar in New Spain. But the prior 
 did not live to fulfil the duties of this higher position. 
 Assiduous labor, rigorous fasts, and exhausting jour- 
 neys on foot broke his health, and shortly after his 
 return to Mexico he died, on the 12th of July, 1536.*^ 
 
 During the absence of La Cruz in Spain, Father 
 Agreda had arrived in Mexico bearing letters addressed 
 
 *^ Alonso de Borja, born at Aranda, of noble parentage, was uncompromis- 
 ingly austere in his habits, fasting thrice a week and sleeping on bare boards. 
 Feeling his end approaching, he set out on foot for Mexico city, 19 leagues 
 distant. Having received the last sacraments he died shortly afterward in 
 1542, and was buried in the convent of his order. Gnjalua, Cron. S. Awjust., 
 62-4. 
 
 *^In the district under his charge there were 12,000 families, the members 
 of which observed great regularity in their devotions. At Santa Fe a con- 
 vent was founded by Father Borja. Id., 15-17. 
 
 From the Lady Isabel de Montezuma, daughter of the great emperor, 
 and married to Pedro Cano, they obtained great favors; she assumed the 
 entire maintenance of their house, and contributed so lavishly that the priests 
 remonstrated until told to give the surplus to the poor. Id., 17. 
 
 *^At this convocation regulations for their future guidance were drawn up; 
 and it was agreed that La Cruz and Oseguera should occupy the convent of 
 Ocuituco, inasmuch as they had not yet been engaged in the work of con- 
 version. 
 
 *3 Fernandez gives June 11, 1535, as the date of his death. Hist. Ecles., 
 124-5. Fray Francisco de la Cruz was born in Ciudad Rodrigo, in Estrema- 
 dura, and took the habit of the order in Salamanca. Though not a learned 
 man he possessed the gift of preaching to an excellent degree. Miracles are 
 attributed to him after death. On one occasion he even rose from his grave 
 in the convent of San Agustin in Mexico to save a novitiate from the 
 clutches of the devil, who had already dragged him through a narrow grating 
 and was carrying him off. Passing by La Cruz's tomb, however, the friar 
 arose, and having put the evil one to flight, took back the novitiate to the 
 convent through the same grating. Id, 
 
400 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 to him from his order. These were now opened and 
 found to contain the appointment of La Cruz as 
 provincial vicar, and naming Father Jimenez as his 
 acting vicar or successor in case of his absence or 
 death. Jimenez was at once recognized as provincial 
 vicar, and he convoked a general meeting/^ at which, 
 among other matters, was discussed the important 
 one of establishing an independent provincia in Mex- 
 ico. It was, however, decided to remain an adjunct 
 of the province of Castile. Moreover, they resolved 
 to abandon the convent of Santa Fe and devote their 
 energies to the conversion of the natives of the moun- 
 tainous regions, to whom the gospel had not yet been 
 carried. 
 
 From this time the Austin friars patiently and de- 
 votedly pursued their missionary course with marked 
 success. Father Borja, with several fellow-brothers, 
 went to Atotonilco, and pushing northward labored 
 among the Otomis. The wild fastnesses of the Sierra 
 Alta were invaded by Sevilla and Roa, and the scat- 
 tered inhabitants after long and arduous exertions 
 were brought into submission.^^ 
 
 At Tacambaro and Tiripitio convents were estab- 
 lished, and at the latter place a school which in time 
 developed into a university.^^ Nor did the dangers 
 
 The friars were now 23 in number. In 1535 five more had arrived, Fray 
 Nicolas de Agreda being their superior, and La Cruz brought with him from 
 Spain 11 other members especially chosen for the work. A fourth company 
 of Augustinians was brought out by Prior Juan Eustacio in 15I>9. 
 
 ^^The provincial of Castile had authorized them to elect liom their own 
 number four definidores, who with their provincial vicar formed their chap- 
 ter. These were empowered to regulate local matters without reference to 
 Spain, and elect their own priors. Fray Juan de Sevilla was on this occasion 
 elected prior. 
 
 After a year's unremitted efforts and hardships Roa in despair left his 
 companion with the intention of returning to Spain. Having observed, how- 
 ever, the success of brother friars under similar difficulties, he returned to the 
 Sierra and practised such patience and perseverance that the two friars event- 
 ually succix-.«'ed in converting the inhabitants of that region and collecting 
 them ir.tu towns. They even advanced uito mountain ranges occupied by the 
 Chichimecs. 
 
 The convent at Tiripitio, Michoacan, founded in 1537 by Diego de AI- 
 varado, a nephew of Pedro de Alvarado, and afterward bishop elect of the 
 province, soon became celebrated as an educational centre, and won the title 
 of the Athens of New Spain. In 1540 this convent, which was two and a half 
 
LABORS OF THE AUSTIN FRIARS. 
 
 401 
 
 of the low-lying coast lands, reeking with pestiferous 
 air, deter the Augustinians. From Tiripitio they de- 
 scended into the tierra caliente of the southern sea- 
 board, and labored there as elsewhere, regardless of 
 their comfort or their lives. 
 
 They went also to Ocuila, twelve leagues south- 
 west of the city of Mexico, and having acquired that 
 most difficult language by the aid of the converts, they 
 finally succeeded in erecting a convent and a church. 
 Miraculous assistance was vouchsafed to the Austin 
 friars as to others. Situated in a beautiful ravine 
 between the towns of Ocuila and Malinalco, and about 
 eighteen leagues south-west of the capital, the myste- 
 rious cave of Chalma had, from time immemorial, been 
 celebrated as a place of heathen worship. Here re- 
 posed the idol of the awful Ostotoctheotl, and here his 
 rites were solemnized and his anger appeased by the 
 blood of men and beasts. This stronghold of Satan 
 the friars Sebastian de Tolentino and Nicolas de Perea 
 determined to assail, and in 1537, accompanied with 
 an army of Ocuiltec converts, went in solemn proces- 
 sion to Chalma, Fray NicoMs bearing a cross upon his 
 shoulder. But on arriving at the gloomy cavern they 
 beheld a wondrous sight. The dark cave was illumi- 
 nated by a heavenly light, the hideous Dagon lay 
 prostrate and broken on the ground; and a beautiful 
 crucifix occupied the now purified place of Ostotoc- 
 theotl, and thereupon Chalma became a hermitage 
 and shrine visited from afar.^* 
 
 In 1537 the term of the provincial of Castile, under 
 whose license they were acting, expired, and the Austin 
 
 years in building, was made a college for the higher branches of learning. A 
 eon of the king of Michoacan was one of the first pupils. Under the provin- 
 cial Avila it was one of the great centres of the faith. Mich., Cron. St Nico- 
 las, 4, 6-12, 22, 145. 
 
 °^The first hermit who occupied the sanctuary was Bartolom^ de Jesus 
 Maria. In time a house, with cells for a few friars, and a chapel were built, 
 and finally an Augustinian convent. On March 5, 1683, the church of Chalma 
 was dedicated. There is also a hospederia for the accommodation of pilgrims 
 who visit the place twice a year, at the beginning of Lent and on St Michael's 
 day in May. Many miracles and wonderful cures are credited to this shrine, 
 Romero ELias, Salv. 6 Garidad, No. ii. 105^4; Sardo Joaquin, Chalma, 1 et seq. 
 Hiai. Mex., Vol. II. 26 
 
402 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 friars in New Spain appointed Father NicoMs de 
 Agreda as provincial vicar pending further action in 
 Spain. At a chapter of the order held in 1540, 
 Father Jorge de Avila, one of the first seven, was 
 chosen provincial vicar. A season of increased activ- 
 ity followed, as is evidenced by the numerous convents 
 founded at the time. It was not until 1541 that the 
 Augustinians began to build their convent in the city 
 of Mexico. A royal grant had enriched the order 
 with the revenue of an Indian town, and that of 
 Tezcuco had been assigned to them by the viceroy 
 Mendoza. The building was not completed before 
 1587, and cost one hundred and sixty-two thousand 
 pesos, the whole of which sum was provided by the 
 king.^^ 
 
 The establishment of bishoprics, the organization 
 of provincias of the regular orders, the encourage- 
 ment held out to them to found convents, and the 
 gradual but continued erection of churches^'' were far 
 more effective in the suppression of idolatry than had 
 been all the labors of itinerant friars, who, howsoever 
 many converts they baptized, left impressions of no 
 very durable character. The encomendero and the 
 exacting tribute-collector followed in the footsteps of 
 the missionaries, which tended to render the teachings 
 of the latter distasteful. Thus it was that during the 
 decade from 1530 to 1540 more lasting conversion was 
 
 5^ This friar afterward returned to Spain, attended the chapter held at 
 Duenas in 1543, and was elected prior of Pamplona, where he died. Grijalua, 
 Cron. S. August., 36. 
 
 There being already two convents in the capital, it was at first considered 
 by the king inexpedient to found a third, which was the cause of the delay. 
 The first stone was laid by the viceroy, the second by Bishop Zumdrraga, the 
 third by the prior of Santo Domingo, the fourth by the guardian of San Fran- 
 cisco, and the fifth by the vicar of San Agustin. Id., 11, 50. Consult also 
 Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 248-9; Medina, Chron. San Diego de Mex., 10; Monu- 
 mentos Domin. Esp., MS., No. vi. 328. 
 
 A royal c(^dula, dated August 2, 1533, ordered that places of worship, 
 where Indiana might be instructed, were to be erected in all principal towns, 
 whether pertaining to the crown, the marques del Valle, or encomenderos, 
 the expense of construction to be defrayed by the tributes paid by the 
 natives. Mex., Col. Leyes, i. xlv.-vi. 
 
VISION OF JUAN DIEGO. 
 
 403 
 
 accomplished, and perhaps a greater number baptized, 
 than during any other period of equal length. 
 
 In 1531 an event occurred which greatly contrib- 
 uted to the suppression of idolatry, which was the 
 miraculous appearance of the virgin of Guadalupe, 
 the history of which apparition is as follows : 
 
 An Indian of low birth who had received baptism 
 a few years before, and had been christened Juan 
 Diego,^^ was proceeding, on Saturday, the 9th of De- 
 cember, to Tlatelulco^^ to hear mass and receive 
 instruction. On his way thither he was obliged to 
 pass an eminence about a league from the city.^^ It 
 was a rugged, sterile hill, seamed with fissures and 
 pierced with cavities, and on it grew no vegetation 
 except the cactus and stunted shrubs. 
 
 While crossing the slope of this barren mount, har- 
 monious strains of sweetest music enrapt his atten- 
 tion, and turning his eyes upward in the direction 
 w^hence the melody came, with increased wonder he 
 beheld an arc of glorious coloring. In its centre shone 
 a brilliant light, such as that shed from a heavenly 
 throne. The rocks around were resplendent with 
 prismatic hues and seemed to him masses of opal, 
 sapphire, and burnished gold. Gradually he drew 
 nearer, and in the radiance beheld a lady of beautiful 
 countenance and form, who in a gentle and assuring 
 voice bade him ascend to where she stood. When he 
 reached the spot the lady told him that she was the 
 virgin Mary, and it was her wish that, on the place 
 where she was standing, a church should be built. 
 
 His native name was Quauhtlatohua. He was bom at Quauhtitlan, a 
 pueblo about five leagues to the north of Mexico city, and at the time of the ap- 
 parition was living at Tolpetlac, two leagues distant from the same. BeaiL- 
 mont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 435. 
 
 There was a college at Tlatelulco where the Spanish language and the 
 arts and sciences were taught. Becerra Tanco, Felic. , 47. 
 
 ^° ' Fu6 llamada de los indios Tepeyacac que quiere decir extremo 6 punta 
 de los cerros' or more literally ^ nariz de los cerros.' Bustamante, Aparic. 
 Guad., 9. It was also called Quautlalapan, corrupted into Guadalupe, says 
 Beaumont. The historian Sigiienza derives the latter word from the Arabic 
 guada, river, as in Guadalquivir, Guadiana, and lub, or luben, fountain. 
 Others consider the word composed of the Arabic guada and the Latin lupus^ 
 its signification then being wolf river. Cabrera, Escudo Armas ^ 279. 
 
404 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 She then charged him to hasten to the bishop and 
 inform him of her commands. Juan Diego at once 
 proceeded on his mission, and told his story to Zumar- 
 raga. The bishop, however, gave no credence to the 
 tale, and Juan returned to the spot where he had 
 seen the vision. Again the virgin appeared and bade 
 him on the morrow repeat to the bishop her message. 
 More attention was paid to him on this occasion. The 
 prelate questioned him closely, but telling him that 
 his statements were insufficient, bade him bring some 
 sign from the lady by which he might recognize her 
 divine command. Under the impression that the 
 Indian was laboring under an illusion, the bishop 
 directed two persons to follow him unobserved and 
 watch his proceedings. This was done. And when 
 Juan Diego approached the bridge spanning a small 
 stream which crossed the way, he disappeared from 
 their sight, nor did the closest search discover him. 
 Returning to the bishop they made their report and 
 expressed the belief that the Indian was guilty of 
 witchcraft. 
 
 Meanwhile Juan pursued his course, unconscious of 
 the miracle performed in his behalf, and reported to 
 the virgin the result of his mission. She bade him 
 come to her on the morrow, when a sure and certain 
 sign would be given him. He did not, however, carry 
 out the virgin's injunctions, owing to the condition of 
 his uncle, Juan Bernardino, who had fallen ill. But on 
 the second day, which was the 12th of December, 
 while on his way to Tlatelulco to obtain the services 
 of a priest for the dying relative, he remembered his 
 neglect, and in his simplicity hoped to avoid meeting 
 the apparition by taking another path. On arriving 
 at a small fountain,^^ however, he perceived the virgin 
 descending the slope, surrounded by the same efful- 
 gence as on the first occasion. The vision dazzled 
 him. Conscience-stricken, yet contrite, he fell on his 
 
 Called the Pozito de Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe, 
 
OUR LADY OF GUADALUPE. 
 
 405 
 
 knees trembling. But the virgin consoled him, and 
 bade him be in no anxiety for his uncle, who was well 
 already. She then bade him ascend the hill, cull the 
 roses he would there find, and bring them to her in 
 the folds of his mantle.^^ The man obeyed, finding 
 on the barren summit a miraculous garden of roses 
 which shed a delicious perfume. Gathering as he had 
 been bidden he carried the roses to the holy one,^^ 
 Avho having taken them in her hands, gave them back 
 to the Indian and bade him carry them unseen by any 
 one to the bishop. 
 
 On arriving at the bishop's, Juan Diego unfolded 
 his mantle and displayed the roses as the required 
 sign, and behold, a figure of the virgin was found 
 painted upon the mantle. Then all acknowledged the 
 holy nature of the apparition and bent their knees in 
 worship. Zumarraga, with priestly hand, took from 
 the shoulders of the native the sacred cloth, and rev- 
 erently placed it in his oratory. 
 
 On the following day the prelate, accompanied by 
 his household, and guided by Juan Diego, visited the 
 spot designated by the virgin. His mission ended, 
 Juan Diego returned, accompanied by several of the 
 bishop's followers. On their arrival at Tolpetlac, 
 Juan Bernardino was found to be in perfect health, 
 and it was discovered that at the same hour in which 
 the virgin had told Juan Diego of his recovery she 
 had appeared to Bernardino, restored him to health, 
 and expressed her wishes with regard to the erection 
 of a church. 
 
 Far and wide spread the tidings of the miracle, and 
 the crowds which flocked to the bishop's palace to see 
 the divinely painted figure became so great that he 
 placed it on the altar of the cathedral, that all in turn 
 might venerate it. There it remained till a shrine was 
 
 ^2 The Mexican tilma was nothing more than a square piece of cloth. 
 With regard to the modes of wearing it consult Native Races, ii. 366, 727. 
 
 ^3 The virgin was waiting for him at the foot of the tree called by the 
 Indians Quaupahualt, and by the Spaniards arbol de telas de araua, or cob- 
 web-tree. Becerra TancOf Felic^ 27. 
 
406 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 erected on the site indicated by Mary, whither it was 
 transferred in a solemn procession in 1532. 
 
 No more propitious event could have occurred. 
 Divine interposition quickly accomplished that for 
 which the servants of Christ had been so long striv- 
 ing. From that time idolatry rapidly declined in Mex- 
 ico. Thousands annually visited the sanctuary and 
 in bent adoration deposited their gifts.^* In time 
 a more appropriate repository for the sacred robe was 
 wanted, and a chapel was built around the hallowed 
 spring at which the virgin's form had waited.®^ And 
 later still an imposing edifice, with lofty dome and 
 columns supporting graceful arches, beneath which 
 glittered silver altar-rails and ornaments of gold, 
 received and held safe the venerated painting.^® 
 
 In regard to the painting itself, we find the virgin 
 represented as standing with the right foot on a cres- 
 cent moon, supported by a cherub with wings out- 
 spread, and hands clasped upon her breast. A rose- 
 colored tunic richly embroidered with gold covers her 
 form, and a girdle of velvet clasps her waist. The 
 mantle, decorated with stars, partially covers the 
 head, on which rests a crown with ten points, or rays. 
 
 Bustamante avers that the Spaniards would not have allowed so many 
 thousands to congregate at the shrine, had they not been aware of the peace- 
 ful purport of their assembling. Aparic. Guad., 51. 
 
 ♦^^The painting was removed there in 1662, according to Beaumont, Crdn. 
 Mich. , iii. 440, and Villa Seuor, Theat. Amer. , i. 16. But this date is obviously 
 incorrect, as the removal took place in the time of Archbishop Serna who died 
 in 1631. Consult (Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 167-8. 
 
 The cost of this magnificent church, probably the richest in Mexico, i3 
 estimated at from half a million to eight hundred thousand pesos. It was 
 begun in 1695 and not fully completed till 1709. The high altar, according 
 to Beaumont, cost 98,000 pesos, and the throne, or tabernacle in which the 
 picture is enshrined, 52,119 pesos. Crow. Mich. iii. 441. Later authorities 
 give a still higher estimate of this latter work of art. The painting was 
 placed in the church on the 1st of May 1703, where it remained till 1836, 
 when it was temporarily transferred to the convent of the Capuchins during 
 the internal renovation of the edifice, being restored to its place in December 
 of the same year. Magnificent donations have been made to this church. 
 In 1707 Andr6s Palencia left 100,000 pesos, and in 1747 the accumulated 
 capital amounted to 527,832 pesos, yielding an income of 30,000 pesos. With 
 this sum endowments were made for the support of an abbot, 10 canons, and 
 other church officers. Villa Scfior, Theat. Amer., i. 16; *S'oc. Mex. Geog.^ 
 Boletin, viii. 168-74; Florencia, Estrella del Norte, 25-9; Beltrami, Mex., ii. 
 226-7. 
 
THE SACRED PAINTING. 
 
 407 
 
 The artist Cabrera describes the countenance as 
 exquisitely beautiful in every feature, and maintains 
 that even if a person were ignorant of the origin of 
 the painting, he could not deny, on seeing it, that it 
 is supernatural work.^^ The figure is surrounded by 
 an aureola encompassed by a luminous-edged cloud.^^ 
 In 1835 a formal investigation was made with regard 
 to the genuineness of the existing painting/^ from 
 which it was discovered that its identity with the one 
 miraculously depicted on the mantle of J uan Diego,*^^ 
 was not proven until its removal from its place on the 
 
 Miguel Cabrera, at a meeting of the artists of Mexico in 1751, was 
 selected to make a copy of the painting for presentation to Benedict XIV. 
 This copy was the most celebrated ever taken. Cabrera in 1756 wrote a 
 lengthy critique on the original. Aparic. Quad., 42-7. 
 
 Grave authorities have agreed that no human hand could have painted 
 such a picture. Becerra Tanco, Felic, 55. 
 
 The length of the picture is, according to Cabrera, two and one twelfth 
 varas, and its width a little over one and a quarter varas. The length of the 
 virgin's figure is about one vara. It is painted on ayate, a coarse native cloth 
 manufactured out of the fibre of the agave plant, and has been extensively 
 copied. The miraculous origin of this painting has given rise to much contro- 
 versy as to its authenticity. The arguments advanced in contra consist of 
 five principal ones: 1. The miracle was never affirmed by any auto; 2. 
 Bishop Zumarraga left no writing on the subject; 3. Torquemada leaves the 
 reader to infer that it was the work of man; 4. The ayate, said to have belonged 
 to Juan Diego, was longer and narrower than the mantles usually worn; 5. The 
 painting itself shows artistic faults. Bartolache makes an elaborate attempt 
 to refute these arguments. Manijiest. Opusc. Guad., 70-105. The defenders 
 of the miracle, the warmest of whom is Bustamante, base its authenticity on 
 native manuscripts giving an account of it; on extant narratives of ancient 
 writers mentioned by Veytia and others; on the testimony of aged persons; 
 on ancient native canticles; and on the miracles performed at the sanctuary, 
 mentioned by many writers, among whom was Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 
 250. Those who desire further information can consult, besides the authorities 
 already quoted, the following: Lasso de la Vega, Huei TlamahuicoUica, pub- 
 lished in Mexico, 1649, a work supposed to be modelled from Sanchez; Botu- 
 rini, Idea, Hist. Gen. Amer., Madrid, 1746. This author collected a great 
 number of Indian manuscripts: Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., Mexico, 1698; San- 
 chez, Imagen Guad., Mexico, 1648; Cabrera, Maravilla Amer., Mexico, 1756, 
 a work treating exclusively of the painting; Florencia, Zodiaco Mariano, 
 Mexico, 1755; Id., Estrella de el Norte, Mexico, 1741, a discussion on the 
 painting and Indian antiquities. Antonio and Tufion, Col. Oh. y Opusc., an 
 excellent collection of passages from the best writers on the Guadalupe 
 mystery; and Castro, Octava Maravilla Mex., Mexico, 1729, a poem in five 
 cantos. The material on which the picture was painted is discussed in this 
 work. 
 
 "^^ The committee, besides Bustamante, was composed of the bishop of 
 Monterey, Fray Ortigosa, two prebends, Movellan, secretary of congress, a 
 notary public, and the artists Aillon and Villanueva. 
 
 ''^ This personage, after the apparition of the virgin, withdrew from busi- 
 ness, lived a life of celibacy, and devoted himself to her service. He died in 
 1548, aged 74, warned, according to Vetancurt, Chron., 128, of his approach- 
 ing end. 
 
408 
 
 A DECADE OF CHURCH MATTERS. 
 
 old altar on account of repairs, when attention was 
 attracted to its extraordinary weight. Examination 
 revealed the fact that it was attached to the top of 
 Zumdrraga's table, on which was an inscription by 
 the bishop, certifying this to be the true and original 
 picture. 
 
 ' Among the most assiduous propagators of the faith 
 was the Franciscan friar, Toribio Motolinia, who kept 
 a record of baptisms from 1524 to 1539. In the city 
 of Me^xico and the surrounding villages more than a 
 million children and adults were baptized, an equal 
 number in the district of Tezcuco, and in Michoacan 
 and other provinces over three millions more. In the 
 single year of 1537 above five hundred thousand 
 received the faith. These conversions were the result 
 of the labors of the Franciscans alone, several mem- 
 bers of which order, it is claimed, baptized individually 
 numbers varying from one hundred thousand to three 
 hundred thousand. The number of friars employed 
 in this work did not exceed sixty, for though in 1539 
 the members of the order present amounted to about 
 eighty, not all of them were occupied in baptizing, 
 owing to a want of experience and a knowledge of 
 the language. In spreading the gospel these evangel- 
 izers received much aid from native converts,'^^ who, 
 as well as the native traders, carried tidings of the 
 
 '2 The painting had been stretched upon five boards, solidly joined together 
 by treenails, and at the back was the inscription: * Tablade la mesa del Illmo. 
 Sr. Zumarraga, y en la que el dichoso neofito puso la tilma en que estaba 
 estampada esta maravillosa imagen.' The carpenter, who accompanied the 
 committee, testified to the antiquity of the boards, while the wooden nails 
 were like those used by the Indian carpenters in the bishop's time. Aparic. 
 Guad., 27-9. 
 
 ''^Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 108-9; Mendieta, Hist. EcUs., 275. Gonzalez Da- 
 vila, Teatro Ecles., i. 25, states that by the Dominican and Franciscan friars 
 10,500,000 natives were baptized, not including those converted by other 
 orders. According to Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 47, the Franciscans baptized 
 1,000,000 during the first eight years. Torquemada, iii. 156. 
 
 In the year 1530 a school for the religious instruction of Indian girls 
 was established with a similar good result, the young women assisting in the 
 work of conversion as soon as sufficiently taught. This seminary was under 
 the management of six pious sisters sent out by the queen of Spain. It 
 existed for about ten years. Id., 48. Also Motolinia, 224-6, and Medieta, 
 482-3. 
 
SPREAD OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 409 
 
 cross into remote districts not yet penetrated by the 
 friars. 
 
 It was a grand and happy consummation, alike for 
 church and state; so at least it was regarded until 
 the state became jealous of the wealth and power of 
 the church. At this time the church rejoiced for the 
 millions thus brought into the fold, and the crown 
 rejoiced for subjects thus reclaimed from savagism 
 who were henceforth to add to its revenues. Thus 
 w^e find the queen writing in 1532 to the archbishop 
 of Toledo, of the great work already accomplished in 
 New Spain, and the wide field for new conversions. 
 The prelate is then asked for virtuous and exemplary 
 laborers willing to go thither.'^ And again in 1536 
 the king enjoins the viceroy and audiencia to promote 
 to the utmost the spread of the faith. By this and 
 other means the number of religious teachers was 
 greatly increased.^^ 
 
 But not all of the baptized aboriginals were happy 
 in their new relations. There were some from whose 
 hearts the eradication of idolatry was not so complete 
 as appeared on the surface. Many clung tenaciously 
 to the creed of their ancestors, and when open pro- 
 fession was no longer possible they had recourse to 
 stratagem. While outwardly observing the Catholic 
 form, they practised in secret their ancient rites, and 
 while they knelt before the image of the virgin offered 
 adoration to hidden idols of their own.^^ 
 
 ''^CMula, in Col. Doc. InM., ii. 379-80. 
 
 'Aunque los obreros eran muy buenos (mediante la diligencia del Visor- 
 rey) desde este punto comefaron a ser mas en numero, y mejores.' //errero, 
 dec. vi. lib. i. cap. x. 
 
 For an account of secret ceremonies see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. 321. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWAED DISCOVERY. 
 1530-1540. 
 
 Authority of Cortes Curtailed — Indian Conspiracy Suppresseb — Dis- 
 turbances IN Oajaca — An Empty Title — Cortes and the Colonists 
 OF Antequera — Further Disputes with the Audiencia — Cortes 
 Persistent — Baffled Efforts at Discovery — High Hopes and a 
 Lowly Dwelling — Misfortune Follows Misfortune — Guzman's 
 Animosity — Cortes Defiant — He Sails Northward — Failure of thb 
 Enterprise — Rivalry of Mendoza — Cortes Disgusted — He Returns 
 to Spain. 
 
 Upon the arrival of the second audiencia Cortds 
 hastened to lay before that body his commission as 
 captain-general. Though it was duly recognized by 
 them, the powers it conferred were greatly controlled 
 by a royal order produced by the audiencia, requiring 
 that Cortes, in all his operations, should consult the 
 president and oidores and act only on their approval. 
 This we may well imagine was not pleasing to the 
 marquis,^ and soon he and the audiencia were engaged 
 in hot disputes. Jealous of their position, and proud 
 of the king's confidence,^ the oidores were uncompro- 
 mising in the exhibition of their authority, and car- 
 ried out their instructions to the letter; while Cortes, 
 
 * Cortes professes to have been at first satisfied with this order : *yfud 
 para mi muy gran merced, porque siempre querria tales testigos de mia 
 servicios.' Cortes, Fscritos Sueltos, 191. 
 
 2 When the audiencia attended mass on the arrival at the capital the 
 bishop of Tlascala in the prayer for the royal family, after the words, *regem 
 nostrum cum prole regia,' added, *et ducem exercitus nostri,' whereupon 
 Oidor Salmeron admonished him to observe the king's preeminence: *^ yo le 
 amonest6 que guardase al Rey su preeminencia Real en aquello.' Salmeron, iu 
 Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 192. 
 
 (410) 
 
ENMITY OF THE AUDIENCIA. 
 
 411 
 
 accustomed to domineer, ill brooked opposition to his 
 views or interests, and pressed matters with a haughti- 
 ness that offended the king s judges. 
 
 Thus it was that almost immediately an antagonism 
 appeared, regarding questions of minor importance at 
 first, as those of etiquette and precedence,^ but later 
 affecting weightier matters both public and private. 
 
 Unfriendly relations being thus established, the 
 breach grew wider day by day, and their letters were 
 full of bitterness, marked by complaints of griev- 
 ances on the one side and of obnoxious interference 
 on the other. Such being their respective attitudes, 
 it was with difficulty and delay that even the royal 
 orders were carried out in matters concerning Cortes. 
 Whether the question at issue related to the count- 
 ing of his vassals, the assignment of towns and lands 
 granted him, or expeditions of discovery, it was in 
 every case attended by many loud and angry words. 
 
 The first business in connection with the marquis 
 to which it was necessary the audiencia should give 
 attention was the counting of the twenty-three thou- 
 sand vassals assigned him by royal grant. Difficulties 
 at once arose which rendered the counting slow,^ and 
 there were also disagreements between the oidores and 
 Cortds with respect to the method. Moreover as 
 public interests were involved by the establishment 
 of a remarkable precedent, the action of the oidores 
 was closely watched and criticised.^ The discharge 
 
 • Salmeron complainingly reports to the king the prominent position in 
 which Cortes caused his chair to be placed in the church, and the fact that he 
 took precedence in church ceremonies: *y al ofrecer, nos porfiamos todos, y 
 61 ofrece el primero ; y la paz saca un sacristan, y va primero d nosotros, y 
 tdmala el primero.' Id. 
 
 * The oidores reported to his Majesty that the Indians, at the instigation 
 of their chiefs, evaded the count. This they could readily do owing to the 
 facility with which they removed from place to place. The duties of the com- 
 mission appointed to take the count were thus made irksome in the extreme, 
 and the result inaccurate. They were employed during the whole of lent in 
 determining the population of a single town in the district of Cuemavaca 
 without satisfactory result, and there were not less than 20 others in that 
 district. Belacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 330; Audience^ 
 Lettre, in Ttrnaux-Compans, Voy., s«3rie ii. tom. v. 151, 197-8. 
 
 ^ Cort(5s maintained that the heads of families only should be counted, 
 while the oidores claimed that the individual members ought to be included. 
 
412 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 of this unenviable duty was intrusted to six commis- 
 sioners, three of whom were appointed by Cortes and 
 three by the audiencia.^ 
 
 The commission, however, after having labored for 
 many weeks in vain efforts to arrive at even an ap- 
 proximate count, reported to the audiencia that the 
 difficulties were insurmountable and a correct numer- 
 ation impossible, since not one fifth of the estimated 
 population presented itself The attempt was conse- 
 quently abandoned, and a compromise entered into 
 by which Cortes, pending instructions from the king, 
 was left in possession of Cuernavaca with its depend- 
 ent townships and the districts of Tehuantepec and 
 Cuetlachtlan. The valleys of Oajaca and Quilapan, 
 and various towns in the province of Mexico, were 
 also assigned him under the encomienda system, no 
 judicial authority being therewith conferred.^ 
 
 Yet the audiencia considered that the principle on 
 which the king's grants had been made was danger- 
 ous, from the fact that the scattered positions of the 
 different districts would give Cortes too wide an influ- 
 
 Again, several families occupied the same dwelling, separated from each other 
 by partitions of bamboo. The oidores complain to the king that many of 
 these houses were found empty, although they were convinced that the inhab- 
 itants had only temporarily removed. In other instances the partitions had 
 been taken down so that several families might appear to belong to one and 
 the same head; and the audiencia considered that all houses ought to be 
 couioted whether occupied or not. Id. Moreover strictness in count was 
 warmly discussed by the encomenderos who recognized that the decision on 
 this point materially affected themselves. Several witnesses testified that 
 the contador, Rodrigo de Albomoz, had asserted that the count ought not to 
 ba taken too strictly as the difference of 50 macehuales more or less was a 
 matter of slight importance. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xvi. 548-54. 
 
 *The audiencia appointed Crist6bal de Barrios, Ger6nimo Ruiz de la 
 Mota, and Ruiz Gonzalez; the representatives of Cortes were, Andres de 
 Tapia, Juan de Salcedo, and Francisco de Terrazas. Ternaux-Compans, Voy.^ 
 E^rie ii. tom. v. 197. Cortes complains that two of his greatest enemies were 
 chosen by the audiencia. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 22-3. 
 
 ^ The marquis complained of this limitation of his jurisdiction, and also 
 protested against the appointment of corregidores of certain towns claimed 
 by him as pertaining to his grant. Id., 155, and Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xiv. 331-2. A description of the different districts and townships 
 included in the assignments will be found in Id., 333-7, and Ternaux- 
 Compans, Voy., s6rie ii. tom. v. 153-5. A copy also of the agreement between 
 the audiencia and Cortes is contained in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 
 614-20. Cortes engaged to surrender all claim to any districts which might 
 afterward be found outside of his grant. 
 
EFFORTS OF CORTES RESTRICTED. 
 
 413 
 
 ence, and the oidor Salmeron had already counselled 
 the king to centralize the authority of the marquis by 
 confining his possessions to one portion of the coun- 
 try.^ The fact is his power over the natives was such 
 as to cause the oidores heartily to wish him back in 
 Spain.^ 
 
 Nor was the assignment of these grants the only 
 cause of dispute. The erection of his palace, the sale 
 of his houses in the city of Mexico to the audiencia, 
 and his claims to lands within the limits of the city 
 were alike productive of grievances and annoyance. 
 
 But the treatment of Cortes by the audiencia in 
 his public capacity as captain-general engendered yet 
 stronger feelings of indignation and wounded pride. 
 He could not shut his eyes to the fact that his high 
 office was one more in name than in reality, and his 
 quick perception soon revealed to him that although 
 the crown had recognized his services it did not intend 
 to allow him much control in the guidance of affairs. 
 
 ®Iii March 1531. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 203-4. 
 
 'In August of the same year Salmeron remarks, 'il a un tel pouvoir sur 
 les indigenes, que d'un seul mot il pourrait tous les faire r6volter,' and later 
 adds: 'II dit. . .qu'il retoumera en Espagne. Pllit au ciel qu'il le fit; cela 
 serait heureux pour la Nouvelle-Espagne. ' Ternaux-Compans, Voy., S(5rie ii. 
 torn. V. 196. In the same letter he expresses the conviction that it would be 
 well not to include the township of Antequera Oajaca in the grant, while 
 Oidor Quiroga apprises the king that the assignment to Cortes of the town of 
 Tacubaya, so near the capital, would be greatly prejudicial to the city. Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 427-8. 
 
 ^° By a letter of the oidores, dated 14th of August 1531, already frequently 
 quoted, the king was informed that Cortds was building in the city a palace 
 more pretentious than any to be seen in Spain, and that the work had been 
 interrupted by the audiencia placing the towns from which the marquis drew 
 his laborers under the corregimiento system. He had, however, been allowed 
 to employ the Indians of Chales, on the condition that he paid them wages. 
 This he had failed to do, and the oidores had stopped the work. With regard 
 to his houses in the city Cortds complains, in 1533, that the audiencia had 
 neither paid him for them, nor were willing to give up the property, not even 
 the traders' buildings which, according to agreement, he was to retain; and 
 he requests the council to interfere in his behalf. Carta, in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col. Doc,^\\. 550-1. Certain lands lying within the city commons, 
 were granted to Cortes by royal order of July 27, 15.^4, but he was dispos- 
 sessed of them by the oidores of the first audiencia. In 1531 he claimed 
 restitution, which was resisted, and the audiencia decided to submit the 
 matter to the India Council. Id., xxix., passim. The queen, in April 1533, 
 empowers the audiencia to investigate the matter and decide according to 
 justice. Puga, CedulariOy 86. 
 
414 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 From the first the new administration avoided con- 
 sultation with him/^ and when in mihtary matters he 
 offered suggestions, his views were not accepted, and 
 even his actions were interfered with, while at the 
 same time no means was omitted of impressing upon 
 the natives the fact that the great conqueror was sub- 
 servient to the higher authority of the audiencia. 
 
 The very first attempt made by Cortes to exercise 
 his functions as captain -general caused a rupture 
 between him and the audiencia. The inefficient con- 
 dition of the available forces in New Spain was such 
 as to excite a fear of an uprising of the natives. 
 "With the approval of the audiencia, Cortes therefore 
 proclaimed a general muster in all Spanish towns, 
 attaching certain penalties to those who failed to ap- 
 pear with their arms and horses. The muster in the 
 capital was a failure, and when Cortes sought to en- 
 force the fines upon the delinquents the oidores took 
 umbrage, considering that his action was an encroach- 
 ment upon their authority. 
 
 The weakness displayed by this failure to muster 
 in force and the well known dissension that prevailed 
 among the Spaniards offered a strong temptation to the 
 Indians. They believed that an opportunity for throw- 
 ing off the Spanish yoke had at last arrived, and they 
 entered into a conspiracy to destroy their oppressors. 
 Straggling Spaniards in the country were murdered, 
 
 1^ The audiencia informed the king that their policy was to avoid seeking 
 the advice of Cortes in matters affecting the government. Salmeron, Carta, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 191. Cortes also complained to the king 
 that he was not allowed to consult with the audiencia, but was simply required 
 to obey orders. Id. ,12. In his Relacion de Servicios he states that the audiencia 
 construed the king's instructions relative to himself to suit themselves, and 
 that without voice or vote in their councils he was compelled simply to execute 
 their orders. Failures could thus be charged to his account, while the credit 
 of his successes could be appropriated by the president and oidores. Escritos 
 Sueltos, 217-18. 
 
 ^'^This question of prerogative was still unsettled in April 1532. Cortes 
 writing to the king on the 20th remarks : ' y as! se ha quedado hasta hoy 
 que ninguna 6rden ni concierto hay.' /cZ., 191. A similar failure occurred at 
 Vera Cruz. Id. , 220. The audiencia attributed this failure to the action of 
 the enemies of Cort6s who 'aimeraient mieux perdre tout ce qu'ils possfedent 
 que le reconnaitre pourleur sup^rieur.' Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie ii. torn. 
 V. 155-6. 
 
REVOLT OF THE NATIVES. 415 
 
 and preparations made for a sudden rising in the city. 
 According to Oviedo more than two hundred Spaniards 
 were soon found to be missing, and the alarm became 
 general. The oidores in the emergency recognized 
 that the only man capable of dealing with the excited 
 Indians was the captain-general, and him they now 
 called upon to come to their assistance. With a large 
 force he marched into the capital, and by his decisive 
 measures quiet was restored. Great numbers were 
 made prisoners and the horrors of fire and blood- 
 hounds implanted a wholesome fear upon the natives, 
 who were once more taught that their patriotic strug- 
 gles only tightened the conqueror's grasp.'^ 
 
 The revolt seems to have extended far southward, 
 for during the early part of 1531 the Zapotecs in Oajaca 
 and Impilcingo were in rebellion, and a number of 
 Spaniards who had entered the district in search of gold 
 had been slaughtered.^* 
 
 The ayuntamiento of Antequera despatched all avail- 
 able force against the insurgents, but as this left the 
 town without defenders it was necessary to send as- 
 sistance from Mexico. But even under these circum- 
 stances, in which the experience and military ability 
 of Cortes ought to have been respected, his views met 
 with opposition, and the conqueror of New Spain 
 deemed it prudent to yield in all points to the opinions 
 of the oidores on the ground that his would be the 
 blame in case of mishap. The revolt was suppressed, 
 but the expeditions sent out by the captain-general 
 encountered unnecessary difficulties, owing to the in- 
 terference of the audiencia.^^ 
 
 ^ Oviedo f iii. 521. A false alarm was raised one night in the capital which 
 caused general consternation. The originator of it was not discovered, but it 
 afforded an additional motive for suppressing the conspiracy. Torquemada, 
 i. 605; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 99-100. Consult also Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. 
 cap. iv. 
 
 One Alonso Tabera and several companions were killed, and shortly after- 
 ward six other Spaniards with a large number of slaves were put to death. 
 Carta del Ayunt., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 182-3. 
 
 CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 191-3, 218-19. Even the punishment of insubor- 
 dination in his ranks was not allowed him by the audiencia. Ternaux-Com- 
 •pans, Voy.f s6rie ii. torn. v. 166; and when on one occasion an officer exceeded 
 
416 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 Thus thwarted in every public and private measure, 
 Cortes felt bitterly the humiliations to which he was 
 subjected. Accustomed to command so long without 
 restriction, his position became distasteful. His great 
 achievements merited, he thought, a higher appreci- 
 ation than that which made of him but a mere figure- 
 head of power; and with wounded heart, and in dis- 
 gust at his empty title of captain- general, he begged 
 the king, since his ability was held in so poor esteem, 
 to appoint a more competent person to take his 
 place. 
 
 But after all the misery was not wholly on one side. 
 Cortes was to the audiencia as a thorn in the flesh. 
 His friends were numerous, and their ranks were re- 
 enforced by discontented encomenderos who saw their 
 interests attacked by the audiencia, which endeavored 
 to suppress repartimientos. In July 1532 President 
 Fuenleal suggested the recall of Cortes to Spain, with 
 four or five others who were causing trouble.^^ 
 
 Meantime Cortes had left the city and retired in 
 disgust to Cuernavaca, where he had caused a palace 
 to be built on the outskirts of the town. Here he 
 
 his instructions and reduced to slavery some prisoners captured in the Impil- 
 cingo campaign, the marquis was reprimanded for not having given sufficiently 
 definite orders to his lieutenant, and the officer was arrested. Quiroga, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 424-6. The king in March 1532 
 instructs the audiencia not to proceed against either the captain, Vasco Por- 
 callo, or the marquis in this matter. Puga, Cedulario, 79. Nor could Cort^a 
 obtain any redress from the audiencia when Captain Luis de Castilla, whom 
 he had sent with an expedition to colonize part of the country previously 
 pacified, was seized by Guzman and kept prisoner till his followers disbanded. 
 Escritos, Sueltos, 192-3. 
 
 16 His letter is dated April 20, 1532, and he remarks: ' Porque pues hasta 
 aqul no he errado, no querria errar de aqul adelante: yo, como un vecino, 
 seguire lo que me mandaren.' Escritos Sueltos, 193. On the 20th of March 
 preceding, the queen issued the following somewhat indefinite instructions to 
 the audiencia regarding the duties of the captain-general: * El Marques ha de 
 vsar el oficio de capitan general en la nueva Espaiia en las ccsas, q por noa 
 especialmete le fueren mandadas, o alia per vosotros en nuestro nombre se 
 le mandaren, y no en otra cosa, mirareys bien siempre lo que les encomendaya 
 y mandays, porque se cscusen diferencias, teniendo siempre respecto a la per- 
 sona del marques.' Puga, Cedulario, 79. 
 
 1^ Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 226. This advice was again given 
 by the audiencia in November following. Temaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii. 
 torn. V. 208-9. Herrera is alone with respect to the relations between Cortds 
 and Fuenleal. He describes them as amicable, and asserts that the president 
 continually consulted Cortes, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xiv. 
 
FEUDS m OAJACA.] 
 
 417 
 
 occupied himself with agriculture and stock-raising, 
 entertaining meanwhile various projects of discovery. 
 
 On taking possession of the domains of his mar- 
 quisate, in the valley of Oajaca, the inhabitants of the 
 town refused to accept him as their feudal lord.^^ This 
 action of the Indians was doubtless owing to the town 
 having been included in the limits of the Spanish set- 
 tlement of Antequera which adjoined it;^^ and from 
 this time forward the people of Antequera and Cortes 
 were involved in frequent and violent disputes. The 
 marquis justly regarded the founding of the city as an 
 encroachment upon his domain, a hostile intrusion. 
 His people were always in trouble with the Spanish 
 residents, who in their turn appropriated portions of 
 the best ground, seized upon his water privileges, and 
 treated his agents with indignity. 
 
 The central and advantageous position of the town 
 had induced Cortes to begin building a palace in 
 Oajaca, but he now discontinued the work, and erected 
 a house a quarter of a league distant. This removal 
 of his seat and the narrow confines to which Ante- 
 quera was limited effectually checked the prosperity 
 of the city,^^ and instead of a flourishing settlement, 
 
 The towns of Oajaca and Antequera may be considered as one. The 
 first audiencia founded the Spanish town of Antequera close to the Indian 
 village of Oajaca on land belonging to the marquis. Cortes maintained that 
 this was done to injure him, and presented a petition to the second audiencia 
 regarding the matter. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. tom. 146-7. Flo- 
 rencia states that the king granted Cortes four villas in exchange for the city. 
 Comp. de Jesvs, 231. 
 
 ^^In March 1531 the older Salmeron informs the India Council that the 
 settlers in Antequera wished to have the villa removed elsewhere, before they 
 had erected many buildings; or have the town of Oajaca given to them. 
 Salmeron advises that the latter proposition be adopted. Pacheco and Odr- 
 denas. Col. Doc, xiii. 203. 
 
 On one occasion the alcaldes imprisoned his agent, Diego del Castillo, 
 and submitted him to outrageous treatment. Id., xii. 551-4. 
 
 Charles gave it the name and privileges of a city April 25^ 1532. Medi- 
 na, Chron.^ San Diego, 246. Villa Senor names April 25, 1531, as the date, 
 Theatro, ii. 112, which is probably incorrect, as Cortez, writing on the 25th 
 of January, 1533, to the Council of the Indies, represents that a proctor had 
 been despatched to Spain by the Spaniards of Antequera for the purpose of 
 petitioning that their villa be elevated to the rank of a city, and opposes the 
 request by bringing forward his own claims. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xii. 545-6. According to Herrera, exemption was granted the city for 30 
 years, * del seruicio ordinario. ' dec. v. lib. ii. cap. viii. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 27 
 
418 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 in a few years its residents Y/ere reduced to actual 
 distress. 
 
 Other matters during this period became grounds 
 of contention between him and the ruling powers, 
 such as the payment of tithes,^^ forest, pasture, and 
 water rights, to which he laid exclusive claim in the 
 district of Cuernavaca,^^ and complaints made by his 
 vassals of the excessive tribute imposed upon them.^^ 
 Moreover, the much vexed question of the number of 
 his vassals was again brought forward, the proceed- 
 ings in the matter being marked by want of liberality 
 in the actions of the audiencia, and by petulant com- 
 plaints on the part of Cortes. Yet no adjustment 
 could be arrived at. The marquis, though deprived of 
 
 Antequera was raised to the rank of a cathedral town in 1534, but the 
 description of it given by Bishop Zdrate in 1544 indicates the victory of Cor- 
 tes. The city, lie writes, was in such a condition that its abandonment would 
 be no loss. The distress of the inhabitants was owing to the city possessing 
 no lands, all the surrounding country being owned by Cort6s. Provisions 
 consequently commanded exorbitant prices. The town had been founded out 
 of malice to the marquis, but the scheme only worked to the injury of the 
 settlers, who had not even commons for pasturage. A change, however, 
 might be effected by a proper arrangement with Cortes, which would make 
 Antequera one of the most important places in the country. Ternaux-Com- 
 pans, Voy., s6rie i. tom. x. 295-8. 
 
 23 Cortes had obtained from the pope a bull granting to him immunity from 
 tithes on the domains granted to him by the king. The audiencia report his 
 consequent refusal to pay them. In 1533 royal orders were issued to the 
 effect that he was not to be exempt from the payment, since such exemption 
 would be prejudicial to the royal patronato, which it was not the pope's 
 intention to injure. Montemayor, Svmarios, 49; Puga, Cedulario, 84. 
 
 2* The queen by c^dula of April 20, 1533, ordered that these forests, waters, 
 and pastures be common property of the Spaniards. Id. , 85. 
 
 2^ The natives of the Cuernavaca district presented to Pedro Garcia, 
 the interpreter of the audiencia, eight paintings descriptive of the tributes 
 they had paid to the marquis, and stated that they were treated by his un- 
 derlings more like slaves than vassals. Garcia, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xiv. 142-7. The king in September 1533, directed the audiencia to 
 determine the tribute to be paid by the vassals not only of Cuernavaca but of 
 all his domains. Puga, Cedulario, 87. 
 
 2^ In April 1532 the audiencia informs the crown that in order to arrive 
 at some knowledge of the number, Indians in the guise of traders had been 
 secretly sent into the district of Cuernavaca. These had made drawings of 
 the towns and villages in the valley, from which it appeared that in that dis- 
 trict only there were more than 20,000 houses each containing several families. 
 The audiencia believed that Cortes had received more than his right. Ter- 
 naux-Compans, Voy., s6rie ii. tom. v. 204-5. The queen in Aprii 1533 
 approved the suggestion made by the audiencia that President Fueuleal and 
 two oidores should proceed to Cuernavaca and verify the paintmgs, tak- 
 ing with them the natives that had drawn them. Puga, Cedulario, 83-4, 
 
SHIPS FOR THE MOLUCCAS. 
 
 419 
 
 some portion of his grant, adhered to his claims and 
 defi^ndei-j his rights as tenaciously as the audiencia 
 assailed them, filing protests and making appeals to 
 the crown whenever loss was threatened.^^ 
 
 Again, in 1537 and 1538, under the administration 
 of Viceroy Mendoza, an attempt was made to bring 
 affairs to a satisfactory adjustment. Again the mar- 
 quis in a letter to the Ind)?. Council, dated 20th of 
 September 1538, enters at Length into the troubles 
 and expenses attending the count, and having been 
 deprived of many townships, impoverished by the heavy 
 expenses of unremunerative expeditions, in reduced 
 circumstances, and oppressed with debt, he asks relief 
 in order that he may live. Poor conqueror ! 
 
 But it is time to consider the efforts made by Cortes 
 to extend discoveries in the South Sea, and mark how 
 his exertions were cramped and his prospects of suc- 
 cess marred by the same watchful opponents. 
 
 The reader is already aware that previous to his 
 departure to Spain, Cortes had despatched a fleet to 
 the Moluccas, and that the commerce he wished to 
 establish there might be permanent, he began the 
 construction of other vessels at Tehuantepec with the 
 intention of sending them to support the first expe- 
 dition. Four vessels were already built when he left 
 
 ^"^ Corf 4s, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 541-9, 554-63. On 
 account of the enmity displayed by the audiencia he petitioned the king to 
 ocnd a special commissioner to make the count and deliver him his vassals, or 
 to empower a commission of prelates and friars in New Spain to do so, other- 
 wise a settlement would never be accomplished. /(/., xiii. 24-5. 
 
 2^ Viceroy Mendoza and Vasco de Quiroga, bishop elect of Michoacan, 
 were empowered, November 80, 15.37, to count the vassals. Id., xii. 314-18. 
 
 '^'^ Cortes, Carta, Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 194-201. His expenses in fitting out 
 armaments had been enormous, besides other calls upon his purse, which was 
 ever an open one. He thus describes his straitened circumstances : ' Con 
 las ayudas de costa que dese Real Consejo se me han hecho. . .yo tengo harto 
 que hacer in mantenerme en un aldea, donde tengo mi muger, sin osar residir 
 cn esta cibdad ni venir d ella, por no tener que comer en ella.' And he 
 entreats the council, ' dar . . . 6rden como en mis dias tenga de comer y despues 
 dellos se conozca en mis hijos que su padre meresci6 algo.' Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col. Doc, iii. 539. But no final settlement of his claims was made in 
 /lis lifetime, and it was only after his death that the latter wish obtained 
 recognition, when the original grant was confirmed to his son, with a slight 
 reuervation and without limitation as to the number of vassals, by Philip II. 
 
420 
 
 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 New Spain, and a fifth was completed later. The fleet 
 was almost ready to sail, when the oidores of the first 
 audiencia interfered. They seized and sent prisoner 
 to Mexico the o&icer in charge, dismissed the Indians 
 employed, and suspended work. The ship tackle and 
 stores were stolen, and the vessels were left to rot. 
 On the return of Cortes they were almost ruined, and 
 the loss which he sustained amounted to more than 
 twenty thousand castellanos.^^ 
 
 Nor did Cortes meet with that cooperation from 
 the second audiencia which he had expected. Not 
 disheartened by the discouraging result of his former 
 attempt, shortly after his return to New Spain he 
 hastened to carry out his contracts with the king. He 
 began the construction of four new vessels, two at 
 Tehuantepec and two at Acapulco, and succeeded in 
 getting them launched about the beginning of 1532. 
 But the audiencia, which at first had encouraged him 
 to proceed with the execution of his schemes,^^ now, 
 to the marquis' cost, and notwithstanding a decree 
 forbidding its interference,^^ caused him much trouble. 
 Acapuico^^ was inaccessible to carts and pack animals, 
 and Cortes found it necessary to employ native car- 
 riers to transport tackle and stores for his ships. The 
 opening policy of the new audiencia with respect to 
 the treatment of the natives was that of strictly 
 
 30 As a further injustice the oidores, according to the representation of 
 Cortes to the king, condemned the olEcer in charge to pay 3,000 castellanos, 
 claimed by the carpenters as compensation for the loss of work for nearly a 
 year. Property belonging to Cortes was sold to meet this demand. Carta, in 
 Col Doc. In^d., i. 39-40. The amount of loss is stated by the attorney of 
 Cortes at a later date to have exceeded 30,000 castellanos. Cortes, Escritos 
 Suelios, 217. 
 
 31 Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 287-8. 
 
 32 'Aunque yo he visto una provision, en que se manda al presidente y 
 oidores que no se entremetan en cosa deste descubrimiento, sino que libremente 
 me dejen hacer.' Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 194. 
 
 33 Acapulco was the capital town of the Cohuixcas under the Aztec empire. 
 It had been visited at an early date by explorers of the south coast sent by 
 Cortes- The port was recognized by Cort6s as affording facilities for ship- 
 building, and vessels were constructed and despatched here at an early date. 
 It is mentioned by the audiencia in 1532, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. 
 tor.!. -7., but can hardly be considered as a recognized Spanish settlement till 
 1550. Philip II. elevated it to the rank of a city. 
 
MORE VESSELS DESPATCHED. 
 
 421 
 
 enforcinfif the laws of protection. Accordingly, his 
 Indians were taken away, his operations ordered dis- 
 continued, and a fine of forty thousand pesos im- 
 posed.^* 
 
 Thwarted at every turn, Cortes gave way to de- 
 spair. '^I obeyed their order," he writes, '^and ceased 
 my preparations, so that neither by sea nor land can 
 I do your Majesty any service," and in his heart 
 doubted whether the exploration of the South Sea 
 was a matter of any interest to the crown. Such is the 
 version given by the marquis, but the audiencia tell a 
 somewhat different tale, and inform the queen that 
 Cortes paid no heed to the alguaciles whom they had 
 sent to release the natives from their servitude, but 
 defiantly ordered the carriers to continue their labors. 
 Whereupon the audiencia instituted proceedings 
 against him.^^ There was undoubtedly truth in what 
 the oidores said. 
 
 Notwithstanding all the machinations of the evil 
 ones, Cortes despatched from Acapulco in May 1532 
 two ships, the San Marcos and the San Miguel,^^ 
 under Hurtado de Mendoza, the details of which ex- 
 pedition, as well as those of the subsequent maritime 
 efforts of the marquis, may be found in my History 
 cf the North Mexican States. 
 
 With this beginning Cortes next determined to 
 superintend in person the completion of his ships at 
 Tehuantepec, and repairing thither hastened his prep- 
 
 '* Cortes in his account to the king of this interruption explains that the 
 natives employed were those of his own encomienda; that he paid them for 
 their labor, and that the ordinance prohibiting the employment of Indian car- 
 riers had been violated with impunity by others. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdr- 
 denas. Col. Doc, xii. 548; Col. Doc. In6d., iv. 175-7. Alonso de Zurita, 
 writing in the last half of the 16th century, 'oydor que fue de la real audien- 
 cia,' represents that the construction of fleets by Cort6s cost the lives of thou- 
 sands of Indians. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ii. 113-14. 
 Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie ii. tom. v. 203-4. 
 
 Pacheco and Cdrdenas, xii. 541. These vessels were built under contract 
 by Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, for 1,500 castellanos, to be delivered before 
 Christmas, 1531. Cortes, in Col. Doc. Ined., ii. 416-19. The ill-fated vessels 
 vere both lost, and nearly every one of the crews, weakened by sickness and 
 fa:nine, massacred by the natives. Cortes attributed the failure of this ex- 
 pedition to the enmity of Guzman, who prevented his captains landing for sup- 
 plies and repairs. Real Provision, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 35. 
 
422 
 
 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 arations as rapidl}/ as possible, living in a liut on the 
 beach, and even laboring with his own hands. 
 
 Yet with all his eagerness the work went slowly on. 
 For a year and a half he lived in his cabin on the sand, 
 and though in January 1533 he reported to the king 
 his expectation to be ready in March, it was not till 
 the 29th of October following that his vessels, the 
 San Ldzaro and the Concepcion, left port.^^ 
 
 The enterprise, which led to the discovery of lower 
 California, was attended with disaster. About the 
 middle of 1534 the Concepcion was brought into the 
 port of Chiametla by six or seven sailors,^^ the sole 
 survivors of her crew, who had much to tell of mutiny 
 and murder.^^ She had become separated from the 
 San LdzarOj which afterward found her way to Te- 
 huantepec. The reports of lands discovered brought 
 by these men excited in Nuno de Guzman a desire to 
 continue the adventure on his own account. So he 
 seized the vessel and held the sailors, that the news 
 might not reach Cortes. But the marquis heard of 
 it,*^ and appealed to the audiencia, only to enter upon 
 fresh complications. That body, though it issued an 
 order in the king's name commanding Guzman to 
 surrender the ship, and prohibiting him from pros- 
 ecuting the discovery, ordered Cortes also to desist 
 from further exploration in that direction.*^ The 
 marquis appealed to the crown, maintaining that Guz- 
 
 ^'^ Id., 35-6o The port of Tehuantepec was called Port of Santiago. Romay, 
 Cuenta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 298. 
 
 Cortes, Ecritos Sueltos, 250. The cost of the two vessels amounted to 9,000 
 pesos de oro de minas. Romay, Cuenta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 xii. 298-313. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 564, 574, erroneously regards the two 
 expeditions as one, and has confused the events of the latter with those of the 
 former. 
 
 'Con hasta siete hombres.' Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 263. 
 *® See Hist. North Mex. States, i. , this series. 
 Writing on this matter Cortes says : * Supe casi por milagro, segund la 
 diligencia que Nuno de Guzman puso en guardar el secreto,' etc. Escritos 
 Sueltos, 263. 
 
 ^'^ The reason given by the oidores was that they had heard that Guzman 
 had already despatched an expedition to the discovered land, and that ' escan- 
 dalos, muertes de hombres e otros incovenientes ' would be the consequence 
 if the two should meet. The order sent to Guzman is dated August 19th, 
 that to Cortes the 2d of September, 1534. Real Provision, in Icazbalceta, Col, 
 DoCf iiv 31-40, and in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.y xii. 418-29. 
 
ON THE PENINSULA. 
 
 423 
 
 man had neither sent nor could send an expedition, 
 since he had no vessel of his own, and the Concepcion 
 was stranded. At the opening of his protest he sig- 
 nificantly calls attention to the fact that he was acting 
 in conformity with his Majesty's commands and with 
 the contract which he held. 
 
 The action taken by the audiencia after this pro- 
 test was no more favorable to the efforts of the mar- 
 quis than had been its previous course. The truth 
 is that the oidores were secretly supported by the 
 throne, a course at once cowardly and base on the 
 part of Charles, who through very shame could not 
 cast off one to whom he owed so much, and yet he 
 feared to permit him to prosper. Gonzalo Ruiz was 
 commissioned on the 2 2d of August to proceed to 
 Nueva Galicia and investigate the matter; but noth- 
 ing was done in favor of Cortes, whose repeated 
 appeals to the audiencia were responded to with 
 such lukewarmness that he rightly concluded that 
 their neglect was intentional.^^ He therefore deter- 
 mined to take matters into his own hands, despatch a 
 third expedition, and command it in person. At the 
 same time he would call to account his adversary 
 of New Galicia. About midwinter 1534-5 he de- 
 spatched from Tehuantepec for Chiametla three ves- 
 sels, the San LdzarOy the Santa Agueda, and the Santo 
 Tomds, thoroughly equipped and well supplied with 
 stores. About the same time he started by land for 
 Chiametla at the head of a considerable force.** But 
 Guzman, too weak to contend with him, avoided hos- 
 tilities, and, during the time Cortes was in Jalisco, 
 preferred to be absent, occupying himself with the 
 suppression of an Indian outbreak in the valley of 
 Banderas.*^ The land and sea expeditions were thus 
 
 Comision, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. , 429-39. 
 ** A witness in a subsequent lawsuit testified that there were 400 Spaniards 
 and 300 negroes. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 233-4, says the expedition 
 consisted of 320 persons, including 34 married couples. 
 
 Guzman, writing in June 1535, claims that the bad policy of Cortes 
 while passing through Jalisco was the cause of these Indian troubles. Pacheco 
 and Cardenas^ Col, Doc, xiii. 414-17. 
 
424 FUTILE ATTEMPTS TOWARD DISCOVERY. 
 
 reunited at Chiametla without molestation, and Cor- 
 tes, after inspecting the Concepcion which he found in 
 an unserviceable condition, proceeded to make an 
 attempt to found a colony on the eastern shore of the 
 Californian peninsula. 
 
 The failure of the scheme, unless additional vessels 
 and supplies were provided for the colony, soon be- 
 came apparent to Cortes, and he returned with the 
 Santa Agueda and Santo Tomds to Acapulco with the 
 intention of fitting out a new fleet for that purpose. 
 Moreover news of the arrival of Mendoza as viceroy 
 had been brought to him by a vessel under the com- 
 mand of Francisco de UUoa, and this, together with 
 an earnest request from his wife, was an additional 
 motive for his return.*^ Though little is known of his 
 operations during the following two or three years he 
 did not give up the hope of attaining some brilliant 
 success, and with his customary activity made prepa- 
 rations for another expedition. In September 1538 
 he informed the India Council that he had nine good 
 ships already built, but not yet launched, owing to the 
 want of navigators,^^ and in 1539 his enthusiasm was 
 raised by the marvellous reports brought by Marcos 
 de Niza of the cities of Cibola. 
 
 Whatever had been the captain -general's hopes of 
 assistance on the arrival of a viceroy in New Spain, 
 the change in the form of government only brought 
 into the field a new and powerful competitor. Men- 
 doza himself would like to be a great explorer, and in 
 1537 he asked of the king permission to participate 
 in enterprises of discovery.^^ 
 
 Respecting the returning fleet and all other particulars, see Hist. IJorih 
 Mex. States, vol. L this series. 
 
 He had sent to Panamd and Nicaragua for sailors, but without success. 
 He therefore despatched at this time Juan Galvano to Spain in order to 
 procure them. Cortes, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 193-4. See also Pachtco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 535-43, and Escritos Sueltos, 281. Motolinia, 
 Hist. Ind., 171, followed by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 398, makes mention of an 
 expedition sent out by Cortes some time during this year, and accompanied 
 by three Franciscan friars; but I do not find the assertion of these authors 
 supported by any other authority. 
 
 And for the same favors granted to others in like cases. Pacheco and 
 CdrdenaSj Col. i)oc., ii. 211. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE VICEROY. 
 
 425 
 
 At first the relations between Mendoza and Cortes 
 were not of an unfriendly nature, but the extreme 
 punctiliousness which presently arose indicated a 
 growing jealousy/^ and the regulations defining cer- 
 tain formalities which for the sake of harmony they 
 agreed to observe, were ineffective to prevent a rupture ; 
 and now when men became wild over the rich realms 
 to be found in the north, each wished the other in the 
 foul pit. Cortes, determined that the exclusive right 
 of northern exploration to which he laid claim should 
 not be wrested from him, hastened his preparations, 
 and in spite of the viceroy's attempts to prevent him, 
 succeeded in despatching a portion of his fleet from 
 Acapulco, under the command of Francisco de Ulloa.^^ 
 But Mendoza threw every possible obstacle in the 
 way, seizing upon the captain-general's remaining 
 vessels at Tehuantepec, forbidding any one to leave 
 New Spain without his permission, and sending a 
 strong force up the coast to prevent the entrance of 
 Ulloa's ships into any of the ports. A messenger 
 despatched to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was 
 seized and tortured, that information might be ob- 
 tained from him; and shortly afterward, one of the 
 vessels putting into Guatulco^^ under stress of weather, 
 the pilot and sailors were made prisoners. 
 
 All future eflbrts of the marquis to Drosecute dis- 
 
 ^^They agreed to address each other by the title of *senorfa;' that the 
 viceroy when entertained at the house of the marquis should take the head 
 of the table, 'y a ambos se sirviese con salva y maestresalas, ' that at the 
 viceroy's table no chair was to be placed at the head when Cortes was being 
 entertained, but that they should occupy the respective sides, the viceroy 
 being seated on the right. When together the viceroy was also to occupy the 
 right position. The arrangement of their seats in the church was, moreover, 
 decided upon, and the first rupture between them arose from an attempt of 
 the servant of Cortds to advance his master's chair to the line of the viceroy's. 
 Peralta, Not Hist., 141-2. 
 
 Mendoza, however, though too late to prevent the departure of Ulloa, 
 detaiued six or seven vessels of the marquis, and ordered them not to go on 
 the expedition. Cortes, Descuh., in Col. Doc. In6d., iv. 218. 
 
 ^^Guatulco, a port on the western shore of the gulf of Tehuantepec. 
 Ogilby, 1671, writes Aguatulco, the next name west being Marila, Aguatulco 
 Cajjalita; Dampier, 1G99, Port Guatulco; Laet, 1633, Aguatulco; West-Ind. 
 Spieghel, 1624, Guatulco; Colom, 1663, Aguatulco; Jeflferys, Guatulco; Kiepert, 
 Huatulco. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 348, 
 
 ^2 * Y se perdid el navlo.' Cortes, Escritos Suelfos, 303-4. 
 
426 
 
 FUTILE ATTEMPT TOWARDS DISCOVERY. 
 
 coveries or obtain redress for his grievances were 
 futile. His prestige was lost, his power in the coun- 
 try gone, and his petitions to the king unnoticed.^^ 
 Thus harassed by his enemies and neglected by his 
 sovereign, the great conqueror thought once more to 
 plead his cause in person before the throne, and early 
 in 1540 he left forever the shores of New Spain, which, 
 after having been the scene of his grand achievements, 
 had now become the witness of his failures and deep 
 humiliation.^* 
 
 ^^As early as February 1535 he complained that he did not receive 
 replies to letters addressed by him to the India Council. Escrilos SueltoSy 
 260-1. 
 
 5* The exact date of his departure to Spain is not known, but he addressed 
 a letter from Habana to Oviedo, dated February 5, 1540. Oviedo, iv. 19. 
 
 I may mention as additional authorities on the preceding chapters the fol- 
 lowing: Burffoa^ Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, i. 5, 13-139; ii. 199-361; Calle, Mem. 
 y Not., 71-6; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 105-583, passim; Ddvilay 
 Continuacion, MS., 185-98, 284; Diezmos delndias, iv. 1-3; Fernandez, Hist. 
 Ecles., 58-60; Florencia, Hist. Comp. deJesvs, 231-2; Cortes, Corresp. , SG6-72; 
 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 292; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles. y i. 19-28, 107-13, 
 222-3; Grijalva, Cron. 8. August., 34; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 222-736, 
 passim; Oviedo, iii. 521, 544; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 10-11; Puga, Ccd- 
 ulario, 21-118, passim, 167; Recop. delnd., i. 543; ii. 25; Reales Cedulas, 
 MS., i. 105; Torquemada, i. 605-13; iii. 35-9, 302-580, passim; Vetancvrt^ 
 3fenolog., 61-259, passim, 425-35; Id., Trat. Mex., 6-9, 17-18; Id., Chron., 
 127-8; PacAeco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, ii. 179-362; iii. 83-4; xii. 133-562, 
 passim; xiii. 25-6, 213-50, 427-50; xiv. 142-7, 329-47; xxiii. 423-67; xxix. 
 326-577; Alaman, Disert., i. 203, 261, 267-8, 270, app. i. 28; ii. 33-6, 127-78, 
 passim; 206-318, passim; iii. 94-100, app. 9-11; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., ii. 
 479-80; iii. 138-553, passim; iv. 1-602, passim; v. 238-41; Id., MS., 122, 
 925; Alamayi, in Prescott's Mex., i. 60; Bercerra Tanco, Felic. Mex., 1-109; 
 Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 213-335; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 71-151; Cahrera, 
 Escudo de Armas, 6-475, passim; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 106-9, 112; 
 Figueroa, Becerro, MS., 35, 41; Pap. Francis., MS., i. ser. i. No. 1; Fh^nd. 
 Prov. Santiago, MS., 2-6: Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 147, 173-4; ii. 41-61, 
 190-7, 552; 3Ionumen. Dom. Esp., MS., 61, 69, 76-9, No. ii. 240-1; No. v. 
 7-8; No. vi. 320-1, 352-4; Moreno, Fragment, de Quiroga, 1-202; Medina, 
 Chron. S. Diego Mex., 122-3, 236-46; Pizarro, Varones Eustres, 120-1; 
 Ramirez, Doc, MS., 5-6, 216-63; Romero, Not. Mich., 9-25; Remesal, Hist. 
 Chyapa, 56-8, 106-52, 458, 465, 525-38; Rivera, Hist. Jal, i. 53-9; Centra 
 America, Extractos Sueltos, MS., 22; Salazar, Mex. in 1554, 53-4, 164r-5; 
 Sigiienza y Gdngora, Anot. Crit., MS., 2-6, 28-35; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., 
 E6rie i. tom. x. 287-8; s^rie ii. tom. v. 155-278, passim; Salazar, Conq. Mex., 
 441-57; Florida, Col. Doc, 119-39; Veitia, Linage, MS., 3-26; Doc Ecles. 
 de Mex., MS., i. No. v.; Ardvalo, Compend., 98-100, 251; Arroniz, Hist, y 
 Cron., 57-62; Antinez, Mem. Hist. 132-4; Bartolache, Manif. Guad., 3-105, 
 £.'-id app.; Bustamanfe, Aparic. Guad., 5-75; Id., Manifest., 16, 22; Id., 
 Inform., 1-26; Guadalupe, Col. Ob. y Opusc^ 1-815, passim; Heredia, Serm. 
 y Desert., Guad., iii. 1-29; iv. 1-55; v. 1-201; Hernandez, Comp. Geog. 
 Mich., 8; Iglesias y Conventos, 230-3, 268-73; Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esj)., 
 13-14, 35-6; Lacunza, Discurs. Hist., 458, 460-2; Lebron, Apolog. Jurid., 
 1-124; Papeles en Derecho, pt. iv.; Moniemayor, Svmarios, 49, 150-2; 
 Morclli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 103-14; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcix. 192; cxxxi,. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 
 
 427 
 
 245; Marcou, Notes, 5; Ifich. Prov. S. Nic, 32-5, 101-2; S. Miguel, Mex.y 
 
 ii. 3-4, 13, 68-81; Mex. Not. Ciud. Ilex., 400-5; Peralta, Not. IJist., 140-3, 
 162-3, 279-80; Conejares, Maravil. Aparic, 1-214; Cuatro Imageries, Milag , 
 MS., 1-43; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. No. v.; Gonde y Oquendo, Disert. Ap. 
 Guad., i.-ii. ; Guridi, Aparic, Guad., 1-210; Gomara, Hist. Mex., ii. 8" 
 169-75; Beltrami, Mex., ii. 219-29; Crepo, Mem. Ajust., 5-6; Carriedo^ 
 Estud. Hist., i. 104-5, 112-13; Episcopado Mex. , 7; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 20rvj 
 Guadalupe, Ivform., 1-26; MicMiacan, Anal. Estad., 5; N. Esp. Brev. Res., 
 
 i. 120-39; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 139-42; Rihera, Gob. de Mex., i. 23, 57-60j 
 Repertorio Gen., 35-7; Id., Literat., i. 241-3; Prov. de Santo Evangelio, Iv."), 
 
 iii. ; Silicio, Foment. Col. Ind., ix. 32-47; Sardo, Relac. de Chalma, 1-142; 
 Parras, Conq.Jal, MS., 84-5, 222-65; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 175-6; Viagtro, 
 Univ., xxvii. 87; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., vi. 34-6; Zamacois, Hist. M^j.y 
 
 iv. 470-715; v. 19-20, 105-26; Rihadeneyra, Man. Patronato, 400-8; Friciu3, 
 Indianischer Relig., 22-44; Corral, Serm. Hist, pp. vii. 24; Cartas ^,e Indian, 
 56-61, 684^870, passim; Aim. Calend., 1856, No. vi. 56; Brasseur de Bour- 
 bourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 732-3, 762-87; Bussiere, U Empire Mex., 355-86; 
 Barros, Serm,, 14-19; Cortes, Diario, 1820, iii. 155; Die. Univ.- passim; 
 El Liceo Ilex., i. 163-73; Granados, Tardes Am., 332-9; Gordon's Hist. Geog, 
 Mem., 29; La Cruz, i. 201-8; La Estrella de el Norte, 3-29; Museo Mex.^ !. 
 165-197, passim, 447-51; Mosaico Mex., ii. 342, 461; Robertson's Hist.. Am.., 
 
 ii. 141-5; Villa Sefior, Teatro Am., i. 14-16, 28; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bnl-zin, i. 
 153-230; vii. 162-237; viii. 167-610; ix. 1-82, 2a ^p. iv. 639-42; Pap. Far-, 
 V. No. ii. 58-6; cxliii. No. xi. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 1527-1549. 
 
 Abobioinal Yucatan — Francisco de Montejo Appointed Governor — 
 Battle of Ake— The Spaniards March on Chichen Itza — Alonso db 
 AviLA and his Band in Quest of Gold — His Message to the Lord op 
 Chetumal — The Chieftain's Reply — Avila's Command Besieged — 
 Their Escape and Departure for Honduras — Montejo Defeated — 
 The Canine Bell-ringer — Flight of the Spaniards — The Adelan- 
 tado's Narrow Escape — Gallantry of Blas Gonzalez — The Governor 
 Departs for Tabasco — The Spaniards Driven into the Sea — Montejo 
 Transfers his Rights to his Son — The Spaniards Again Besieged — 
 Torture of Diego and Juan Cansino — Santillan Takes Montejo's 
 Residencia — Missionary Labors. 
 
 Nowhere on the continent of North America are 
 the traces of a by-gone civihzation more distinctly 
 marked than in the peninsula of Yucatan. Here are 
 found pyramids resembhng in mathematical outline the 
 vast structures in which the Pharaohs lie entombed. 
 Here also the traditions of the early inhabitants carry 
 the mind back to the days when the Israelites fled 
 from their pursuers through the sundered waters of 
 the Red Sea/ and when the great law-giver lifted up 
 the brazen serpent in the wilderness.^ 
 
 Into the Antillean sea the peninsula juts out a vast 
 and arid promontory, risen from the ocean perhaps 
 when Atlantis sank. Broken by undulating hills and 
 low ranges, it extends in a series of irregular plains, 
 
 ^ As related in their traditions, a path through the sea was opened for the 
 first inhabitants of Yucatan, as they fled from their enemies, i/errem, dec. 
 iv. lib. X. cap. ii.; Landa, RelacioUy 28. 
 
 ' The worship of the god Cukulcan, seemingly identical with Quetzalcoatl, 
 a name signifying feathered serpent, was common among the Itzas Cocomes. 
 
ABORIGINAL HISTORY. 
 
 429 
 
 from which comes a heated, perfumed air, springing 
 from the borders of rivers which Hghtly water a nar- 
 row fringe of coast, now of treeless lands and languid 
 vegetation clustering in oases round the senote reser- 
 voirs formed at intervals by commiserating nature. 
 
 Clinging to half-forgotten names that were once 
 applied to the peninsula,^ tradition itself seems to 
 stamp it as risen from the sea, with an influx of set- 
 tlers from the orient, and a reflux from the Occident, 
 consequent upon the overthrow of some pre-Toltec 
 invasion. With the first inwanderers is associated 
 Zamnd,, the culture-hero and earliest ruler of the 
 country, the founder of its provinces, its institutions, 
 its hieroglyphics, and the builder of Mayapan. After 
 his time Chichen Itza rises into notice, as the seat of 
 a triumvirate, wjth which is connected Cukulcan, who 
 is identified with the mysterious Quetzalcoatl, and 
 who leads the western immigration of dispersing 
 Nahuas. His followers, the Cocomes, rule supreme 
 at Mayapan, and under their wing the Tutul Xius 
 enter from the south to found a third state, with capi- 
 tal at Uxmal. During the civil wars which ensue, 
 the latter rise to the first rank, and inaugurate the 
 most glorious period of Maya history. The last 
 century of aboriginal rule presents a confused record 
 of strife, pestilence, and disasters, which leave the 
 country at the arrival of the Spaniards divided into 
 enfeebled and hostile factions, to offer an easier prey 
 to invaders. Yet they are still strong enough in 
 number and spirit to repel both C6rdoba and Grijalva^ 
 while reports of their meagre possessions serve to 
 speed Cortes onward to the richer Tenochtitlan. And 
 so Yucatan lies neglected, while the ocean paths on 
 either side teem with eager fortune-seekers.* 
 
 The remnant of a shipwrecked crew are the pio- 
 neers of Yucatan. It has already been related that 
 
 ' For which see Native Races, v. 614-15, this series. 
 * For a full account of their history and institutions sea Id,, ii. iii. v, 
 passim. 
 
430 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 in 1512 Valdivia and twenty of his men were thrown 
 upon the Maya shore, where, being seized by the 
 natives, several of them were offered in sacrifice, and 
 their roasted limbs devoured by the natives.^ Men- 
 tion has also been made of Cordoba's disastrous ex- 
 pedition in 1517, when, landing at Catoche, and after- 
 ward near the mouth of the river Champoton, he was 
 defeated with heavy loss and glad to escape to Cuba, 
 v/here a few days after his arrival he died of his 
 wounds.^ More fortunate was Grijalva, who, disem- 
 barking in the following year on the island of Cozu- 
 mel, was astonished to find there a town with paved 
 streets and structures of stone, but passing thence to 
 the mainland, failed to establish any permanent set- 
 tlement. 
 
 It will be remembered that on his way to Mexico 
 Cortes also touched at Cozumel, and skirting the coast 
 of the peninsula, landed at the Rio de Tabasco, where 
 he gave battle to the assembled warriors.^ 
 
 Among those who accompanied the expeditions of 
 Grijalva and Cortes was Francisco de Montejo whom 
 Bernal Diaz describes* as of medium stature and 
 pleasing aspect, lavish of expense, fond of pleasure, 
 and fitted rather for a business life than for that of a 
 soldier. Soon after the conquest Montejo set out for 
 Spain as the envoy of Cortes, and under a capitula- 
 cion with the emperor, dated November 17, 1526, was 
 appointed governor and captain-general of Yucatan 
 and Cozumel, with a salary of two hundred and fifty 
 thousand maravedis a year. 
 
 By the terms of this agreement he was required to 
 
 ^ Hist. Cent. Am.^ i. 350, this series. 
 
 ^ Hist. Mex.y i. 8-11, this series. For the origin of the name Yucatan 
 see Id. 
 
 Id., i. 78 et seq. During his expedition to Honduras in 1525, Cortds, 
 while at Trujillo, despatched a vessel to Mexico, with instructions to call at 
 Cozumel and take on board a party of Spaniards left there by Valenzuela. 
 Hifit. Cent. Am., i, 571-2, this series. It was the intention of the Spaniards 
 to establish at this island a calling-place for vessels en route between Mexico 
 and Honduras. 
 
 ^Hist. Verdai., 245. 
 
FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO. 
 
 431 
 
 build two forts at his own expense, wherever in the 
 territory he might deem best. He was allowed to 
 select as his own property ten square leagues of land. 
 He was to be entitled to four per cent of any royal 
 income that mio;ht be derived from his discoveries 
 and conquests, the amount to be payable to himself 
 and heirs after deducting the expenses of administra- 
 tion. Lands allotted to settlers were to be deeded to 
 them after they had been occupied and improved for 
 four ^'"ears. One half of the royal fines was to be 
 devoted, during the first five years, to public works 
 and to the building of hospitals. The enslavement of 
 Indian rebels and their purchase and sale were to be 
 permitted only where peaceful measures had proved 
 ineffectual. Montejo was specially enjoined to prohibit 
 the excesses which had attended previous discoveries 
 and conquests, and especially to forbid cruelty toward 
 the natives, all cases regarding their treatment to be 
 referred to the ecclesiastics, a number of whom were 
 to accompany the expedition; but this latter clause of 
 his contract the adelantado failed to observe.^ 
 
 A sufficient force was levied, and early in 1527 
 Montejo's armament left the shores of Spain, the 
 contador Alonso de Avila beinsf second in command. 
 Touching at Espanola for supplies, the expedition was 
 reenforced by many recruits, and a number of horses 
 were taken on board the vessels. On reaching Cozu- 
 mel, the Spaniards whose forces mustered about four 
 hundred, apart from the sailors, who manned their 
 flotilla of four ships, were received with all outward 
 show of friendship. Arriving at the mainland they 
 
 ^The full text of Montejo's capitulacion with the crown is given in Co- 
 gollvdo, Hist. Yucatlian, 62-73, and includes a cedula, dated November 17, 
 1526, bearing upon the general organization of expeditions of discovery and 
 and conquest. 
 
 Cof/ollvdo, Hist. Yucatlian, 74. This author states that only the sailors 
 received pay. Notwithstanding the terms of the capitulation no friars ac- 
 companied the expedition, nor could C'ogoUudo discover the name of any 
 ecclesiastic connected with it, except that of Francisco Hernandez. Herrera 
 asserts that Montejo equipped three vessels in which over 500 men emliarked, 
 dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iii. In Cartas de Indias, 806, the same statement is 
 made. Oviedo, iii. 225, affirms that he had two large vessels and 380 men. 
 
Yucatan. 
 
INVASION OF THE PENINSULA. 
 
 433 
 
 were allowed to disembark without opposition, and 
 unfurling the royal banner of Spain, cried Espanal 
 Espana! Viva Espana! while the natives looked on 
 with seeming indifference, but indifference feigned for 
 the purpose of luring them inland, where they might 
 be cut off from all hope of retreat to their ships. 
 
 The country seemed thickly peopled as the Span- 
 iards passed from village to village, and everywhere 
 quiet prevailed. Before they had penetrated far an 
 incident occurred which betrayed the real temper of 
 the inhabitants. Thrown off their guard by the ap- 
 parent friendliness of the people, the invaders held 
 free intercourse with them, and this heedlessness well- 
 nigh cost their commander his life. Snatching a 
 hanger from an attendant slave, one of the natives 
 aimed at him a sudden blow, which, but for a deft 
 motion on the part of the adelantado, had been fatal. 
 As it was, the savage paid for his temerity with his 
 Hfe. 
 
 Continuing their march across the peninsula, Mon- 
 tejo and his command encountered many hardships. 
 The country was rugged, difficult, and all but unknown 
 to the Spaniards; water was scarce; of rivers there 
 were none ; and provisions began to fall short. On 
 reaching the village of Choaco, where it was expected 
 supplies would be obtained, the place was found to be 
 deserted, and no morsel of food had been left behind. 
 Here the men rested for a time, and then worn and 
 spiritless resumed their journey, now advancing with- 
 out fear of opposition on the town of Ake in the 
 northern part of the peninsula. 
 
 Oviedo's account, iii. 225 et seq., differs materially from, that of Cogo- 
 Uudo and other authorities. He states that Montejo, after remaining three 
 days at Cozumel, crossed to Yucatan, where he landed half a league from the 
 village of Xala, and there encamping, built a town which he named Sala- 
 manca. Want of jjrovisions, says the chronicler, bad water, and an unwhole- 
 some climate rapidly thinned the ranks, and caused desertion; to prevent 
 which he stranded his vessels and landed the cargoes. The discrepancies 
 between Oviedo's version and that of other historians are elsewhere so essen- 
 tial that he appears to be describing entirely different expeditions. Several 
 native villages which, according to the former, the adelantado visited, are 
 not even mentioned in Cogolludo. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 28 
 
CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 But as yet they knew little of the character of their 
 foe. There were among Montejo's command veterans 
 who had borne the brunt of the fight during the 
 darkest hours of the Noche Triste, but even they 
 had not seen a more appalling sight than that which 
 greeted them, when, on the early dawn of a winter 
 day, toward the close of 1527,^^ they approached this 
 town. "Hordes of Indians, hideous in their war- 
 ppjnt, came forth," says Oviedo, *'like fiercest devils 
 from their lurking place;" and so vast was their num- 
 ber that it seemed as if all the rulers of Yucatan had 
 massed their forces for the coming struggle. Nor 
 could they have selected a spot more favorable for a 
 battle-field. The ground was narrow, unfavorable for 
 the action of cavalry, and such that the Spaniards 
 being unable to deplore their ranks could make but 
 little use of their fire-arms, and were in danger of being 
 crushed by the mere weight of the enemy's columns. 
 
 While Montejo was speaking words of cheer to his 
 men and bidding them stand firm before the shock, 
 his voice was drowned by the uproar of the oncom- 
 ing masses, as they mingled with their war-cries the 
 shrill blasts of their conch-shell trumpets. Flights of 
 arrows were aimed at the Spaniards at short range, and 
 the next moment their lances pointed with sharpened 
 flint, and wielding double-handed swords of hardest 
 wood, the Indians grappled with their foe. Never- 
 theless the adelantado held his ground, and beating 
 back the assailants a short distance let loose at them 
 his cavalry and blood-hounds. The horsemen were 
 in turn pushed back by sheer weight of numbers, and 
 again the natives advanced to the attack. 
 
 Thus till dark the combat lasted, neither side gain- 
 ing decisive advantage. The night was spent by the 
 Spaniards in dressing their wounds and obtaining what 
 little rest they could, the natives meanwhile bringing 
 up fresh reenforcements. With the morning the 
 
 ^2 The exact date of this battle cannot be ascertained, but it was certainly- 
 near the close of this year. Cojollvdo, Hist. Yticathany 77-8. 
 
SEVERE FIGHTING. 
 
 435 
 
 conflict was renewed, and until mid-day the scale of 
 victory liung in the balance, when the natives falling 
 back in some disorder, Montejo ordered a final charge 
 on their wavering ranks. This put them to flight, 
 and the Spaniards, too exhausted for pursuit, flung 
 themselves on the ground amid the corpses of twelve 
 hundred of the foe, having lost one third of their own 
 number during the battle. 
 
 No further resistance was made, and the adelantado 
 taking possession of the town of Ake remained there 
 during the winter. Breaking camp early in 1528, he 
 put his troops in motion toward Chichen Itza.^^ Here 
 he impressed into his service a number of natives, 
 and erecting a fort and dwellings of timber gave to 
 the settlement the name of Salamanca. No outward 
 signs of dissatisfaction were shown, and after this 
 battle the inhabitants submitted patiently to the yoke, 
 which for the time they felt themselves unable to 
 shake off. Montejo then distributed the surrounding 
 territory and its inhabitants among his followers, the 
 natives apparently accepting their lot without a mur- 
 mur. 
 
 Had this expedition been in charge of an able 
 leader it would probably have been successful; but 
 Montejo was unfitted for command. Already he had 
 allowed himself to be surprised, and now, surrounded 
 as he was by bands of Indians whom he imagined to 
 be subdued, he committed the fatal blunder of dividino- 
 his forces. A rumor was current throughout his 
 camp — one raised doubtless by the natives for the 
 purpose of hastening the overthrow of the invaders — 
 that in the district of Bacalar^* rich gold mines were 
 to be found. Yielding to the clamor of his men, he 
 despatched in that direction Alonso de Avila with a 
 
 An Indian phrase meaning mouths of the wells (bocas de pozos), the 
 words referring to two large water-tanks built there. Castillo, Die. Hist. Yuc. , 
 i. 247. 
 
 ^' Called Bakhahal by some old chroniclers. At the mouth of the Bacalar 
 Kiver. On the east coast is a town called by Jefferys, 1776, and Kiepert, 
 1858, Bacalar. Ogilby, 1671, Dampier, 1679, Laet, 1633, Salamanca. Cartog. 
 Pac. Coast, MS., i. 332. 
 
436 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 band of fifty foot and seventeen horse, the choicest 
 troops of his command. Arriving at the town of 
 Chable, a place distant more than forty leagues from 
 Montejo's headquarters, and one where gold was sup- 
 posed to exist, the Spaniards commenced their search, 
 but found no trace of the precious metal. Meeting 
 here with an outward show of friendship and even 
 with friendly services, the contador sent to the lord 
 of Chetumal,^^ a neighboring region and one also sup- 
 posed to be auriferous, asking for information as to the 
 mines and for a supply of provisions. The reply was 
 stern and severely laconic. ''Of gold," said he of 
 Chetumal, ''I scorn to speak; of fowls you shall have 
 all that you can take from the points of our lances, and 
 we will send you maize in the shape of flights of arrows." 
 
 A.vila was an officer whose courage none disputed, 
 but one sorely lacking in the quality which is deemed 
 valor's counterpart. Although under strict injunc- 
 tions from Montejo to use only peaceful measures, he 
 set forth at once with half his force to punish the in- 
 solence of this Indian noble, taking with him some of 
 the friendly caciques to assist in the discovery of 
 the mines. But again the Spaniards were disap- 
 pointed, and after a long and useless search they 
 marched against the proud chieftain of Chetumal,^^ 
 who dared thus to hurl scorn on Christian soldiers. 
 Approaching his town^^ they found their path stopped 
 by far-spreading swamps and lagoons, across which, 
 with much difficulty, they made their way in canoes. 
 Soon they came in sight of ripening fields of maize 
 and fruit and cacao, and halting here for a brief 
 
 Situated a little to the east of Amatique Bay, on a large river which 
 rises in a lake in Guatemala, or perhaps in Lake Nicaragua, and flows into 
 the Golfo Dulce. Mercator, 1569, CJietemal; West-Ind. Spiefjhel, 1624, Chete- 
 mal. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 266. 
 
 Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 80. 
 
 Among others the chiefs of the province of Guamil. Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 100. 
 
 Their line of march is described in Ovkdo, iii. 245, but as already stated, 
 Oviedo dififers from other chroniclers in his narrative of the conquest of Yu- 
 catan. 
 
 Here was also abundance of honey as good as any found in Spain; but 
 the wax was as black as jet. Oviedo, iii. 245-6, 
 
TACTICS OF CHETUMAL. 
 
 437 
 
 space to refresh themselves, advanced to give battle. 
 But in their revenge, as in their lust for gold, the 
 Spaniards were doomed once more to disappointment. 
 Chetumal had fled."^ 
 
 Avila took up his quarters in the chieftain's town. 
 ^'A place then containing two thousand houses," says 
 Oviedo, '^and distant but two leagues from the sea." 
 Sending to Chable for the remainder of his force he 
 determined to establish here a Spanish settlement, and 
 give to it the name of Yilla Real.^^ What fairer or 
 safer spot could be found for the site of a new colony ? 
 The lord of Chetumal had every chance of making 
 good his boast, when the Spaniards, crossing the 
 lagoons in their frail canoes, could make little use of 
 their weapons, and up to this time he had been skulk- 
 ing a fugitive from his capital without striking a blow 
 for its defence. 
 
 But the contador was now to learn that Chetumal 
 was no mere braggart. From certain natives cap- 
 tured during a scouting expedition, he ascertained 
 that the chieftain occupied an intrenched camp a few 
 leag^ues from the town, and was about to ioin his men 
 with, those of the neighboring caciques. Avila at once 
 marched against him, and taking him by surprise de- 
 feated his forces. Nevertheless he felt somewhat ill at 
 ease, and resolving to open communications with the 
 adelantado, despatched six messengers to his camp, 
 telling them that their return would be expected within 
 sixty days. Meanwhile Chetumal was not idle. Ally- 
 ing himself with the caciques of the surrounding dis- 
 trict, he assembled his forces for a purpose which the 
 Spaniards could not fathom, for he ventured on no 
 attack. 
 
 Many months elapsed, weary months of waiting, 
 
 20 Gold -was secured to the value of 600 pesos, according to Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 101-2; 1,000, according to Oviedo. 
 
 2^ The place was 40 leagues distant from Salamanca. Cerezeda, Carta, in 
 Squiers 3ISS., xx. 50, and was named after Avila's birthplace. Oviedo, iii. 
 244-6. From Chable to Chetumal was a journey of seven leagues. Ddvila, 
 Ikl, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 103. 
 
438 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 and the contador began to realize that the answer ot 
 the lord of Chetumal was not an idle boast. His little 
 band was surrounded by countless hordes, who began 
 to harass him in ceaseless petty encounter; but yet 
 for many weeks Avila remained in Villa Real,^^ daily 
 looking for aid from the adelantado. None came; 
 nor any tidings from Chichen Itza. Ammunition 
 was nearly exhausted, and the beleaguered Spaniards 
 began to look upon themselves as doomed, for the foe 
 attacked them almost daily, showing no sign of fear. 
 Their only hope was to cut their way out of the place 
 without further delay. 
 
 In sorry plight Avila's band set forth to traverse 
 the sixty leagues that separated them from their com- 
 rades. All along their route were evidences of a 
 wide-spread plan to exterminate them. Some towns 
 were abandoned ; others were secretly fortified to serve 
 as man-traps; no provisions could be found; and as 
 they advanced hostilities became more active, until 
 at length, being driven back on one of the deserted 
 towns and hemmed in on all sides, they sat down in 
 despair. An Indian whose life the contador had saved 
 attempted to lead them, in the silence of the night, 
 by an unfrequented path through the woods. Still 
 they were pursued and their progress disputed at 
 every step. All hope of escape by land being aban- 
 doned, they fought their way to the coast, all that 
 .were left of them, where finding some canoes they 
 proceeded along the shore, living on berries and 
 shell-fish, until they came to Trujillo, in Hon- 
 duras.^* 
 
 22 Oviedo says that he occupied the place for more than a year. iii. 246. 
 
 2^CogollucIo says the messengers were killed 13 leagues from Villa Real. 
 Hist. Yucathan, 81. Oviedo affirms that they were massacred while at sup- 
 per in fancied security, iii. 246. 
 
 2^ According to a statement made by Avila and his officers to Cerezeda, then 
 governor of Honduras, and narrated in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 
 98-113, the survivors were in Trujillo on the 18th of March, 1533. In Oviedo, 
 iii. 254, it is stated that the journey from Villa Real to Trujillo occupied 
 seven months, and in Herrera, that they saved their horses by rafting 
 together their canoes. As the coast was low, and in parts overflowed, they 
 could not find a suitable spot for landing, dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix. 
 
CRITICAL SITUATION. 
 
 439 
 
 Meanwhile nothing was known by Montejo of the 
 fate of Avila's command. Surrounded by hostile 
 hordes he was cut off from his base of supplies. His 
 foraging parties were captured or driven back, and the 
 natives became so fearless that his men were seldom 
 allowed to devour their meal of roots and horse-flesh 
 without having to exchange shots with the enemy. 
 No sleep could be had unless strong picket-guards 
 were posted. In this intermittent warfare occurred 
 many single acts of bravery and skill on both sides. 
 "One of the Spanish archers," says Cogolludo, ''in- 
 flicted great injuries upon the natives, skilfully direct- 
 ing his aim at the leaders. An Indian equally dexterous 
 in the use of the bow resolved on his death. The 
 Indian simulated carelessness, and the archer shot a 
 dart from his cross-bow which apparently took effect; 
 but as the Indian was prepared, the Spaniard received 
 almost simultaneously an arrow in the arm. The 
 Indian being indeed severely wounded in the breast, 
 rather than it should be said he had died at the hands 
 of the Spaniard, withdrew and hanged himself" Such 
 was the quality of their patriotism ; and yet Cogolludo 
 is at a loss to understand why the natives were so 
 relentless in their war upon the Spaniards ! 
 
 At length a desperate battle was fought, one of the 
 severest known in the annals of Indian warfare. The 
 Spaniards had no alternative but to meet the foe on 
 the open plain, for an immense multitude had assembled 
 to crush them. The battle was indecisive; but when 
 the Spaniards returned to camp one hundred and fifty 
 of their number lay dead upon the field, and few of 
 the survivors escaped unwounded. 
 
 After this engagement Montejo's only thought was 
 to save himself and the remnant of his force ; but how, 
 when so beset, were his wounded men to escape across 
 the many leagues of rugged country that separated 
 them from their ships? Indeed, they had well-nigh 
 given themselves up for lost when a ruse was hit upon 
 which is commonly attributed to the adelantado, but 
 
440 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 was probably the invention of some more ingenious 
 brain. Tying a hungry dog to the tongue of a large 
 bell suspended from the limb of a tree, they placed 
 food above the animal, but out of reach. Then they 
 made a sally, which was but a feint, in order to 
 reconnoitre the enemy's camp, and draw them ofl' from 
 their pathway of escape. AH being ready they crept 
 stealthily forth under cover of the night, leaving the 
 dog to ring deception regarding their watchful pres- 
 ence. Thus some hours were gained, and when the 
 enemy discovered the trick and a number pursued, 
 they dared not openly attack. 
 
 Reaching the town of Silan,^^ in the territory of 
 the Cheles, a friendly people, they remained in that 
 neighborhood for several months, and thence made 
 their way to Salamanca, where they arrived some 
 time in 1532, and were soon afterward rejoined by 
 Avila and all that was left of his command. 
 
 Once more Montejo displays his unfitness for com- 
 
 2^ A harbor and town on the nortn coast, some 21 leagues east by north 
 from Merida. In Ogilby, 1671, is given Morras de Silaa; Dampier, 1699, 
 Selam; KLiepert, Vijia de Silan. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 374. 
 
 2^ In Herrera's narrative are many perplexities and contradictions as to 
 Montejo's expedition. In dec. iv. lib. x. cap. i., he says: * The adelantado 
 abandoned Chichen Itza in 1531, went to Campeche for a few months, and 
 then proceeded with his men to New Spain, where he lived some years im- 
 portuning assistance to renew his attempt.' In dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix., he 
 affirms ' that in 1532 Montejo was settled in Salamanca, where j^vila on his 
 return from Villa Real and Trujillo found him.' Again, in dec. v. lib. ix. 
 cap. viii., he states *that in 1535 the adelantado, the contador, and their 
 men were at Salamanca, and that at this time Montejo left Yucatan and went 
 to Mexico to ask aid from the newly arrived viceroy.' Speaking of the 
 natives, he stigmatizes them as 'mendacious and perfidious creatures, who 
 never killed a Spaniard except by treachery; ' utterly oblivious of the numer- 
 ous encounters in which, by reason of native courage and endurance, it often 
 went hard with their hated destroyers. Herrera may be used, but cannot be 
 wholly trusted when writing on Yucatan. 
 
 2^ When Avila and his men arrived at Trujillo, he was supplied with arms 
 and horses by the colonists, and with such articles of clothing as they could 
 spare, although, no vessel from Spain having reached there for three years, 
 they were themselves in need of raiment. See Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series. 
 Soon afterward two ships arriving from Cuba, the contador put his men on 
 board, and thus rejoined Montejo. From Avila's own narrative to the 
 king, dated from Salamanca, June 23, 1533, we learn that he had been 25 
 days at Trujillo, and was forced to leave 16 of his men behind. He refers to 
 another report by Valencia, an officer of Montejo, also addressed to the king. 
 JJdvila, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 97-128. 'Avila, 
 after two years' absence, returned to Montejo's camp, by way of Trujillo.* 
 Montejo, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 129. 
 
MONTEJO'S INCOMPETENCY". 
 
 441 
 
 mand. No sooner had this reenforcement arrived than 
 he despatches the contador with fifty men into the in- 
 terior, remaining himself in an intrenched camp with 
 the same number. And untaught by previous disas- 
 ters, no sooner does he thus again divide his Icrces 
 than hostile natives appear, "More than twenty thou- 
 sand of them were soon in the field," says Cogolludo. 
 While attempting to conciliate them the governor 
 narrowly escapes capture and sacrifice to their idols. 
 " On hearing a tumult outside his camp," the chronicler 
 writes, ''the adelantado went out on horseback to see 
 if he could pacify the natives. They were divided 
 into several groups, and approaching one of them 
 which was posted on a small eminence, he asked them 
 whether they were angry, saying that as no harm had 
 been done to them there was no cause for the revolt. 
 The Indians, who had resolved to murder all the 
 Spaniards, approached him as soon as they heard his 
 voice, and having surrounded him, some of them 
 seized his lance, while others held his horse by the 
 reins. They were in the act of dragging him from his 
 saddle, when Bias Gonzalez, seeing his peril, charged 
 at the enemy, and fought with such desperate courage 
 that he prevented his commander from being cap- 
 tured, until others coming to their help they were res- 
 cued, though both were wounded, and the horse of 
 Gonzalez was fatally injured." 
 
 Warfare, hardship, and desertion had now so greatly 
 thinned Montejo's ranks, that he resolved to proceed 
 to New Spain for recruits and supplies, for the em- 
 peror had given orders that he should there receive 
 all needful assistance. He soon levied a sufficient force ; 
 but when on the point of departure he heard that the 
 
 2^ In a letter to the king, dated Gracias a Dios, Dec. 26, 1545, Montejo 
 says that his jjeople deserted him in Yucatan because there was neither gold 
 nor silver there, and made for Peru, and that after occupying the territory for 
 nine years he was compelled to abandon it. Carta, Squiers MSS., xxii. 128. 
 It is somewhat singular that in a letter to the king, mentioned in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, i. 4G3, Guzman should have jjetitioned that the gold and 
 silver might be coined at Espanola, where they had silver from Yucatan. 
 
 ^''In a cedula issued from Ocana, April 4, 1531, 
 
442 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 inhabitants of Tabasco, a district that lay within his 
 territory, had risen in revolt, and taking with him 
 sixty men he started thither, directing his son Fran- 
 cisco to proceed with the remainder to Salamanca. 
 
 Here again this effeminate commander makes a 
 mistake in applying to his purpose means just too 
 weak for its accomplishment. The Tabascans could 
 not be pacified by so slender a force ; so he sent Gon- 
 zalez Nieto with two vessels to Salamanca, ordering 
 every Spaniard there to come to his aid. And well 
 was it for his people at Salamanca that their help was 
 needed, for they were besieged and in a pitiable con- 
 dition, hemmed in, as Cogolludo tells it, on the spot 
 where they had landed; they had been compelled to 
 make constant sorties for food, and obtained so little 
 that their commander himself and five others were 
 all who had strength left to watch over the living 
 skeletons of Francisco's command. 
 
 Before the end of 1535 not a single Spaniard was 
 left in Yucatan. Nor was Montejo more successful 
 in Tabasco, until being joined by Diego de Contreras 
 with a small band of veterans, and receiving other 
 reenforcements, he succeeded in subjugating this por- 
 tion of his territory. He then resolved once more to 
 attempt the conquest of the peninsula. In 1537 men 
 and supplies were obtained in New Spain, whence 
 Montejo sailed for the Rio Champoton, whence he 
 proceeded at the head of one hundred men toward 
 Acalan, a town which Cortes had told him held com- 
 mercial intercourse with the farthest limits of Cen- 
 tral America. Falling sick by the way, he intrusted 
 the command to Avila, who on approaching the town 
 sent messages of peace by certain of his captives. 
 But the recollection of the visit of Cortes was yet 
 fresh in the minds of the natives,^^ and on his arrival 
 the contador found the place deserted. The following 
 day many of the natives returned, whereupon their 
 caciques were placed in irons, in the hope of extorting 
 
 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 54G-7, this series. 
 
THE ADELAI^TABO'S SON. 
 
 443 
 
 information of gold supposed to be thereabout. Avila 
 purposed to establish a settlement there, giving to it 
 the former name of Salamanca; but after failure to 
 find gold they returned to Champoton, that is, those 
 of them remaining alive. 
 
 Meanwhile the adelantado, leaving his son Francisco 
 again in command, had returned to Tabasco, whence 
 he purposed to send recruits and supplies. The troops 
 had been allowed to disembark without opposition, and 
 for a time were not molested; but at midnight, a few 
 days after their landing, the approaches to their camp 
 were crowded with stealthily gliding figures; and the 
 Spaniards, roused from slumber by the cry of a senti- 
 nel as he fell pierced to the heart, had barely time to 
 grasp their weapons when the foe was upon them. 
 For hours the stillness of the night was broken by 
 the yells of the wounded and the groans of the dying, 
 as a desperate hand-to-hand struggle was maintained 
 in which the Indians would not yield and their ene- 
 mies had no alternative but to fight or die. At length 
 the assailants were repulsed; and for a brief space 
 hostilities were suspended, the natives taking advan- 
 tage of the opportunity to send fleet messengers over 
 the country summoning the caciques to arms. Soon 
 the Spaniards were again in a state of siege. All 
 provisions being removed they were compelled to live 
 mainly on fish, and two of their number straying 
 from camp were captured by the Indians, who sacri- 
 ficed and ate them. 
 
 The caciques were now ready to attack, and the 
 assault was made in such overwhelming force that 
 after a stubborn resistance the Spaniards were com- 
 pelled to retreat to their boats, whither the natives 
 pursued them. Arraying themselves in the garments 
 the Spaniards had left, the natives pointed the finger 
 at them with scorn and gibe as the invaders pulled 
 from shore. Where now is the courage of you 
 Spaniards?" they cried. Maddened by these taunts, 
 Francisco and his men resolved to die rather than suf- 
 
444 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 fer such disgrace. Putting back, they gave battle, 
 and after a desperate struggle won the day, forcing 
 the natives back, step by step, till they regained pos- 
 session of their camp. 
 
 The result of it all was cessation from hostilities and 
 a truce ; but every effort to penetrate the interior ended 
 in failure, and the Spaniards were compelled to remain 
 in the neighborhood of their camp. Here disease and 
 famine rapidly thinned their ranks, and before long 
 nineteen gaunt and sickly figures were all that sur- 
 vived of Francisco's band.^^ Still they remained at 
 their post, their wants being occasionally relieved by 
 passing vessels, but neither supplies nor reenforcements 
 reached them from Tabasco, though a few men and a 
 small store of provisions had previously been sent, prob- 
 ably from Honduras, of which province, in answer to 
 his own petition and that of the settlers at Trujillo, 
 Montejo had been appointed governor. But this relief 
 was insufficient; nor was it an easy matter to enlist 
 recruits, for throughout the New World the fame of 
 Pizarro's conquest was on every tongue, while the 
 poverty of Yucatan was almost as widely known. At 
 length, being no longer able to endure their hardships, 
 the commander set forth to ask aid from the adelan- 
 tado, leaving his cousin and namesake in charge of 
 the camp.^^ 
 
 But help was long delayed, and matters in the 
 mean time became worse. Some of the Spaniards 
 threatened to desert, whereupon their captain, bring- 
 ing them in the presence of their comrades, bade 
 them depart at once. The men hung their heads 
 and begged leave to remain. Finally the question of 
 
 3^ The names of six of them are given in Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 117. 
 
 ^^Montejo's appointment as governor of Honduras was dated 1535, but he 
 did not receive it till the following year. Oviedo, iii. 314. 
 
 ^'■^ Before his departure Francisco Gil, one of Pedro de Alvarado's captains, 
 arrived at the mouth of a river then known as the Tanochil, or Tenozic, sonie 
 distance to the north of the Champoton. Here he founded a settlement which 
 he named San Pedro, but his men suflfered greatly from privation. Being 
 visited by the adelantado's son he abandoned his claim. Cogollvdo, Hkt. Yuca- 
 than, 117-18. 
 
FOUNDING OF CAMPECHE. 
 
 445 
 
 abandoning the settlement was openly discussed, and 
 only through the persuasions of Francisco were they 
 induced to remain till relief might come from Tabasco. 
 
 But that relief was long delayed.^* During the 
 year 1539 vessels despatched by the adelantado ar- 
 rived at the settlement, with men bringing provisions, 
 arms, clothing, and a number of recruits, and shortly 
 afterward the adelantado's son returned by way of 
 New Spain in command of twenty horse. About 
 this time Montejo, having resigned in favor of Pedro 
 de Alvarado his claim to Honduras, and received in 
 exchange certain territory in Chiapas, set forth for 
 the latter province about the middle of December. 
 Thence he sent for his son and formally transferred to 
 him, with certain reservations,^^ his rights and powers 
 over Yucatan. A month later Francisco returned 
 with a good store of supplies, and in accordance with 
 his instructions, at once began the removal of his 
 headquarters at Campeche. 
 
 He had proceeded but a short distance when his 
 party was assailed by a large band of natives. The 
 latter were routed, but along the Spaniards' pathway 
 trenches had been dug and embankments thrown up 
 at each favorable point; and they were compelled to 
 fight at every step. So great was the slaughter of 
 the Indians that they often fought behmd a wall 
 of their own dead. At length the goal was reached ; 
 and in 1540 was founded there a settlement named 
 San Francisco de Campeche. 
 
 No sooner had this colony been organized than 
 Francisco despatched his cousin with a party of fifty- 
 seven men to the district of Quepech and the town 
 of Tihoo. During this expedition also great hard- 
 ships were encountered. Fortifications constantly 
 
 So long that one of their party, Juan da Contreras, was sent to apprise 
 the adelantado of their desperate strait. Whether Montejo himself re- 
 turned to Yucatan at this time is doubtful. Id., 121-2. 
 
 ^^In a document dated Ciudad Real, 1540, the adelantado reserves to 
 himself the district of Tutul Xiu and the towns of Techaque, Campeche, 
 and Ciudad Real, the Spaniards being ordered to remove to Campeche. 
 CogoUvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 123-5. 
 
446 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAK. 
 
 obstructed their progress; the country was cleared 
 of provisions; crops were destroyed; there were no 
 streams on their hne of march, and the wells had 
 been filled with rocks. Their road, a narrow path 
 cut through the forest, was encumbered with putres- 
 cent carcasses. One night, while in camp, their tents 
 and baggage were set on fire, and thus they lost 
 nearly all their eflects. Nevertheless they continued 
 the march, sending word of their disaster to the 
 commander, and at length reached their destination. 
 Here they were joined by forty others bringing sup- 
 plies from Campeche. Taking up their quarters at 
 Tihoo, they were visited by a number of natives, 
 who asked, "What do ye here, you Spaniards? Those 
 coming against you are more numerous than the hairs 
 on the deer." The reply was that the Spaniards would 
 go forth to meet them. True to their word they 
 went, and coming up with them a few leagues from 
 the town, put them to rout. 
 
 Francisco himself soon arrived at Tihoo with all 
 his force, and receiving the submission of several 
 caciques, resolved to found there a city, his command 
 being united and mustering about two hundred men. 
 But one more battle had yet to be fought. On a cer- 
 tain evening in June 1541, while celebrating the feast 
 of Saint Barnabas, the Spaniards beheld, from the 
 hillock on which their camp was pitched, a hostile 
 host swarming into the surrounding plain. At day- 
 break they found themselves surrounded, the number 
 of their foes being estimated at from forty to seventy 
 thousand. Without waiting to be attacked, the 
 Spaniards descended to the level ground, and deploy- 
 ing their forces gave battle. After fighting till nearly 
 sunset the natives were driven from the field, and so 
 great was the carnage that the Spaniards were often 
 compelled to climb over heaps of the dead in pursuit 
 of the living This battle decided the fate of the 
 natives of Yucatan. Although they frequently rose 
 again in rebellion, and their final subjugation was not 
 
ANOTHER SALAMANCA. 
 
 447 
 
 effected until several years later, they never united 
 their forces for a general engagement. 
 
 On January 6, 1542, the Spaniards founded on the 
 site of Tihoo a city to which they gave the name of 
 Merida.^^ Thence young Montejo extended his con- 
 quest eastward to the districts of Conil and Choaca. 
 On the 28th of May, 1543, he founded, in the latter 
 territory, the city of Yalladolid, but afterward changed 
 its site to a more favorable location. 
 
 Zatuta, a region occupied by the Cocomes, and 
 Bacalar were also brought under subjection, the latter 
 by Gaspar Pacheco, who with a sufficient force accom- 
 plished his task by inflicting on the hapless natives 
 such diabolic atrocities as can hardly be believed. He 
 used to amuse himself by clubbing men to death or 
 by chopping off their hands, ears, and noses ; and cut- 
 ting off the more tender parts from the bodies of his 
 female captives, ordered them to be thrown into a lake, 
 with calabashes tied to their feet, and there left to 
 drown. In Bacalar was founded, during 1544, the 
 city of Salamanca,^^ the second of that name in Yu- 
 catan. 
 
 Two years later the last organized revolt oc- 
 curred among the natives. Of all nations brought 
 under Spanish domination, the Ah Kupules in east- 
 ern Yucatan were the stubbornest. Leaguing with 
 the neighboring caciques, they rose in revolt, attack- 
 ing the settlement of Yalladolid, after putting to 
 death all the colonists at their encomiendas through- 
 out the adjacent districts. It was on the 9th of 
 November, 1546, that the insurrection broke out. 
 I will cite a few incidents. The first victims were 
 
 The names of the original vecinos are given in Cogollvdo, Hist. YucatJian, 
 137-8, 165-7. 
 
 To Zaqui, a site six leagues distant from the ocean, and one affording 
 easy access to the port known by the Spaniards as ' El Cuyo.' It was again 
 changed to a spot farther inland. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 159-63. See also 
 Notas Voc. Geogra/., in Cartas de Indias, 696. 
 
 For an account of Pacheco's expedition and of the founding of Sala- 
 manca, see Bienvenida's letter in Cartas de Indias, 12-1; Yucatan, Simancas, 
 Squiej-'s 3ISS., xxii. 53-7; Bienvenida, Lettre^ in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., 
 serie i. torn. x. 307-43. 
 
448 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 two brothers named Diego and Juan Cansino, the 
 sons of one of the conquerors of New Spain. Un- 
 conscious of their danger, they were living at the 
 Indian town of Chemax, granted to them in encomi- 
 enda, and being attacked, while unarmed, by a mul- 
 titude, were overpowered and captured. Fastening 
 them to crosses, and retiring to such a distance that 
 their weapons would not prove immediately fatal, 
 they fired arrows at them, uttering all the impreca- 
 tions contained in their verancular against the religion 
 of their victims. For many hours these young men 
 were forced to endure this torture. At sunset, their 
 bodies riddled with darts, they expired, chanting the 
 salve regina with their dying breath. Their heads 
 were then chopped off and borne as trophies by the 
 leaders of the revolt, and their bodies cut into small 
 pieces and sent all over the districts in token of the 
 uprising. 
 
 Other encomiendas were attacked, and their owners 
 treated with similar atrocity, or offered in sacrifice. 
 Two only escaped. Diego Gonzalez de Ayala, with 
 the aid of a negro slave, forced his way through a 
 band of natives which had surrounded his dwelling, 
 and galloped off toward Valladolid, eight leagues dis- 
 tant, hotly pursued. Their horses were soon ex- 
 hausted, and they knew that on foot they would soon 
 be overtaken. Thereupon they turned and dismounted, 
 holding their pursuers at bay until their horses were 
 rested; and thus the two reached the settlement in 
 safety. " On the roadside," says Cogolludo, '*is a fruit- 
 tree which is now called the tree of the hook, because 
 here Ayala, riding up sorely fatigued, and feeling 
 that his only refuge was in flight, unbuckled his shield 
 and hung it on one of the branches." 
 
 After sixteen Spaniards had thus been slaughtered 
 at the encomiendas in the neighborhood of Valladolid, 
 the Indians united their forces to attack the town. 
 At this time its garrison mustered only twenty men; 
 but sending for assistance to Mdrida, they sallied 
 
DEATH OF MONTEJO. 
 
 449 
 
 forth to meet the enemy, leavmg three or four of 
 their nmnber in the fortifications, with orders to beat 
 drums and make all the uproar possible, and thus 
 impress the foe with the belief that a strong guard 
 was stationed there. Astonished at their boldness, 
 the natives forebore to advance, and by making fre- 
 quent sorties the besieged held them in check until 
 young Montejo with a considerable force came to 
 their relief Soon after his arrival the Spaniards 
 marched forth to give battle, and after a stubborn 
 fight put the enemy to rout, though with the loss of 
 twenty of their own number and five hundred of their 
 native allies. 
 
 By adopting peaceful measures after the victory, 
 the adelantado's son succeeded in pacifying the dis- 
 turbed districts, and though in 1547 the territory of 
 the Chetumals was the scene of a slight outbreak, 
 which was suppressed without bloodshed by the politic 
 measures of Juan de Aguilar, it may be said that all 
 concerted resistance was at an end. Thus at lensfth 
 there was peace in Yucatan; but the conquest of this 
 sterile peninsula had cost the lives of more Spaniards 
 than had been expended in wresting from the Incas 
 and the Montezumas the wealthiest empires of the 
 western world.^^ 
 
 Although Francisco de Montejo had been allowed 
 to remain nominally at the head of affairs in Yucatan, 
 the circumstances under which its subjugation had 
 been effected precluded him from any real claim to 
 authority. One of the first measures of the audien- 
 cia de los confines had been an attempt to enforce a 
 royal decree, by which he was to be deprived of office. 
 In 1545 the oidor Rogel was ordered to take his resi- 
 dencia; but Montejo was son-in-law to the president, 
 and it was arranged that the investigation should be 
 held at Chiapas. Here none came to accuse him, 
 
 Cogolludo estimates the loss of the Spaniards in Yucatan up to 1547 at 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. n. 29 
 
450 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 and the proceedings amounted to nothing. Of course 
 the governor was allowed to retain his title. Again 
 in 1548, during which year the province was made 
 subject to the audiencia of Mexico/*^ the licentiate 
 Diego de Herrera v/as ordered to proceed to Merida 
 and take the residencias of the adelantado, his son 
 and nephew. The principal charges brought against 
 Montejo^^ are those of unlawfully abstracting funds 
 from the royal treasury, and of refusing to liberate 
 his slaves in the face of repeated orders from the 
 government. 
 
 In spite of all prohibitions, slave labor was com- 
 mon throughout the province, and in 1549 the India 
 Council, learning from the reports of missionaries 
 that no heed was given to their injunctions, caused 
 a real provision to be sent to the province, wherein 
 all the settlers were ordered at once to release their 
 bondsmen, and were promised in return a compensa- 
 tion for the loss of their services.*^ During the year 
 the oidor Santillan arrived at Merida with full power 
 to corrrct abuses; and once more the governor was 
 subjected to residencia.*^ Before the investigation 
 was completed Francisco de Montejo bid farewell to 
 the scene of his many disasters and his bitter humili- 
 ations. Returning to his native land, advanced in 
 years, despoiled of office, and shattered in health and 
 fortune, he sought redress at the court of Spain, but 
 
 *®In 1547 the cabildo of Merida petitioned for this change, because Gra- 
 cias a Dios, then the seat of the audiencia de los confines, was far distant 
 from Yucatan, and the journey was attended with great danger, whereas one 
 could reach Vera Cruz by sea within eight days. Squiers MSS., xxii. 14, 15, 
 103. 
 
 *^They are given in full va. Bienvenida, Lettre^ in Ternaux-CompanSt Voy.t 
 s6rie i. torn. x. 320-33. 
 
 ^■^It does not appear that either Montejo or his heirs received any imme- 
 diate benefit from the promised compensation; for in CogoUvdo, Hist. Yuca- 
 than, 277-85, we learn that the matter was in litigation between 1561 and 
 1G18. In the latter year a decision was rendered in favor of Dona Catalina, 
 Monte jo's daughter. 
 
 Santillan s instructions were not to investigate matters which had pre- 
 viously been sifted by Herrera. Puga, Cedulario, 166. CogoUudo mentions 
 that this third residencia was generally regretted by the settlers, and in Mon- 
 tejo, Carta, Sqiders MSS., xxii. 104-5, 127-30, is related the adelantado's plea 
 for quick justice. 
 
MISSIONARIES ON THE PENINSULA. 
 
 451 
 
 while there pleading his cause was summoned to re- 
 ceive his sentence before the great tribunal where all 
 must one day render an account/* 
 
 In the agreement which Montejo made with the 
 crown before proceeding to Yucatan, it was expressly 
 stipulated that missionaries should accompany all his 
 expeditions, and to his failure to fulfil this part of 
 his agreement may be attributed many of his disasters. 
 In 1530 a cedula was forwarded to the audiencia of 
 Mexico, ordering that special efforts be made to supply 
 this omission, and soon afterward Father Jacobo de 
 Testera, with four others, arrived at the Spanish en- 
 campment on the Champoton/^ They met with a 
 friendly reception from the natives, says Cogolludo, 
 *'who brought to them their idols to be cast to the 
 flames, and their children to be instructed in the 
 faitli." Many of the caciques tendered their alle- 
 giance ; and but for the misconduct of a band of fugi- 
 tive criminals, who, passing through the territory 
 laden with idolatrous spoils, attempted to barter them 
 for slaves, thus rousing the anger of the natives, the 
 conquest of Yucatan might have been peaceably ef- 
 fected. Seeing that their lives were in danger, the 
 friars made their escape by night, setting their faces 
 toward Mexico ; but after proceeding some fifty leagues 
 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 245, affirms that Montejo died in Spain. The 
 author of Datos, Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 807, alludes to a mistake made by 
 Gil Gonzalez Davila, who states that his death occurred at Merida. The latter 
 authority probably confuses the governor's decease with that of his son. In 
 Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 59-60, a work showing great research, it is stated that 
 the former died in Spain. The adelantado married Doila Beatriz de Herrera, 
 a lady of gentle birth. Their daughter Dona Catalina, who was his heiress, 
 married the licentiate Alonso de Maldonado, the first president of the au- 
 diencia de los confines. His lieutenant Francisco was a natural son; but the 
 stain on his birth was removed by an imperial rescript, dated April 6, 1627. 
 By a royal order dated October 26, 1617, a yearly pension of 3,000 ducados, 
 equal then to about $4,125, was granted to his heir Don Cristobal Suarez 
 Maldonado y Montejo, payable from the royal treasury of Merida to himself 
 and to those to whom he might bequeath it in perpetuity. In 1758 the duke 
 of Montellano was the successor and to him was paid the pension in Mexico. 
 Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 179-80. 
 
 ^•^ Fray Lorenzo de Bienvenida was one of the party. The names of the 
 others are not known. The date of their arrival is uncertain. Cogolludo states 
 that they came in 1531, Hist. Yucathan, 102-3; Torquemada in 1534, iii. 335. 
 
452 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 they were overtaken by messengers, who prevailed on 
 them to return. The gang of miscreants refused, how- 
 ever, to leave the country; and as they did not cease 
 to oppress the natives and vex the souls of the eccle- 
 siastics, Testera^^ and his colleagues were compelled, 
 after a few months, to abandon this field of labor. 
 
 In 1537 a second mission, consisting of five friars, 
 was despatched to Yucatan, and though they found 
 the natives tractable and willing to receive the faith, 
 they remained but two years.^' Not until about 1545, 
 when an evangelical crusade was undertaken in the 
 New World by one hundred and fifty ecclesiastics 
 from Spain, was any permanent mission established on 
 the peninsula. Of this number several of those sent 
 out to Guatemala were detailed for duty in Yucatan. 
 Arriving at San Francisco de Campeche in charge of 
 Father Luis de Villapando, they were warmly wel- 
 comed by the adelantado, who had now returned to 
 the province, and the principal caciques being sum- 
 moned into his presence, Montejo explained to them 
 the purpose for which they had come. A convent, 
 dedicated to Saint Francis, was founded at this settle- 
 ment on a site which it occupies at the present day, 
 and the doctrines of ihe faith were translated into 
 the native dialect. The first to be baptized was the 
 cacique of Campeche, to whom was given the name of 
 Diego Nd, with the title of Don. This convert soon 
 acquired the Spanish language, and henceforth acted 
 as the interpreter of the ecclesiastics. 
 
 Testera, a native of Bayonne in France, was a man of princely fortune, 
 and though advanced in years was young in enthusiasm. He came to New 
 Spain in 1529 or 1530, and was appointed prelate of the province of the Santo 
 Evangelio. This position he resigned in order to engage in missionary labors in 
 Yucatan. Returning thence in 1533 he was appointed custodian by the 
 chapter-general of Mantua held in 1541, and afterward comisario general of 
 all the Indies. Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 665-6. 
 
 The little that is known about this mission is related in Torquemada, 
 iii. 337-8. 
 
 According to Torquemada, iii. 337, where their names are given. In 
 an extract from a letter addressed by bishop Marroquin to the emperor from 
 Gracias ^ Dios, Dec. 1, 1545, mention is made of 'Fray Luis de Villapando and 
 eight religious, who went from Guatemala and are now in Yucatan. ' Squiers 
 MSS., xxii. 140. 
 
THREATENED INSURRECTION. 
 
 453 
 
 During the year 1545, Bartolome de las Casas 
 arrived at San Francisco de Campeclie, and claiming 
 that Yucatan was included in his diocese, exhorted 
 the Spaniards to liberate their slaves. Providence," 
 exclaimed the apostle of the Indies, " only desires to 
 work on misguided souls through the teachings of the 
 gospel; it has a horror of unjust wars undertaken in 
 its name; it wishes neither captives nor slaves to bow 
 before its altars. Persuasion and gentle treatment 
 are enough to win the hearts of, the most obdurate 
 to the shrine of God." The colonists answered this 
 appeal with slights and threats. They subjected the 
 bishop to incessant annoyances; they denied his claim 
 to the diocese; they refused him the means of sup- 
 port; and being left to find his way back to Chiapas 
 as best he could, he was compelled to borrow one 
 hundred castellanos from one of the friars to defray 
 expenses. Before his departure, however, many of 
 the vecinos, ashamed of their conduct, besought his 
 forgiveness, and testified their sincerity by presents. 
 
 Soon after the pacification of Yucatan, Villapando 
 is invited by the adelantado to settle at Merida, then 
 the capital of the province. Here he founds a con- 
 vent, and so successful are his efforts that his prose- 
 lytes soon number more than one thousand, among 
 them being many of the leading caciques. In com- 
 pany with Father Melchor de Benavente he then sets 
 out for the region south of Merida, travelling bare- 
 footed and stafi* in hand toward Mani in the fastnesses 
 of the sierra. Here the missionaries meet with marked 
 success, and soon two thousand of their converts are 
 engaged in building for them a church and a dwelling. 
 
 For a time they are not molested in their labors; 
 but when they endeavor to procure the release of the 
 natives from the bondage in which they are held by 
 their caciques, the latter resolve to burn them alive, 
 while celebrating worship in the sanctuary. On the 
 28th of September, 1548, the eve of Saint Michael's 
 
454 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 day, Yillapando is visited by a boy who, as Cogolludo 
 relates, came to him to be catechised. "Father," said 
 the child, ''may I ask you a question?" ''Ask it, my 
 son," answered the padre. "Tell me, then, whether 
 it is better to live or to die?" "To live," responded 
 the priest; "for life is our natural state, while death is 
 inherited by sin." "Then, if you want to live, father," 
 said the boy, "you had better go hence, for this very 
 night our caciques have determined to burn you in 
 the church if you remain there." " Our lives are in 
 God's hands," calmly rejoins the padre, and dismiss- 
 ing him with his blessing, bids him return the follow- 
 ing day. Villapando then informs his colleague of 
 the danger. There is no escape for them, and they 
 can only resolve to stand firm in the hour of trial. 
 In this mood they repair to the shrine, and there 
 spend the evening in prayer. 
 
 Toward midnight the distant roar of an approaching 
 multitude is heard. Looking from one of the windows 
 the padres see the Indians coming with lighted torches. 
 They cling to the foot of the cross and pray for strength. 
 Soon the church is surrounded, and yells and foul im- 
 precations are heard, with threats to burn the build- 
 ing.. Their flaming brands light up the structure, and 
 they behold the two figures bowed before the cross 
 in supplication. An hour passes by; and as though 
 held back by some unseen influence, the natives 
 forbear to harm the missionaries. At length they 
 withdraw, purposing to return the following day and 
 fulfil their menace. The priests remain all night at 
 their devotions, and when at dawn a streak of pale 
 light glances athwart the sacred effigy on the cross, 
 they are still kneeling in prayer to Saint Michael. 
 
 But what noise is that which breaks on the still 
 morning air, as the two fathers are repeating their 
 matins, expecting every moment the call of mar- 
 tyrdom ? Now their time has come, and clinging yet 
 closer to the crucifix, they ofler up one last suppli- 
 cation to the virgin, and exhort each other to bear 
 
ESCAPE FROM DANGER. 
 
 455 
 
 the dread ordeal with Christian fortitude. The sound 
 grows clearer; but surely it is not like that of the 
 night before. Presently the trampling of hoofs is 
 heard, and now the clang of swords. The padres are 
 rescued! A band of their countrymen despatched 
 by the adelantado to a point some leagues distant,*^ 
 chanced to pass that way, and Yillapando and his col- 
 league, inviting them into the sanctuary, chant a te 
 deum of praise and thankfulness for their deliverance. 
 The church-bell was rung at the usual hour, but there 
 were none to answer save the child who had given 
 the warning. The natives had f?ed to the mountains. 
 Twenty-seven of the leading conspirators were after- 
 ward captured and taken to Merida. After confess- 
 ing their intended crime they were condemned to be 
 burned alive. Bound to the stake, the fire was 
 already kindled when Villapando threw himself on 
 his knees before the governor, and by his entreaties 
 persuaded him to spare their lives and allow them to 
 be committed to the care of the ecclesiastics. 
 
 During the years 1548-9 an additional band of 
 missionaries arrived from Spain and Mexico ; and in 
 September 1549 the first custodial chapter was held 
 at Merida, under charge of the comisario general of 
 Mexico, Father Juan de la Puerta. On Villapando 
 was bestowed the office of custodian of the province, 
 and mainly through the efforts of this zealous evangel- 
 ist a convent was erected near the scene of his adven- 
 ture at Mani.^^ 
 
 They were bound for a place called Petu and appear to have missed 
 their way, for they were now some 14 leagues to the westward of their goal. 
 
 ^^In August 1549 six came from Spain in charge of Fray Juan de Abalate. 
 Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucatlvan, 267-8. 
 
 The principal authorities consulted on the conquest of Yucatan are 
 Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.; Oviedo; Herrera; and 
 Landa, Rel. Yuc. Cogolludo takes the lead both as the special chronicler of 
 the peninsula and as one who has consulted most of the material extant in 
 his time concerning it, both in print and manuscript; but he hardly exercises 
 sufificient judgment in sifting and presenting his verbose narrations. The 
 account of Bernal Diaz is doubtless worthy of credit in many matters of 
 detail, as it is derived from eye-witnesses of the incidents which he describes. 
 Oviedo's version has already been mentioned, and on his authority alone rests 
 the story of the expedition to Acalan under command of Avila, from whose 
 
456 
 
 CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 
 
 statement this chronicler compiles his narrative. While less satisfactory, 
 Landa presents several points of value. Herrera's chapters on Yucatan are 
 brief, and in relating the usages and modes of life prevalent among the 
 Mayas during the period preceding the conquest, he furnishes some very 
 interesting material. The most complete of modern accounts is Ancona's, 
 Hist. Yuc, i., but it lacks in critique. More interesting, if less exhaustive, is 
 that of Fancourt, Hist. Yuc, who accuses Stephens, Travels in Yuc, i., of 
 following too closely the text of Cogolludo, while he himself reveals several 
 shortcomings. The additional authorities which have been consulted in this 
 chapter are the following: Calk, Mem. y Not., 84, 88; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 379-82, 398, 665-6; SquiersMSS., xx. 50-1, xxii., passim; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 
 171; Puga, Gedulario, 48-166; Figueroa, Becerro, 36, 37, 41, in Pap. Francisc, 
 MS., i. ser. i. No. i.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 151, 206, 244-56; Gomara, 
 Hist. Ind., 62 et seq.; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teat. Ecles., i. 206-7, 245; Benzoni, 
 Mondo JSfuovo, 98-9; Alegre, Hist. Cornp. Jesus, ii. 111-12; Pacheco and (7«r- 
 denas. Col. Doc, i. 463; ii. 195-6; xiii. 85; xiv. 97-128; xxii. 201-23; Gomara, 
 Hist. Mex., 269; Archivo Mex., Doc, ii. 178-83; Cartas de Indias, 696, 
 806-7; Torquemada, iii. 335-6, 488-90; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. 
 tom. X. 306-18; serie ii. tom. v. 193-4, 202, 253^; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., 
 iii. 233-4; Id., MS., 118-19; Florida, Col. Doc, 129; Costilla, Die Hist. Yuc, 
 1. 247; Concilios, Prov., 1555-65, 235-6; Registro Yuc, ii. 34-9, 52-9; S. Miguel, 
 Mex., ii. 16; Soc Mex. Geog., Boletin, lii. 347; Id., 2da ep. iv. 145-50; 
 Robertsons Mex., i. 144; Gordons An. Mex., ii. 250-1; March y Labor es. 
 Hist. Marina, Esp., ii. 169-74; Malte-Brun, Yuc, 25-30; Morelet, Voy. Am. 
 Cent., i. 183-9; Die Univ., passim; Descrip. Am., 121; Blazquez, Cazador, 
 363; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, ii. 438-43; Welina, Hist, de YuCy passim; 
 Barbachano, Mejoras, i. 9-10, 37-40. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 1536-1542. 
 
 Torre Appointed Juez de Residencia — An Unpleasant Meeting — The 
 Vulture Encaged — Guzman's Release and Departure to Spain- 
 Clipped Wings — Guzman's Death and Character — Torre's Official 
 Investigations — His Wise Administration — Indian Revolt — A Ca- 
 tastrophe — Torre's Last Hours — His Character — Coronado Suc- 
 ceeds Him as Governor — His Incompetency — Delusive Hopes— A 
 Profitless Expedition — Niza Revives Enthusiasm — Visions of Con- 
 quest and Wealth — Troubles Foreshadowed — Coronado's Expedi- 
 tion Northward — His Disappointment and Return — Contemporary 
 Progress in Michoacan — A Useful Visit ador — Reforms and Pros- 
 perity — QuiROGA Made Bishop of Michoacan — His Beneficent 
 Rule. 
 
 Every one raised to high estate must fall , and little 
 pulling down was left for death to do while Charles 
 ruled the Indies. We have seen the fall of Hernan 
 Cortes and deem it dastardly even though not unde- 
 served; we have seen the fall of Nuno de Guzman, 
 and have shed no tears over it. There is yet even 
 deeper abasement in store for him. 
 
 Aroused by tales of Guzman's atrocities, the king, 
 by cedula dated the 17th of March, 1536, appointed 
 the licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre his juez de 
 residencia and successor of Guzman as governor of 
 ISTueva Galicia,^ with instructions that his examination 
 shouJd be rigid. 
 
 Nor was Guzman the only one to be subjected to a 
 
 ^ Torre was a native of Almendralejo in the province of Estremaclura, of 
 noLle parents, learned, virtuous, and upright in the administration of justice. 
 He occupied the position of judge in his native province at the time of his 
 appointment, Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 104, 109. 
 
 (457) 
 
458 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 residencia; all public officers in New Galicia were to 
 be called to account; the management of the royal 
 revenues, public funds, and repartimientos was to be 
 closely investigated. The examinations were to be con- 
 ducted with brevity and nothing reduced to writing 
 except what was essential. The juez de residencia 
 was required in his reports of the proceedings to 
 give an account of the character of the witnesses 
 and the probable motives which might influence their 
 testimony.^ Explicit instructions were also given him 
 for his guidance in the treatment and government of 
 the natives. 
 
 Hastily arranging his aflairs in Spain, Torre sailed 
 with his family, and arrived at Yera Cruz toward the 
 end of the year. Here he learned that Guzman — • 
 who, as the reader is aware, had arrived at the capi- 
 tal — was making preparations to escape, having or- 
 dered a vessel for his departure. No time was to be 
 lost, and Torre, leaving his family in Vera Cruz, set 
 out secretly for the city with a single attendant. 
 
 There was a bond between Guzman and Mendoza, 
 dissimilar as they were in many respects; they both 
 hated Cortes, and there could be little rivalry between 
 them, for Mendoza stood high while Guzman had 
 fallen low. And so the viceroy received the New Gali- 
 cia governor kindly when he came to Mexico,^ confident 
 in the measures he had taken for escape both from the 
 country, and from the unpleasantness of a residencia. 
 
 But the inexorable judge was nigh. Entering the 
 viceroy's hall of reception one morning Guzman met 
 Torre coming from an audience with Mendoza. The 
 recognition was mutual, and the new governor of 
 the north politely informed Guzman that he was his 
 prisoner. Resistance was useless; escape impossible. 
 The toils were around the wild beast that had so long 
 
 ^Puga, CeduJario, 158. 
 
 ^ According to Bernal Diaz, Mendoza, having heard of the king's intention 
 to send out a juez de residencia, wrote to Guzman and induced him to come 
 to Mexico — ' y le senalo por posada sus Palacios. . .y el Virrey le hazia mucha 
 honra, y le fauorecia, y comia con el.' Hist. Verdad., 231. 
 
DIEGO PEREZ DE LA TORRE. 
 
 459 
 
 roamed defiantly. Under conduct of Mendoza's guard, 
 which had often witnessed his honorable entrance, he 
 was marched out of the viceregal palace and lodged 
 in the common prison/ Fortune had bestowed upon 
 him her last smile. 
 
 His appointed judge lost no time in beginning pro- 
 ceedings, and that there might be no unnecessary pro- 
 traction of the trial he listened only to the most 
 serious charges. The accusations were the gravest 
 that could be made. The murder of Caltzontzin, the 
 devastations of towns, and the enslavement of natives 
 alike in time of war and peace, were sufficient to con- 
 demn a far more popular man. The districts of Pa- 
 nuco and Nueva Galicia were visited by Torre, and 
 the testimony of witnesses taken relative to Guzman's 
 acts in these regions. " Thus time passed by, making 
 the trial long, although it had been so promptly 
 begun. ^ Nor was his life in prison cheered by much 
 
 ^ Mota Padilla, Conq. JST. Gal., 104. Neither the date of Torre's arrival 
 at Vera Cruz nor that of Guzman's arrest can be exactly decided. Herrera, 
 dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix., states that Torre arrived at Nueva Galicia in 1537, but 
 there is reason to conclude that he reached New Spain near the end of 1536. 
 Guzman while in prison addressed a letter to the India Council, dated Febru- 
 ary 13, 1537, in which he uses these words: ' Y averme tenido en esta carcel 
 veinte y cinco dias. . .antes que comience la residencia.' And further on: * En 
 lo de la residencia que aqui se me tomd. ' Carta, in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc. , xiii. 452-3. As about a month was usually occupied in the preparation 
 of the charge, and three more in conducting it, I am inclined to the opinion 
 that Torre landed at the beginning of November, and that Guzman was im- 
 prisoned a few days later. Bernal Diaz implies that Mendoza did not display 
 much inclination to assist Torre in the matter, 'y parece ser no hallo ' — i. e., 
 Torre — * tanta voluntad para ello como quisiera.' Hist. Verdad., 231. 
 
 ^ Mota Padilla states that he was confined * en las atarazanas del rey. ' Conq. 
 N. Gal., 104. From Guzman's letter, however, already quoted, and from the 
 Auto de Soltura, in Ramirez, Proceso, 273, 275, it appears that it was the 
 ' carcel pUblica ' in which he was imprisoned. Bernal Diaz says that Torre 
 * le lleuo a la carcel publica de aquella Ciudad, y estuvo jpreso ciertos dias, 
 hasta que rogd por 61 el Uirrey^ que le sacaron de la carcel. ' Hist. Verdad., 231. 
 This same author tells of a practical joke played on Torre. The new gov- 
 ernor was addicted to gambling, and in order to bring him into bad repute, 
 Guzman's late supporters contrived to place a pack of cards in the long 
 sleeves of his tabard. As the juez de residencia was crossing the plaza in 
 company with persons of high rank, the cards kept dropping out unperceived 
 by him until his attention was called to the contents of his sleeve. Torre was 
 quite angry and said: 'They do not wish me to do upright justice; but if I 
 die not, it will be done in such a manner that his Majesty shall hear of this 
 outrage.' The historian adds: 'Ydende a pocos dias cayd malo, y de pen- 
 samiento dello, d de otras cosas de calenturas que le ocurrieron, murio. Id. 
 Torre was alive when Guzman went to Spain in 1538. Ramirez, Proceso, 275. 
 
460 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 sympathy; his enemies were many and his friends 
 few. According to Mota Padilla the latter took less 
 interest in him than the former, who did not leave 
 him in ignorance of the joy with which his imprison- 
 ment was generally regarded. 
 
 An appeal to the India Council^ brought him a 
 temporary relief On the 4th of October, 1537, a 
 royal cedula was issued, ordering him to surrender 
 himself to the officers of the Casa de Contratacion 
 at Seville,^ by which body he would be transferred to 
 the India Council. Hence, on the 30th of June, 
 1538, after an incarceration of nearly a year and 
 three quarters, Guzman walked out of his prison and 
 made preparations to return to Spain. 
 
 Neither the date of his departure nor that of his 
 arrival in the peninsula is known. Indeed, the last 
 years of his life were passed in obscurity and misery. 
 The king, whose indignation was roused by the report 
 from the audiencia,^ would have inflicted extreme 
 punishment ^ but for the influence of powerful friend s.^^ 
 But the monarch refused to see him, and assigned 
 Torrejon de Velasco as his future abiding-place, where, 
 
 ^ Guzman, in this appeal, attempts an explanation in brief of his acts in 
 Panuco and Nueva Galicia. He charges Cortes with being the prompter of 
 accusations made against him, and complains of unfairness in the manner of 
 conducting the proceedings. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 
 450-5. 
 
 In this auto de soltura instructions were also given that he should be pro- 
 vided with 4,000 pesos out of his property which had been sequestrated. 
 Guzman, by this act, was released on his own recognizance. Hamirez, Pro- 
 ceso, 272-6. 
 
 ^ Guzman was himself the bearer of this report. The instructions to the 
 audiencia were: 'E vos proseguireys la dicha residencia. . .para que la pueda 
 traer consigo.' Id., 274. 
 
 ^ Zamacois assumes that the king had determined to have him executed 
 on his arrival. Hist. Mej., iv. 631-2. But I find no authority to warrant 
 such an assertion. 
 
 * Y como en la Corte no falta poderosas intercessiones, no pago sus culpas 
 como merecian.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. This author, dec. vii. lib. 
 ii. cap. X., intimates that Cortes interested himself in bringing Guzman's 
 trial to a termination. But the expression used by Herrera is of doubtful 
 interpretation. Mota Padilla, however, accepts it as evidence of a noble 
 generosity extended by Cortes to his former foe, besides stating that he 
 liberally aided him in his poverty. Beaumont also takes this view. Cr6n. 
 Mich., iv. 98-9. Ramirez reasonably concludes that there is no ground for 
 belief in such a story. Proceso, 232-3. 
 
DEATH OF GUZMAN. 
 
 461 
 
 neglected and despised, he passed the remaining six 
 years of his hfe.^^ 
 
 The record of Nuno de Guzman is before the reader^ 
 who will see in him an able, scheming, and unscrupu- 
 lous lawyer; a fearless soldier and a skilful though 
 unpopular leader; an unfeeling, tyrannical ruler; a 
 grasping miser; and a hypocritical adherent of royalty 
 and Christianity. True, as certain writers claim in 
 his behalf, his faults were those of his time; but in 
 his character these faults are shown by the chroniclers 
 at their worst, unrelieved by a single one of the gen- 
 erous impulses or noble traits which, notwithstanding 
 their deeds of blood, have given lasting fame and 
 respect to the memory of many of the conquerors. 
 Few of the old chroniclers have anything good to say 
 of him. He had great opportunities, and abused them 
 all. Had he found a Mexico or a Peru in the north- 
 west, his name would not have been so utterly for- 
 gotten; his sovereign would not have so abhorred 
 him, and his historians might perhaps have found 
 some one redeeming quality in his character. But he 
 would have been remembered as a Pizarro, not as a 
 Cortes.^^ 
 
 As soon as Torre had concluded so much of the 
 residencia of Guzman as pertained to his administra- 
 tion in the capital, and provided for the safe custody 
 of his prisoner, he proceeded to Panuco, as before 
 mentioned, there to continue his investigations,^^ 
 Having completed his labors in that province he 
 removed with his family in 1537 to Guadalajara.^* 
 
 i^He died there in 1544, according to Mota Padilla, Cmq, N". Gal., 105| 
 but Alaman, Disert., i. app. 28, states that he died at his native place, 
 Guadalajara, in Spain, poor and abhorred by everybody. 
 
 ^2 Ramirez justly remarks: " El poderoso valimiento de sus enemigos no nos 
 permite hoy fijarles ' — that is to say, his actions — ' cuota ni medida, porque, 
 como ya dije, de el unicamente conocemos todo el mal que hizo.' Proceso, 
 233-58. 
 
 Beaumont erroneously says after he had sent Nuno de Guzman to Spain. 
 CrOn. Mich., iv. 111-12. 
 
 He was accompanied by six Franciscan friars — one of whom was his own 
 son, Fray Diego Perez — brought by him from Spain. Mota Padilla, Conq. N, 
 Gal, 105, 
 
NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 At Tonold he was received by the provisional governor, 
 Cristobal de Onate, who recognized his authority and 
 delivered the administration into his hands. 
 
 Torre proceeded at once to make his official in- 
 vestigations. A general residencia was proclaimed in 
 the towns of Guadalajara, Compostela, Culiacan, and 
 Purificacion, and the proceedings conducted with 
 energy and prudence. Such cases as he was unable 
 to decide himself were remitted to the India Council. 
 By the close of the year the investigations were so 
 far concluded that the governor was permitted to turn 
 his attention to affairs of state. 
 
 The condition in which Guzman had left Nueva 
 Galicia was indeed a deplorable one. His system of 
 enslavement had driven most of the natives to the 
 mountains, thus bringing distress on all who remained, 
 whether Spaniards or Indians. Numbers of settlers 
 were preparing to go to Peru, while others made raids 
 upon the Indians and reduced all they could catch to 
 slavery. 
 
 The prudent measures of Torre restored confi- 
 dence. He was well supported by the viceroy, and 
 the colonists after their long and ineffectual com- 
 plaints^^ settled down with some degree of content. 
 
 Oiiate's "brother, Juan, was one of the stanchest partisans of Guzman. 
 When the news arrived in Nueva Galicia, where Juan de Onate had remained, 
 of Guzman's imprisonment, and that Torre was empowered to take the 
 residencia of all subordinate officials, he was advised by Cristobal to effect 
 his escape. He accordingly fled to Peru, where some assert that he died 
 poor and blind. Id. 
 
 i^Mendoza, on the 10th of December, 1537, reported to the king that 
 although this province was rich in resources, it would be lost unless his 
 Majesty applied some remedy. The Spaniards maintained that without slaves 
 they could not subsist, and the settlers in Culiacan had represented to the 
 viceroy that under the prohibition of slavery they would be compelled to 
 abandon the town. Mendoza temporarily assisted them by supplying iron- 
 ware and other necessaries to the value of 1,000 pesos de tepuzque. Ca7-ta, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, ii. 196-7, 209-10. 
 
 ^'^ * El licenciado de la Torre se entretiene bien harto mejor de lo que todos 
 pensamos, ' is the compliment which the viceroy pays the new governor of 
 Nueva Galicia. M, 209. 
 
 The viceroy had proclaimed that no slaves should be made in Nueva 
 Galicia except in accordance with the order issued by the king. He had, 
 moreover, forwarded to his Majesty a copy of the trials of those persons who 
 had committed excesses in branding slaves during Guzman's administration. 
 Id., 180, 196. By cedula of February 3, 1537, the governor and all authorities 
 
WAR IN THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 463 
 
 Nor did the efforts of Torre in his deahngs with 
 the natives meet with less encouragement. He soon 
 saw that if treated well the natives would gladly 
 return to their homes/^ and with the aid of the friars 
 this was in a measure accomplished.^^ But the bad 
 practices of encomenderos could not immediately be 
 stopped. Excesses in the outlying districts were still 
 committed, and in 1538 in the northern portion of 
 the province the people of Jocolotlan, Guajacatlan, 
 and Ostoticpaquillo, under the leadership of their 
 cacique Guajicar, rose in arms,^^ 
 
 The suppression of this revolt was attended with a 
 catastrophe which closed the career of the unfortunate 
 Torre. As soon as news of the outbreak reached 
 Guadalajara, a council was held at which it was decided 
 to send a force under the command of captains Alonso 
 Alvarez, Diego Sigler, and Cristobal Romero against 
 the disaffected district.^^ The governor, however, in 
 the hope, probably, of effecting a reconciliation with- 
 out the necessity of bloodshed, resolved to accompany 
 the expedition in person. When the Spaniards arrived 
 in the hostile territory they found the Indians strongly 
 intrenched on a rocky eminence, and though Torre 
 made every endeavor to induce them to submit on 
 general terms,^^ they refused. "Let death come to 
 you or us," they replied. 
 
 An appeal to arms was therefore unavoidable. 
 The heights were invested and assailed at different 
 points, and the Indians so harassed that they de- 
 
 of New Galicia, judicial, civil, or military, were placed under the jurisdiction 
 of the audiencia of New Spain. Puga, Cedulario, 112. 
 
 'Escribeme ' — i. e., Torre to Mendoza — *que con no hacer guerra a los 
 naturales, se vienen muchos sus casas, aunque en dos d tres partes han salido 
 d incitalle (para hacer) esclavos.' Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 209. 
 
 Mota Padilla, Cmq. N. Gal, 107. 
 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 114. Mota Padilla assigns the cause of this 
 outbreak to the easy and indolent life which they were leading under the 
 amelioration of their condition! Conq. N. Gal., 107. 
 
 22 occupied the borders of the present territories of Jalisco and Zacatecas 
 in the neighborhood of J ocotlan. The captains named were regidores of the 
 cabildo. Telh, Msi. JST. Gal., 366. 
 
 2^ He summoned them to come to a peaceable arrangement, offering in that 
 case to grant them a free pardon for all past offences. Id., 367. 
 
464 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 scended to the plain, determined to try a pitched bat- 
 tle, in which of course they were overthrown. Great 
 numbers were slain, and the remainder, among whom 
 was the cacique Guajicar, fled into the neighboring 
 glens for refuge. 
 
 Torre, who during the engagement had displayed 
 the usual soldierly qualities of a Spaniard, now rode 
 with his pursuing troops, encouraging them as they 
 toiled over the difficult ground. While so occupied 
 he was thrown from his horse, which falling upon him 
 inflicted a mortal injury.^* He was carried back to 
 Tonald,^^ where were his family, and they laid him on 
 his death-bed. 
 
 After several days of suffering, and conscious that 
 his end was near, Torre formally appointed Christo- 
 bal de Onate his successor pending instructions from 
 the viceroy,^^ and having given him advice regarding 
 the administration, and commended to his care his 
 bereaved family, he yielded up his spirit and was 
 buried in the convent of San Francisco at Tetlan.^^ 
 
 Torre is described as possessing a robust frame, with 
 
 24 'Tenia lastimadas las entranas de la caida,' according to Tello, who does 
 not mention that the horse fell upon Torre. Id. Mota Padilla says, ' Cayd del 
 caballo, el que se echo encima y le lastimd.' Conq. N. Gal., 108. Parra states 
 that Torre, riding at random over the plain, plunged into a swamp, and in his 
 endeavors to get out of it his horse fell upon him breaking a rib and injuring 
 his spine. Conq. XaL, 230-1. 
 
 '^^ Mota Padilla says to Tetlan, situated four leagues from the site occupied 
 by Guadalajara in that author's time. Tello, writing in the middle of the 
 17th century, places this town one league from the Guadalajara of his time. 
 Hist. N. Gal, 369, The site of Guadalajara was changed several times. 
 
 '■^^ According to orders received from the king providing for such emergency 
 the cabUdo was consulted with regard to the appointment of a successor, 
 Torre, however, excepted his son, Melchor Perez de la Torre, on the ground 
 of his youth and inexperience, from the number of those whom he considered 
 fit to occupy the position. Id. , 368. 
 
 Torre was 56 years of age when he died. His remains were afterward 
 removed to Guadalajara when the convent was transferred thither. The date 
 of his death is not known; but it was probably during the latter part of 1538, 
 inferred from an expression of the escribano of the audiencia, that as late as 
 July 30th of that year no news of his death had reached the capital; *visto 
 que el lisenciado de la Torre juez de residencia de la Nueva Galicia no estaba 
 en esta dicha cibdad.' Ramirez, Proceso, 275. Two marriageable daughters 
 were especially intrusted to the protection of Onate, who did not fail in the 
 discharge of his trust. One was married to Jacinto de Pineda y Ledesma, a 
 person of good birth, and the other to the alf^rez mayor, Fernando Florea, 
 from whom Mota Padilla claims to be descended. Conq- N. Gal., 109. 
 
DEATH OF TOREK 
 
 465 
 
 a dark sallow complexion. Brave and industrious, 
 prompt and cautious, he was strict, perhaps stern, in 
 the administration of justice. Possessed of a genial 
 and generous disposition, the absence of arrogance 
 won for him much good- will; and though the kind- 
 ness of his heart ever prompted him to friendly acts, 
 he was guided by discrimination in his benevolence. 
 The satisfactory manner in which he performed his 
 duties in the matter of residencias in Nueva Galicia, 
 and the successful commencement which he made for 
 the establishment of a healthy government, speak 
 loudly in his praise. 
 
 When the news of Torre's death reached Mendoza 
 he appointed Luis Galindo chief justice of Nueva 
 Galicia,^^ and shortly afterward Francisco Vazquez de 
 Coronado provisional governor, this latter appoint- 
 ment being confirmed by royal cddula of April 18, 
 1539.'' 
 
 Vazquez de Coronado was a native of Salamanca, 
 and had married a daughter of Alonso de Estrada, 
 the royal treasurer of New Spain. Mendoza held 
 him in high esteem, but his eyes were perhaps a little 
 blinded by friendship. The viceroy regarded him as a 
 prudent and able man, and gifted with talents above 
 
 28 He also ordered Galindo to remove the Spanish settlers from Tonala to 
 Guadalajara, which was done and lots assigned to them. Tello^ Hist. N. Gal., 
 389-70. Mota Padilla says the building of Guadalajara was arrested, and 
 Mendoza ordered the Spaniards at Teutlan (Tetlan ?) and Tonala to be removed 
 to that town. Conq. N. Gal, 109. 
 
 2^ The same cedula ordered Coronado to take the resideneia of the deceased 
 governor. Coronado 's salary was fixed at 1,000 ducats, with an additional 
 sum of 500 ducats, to be paid him out of the government revenues of his 
 province. Id., 110. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. Vo cap. ix., has here confused 
 events. He leaves it to be inferred that the death of Torre was not known in 
 Mexico at the time of Coronado's appointment by the king; 'y Uegado a 
 Guadalajara, hallo que era muerto.' 
 
 He had received as his wife's dowry one half of Tlapan, which town had 
 been obtained from the crown by his mother-in-law in compensation for 
 Tepeaca of which the audiencia had deprived her. Mendoza, Lettre, in TernauX' 
 Com'pans, Voy., serie ii. tom. v. 252. Cortes states that Coronado received 
 Jalapa, the tribute from which was over 3,000 ducats, and accuses Mendoza of 
 taking that source of revenue from the crown and granting it to the wife of 
 Estrada with the understanding that it should be given to Coronado. Cortes^ 
 Escritos Sueltos, 337. 
 
 Hist. Mex.. Vol. II. 30 
 
466 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN, 
 
 the ordinary. But Coronado's ability, either as 
 ruler or military commander, was not of an order that 
 made him fit for the position.^^ This is clearly shown 
 in his Cibola expedition, wherein he pushed north- 
 ward with great perseverance ; but his want of control 
 over his followers was lamentably evident; and the 
 dissension among them, and the disorderly manner of 
 his return, display weakness as a leader. Of his abil- 
 ity as a ruler, his administration and its results will 
 enable the reader to judge. 
 
 At the time of his appointment Coronado held tlie 
 office of visitador in New Spain. The arrival of Cabeza 
 de Vaca, and his report of what the natives had told 
 him of wealthy cities toward the north, hastened his 
 departure to Nueva Galicia. The viceroy was infected 
 with the general excitement, as we have seen, and 
 ordered Coronado to proceed at once to his province. 
 It was arranged that Father Marcos de Niza should 
 accompany him and make a preliminary exploration 
 northward for the purpose of verifying Vaca's state- 
 ments. Should he be successful in discovering the 
 wonderful cities, it was determined that an expedition 
 on a large scale should be sent to take possession of 
 them. 
 
 Coronado departed from the capital during the 
 latter part of 1538, and on the 19th of November, his 
 commission having been recognized, he appointed the 
 alcaldes and regidores of Guadalajara for the ensuing 
 year.^* He then proceeded to visit various districts 
 of his province, portions of which were in a disturbed 
 
 Although nothing is known of Coronado's previous services to the crown, 
 Mendoza, in December 1537, mentions having brought them to the notice of 
 the king, as also ' las calidades que en el hay para poder servirse del en todo 
 lo demas que en estas partes se ofreciere.' Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 ii. 194-5. 
 
 ^^Castaneda, speaking of Coronado, says: *Ce chef ne sut conserver ni 
 son commandement ni son gouvernement. ' Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. 
 torn. ix. 18. 
 
 ^2 Says Oviedo: *E1 qual ni los dos enamorados que se dixo de susso no 
 hi9ieron dano notable en los indios ni en la tierra, sino a si mesmos.' iii. 168. 
 
 On the following day he delivered to Niza at Tonala i-he viceroy's 
 instructions relative to his projected explorations. Mendoza, Carta, in Pa- 
 checo and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iii. 328. 
 
FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO. 
 
 467 
 
 condition, and having arrived at his border town of 
 San Miguel de CuHacan, he despatched Niza from that 
 place, careful provision having been made for his safe 
 return by procuring native guides and taking other 
 precautions. 
 
 On the 7th of March, 1539, Niza set out on his 
 search, accompanied by Father Honorato, a negro 
 named Estevanico, and a band of friendly Indians. 
 Coronado a month later invaded a northern territory 
 known by the name of Topiza,^^ of the wealth of 
 which he had received reports. But the expedition 
 met with little success. He failed to discover the 
 people who decked their persons, as he had been told, 
 with ornaments of gold and precious gems, and who 
 faced the walls of their houses with silver. After a 
 long and wearisome march over mountains he reached 
 a barren land in which he could obtain neither gold 
 nor food; hence he retraced his steps to San Miguel. 
 
 Not long afterward Niza returned and brought to 
 Coronado the welcome news of the existence and 
 grandeur of the reported cities, whereupon the gov- 
 ernor determined to go with him to Mexico, and with 
 the assistance of the viceroy prepare an expedition for 
 the anticipated conquest of Cibola. They arrived at 
 the capital at the end of August,^'' and so great was 
 the excitement over the glowing account of Niza that 
 in a few days he had raised a force of three hundred 
 Spaniards Avith eight hundred native auxiliaries, eager 
 to join in reaping the golden harvest. A reconnoitring 
 party of fifteen men was sent forward under Melchor 
 
 2^ Probably identical with the latter Topia. In a letter addressed to Men- 
 doza after the departure of Niza, Coronado stated that he would be ready to 
 start on this expedition the 10th of April following. His force would consist 
 of 150 horsemen, with 12 spare animals, 200 foot-soldiers, cross -bowmen, and 
 arquebusiers, and be provided with hogs and sheep. The distance to Topiza, 
 or Topira as it is written in this letter, he considers to be 80 leagues from San 
 Miguel. Ternaux-Com'pans, Voy., serie i. tom. ix. 352-4. 
 
 '^^ ' Les habitants portent des parures en or, des emeraudes et autres pierres 
 precieuses; ils emploient Tor et I'argent k des usages communs; ils couvrent 
 leurs maisons avec ce dernier metal. Id. , 353. 
 
 '■^'^ He was in the city of Mexico on the 2d of September, since he was 
 present on the occasion of Niza presenting to the viceroy a written narrative 
 of his exploration. Niza, Rel, in Id., 282-3. 
 
468 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 Diaz and Juan de Saldivar,^^ for the purpose of veri- 
 fying Niza's account. This party left San Miguel on 
 the 17th of November, and proceeded one hundred 
 leagues northward. The time of the year was, how- 
 ever, unfavorable, and the excessive cold prevented 
 further advance. 
 
 In the mean time preparations in the capital were 
 pushed forward as rapidly as possible. Compostela 
 was named as the rendezvous, and so important was 
 the expedition deemed by the viceroy that he pro- 
 ceeded thither to give encouragement by his presence 
 and to superintend final preparations. But the enter- 
 prise was not without its opponents, whose principal 
 arguments were that it would deprive Spanish towns 
 of men needful for their protection; hearing which 
 Coronado took sworn depositions as to the actual 
 number of citizens enrolled. On the 22d of February 
 a review was held, and from the declarations made it 
 appeared that the ranks were mainly composed of 
 poor but well-born adventurers, who had not been 
 long in the country, and were regarded as dissolute 
 idlers and burdens upon the community/^ 
 
 It was, perhaps, not without some ground that the 
 settlers of Nueva Galicia objected to the departure of 
 their governor with so fine a band of troops. Just 
 apprehensions of a general uprising of the natives 
 were entertained; indeed, in some portions of the 
 province the natives were in open revolt. Indian 
 towns belonging to the Spaniards were attacked, cat- 
 tle driven off, and converts and negroes massacred. 
 Coronado had been so occupied with schemes of con- 
 quest and too frequently absent to attend properly to 
 
 28 Done by the viceroy's special order. 
 
 2^ ' Quelques Indiens qu'il emmenait avec lui furent geles, et deux Es- 
 pagnols souffrirent beaucoup.' On the 20th of March, 1540, Diaz wrote an 
 account of his proceedings to the viceroy. 
 
 ^'^ Only two citizens of the city of Mexico, and two of Guadalajara, were 
 found among the troops. From Compostela not one was going. Among 
 those who examined the men and gave depositions may be mentioned Gon- 
 zalo de Salazar, the royal factor, and Pero Almidez Chirinos, the veedor; also 
 Christdbal de Onate. hiform., in Pac/ieco and Cardenas^ Col. Doc^ xiv. 373-84. 
 A certified copy of these depositions was forwarded to the crown. 
 
CORONADO'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 469 
 
 the affairs of his province, and this neglect sowed the 
 seeds of a revolt which was only suppressed after 
 three years of warfare. Before his departure, so 
 alarming had matters become, that on the 26th of 
 December preceding, the colonists of Guadalajara 
 addressed a petition expressing fear that unless he 
 extended aid the country would be lost.^^ 
 
 But the governor was not to be turned from his 
 adventure by trifles. Here was a land where gold 
 was as common as was earthen-ware in Spain, and 
 precious gems could be collected in heaps ; time enough 
 to attend to his people after he had gathered wealth. 
 At the end of February,*"^ Onate having been appointed 
 lieutenant-governor, the army marched out of Com- 
 postela with banners flying, every man of them having 
 taken an oath, required by the viceroy, to obey the 
 orders of their general and never abandon him. 
 
 Day after day and month after month they jour- 
 neyed northward, robbing and murdering as occasion 
 offered, their eyes like those of hawks ever eager 
 for prey. But gold and jewels were not plentiful 
 there. The seven cities of Cibola proved but so many 
 empty crocks, and the disappointed booty-hunters 
 cursed the reverend Niza. But there was gold enough 
 beyond, according to the statements of the natives, 
 over toward the north-east, and the Spaniards still 
 pursued. Across rapid rivers and over trackless des- 
 
 The colonists requested that the refractory natives should be reduced 
 to slavery. The result of the appeal is not known. Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 
 37-^5. Mota Padilla states that Coronado sent the letter to the viceroy, 
 ' para que providenciase, especialmente sobre los dos puntos de la esclavitud 
 de los rebeldes, y del socorro que se pedia de gente. ' On the 8th of January, 
 1540, Coronado set apart lands for the commons of the city of Guadalajara, 
 and on the following day proclaimed the royal cedula of December 20, 1538, 
 commanding houses in the Indies to be constructed of stone, brick, or adobe, 
 to insure their permanency. Conq. N. Gal, 110. 
 
 *2 The date of departure must have been some day between the review held 
 on the 22d of February and the last day of that month, since Mendoza writing 
 to the king on the 17th of April following commences his letter thus: 'Le 
 dernier de fevrier passe, j'ai ecrit de Campostelle k votre majeste, pour lui 
 rendre compte de mon arrivee dans cette ville et du depart de Francisco 
 Vasquez, avec I'expedition, ' etc. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. tom. ix. 
 290. There is an error in the account of Castaneda in Td., 24, where it is 
 stated that the forces arrived at Compostela from Mexico on Shrove-Tuesday, 
 
47b 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 erts Coronado pushed westward to the later New 
 Mexico, and with a portion of his followers penetrated 
 perhaps to the territory of Kansas, while detachments 
 of his forces prosecuted explorations in other direc- 
 tions. Still gloomy disappointment was ever at his 
 side, and at last he rode back to Tiguex in the Rio 
 Grande Valley. His soldiers were heart-sick and im- 
 pudent. Coronado's control over them was lost, and 
 in April 1542 he commenced the homeward march. 
 On the way his authority was little heeded. Sick in 
 mind and body,*^ he proceeded to Mexico, where he 
 arrived with a remnant of his force, shortly after the 
 middle of the year, there to be greeted by the frigid 
 features of his friend the viceroy. 
 
 While the progress of affairs in New Galicia was 
 thus retarded by the loss of the able Torre and the 
 weak administration of Coronado, the adjacent prov- 
 ince of Michoacan was gradually advancing under the 
 benignant rule of Quiroga. After the march of Guz- 
 man through the district, it seemed to have been 
 struck by the flail of the evil one. The treatment of 
 the natives by their oppressors became more brutal; 
 the outrages perpetrated by the encomenderos became 
 more violent, and the scourges in their hands fell 
 heavier, as more labor and still more tribute was ex- 
 acted from the hapless Tarascans. The missionaries 
 labored hard to mitigate their wrongs, and preached 
 to them the patience and sufferings of the saviour; 
 but even their sympathy and kindly teachings had 
 lost half their power. Horrified at the cruel murder 
 of their much-loved king, the Tarascans regarded 
 Christianity as a mockery. Those who, with the un- 
 fortunate Caltzontzin, had embraced the religion, lost 
 their faith in it, and all who could betook themselves 
 to the mountains, or to the depths and twilight shelter 
 of the forests on the western lowlands. 
 
 He had received a severe injury on the head from the kick of a horse, 
 while engaged in equestrian games at Tiguex. For a detailed account of his ex- 
 pedition, see Hist. N. Mex. States, i., and Hist. Ariz, and New Mex., this series. 
 
CHANGE FOR THE BETTER. 
 
 471 
 
 In 1532 the audiencia, in accordance with general 
 instructions issued by the king, sent Juan de Villa- 
 seiior to Michoacan^* in the capacity of visitador. 
 Having made official visits to various districts he sent 
 his report of the condition in which he found it ; but 
 his presence there does not seem to have ameliorated 
 matters, since in October of the same year delegates 
 of the native lords went to Mexico and formally 
 complained of the intolerable proceedings of the en- 
 comenderos. To remedy the lamentable state of 
 affairs the audiencia in 1533*^ sent the oidor Quiroga 
 as visitador into that region, in the hope that a man 
 of his ability, high character, and well-known zeal for 
 the welfare of the Indians would be able to effect 
 some beneficial change. 
 
 Quiroga well responded to the expectations of the 
 audiencia. With untiring ardor, supported by pru- 
 dence, good judgment, and kindness of temper, he 
 carried on the work of reformation. The Tarascans, 
 exasperated as they were, listened to his words and 
 recognized in him a friend, while he sternly imposed 
 restrictions upon the encomenderos by reorganizing 
 the repartimientos in a manner advantageous to the 
 natives. Thus both the ecclesiastical and secular 
 condition of affairs was improved. The natives were 
 gradually induced to abandon their idolatrous and 
 polygamous practices, and the Spaniards made to 
 
 Villasenor was one of the conquerors and a citizen of Mexico. He was 
 empowered to investigate matters connected with the inquisition and proceed 
 against guilty persons of whatever class or condition. A few years later, by 
 order of Mendoza, he established himself at Guango to oppose the inroads of 
 the Chichimecs, and had assigned to him and his family for four lives that 
 town and those of Numaran, Penjamillo, Conguripo, Puruandiro, and some 
 others as encomiendas. His descendants figure among the most prominent 
 of the country. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 413-19. 
 
 Both Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. x., and Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., 
 i. 3, are in error as to the date of Quiroga's official visit to Michoacan, stating 
 it to have taken place in 1536. Depositions taken in Quiroga's residencia in 
 that year prove that he had visited Michoacan two and a half years before. 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 11-12. 
 
 *^The governor of Michoacan during this period was the native lord 
 Pedro Ganca, or Cuirananguari. Quiroga persuaded him to put aside polyg« 
 amy and be legally married to a concubine who had informed Quiroga of the 
 governor's taste for a plurality of wives. Moreno, Frag. Quiroga, 35. 
 
472 
 
 NUEVA GALICIA AND MICHOACAN. 
 
 recognize that there was a controUing power in the 
 land/' 
 
 Among other important results of his labors was 
 the fomiding of the hospital of Santa Fe, two leagues 
 from the capital town, Tzintzuntzan. From this in- 
 stitution, which was intended by the founder to be a 
 centre for the propagation of Christianity**^ as well 
 as an asylum for the sick, the natives derived great 
 benefit. When Quiroga's residencia as oidor was 
 taken in 1536 the erection of this establishment con- 
 stituted the ground of a charge of oppression against 
 him, but he was honorably acquitted. 
 
 After Quiroga's official visit the prospects of Micho- 
 acan were brighter. The establishment of a bishopric 
 in the province and the election of this worthy man 
 as prelate have already been mentioned. In 1537 or 
 1538 he returned to the scene of. his previous labors 
 and applied himself with unflagging zeal to the good 
 government of his diocese. In order to inform him- 
 self of the condition and requirements of the different 
 districts in his extensive see, he visited every portion 
 of it in person, travelling on muleback for more than 
 six hundred and fiftj leagues, with no other company 
 than his secretary and a page. 
 
 The success of his administration both as visitador 
 and prelate was signally marked. The influx of friars 
 was maintained with regularity, and convents and edu- 
 cational and charitable institutions were rapidly multi- 
 plied in Michoacan during this period. His powerful 
 influence in the political government of the province is 
 evidenced by the amelioration noticeable in the condi- 
 tion of the Tarascans. The wanderers in the mountains 
 were won from their wild retreats, and settled in 
 
 An oppressive encomendero had imposed exorbitant tribute upon the 
 inhabitants of the town of Michoacan. Quiroga intervened and freed them 
 from the exaction. 
 
 * Llamolos de Santa Fd, porque en ellos se avia de propagar la Fe Ca- 
 tholica. ' This hospital was, like the one in Mexico, placed under the charge 
 of a rector with a stipend of 150 pesos de oro de minas. Such superintendent 
 could only hold the incumbency for a term of three years, not * in vim benejicij, 
 sino como en encomienda.' Id., 14, 15. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 
 
 473 
 
 pleasant towns and villages, where they were taught 
 manufacturing and agriculture. Prosperity followed, 
 and the strong contrast presented between the happy 
 progression under Quiroga and the misery of the few 
 preceding years proclaims his rule a righteous one.*^ 
 
 Among his historians there are not wanting those who call his adminis- 
 tration ' gobierno de oro, porque no se volvieron a oir los clamores de los indios 
 agraviados, ni el estruendo de las armas de los ciudadanos inquietos, ni la 
 violencia de las virgenes, ni los robos, ni las muertes lastimosas.' Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Boletin, i. 227. 
 
 The following additional authorities have been consulted for this chapter: 
 Cortes, Eacritos Sueltos, 305, 337; Calle, Mem. y Not., 71-6; lib. i. cap. ix.; 
 lib. V. cap. ix. ; Puga, Cedulario, 78, 80-4, 112-13, 158-9; Cartas de Indias, 
 254-5, 859; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 210; vi. 498; xiii. 193; xiv. 
 373-84; xvi. 5-39; xxiii. 410-14; Ramirez, Proceso, 231-76; Beaumont, Crdn. 
 Mich., iv. 27-472, passim; Id., MS., 283-625, passim; Florida, Col. Doc, 
 119; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 203; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. tom. ix., 
 passim; Id., tom. x. 259-68; s6rie ii. tom. v. 252; Alaman, Disert., i. app, i. 
 28; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 34r-7, 96; Die Univ., passim; Buelna, Compend., 
 11; Soc Mex. Geog., Boletin, vii. 55-6; Parra, Conq. Xal, MS., 242; Peralta, 
 Not. Hist., 380; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 543-703, passim; v. 7; Comargo, 
 Hist. Tlax., 182-4; cxxxi. 245; Bussier-e, L' Empire Mex., 355; Gomara, HisL 
 Mex., ii. 166-8, 184-7. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 1540-1547, 
 
 Departure of Cortes for Spain — His Arrival and Reception — Hollow 
 Show — Vain Hopes — He Joins the Expedition to Algiers — And 
 Suffers Shipwreck — Loss of the Famous Emeralds — He is Slighted 
 AT A Council of War — Return to Madrid — A Fruitless Petition — 
 More Indignities — Last Touching Appeal — Determination to Re- 
 turn TO Mexico — Last Illness and Death of the Conqueror — 
 Disposition of the Remains — His Last Will — The Estate — The 
 Descendants of Cortes — Resum]^ of his Character. 
 
 We have seen as the settled poHcy of Spain that 
 the greatest discoverers and conquerors must not be 
 allowed permanent or hereditary rule. The viler sort, 
 like Pedrarias and Velazquez, were the safer instru- 
 ments of royalty; while the claims of the noble and 
 chivalrous, Columbus, Balboa, and Cortes, whose 
 services were too great for convenient recompense, it 
 was usually found easier to repudiate. It is true they 
 asked much, for they had given much; they asked 
 long and persistently, for the sovereign promised with 
 little thought of performing ; in due time it was the 
 king's pleasure not to know them. 
 
 The viceroy Mendoza was not naturally a bad man. 
 He was only carrying out the policy of his master 
 Charles when he so irritated and persecuted Cortes 
 as to drive him from Mexico in 1540. It was in Jan- 
 uary of that year that he embarked for Spain, accom- 
 panied by his son Martin, then eight years of age, by 
 the chronicler Bernal Diaz, and a retinue of nobles 
 and partisans. On his arrival he learned that the 
 
 <474) 
 
BEFORE THE COURT. 
 
 475 
 
 emperor was at Ghent, the court remaining at Madrid. 
 When approaching the capital, the members of the 
 India Council and other dignitaries, with an outward 
 show of great respect, came forward in gorgeous array- 
 to welcome him. The palace of the comendador Juan 
 de Castilla was prepared as the residence of the illus- 
 trious guest, and no lack of attention revealed the 
 insincerity of superficial show. Not long, however, 
 was Cortes allowed to cherish the flattering hope of 
 eventually making eflective, not only in name, the 
 honors and titles which had been showered upon him 
 years before. The enthusiasm of the first reception 
 jDassed, and cold politeness was gradually observed 
 by the members of the council, though Cortes was 
 always courteously received, and even with apparent 
 friendship, by the president. Cardinal Loaisa. But 
 when he came to ask a settlement of his aflairs, he 
 found that the great conqueror had become but an 
 ordinary litigant. 
 
 A year passed by, and, though influential persons 
 interceded, nothing was done in his behalf, except 
 in the claim against Guzman, which was decided in 
 his favor. His proud soul rebelled against such 
 treatment; he asked permission to return to Mexico, 
 but was refused. Still, he never faltered in his loy- 
 alty toward his sovereign master. In 1541 Charles 
 prepared an expedition against Algiers, for the pur- 
 pose of releasing a number of Spanish captives ; and 
 Cortes joined it voluntarily, accompanied by his 
 son Martin.^ The fleet was dispersed by a storm, 
 and the admiral's ship Esperanzaj on which Cortes 
 embarked, was driven upon the rocks. He and his 
 son, with most of the cavaliers, saved their lives by 
 swimming ashore. But the inestimable treasure, the 
 five famous emeralds which the conqueror always car- 
 ried on his person, were lost in the flood. The fates 
 
 ^ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 347, says with his two sons, Martin and Luis; other 
 authors maintain that the latter remained at Madrid in the service of the 
 prince. 
 
476 
 
 DEATH OF CORT^IS. 
 
 seemed to have united at this juncture to wrench from 
 his grasp httle by Httle what they had so lavishly 
 bestowed; prestige, honors, wealth, and royal favor, 
 all seemed vanishing. Was there nothing to be left 
 him for all his toils, all his successes, but a hollow 
 title ? Was implacable Nemesis always to pursue him? 
 The loss of the baubles, however much they repre- 
 sented in money, could not cause such heart-ache as 
 did ingratitude, slight, and insult. 
 
 A council of war was called, and the greatest soldier 
 of the day was not summoned to it ; his very presence 
 was ignored. In regard to the situation, he had ex- 
 pressed an opinion in favor of an immediate attack; 
 but the courtiers were anxious to raise the siege : the 
 formidable ramparts of the Moslem made the peaceful 
 walls of Madrid seem far away, and it was decided to 
 abandon the enterprise. Stung by the manifest insult, 
 and indignant at the effeminate resolution, Cortes ex- 
 claimed : Had I but a handful of my veterans from 
 New Spain, not long would they remain outside of 
 yonder fortresses!" ^'Indeed, senor," was the reply; 
 "no doubt you would do wonderful things; but you 
 would find the Moors quite a different foe from your 
 naked savages." 
 
 After his return home Cortes again began to press 
 his suit. He presented a memorial to the emperor, 
 recounting the services which he had rendered to the 
 crown ; the losses, grievances, and persecutions he had 
 suffered; the wrongs inflicted by the audiencia and 
 viceroy, and praying that justice might be done; that 
 his honors and titles might be made available, and in 
 a manner commensurate to his services and sacrifices, 
 so that he might with dignity maintain the rank and 
 position to which he had been raised. What kind of 
 play was this ? He had achieved, and had been re- 
 warded; then he was robbed and humiliated, and 
 without cause. Cortes handed in the petition and 
 never afterward heard of it. 
 
 Bowed down by disappointment, wounded in his 
 
SLIGHTS AND INDIGNITIES. 
 
 477 
 
 most sensitive part, his heart-felt loyalty and love for 
 his sovereign spurned, his influence and popularity 
 gone — what had he to live for? Then, too, he began 
 to suffer the infirmities of age; his constitution was 
 shattered, and his sight and hearing were growing 
 dull. The hardships of so many rough campaigns, 
 the wounds received, the fevers, and the long ex- 
 posures, all had left their impress. If one wishes to 
 see glorious recompense, let one look at Peru, which 
 has done even more than Mexico to fill the royal 
 coffers. Perhaps the turbulence there has taught the 
 monarch prudence. Go further then, and compare the 
 conduct of Cortes with that of Pizarro after their 
 respective conquests: the one is gentle, obedient; the 
 other arrogant and blood-bespilling. Yet wherever 
 it is most politic that it should be inflicted, there will 
 the punishment be felt. When the monarch has no 
 further need of the man, it is well the man should die. 
 
 But the life of Cortes was destined to be spared for 
 a few more indignities. He had sent to Mexico for 
 his daughter Dona Mana, to be married to Alvaro 
 Perez de Osorio, heir to the estates and titles of the 
 marques de Astorga. The engagement was cancelled 
 by Osorio for pecuniary and prudential motives.^ The 
 humiliation, the insult, which struck at once the pride 
 of the conqueror and the heart of the father, affected 
 him to such a degree that for a time he was pros- 
 trated by a dangerous fever. 
 
 Before this, namely, on February 3, 1544, Cortes 
 had made a touching and dignified appeal to the mon- 
 arch for redress, praying for a final settlement of his 
 affairs. To this as in the other instance no reply was 
 made. It has even been stated that after Charles 
 refused to see Cortes the latter on one occasion forced 
 
 2 The dowry of Dona Maria was to have been 100,000 ducats in gold, which 
 under the present circumstances could probably not be raised at the time. 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 237. This occurred subsequently to the making 
 of his will, from which it appears that 20,000 ducats had already been paid to 
 Marques Astorga on account of the dowry, and Cortes provided that the re- 
 mainder be paid, to fulfil the contract. 
 
478 
 
 DEATH OF CORTEG. 
 
 his way to the royal carriage and placed his foot upon 
 the step. "Who is this man?" demanded the king. 
 " One who has given your Majesty more kingdoms 
 than you had cities before ! " was the reply.^ This was 
 
 and then the conqueror, his patience exhausted, de- 
 termined to return to New Spain, to leave his native 
 soil forever. 
 
 Having previously obtained permission to depart, 
 he proceeded to Seville and was received with honors 
 by the nobility, the last to be tendered him in this 
 life. They bid him farewell, asking God's blessing on 
 his departure. But these manifestations, hollow or 
 sincere, could not revive his broken spirit, nor dispel 
 his bitterness of heart ; his health declined, and it was 
 soon apparent that his last hour was drawing near. 
 The strain upon his faculties had been severe, and 
 death came at last to his relief To escape visi- 
 tors, he was conveyed to the village Castillejo de la 
 
 December 2, 1547, then in his sixty-second year, 
 
 ^ This incident is not well authenticated, as it rests mainly on Voltaire, 
 Essai sur les Mceurs. 
 
 *In this last appeal to the emperor, he begins: 'Pense que haber traba- 
 jado en la juventud me aprovechara para que en la vejez tubiera descanso, y 
 asi a cuarenta anos que me he ocupado en no dormir, mal comer, y a las veces 
 ni bien ni mal, traer las armas a cuestas, poner la persona en peligro, gastar 
 mi hacienda y edad todo en servicio de Dios, trayendo obejas a su corral ' . . . 
 to extend the power and fame of his sovereign, and to increase his domain, by 
 the conquest of many large kingdoms, and lordships of barbarous nations. 
 All of which he had accomplished in person and at his own cost, without aid 
 from the government; on the contrary, he had been hindered by ' muchos 
 emulos e invidiosos que como sanguijeulas han rebentado de hartos de mi 
 sangre. ' He could not conceive why the royal promises were not fulfilled, and 
 why he was again deprived of the favors once granted. It was more difficult, 
 he said, to defend himself against his Majesty's fiscal than to conquer the 
 enemy's country. Cortes cor eludes this long and interesting appeal * trusting 
 there will be no unnecessary delay in the decision, otherwise he prefers to 
 lose all and return to his home, ' porque no tengo ya edad para andar por 
 mesones, sino para recogerme i, aclarar mi cuenta con Dios, pues la tengo 
 larga, y poca vida para dar los descargos, y sera mejor perder la hacienda 
 quel anima.' Cortes, Carta al Emperador, in Col Doc. Ined., i. 41-6. On the 
 back of the original document is the laconic indorsement: No hay que responder 
 —Needs no reply 1 
 
FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 
 
 479 
 
 Hernan Cortes expired. Two days afterward his 
 remains were deposited with due solemnity and pomp 
 in the monastery of San Isidro, on the outskirts of 
 Seville, the sepulchre of the dukes of Medina Sidonia. 
 The bearer of that title and guardian of young Cortes, 
 second marques del Yalle, and many other distin- 
 guished personages from Seville and the neighboring 
 country were present at the obsequies. 
 
 The remains of Cortes rested at San Isidro until 
 1562, when they were removed by order of Martin 
 Cortes to New Spain, to the city of Tezcuco. Pur- 
 suant to a provision of the will they were to have 
 been deposited in his favorite city, Coyuhuacan, within 
 ten years after his death. This, however, was never 
 done. They were destined to wander from place to 
 place, till in 1823 they disappeared altogether from 
 the city of Mexico.^ 
 
 ^ It was pro\dded in the will that in whatever place in Spain Cortes died 
 his remains were to be deposited, to be transferred within ten years to Coyu- 
 huacan in New Spain. The remains of his mother and of his son Luis, at 
 Cuernavaca, were to be transferred to the same place at that time. Concerning 
 the funeral services, it was provided that all curates and friars of the place 
 in which he died should attend at the obsequies; 50 poor people were to 
 receive new suits of clothes and one real to attend with torches; new clothes 
 for mourning being given also to all his servants and his son's, and 5,000 
 masses were to be read; 1,000 for the souls in purgatory, 2,000 for those who 
 died in his service in New Spain, and the remainder for those he had wronged 
 unknowingly and whose names he could not remember. Cortes, TestamentOy 
 in Col Doc. rn6d., iv. 239-77. In the year 1629, on the death of Pedro Cortes, 
 fourth marques del Valle, the bones of the conqueror were removed from 
 Tezcuco and deposited in the Franciscan church in Mexico, with great pomp; 
 and in 1794 the relics were transferred to the hospital of Jesus Nazareno. 
 This new sepulchre, surmounted by a chaste monument adorned with the 
 arms and the bust of Cortes, the work of the celebrated sculptor Tolsa, had 
 been erected through the exertions of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo and the assist- 
 ance of representatives of the Cortes family. The ceremonies observed on 
 the occasion of this last transfer eclipsed in grandeur anything heretofore 
 witnessed in the city of Mexico. But scarcely 30 years elapsed before the 
 relics were again disturbed. When in 1823 the remains of the patriots who 
 proclaimed the independence of Mexico in 1810 were to be transported to the 
 capital, pamphlets appeared exciting the populace to reduce to ashes the 
 remains of Cortes. The outrage was however prevented by the friends of the 
 family, who obtained an order from the government to remove the casket to 
 a secure place. The order was made effective by Alaman, then a member of 
 the cabinet, who says in connection with the event in his DiserL, ii. 60: 
 * Habiendo yo intervenido en la pronta egecucion de estas drdenes, en virtud 
 de las funciones piiblicas que desempeuaba. ' During the night of September 
 15th the chaplain of the hospital, Dr Joaquin Canales, removed the remains, 
 and by disposition of Count Lucchesi, acting for the family, they were pro- 
 visionally deposited under the platform of the altar of Jesus. The excite- 
 
480 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 
 Since that time a deep mystery has hung over the 
 final resting-place of the conqueror's remains. Though 
 it is generally belived that they were secretly shipped 
 to the family, and are now deposited at Palermo in 
 Italy, there is a possibility that they never left Mex- 
 ico, but occupy some hidden spot known to few.^ 
 Perhaps it was befitting that the great chieftain who 
 had known no rest in life, should not find it in death. 
 
 The day after his death the will of Cortes was 
 opened.'' It is a voluminous document and throws 
 some additional light upon the character of its author, 
 but most of the details are not now of interest to the 
 reader. As guardians of the legitimate children, ad- 
 ministrators of the estate, and executors of the will, 
 in Spain, were appointed Juan Alonso de Guzman, 
 duke of Medina Sidonia ; Pedro Alvarez Osorio, mar- 
 quis of Astorga, and Pedro Arellano, count of Agui- 
 lar; and for New Spain, the marchioness, wife of 
 Cortes ; Bishop Zumdrraga ; Friar Domingo de Betan- 
 zos, and Licenciate Juan de Altamirano. The prin- 
 cipal heir, succeeding to the estate and title, was his 
 legitimate son, Martin, who after his twentieth year 
 
 ment of the populace continued, and it was found expedient to remove the 
 bust and arms from the monument, and to ship them to the duke of Terranova 
 at Palermo. The marble obelisk and sepulchre disappeared after the hospital 
 and church property was sequestered by the government in 1833. Mora, Mej. 
 Rev., iii. 188, says in connection herewith: 'And they would have profaned 
 even the ashes of the hero but for the precautions taken by some unprejudiced 
 persons who, wishing to save their country the dishonor of such reprehensible 
 and rash procedure, managed at first to conceal, and then to ship them to his 
 family in Italy. * 
 
 I ^ Icazbalceta, in a letter to Henry Harrisse on the subject, says: 'The 
 place of the present sepulture of Cortes is wrapped in mystery. Don Lticas 
 Alaman has told the history of the remains of this great man. Without pos- 
 itively saying so, he lets it be understood that they were taken to Italy . . . 
 It is generally believed that the bones of Cortes are at Palermo. But some 
 persons insist that they are still in Mexico, hidden in some place absolutely 
 unknown. Notwithstanding the friendship with which Mr Alaman has hon- 
 ored me, I never could obtain from him a definite explanation in the matter; 
 he would always find some pretext to change the conversation.' Harrisse, 
 217-20. There was certainly something strange in the reticence of Alaman. 
 
 ''It was executed October 11, 1547, before the notary Melchor de Portes. 
 The text is printed in CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 348-92; CorUs, Testamento, in 
 Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 239-77; Alaman, DiserL, ii. app. 98-138; Mora, Mej. 
 Rev., iii. 379-453, and others. The will was admitted to probate August 16, 
 1548. 
 
THE WILL. 
 
 481 
 
 was to enjoy the full income of the inheritance, though 
 his majority was fixed at twenty-five. All the other 
 children, legitimate and natural, were well provided 
 with an adequate income, and appropriate dowries for 
 the daughters. None of the many male and female 
 relatives seem to have been forgotten, and all the 
 servants, even the lady's-maids to the marchioness, 
 were liberally remembered. Endowments for the 
 erection and support of religious, charitable, and educa- 
 tional institutions were made with princely generosity. 
 A college for theology and canon law, and a convent, 
 the latter to serve as the Cortes family sepulchre, 
 were to be founded at Coyuhuacan; neither of these 
 institutions were built, however, for want of funds. 
 A third, the celebrated hospital de la Concepcion, 
 afterward known as Jesus, was erected. The manner 
 in which the testator dwells upon the Indian question 
 forms a striking feature of the will, and reveals the 
 fact that he entertained great scruples concerning the 
 legality of holding Indian slaves, and of exacting- 
 tributes.^ 
 
 ^Concerning the Indian vassals of Cortes, he enjoined his successor to 
 ascertain whether these had paid him more tribute than the amount formerly 
 paid to their native chiefs; if so, the full sum so overpaid ^ould be returned, 
 including also all tributes collected unjustly; the same was to be done with 
 all lands unjustly seized from the natives. Should the question of slavery be 
 decided in the future, the successor must act accordingly, and pay particular 
 attention to the instruction and education of the natives. Besides ordering 
 his mother's remains to be transferred to his own future burial-place, Cortes 
 further signified his filial love by founding certain services at the sepulchre 
 of his father, atMedellin. To his wife he gave 10,000 ducats, being the dower 
 received from her; the dower of his daughter Maria he fixed at 100,000 ducats, 
 20,000 already paid, and the balance to be paid over to conclude the marriage 
 with Osorio. This, as mentioned in the text, never took place. The dowry 
 of the other legitimate daughters, Catalina and Juana, was 50,000 ducats 
 each. The natural sons, Martin and Luis, received a life-rent of 1,000 ducats, 
 and were enjoined to acknowledge and obey their brother, Don Martin, as the 
 head of the family. The natural daughter, Catalina Pizarro, whose mother 
 was Leonor Pizarro, afterward married to Juan de Salcedo, was to enjoy all 
 the rents, tributes, and other income from the village of Chinantla, besides 
 receiving other grants of lands and cattle. Leonor and Maria had a dowry 
 of 10,000 ducats bestowed. Those who had served under Cortes were to be 
 paid according to their contracts; all he had expended in the service of the 
 crown should be computed and collected from the royal treasury, and all his 
 debts, of whatever nature, should be paid. Cortes, Testamento, in CoL Doc. 
 InM. , iv. 239-77. The provisions of the will are very minute and concise, 
 showing that great care was bestowed by the testator in its preparation. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 31 . 
 
482 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 
 The assertions of Cortes concerning his poverty, 
 %vhich we observe in his memorials to the emperor, 
 must not be taken hterally, but rather in a compara- 
 tive sense. From the provisions of his will it is mani- 
 fest that at the time of his death he deemed himself 
 possessed of vast estates. These, however, or the 
 greater portion of them, were the object of litigation 
 with the crown and prominent individuals in New 
 Spain, and were otherwise embarrassed. His last 
 unsuccessful expeditions had swallowed up immense 
 sums, and the loss of the emeralds was also an impor- 
 tant item. After his death, when the litigations came 
 to a close, the verdict was against the heirs, and few 
 of the provisions of the will could be carried out. 
 The original grants to Cortes, with a few exceptions, 
 T\^ere confirmed to his son Martin in 1565 by Philip 
 II., in recognition of the father's services to the crown, 
 and in consideration of the son's gallant conduct at 
 the battle of St Quentin. Tehuantepec was the only 
 portion retained by the crown, for which the heirs 
 were compensated in a sum equal to the amount of 
 tributes collected. But the magnanimity of the king 
 lasted only two short years. In 1567, after the 
 alleged conspiracy of Martin Cortes, the estate was 
 sequestrated by the crown; it was returned in 1574, 
 greatly reduced, and injured by neglect and the 
 rapacity of royal officials. After that other seques- 
 trations and changes occurred.^ 
 
 'The original grant to Cortes of July 6, 1629, in Pacheco and OdrdmaSf 
 Col. Doc.y xii. 291-7, comprised 22 towns with dependencies, and 23,000 vas- 
 sals. In 1805, according to Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 265, the marquisate 
 contained 4 villas, 49 villages, and 17,700 inhabitants. This is refuted by 
 Navarro y Noriega, in Soc. Mex. Oeog. , Boletin, ii. 83, who claims there were 
 7 judicial districts, 33 curacies, 1 city, 15 villas, 157 pueblos, 89 haciendas, 
 119 ranchos, and 5 estancias, with 150,000 inhabitants all told. This was 
 not so bad after all. The income from the houses in Mexico was applied, 
 pursuant to the will of Cortes, to the erection and maintenance of the 
 hospital of Jesus. According to Terranova y Monleleone, Esposicion, 29-30, 
 in 1828 this income amounted to 28,000 pesos. In the course of time the 
 estate greatly diminished, and in the year mentioned the duke of Terra- 
 nova retained only the 'haciendas marqueaanas,' some lands in Tuxtla, and 
 the property in Mexico city; and the income had greatly decreased by the 
 abolition of tributes. The sugar plantation of Atlacomulco was not a part 
 of the original grant; it was bought by Martin Cortes in 1553. Ter/ranova y 
 
PROGENY. 
 
 483 
 
 Cortes was first married, as we well know, in Cuba., 
 to Catalina Juarez, a native of Granada, in Andalusia, 
 whose death occurred in October 1522. It is supposed 
 that by her he had a child, but nothing definite can 
 be ascertained on the subject. A natural daughter by 
 a Cuban Indian is also mentioned at that time. The 
 issue of his second marriage, with Dona Juana de 
 Zuniga, was one son, Martin, and three daughters: 
 Maria, married to Luis Vigil de Quinones, conde de 
 Luna; Catalina, who died single at Seville, and Juana 
 married to Hernando Enriquez de Rivera, duke of 
 AlcaU and marques de Tarifa. Beside these there 
 were several natural children: Martin Cortes, son of 
 the devoted Marina; Catalina Pizarro, daughter of 
 Leonor Pizarro; Luis, son of Antonia Hermosilla;^^ 
 Leonor and Maria, daughters of noble Indian women; 
 Leonor was married to Juan de Tolosa, one of the 
 founders of Zacatecas; and finally another son Luis, 
 who died before his father. 
 
 With Pedro Cortes, the fourth marques del Valle 
 and great grandson of the conqueror, the direct line 
 became extinct. The estates and title passed to his 
 niece. Dona Estefania, married to Diego de Aragon, 
 duke of Terranova, descendant of one of the most 
 distinguished families of Sicily. This union remaining 
 without male issue, by the marriage of their daughter 
 J uana with Hector, duke of Monteleone, the line be- 
 came united with the Pinatelli family, Neapolitan 
 nobles of the first rank. Thus the descendants and 
 present representatives of the great adventurer s family 
 are the dukes of Terranova y Monteleone, in Sicily, 
 one of the proudest families of Italy." 
 
 Monteleone, Esposicion, 23-31, 60-62. More particulars concerning the estate 
 may be found in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 330-8; Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Boletin, ii. 19; Humholdt, Essai Pol., i. 126; Villa Senor, Theatre, 
 i. 269-70; ii. 118-23; Doc. Hist. Mex., sMe i. torn. i. 4, 415, 461. 
 
 I*' Martin, Luis, and Catalina were legitimized by papal bull of April 16, 
 1529, which is given in Alaman, Disert., ii. 2d app. 32-6. The former were 
 made knights of Santiago and Calatrava, respectively. 
 
 The statement in Prescott, iii. 351, that by the marriage of a female into 
 the Louse of Terranova, the Cortes family was united with the descendants 
 of the *graji capitan ' Gonzalo de C6rdoba, is erroneous. The house of Ter- 
 
484 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 
 In finally reviewing the character of Hernan Cortes, 
 after our long acquaintance, and comparing him with 
 his contemporaries, we find conspicuous a supreme 
 worldly ambition, love of power, of wealth, of fame, 
 united to intense religious zeal and loyalty to the 
 king. In the combination there was much that might 
 be called remarkable. This union of the spiritual 
 and the sensual, a selfishness as broad and deep in 
 heavenly as in earthly affairs, an all-abiding, heart- 
 felt loyalty to the sovereign of Spain, paramount even 
 to self-love or to church devotion, seems here more 
 evenly balanced than in any person of note among 
 those who came early to the Indies. Though his 
 religious zeal was so fervid, he seldom permitted it 
 to stand in the way of worldly advancement; but 
 there was ever present a fighting piety which might 
 have adorned a member of the house of Hapsburg. 
 Love of gold was usually subordinate to love of glory ; 
 and yet we have seen him decline a coveted title be- 
 cause of a real or pretended lack of means to support 
 it. Further, after having had set apart for him lands, 
 and vassals, and revenues befitting a king, he rendered 
 the latter part of his life miserable by reason of vain 
 importunities to his sovereign for more. A tithe of 
 what he possessed he might with contentment have 
 enjoyed, but in his later mood half the planet would 
 have been too small for him while the other half re- 
 mained to be coveted. 
 
 But in this it was more what he considered his due 
 that he desired, than the gratification of an all-absorb- 
 ing avarice, such as that which possessed Nuno de 
 Guzman, and men of similar stamp. When an humble 
 navigator discovered a new world, or a nameless cava- 
 lier conquered a considerable portion of it at his own 
 
 ranova united with the Cortes family received its title from Philip II. in 1563, 
 and is distinct from that of Terranova in Calabria. The genealogy of Cortes 
 may be found in Claviyero, Storia Mess. , iii. 236-7. See, also, Carriedo, Es- 
 tudios, ii. 7; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 13-14; Panes, Vireyes, in Monumentof 
 Domin. Esp., MS., 70, 79; Lebron, Apolog. Jurid., in Pap. Derecho, No. 4, 
 58-Gl; Alaman, Disert., ii. 48-52, 1st app. 4-6; 2d app. 32-6; Corfds, Resi' 
 dencia, i. Ill; Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 279-80. 
 
REVIEW OF HIS CHARACTER. 
 
 485 
 
 cost and in the name of the king, laying it at the 
 sovereign's feet, with all its wealth of gold and pearls, 
 and land and vassals, it was an undetermined question 
 how much of it belonged to the monarch and how 
 much to the discoverer and conqueror, and it is not 
 at all strange that opinion should be divided on the 
 subject. But in every emergency, whatsoever the 
 monarch said or did, whether he granted lands and 
 honors or withheld them, Cortes was bound to believe 
 all as right. He might sometimes sacrifice wealth 
 and power to religion; more frequently he would sac- 
 rifice religion to wealth and power, but never would 
 he abate one jot of his devoted obedience to the king, 
 unless it was clearly to the king's interest that he 
 should be slightly disobeyed. 
 
 From the time of the Honduras expedition, and 
 his separation from the faithful Marina, the star of 
 the conqueror declined. From that day care fast 
 engraved wrinkles on his forehead. The hardships 
 and disappointments experienced on the march had 
 broken his spirits and lowered his strength of mind, 
 and they never recovered. In the mean time he had 
 reached the summit of fame; he was captain-general 
 and governor of the country he had conquered, and was 
 made a marquis with vast grants. Nevertheless his 
 soul was embittered by the fact that the gifts of his 
 royal master were benefits only in name, that real 
 honors were withheld, that he was no longer supreme 
 in the land of his achievement, but must be ruled 
 like any other by an audiencia and subsequently by 
 a viceroy. Still, his restless impulse carries him for- 
 ward to new and exciting scenes. New Spain is 
 conquered, and he would penetrate beyond. The Cali- 
 fornia and Spice Island expeditions fail; he wrangles 
 with the viceroy over the right of further discoveries, 
 of which he is finally and effectually deprived. 
 
 Nowhere is the presence of noble character more 
 visibly displayed than when taunted, maligned, and 
 robbed by the royal officials. While possessing ample 
 
4S6 
 
 DEATH OF CORTES. 
 
 power to sweep them from his path, he endured in 
 angry patience every indignity and wrong rather than 
 place himself on record as other than law-abiding and 
 a lover of good conduct. His domestic life during 
 his second marriage seems to have been one of great 
 felicity; we find him the kindest of parents and a 
 devoted husband, though from his earlier libertinisms 
 the contrary might have been expected. We have 
 seen that till his last moments he showed the greatest 
 solicitude for the welfare of his entire family. 
 
 In mind and manners, in adventure, war, diplomacy, 
 he everywhere displayed great versatility. There was 
 little that he could not do; there was little he could 
 not do better than another. Were ships required, he 
 would make them; were they in the way, he would 
 burn them. Did he want powder, there was the 
 sulphur of the volcano; did he lack iron for guns, he 
 used silver or copper. Were the hosts of Andhuac 
 too many for him, he turned against them other hosts 
 before whom he was likewise in point of numbers an 
 insignificant enemy. But though his feats as an Ind- 
 ian-fighter were wonderful, it is not in these that we 
 find him at his best. A stupid slur was that made 
 during the Algiers expedition by the king s courtier, 
 who said that Cortes would find the Moors a very 
 different enemy from naked Americans. Cortes was 
 a match for any Moor, or any Spaniard; indeed his 
 most brilliant exploits were achieved when he found 
 himself opposed by his own countrymen; and he was 
 scarcely less successful as a ruler than as a military 
 leader. 
 
 His nature, as we everywhere have seen, was one 
 of emphasis and intensity. Affairs of gallantry he 
 conducted with as much skill and persistency as were 
 required to win a battle. The grave and courtly 
 manners by which the Spaniard commonly veils his 
 real character were in Cortes modified by a freeness 
 and vivacity due in a great measure to New World 
 influences. 
 
HIS BIOGRAPHERS. 
 
 487 
 
 We cannot condemn simply because one has faults ; 
 we cannot wholly condemn if one has many and glar- 
 ing faults. It is only when one displays that most 
 offensive of faults, an unconsciousness of having any, 
 that we may regard the case as entitled to sweeping 
 condemnation. 
 
 The leading biographer of Cortds is Gomara, on whose works biblio- 
 graphical notes will be found in my Hist. Cent. Am., i. 314-16. With regard 
 to his Bistoria de Mexico, which in reality may be looked upon as a biog- 
 raphy of Cortes, he has met with supporters and detractors. Las Casas is 
 scathing in his criticisms of the earlier portions of his work, asserting that 
 his information being derived from the representations of Cortes is warped. 
 Hist. Ind., iv. 11-12, 448 et seq. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 11, also con- 
 sidered that Gomara's statements are not consistent with the facts, and 
 Munoz charges him with accepting the accounts of previous writers without 
 due examination, and of being credulous and deficient in discernment. Hist. 
 Nuev. Mund., i. p.xviii. On the other hand Gomara is followed by numerous 
 writers, ancient and modem. Herrera draws largely upon him, while at the 
 same time he was enabled to consult documents which this father of American 
 history never saw. Gomara obtained his materials from important sources, 
 such as letters, reports, and other documents to which he had access ; but, 
 chaplain as he was to Cortes, it was but natural that he should be prejudiced 
 in favor of his patron, and be disposed to somewhat color his great deeds, 
 without chronicling those which might detract from his renown. Oviedo 
 supplies information relative to Cortds which no one else gives. In his Hist. 
 Gen. de Indicts he reproduces the conqueror's first letters, slightly adapted to 
 his own language. Having met him in Spain he had frequent opportunities 
 of conversing with him. He received occasional letters from Cortes, and his 
 mention of these and quotations from them assist in proving facts and fixing 
 dates. Bemal Diaz detracts somewhat from the credit of his great com- 
 mander by exalting that of his companions. Pizarro, Varones Bust. , gives a 
 glowing eulogy of Cortes, but it is non-critical and partial. He enlarges on 
 the importance of omens and natural phenomena which presented themselves 
 at the birth and during the eventful periods of the life of the hero. He 
 ranks him naturally enough second to his relative Pizarro. Clavigero, Storia 
 Mess. , has made a few valuable investigations, and produced Cortes' family 
 tree. This author's usual perspicacity is displayed in his researches and con- 
 clusions relative thereto. The Hesidencia of Cortds, as containing the testi- 
 mony of his foes, is full of dark pictures, most of which are exaggerated and 
 many of them false. Nevertheless the student receives much aid from the 
 statements of opposing witnesses, and particularly from such corroborative 
 evidence as appears. From the Escritos Sueltos, the Cartas of Cortds, from 
 letters, memorials, and other papers, in Coif. Doc. Ind., and Pacheco and Cdr- 
 denas. Col. Doc. , xv. xxvi.-xxx. , and other volumes, much fresh information 
 may be gathered as regards his actions, motives, and character. The notes 
 
DEATH OF CORTfiS. 
 
 of Lorenzana in CorMs, Nueva Esp., Mexico, 1770, supply many important 
 particulars, and may be consulted with interest. The researches of Hum- 
 boldt, Essai Pol., Paris, 1811, have revealed many facts which may be con- 
 sidered as historical discoveries. Among the modem biographers of Cort^a 
 Arthur Helps occupies a prominent position. Bom about 1817 he began, to 
 figure as a writer, anonymously, as early as 1835, and continued to furnish 
 the press at frequent intervals with productions covering a wide range of 
 literature, as essays, dramas, biographies, and histories. He also assisted 
 Queen Victoria in preparing her Leaves from the Journal of our Life In the 
 Highlands. For these and other efiforts he was in 1872 honored with knight- 
 hood. As an essayist he has been compared to Lamb for good-natured satire 
 and deep feeling, and his treatises generally indicate also the observer and 
 thinker. The first notable work on America, TJie Conquerors of the New 
 World, London, 1848-52, two volumes, a speculative and semi-historio 
 account of the settlement of America, chiefly with reference to the race 
 mixture, is not a work of much merit. It is now rarely met with, owing 
 perhaps to Helps' own efiforts to withdraw it from circulation. Yet the book 
 served a good purpose in inciting him to further researches for the more 
 thorough and elaborate History of the Spanish Conquest in America, London, 
 1858-61, four volumes, followed in 1868 hy Life of Las Casas, Life of Pizarro, 
 1869, Life of Cortes, 1871. In the former work an excellent treatise on enco- 
 miendas is ofifered by Sir Arthur, who has in a measure competed with Pres- 
 cott, while covering ground not embraced by him. But the main object of 
 the former work is still the race mixture, or rather the origin of negro slavery 
 and its effect on America, and this accounts for the less thorough treatment 
 of the regular history, and for the lengthy deviations from its natural course. 
 Treating rather of the result than the progress of conquest, and inclining 
 greatly to ethnologic and social data, the book is apt to disappoint those who 
 take the title as an index. Although showing an admirable grasp of subject 
 and philosophic treatment the historian is not unfrequently found to yield to 
 the essayist, and at times poetic feeling and fancy take the place of facts. 
 Free from affectation the language deserves the compliment of 'beautiful, 
 quiet English,' bestowed by Ruskin, but as finished work it cannot compare 
 with Eobertson, Prescott, or even Irving. His Life of Cort4s forms a slightly 
 elaborated gleaning on this topic from the preceding volumes, and forms as a 
 natural result not a thorough history of his conquests, but rather an attractive 
 biography, which at times dwells too much on trifles, and incorporates idle 
 statements; yet displays in other respects a clear perception of traits and 
 incidents, frequently manifested in profound observations and adomed with 
 brilliant sentences. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., Paris, 1857, 
 four volumes, scarcely does Cortes justice. The &hh6, though a fascinating 
 writer, regarded the Conquest from a native stand-point, and consequently 
 his views and descriptions are tinged with a corresponding coloring. Pre- 
 eminent, however, among modern writers of this period of Mexican history 
 stands Prescott, whom I have already considered in the first volume of my 
 History of Mexico. In addition to what has been already said about his 
 Conquest of Mexico it may be remarked that after the fall of the city his work 
 is for the most part confined to the biography of Cortes, whose bright achieve-. 
 
FURTHER AUTHORITIES. 
 
 489 
 
 ments and good qualities are prominently and brilliantly set forth, but whose 
 imperfections are not impartially portrayed. Alaman's Diaert.^ Mexico, 
 1844, may be regarded as a complement to Prescott. Although he gives but 
 a biographical outline of the career of Cortes as an individual, Alaman never- 
 theless displays great research on certain points upon which he throws much 
 light. Annin, Alte Mex., Leipsic, 1865, supplies some additional information 
 to that found in Prescott. This work is well written. The following addi- 
 tional authorities may be mentioned: Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 8-13; 
 Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 274-7; Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 51; Torquemada, i. 
 540; Providencias Eeales, MS., 7, 15-25, 209, 215-20; Beales CMulas, MS., 
 i. 136-70; Kingsborough's Blex. Antiq., v. 158; Vetancvrty Teatro Mex.y 
 167-8; Monumentos Domin. Esp.^ MS., 70, 79; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. 
 10; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 361-6; HaMuyfs Voy., iii. 454; Figue- 
 roa, Vindicias, MS., 132-7; Kerr's Col. Voy., iii. 454; iv. 307-28; Beau- 
 mont, Crdn. Mich., v. 90-1; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 406; Sammlung oiler 
 Beisebesch. , xiii. 265-6; Voyages, New Col., i. 348; World Displayed, ii. 252; 
 Certificacion de Mercedes, MS., 11-12; Villa Setior y Sanchez, Theatro, i, 
 69-73, 269-70; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 6, 149-51; Dillon, Beaut^s, 55-8; Eivera, 
 Hist. Jalapa, i. 61; Raynal, Hist. Phil., iii. 247-8; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 
 128-9; Pap. Varies, torn, cliii. pt. iii. 55-80; Dubois, Mexique, 88-93; Dufey, 
 Bdsume, i. 213-14; Calderon de la Barca, 34; Castillo, Dice. Hist., 187-92; 
 Chevalier, Mexique, 6.3-4; Salmon's Modern Hist., iii. 197; Sandoval, Hist. 
 Carlos v., ii. 635; Peralta, Not. Hist., 145-6, 340; Salazar, Conq. il/ea:., 462-74; 
 Societe AmAricaine, i. 296; Pimentel, Sit. Actual, 110-11; Conder's Mex. and 
 Guat., 81-3; Bussierre, UEmp. Mex., 370, 377-9; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 
 31-2, 54^7; Rivera, Gob. Mex., 12-13, 18; Campbell, Span. Am., 43; Southern 
 Quart. Bev.,new series, vi. 120-1; Cavanilles, Hist. Espana, v. 177-89; Eivera, 
 Mex. en 184S, 7-11; Revilla, notes in Solis, Hist. Conq. Mej. (Madrid, 1843), 
 485-6; Gordon's Anc. Mex., 236-40; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., No. v., 
 259-61; Liceo Mex., i. 91-109; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 187-8, 379-423; Glee- 
 son's Hist. Cath. Church, i. 36; Lacunza, Disc. Hist., No. xxxiii. 462; Nouv. 
 Bib. desVoy., 127-30; Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s^rie i. tom. ii. 202- 
 19; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 76-9, 89-91; Wilson's Mex., 279, 417-18; Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mex., iii. 265; iv. 238-660, passim; v. 5-18; xi. 530-1; Mavor's Univ. 
 Hist., xxiv. 147-8; Roche, Fernand Cortez, 136-8; Portilla, Espana en Mex., 
 118-29; N. Am. Rev., Iviii. 197; Edinburgh Rev., April, 1845, 469, 472-3; 
 U. S. Cath. Mag., 1844, 146, 417; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., ii. 7, 8; Mexico, 
 200-4; Lebron y Cuervo, Apolog. Jurid., in Papcles de Derecho, No. 4, 58-61. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 1541-1542. 
 
 Rule of OiJatb in Nueva Galicia — His Difficult Position — Rebellion 
 Rife — Departure of Coronado — Causes of Dissatisfaction — Begin- 
 ning OF Hostilities — Defeat of Ibarra — Alvarado Arrives at 
 Navidad — And is Appealed to for Aid — He Receives a Summons 
 
 FROM MeNDOZA, and DEPARTS FOR TiRIPITIO — AGREEMENT BETWEEN 
 
 Them — Alvarado Returns to OiJate's Relief — Precipitous Attack 
 
 ON NOCHISTLAN — DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS — AnD DeATH OF AlVA- 
 
 BADO — Arrival of Mendoza with Reenforcements — His Successful 
 Campaign — End of the Mixton War — Expeditions of Juan Rodri- 
 guez Cabrillo and Ruy Lopez de Villalobos — The Survivors of 
 Soto's Florida Expedition Arrive at PInuco. 
 
 By the departure of Francisco Vazquez de Coro- 
 nado from Nueva Galicia, Crist 6bal de Onate, as 
 lieutenant-governor, occupied no enviable position; 
 nevertheless he behaved with prudence and circum- 
 spection. He was respected without being hated, 
 and he united justice with clemency as far as he was 
 able. In war he seldom shared in the reckless confi- 
 dence of his fellow -conquerors, and never appeared 
 over-hasty to attack ; but once engaged, he was want- 
 ing in neither skill nor bravery. 
 
 From the revolt of 1538, in which Governor Torre 
 lost his life, to the departure of Coronado, there 
 seems to have been no open hostilities on the part of 
 the natives. Yet there was observed a growing spirit 
 of discontent, and of disregard for the authority of the 
 encomenderos which foreboded trouble; and here and 
 there outrages began to be committed, until finally 
 open insurrection was at hand. Certain ruling spirits 
 among the conquered race were plotting mischief, and 
 
 (490) 
 
AFFAIRS IN NEW GALICIA. 
 
 491 
 
 sounding the minds of the several nations through 
 secret agencies. Sorcerers from the mountains of 
 Zacatecas, messengers of Satan the pious chroniclers 
 called them, appeared in the northern towns of Tlal- 
 tenango, Juchipila, Jalpa, and elsewhere, inciting the 
 inhabitants to rise and exterminate the oppressors. 
 They refused to pay tribute, and abandoned their 
 houses and lands. 
 
 In some parts the Indians killed the missionaries 
 who tried to persuade them to return in peace and 
 submit to Spanish rule; in other places they killed 
 their encomenderos, abandoned their towns, and re- 
 tired to the mountains. Fortified camps w^ere estab- 
 lished in the mountains where the chieftains and 
 warriors gathered to meet the unconquered Chichi- 
 mecs. Upon their ancient altars again appeared the 
 bloody sacrifice; promise of supernatural aid through 
 omens was made by the sorcerers; and the effects of 
 Christian baptism were removed by washing of heads 
 and other acts of penance. Few, indeed, were the 
 towns in New Galicia, from Colima to Culiacan, not 
 represented at these mysterious conclaves. But while 
 the conspiracy was thus wide-spread, active operations 
 were confined for the most part to the region north 
 of the Rio Grande, and east of the mountains about 
 Nochistlan. Mixton, Nochistlan, Acatic, and Cuinao 
 were the principal strongholds, and were under the 
 command of Tenamaxtli. In other parts of the coun- 
 try the vrarriors were also on the alert, but seemed in 
 most cases to have awaited the results in the north. 
 Their penoles and fortified clifis, almost impregnable, 
 were strengthened by walls supplied with trunks of 
 trees and stones to be rolled or thrown down upon the 
 assailants; they had been well provided with food and 
 water, though the prophetic words of the magicians 
 led the natives to expect that food would be miracu- 
 lously bestowed ; they even reckoned on the annihila- 
 tion of the Spaniards by the deities without human 
 instrumentality. 
 
402 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 We are not accustomed to seek long for the reason 
 of insurrection and revolt among conquered nations. 
 In this instance we need only call to mind that 
 Nuno de Guzman had been there. As to more re- 
 cent causes we have the testimony of Cortes that 
 the trouble was due to Coronado's departure/ and 
 Mendoza's extortion of men and provisions for that 
 
 MiXTON War. 
 
 expedition. Beaumont declares it certain that the 
 insurrection originated in the brutality of the enco- 
 menderos.^ 
 
 1 Peticion al Emperador, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 63-4. Cortt^s had 
 complained as early as June 1540 that Coronado was leaving the countrj,' un- 
 protected. Col. Doc. InM., iv. 214; see also Frejes, Hist. Breve, 79. 
 
 2 And in the face of such evidence, together with assertions to the same 
 effect by nearly all the old chroniclers, and the appalling expositions of Las 
 Casas, Zamacois, Hist. ]\Uj., iv. 669-72, stubbornly defends the Spaniards. 
 He slurs Las Casas and the writers who credit such statements, and in a ver- 
 bose and fallacious argument seeks to prove that the uprising took place be- 
 ^«ause the natives would not accept the rites and customs of the Catholic 
 
ADVENTURES OF OJtATE. 
 
 493 
 
 Before open hostilities began, Onate had gone to 
 Compostela to malve provision for the safety of the 
 Tepic region and the coast. Here he left Juan de 
 Villalba as governor, and returned to Guadalajara, 
 where he learned that the Guaynamota and Guasa- 
 mota Indians had killed the encomendero Juan de 
 Arce. The viceroy was notified of the outbreak, and 
 all available measures were adopted for defence.^ And 
 thus began the last desperate struggle of the natives 
 of New Galicia to regain their ancient liberty. 
 
 Realizing his precarious position, Onate made an 
 attempt at reconciliation. In April 1541 he sent 
 Captain Miguel de Ibarra, with some twenty-five 
 Spaniards and a considerable force of friendly Tlajo- 
 mulco and Tonald Indians, up the Juchipila Kiver to 
 reconnoitre. The inhabitants had destroyed their 
 fields, deserted their towns, burned the church, thrown 
 down the crosses, and retired to the mountain fast- 
 ness, cr penol, of Mixton. 
 
 Ibarra arrived, and through friars and interpreters 
 the natives were exhorted to lay down their arms, 
 whereupon full pardon would be granted. The answer 
 was a shower of arrows and stones, in which one of 
 the Franciscan mediators was killed. The Spaniards 
 fell back to consult respecting future movements. 
 Shortly afterward they were visited by embassadors 
 pretending peace, and who desired the next day, 
 palm Sunday, April 10th, to be set apart for a formal 
 conference. Ibarra was thus thrown off his guard, and 
 retired to rest. Early next morning, during an eclipse 
 of the sun as some say, the Spanish camp was attacked 
 
 faith; they refused above all to discard polygamy. He quotes from Beaumont 
 to sustain his view, but the citation has no bearing on the revolt whatever, 
 merely on the zeal of the missionaries to induce the reluctant neophytes to 
 leave their wives. On the contrary, Beaumont affirms positively 'que el 
 motivo principal que movi6 d estos indios d rebelarse fu6 la dureza de algunos 
 encomenderos.' Crdn. Mich., iv. 236. An occurrence during one of their 
 Bavage feasts, interpreted as a good omen by their sorcerers, strengthened 
 the belief of the natives in success, and probably hastened the outbreak. 
 
 ^ It seems that during his visit to Compostela, Onate changed the site of 
 the place from near Tepic to the Cactlan Valley, for greater safety. Mota- 
 Padilla, Conq. N. Gcd., 112; Beaumont j Crdn. Mich.t iv. 235. 
 
494 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 by overwhelming numbers. Ibarra was defeated and 
 put to flight ; ten Spaniards were killed, including Cap- 
 tain Francisco de la Mota, and over two hundred of 
 the native allies.* It was through the valor of Captain 
 Diego Vazquez that Ibarra's party escaped utter de- 
 struction. 
 
 When the first among the wounded arrived at 
 Guadalajara, Onate set out with his force, except 
 twelve whom he left to guard the city. He had not 
 gone a league before he learned that the most gallant 
 of Ibarra's companions were killed or captured, and 
 that the whole province was in arms; whereupon he 
 deemed it more prudent to return and defend the 
 town. Fifteen days later friendly Indians confirmed 
 the alarming news of a general uprising in the regions 
 of Culiacan, Compostela, and Purificacion, where the 
 small Spanish garrisons were continually harassed ; it 
 was also said that the enemy intended to march 
 against Guadalajara. Onate immediately sent Diego 
 Vazquez to the city of Mexico with urgent appeals 
 for aid. 
 
 During the month of August 1540, Pedro de Alva- 
 rado had put into the port of Navidad, for water and 
 provisions, with the formidable fleet prepared in 
 Guatemala to discover the Spice Islands/ though 
 now diverted to explore the newly found regions of 
 Cibola, for which were so many claimants. While 
 
 *In the Mendoza, Visita, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 106-8, it is stated 
 that Ibarra was sent out with the friar Coruna, who heard of the revolt at 
 Purificacion and came in person to Guadalajara. The same document men- 
 tions an expedition prior to that of Alvarado, in which Ofiate with 50 Span- 
 iards was defeated after a battle of four hours. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. 
 X., also makes Onate command the defeated party, consisting of 40 horse and 
 as many foot, and a few Indian allies. A note by Munoz in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc. , iii. 377, also states that Mendoza was in Guadalajara in 
 the early part of 1541. 
 
 ^According to a contract made with the crown. See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 
 this- series. Alvarado landed at Navidad for water and provisions. TellOy 
 Hist. N. Gal, 382; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 161; Torquemada, i. 323. At 
 Purificacion. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 236; Vazquez, Ohron. Gvat., i. 159. 
 Most authors agree that he came to Navidad direct, though it appears ho 
 touched at several ports south before his arrival at this place. 
 
EXPEDITION OF ALVARADO. 
 
 495 
 
 there word reached him from Juan Fernandez de 
 Hijar, commanding at Purificacion, concerning the 
 critical state of affairs. Hijar explained their forlorn 
 condition, and begged the adelantado not to depart 
 without coming to their aid. 
 
 The prospect of an encounter with so formidable a 
 foe appealed at once to Alvarado's chivalry, to his 
 devotedness to the interest of the crown, and to his 
 love of great and perilous undertakings. He landed 
 his force, consisting of about four hundred Spaniards 
 and some Indians,^ who all agreed to render the re- 
 quired assistance before proceeding on their voyage 
 of discovery. At this juncture couriers arrived from 
 Mendoza, summoning Alvarado to Mexico, to arrange 
 necessary matters concerning his expedition. The 
 order frustrated his plans; but though he had deter- 
 mined to go at once to the relief of Guadalajara, 
 he could not disregard the request of the viceroy. 
 He marched his forces to Zapotlan, there to pass the 
 rainy season; and after some discussion with Men- 
 doza's messengers, Luis de Castilla and Agustin 
 Guerrero, Alvarado agreed to meet the viceroy at 
 Tiripitio in Michoacan, where Juan de Alvarado, his 
 relative, had an encomienda. 
 
 It appears that Mendoza had received from the 
 crown an interest in Alvarado's contract, which the 
 latter was reluctant to concede. Difficulties arose 
 between them on this point at Tiripitio, but were for- 
 tunately removed by the good offices of Bishop Mar- 
 roquin of Guatemala, who was present. Mendoza's 
 plan to unite with Alvarado and exclude Cortes from 
 further discoveries northward and in the South Sea 
 was accomplished, as much to his own as to Alvarado's 
 satisfaction. The latter was severely censured at the 
 time for thus conniving against the interests of his 
 benefactor.^ 
 
 « The forces of Alvarado are variously given as from 300 to 600, 
 '' Cortes never resented this ingratitude, but complained of Mendoza's con- 
 duct in the matter, and the cunning and avarice he displayed toward Alva- 
 rado. According to his testimony the adelantado anchored his magnificent 
 
m 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 The contract concluded, Alvarado accompanied the 
 viceroy to the city of Mexico, to attend to the final 
 preparations for the two expeditions agreed upon: 
 one along the northern coast and the other to the 
 Spice Islands, after which Alvarado returned to 
 New Galicia to join his troops and the fleet. When 
 Crist6bal de Onate, who was now sorely pressed by 
 the savages, learned of Alvarado's return to Zapotlan, 
 he despatched Juan de Villareal to notify him of the 
 Mixton disaster, and to ask for early assistance. It 
 was necessary to Alvarado's enterprise to leave the 
 ports of New Galicia secure as a base for operations, 
 80 that there was inducement for him to hasten to 
 Onate's relief. He sent fifty men to protect Autlan 
 and Purificacion ; fifty remained at Zapotlan to guard 
 the districts of Colima and Avalos; at Etzatlan and 
 Lake Chapala garrisons of twenty-five men each were 
 stationed, and Alvarado himself with a hundred horse 
 and as many foot pushed on to Guadalajara. Tonald 
 and Tlacomulco had been kept faithful by Friar An- 
 tonio de Segovia, and reenforced Alvarado on the 
 way; he seems also to have been joined by a native 
 force from Michoacan. Such was the rapidity of his 
 march to Guadalajara, that the passage of the bar- 
 ranca of TonaU, which, owing to the river and the 
 roughness of the country ordinarily required three 
 days, was accomplished in a day and a night. 
 
 Just before the arrival of Alvarado, which occurred 
 June 12, 1541, Ibarra had returned from a new recon- 
 noissance, during which he had met nothing but scorn 
 
 fleet, composed of 12 or 13 ships, at Huatulco in Tehuantepec, to take in 
 provisions. He was prevented, however, by the viceroy's agents, who in 
 their turn offered him provisions in the name of their master, demanding 
 in exchange an interest in the fleet and in the enterprise. Alvarado refused, 
 and sailed for Navidad. But the viceroy's emissaries had foreseen this and 
 arrived there soon after the fleet. Alvarado had no alternative now but to 
 Bubmit to the viceroy's conditions, lest his starving forces should desert him; 
 and thus it came about that Mendoza obtained a half ownership in the fleet. 
 After the death of Alvarado the viceroy seized all the ships and even then 
 claimed that Alvarado was still his debtor. CorUs, Memorial^ in Escritos 
 fiueltos, 134-5. Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor in 1545, refers to 
 his services in arranging the difficulties whi^h had existed between Mendoza 
 imd Alvarado. Squier'a MSS., xxii. 139. 
 
RASHNESS OF THE CONQUISTADOR. 
 
 497 
 
 from the natives at Nochistlan. A cour^cil of war 
 was held, and the fiery adelantado declined to await 
 the coming of reenforcements from Mexico ; nor would 
 he accept the aid of Onate's brave little band in the 
 attack he had decided upon. The lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor, better acquainted with the enemy's strength 
 and desperate valor, counselled prudence and delay. 
 He called to mind the rugged nature of the country, 
 and the recent rains which rendered operations of cav- 
 alry difficult. Other prominent persons joined Onate 
 in his endeavor to dissuade the adelantado from so 
 perilous an undertaking until troops should arrive 
 from Mexico, but no reason could prevail, and he 
 scoffed at their fears. 
 
 The conqueror had been summoned from weighty 
 matters for this petty strife. He would show Onate 
 a thing or two, and teach him how to quell his own 
 disturbances. '"By Santiago!" he exclaimed, "there 
 are not Indians enough in the country to withstand 
 my attack, and a disgrace would it be to Spanish valor 
 to employ more men. God has guided me hither and 
 I shall vanquish the rebels alone. With a smaller 
 force than this I have discomfited greater hosts. It 
 is disgraceful that the barking of such a pack should 
 suffice to alarm the country. I shall leave this city 
 on the day of St John^ with my own force, and not 
 a citizen or soldier from Guadalajara shall follow. 
 Let them remain; the victory will be mine alone." 
 And somewhat sneeringly he added, " Because of an 
 insignificant advantage gained by the natives, the 
 Spaniards have lost their valor I" 
 
 Now Onate was every whit as brave as Alvarado, 
 but he was more prudent; the lives of the settlers, of 
 their wives and little ones, depended on his judicious 
 conduct. The taunt of the adelantado stung, but he 
 would not treat the illustrious conqueror with disre- 
 
 *Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 389, and other authors here say * St James,' which 
 would be July 25th; Alvarcido's disastrous defeat occured June 24th, or on St 
 John's day. 
 
 EzsT. Mex., Vol. II. 82 
 
49a 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 spect. It pained him to see bravery becoming bra- 
 vado; Alvarado's men were but lately enlisted, and 
 could not be compared with those so recently defeated 
 at the Mixton. I am sorry to see you dej art alone," 
 he said, "for I assure your worship there will be 
 trouble. Had you but awaited the viceroy's reen- 
 forcements, we might have jointly pacified the country 
 without much risk." More determined than ever, 
 Alvarado replied: "The die is cast; I trust in God!" 
 Thereupon he set out from Guadalajara with his 
 forces, horse, foot, and Indians, toward Nochistlan. 
 He stirred within his men their vanity and their valor; 
 it was absurd to think of waiting for more men; the 
 fewer the number the greater the share of plunder. 
 Thus was opened the last campaign of the dashing 
 adelantado, one of the most reckless, and one of the 
 most cruel. 
 
 Unable to remain inactive, Onate followed with 
 twenty-five horsemen. Should his fears be realized, he 
 would be near to render aid; and in case of a hojDe- 
 less rout he might return in time for the protection of 
 Guadalajara. He crossed the Kio Grande and march- 
 ing through the mountains of Nochistlan toward Juchi- 
 pila stationed himself on a height from which he could 
 witness the attack. 
 
 On the 24th of June Alvarado arrived at the 
 penol of Nochistlan, which was protected by seven 
 walls of stone, earth, and trees, and defended by a 
 multitude of warriors. After a short and fruitless 
 parley he pushed forward to take the breastworks by 
 assault. A human flood opposed his progress. Ten 
 thousand Indians, men and women, poured down upon 
 the aggressor like a torrent. The sky was dark with 
 arrows, darts, and stones, and at the first shock twenty 
 Spaniards fell dead. The ferocity of the enemy was 
 such that they tore the bodies of the slain to pieces, 
 threw them into the air, and then devoured them. 
 Consternation seized the Spaniards. Nevertheless 
 Alvarado rallied, and in a second onslaught ten more 
 
DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 
 
 499 
 
 horsemen bit the dust. Thirty out of a hundred, 
 slain in a trice ! It was a result unparalleled in the 
 history of Indian warfare. It was indeed a perilous 
 situation, yet they rallied again. The natives encour- 
 aged by their victory, and aware of the determination 
 of the assailants, were ready; they even came forth 
 from their intrenchment and seemed desirous of tak- 
 ing the open field.^ 
 
 Alvarado now ordered to the assault the Spanish 
 foot, Captain Falcon, one hundred strong, with five 
 thousand Michoacan allies under Antonio, son of 
 Caltzontzin, the late king of that country, all to be 
 supported by the cavalry. Disregarding his orders. 
 Falcon attacked too soon, and without awaiting the 
 support, pressed on toward the summit of the hill. 
 Perceiving that the horsemen were not present the 
 Indians offered little resistance until he had reached 
 a point near the top of the penol, then, suddenly clos- 
 ing in upon his front and rear, they prevented the 
 cavalry from coming to his aid. With great difficulty 
 the assailants extricated themselves from their des- 
 perate situation, during which Captain Falcon with 
 seven or eight Spaniards, and many allies, were killed. 
 The enem}^ pursued the retreating Spaniards into the 
 plain below, where bogs prevented the cavalry from 
 effective action. The people of the penol were masters 
 of the field, and the Spaniards were fairly put to 
 rout. The rain fell in torrents; the roads became 
 impassable. 
 
 For a distance of three leagues the elated Indians 
 pursued, and another Spaniard was killed. Alvarado 
 had dismounted to fight on foot, to cover the retreat 
 in person. At last the Spanish forces were driven 
 into a ravine between Yahualica and Acatic, when the 
 fury of the pursuers began to abate, and they turned 
 
 * According to Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 391, who has left us the most 
 accurate account of the Mixton war. A somewhat different version of Alva- 
 rado's attack is given by Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xi., who says that 
 the combined forces of Onate and the adelantado marched on Nochistlan, 
 See also Vega, Crdn. Mich., MS., lib. iv. cap. vii. 
 
500 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 back toward Nochistlan. Alvarado endeavored to 
 check the flight of his men, to rally and rest them; 
 but they were terror-stricken and paid no heed to the 
 orders of the commander. To save their lives they 
 were now even willing the enemy should live; so 
 onward they swept over the rugged ground, caring 
 little for captain or country. Alvarado's secretary, 
 Baltasar de Montoya, whose horse was much fatigued, 
 was particularly anxious to widen the distance be- 
 tween himself and the enemy. 
 
 Montoya rode in front of his master, who repeatedly 
 told him to slacken his pace, or the horse would fall 
 with him. But the scribe was beside himself with 
 fear; so much so that on coming to a broken embank- 
 ment, instead of economizing his fast failing resources 
 he spurred the jaded animal toward the steep. When 
 about half way up the horse lost its footing and 
 fell, throwing likewise Alvarado and his horse to the 
 ground, whereupon all were precipitated into a ravine 
 below. Montoya was not much injured,^^ but the 
 gallant conqueror lay crushed, his fair form broken 
 and mutilated. 
 
 Alas! Tonatiuh, the sun, had set; the immortal 
 one was clay. Slain by no enemy, he w^as none the 
 less a victim to his own rashness. He was the last 
 of the famous four, and his death was as might have 
 been expected. Cortes and Sandoval, though no less 
 familiar with danger than Olid and Alvarado, were less 
 the slaves of reckless impulse. Ever holding passion 
 subservient to reason, and feeling to common-sense, 
 they escaped violent death. Not that death by vio- 
 lence, quick deliverance, is necessarily worse or more 
 appalling than the long-draw^n agony attending bodily 
 disease or a broken heart. Alvarado's was not a 
 glorious death, but neither was that of Cortds or 
 Columbus, whose last hours were made miserable by 
 slights and insults, by foiled ambition and a princely 
 pauperism. 
 
 ^•^ The clumsy coward lived to the age of 105 years. TeWo, Hist. N. Gal., 392. 
 
DEATH OF ALVARADO. 
 
 501 
 
 Few of the New World conquerors perished in bat- 
 tle ; and yet it was not altogether on account of the 
 superior prowess of the European. Surely the dan- 
 ger was apparently greater during the Noche Triste 
 than in this retreat of Alvarado's, or in the captivity 
 of Olid in Honduras. Look at the fate of Diego de 
 Nicuesa, of Alonso de Ojeda, of Vasco Nunez, Pizarro, 
 and the long list of captains who came to the Indies, 
 and behold the irony of ambition I And even worse, 
 perhaps, was the end of those of yet more exalted 
 ideas and successes, whose souls, no matter how high 
 the achievement, or how great the reward, were racked 
 with disappointment, envy, and hatred as the aching 
 body was descending to the grave. Reverse the prov- 
 erb "Per aspera ad astra," and see what toils and suf- 
 ferino-s sytrino; from renown ! 
 
 Alvarado did not immediately expire. Upon a 
 hastily prepared litter he was borne, in great suf- 
 fering, to Atenguillo, four leagues from where the 
 fatal fall occurred. Ohate having witnessed the rout 
 of the Spanish forces from his position, hastened to 
 his relief ; but the flight of Alvarado's party was so 
 rapid that it was impossible to overtake them. At 
 Yahualica, too late, he came up with stragglers 
 from whom he learned the particulars of Alvarado's 
 fate. 
 
 At nightfall the lieutenant-governor arrived at 
 Atenguillo, and the meeting of the commanders was 
 touching in the extreme. ''He who will not listen to 
 good counsel must be content to suffer," said Alvarado. 
 ''I was wrong; I see it now; yet most of all it was 
 my misfortune to have with me so vile a coward as 
 Montoya, whom I have rescued these many times 
 from death." He was conveyed to the city of Gua- 
 dalajara to the house of Juan de Camino, who was 
 married to Magdalena de Alvarado, his relative; and 
 
 ^^The first words Alvarado spoke after recovering his senses were: *Esto 
 merece quien trae consigo tales hombres como Montoya.' Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 
 392. 
 
602 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 after attending to his worldly affairs he expired, July 
 4, 1541.^' 
 
 With few exceptions, Alvarado's men left Guadala- 
 jara after their leader's death. But the garrisons 
 posted at different points remained for some time at 
 Onate's request; and at last a detachment of troops 
 arrived from Mexico. Fifty men, sent by Mendoza, 
 under Captain Juan de Muncibay, came late in July 
 and increased the number of defenders to eighty-five. 
 And the revolted natives, elated at their recent vic- 
 tory, redoubled their efforts to enlist in the struggle 
 for freedom those who had heretofore held aloof. 
 
 Many native chiefs, however, remained faithful to 
 the Spaniards. One of these, Francisco Ganguillos 
 of Ixcatlan, distinguished himself by arresting thirty 
 of the rebel emissaries from Matlatlan, sending them 
 to Guadalajara, where they were put to death after 
 having revealed a plan to attack the city in Septem- 
 ber, the intention being to annihilate the Spaniards 
 before Mendoza could arrive with succor. At a coun- 
 cil of war it was resolved to defend the city to the 
 last, though some of the officers were in favor of 
 abandoning the country, or at least of retreating to 
 TonaU. Onate, however, objected, maintaining that 
 the Indians there were as treacherous as elsewhere. 
 
 The strongest buildings about the plaza were forti- 
 fied, the rest being abandoned and torn to pieces for 
 material to strengthen the defences. In the mean 
 time Captain Muncibay and Juan de Alvarado made 
 a reconnoissance, during which they had a sharp fight, 
 and a thousand natives are said to have been slain. 
 
 His remains were deposited in the cliapel of Our Lady in Gruadalajara; 
 subsequently transferred to Tiripitio, thence to Mexico, and finally to Guate- 
 mala. Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 395-6, rightly remarks: * Torquemada and Reme- 
 sal erred when, speaking of Alvarado s death, they say it occurred at Etzatlan, 
 or on the height of Mochitiltic, between Guadalajara and Compostela, and 
 that the adelantado was buried at Etzatlan; and that Bernal Diaz errs still 
 more, saying that it happened on some petioles called Cochitlan, near Purifi- 
 cacion. ' The sad fate which overtook Alvarado's wife. Dona Beatriz de la 
 Cueva, during the destruction of the city of Guatemala, and the biographical 
 sketch of Alvarado, are given in Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series. 
 ^^Sept. 6, 1541. Tello, Hist. JST. Gal., 399. 
 
DESPERATE ENCOUNTERS. 
 
 533 
 
 When the fortifications were completed, news came 
 by the natives who suppUed the city with food and 
 water, that the friendly people of" Tlacotlan, a town 
 of three thousand inhabitants, one league from Gua- 
 dalajara, had also rebelled. 
 
 Captain Pedro de Placencia was sent to protect 
 the carriers, but the enemy advanced upon him in 
 such force that he was obliged to return headlong 
 into the city, with the pursuers upon his heels. On 
 the 28th of September the assailants appeared in the 
 vicinity, fifty thousand strong, blackening the plain 
 for half a league about the town. The following morn- 
 ing, St Michael's day, they entered Guadalajara, set 
 fire to the abandoned houses, destroyed the church, 
 desecrated the images, and desperately assaulted the 
 fortified buildings. The protected position of the 
 Spaniards and the skilful use of a few pieces of artil- 
 lery alone enabled them to withstand the shock. The 
 entrances to the plaza were bravely defended ; only 
 one Indian entered, and he was killed by Beatriz 
 Hernandez, wife of Captain Olea, who distinguished 
 herself throughout the war by comforting the women 
 and children and aiding the soldiers. 
 
 At one time the enemy were on the point of suc- 
 cess. The powder had become wet and the cannon 
 useless, and an explosion occurred during an attempt 
 at drying. Meanwhile the adobe wall was under- 
 mined and fell ; but the guns were brought to bear 
 in time and the foe fell by hundreds. The Indians 
 ceased their assaults, resolved to starve the besieged ; 
 they retired behind the buildings, where they were 
 sheltered from the guns, and poured in upon the gar- 
 rison volley after volley of taunts and threats, prom- 
 ising to kill all the men and make concubines of 
 the women. The virago Beatriz Hernandez, enraged 
 by these insults, would have sprung from a window 
 upon the savages to tear their tongues out, but was 
 prevented by the men.^^ The soldiers in time became 
 
 Whereupon ' de pura rabia volvid la trasera y alzd las falJas, diciendo: 
 
THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 discouraged, and it was only by great coolness and 
 presence of mind that Onate was able to prevent their 
 spirits from sinking; he threatened finally to open 
 the gates and allow all of them to be butchered in 
 cold blood if they continued to display such pusilla- 
 nimity. 
 
 A series of sorties was now resolved on, and proved 
 successful. During a conflict of several hours in which 
 only one Spaniard fell, the hosts of the enemy were 
 routed, leaving fifteen thousand dead in and about the 
 town. The Spaniards themselves were astonished at 
 their victory over such vast numbers; but the secret 
 of their success was soon revealed. Many of the 
 idolatrous Indians were found hidden in the town, 
 blinded and maimed, but not by hand of man. San- 
 tiago on his white horse had issued from the burning 
 church, at the head of an army of angels, and had 
 fought for the Christians throughout the battle. Due 
 honors were paid to this saint for his timely inter- 
 position ; also to St Michael, on whose day the battle 
 was fought. Many captives were put to death, and 
 others enslaved; those blinded by the hand of God 
 were set at liberty; and many more were sent to 
 rejoin their tribes after being deprived of their sight, 
 or otherwise mutilated, and having their wounds 
 bathed in boiling oil. It is hardly to be expected that 
 when the heavenly powers set such an example, their 
 earthly followers should be slow to imitate. This 
 battle was regarded as one of the most hotly contested 
 in the annals of the conquest, and a chapter might be 
 filled with incidents of individual prowess. 
 
 In October, in consequence of this siege, and the 
 Spaniards fearing another attack, it was determined to 
 transfer the city to its modern site south of the Kio 
 Grande. 
 
 Perros, besadme aqul, que no os verbis en ese espejo, sino en este y cuando 
 lo estaba diciendo se arrojaron una flechaque le elav6 las faldas con el tejado, 
 en las vigas del techo, por estar baja.' Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 406. 
 
 15 Here again Beatriz Hernandez displayed her strength of mifid. It was 
 through her resolute and determined decision that the new site of the city 
 was agreed upon. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 415-16. 
 
THE COUNTRY IN DANGER. 
 
 505 
 
 The viceroy and other authorities in Mexico had 
 now become thoroughly aroused. The situation was 
 critical. The rebels were sending messengers in all 
 directions, and aimed at nothing less than the extermi- 
 nation of the foreigners throughout America. Their 
 superstitious fear of the Spaniards, of their powder 
 and of their horses, which had rendered conquest 
 possible, had to a great extent disappeared. It was 
 now well understood by the native leaders that they 
 had to deal with men, not gods; united action might 
 throw off the yoke. This unity of action it seemed 
 well-nigh impossible to attain. In the region about 
 Mexico a successful rebellion could not be set on foot ; 
 the only hope for the natives and danger to the Span- 
 iards lay in the frontier provinces. Let two or three 
 of these expel the intruders, regain their independence, 
 establish fortified camps in naturally strong positions, 
 offer an asylum and rallying-point to the disaffected 
 everywhere, divide the forces of the Spaniards and 
 thus gain time to arouse the native patriotism, and 
 perfect a general plan of action : the result would be 
 a desperate struggle from which the Spaniards had 
 everything to fear. The Indian chiefs of New Galicia 
 had hit upon the only plan which offered any chance 
 of success; the hated invaders must be crushed wholly 
 and immediately. 
 
 Mendoza raised a force of about four hundred and 
 fifty Spaniards, and some thirty thousand Tlascaltec 
 and Aztec warriors, whose fidelity was assured by 
 promises of honors and wealth to their leaders. And 
 not without misgivings and opposition they were in- 
 trusted by the viceroy with horses and fire-arms, being 
 authorized for the first time to manufacture a.nd to 
 carry Spanish weapons. The army set out from 
 Mexico on the day of the battle at Guadalajara, and 
 marched through Michoacan by nearly the same route 
 as that followed by Nufio de Guzman in 1529.^^ 
 
 ^^Tliere was some evidence of a plot for revolt between the natives of 
 Michoacan and the Tlascaltecs, as explained by Lopez in a letter to the em- 
 
506 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 While Mendoza was marching to the valley of 
 Cuind,, Onate was preparing for the removal of Gua- 
 dalajara, and had for that purpose sent Juan del 
 Camino with twenty horsemen toward Tlacotlan, 
 Contla, and Mesticacan, to reconnoitre. The Span- 
 iards were surprised to find as many Indians here as 
 formerly, who had all been frightened into submission. 
 These natives advised Camino, however, to proceed 
 no farther, as the fierce Cascanes were preparing for 
 another attack on Guadalajara. He thereupon re- 
 turned, bringing with him to the city a troop of natives 
 with a large quantity of provisions. 
 
 Meanwhile Mendoza arrived at the penol of Cuina, 
 the first stronghold of the Indians attacked. It was 
 defended by ten thousand warriors, who scornfully 
 refused offers of peace, withstood a siege of ten or fif- 
 teen days, and were finally conquered by stratagem. 
 A party of Mexicans disguised themselves as Cuind, 
 warriors bearing water-jars, and gained access to the 
 fortress, after a sham fight in which other auxiliaries of 
 Mendoza pretended to prevent the succor. The army 
 followed; and in the hand-to-hand struggle which en- 
 sued, a large part of the defenders of the penol, with 
 their wives and children, were slaughtered. In their 
 fright and confusion many threw themselves down 
 the precipice. Over two thousand are said to have, 
 been captured and enslaved. 
 
 peror. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 141-7. He gives this plot as a reason for the 
 opposition to arming the Indians, while Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xii.,and 
 others regard it as one of the incentives to Mendoza's campaign. Lopez says 
 Mendoza's army included one half the citizens of Mexico and from 40,000 to 
 50,000 natives; Herrera, 450 Spaniards and same number of Indians, dec. 
 vii. lib. ii. cap. v.; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 387-8; Tello, 10,000 Indians, 
 Hist. N. Gal., 396-8, 417-19; Mendoza, Visita, 180 horsemen and a number 
 of Indian volunteers, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, 110-12. The date of departure 
 was Sept. 22d, according to Lopez, and Sept. 29th, according to Acazitli, Rel., 
 in Id., 307. Tello says Mendoza left Mexico 'd los principios de Enero 1542,* 
 having prepared the expedition 'd los fines de 1541.' 
 
 ^^Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 75-7, mentions four other places in this region, 
 one of them on the author's own estate, where bones and blood-stained stones 
 showed battles to have taken place. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 142, implies 
 that there was no assault until after the stratagem. According to Beaumont, 
 Crdn. Mich., iv. 390-1, 4,000 Indians killed themselves and 10,000 were 
 slain. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. v., tells us the place fell easily and no 
 
FALL OF NOCHISTLAN. 
 
 507 
 
 Mendoza then pushed forward over the Cerro 
 Gordo. The natives of Acatic and of the valley of 
 Zapotlan having surrendered without serious resist- 
 ance, the forces of Onate and Mendoza effected a 
 junction and marched against Nochistlan. The place 
 was defended by a large army under Tenamaxtli, 
 whose Christian name was Don Diego Zacatecas. In 
 the first attack two of the seven lines of defensive 
 works were carried, and the rest, except the last and 
 strongest, were battered down by the artillery after a 
 siege of several days. The besieged at last proposed 
 a suspension of hostilities and an attack on Mixton, 
 promising to surrender when that fortress should fall. 
 These terms were of course refused, and by a final 
 assault the last defences were carried. The Spanish 
 flag was planted by Captain Muncibay on the summit, 
 and those of the defenders who had not escaped with 
 their leader to Mixton, yielded. The prisoners were 
 condemned to slavery by Mendoza; but Ibarra, who 
 was the encomendero of the district, fearing its depop- 
 ulation and the ruin of his property interests, allowed 
 them to escape.^^ 
 
 The Spanish forces then marched to Juchipila and 
 found that all the natives had taken refuge on the 
 Mixton, which was the strongest of all the rebel 
 
 slaves were made. In Mendoza, Visita, Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 112-14, it 
 appears that 248 slaves were made and distributed among the auxiliaries. 
 Tello affirms that 4,000, besides women and children, killed themselves; 
 2,000 were killed by Spaniards, and 2,000 slaves taken. Acazitli calls this 
 the battle of Tototlan, and represents it as having been fought Oct. 26, 
 1541. 
 
 The Spaniards were 15 days bombarding the place without results. The 
 population was 60,000; 2,000 were killed and 1,000 enslaved. Mota Pad'dla, 
 Conq. N. Gal, 146-7; Tello, Hist. N. Gal, i. 422-5. They fought from 
 eight A. M. to four p. m., when the place was taken after considerable loss. 
 The battle occurred November 12th, and four Spaniards were killed. Acazitli, 
 Rel, 312; Mendoza, Visita, 114. Number of Spaniards 1,000; auxiliaries 
 60,000 to 70,000. Navarrete, Hist, Jal, 80-2. There were 6,000 killed, and 
 10,000 enslaved, but subsequently released by Ibarra. Beaumont, Cron. Mich., 
 iv. 398. Frejes, Hist. Breve., 154, speaks of a twenty days' siege; 6,000 killed; 
 1,000 slaves; the natives surrendered for want of water and owing to the defec- 
 tion of a cacique. The Spanish soldiers were exceedingly loath to relinquish 
 the slaves, but Mendoza seems to have approved of Ibarra's act. Tello and 
 Mota Padilla say the people of Nochistlan were allowed to escape before the 
 final surrender and not after their capture. 
 
508 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 fortresses.^^ There were still assembled under Tena- 
 maxtli a hundred thousand warriors. So strong was 
 the position, and so bravely were the few accessible 
 passes guarded, that after a siege of about three 
 weeks, with continuous assaults, little progress had 
 been made. But thousands of the patriotic defenders 
 of their native soil had perished, swept down by 
 Spanish cannon, and great suffering began to be ex- 
 perienced. Many of the christianized natives, and 
 others who had joined in the rebellion on the sor- 
 cerer's assurances of an easy victory and abundant 
 spoils, were tired of the hardships and slaughter, and 
 leaving the penol by secret passes they returned to 
 their homes. The warriors of Teul openly declared 
 they had come to the Mixton only to prove that they 
 were no cowards, and proposed a sortie by the whole 
 force. This being declined, they marched out alone 
 against the Spaniards; but, traitors as they were, 
 they shot their arrows into the air and allowed them- 
 selves to be easily captured. They were pardoned and 
 accepted as auxiliaries or sent home, after having 
 revealed a secret pass by which the viceroy's forces 
 might reach the top of the penol. 
 
 The disclosing of this pass was attributed by some 
 to St James, who appeared to Father Segovia and 
 led the Christians to the attack. Accounts of the 
 final victory are conflicting; but it seems that one or 
 two assaults, accompanied by great slaughter during 
 which thousands cast themselves down the cliff, were 
 made and repulsed; and that finally such survivors as 
 could not escape or had not the courage to destroy 
 themselves, surrendered to an embassy of friars who 
 went unarmed among them. These friars permitted 
 many of the Christian Indians to retire to their 
 towns before the surrender, on promise of good be- 
 havior. The captives taken numbered over ten thou- 
 sand. A large proportion of the force at Mixton was 
 
 " Mixton, 'subida de gatos' or 'cats' ascent;' thus named because of the 
 difficult access to the summit. 
 
MENDOZA'S SUCCESSES. 
 
 609 
 
 composed of Chichimec tribes, and of thes^ such as 
 escaped slavery fled with their leader toward the moun- 
 tains of Zacatecas and Nayarit.^*' 
 
 There were some further military movements, but 
 apparently no serious resistance north of the river 
 Tololotlan. From Juchipila the Spaniards marched 
 down the river of that name to San Cristobal, at the 
 junction with the former. Thirty thousand native 
 warriors had fortified themselves near Tepeaca, but on 
 the approach of the Spaniards they were persuaded 
 by Romero, the encomendero of the place, to scatter 
 and abandon the idea of further resistance. In thus 
 looking out for his own interests, he had but followed 
 the example of Ibarra; but he had allowed the escape 
 of the fierce Cascanes, one of the leaders of the rebel- 
 lion. He was condemned to death by Mendoza, but 
 afterward pardoned in consideration of past services. 
 The viceroy next marched toward the penol of Ahua- 
 catlan, where all the natives of the province of Com- 
 postela were understood to be fortified. Passing with 
 his army south of the Rio Grande, probably in Jan- 
 uary 1542,^^ visiting many of the disaffected towns in 
 that region, he extended his operations to Etzatlan 
 and Tequila, where two friars had been murdered 
 during the year.^^ 
 
 The inhabitants now seemed ready to submit with- 
 out further resistance. After several days at Etzatlan, 
 and when about to march on Ahuacatlan, the viceroy 
 learned that Juan de Villalba had taken that penol 
 
 2° Just before the attack on Mixton there was a day's discussion between 
 the leaders and the friars about the justice of the war. Mota Padilla, Conq. 
 N. Gal., 149. According to Herrera, dec. vii. lib, v. cap. ii., Mixton surren- 
 dered without a straggle. The statements in regard to the number of killed 
 and captured vary greatly. 
 
 After the fall of Mixton, during Christmas festivities, they were near 
 Jalpa. At Ahuacatlan, February 2d. Acazitli, Bel., 318-27. At Tequila 
 January 23d. Hernandez y Ddvalos, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da 6p. ii. 
 481-2. 
 
 ^'^ According tc Torquemada, iii. 607-9, the friar Calero was killed June 
 10, 1541, and was the first martyr of Nueva Galicia; Father Cuellar perished 
 at the hands of the savages in the following August. Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 
 158, mentions another, Fray Juan Padilla, as having been killed here about 
 that time. 
 
610 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 and dispersed the natives, and in the regions of Puri- 
 ficacion quiet was also restored. Here the viceroy was 
 apprised of Coronado's return from Cibola, where he 
 had found nothing worthy of note. Though Mendoza 
 wished to proceed north to meet Coronado, he was 
 prevailed upon by Onate to return to Mexico. From 
 every part of New Galicia the news came that the 
 bloody arbitrament at Nochistlan and Mixton was 
 accepted as final, save in the mountains of Nayarit, 
 where the fierce inhabitants had never been conquered, 
 and were not to be so for nearly two hundred years ; 
 and in the Culiacan region, where it was left to the 
 army of Coronado to suppress such remnants of revolt 
 as might there be found. The total number of slaves 
 made during this campaign is estimated at over five 
 thousand. Some say that Mendoza made no slaves. 
 But even had his heart prompted so humane an idea, 
 the army would not have consented. For what but 
 the spoils do men endure the pangs of war?^^ Alva- 
 rado's forces were subsequently relieved of their gar- 
 rison duty and allowed to depart at their pleasure, 
 and Mendoza returned to the city of Mexico. 
 
 I have thus given in brief the events connected 
 with the great revolt in New Galicia, known as the 
 Mixton war. The records are voluminous, but frag- 
 mentary and contradictory, bearing for the most part 
 on petty details of military operations; of dealings 
 between encomenderos and their subjects; of purely 
 local events in hundreds of villages long passed out 
 of existence; of tribal names and those of native 
 
 22 See Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 154. Says Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., 
 iv. 420: 'Llevando en trofeo y en senal de triunfo como unos cinco mil indios 
 cautivos ' See also Tello, Hist. JV. GaL, 433-6. This campaign cost Mendoza 
 over 30,000 pesos; the loss and suffering among the auxiliaries was slight; the 
 slaves were branded and distributed by Onate after deducting the royal fifth, 
 but they were so few that the soldiers did not receive one fourth of what 
 would have been the regular pay. Mendoza, Vista, 115-18. Cavo, Tres Siglos, 
 i. 136, dates this campaign in 1543, and says no slaves or spoils were taken. 
 Cortes charged that the cost and losses of Mendoza's campaign were greater 
 than those of the conquest of New Spain, and that after all Nueva Galicia 
 was not subdued. Icazbalcetay Col. Doc, ii. 63-4. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 
 236, disposed of this final campaign, by stating that Maldonado was sent out, 
 and subdued the rebels. 
 
RETURN OF CORONADO. 511 
 
 chieftains, and of Spanish leaders and their individual 
 achievements.^* 
 
 The threatened perils of a general uprising of the 
 American nations having thus been averted, the 
 viceroy was again at liberty to turn his attention 
 northward. Coronado had abandoned the conquest 
 of Cibola and Quivira, and was returning homeward 
 with the remnants of his army. By the voyages of 
 Ulloa and Alarcon the gulf coasts had been explored, 
 and California proved to be a peninsula. Such results 
 had evidently done much to cool Mendoza's ardor for 
 northern enterprise. Yet, he had a fleet on his hands, 
 and one route for exploration still remained open — the 
 continuation of that followed by Ulloa, up the outer 
 coast beyond Cedros Island. Two vessels of Alvara- 
 do's former fleet, the San Salvador and Victoria, were 
 made ready and despatched June 27, 1542, under the 
 
 2* For most of the events of this rebellion we are indebted to the three early 
 chroniclers, Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 362-438; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 111- 
 54, and Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 59-66, 235-9, 386-421; MS., 300-3, 422-5, 
 550-80. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii, cap. xii., lib. v. cap. ii., also speaks of 
 these events at some length. From these authorities Navarrete, Hist. Jal.^ 
 64-85, Frejes, Hist. Breve, 78-97, and Bustamante, in Gomara, Hist. Mex. 
 (ed. 1826), ii. supl., 1-38, have prepared somewhat extended sketches. Origi- 
 nal documents on the subject are few. The Eelacion de la Jornada que hizo 
 Don Francisco de Sandoval Acazitli, in Icazbalceta, Col. Hoc, ii. 307-32, was 
 written by Gabriel Castaneda at the order of Acazitli, a native chieftain who 
 with his subjects accompanied Mendoza. It is a diary purporting to record 
 the events of the march from day to day; however, it throws but little light 
 on the subject, even in respect to dates, its statements being contradictory 
 among themselves. The Mendoza, Visita, in Id., 102-18, contains what may 
 be regarded as Mendoza's statements about many points, especially the treat- 
 ment of Indian captives and auxiliaries. A Peticion Contra Mendoza, in /(/., 
 63-4, gives Cortes' views of the causes which led to the revolt. The Carta 
 de Gerdnimo L6pez al Emperador, Oct. 20, 15 41, in Id., 141-54, speaks of 
 Mendoza's start and of the evidence of intended revolt near Mexico. The 
 Mequerimiento made to the rebels by the friars sent out by the viceroy, is given 
 in Facheco and Cardenas, Col. Hoc, iii. 369-77. Other references are, Oviedo, 
 iv. 26; Torquemada, iii. 604^9; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 106-7; Salazar 
 y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., 455-7; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,236; Ramirez, 
 Proceso, pp. xix.-xxiii., 278-82; Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 132-3, 136; Gil, in Soc. 
 Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 478; Hernandez y Ddvalos, in Id., 2da6p. ii. 481-2, 
 iii. 188; Dice Univ., i. 173-4; x. 1039; West- und Ost-Indischer Lustgart, i. 
 391-2; Gottfriedt, Newe Welt, 285-6; Burney's Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 220; 
 Oarcllaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, ii. 80-1. Monumentos Domin. Esp., 
 MS., 242-3. Parra, Conq. Xalisco, MS., 433-47, written in verse, is correct 
 in some parts as to dates and events; but as for the poetry, the less said of it 
 the better. 
 
512 THE MIXTON WAH. 
 
 command of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. After touch- 
 ing at several points along the coast and passing 
 through the Santa Barbara Channel, he died, and his 
 successor, Ferelo, advanced in March 1543 past snow- 
 capped mountains to what he called latitude 44°, but 
 found the cold so excessive that he turned back.^^ 
 
 During Cabrillo's absence two ships and three 
 smaller craft, also remnants of Alvarado's fleet, were 
 despatched by order of Mendoza from the western 
 coast, probably from Navidad. These vessels, sailing 
 in November 1542^^ in command of Ruy Lopez de 
 Villalobos, carried three hundred and seventy men, 
 including several Austin friars destined for the islands 
 of the Pacific.^^ 
 
 The original object of the expedition seems to have 
 been to found a colony on Zebu, and Villalobos was 
 particularly enjoined not to touch at the islands 
 whereof the Portuguese held possession. This com- 
 mand, however, was disregarded, either from necessity 
 on account of stress of weather, or by miscalculations 
 of the course, after many other islands had been 
 sighted or touched. The expedition is but a contin- 
 uous record of troubles in which the Spaniards became 
 involved, largely by their own fault, with each other, 
 with the natives, and especially with the Portuguese. 
 It was at this time that the Philippines were named,^ 
 and more than one effort was made to send a vessel 
 
 2^ For full particulars of this expedition, see HisL North Mex. States, i. , 
 and Hist. Cal., i., this series. 
 
 26 Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero declared in 1574 that he and a company 
 were in California until called back to join the expedition of Villalobos. 
 Sutil y Mex., Viage, pp. xlii.-iv. This, if not pure invention, may allude 
 vaguely to UUoa or Alarcon. 
 
 2^ With details of the route followed and the discoveries made on this 
 expedition I have little to do, and therefore make but a slight mention in the 
 text. The original authorities on the matter are vague and confusing. The 
 best authorities are Grijalua, Cron. S. August, 51-60; Gaetan, Relatione, 
 in Ramnsio, i. 416 et seq.; Galvano's Discov., 231-9; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. 
 V. The best English authority is Burneys Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 226-43. 
 Two original reports of the expedition, more or less full, but everywhere con- 
 flicting, are Villalobos, Viaje, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., v. 118 et 
 seq., and Santisteban, Carta, in Id., xiv. 151-65. Other authorities are Tev' 
 iiaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. x. 259-65; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 135; 
 Torquemada, i. 608; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 135. 
 
 ^•^In honor of the prince of Asturias. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 135. 
 
SOTO IN FLORIDA. 
 
 513 
 
 back to New Spain, but contrary winds always pre- 
 vented it. Most of the survivors of the expedition 
 returned by way of Cape Good Hope to Europe in 
 1547 and the following years; but the leader died on 
 the way, and Spain had as yet no foothold in that 
 quarter. Mendoza was prevented from entering upon 
 further expeditions of discovery by a new law which 
 forbade viceroys and governors henceforth to engage 
 in any such enterprise. 
 
 Into this period also falls the memorable and disas- 
 trous expedition of Fernando de Soto to Florida and 
 the Mississippi Valley. Though not belonging to my 
 13rovince, a slight allusion to the subject may not be 
 out of place, as the remnant of Soto's force landed on 
 the shores of Panuco soon after Mendoza's return to 
 the city of Mexico. 
 
 After departing from Cuba in 1539 with a formida- 
 ble force and well-appointed fleet, four years were 
 spent in endless marches and countermarches through 
 the regions east and west of the Mississippi, where 
 the cruel barbarities which characterized the earlier 
 conquests were repeated. Gold was the watchword 
 of Soto's band, and where it was not obtained blood 
 must flow. Even the poor and destitute savages they 
 plundered of their little property, and then tortured 
 them because there was no more. The natives, at 
 first friendly and hospitable, were finally compelled by 
 exactions and cruelty to make common cause against 
 the invaders. Driven down the Mississippi after 
 Soto's death, the remnant of the unfortunate band 
 arrived at the town of Pdnuco, after a most dangerous 
 voyage of fifty-two days from the mouth of the river. 
 The magnificent company of three hundred and fifty 
 horse and nine hundred foot had in a measure met 
 
 ^ Mendoza complained that after spending all his patrimony and running 
 in debt to carry out his projects of discovery and conquest for his sovereign, 
 he found himself estopped by the new law and by the acts of a visitador, 
 which had alienated from him the credit and reputation he had formerly en- 
 joyed for the execution of those plans. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas. Col Doc, iii. 510-11. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. n. 33 
 
514 
 
 THE MIXTON WAR. 
 
 their deserts, being now reduced to some three hun- 
 
 Spanish settlers and natives, and the viceroy invited 
 them to Mexico, where they were properly cared for.^° 
 
 Full particulars of the expedition may be found in Gardlaso de la Vega, 
 La Florida, 255 et seq.; Rohertsoris Hist. Am., ii. 1005; Monettes Hist. Discov. 
 Miss., i. 63-4; Biedma, Narr., in Frendis Hist. Louisiana, 97-220. 
 
 Not only this episode, but the early history of New Galicia, depends 
 chiefly on Fray Antonio Tello, Fragmentos de la Historia de la Nueva Galicia, 
 in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii, 343-438. The author was a learned Franciscan 
 and a native of Guadalajara, who occupied positions of honor and trust in his 
 order during his long life and service in Mexico, being also one of the religious 
 who accompanied Sebastian Vizcaino in his expedition for the discovery of 
 the 'Island of Calif ornia ' in 1596. He wrote or at least revised his work 
 between 1650 and 1652, when he must have been about 86 years of age. 
 Mota Padilla, and Beaumont, author of the Cr6nica de Michoacan, made 
 frequent use of Tello's manuscript. The former speaks of it as the Cronicon 
 del Padre Tello, and it seems then to have been complete^. Beaumont, who 
 wrote about 1780, said that he had seen the manuscript long before, and that 
 it had been lost, which implies that the loss occurred between the date of his 
 seeing it and that of his writing. Beristain, Biblioteca, refers to him as the 
 author of the Historia de Xalisco y de la Nueva Vizcaya, MS., adding that an 
 extract existed in the archives of the province of the Santo Evangelio of 
 Mexico. Icazbalceta was not allowed access to those archives while the 
 Santo Evangelio existed, and after the closing of the convents he could not 
 find the manuscript. The title of the book has reached us, thanks to Icaz- 
 balceta's efforts: Libro Segundo de la Crdnica Misceldnea en que se trata de la 
 Conquista esjpiritual y temporal de la Santa Provincia de Santiago de Jalisco 
 y Nueva Vizcaya, y descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico. The two fragments 
 being a copy in the possession of Hilariano Romero Gil, of Guadalajara, were 
 presented to and published by Icazbalceta, with the valuable literary assist- 
 ance of Romero Gil himself, as the editor informs us, and were preceded by 
 remarks on what he had ascertained about Tello's manuscript, particularly 
 chapters viii. to xiii., the last apparently incomplete, and chapters xxvi. to 
 xxxix., probably of the second book, which chapters give a portion of the 
 expeditions of Nuno de Guzman, the conquest of territories and founding of 
 towns, an extensive account of the great uprising of the Indians in Nueva 
 Galicia, and the campaign for their subjugation, to the capture of the Mixton 
 in 1542 by Viceroy Mendoza. The style is pure and even elegant as com- 
 pared with contemporary writings, clear and to the point, and the writer 
 evidently availed himself judiciously of the labor of others to obtain infor- 
 mation. 
 
 A later and complete book on the same region is that by Mota Padilla, 
 Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de la Nueva Galicia, Mex., 1870, 
 
 skins of animals. 
 
TELLO AND MOTA PADILLA. 
 
 515 
 
 folio, 523 pages, and index. It contains a detailed historical and physical 
 account of northern Mexico, New Mexico, and Texas, from the conquest till 
 1742. The author, born in Guadalajara October 6, 1688, was the second son 
 of Matias Lopez, an hidalgo from Estremadura, and Ana de la Mota, a lineal 
 descendant of the conquerors, and of illustrious family, who for all that at 
 her marriage could not, it is said, sign the papers because she did not know 
 how to write. From 1713 tc 1746, and even later, he filled several municipal 
 and judicial offices, namely, those of district judge, attorney-general, and 
 associate justice of the audiencia of Guadalajara. His character as a man, 
 lawyer, and public officer stands high. 
 
 Matias de la Mota Padilla, as he preferred to call himself, having become 
 a widower, was ordained a priest. The audiencia asked the crown to grant 
 him a benefice, but it was deaf to all solicitations in his favor. Icazbalceta, 
 to whose investigations we owe what is known of that writer, declares Beris- 
 tain mistaken in saying that he was a prebendary. Mota Padilla left no 
 property at his death, which occurred in July 1766, at the age of 68. All 
 his services might perhaps not have saved his name from oblivion, but his 
 history preserved it with its honorable record. For writing this work he 
 had a double object in view, namely, obedience to the king's command, and 
 saving from oblivion the deeds of the conquerors of the country, among whom 
 had been his own maternal ancestors. In the preparation of his work he was 
 painstaking; he searched the public archives, examined private papers, con- 
 sulted many persons, and used the writings of the Franciscan friar Antonio 
 Tello. The history was finished in 1742. It was sent by the author to the 
 king through the governor of Nueva Galicia in August of that year. The 
 copy did not for some reason reach the court, and the king on hearing of the 
 existence of such a work in 1747 directed that two copies should be sent him, 
 the expense to be paid out of the judiciary fund; but there being no available 
 sum in that fund, the author had them prepared at his own expense. The 
 original writing had cost him over 1,000 pesos, paper being worth then, in 
 1741-2, from one to two reales per sheet, and 50 pesos a ream. Toward the 
 end of 1753 he transmitted the work again; and the receipt not having been 
 acknowledged, the author asked a friend who was going to Spain to solicit 
 for him from the king a copyright that he might print and publish it, and 
 thus be possibly enabled to recover the cost. All his efforts and expenditures 
 were in vain. It seems that the copies forwarded the second time did not 
 reach the court, for the king on the 21st of February, 1790, asked for a copy. 
 Still another was made and forwarded. Of the history there are several 
 manuscript copies, of which I know four: that of the archivo general, 
 Hamirez', and Andrade's, now my own. The division of the work varies in the 
 several copies; mine has two parts, each of 48 chapters. It was published 
 in the f euilleton of the newspaper El Pais, full of gross errors, and should be 
 left unnoticed. The better edition mentioned at the head was published 
 under the auspices of the ' Sociedad Mexicana de Geograf ia y Estadistica. ' I 
 also possess a manuscript copy, 1 vol. folio, 832 pages, with an index in 17 
 pages, taken from volumes v. and vi. of the collection of Memorias HistdricaSy 
 Which exist in 32 volumes, except vol. i. in the general archives of Mexico. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 1543-1546. 
 
 Causes for Enactment of New Laws — Success of Las Casas — Provisions 
 OF THE New Code — They Cause Excitement among the Colonists — 
 Effort to Introduce Them in New Spain — Visitador Francisco 
 Tello de Sandoval — He Publishes the New Laws in Mexico — 
 Indignation of the Encomenderos — They Send Procuradors to 
 Spain — Who Obtain the Revocation of a Portion of the New 
 Laws — The Emperor's Views on the Subject — Ravages of Pesti- 
 lence — Eruptions of Volcanoes — Reduction of Tribute — Small 
 Coins — Interestedness of the Clergy — Land Grants — Ambiguous 
 Attitude of Mendoza — Convention of Bishops — Arrival of Las 
 Casas — Mendoza Prohibits Discussion on Indian Affairs — Decision 
 of Ecclesiastics Declaring Slavery Unlawful — Return of the 
 Visitador to Spain. 
 
 While Mendoza and Onate were engaged in the 
 wars of New Galicia, matters of equal import concern- 
 ing Indian affairs were undergoing animated discus- 
 sion in Spain. A new code of laws was to be framed, 
 designed to check the gross abuses which openly and 
 in secret were committed in the New World. A 
 long controversy between the most brilliant legal and 
 ecclesiastical lights resulted in the passage of those 
 celebrated ordinances of 1542 and 1543, known in the 
 early history of America as the New Laws. The 
 spirit pervading them was indeed most favorable to 
 the aborigines; but as they were in antagonism with 
 old abuses which had in time assumed the character 
 of rights and privileges inconsiderately conceded from 
 the beginning, they were destined to meet the fate, in 
 a greater or less degree, of all other measures hereto- 
 
THE HEPARTIMIENTO SYSTEM. 
 
 517 
 
 fore devised for the benefit of the natives. The con- 
 queror of that period was of different material from 
 the soldier of the present day. He was not a mere 
 machine ; he was a great dealer in destiny. He would 
 willingly adventure his life. If he lost, it was well; 
 if he won, it was better. A hundred did lose where 
 one gained, and this each might have known to be the 
 risk had he taken the trouble to make a computation. 
 His life was but one continuous game of hazard; but, 
 if successful, he expected wealth and glory as a just 
 reward. 
 
 The king would seldom lend a helping hand in 
 making discoveries and conquests, still, the pacified 
 territory would belong to him. The successful con- 
 queror having surmounted incredible difficulties, hav- 
 ing braved dangers and vanquished hostile armies, was 
 nevertheless debarred from claiming actual possession 
 of his conquest; and it was natural he should strive for 
 recompense by some means. Gold was the first prize ; 
 but that was soon exhausted; then there were lands and 
 laborers. Slavery was not only unchristian and bar- 
 barous, but insufficient; the war or conquest over, 
 there was no further opportunity to make slaves. 
 It was then that the system of repartimientos was 
 resorted to, which, if not slavery in name, was such 
 in fact.^ 
 
 Though harmless enough in theory, the system 
 soon degenerated into one of shameful oppression, the 
 defenceless condition of the natives inciting the adven- 
 turers to increased exactions and brutality. Few of 
 the royal cedulas issued since the discovery of the 
 New World failed to contain some clause providing 
 for the better treatment of the Indians. Their in- 
 efficiency was proved by the contempt with which the 
 colonists regarded them, and more stringent measures 
 must be taken. 
 
 In vain the settlers were offered vast tracts of terri- 
 
 * For explanation of repartimientos or the encomienda system, see this vol., 
 145-52, and Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262-4, this series. 
 
518 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 tory on condition that they should release their slaves. 
 Of what use to them, they replied, is an entire prov- 
 ince, if there are none to build the towns, to till the 
 ground, or work the mines? And of what benefit to 
 his Majesty the discovery and conquest of a hemi- 
 sphere without labor to develop its resources? 
 
 Las Casas was ever the great advocate of a radical 
 change in the Indian policy, and on his return to 
 Spain in 1539 he laid before the emperor and council 
 the result of his life-long labors on behalf of the 
 natives, and urged the adoption of measures for their 
 relief. No matter of graver import had for years 
 engaged the attention of the court, and so impressive 
 were the apostle's words that when about to set forth 
 again for Guatemala, in 1541, he was ordered to re- 
 main at court^ until the new measures should be fully 
 discussed and determined. And his efforts were sup- 
 ported by the eloquent and passionate arguments of 
 his friend, Cardinal Loaisa, then at the head of Indian 
 affairs.^ 
 
 A royal junta composed of eminent jurists and 
 ecclesiastics was held during the same year, for the 
 purpose of framing ordinances for the better govern- 
 ment of the Indies. Hoping at last to see his life- 
 labor crowned with success. Las Casas pleaded his 
 favorite cause with all the fire of younger days. A 
 remarkable circumstance indeed, that in those dark 
 ages when the inquisition, founded by the Domini- 
 cans, was the bane of Christendom, a leading genius 
 of that order should with such pertinacity and heroism 
 defend the natural rights and liberties of millions of 
 human beings, and those idolatrous heathen. 
 
 Las Casas advocated the immediate and uncon- 
 
 ^By Cardinal Loaisa, president of the council of the Indies, *por ser nece- 
 si^irias sus luces y su asistencia en el despacho de ciertos negocios graves que 
 pendian entonces en el consejo.' 'Las Casas,' in Quintana, Vidas, 179-80. 
 
 ^ During the interval Las Casas had perfected, and in 1542 he presented to 
 ti^e court his well known work Breuissima relacion de la destruycion de las 
 indias.' This book was not printed till 1552, at Seville. Before the end of 
 the century it was translated into and printed in several of the languages of 
 Europe. 
 
INDIAN SLAVERY ABOLISHED. 
 
 519 
 
 iitional liberation of the natives, for whatever cause 
 enslaved. And great must have been his exertions 
 to obtain the final passage of the ordinances, for we 
 find that many powerful holders of slaves and reparti- 
 mientos opposed; and indeed Cortes, then in Spain, 
 did not support him. On the contrary, he presented 
 a memorial to the emperor in which the encomienda 
 system, with some modifications, was recommended 
 as of transcendent importance to New Spain.* 
 
 The deliberations of the junta finally resulted in a 
 code of laws, which received the emperor's sanction in 
 Barcelona, November 20, 1542. After mature con- 
 sideration, however, it was found that some of the 
 provisions were deficient, and on June 4, 1543, the 
 code was accordingly amplified; on the 26th of the 
 same month its immediate publication and enforce- 
 ment in New Spain were decreed. The new code re- 
 ferred in a great measure to the treatment of the Ind- 
 ians, particularly in regard to their enslavement. The 
 remedies were by no means so radical as Las Casas 
 had desired. The granting of his principal request, 
 that the enslaved Indians should be set free, was ren- 
 dered of little avail by permitting owners who could 
 establish a legal title to their possession to retain 
 them. No natives were henceforth to be enslaved 
 under any pretext, not even that of rebellion. It will 
 be remembered that before the enactment of these 
 laws, Indians captured in war, or guilty of certain 
 crimes, could be legally enslaved; and it never had 
 been difficult for holders to prove that one offence or 
 another had been committed. 
 
 Those to whom the repartimientos had given too 
 many serfs, must surrender a portion of them; and on 
 
 * Cortia, Escritos Sueltos, 270-8. To make the natives obey the laws, more 
 Spaniards should reside in the country and means be provided for their sup- 
 port ; not in money, but by granting mines ; above all, the indignation must 
 be avoided which would be caused by liberating the Indians. Not possessing 
 them, the Spaniards would not remain in the country, as had been proved on 
 the Islands when the Indians disappeared. And in this same strain Cort(?s 
 goes on, recommending the judicious apportionment of Indians among the 
 conquerors and Spanish settlers. 
 
520 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 the death of the present encomenderos, their Indians 
 were to revert to the crown, the heirs to be provided 
 for from the royal treasury. New encomiendas were 
 not to be granted under any circumstances, and those 
 who maltreated their vassals should be deprived of 
 them forthwith. All ecclesiastics, religious societies, 
 and all officers under the crown must deliver up their 
 serfs at once, and never after hold any, even though 
 they should resign their office ; and inspectors were to 
 be appointed to watch over the interests of the natives, 
 to be paid for their services out of the fines levied on 
 transgressors. It was further ordered that no rela- 
 tive or servant of any member of the council of the 
 Indies should henceforth act as solicitor or procurador 
 in any matter touching the Indies; the residencias of 
 oidores or governors were to be sent to Spain; all 
 others were to be determined in the Indies, and the 
 audiencia was empowered to take a residencia at any 
 time ; persons henceforth asking for royal favors must 
 be recommended by that body to show that they are 
 worthy. 
 
 Except by special permission from the crown further 
 discoveries were restricted, so that Spaniards should 
 have no further control over the Indians, their per- 
 sonal services or tributes. And finally the natives 
 were to be converted to the Catholic faith, and be 
 otherwise treated as "free vassals of the king, for 
 such they are."^ In addition to this the priests were 
 requested to instruct their new charge, and tell them 
 how the heart of his Majesty the emperor, and of his 
 
 ^ The additional articles of June 4, 1543, relate mainly to the first con- 
 querors or their descendants, living in New Spain without sufficient means of 
 support. They were to be preferred in public positions, or otherwise pro- 
 vided for; and again reiterating the diminution of tributes, and a general 
 protective policy in favor of the natives so as to preclude all chances or 
 attempts at oppression or extortion. Slaves should not be employed in the 
 pearl-fisheries against their will, under penalty of death to the party so using 
 them; nor when used as carriers was such a load to be laid on their backs as 
 might endanger their lives. Questions concerning the possession or owner- 
 ship of Indians must be transmitted for decision direct to the crown. The 
 full text, reprinted from an original manuscript, may be found in Leyes y 
 Ordenanzas, Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 204-27. Remesal, Herrera, Torque- 
 mada, and others give more or less extensive extracts. 
 
ABOLITION OF GOVERNORS. 
 
 521 
 
 holiness the pope, yearned for their welfare, and de- 
 sired but to make them acquainted with the easy yoke 
 and light burden of their divine master. 
 
 But there were other clauses in the new laws 
 hardly less distasteful to the Spanish settlers than 
 those relating to the treatment of the natives. Among 
 these were the provisions that the audiencia at Pan- 
 amd, was abolished and two new tribunals were to be 
 established, one in Peru, and the other, termed the 
 Audiencia de los Confines, at Comayagua in Hon- 
 duras.^ In connection therewith the law provided 
 that henceforth the provinces should not be ruled by 
 governors, but in their stead should be the audiencias, 
 with authority to use the royal seal. In order to 
 insure a greater obedience of the law, and that the 
 natives might be fully apprised of their newly con- 
 ceded rights, it was decreed that the new code should 
 be translated into the principal native tongues, and 
 published throughout the Indies. 
 
 Later, in the year 1550, a royal order was issued 
 to the effect that neither viceroy nor members of the 
 audiencia should transact any other than their official 
 business; they must not own any estate in city, town, 
 or country, nor cattle, nor any interest in mines. If 
 they considered their salaries insufficient they might 
 resign, as the monarch wanted nobody to serve against 
 his will."^ But this decree was no more heeded than 
 the many others which from time to time had appeared, 
 demonstrating the laudable intention of the crown to 
 improve the government of the colonies. 
 
 ^ This audiencia was, however, first established at Gracias & Dios. See 
 Hist. Cent. Am., ii. this series. 
 
 ^ The oidores were to reside in the audiencia building and do no trading 
 whatever ; nor to engage in any agricultural pursuits, not even for their own 
 use; and the same prohibition extended to their unmarried sons and daughters. 
 Cloth, silk, wine, and other needful articles were to be imported for them 
 from Spain. The holding of property in other people's names was also strictly 
 forbidden under penalty of loss of oflBce and a fine of 1,000 ducats. Other 
 persons who dealt with them were to lose their property. The order was 
 reiterated by the king, June 18, 1564. Memorial, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xviii. 42-7. The pay of royal treasury oflScials was increased Jan. 24, 
 1545, but they had difficulty in obtaining it. Puga, Cedulario, 171-2. 
 
522 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 The important task of introducing the new regime 
 in New Spain was confided by the crown to Licen- 
 ciado Francisco Tello de Sandoval, of the council of 
 the Indies. It Avas feared at first that the great 
 authority with which he must necessarily be vested 
 might create unpleasant feelings or jealousy with 
 Viceroy Mendoza. After mature consideration, how- 
 ever, it was decided to trust in the loyalty and recog- 
 nized discretion of both these high functionaries. But 
 this was expecting too much of human nature, at 
 least of Spanish nature ; for not only was the visita- 
 dor instructed to take the residencia of all the royal 
 officials, including the members of the audiencia, but 
 also that of the viceroy. He was further authorized 
 to exercise the functions of an oidor, entitled to a seat 
 and vote in the tribunal.^ 
 
 Was it surprising that a cry of alarm was heard 
 when those portentous tidings reached the colonists? 
 There was a storm of excitement and indignation, 
 and of resentment against the crown, such as subjects 
 of Spain seldom dared to breathe before; execrations 
 were hurled against the India Council, and, above all, 
 against the unflinching Las Casas. It was known 
 that no less a personage than a member of the India 
 Council would be sent to publish and enforce the 
 odious laws. In a single day the fruits of incessant 
 toil and dangers, the result of all their labor, were to 
 be taken from them; life after all was to end in pov- 
 erty and want. 
 
 While the encomenderos, who had been notified by 
 their friends in Spain of what they might expect at 
 the hands of Tello, were devising means to impede if 
 
 ^ Besides the general instructions concerning the new laws, Tello de San- 
 doval was authorized to exercise the functions of inquisitor, which office he 
 held in Spain; and by a papal bull to extend or restrict bishoprics; to call a 
 meeting of the bishops of New Spain for the purpose of determining what 
 measures should be convenient for the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants; 
 to improve colleges, hospitals, and churches, and encourage the erection of 
 new ones; and, in fine, to attend to all matters of import to the colonies and 
 the crown. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vii.; CavOy Tres Siglos, i. 138-9; 
 Pu(ja, Cedulario, 94-8. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE FRIARS. 
 
 523 
 
 possible the execution of the new ordinances, and re- 
 tain their encomiendas, the visitador landed at Vera 
 Cruz and reached the city of Mexico March 8^ 1544.^ 
 On the morning of the third day a number of repre- 
 sentative encomenderos, and a notary, presented them- 
 selves with a petition praying for the non-publication 
 of the new code ; but they met with a severe repri- 
 mand for their temerity in taking such a step before 
 the visitador had delivered his credentials to the audi- 
 encia. That same day Tello gave them a hearing, how- 
 ever, and fearing evil consequences from sudden and 
 decisive action, quieted them with ambiguous promises. 
 
 Nevertheless, on the 1 3th, Tello presented the ordi- 
 nances to the viceroy and the audiencia, and not- 
 withstanding all the remonstrances on the part of 
 interested colonists, the new laws were published in 
 the city of Mexico, March 24, 1544.-^^ This unex- 
 pected proceeding on the part of the authorities 
 caused much indignation among the encomenderos, 
 and a tumultuous demonstration, headed by the chief 
 proctor,^^ Antonio Carbajal, was about to be made ; 
 but the people were diverted from their purpose by a 
 call to a meeting at the cathedral for the following 
 day by Bishop Zumdrraga. There, in a lengthy dis- 
 course, the prelate led the Spanish settlers to hope 
 that the new laws would not be enforced where found 
 to be detrimental to their interests. This partially 
 quieted them. On questioning the religious orders as 
 to their opinions regarding the expediency of contin- 
 uing the system of encomiendas, Tello was surprised 
 to find that they all sided with the encomenderos.^^ 
 
 *The encomenderos intended to receive him clad in mourning, to show 
 their disapproval of the new laws, but were prevented by the viceroy. Cavo, 
 Trea Siglos, i. 139^0. ^ 
 
 I*' They were read in the plaza by the public crier in the presence of the 
 viceroy, the visitador, the oidores, the notary Antonio de Turcios, and the 
 other royal officials. Leyes y Ordenanzas, Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 226-7, 
 reprint from the original certificate of the notary. Torquemada, i. 615, and 
 others give the publication on the 28th. 
 
 ^^Procurador mayor. 
 
 ^2 On May 4, 1544, the Dominicans, and on the 15th the Franciscans decided 
 and reported to Tello in favor of repartimientos. Betanzos, Parecer, in Pa- 
 checo and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vii. 526-41. 
 
m 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 The reason is readily understood. There were 
 many advantages to the church connected with the 
 encomienda system; besides, Bishop Zumarraga was 
 the owner of the important town and encomienda of 
 Ocuituco, and the Austin friars controlled Tezcuco, at 
 the time the largest encomienda in New Spain. 
 
 So the religious orders at this time were solidly 
 opposed to the liberation of the natives.^* The plea 
 set up by them, and taken for truth by the older and 
 more particularly by the religious chroniclers, was 
 that by such means alone they were enabled success- 
 fully to prosecute conversion and give instruction in 
 the Christian faith. And yet it would seem that had 
 the natives all been gathered in corregimientos, in the, 
 name of the crown, and free, subject only to the pay-( 
 ment of the tribute, the task of the friars so far as 
 instruction and the cure of souls were concerned could 
 scarcely have been more arduous ; for there the Indian 
 was comparatively master of his time, and not subject 
 to continuous labor and the caprice of a taskmaster. 
 In that case, however, the income of the church as 
 well as that of manv of its ministers, would have been 
 materially diminished. 
 
 Further than this, according to the new code, the 
 church and convents were among the first to be de- 
 prived of their native vassals. Under the circum- 
 stances it was to be expected that the friars as a rule 
 would unite with the encomenderos to defeat the 
 new laws. The Dominicans did not hesitate to declare 
 that the Indians in charge of the Spaniards were 
 treated with great kindness, more like children than 
 servants; while on the other hand those under the 
 
 ^^Grijalva, Crdn, S. August, 66, assumes 'que el senor Obispo Zumarraga 
 perdio por aquella ley al pueblo de Occuituco, que lo tenia en encomienda, y 
 nosotros' — the Austin friars — ' al pueblo de Tezcuco, q era la mayor encomienda 
 que aula entonces. ' There is no evidence, however, that such was the case. 
 
 Mendoza himself, in a letter to the emperor, affirms that * the clergy- 
 men who come to these countries " son mines y todos se fundan sobre interes . . 
 their salaries must be fixed, and an account taken of what the Indians give 
 them ... their 'dealings with them must be looked into.' Mendoza, Bel, iu 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 485-6. 
 
ZARATE AND MARAVER. 
 
 525 
 
 crown in corregimientos suffered greatly from the 
 harshness of the corregidores/^ 
 
 Bishop Zdrate of Oajaca took the same ground and 
 maintained that one small town, having a variety of 
 occupations for the Indians, would support a Spanish 
 family ; but it took four of them to pay the salary of 
 a corregidor. Even so; the inhabitants of that one 
 town were rarely at liberty to work for themselves, 
 nearly all their time and labor being claimed by their 
 master. This was not the case in corregimientos, 
 where nothing was required but the payment of the 
 royal tribute. The worthy bishop, in his zeal to 
 convince the visitador that new laws were needless, 
 went so far as to accuse the Indians of ill treating 
 their masters, and that sometimes native alguaciles 
 would arrest Spaniards and bring them bound to the 
 audiencia.^^ 
 
 Bishop Maraver of New Galicia called his native 
 flock " a beastly, ungrateful, lying set, audacious and 
 insolent ; " but reflecting on the causes of the Mixton 
 war, he approved of the laws prohibiting the enslav- 
 ing of Indians, and of reducing them to captivity or 
 servitude, unless for rebellion ; otherwise they might 
 be emboldened to revolt. He further recommended 
 that, except the cities and some principal towns, all 
 the rest of the land should be divided among Spanish 
 conquerors and settlers,^^ a measure no less impolitic 
 than unjust. 
 
 Indeed, there were many among the clergy opposed 
 
 Where the encomenderos were said to be lenient in the collection of the 
 tribute, the corregidores were charged with imprisoning the natives in default 
 of prompt payment. The Dominicans also decided that Indians were unfit 
 for the Catholic priesthood. Betanzos, Parecer, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, vii. 535^2. 
 
 This could certainly have happened only in case where such alguaciles 
 were ordered by some corregidor to arrest a vagabond or criminal. The 
 bishop further states that the Indians would not serve unless well paid, and 
 then only with reluctance. Zdrate, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 vii. 550-1. 
 
 The Vnshop claimed that thus the Spaniards would feel inclined to take 
 the best care of the Indians placed under their charge, protecting them from 
 the extortions and villanies of their own chiefs. Maraver, Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, viii. 208-9. 
 
526 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 to enconiiendas, and in favor of the new laws, promi- 
 nent among whom, it is claimed, was the provincial 
 Francisco de Soto/^ Among the many representa- 
 tions to the crown concerning the Indian policy there 
 was one which came neither from the religious orders 
 nor from any government official. It was proposed 
 to abolish the system of personal taxation, and let 
 public tributary lands be granted to Indians and Span- 
 iards alike, subject to the payment of a tax assessed 
 according to the value of the land; these assessments 
 to be made by competent Indian commissioners not 
 residing in the towns or near vicinity of such grants. 
 To successfully carry out this plan the titles to all 
 lands hitherto sold by Indians to Spaniards, including 
 friars, should be carefully examined, and annulled if 
 found to be defective. This latter request was made 
 because it was known that great frauds had been com- 
 mitted in obtaining possession of large tracts of the 
 best lands. These suggestions were, of course, too 
 radical to be acted upon by the government, as the 
 majority of the colonists, and particularly the religious 
 orders, would oppose a project to despoil them of their 
 possessions. 
 
 In the mean time Mendoza and Tello reflected se- 
 riously over the inconveniences which might attend 
 
 Several conquistadores, under some pretence, induced him to sign a 
 paper. After the act Soto recognized it to contain an affirmative opinion on 
 the advisability of making Indians slaves. He snatched the paper and swal- 
 lowed it. The Spaniards afterward refused to support his friars, remarking, 
 they should eat paper like their superior. Vetancvrt, Menologia, 92. This may 
 be doubted, however, as Soto was one of the procuradors who asked for the 
 repeal of the new laws. 
 
 Relacion, in Pacheco and Cdi'denas, Col. Doc, vi. 169-72. This evidently 
 came from some well-meaning Spanish settlers who dared not publish their 
 names for fear of offending either the clergy or the official authorities. 
 
 2" The friars were opposed to any land grants to Indians by which the 
 latter would be relieved from personal tribute. The project, therefore, should 
 be kept secret from them until put into practice, otherwise they would pre- 
 vent it. The decree forbidding the friars to own lands obtained from Indians 
 should be strictly enforced, for if not they would soon possess themselves of 
 all the best lands in the country. Nor was there any necessity for their own- 
 ing any, as the crown supported them, and the Indians provided all their 
 wants. Relacion, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 170, 172-3. 
 
MENDOZA AND TELLO. 
 
 527 
 
 precipitous action. They were aware that many fami- 
 lies would be impoYerished should the law be vigor- 
 ously applied, and they decided to be lenient. To gain 
 time, the municipality was requested, to send procura- 
 dores to present the grievances of the colonists to 
 the king, and to ask the revocation of that portion of 
 the new code which particularly affected the interests 
 of the encomenderos. Alonso Villanuevo, Geronimo 
 Lopez, and Peralmindez Cliirinos, of the city council, 
 and the provincials of the Dominican, Franciscan, and 
 Austin orders were thus appointed, and set out for 
 Spain, accompanied by other influential Spaniards. 
 They were successful even beyond expectation, and 
 by royal decree of October 20, 1545, the obnoxious 
 provisions in the code were revoked,^^ notwithstand- 
 ing the earnest protestations of Las Casas. The 
 encomenderos and Spanish settlers celebrated their 
 success with feasts and rejoicing, while the poor na- 
 tives, in whose heart had arisen the hope of deliv- 
 erance, crept wearily to the task which death alone 
 would terminate. 
 
 According to some writers, during the absence of 
 the procuradores, Telle and Mendoza endeavored to 
 enforce some of the less offensive portions of the new 
 code; but, as we have seen, the most important part 
 was abrogated. And in all the other provinces these 
 much feared new laws were for the most part also 
 disregarded, though they caused vexation and trouble 
 to the governors and the governed. In Nicaragua they 
 were the direct cause of the bloody Contreras revolt, 
 
 21 Francisco de la Cruz, Francisco de Soto, and Francisco de San Roman. 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 502. 
 
 ' Auemos acordado a reuocar la dicha ley y dar sobre ello esta nra carta, 
 e la dicha razo: por la qual reuocamos y damos por ninguna y de ningun valor 
 y efeto el dicho capitulo y ley.' Royal Cedula, in Puga, Cedulario, 100-1. 
 To give due force to and prevent any misinterpretation of this decree, it was 
 republished by order of the king, and embodied in a new decree of Jan. 16, 
 1546. Id. The procuradores not having found the emperor in Spain, followed 
 him to Ratisbon, where according to Torquemada, i. 615, he granted them all 
 they asked. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 141-2, has it that when Tello first heard of 
 the revocation he made haste at least to deprive the royal officials of their 
 repartimientos. This was done in pursuance of the royal cedula of Dec. 1, 
 1544. Puga, Cedulario, 173. 
 
528 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 and in Peru, where Viceroy Vasco Nunez Vela would 
 not recede, they produced the great rebelHon result- 
 ing in that official's death, and which might have 
 caused the loss to the Spanish crown of the country, 
 but for the prudence and energy of Pedro de la Gasca.^^ 
 
 But how stood the Spanish government at the 
 time in relation to the colonies, if impotent to enforce 
 laws dictated by an impulse humane and Christian? 
 The representations of Las Casas and others had con- 
 vinced the monarch of the necessity of taking steps 
 for the relief of the natives; for soon after having 
 sanctioned the new laws, he confessed^* that ''the 
 character of the Indians is now well known; they are 
 children; they are so intimidated and dependent that 
 it Would be vain to tarry until they arouse themselves, 
 for they cannot speak though they be slaughtered 
 like so many sheep." At the same time he knew his 
 Spanish subjects well, and acknowledged that "the 
 coveteousness of our Spaniards is manifest to the 
 whole world ; they want all ; however much they may 
 obtain, it will not satisfy them." Then fearful of the 
 result to himself the perplexed emperor cried out: 
 *'If the poor Indians should suffer by reason of any 
 negligence of mine, it will be at the risk of my soul." 
 
 We have seen before this that a decline in the 
 revenues might be expected should the system of 
 encomiendas be abolished; this economic reason was 
 of weight, and it was by no means difficult for the 
 avarice of Charles to overrule his religious scruples. 
 The safety of the colonies he had at heart; could he 
 risk an uprising among his Spanish colonists by de- 
 priving them of their conquered spoil? Being so far 
 from the Indies, he might easily see and hear only 
 that which was to his interest. "A good governor 
 
 2^ For particulars of these events, see Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series. . 
 
 2* In a letter to Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, whom he requested to 
 see that the laws were complied with, and to report any contravention. Tor- 
 quemada, iii. 258. 
 
 2^ • Yo estoi tan lexos, que no puedo ver, ni entender, sine solo lo que me 
 dixeren.' Torquemada, iii. 259. 
 
MORE EPIDEMICS. 
 
 529 
 
 I have in Mendoza," he used to say, " a good Chris- 
 tian, a prudent person, and of excellent qualities; but 
 after all he is human, and a man of the century; 
 wealth he covets, and has need of it, for many are 
 the relatives, friends, and servants for whom he must 
 provide." 
 
 The great calamity which had thus befallen the 
 natives of New Spain, the restitution of a measure 
 which had wrought them such injustice was not their 
 sole affliction at this juncture. The epidemics which 
 had now and then appeared in various parts of the 
 country broke out again in 1545 and spread with 
 rapidity. The disease, hitherto unknown, was called 
 by the natives matlazahuatl. Six months this terrible 
 scourge lasted, during which time, it is alleged, some 
 eight hundred thousand natives perished. 
 
 Mendoza, the royal officials, and the friars of the 
 diiierent orders did their utmost to alleviate suffer- 
 ing. It was said that the pestilence was caused by 
 supernatural phenomena; and according to Cavo it 
 was allayed by the prayers and religious exercises of 
 Bishop Zumd,rraga.^^ 
 
 Father Domingo de Betanzos had predicted the 
 total destruction of the native races of New Spain, 
 within a comparatively short period, notwithstanding 
 the wholesome laws enacted by the crown. Indeed, 
 it was at no time difficult to predict that what disease 
 failed to do, forced labor in the mines, on farms, and 
 
 ^^The daily mortality in Tlascala was from 1,000 upward; in Cholula 
 sometimes 900, ordinarily from 400 to 700; in Guaxocingo and other places 
 the same in proportion. Betanzos, Carta, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 198-201. 
 
 2' Grijalva, Cr6n. S. August., 67-8, says five sixths of the native popula- 
 tion of New Spain perished. The disease, which was not known before, was 
 caused by a comet, eruption of volcanoes, and other supernatural phenomena. 
 Others are not less credulous. In 1540 Lake Chapala overflowed its banks 
 and the waters became green. A sword-shaped comet preceded the pesti- 
 lence of 1542, which was a blesding from the nose. An eruption of Popo- 
 catepetl occurred in 1540, when much damage was done; the ashes reached 
 Cholula and burned part of the town. The Orizaba emitted lava in 1545. 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 55-6, 220; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 156-7; 
 Orjilh/sAm., 266-7; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 142-3; Mendieta, Hist. Ucles., 515; 
 Duvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 117-18. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 34 
 
530 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 other unaccustomed tasks, accompanied by continu- 
 ous and persistent bad treatment, might easily accom- 
 phsh.^^ Before the great epidemic, that is to say on 
 the 8th of August 1544, a royal decree was issued on 
 the recommendation of the viceroy and the ecclesias- 
 tical cabildo, which commanded the natives to pay 
 tithes of cattle, grain, and silk. It becoming now 
 impossible to collect these tithes, and even the ordi- 
 nary tribute, it was ordered April 10, 1546, that a 
 reduction be allowed. But the amount was not fixed, 
 the royal officials being requested to use their judg- 
 ment, and not demand more than the natives could 
 
 As time passed by the business and social relations 
 of the viceroy and visitador were becoming somewhat 
 unpleasant. It was generally conceded that Mendoza 
 represented his Majesty well — though we might cata- 
 loQ-ue a few crimes ao^ainst him without searchins^ 
 far — and to have present a superior to interfere in 
 his affairs, even though temporarily and for form's 
 sake, was not desirable. 
 
 On the whole Mendoza was well enough fitted for 
 the office he held and was deserving of credit in the 
 conscientious discharge of his duties, though often at 
 the cost of the natives. The course taken in connec- 
 tion with Visitador Tello and the new laws had the 
 effect of preserving peace. But the ends of justice 
 were not served, and the proceedings were not in ac- 
 cordance with the wishes of the crown. Many a law 
 in its first application is like the surgeons knife, 
 wounding deeply to make the cure more complete; 
 and though these new laws were humane and just, 
 their ultimate good effect was lost sight of in the pres- 
 ent inconveniences which an immediate enforcement 
 would have caused. But though a just man and a 
 good officer, it was not possible for the viceroy to avoid 
 
 28por causes of decrease in the native population see Humboldt, Essai 
 Pol., i. 66 et seq. ; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zacatecas, 342; Pimentel, Mem. Sobre la 
 Raza Indigena^ 97-188. 
 
REVIEW OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 531 
 
 hating another just man and good officer. While it 
 was Mendoza's poHcy to outwardly remain on a good 
 footing with the visitador, aware of the great authority 
 with which that official was clothed, he hurled bitter 
 epithets against him in his letters to the court. And 
 being aware that the interests of the clergy, were 
 identical with his own, he took care to insure their 
 support, knowing that against the two Telle could 
 accomplish little. A representation to Prince Philip 
 made in 1545 by Bishop Zumarraga and Father 
 Domingo de Betanzos, then prior of the Dominican 
 convent, in favor of the viceroy, certainly has all the 
 appearance of having been dictated by Mendoza him- 
 self There may have been fears of removal, as they 
 took occasion to say that it would be a serious loss to 
 the country. His services "to which are due the 
 peace, security, and advancement, both spiritual and 
 temporal, of the country," were not what they might 
 have been had not his powers been curtailed.^^ 
 
 During the nine years of his government before the 
 arrival of Telle, Mendoza had doubled the royal rev- 
 enue, established justice and a stable government, 
 and the progress of the country on every hand was 
 marked. His appreciation of himself, however, seemed 
 to have kept pace with progress.^^ While the procu- 
 radores of the encomenderos sojourned in Spain, the 
 members of the audiencia and other royal officials 
 
 Mendoza manifested his jealousy by complaining that Tello would vir- 
 tually be governor of New Spain during the time he should take the residen- 
 dencia of himself and the oidores. He was also embittered because of the 
 disrespect shown him by the visitador after his arrival at Vera Cruz. Tello 
 there made known that he had superior authority over the whole country, 
 and being asked, 'What of the viceroy?' he answered: 'Ship him to Spain 
 when I deem it proper.' Arriving in Mexico he published the viceroy's resi- 
 dencia twice throughout the land, as if he were the lowest corregidor or 
 alcalde in the country. Mendoza, Carta, in Col. Doc. In6d., xxvi. 326, and /d, 
 in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, iii. 509. 
 
 3° The natives looked upon him as a father, and all the people had felt 
 painful anxiety during the serious illness from which he had lately recovered. 
 Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 534-6. The Indians men- 
 tioned were certainly not of New Galicia ! 
 
 31 His letter of June 20, 1544, in Col. Doc Inkl., xxvi. 325-7. He also 
 reminds the emperor not to believe any reports against him, by his enemies, 
 as he had been promised before coming out to New Spain. 
 
532 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 were called to account, and their residencias and that 
 of the viceroy were published with great ostentation 
 in 1545. The earlier writers make light of this affair, 
 assuming it to have been a mere matter of form to 
 call to account a man of Mendoza's character, who, 
 it was universally acknowledged, had discharged his 
 duties faithfully. It appears, indeed, that no charges 
 were sustained against him, and he continued in the 
 undisturbed possession of his office. There may have 
 been some truth in the remarks of Cortes, that he 
 kept the Spaniards in such subjection and fear that 
 they dared not report the abuses he committed. 
 
 Nevertheless, the fact of his having taken and caused 
 to be branded over five thousand slaves during the 
 Mixton war, and his allowing the most cruel punish- 
 ments and mutilations to be inflicted, does not speak 
 much in favor of the humane feelings with which he 
 is accredited by most writers, however necessary he may 
 have thought such action to be for the pacification of 
 the country.^^ 
 
 The purifying presence in New Spain of the visita- 
 dor, the licenciado Telle de Sandoval, was undoubtedly 
 
 32 When in 1543 Cortes, then in Spain, learned that Tello de Sandoval 
 was to be despatched as visitador, he presented a memorial to the crown 
 praying that the residencia of Mendoza be taken, against whom he had 
 many causes of complaint. The charges he there enumerates dwell on the 
 viceroy's conduct in the Mixton war; on his engaging in prohibited expedi- 
 tions; selling of Indian towns; permitting venality of his servants; appropri- 
 ating the royal funds to his own use; engaging in illegal traffic with the 
 connivance of agents at Vera Cruz, and many more abuses of a similar 
 nature. Cortes offered in proof of all he alleged some letters from New 
 Spain, which he would only confide to the personal inspection of the emperor, 
 for should Mendoza know their authors he would not fail to take revenge. 
 CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 325-41. Allowance must be made, however, for the 
 enmity existing between these two eminent rivals. At any rate the residencia 
 excited very little attention at the time. 
 
 3^ I will give one instance. When in the vicinity of Jalpa, he despatched 
 Maldonado, captain of an advance guard, to ask the natives to surrender. 
 That officer discharged his duty by cutting off the hands of two Chichimecs, 
 and the breasts of two women, sending them in this pitiable condition to their 
 lord, with a message to come to the Spaniards. Some days after this 12 Chi- 
 chimecs were placed before a cannon and torn to pieces; 23 were hanged, and 
 17 killed with darts. Acazitli, JReL, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 316-17. All 
 this happened in the presence of the viceroy, and it appears somewhat like a 
 sarcasm when we read of his ' moderacion y humanidad ' in ZamacoiSy Hist. 
 Mej., V. 5. 
 
LAS CASAS m xViEXICO. 
 
 533 
 
 beneficial. It was a comfort to his master Charles to 
 know that his interests in that quarter were watched, 
 and that the official cruelties and robberies were not 
 greater than usual. Nevertheless, he had not accom- 
 plished much, and yet it was time for him to return 
 to Spain. One more duty devolved upon him, how- 
 ever, before his departure from the country. 
 
 In 1546 he convened all the bishops of New Spain 
 at Mexico for the purpose of deciding what was best 
 for the spiritual welfare of the inhabitants. Even 
 here arose complications. All the bishops were as- 
 sembled except Las Casas, now bishop of Chiapas, 
 who was known to be on his way to the capital. A 
 nervous excitement prevailed upon the approach of 
 the champion of Indian rights and liberty. Mendoza, 
 fearing disturbances on the part of the encomenderos 
 should Las Casas enter Mexico at that time, ordered 
 him to be detained at a certain distance from the city. 
 Of course it was universally known that he had been 
 the main-spring in the efforts to deprive the colonists 
 of their repartimientos. After some time the pro- 
 hibition to continue his journey was removed, and 
 entering Mexico Las Casas took up his abode in the 
 Dominican convent. Mendoza and the oidores, not 
 to appear lacking in the respect due a prelate, sent 
 him a greeting of welcome. Imagine their surprise 
 when they received word in return, ''Do not find it 
 strange," said Las Casas, ''that I come not to you in 
 person, to thank you for the favor extended to me; 
 I have excommunicated the viceroy and members of 
 the audiencia for having given sentence to cut off the 
 hands of a clergyman in Oajaca!"^* 
 
 After the discussion of general ecclesiastical matters, 
 the assembled prelates attempted to enter upon the 
 important topic of, Indians and encomenderos, by the 
 
 > 2* CavOt Tres Sighs, i. 144; Icazhalceta, i. pp. xci.-ii. According to Remesal, 
 Hist. Chyapa, 411-14, Las Casas arrived at Mexico before the other bishops. 
 In attendance were those of Guatemala, Oajaca, Michoacan, Chiapas, and 
 Mexico; it is not certain that the bishop of Puebla was present. 
 
534 
 
 THE NEW LAWS. 
 
 earnest solicitation of the indefatigable Las Casas. 
 Mendoza peremptorily forbade them to discuss the 
 question, as it was a matter of state and not of the 
 church. Subsequently, however, a meeting of eccle- 
 siastics, not of the bishops, was held in the Domini- 
 can convent, presided over by Las Casas, in which it 
 was finally decided that the enslaving of Indians was 
 unlawful. The decision was translated into the native 
 languages and published throughout New Spain. But 
 this action was without significance, except as giving 
 the thrice worthy apostle, for himself and his order, 
 the opportunity of publicly washing his hands of the 
 foul sin of human slavery. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 1547-1550. 
 
 Ge.^fral Improvements — Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce — En- 
 couragement OF Marriages — Aid to Peru — Conspiracy and Revolt 
 — Chichimecs and Otomis — Conquest of Queretaro — Removal op 
 Guadalajara — Coronado Returns — His Resignation — Audiencia at 
 Compostela — Removal to Guadalajara — Discovery of Mines— Set- 
 tlement OF Zacatecas— The Archdiocese of Mexico — Death of 
 Bishop ZumIrraga — His Last Will — Character of the Prelate 
 AND the Man — A False Visitador's Audacity — Last Acts of the 
 Viceroy — He is Appointed to Peru and is Superseded by Luis db 
 Velasco — Mendoza's Departure for Peru — And his Death. 
 
 When the unwelcome visitador, Francisco Tello de 
 Sandoval, had left the shores of New Spain, the 
 colonists began to breathe more freely, feeling again 
 somewhat secure concerning their encomiendas, and 
 affairs fell into the old way. Viceroy Mendoza, not- 
 withstanding his ambiguous Indian policy, showed 
 a characteristic energy in other measures, such as the 
 improvement of the capital, particularly in the way 
 of water supply and macadamizing streets. Pursu- 
 ant to royal orders, surveys were made along the 
 Atlantic coast with the view of discovering a better 
 harbor, but none being found, the one at old Vera 
 Cruz was improved to some extent; a light-house on 
 Pulpos Island was determined upon, and a tower 
 begun. It was also contemplated for purposes of de- 
 fence against the frequent uprising of the natives to 
 erect fortresses in all the Spanish towns and settle- 
 ments, but nothing seems to have been done in that 
 
 ( 535) 
 
536 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 direction at the time, except here and there to estab- 
 lish a frontier garrison.^ 
 
 The want of some of the necessaries of life had been 
 felt for some time, and there were abuses to be cor- 
 rected.^ The epidemic had wrought sad havoc among 
 the natives. With praiseworthy zeal the viceroy 
 sought to improve the condition of the people. He 
 gave attention to the production and quality of wool, 
 and aided in the importation of a better breed of 
 sheep ; he promoted manufactures, believing that the 
 lasting prosperity of a country was to be found in its 
 agriculture, and in the developments of arts and com- 
 merce.^ The learning of trades by the natives was 
 encouraged, and when able to work as journeymen, or 
 to keep shop, they were granted certificates to that 
 effect. 
 
 To improve the moral condition of the natives, it 
 was thought expedient to strictly enforce a decree 
 prohibiting the adulteration of pulque,^ and to restrict 
 the number of places where it was sold. It had been 
 the custom for some time to add to the pure juice of 
 the maguey obnoxious ingredients, ostensibly for the 
 purpose of better preservation. This gave the liquor 
 stronger intoxicating properties, and the natives be- 
 came more addicted to its use. When under its 
 influence they would commit heinous offences. As 
 there were many marriageable girls belonging to hon- 
 
 ^ Fray Domingo de Betanzos urged that to promote peace and contentment 
 among the natives the Spaniards should live in the cities and keep no garrisons 
 in the country. He suggestively added that the settlers would thus have less 
 opportunity to rob and destroy at their pleasure. Parecer, in Pacheco and 
 CdrdenaSy Col. Doc, vii. 538. 
 
 For years past forests had been wantonly cut down, and wood for fuel 
 became scarce. The strict execution of the viceregal ordinances for the pres- 
 ervation of trees, and of the roads over which the natives had to travel with 
 wood and charcoal, were recommended. There was a great want of food for 
 horses and cattle; to supply this demand Mendoza caused a large portion of 
 the dry lake-bottom to be successfully sown in gi-ass. Mendoza, Relacion, in 
 Pacheco and Gdrdenas, Col. Doc, vi. 487, 493-4; Florida, Col. Doc, 137. 
 
 ^ The manufacture of woollen goods was introduced as early as 1543. Beau- 
 mont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 488. 
 
 * Royal c6dula of Jan. 24, 1545, of similar import as that of August 24, 
 1529. Recop. de Ind., ii. 197-8. It was also prohibited to sell to the natives, 
 negroes, Indian slaves, and Spanish miners. C^dula of same date in Pwya, 
 Cedulario, 169. 
 
DIVERS MEASURES. 
 
 537 
 
 orable families without sufficient means to endow 
 them/ the monarch enjoined that every encourage- 
 ment and facihty should be offered by the govern- 
 ment toward their marriage. In some instances 
 corregimientos and other means of support were 
 given to men willing to enter wedded life. Such a 
 policy was deemed necessary in order to increase 
 the Spanish population, and so promote the better 
 security of the country. With this patronage and 
 the stimulus of such an example, the people began to 
 prosper, and to add to the wealth of the community, 
 rich mines with which the aborigines appear to have 
 been familiar were rediscovered in different localities. 
 
 About this time a call by Pedro de la Gasca came 
 from Peru for patriotic men/ and a force of six hun- 
 dred were soon under arms and ready to march under 
 the viceroy's son, Francisco, with Cristobal de Onate 
 as maestro de campo. But when equipped and on the 
 eve of departure word arrived that they would not be 
 needed. The city of Mexico was rewarded by the 
 crown with new honors and titles for this zeal, and the 
 municipality was vested with power to make ordi- 
 nances for the city, which, if approved by the viceroVj 
 became law. 
 
 The peaceful course of events, however, was again 
 marred by revolt and conspiracy, not alone among the 
 subjugated tribes and negro slaves, but in the ranks 
 of discontented Spaniards. When the virulence of 
 the epidemic of 1546 had subsided, a conspiracy 
 among the negroes distributed about Tenocha and 
 Tlatelulco came to light, through the weakness or 
 cupidity of one of their number, and the instigators 
 were summarily dealt with. But for this a massacre 
 
 ^ This was notably the case with the oidor Ceynos who was in delicate 
 health and had eight daughters whom he was unable to marry for want of 
 endowments. Zumdrraga, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiiL 
 534-7. 
 
 ^ See details of his successful expedition to Peru, in Hist. Cent. Am., ii., 
 this series. 
 
538 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 of the Spaniards would probably have occurred. A 
 more alarming conspiracy was one planned against the 
 magistrates during the same year. It was betrayed, 
 however, and the instigators were executed; some of 
 the accomplices who had fled toward Peru were over- 
 taken and punished.^ 
 
 During the year 1548 there was an uprising in 
 Oajaca among the Tequipans, who felt secure by 
 reason of the mountainous nature of their retreats; 
 buiD the ever-watchful Mendoza sent against them a 
 force under Tristan de Arellano, who quelled the 
 revolt before it had made much progress.^ In 1550 
 the province of Zapotecas rebelled against the Span- 
 ish yoke under circumstances which gave the revolt 
 a more than passing interest. The traditional Qnet- 
 zalcaotl was said to have reappeared. The old men 
 of the tribe excited the young to take up arms. One 
 of the caciques assumed the role of the ancient chief- 
 tain, but unfortunately for the natives, with none of 
 his expected power. The success of this general up- 
 rising was but momentary ; it was but another fiasco, 
 and collapsed before a few vigorous blows of the vice- 
 roy." 
 
 These occurrences were but an indication of the 
 unrest and dissatisfaction that pervaded the colonists. 
 The victors of the Mixton war clamored for their 
 reward, and it must come largely from the enforced 
 labor of the natives. War, pestilence, and conscrip- 
 tion had wrought havoc, and perplexed the labor 
 question until its solution became the paramount diffi- 
 culty of the day. All the labor of mining, of tillage, 
 of stock-raising, and of household drudgery was per- 
 formed by the natives. There is no evidence that 
 any Spaniard during that or the following century 
 
 ' Sebastian Lazo de la Vega and Caspar Tapia revealed the secret. The 
 chief of the conspirators was an Italian. CavOy Tres Siglos, i. 152. 
 
 ^According to Remesal, Hist. Chya-pa, 454-5, the friars of the convent at 
 Oajaca quieted the natives without the assistance of troops. This convent 
 was a vicarage until 1549, when it was made a priory. /cZ., i. 714. 
 
 * The harsh treatment of the corregidores caused the revolt. Cavo, Tres 
 Siglos, i. 155-6. See also Brasseur de Bourbourg, IlisU Nat. Civ., iv. 824-n5.^ 
 
FUETHSR REVOLTS. 
 
 539 
 
 made a nearer approach to manual labor than super- 
 intending from his saddle the movements of native 
 workmen. The slaves taken in New Galicia were 
 no longer enough to supply the demand, as most of 
 them had perished during war and epidemic. Unable 
 to resist the power of the intruders, or too wise to 
 risk their liberties on the issue of a doubtful con- 
 test, multitudes withdrew into out-of-the-way places. 
 Those who clung to their homes in the different prov- 
 inces were subjected to increased exactions, till roused 
 by repeated injuries they broke into open revolt. In- 
 deed submission profited little. Notwithstanding the 
 prohibition to engage in new discoveries and the con- 
 sequent new enslavement of the natives, the Span- 
 iards asked license, ostensibly for the purpose of 
 pacification, to enter the mountain regions and cap- 
 ture the inhabitants. 
 
 Before accounting for the subjugation of the wild 
 tribes in the mountains near Queretaro, it will be 
 well to notice some facts touching this region prior to 
 the conquest by Cortes. 
 
 The whole country lying to the north of Mexico 
 was at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards 
 almost unknown to the Mexicans. The northern 
 confines of the Aztec empire extended but little 
 hey ond the valley, and there Aztec civilization termi- 
 nate d. The mountainous regions beyond were inhab- 
 it '^A by various tribes of wild savages, known by the 
 (general name of Chichimecs.^^ Dependent on the 
 (.base for their subsistence, these people had no set- 
 tled dwelling-place, but roamed over a vast unknown 
 territory, from time to time making inroads into the 
 rich d.'stricts of the south. It does not appear that 
 the empire ever seriously attempted their conquest; 
 it was content to protect the frontier against them. 
 Shortly after the conquest, however, expeditions 
 
 1" The term Chichimec being general, was applied to all wild tribes, and, 
 accoraing to A.legre, Hist. Comp. Jt^us, ii. 163, the district now known as 
 Quer6 taro, an d where the battle of pacification was fought, was principally 
 inhabited by Otomis. 
 
540 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE). 
 
 began to be undertaken by the Spaniards into regions 
 west and north of the valley of Mexico never pene- 
 trated by the Aztec armies, and the Chichimecs, now 
 reenforced by many Otomis who had refused to accept 
 the conqueror s rule, were in course of time compelled 
 to submit. 
 
 The first expedition against them was not under- 
 taken by the Spaniards themselves, but by their 
 Mexican and Otomi allies, and the pacification of the 
 hostile tribes extended over a period of more than 
 thirty years. The christianized Otomi cacique, Ni- 
 coMs de San Luis de Montanez,^^ has given us a sketch 
 of their subjection and his own share in accomplishing 
 it. From his account we learn that as early as 1522, 
 with permission of the Spaniards, he made an incur- 
 sion into the Chichimec country, and was engaged for 
 thirty years and more in making war on those tribes. 
 
 San Luis with the cacique Fernando de Tapia^^ and 
 many relatives and friendly nobles in 1522 raised a 
 large force and marched against the Chichimecs. It 
 was during this incursion that a singular battle was 
 fought on the 25th of July. The Chichimecs to the 
 number of twenty-five thousand were posted on a 
 hill, which later received the name of Sangremal. 
 Conspicuous among their chiefs were Lobo, or the 
 Wolf, and Coyote, as cunning as he was strong. The 
 allied Otomi and Mexican forces entirely surrounded 
 the hill. The Chichimecs possessed the advantage in 
 regard to position; the Mexicans and Otomis in re- 
 
 According to Father Vega in his Memorias de la Nacion Indiana, San 
 Luis was a native of Tula, lineally descended from one of the Toltec kings, 
 and a near relative of Montezuma. He became an early ally of the Spaniards, 
 and assisted them against the Mexicans, being also christianized among the . 
 first. Charles V. made him cacique of Tula, a knight of Santiago, and 
 captain general. Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 510. The narrative is exceedingly con- 
 fused with respect to events, and contains errors as to dates and persons, 
 besides useless repetitions. San Luis, Rel.y in Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 
 651-63. 
 
 One of the highest chiefs among the Otomis. Upon receiving baptism 
 he took Cortes' Christian name, and the patronymic of two celebrated con- 
 querors who went with the former to Mexico. The chief was a supporter of 
 the Spaniards. San Luis gives the names of the captains who served under 
 him in the Chichimec campaign. 
 
BATTLE WITHOUT WEAPONS. 
 
 541 
 
 gard to weapons. ''0 you brave men, perched upon 
 a hill," cried" San Luis; ''come down and fight if you 
 are not afraid!" ''Very fair, no doubt, you renegades, 
 and dogs of the Spaniards," returned Coyote; "lay 
 aside your borrowed weapons and we will come down." 
 "Wild, and uncouth, and beastly as you are," said 
 San Luis, "we are a match for you with no weapons 
 
 Chichimec War. 
 
 at all. See! we will lay them all aside, and you can 
 heap yours beside them and place a guard over both. 
 Come on ! " And so it was agreed. Civilization calls 
 it progress as more effective death-dealing implements 
 are invented; may it not as truthfully be called 
 
642 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 progress when all weapons for the butchery of human 
 beings are laid aside ? 
 
 At it they went with hands, feet, and teeth, only 
 with the understanding that the conquered should 
 remain subject to the victors. The struggle which 
 followed was as savage and sanguinary as the nature 
 of it was exceptional, and lasted from early dawn 
 till sunset. As exhausted combatants sank to the 
 ground, others pressed fiercely forward. Among the 
 mutilated forms and blood-covered faces it was often 
 impossible to distinguish friend from foe. Among 
 these ferocious fighters the two leaders of the Chichi- 
 mecs, Lobo and Coyote, were conspicuous for their 
 strength; and wdien late in the day victory was with 
 -the invaders, they alone escaped, shouting their defi- 
 ance with threats to return in half a moon with a 
 fresh force. The chief of the Chichimecs and many 
 of his people were baptized by Padre Juan Bautista, 
 who had accompanied the army.^^ Such is the ac- 
 count of the Indian chronicler, San Luis, who states 
 furthermore that the city of Queretaro was founded 
 at that time. But the narrative is full of obvious 
 errors ; the author's confusion of thought is evidenced 
 by his confusion of words; so that after all we cannot 
 learn much from him, save that from 1522 to 1531 he 
 made various incursions into the Chichimec regions, 
 acd that during the latter part of the war he and his 
 principal ofificers were provided with arquebuses and 
 horses. 
 
 An account given by Espinosa is as follows : When 
 Fuenleal was president of the audiencia he sought to 
 extend conquest and promote conversion. The cacique 
 
 ' Mi^ntras se hizo la guerra d punetes y patadas y i mordidas como 
 gallos.' Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 559. 
 
 ^^Alegre, on the authority of Father Vega's MS. existing then in the 
 Franciscan convent at Mexico, places this event in 1531, when, as he states, 
 the site of the city of Queretaro was conquered by Fernando de Tapia with a 
 force of Mexicans. Espinosa's account is similar. Chrdn. AposL, i. 1. 
 
 The Chichimec chief received the name of the Priest, who is mentioned 
 by San Luis as the bachiller Don Juan Bautista. 
 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 560. 'Dispararon los Caziques Christianos 
 armas de fuego.' Espinosa^ Chron. Ajpost.y i. 3. 
 
CONQUEST 0^^ QUERETARO. 
 
 543 
 
 Tapia offered to undertake the conquest of Queretaro. 
 Collecting a large force in Jilotepec and Tula, in con- 
 junction with other caciques, and provided with a num- 
 ber of arquebuses, they marched to the town now 
 called San Juan del Rio, the inhabitants of which 
 they induced to accept Christianity without blood- 
 shed. Proceeding thence toward Queretaro, when 
 within three leagues of the town, they arrived at a 
 hill called, in the time of Espinosa, Cerrito Colorado. 
 Here w^as made the agreement to fight without weap- 
 ons, owing to the fear of the Chichimecs of fire-arms. 
 The conflict was similar to that described by San 
 Luis, and the date assigned to it is the 25th of July, 
 1531. In the account given by San Luis it is stated 
 that the sun stood still, and that the Apostle Saint 
 James, the Virgin Mary, and Saint Francis appeared. 
 Espinosa's version is that, through the dense cloud 
 of smoke caused by firing the arquebuses, a bright 
 light broke, in which was seen a brilliant cross of 
 wdiite and red, and by its side the figure of Saint 
 JameSo This miraculous interposition put a termina- 
 tion to the contest.^'^ On the spot above which the 
 figure of Saint James was seen, a cross was erected, 
 which became celebrated for its miracles. San Luis 
 had ordered it to be made of wood, but the Chichi- 
 mecs objected, saying they wanted ^^una cruz en forma 
 para siempre jamds," or be it an indestructible cross 
 to serve as a boundary monument. They likewise 
 objected to a common stone cross, insisting upon one 
 like that seen in the clouds. In this dilemma the 
 architect and stone-cutter, Juan de la Cruz, was de- 
 spatched with fifty caciques for material to build a 
 cross which would satisfy the new converts. 
 
 After journeying half a league, praying to God to 
 
 ^^With regard to the respective claims of San Luis and Tapia for the 
 leadership, I see no reason to doubt chat the former had the chief command, 
 though the latter also bore the title of captain-general, which may have been 
 conferred on him years later. San Luis positively asserts that he was the 
 leader and directed the operations in the region of Queretaro, both before 
 and after its conquest. Tapia is mentioned by him as one of his captains in 
 the campaign. 
 
544 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 enlighten them, Cruz and his companions reached a 
 spot where were stones of three colors, white, red, 
 and violet, quarried stone of vitreous appearance. 
 With them Cruz shaped a cross three varas in height, 
 and had it ready before the expiration of twenty- 
 four hours. Then he laid it under a rose-bush, and 
 made his report. At the sound of drums and clarions 
 the captain-general with his army and the friendly 
 Chichimecs marched away to bring the cross. On 
 arriving at the spot where it lay under the rose-bush 
 all knelt and offered thanksgiving to God and the 
 blessed virgin for giving them such a beautiful cross. 
 And thereupon followed miracles. The cross was 
 carried in procession and raised with much ceremony 
 and rejoicing upon the mount. The Chichimecs and 
 their wise men, after examining it and witnessing its 
 miracles, declared themselves satisfied, and celebrated 
 the occasion with their usual dances; their captain, 
 Juan Bautista Criado, and his wife kissed it, and their 
 example was followed by their subjects. A whole 
 week was thus occupied. The captain-general then 
 had the ground measured around the cross for a 
 chapel, after which he began to make land grants. 
 
 Little came of this conquest, for no settlement 
 seems to have been founded till about 1550, or later. 
 The viceroy gave lands to the two caciques, San Luis, 
 and others, and grants were made to the settlers of 
 the town of Queretaro for lots and orchards in 1551 
 
 1^ One acconnt has it, * se f ormo de cinco piedras blancas, y roxas mila- 
 grosamente halladas.' Gaz de Mex., 1730, in Arevalo, Compend., 237. 
 
 ' Parece que estabamos en la gloria, se aparecid alii una nube blanea, tan 
 hermosa, sombreando a la santa cruz y teni^ndola cuatro angeles; luego el 
 olor que olia tan hermoso, que todos lo vimos que luego hizo milagro la santa 
 cruz.' San Luis, Reladon, in Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 150. 
 
 This cross from the beginning was a celebrated wonder. On several 
 occasions it moved of itself, and so as to cause admiration and awe; it visibly 
 grew one full vara in size. In 1639 'tenia tres varas, y al presente tiene 
 cuatro cabales.' Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 154; Gaz. deMex., in Ardvalo, Com- 
 •pend. , 237. The first Franciscans in Queretaro lived in the small straw con- 
 vent where the holy cross was subsequently kept; afterward they moved to 
 the principal convent, which about 15G6 was placert by the Santo Evangelic 
 under the province of Michoacan. Dice. Univ., ix. 351; Igksias y Conventos, 
 153-4. 
 
CONQUEST OF ZACATECAS. 
 
 645 
 
 and 1552. The date and particulars of the founding 
 are alike puzzling to the chroniclers; but from docu- 
 mentary evidence cited by Espinosa and Beaumont it 
 would appear conclusive that the cacique Fernando de 
 Tapia was its founder.^^ 
 
 Captain-general San Luis in 1552 continued the 
 campaign against the hostile Chichimecs of Zacatecas. 
 In 1552 he marched with the small army he had raised 
 and organized in Tula against a famous captain named 
 Maxorro,^^ routed him in every encounter, and finally 
 took him prisoner. The end of this campaign was 
 that Maxorro and his principal chiefs embraced Chris- 
 tianity, being baptized by Fray Juan de la Quemada, 
 chaplain of the army. For the protection of travellers 
 San Felipe Iztlahuaca, and San Miguel el Grande, 
 later named AUende, were founded, and garrisons sta- 
 tioned in both places. 
 
 San Luis held his command till 1559, when he re- 
 signed, and was succeeded by the famous chief of 
 Jilotepec, Don Juan Bautista Valerio de la Cruz, 
 whose appointment was made on May 12, 1559, 
 with powers to wage war upon and punish all that 
 should disregard his authority. It was approved 
 later by Prince Philip in a letter highly commend- 
 atory of Valerio's services. The old chief continued 
 
 "Reference is made to the government books, i., ii., and iii., for Viceroy 
 Velasco's period. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 154-5. The parish books of 
 Quer6taro city were opened later. Bustamante, in 8oc. Mix. Geog., Bole.tin, 
 vii. 535. Espinosa states that the origin of the city of Quer^taro was a forti- 
 fication which Montezuma. I. established on the northern frontier of his empire 
 as a protection against the inroads of the Chichimecs. When the Spaniards 
 came, some of the Otomis took refuge in Quer^taro and entered into a defen- 
 sive alliance with the Chichimecs. In an official document of the first viceroy 
 it is called Taxco, which corrupted into Tlacho, in Mexican, means a game 
 at ball, or the place where the game is played. The Tarascan word Quer6taro 
 has the same signification. Chrdn. AposL, i. 1, 2, 10. 
 
 2^ A chief well informed on military tactics. He advised his followers 
 not to attempt coping with the Spaniards in the open field; to concen- 
 trate in the fastnesses of the mountains near the passes, and thence harass 
 the Spanish towns, and waylay travellers as opportunity ofi"ered. His ad- 
 vice was followed. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxi. ; Beaumont, Crdn. 
 Mich., V. 316; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 163-4; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. 
 Esp., MS., 82. 
 
 He died in Mexico some years later, and was interred in the Dominican 
 convent. Zerecero, Mem. Hist. Bev., 511. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 35 
 
546 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 his labors till his death, which occurred in 1572 in 
 Mexico. 
 
 The memorable history of old Guadalajara has been 
 already told in connection with Francisco Vazquez de 
 Coronado and the Mixton war. In pursuance of the 
 resolution during the siege to transfer the city to 
 another place, on October 6, 1541, all the Spaniards, 
 soldiers as well as settlers, accompanied by many 
 friendly Indians, set out for the chosen site of Analco 
 in the Atemajac Valley.^'^ The movement attracted 
 settlers who had been formerly scattered at or near to 
 Tlacotlan, Tonald, Tlajomulco, and Tetlan. The mis- 
 sionaries who had been laboring at the last-named 
 place also removed to the new site, and on February 
 11, 1542, municipal officers were appointed.^^ The 
 land around the new city was fertile in the extreme, 
 and promised abundant supplies for a large population. 
 It was in fact considered one of the most favorable 
 spots in New Spain, being traversed by the River 
 Tololotlan, which communicates with Lake Chapala, 
 
 2* His funeral by the viceroy's order was a magnificent one, and the remains 
 were interred in the Saint Francis convent of Santiago Tlaltelulco, as he had 
 made many generous donations to the Franciscan missionaries. To him Tula 
 owed its famous bridge, which he caused to be built, employing 150 men. In 
 Oct. 1559 he was granted a coat of arms as a descendant of the kings of Tez- 
 cuco, and created a knight of Santiago. The next year he was authorized to 
 use another coat of arms, which he had before becoming a Christian, and v/hich 
 is described by Padre Vega, Memorias piadosas de la nacion Indiana, as being 
 in two parts; in one was a fig-tree with a crowned eagle standing on it; in the 
 other a fortified house with a viper upon it; the king added in the centre of 
 the coat of arms the insignia of the order of Santiago with the motto ' Sodata 
 regia magna operata tua. ' The old captain seemed to have been forgotten till 
 1699, when the learned Tezcucan Indian, Francisco Isia, wrote a fine narrative 
 in Aztec of his life, conquests, foundations, and feats of arms. Zerecero, Mem. 
 HUt. Rev., 478-82; Valerio, Despacho, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 356. 
 Alonso de Sosa is also mentioned as a general of Chichimecs who greatly 
 cooperated to the pacification of the country, particularly in the region of 
 Guanajuato. He was bom in Yuririapundaro and died in 1561. He gave 
 large sums for building the church, and endowed the convent in his native 
 town. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin., ix. 167. 
 
 The colony consisted of 58 Europeans. They tarried some time at Te- 
 tlan, where Fr^y Antonio Segovia had founded a small convent of Franciscans, 
 the first in the province of Nueva Galicia. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 263-4. 
 
 '^^ The first alcaldes were Fernando Flores and Pedro Placencia; regidores, 
 Miguel Ibarra, Diego Orozco, and Juan Zubla. JaL, Not. Geog., in Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Boletin, vi. 277. 
 
GUADALAJARA. 
 
 547 
 
 and possessing a fine, temperate climate. Hence Gua- 
 dalajara became from the first a place of importance, 
 and grew in size and influence until it ranked as one 
 of the great centres of civilization in New Spain. 
 
 In 1543, soon after his return to Mexico, Vazquez 
 de Coronado so far recovered his health as to resume 
 the duties of office. He was the last military gov- 
 ernor of Nueva Galicia, and resigned in 1545. Bal- 
 tasar Gallegos then ruled in the capacity of alcalde 
 mayor for several years,^^ until indeed, in 1548, a 
 new form of government — an audiencia subordinate 
 to that of Mexico — was installed at Compostela.^^ The 
 powers of that body included those of governor and 
 judiciary. 
 
 The jurisdiction of the audiencia included the whole 
 of New Galicia, with all the known territory toward 
 the north and north-east, and also a strip of coast 
 southward, embracing Colima, Zacatula, and the towns 
 
 ^'^ See Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 6. In Chimalpain, Hist. Conq, ii. sup., 
 38, it is implied that Gallegos succeeded OSate in 1542. 
 
 2^ Pursuant to royal decree of Feb, 13, 1548. Eecop. de Ind., i. 326. Calle, 
 Mem. y Not., 89, Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 94:-5, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. iv. 
 cap. xii., and Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 148, erroneously give the year 1547, and 
 Frejes, Hist. Breve, 1549. In the Decades, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, viii. 80, July 13, 1548, is mentioned. This is probably the date of instal- 
 ment at Compostela, as Oviedo, iii. 578, names the three oidores, Quinones, 
 Sepulveda, and Contreras, who were sent from Spain in May 1548. Sepiil- 
 veda died on the voyage. Under date of November 2, 1548, Quinones makes 
 recommendations to the emperor as to the proper course to pursue in the 
 administration of justice in New Galicia. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, x. 
 62-6. The decree issued at Valladolid, December 8, 1550, by the queen, de- 
 fined the jurisdiction, especially in appeals. Another of Dec, 19th, of the same 
 year, gave the audiencia of Mexico the right of revising the decisions of that 
 of New Galicia, where the alcalde mayor and the oidores of the latter dis- 
 agreed. Aug, 28, 1552, it was further defined that the audiencia of Mexico, 
 in the visit to that of New Galicia, was not to meddle in the affairs of the lat- 
 ter, except when the judicial decisions were appealed from. Puga, Cedidario, 
 161, 180, 183. In the year last named, May 8th, the king had been advised 
 that the oidores Contreras and La Marcha were misbehaving, as they oppressed 
 the Indians, and hindered their colleagues. The Licenciado Lebron de 
 Quinones was prominently brought bfefore the emperor for president and gov- 
 ernor of New Galicia. Valencia, Fray Angel, Carta al Emp., in Cartas de Ind., 
 110-11. Mendieta mentions Lebron as an upright, God-fearing man. Hist. 
 Ecles., 480. He proved to be otherwise. The powers of this audiencia were 
 continued with few subsequent restrictions till March 19, 1555; the king in 
 council then ruled that the audiencia of New Spain, the viceregal chair being 
 vacant, should govern the country and exercise authority over that of New 
 Galicia. In army and treasury afi'airs the latter was at all times under tha 
 viceroy's authority. Calle, Mem. y Not., 43. 
 
548 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 of Avalos.2^ The jDrovince during the period now 
 under consideration included ten or twelve corregi- 
 mientos or districts, each with its head town, or caJbe- 
 cera, and its partidos, each under an alcalde. This 
 officer, part of whose duty was the collection of trib- 
 utes, was directly responsible to the audiencia. The 
 head towns for the different districts were for the 
 most part mining-camps, and the partidos were Indian 
 towns under native alcaldes, regidores, and alguaciles, 
 who were under the direction of the encomenderos, or 
 of the friars in a few of the new and poorer places 
 which had not excited the avarice of any Spanish 
 offi^cer. 
 
 The Spanish population of this vast district was as 
 yet comparatively small. It is probable that there 
 were not over five hundred settlers in New Galicia, 
 at any time during the century, if we except the sol- 
 diers engaged in the conquest and in the suppression 
 of the Mixton revolt, and the miners in Zacatecas and 
 the districts south and north of it.^^ 
 
 It soon became apparent that Compostela was not 
 so well situated for a capital of the growing prov- 
 ince as Guadalajara. The latter place enjoyed an 
 abundance of fish, game, cattle, and fresh water, of 
 which the old capital could not boast. The audiencia 
 was therefore transferred by royal order to Guadala- 
 jara as the provincial capital. 
 
 The oidores do not appear to have been of a very 
 select character, for in 1557 Doctor Morones came 
 
 2^ 'Partiendo t^rminos: por el Levante con la Audiencia de la Nueva Espana: 
 por el Mediodia con la Mar del Sur; y por el Poniente y Septentrion con 
 Provincias no descubiertas, ni pacificas. ' liecop. de Intl. , i. 326-7. 
 
 ^°In 1569, according to the Ivforme del Cablldo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.y 
 ii, 492, there were at the Jocotlan and Guajacatlan mines 30 Spaniards; at 
 Guachinango, 6; Espiritu Santo, 40; Purificacion, 10; Compostela, 13; Lagos, 
 35; Guadalajara, 50. Among other settlements subject at this time and later 
 to the audiencia, were Nombre de Dios, Durango, Chametla, Sinaloa, settled 
 by Ibarra, Culiacan, a prominent alcaldia centre, and Purificacion. The towns 
 in Durango and Sinaloa fell in due time politically under Nueva Vizcaya, while 
 the audiencia of Nueva Galicia maintained the judicial control, and its bishop 
 the ecclesiastical. See 3Iiranda, liel. , in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xvi. 
 5G.3-73; Calle, Mem. y Not., 89; Villa Seuor y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 257, etc.; 
 Ilerrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xiii.; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 199, 204-5, 
 243-6; Gil, in Soc. Hex. Geog., Eoletin, viii. 477-80. 
 
SINALOA AND DURANGO. 
 
 549 
 
 to take their residencia, and gained the gratitude of 
 the people by suspending three of them, Lebron de 
 Quinones, Contreras, and Oseguera. The latter man- 
 aged to be reinstated, however, and retrieved himself 
 so well that he was promoted to a similar office in 
 Mexico.®^ The bishopric of New Galicia was erected 
 at Compostela in 1544, including within its ecclesi- 
 astical purview all the explored regions north of the 
 Michoacan boundary. The first incumbent was Pedro 
 Gomez Maraver, and the seat was transferred to the 
 new capital at or about the same time the secular 
 government was transferred.^^ 
 
 The audiencia of New Galicia, aware of the great 
 wealth of the mines in Sinaloa, Durango, and else- 
 where, with the view of adding area to its rule, and 
 of controlling those rich deposits, resolved in 1552 to 
 undertake the conquest of the whole region, begin- 
 ning with the rich sierras of Guaynamota, Guazamota, 
 and Jocotlan, situated some fifteen leagues from Com- 
 postela. On the other hand, Spaniards, both civilians 
 and soldiers, were already making settlements in a con- 
 siderable part of the country, and Chametla, a province 
 lying between Compostela and the villa de Culiacan, 
 would soon be under Viceroy Velasco's control. 
 
 For the chief command of the expedition was 
 selected Gines Vazquez de Mercado, said to have been 
 a brave officer and a worthy cavalier. He was given 
 
 He incurred the hostility of the ecclesiastics for his looseness of tongue, 
 the bishop among others being termed a donkey, and in Cabildo, Ucdes. , In- 
 forme, in Icazbaiceta, Col. Doc, ii. 484-508, a free-spoken report to the king 
 on men and affairs in New Galicia in 1570, he among others is treated with- 
 out mercy as a vain man, ruled by his wife. In 1563 already he ranked as 
 president of the audiencia, with Morones and Alarcon among his associates. 
 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 552-7; Parra, Conq. XaL, MS., 31. Alarcon 's 
 name became a byword for petty peculation. Morones was succeeded by 
 Mendiola, afterwards bishop, and he by Orozco, brother of the oidor at Mex- 
 ico. Quinones had been reinstated, and came back fuming with wrath 
 against his accusers, but he died on the way. 
 
 ^2 There is much disagreement respecting the date; indeed, there is hardly 
 a year between 1550 and 15G9 to which the change is not by some author 
 assigned. A royal letter to the viceroy, of July 16, 1550, requested him to 
 report on the expediency of removing the ' chest of three keys ' from Com- 
 postela to Guadalajara. Puga, C'edulario, 179. 
 
560 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 the rank of captain-general, with ample powers/^ and 
 raised a large force, with which he was first to subdue 
 the district of Jocotlan. From here he advanced fur- 
 ther into the interior, and had several encounters with 
 the natives. 
 
 It is unnecessary to follow the steps of this ill- 
 conducted expedition. Suffice it to saj that they 
 visited several of the districts that afterward became 
 famous for their mining wealth; but for one reason or 
 another no mines were opened. They finally reached 
 the cienega de Sombrerete, where again they paid no 
 attention to its precious deposits. One night, while 
 encamped here without precautions, some Zain Indians 
 fell upon them, slew some of the soldiers, and wounded 
 others. Mercado himself was severely injured, having 
 been saved from death by his servant, a Portuguese 
 negro. This necessitated a delay till the wounded 
 could be moved. Meanwhile the soldiers revolted^ 
 and, though convinced that with their support he 
 could have subjugated the country, he was obliged to 
 return to Jocotlan, where rich mines were expected 
 to be found; but this hope proved disappointing. 
 Thence Mercado marched to the Teul, or Tuich, a 
 town belonging to J uan Delgado.^* 
 
 The audiencia now abandoned the idea of conquest 
 for the present, more particularly as the king at this 
 time forbade all such expeditions without his special 
 license.^^ Notwithstanding this, the audiencia of Nev/ 
 
 He was a nephew of Bernardino Vazquez de Tapia, the noted captain 
 at the conquest of Mexico. His wealth was great, for he was married to his 
 cousin Dona Ana Vazquez de Tapia, who owned rich silver-miaes in Tepic. 
 Beaumont, Gr6n. Mich., v. 229. 
 
 Mercado died in 1558, after the founding of Zacatecas; and his family 
 was left unprotected and ruined; his remains were interred in the Franciscan 
 convent at Juchipila. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 233; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 
 212-15. 
 
 The Franciscan custodio and definidores, in recommending, May 8, 1552, 
 measures on behalf of the Indians of Michoacan and Nueva Galicia, complain 
 of the cruelties inflicted by military captains, adding that it would be better 
 to abandon all further attempts at conversion than to allow such tyranny to 
 continue. The entire work of conversion should be left to the missionaries, 
 they plead, and the military must confine themselves to afi"ording protection. 
 The oidores of the andiencias should attend to their duties and be held ac- 
 countable for misconduct. Valencia et al., Carta al Emp., in Cartas de Indiasi, 
 103-18. 
 
MINES OF NEW GALICIA. 
 
 551 
 
 Galicia winked at more than one raiding excursion, 
 destined to reenter J ocotlan and gain possession ot its 
 mines. Some sixteen soldiers, deserters of Mercado's 
 expedition, with the connivance of the authorities, 
 started for that region, and on reaching Cacatlotlan, 
 near Jocotlan, found there the Franciscans Francisco 
 de San Lorenzo, and another named Juan, who were 
 rejoiced at seeing them. But that night, while asleep, 
 most of the soldiers and the two friars were slain by 
 Indians. 
 
 The story of the discovery of the first mine in 
 New Galicia is told as follows: When Captain Pedro 
 Ruiz de Haro died in 1542 he left a poor widow and 
 three daughters. The widow, Leonor de Arias, re- 
 tired to the interior, where she owned a little place 
 called Miravalles. Being an Indian woman she could 
 here the better support herself, surrounded by kins- 
 folk and acquaintance. While standing at her door 
 one day, there came a poor Indian who begged some- 
 thing to eat. Boused to pity she cheerfully gave of 
 the little she had. After three days the Indian returned 
 and expressing thanks for her kindness handed her a 
 stone the greater part of which was native silver, 
 saying: "To you and yours I give the mine in the 
 Tololotlan Mountains, whence this argent ore was 
 taken; for it I have no use; haste you thither, take 
 with you laborers, and may you and yours be happy 
 and rich!" Thereupon the Indian disappeared. The 
 mine thus revealed was named Espiritu Santo, as 
 though a pure benefaction from above, and for cen- 
 turies it made opulent the benevolent widow and her 
 descendants.^^ However all this may have been, it is 
 certain that rich mines were discovered and worked in 
 
 '^It is presumed this occurred in the latter part of 1560. The two Fran- 
 ciscans had been many years successfully at work in New Galicia, and every- 
 where won the good-will and friendship of the natives. Beaumont, Cr6n. 
 Mich., V. 317-27; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 5, 6. 
 
 37 prejes, Hist. Breve, 177-8. It is added that the eldest daughter of the 
 widow Arias received the title of marchioness of Miravalles, and from her 
 have sprung the distinguished family of that title. 
 
552 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 New Galicia as early as 1543, beginning with those of 
 Espiritu Santo. Mines not only of gold and silver 
 but of tin, copper, mercury, iron, and other metals 
 were brought to light and drew many Spaniards to 
 the province from Mexico and Spain. Before the end 
 of the century some of them, under the wasteful sys- 
 tem then in vogue, showed signs of exhaustion, but 
 many good mines, abandoned during the northern ex- 
 citement, were afterward profitably worked.^ 
 
 There is little to note in the events of New Galicia, 
 during the last half of the century, save fluctuations 
 created by mining excitements and the vague allusions 
 to minor revolts and their suppression.^^ The revolts 
 were to a great extent owing to abuses by encomen- 
 deros, who tore the natives from their homes to work 
 in mines and on plantations, and assisted in reducing 
 the already depleted province. The outrages of Guz- 
 man and the Mixton war are said to have destroyed 
 half the population. Following these came a series 
 of epidemics which ravaged the country on different 
 occasions between 1541 and 1590, especially in 1545 
 and the two following years, and left but one tenth 
 
 Tbfj others definitely mentioned are Jaltepec, Guachinango, Purificacion, 
 Jocotlan, Etzatlan, Guajacatlan { Ahuacatlan), and Istlan. Mota Fadilla, Conq. 
 N. Gal, 179-80. 
 
 The following items serve also as additional information : The Jocotlan 
 and Ahuacatlan mines, with 30 miners, yielded well, but failed somewhat in 
 1569. Informe del Cabildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 494. Two hundred 
 houses were occupied by miners at Guachinango in 1550; 214 veins of metals 
 w^ereopen. Marcha, in Ternaux-Compa7is, Becueil, 198. The mines of Espiritu 
 Santo first failed to pay in 1562. There had been 14 reduction works. Beau- 
 mont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 483. It was on account of the Espiritu Santo mines 
 that a royal treasury was established at Compostela. The mines of J ocotlan, 
 Guachinango, Ahuacatlan, and Istlan discovered by Juan Fernandez de 
 Hijar yielded to the king for his royalties in 30 years 200,000 pesos. Mota 
 Padilla, Conq.N. Gal., i. 179-81. 
 
 Ibarra and Camino led several small parties into the Nochistlan region to 
 tranquillize it by arms and reforms in the encomendero management. Beau- 
 mont also refers to the revolt of 5,000 Texoquines of Ostotipac, who were 
 defeated by Diego de Colis. Cr6n. Mich., MS., 615-16, 636-7, 911, 920-1, 
 1088, 1542-3. In 1550 and 1558 the natives of Tepic and Compostela had to 
 be suppressed. Somewhat later the Yocotequanes killed two friars, but 
 Oidor Contreras marched against them with 100 Spaniards and 4,000 allies, 
 and inflicted a loss of 600 men. Torquemada, iii. 622. Visitador de la 
 Marcha recommended in 1550 the enslavement of the Indians to check revolt 
 and vice. Eapport, in Ternaux-Conupans, Becueil, 171-200. 
 
FURTnEE DISCOVERY OF MINES. 
 
 553 
 
 of the original population, if we may believe the 
 chroniclers. Comets and earthquakes added their ter- 
 rors, imaginary or real.*^ Nevertheless the province 
 prospered, thanks to its fertility and manifold re- 
 sources, and the abundance of mines, which afforded 
 a ready market for produce and live-stock.^^ 
 
 While not choosing to engage in the severer occu- 
 pation of farming, the Spaniards could always raise 
 cattle and sheep, and their broad grants were rapidly 
 stocked with animals, which offered material for man- 
 ufacture.*^ 
 
 Information is meagre concerning the early history 
 of that singularly ill-peopled province of Zacatecas, 
 as it is denominated by Humboldt, and yet its cap- 
 ital is even to-day, next to Guanajuato, the most cele- 
 brated mining-place in that country. From the visit 
 of Captain Chirinos in 1530 to the year 1546 we 
 have no definite record that any Spaniard penetrated 
 farther north than Nochistlan and Juchipila. The 
 Cascanes, Zacatecs, and other Chichimecs of the north 
 had, as we have seen, taken a prominent part in the 
 Mixton rebellion of 1541, and since its suppression they 
 had continued to some extent their hostile raids on 
 the frontier. In 1543 the emperor and viceroy were 
 petitioned by the municipal authorities of the New 
 Galicia towns to authorize war on these marauders, 
 and their extermination or enslavement. The coveted 
 
 The pest of 1545-8 carried off five sixths of the popTilation, according to 
 Beaumont, and caused the establishment of hospitals. The malady of 1551 
 was an inflammation of the throat. That of 15G2 resembled the ravages of 
 1541. Comets appeared in 1567-8, and an earthquake which threw down 
 many churches, and caused the death of two friars at Cocula. In 1577 
 some of the hospitals had 400 patients. A shower of ashes preceded the 
 pest of 1590. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 156-7, 237, 244; Beaumont, Crdn. 
 Mich., MS., 430, 623-4, 791-2, 913; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 
 495-6; Torquemada, iii. 506-7. The thousands of Indians in Banderas 
 Valley had within 20 years dwindled to 300 men. Toral, Carta, 1559, in 
 Cartas de Indias, 138-9. The Indians tributary to Guadalajara in 1569 
 were estimated at 24,300. Informe del Cahildo, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 
 492-504. 
 
 *2Yet prices were low, a sheep costing 2 reals ; 8 hens, 1 real; maize, 1 half 
 real per fanega. Mota Padilla, Conq, X. Gal., 180. 
 
 Stock-raising early assumed such proportions that semi-annual councils 
 were held to regulate it. Herm a, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. ii. 
 
554 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 license was refused, but the subjugation of the north- 
 ern savages by peaceful means was ordered. 
 
 Onate and other officers seem to have made several 
 attempts in that direction, but the first one definitely 
 recorded was that of Juan de Tolosa, twenty-six 
 years after the fall of the city of Mexico. On the 
 8th of September 1546, Tolosa came to the sierra 
 of Zacatecas with a few Spaniards, four Franciscan 
 friars,^* and a band of Juchipila Indians, and pitched 
 his tent at the foot of the Bufa mountain. By kind 
 treatment the natives were gradually conciliated, and 
 for over a year Tolosa and his companions labored 
 earnestly and successfully to pacify and convert them. 
 In return the Spaniards were told of the existence of 
 rich silver lodes in that vicinity and they determined 
 to investigate. In January 1548 Tolosa was joined 
 by his friends Cristobal de Onate, Diego de Ibarra, 
 and Baltasar Trevino de Banuelos, all Spanish officers 
 of rank; and on March 21st the quaternion started on 
 an exploring expedition.^^ No particulars are known 
 of these adventures; but it seems that during the year 
 the Spaniards were rewarded by the discovery of the 
 rich mines of San Bernabe, Alvarado de San Benito 
 on the Veta Grande, and Tajos de Panuco; discoveries 
 so brilliant as to make these four enterprising men at 
 the time the wealthiest in America, as the chroniclers 
 assure us. The town of Nuestra Senora de Zaca- 
 tecas^^ was founded during this first flush of pros- 
 
 Fray Gerdnimo de Mendoza, a nephew of the viceroy, was one of them; 
 the names of the rest are unknown. Morji, vaDoc. Hist. Mex., s^rie iii. tom. 
 iv. 329-30. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 77, says the names are lost through 
 the destruction of the Zacatecas convent by fire. See, also, Arlegui, Crdn. 
 Zac, 12. 
 
 *^ Juan de Tolosa was married to Leonor Cortes de Montezuma, daughter of 
 tlie conqueror and granddaughter of the Aztec monarch. On the lives of 
 these pioneers of Zacatecas see Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 58, 134-5; Bernarde^y 
 Zac., 28-32; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 178-9. 
 
 The name of Zacatecas comes from the Aztec zacate, meaning grass. A 
 writer in the Museo Mex., iv. 115, derives the name from a Spanish general 
 who preceded Chirinos in the country ! The town was first founded between 
 the mines and the present site. Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 16. For historical and 
 descriptive account of the city, and a plan, see Bei-nardez, Descrip. Zac, 1-90. 
 Brief notices on various towns and mining districts appear mSoc Mex. Geog.^ 
 Boletin, viii. 21-4; x. ill- .17. 
 
FOUXDING OF ZACATECAS. 
 
 555 
 
 Mexico. 
 
550 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 perity, and it flourished from the beginning. The 
 fame of the mines spread rapidly over the country, 
 and other parts of New Galicia were almost depopu- 
 lated for a season, the Zacatecan reales, in their turn, 
 sufiering from the superior attractions of Guanajuato, 
 Catorce, and the regions to the north. 
 
 The diocese of Mexico was raised to an archdio- 
 cese by papal bull of July 8, 1547, with jurisdiction 
 over the suffragan bishoprics of Tlascala, Michoacim, 
 Oajaca, Nueva Galicia, Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, 
 Honduras, and Nicaragua. Bishop Zumdrraga was 
 designated first archbishop ; but after the bull and the 
 appointment he declined the position on account of 
 advancing age. Nine days after the arrival of these 
 documents, on June 3, 1548, he died, being then in 
 his eightieth year.*^ His death was said to have been 
 miraculously made known all over New Spain on the 
 day of its occurrence; it certainly excited universal 
 interest and produced wide-spread sorrow. A per- 
 vading sense of impending loss had caused profane 
 dances, which hitherto formed an important feature 
 in the Corpus Christi procession, to be omitted in 
 the one immediately preceding his demise. The odor 
 of sanctity which had clung to him in life embalmed 
 his memory. 
 
 *^ Four days before his death, on May 30, 1548, Zumdrraga wrote to the 
 emperor that the letters and bulls making Mexico an archbishopric had 
 arrived five days previous, but that he was too feeble to accept, and he felt 
 that his end was near at hand. Carta, in Ramirez, Doc. , MS. , 387-9. Here 
 the good bishop also states that he performed an ecclesiastical feat wMch, 
 if true, would certainly make his last days eclipse the glory of his former 
 achievements. *I es verdad que havra quarenta dias que con ayuda de 
 Religiosos comenze a confirmar los Yndios desta Cibdad i mui examinados que 
 no recibiesen mas de una vez la confirmacion; pasaron de quatrocientas mill 
 animas los que recibieron el olio.' It was indeed severe work closely to 
 examine 400,000 souls during 40 days, and to see that they had not been 
 previously baptized. Other authorities on the elevation of Mexico to an 
 archsee, and the appointment and death of Zumdrraga, are : Vetancvrt, Ciud. 
 de Mex., 22; Giraua Tarragonez, in Apiano, Cosmog., 76; Dice. Univ., x. 
 1132-3; Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 307; Torquemada, iii. 454; Mendieta, 
 Hist. Ecles., 635-6; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 248-52; v. 61-3; Fernandez, 
 Hist. Ecles., 60; Calk, Mem. y Not., 45-6; Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 236; 
 Villa Scnor, Theatro, i. 28. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 23, assumes that 
 Zumdrraga actually was archbishop. 
 
 Among the miracles attributed to him was that, when an attempt was 
 
DEATH OF ZUMARRAGA. 
 
 557 
 
 The life of this prelate had been humble in the 
 extreme, not differing from that of the lowHest mis- 
 sionary. He Avas held to have denied himself many 
 of the necessaries of life; to have worn none but the 
 coarsest of garments, and voluntarily to have made 
 his long and frequent episcopal visits on foot, attended 
 by but few, lest he should be a burden to any; and 
 though while officiating in his sacred calling he would 
 maintain the dignity and exhibit the splendor of his 
 station, at all other times he was the servant of all. 
 Oblivious of self, he w^as profuse in providing for the 
 convents of Mexico, and liberal in alms. He loved 
 books, though he hated the Aztec manuscripts ; it was 
 in his collection of devotional works, and in the study 
 of them, that he took the greatest delight. He was 
 a man preeminently just, according to the light that 
 had been given him; austere, to the full mortification 
 of the flesh; chaste, not suffering a woman to enter 
 his house on any pretence whatever. Gonzalez Davila 
 says that he had no occasion to make a will, being 
 destitute of worldly possessions. But this I find was 
 not true. There was a will, and there was property.*^ 
 There were the houses which the bishop possessed in 
 Mexico and Vera Cruz ; the encomienda of Ocuituco ; 
 numerous personal male and female slaves, held con- 
 trary to law; horses and mules; with important money 
 donations and many minor matters, directions for the 
 distribution of which were fully set forth. 
 
 made to introduce those unseemly dances in the Corpus Christi procession, 
 he moved the heavens to pour down incessant rain, which made them impos- 
 sible. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 62. 
 
 *^It was duly executed before a notary and witnesses on June 2, 1548, one 
 day before his death. An attested copy of the whole document may be found 
 in Ramirez, Doc, MS., 77-112. 
 
 In the will Zumdrraga speaks of a house he had leased to his major- 
 domo, Martin de Aranguren, for ten years; of several other houses he owned 
 in Vera Cruz; of female slaves, one of whom he had given to Aranguren per- 
 sonally and now wishes exchanged; of a man slave who is to work six years 
 and then be manumitted; of other slaves whose services had been hired by 
 Father Torres; of his own attendant slaves, and provision is made for their 
 emancipation. The episcopal building is set apart for hospital purposes, to 
 which he gives for the use of the sick three of his chairs, but is careful to 
 mention that ' they are not to be taken from the sick ones. ' To Juan Lopez 
 he donates 100 pesos de oro de minas, for having married, at that price, a 
 
558 
 
 EOT) OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 According to this document it is manifest that 
 Zumiirraga was a prosperous citizen as well as an 
 honored prelate; that he conducted a regular trade 
 with the Indians through his majordomo, Martin de 
 Aranguren, advancing money on future crops at good 
 interest, and that these transactions and others of a 
 similar kind had been systematically carried on for a 
 number of years. The old man finds himself cum- 
 bered with many things when he comes to die, and 
 yet, on the day of this last distribution of his estate, 
 he indites a farewell letter to his king, in which he 
 reiterates the oft-made statement of his poverty/^ as 
 though to the last he would preserve this painful con- 
 trast between the outward life of the prelate and the 
 inward and real life of the man. 
 
 But all else we could readily forgive the bishop, 
 even the occasional burning of a few old witches, but 
 the destruction of the Aztec libraries, the mountains 
 of native historical documents and monumental works 
 at Tlatelulco, must ever be regarded as an unpardon- 
 able offence. We cannot deplore deeply enough this 
 irreparable loss, the hieroglyphic history of nations 
 unknown, reaching back a thousand years or more. 
 In conclusion we may say that the business ability of 
 the bishop assisted somewhat to temper his zeal in 
 certain directions, and to guide his labors as adminis- 
 trator and head of the church, whose interest he abyl 
 promoted.^^ 
 
 daughter of 'Fray Gutierrez,' undoubtedly a conqiieror who had taken the 
 habit; this gift was made with reluctance, but the bishop had promised it. 
 To others he gives his horses and mules with appurtenances, and to sonis, for 
 services rendered, various sums of money; to the nuns he gives fifty fanegas 
 of wheat. To the majordomo he leaves all the tithes of the prebend, and 
 directs him to pay therewith the debts he may deem proper, and no others, 
 and no accounting shall be required of him; there are many minor provisions 
 and bequests which the viceroy is asked to execute. There is no doubt that 
 Zumarraga had given a building for hospital purposes, besides the episcopal 
 dwelling, but it is also shown that he had received it from a deceased Span- 
 iard for that very purpose. JtamireZy Doc.y MS., 77-112, 134^200. 
 
 Pie also begged the king to pay any debts lie might leave, and Gonzalez 
 Bdvila, Teatro Ecles.^ i. 28, says in order to that effect was subsequently 
 issued. 
 
 In connection with Zumdrraga may be mentioned Andrds de Olmos, a 
 Franciscan, who was selected by him as a fellow-laborer when appointed 
 
AN EISTOKICAL IMPOSTOR. 
 
 559 
 
 After the death of Zumarraga the Mexican see was 
 offered to several of the old and distinguished friars, 
 such as Father Gante, who declined the honor, and no 
 appointment was made for a time.^^ 
 
 Some months after Zumdrraga's death, which had 
 followed so closely upon that of his friend Cortes, 
 Viceroy Mendoza, who had recently been engaged in 
 reapportioning the repartimientos throughout the 
 country, asked permission to visit Spain, his private 
 affairs needing attention after an absence of fourteen 
 years. The following year several petitions were made 
 to the crown, praying that Francisco, the viceroy's 
 son, be appointed to succeed his father, in case the lat- 
 ter should resign or be removed. Indeed, his health 
 began to fail and a change in the government was 
 therefore soon expected. The several petitions were 
 disregarded by the emperor, and during the same year, 
 1549, Don Luis de Velasco was appointed to super- 
 sede Mendoza. Before this took effect an impostor 
 created quite a stir in the country, and lorded it for 
 a short time over all the royal officials, including 
 Mendoza. 
 
 A month before the arrival of Velasco, there landed 
 
 bishop of Mexico. For 43 years Olmos labored in New Spain, and many 
 miracles are ascribed to him. Lighted arrows shot by savages at the roof of 
 his dwelling would fail to ignite it, and when directed against his person 
 they would return as if shot by an unseen force against themselves. He died 
 about 1571, being over 80 years of age; and when this event occurred, per- 
 fumes and celestial music were observed by both Spaniards and natives. 
 Torquemada, iii. 475; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 644-51; Vazquez, Chron. 
 GvaL, 529. 
 
 Padre Pedro Gante was offered the diocese, but did not accept. Vetan- 
 cvrty Menolog., 67-8. He nevertheless remained the power at the episcopal 
 court, owing to his great experience, ability, and influence, as archbishop 
 Montiifar admits, and this till his death in June 27, 1572. He was interred 
 in the chapel of St Joseph, one of the many temples built by himself, and 
 there round his grave concentrated all , the vast love he had won from Span- 
 iards as well as natives, by his apostolic zeal, his benevolence, and his self- 
 denying life. Ponce, Eel., in Col. Doc. InM., Ivii. 181; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 607-11; Torquemada, iii. 426-32; Remesal, Hist. CJiya-ga, 10; Cartas de 
 Indias, 762. Padre Francisco de Soto, then in Spain, was elected to fill the 
 episcopal vacancy, but he also declined. In 1550 he returned to Tlascala, and 
 died in 1551. Id., 92. Bishop Francisco Marroquin of Guatemala was then 
 recommended by Licentiate Cerrato, but the petition was returned with the 
 remark *Sin duda esto seria solicitacion del opo.' Carta, in Squiers 3ISS., 
 Yxii. 79. 
 
560 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 at Vera Cruz a person announcing himself as Licen- 
 ciado Vena, visitador from Spain. He was accom- 
 panied by a beautiful and accomplished woman from 
 Seville and at once became the recipient of honors 
 corresponding to one who might have many favors to 
 bestow. Mendoza, who was notified by the authorities 
 felt much surprised at this, not having received any in- 
 formation of such procedure on the part of the crown. 
 The audiencia trembled, and office holders and seekers 
 were eagerly expectant. The new visitador, making 
 no secret of his intention to bestow honors and emolu- 
 ments as he listed, quickly reaped a rich harvest from 
 his audacity at Vera Cruz, and the pair proceeded to 
 Mexico. Knowing that his time was short. Vena 
 fleeced wherever he could, assisted therein by his 
 fair companion. When hints were offered as to his 
 credentials, he said that they were in the hands of 
 the new viceroy, who would soon arrive. When the 
 new viceroy came the presumptuous pair departed 
 from Mexico, ostensibly to meet and receive that 
 official; but meanwhile suspicions had been aroused. 
 The fraud was detected; the impostors were arrested 
 and stripped of all that had been given them. Vena 
 was sentenced to receive four hundred lashes and ten 
 years' service at the galleys; the beautiful Sevillana 
 was shipped to Spain, and thus, remarks the caustic 
 Torquemada, "the impostor was left poor in silver 
 but rich in stripes." This act of justice, the last exe- 
 cuted by Mendoza in New Spain, received the warm 
 applause of the community. 
 
 During the month of November the new viceroy 
 arrived, and Mendoza proceeded to Cholula to re- 
 ceive him, a custom which was observed by subse- 
 quent out-going viceroys. When the ceremonies of 
 transmission were over, Mendoza delivered to his suc- 
 cessor lengthy vvTitten instructions concerning vice- 
 regal duties, indicating the necessary measures to be 
 followed in the government of the country. This 
 information was of great value to the new viceroy, 
 
HE GOES TO PERU. 
 
 561 
 
 coming as it did from one who had governed so long 
 and so wisely 
 
 Great, indeed, had been the progress of New Spain 
 during the fifteen years of Mendoza's rule. The tu- 
 multuous events of the last decade had given place to 
 peace and order, and conspiracies, revolts, and rebel- 
 lion had been suppressed. Even the storm raised by 
 the new laws, which had threatened social and polit- 
 ical disruption, under mild management had wrought 
 but insignificant evils. The conquest of provinces 
 in the north and south had been achieved; mines 
 had been discovered and developed; numerous towns 
 and churches, covents, hospitals, and schools, had 
 been founded; roads, bridges, and other public works 
 had been constructed, and agriculture, industry, and 
 commerce had greatly increased. It is unnecessary 
 to dwell upon the character and deeds of Mendoza. 
 His acts are before the reader. He was not wholly 
 faultless ; he was not altogether without enemies ; but 
 in the main he was a just man, and his conduct met 
 the approval of both the crown and the colonists. 
 
 The king could not well afford to dispense with such a 
 servant. The commotion in Peru had become chronic, 
 and Charles desired Mendoza to establish there a 
 stable government. He was permitted, however, to 
 retain the viceroyalty of Mexico should he so prefer, 
 in which case Yelasco would proceed to Peru; but, 
 desiring a change of climate, in the hope of restoring 
 his failing health, he concluded to make the transfer.^* 
 
 Some say that Mendoza made the trip from Mexico to Panama by land. 
 This, however, is improbable. There was no highway through Central America 
 to the Isthmus, and the viceroy was in delicate health; furthermore, the trip 
 would have been hazardous even v/ith a large escort. Mendoza took charge 
 of the government of Peru in Sept. 1551, and died July 21, 1552. 
 
 The authorities consulted for the preceding three chapters are: Herrera, 
 dec. vii.'lib. ii. cap. x.-xii.; lib. v. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. vii. xi.; lib. vii. cap. 
 xiv.; dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. xii.; lib. vi. cap. xi.; Torquemada, i. 608-616; 
 iii, 106-8, 258, 340-7, 468-76, 589, 610-11, 623; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 135j 
 (hderm de la Corona, MS., ii. 712; Squier's MSS., xix. 39^2; Puga, Cedu- 
 lurio, 100-91, passim; Remesal, Hist. Cluja'pa, 160-2, 203, 257-62, 404-58, 
 525 -6, 714; Orijalva, Cr6n,, 51-77j Becop, de Indias, X, 212; ii. 17, 108, 197j 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 36 
 
582 
 
 END OF MENDOZA'S RULE. 
 
 Ogilhy's Am., 96, 266-7; Cartas de Indias, 33-4, 83-91, 119-20, 776; Oviedo, 
 ii. 142; iii. 539-44, 552-4, 578; iv. 26; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, iii. 
 118, 128, 369, 377; vi. 170-3, 484-515; vii. 209, 236-8, 538; viii. 30, 199-208; 
 xiv. 151-65; xv. 447-8; xviii. 328-30; Benzoni, Nvovo Hondo, 38-9; Burgoa, 
 Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 377; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 22-8, 76, 
 86-9, 179; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 275-358, 471-7, 515; Pr&vincia Santo 
 Evang., MS., No. 1, 21-58; Mex. Adas Prov., MS., 36; Michoacan, Prav. S. 
 Nicolas, 34-69; Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 236-57; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 
 235-7; Kingshorouglis Mex. Antiq., v. 156; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 
 117-18, 159-75; Concilios Prov. 1556-65, 245-6, 351-67; Ddvila, Con. de la 
 Cr6n., MS., 312-13; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 105-504, passim; v. 6-109, 
 134-40, 299-307, 483; Id., MS., 323-1089, passim; Arlegui, Chron. Prov. 
 Zacatecas, 12-16, 143-5, 342; Vazquez, Chron. Gnat., 529; Monumentos Domin. 
 Esp., MS., No. 5, 8, 50-1, 242-3; Calle Mem. y Not, 45-6, 62, 89-91; 
 Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 333-5; Cortes, Diario 1812, xii. 348; Papeles Francis- 
 cams, MS., serie i.. No. 1; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 49-68, 126-92; Vetancvrt, 
 Trat. Mex., 23-7; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 347; vi. 277-8; viii. 21, 617-27; 
 ix. 48; X. 114; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 131-2, 217, 318-19; Fernandez, Hist. 
 Ecles., 61-2, 131-4, 156-9; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. x. 259-66, 
 289-306, 349-51; Pap. Var., cii. pt. vi, 7-12; cxciv. pt. vi. 12; Robertsons 
 Hist. Am., ii. 1005; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 62-154, 198-230, 307-32; Pe- 
 ralta. Not. Hist., 19-20, 31-2, 158-74; Ramusio, i. 414; Pimentel, Mem., 151-88; 
 Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcix. 192; Aktman, Disert., ii. 183-5; Id., Hist. Mej., ii. 
 38; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 93-4, 200-5, 227-9; ii. 125-7; Burney's 
 Discov. South Sea, i. 219-20; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 184-6; Bernardez, Zac, 
 2; Pimentel, Econ. Pol., 13-25; Id., Mem. Lit. Actual, 97-188; Ramirez, 
 Proceso, xviii. xxiii.; Ramirez, Doc, MS., 77-114, 134-200; Prescott's Mex., 
 ii, 97; Mex. Hierogl., 92; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., 479-561; Masson, Olla 
 Podrida, 91; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 131-57; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt., No. 5, 
 262; 3Iuseo Mex., i. 54-7, 537-40; iv. 115-19; Monette, Hist. Disc. Miss., i. 
 63-4; Linschoten, Voy., 226-8; La Cruz, ii. 613-15; v. 686; Chevalier, Mex., 
 293-310; Galvanos Discov., 231-9; Villa Senor, Theatro, i. 28 et seq.; Sala- 
 zar, Mex. en 1554, 59; Fossey's Mex., 51-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 31-3, 100-1; 
 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 62^; Id., Descrip. Zac, ii. 3, 4; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 
 161-73, 206-9, 261-70; Sanson, VAmer., 34-5; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., v. 
 449-62; Fonseca, Hist. Hac, 411-518; Zamacois. Hist. M^j., i. 691-715; 
 V. 6-28; Dice Jjniv., i. 173-4, 35; vii. 39, 56, 150; x. 788, 918-21; Garcilaso 
 de la Vega, Com., ii. 80-1; Id., La Florida, 255-65; Nueva Espaiia, Breve 
 Res., MS., i. 225-45; Parecer de Salamanca, 1541; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 154- 
 169, 178-190; Id., Not. Geog. y Est, 15; El Indicador, iii. 37-52; Greenhow's 
 Mem. J 30-1; Id.. Or, and Cat, 62; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, xiii,-xvii. 
 
CHAPTES XXVII. 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 1550-1560. 
 
 Luis de Velasco, Second Viceroy — ^Eoyal Instrttctions and Subsequent 
 Regulations — Enforcement op the New Laws — Consternation 
 Caused by their Execution — Slaves Set Free — Diego Ramirez' 
 Commission — Caciques' Abuses Checked — The Crown Assumes Full 
 Jurisdiction — Encomienda Entail — Opposition of the Audiencia— 
 Bad Effects of the New Laws on Mining and Revenue— Popula- 
 tion AND Its Character — Reform Measures — Powers of the Vice- 
 roy Rkstricted — The Audiencia Made his Council — Philip II. 
 Proclaimed King — He Begs for Money. 
 
 The newly appointed viceroy, Luis de Velasco, was 
 a member of the noble house of the constable of Cas- 
 tile, and a knight of Santiago, who to his illustrious 
 birth and high merits united the experience gained 
 by nearly thirty years of military service and as a 
 ruler in Navarre. During his long career he had dis- 
 played sterling personal worth and practical states- 
 manship. He was of industrious habits, and in him 
 patience and firmness were united to a winning affa- 
 bility. He seemed fitted in every particular to fill 
 the responsible position to which he had been called 
 by his sovereign.^ Indeed, it was necessary that the 
 government so judiciously organized by Mendoza 
 should be as faithfully administered by his successor. 
 
 1 Ilerrera, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. xiv.; Alaman, Disert.y iii. app. ii. One 
 
 religious writer erroneously states that Velasco had served in the campaign 
 against the Chichimecs. It was probably his son that was referred to, who at 
 a later time rendered service there. Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 253. Velasco, 
 in a letter of July 12, 1552, to the emperor, says that the secretary of the 
 royal council, Francisco de Eraso, assured him at the time of his appointment, 
 that if Mendoza, after serving three years in Peru, desired to be a second time 
 viceroy of Mexico, he, Velasco, was to give up the office to him, and go to 
 
 ( 563 ) 
 
564 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 After the conference at Cholula, Velasco proceeded 
 to the capital, which he entered the 25th of Novem- 
 ber 1550.'^ His reception by the municipahty and 
 people was cordial, every one expecting the best results 
 from his rule.^ 
 
 There were the usual instructions, under date of 
 April 16, 1550, from the king to the viceroy, contain- 
 ing much upon the already hackneyed subject of Indian 
 policy and Indian treatment. It made little diiference 
 to the colonists how much was said or ordered by 
 Spain and Rome regarding freedom, conversion, and 
 the like ; but when there was talk about enforcing the 
 so-called new laws of 1542/ that was indeed a serious 
 matter. 
 
 Among other details to insure the further relief of 
 the natives it was ordered that the compensation to 
 collectors of tribute should be paid, not by the Indians, 
 but out of the proceeds from vacant corregimientos. 
 
 Peru with the same rank. With this understanding he left hi:^ fainily and 
 interests at home. He was willing to continue his most faithful services to 
 the crown, but if required to go to Peru the king should allow him an ade- 
 quate salary, say 30,000 ducats, and 3,000 more for travelling expenses; as 
 his means were quite limited and the coming to Mexico brought him 12,000 
 ducats in debt, which was bein^ paid out of his small income in Spain. Carta 
 al Emp., in Cartas de Indias, 260-2, and fac. sim. 5. He was allowed 2,000 
 pesos a year more than Mendoza had received. The salary of the oidores was 
 at the same time increased to 150,000 maravedis each. This increase of com- 
 pensation was coupled with the obligation on the part of the favored officials 
 to abstain from all money-making, and to devote their whole energy to their 
 official duties. Puga, Cedulario, 144. At a later date the viceroy bitterly com- 
 plains of his inadequate salary, which compelled his wife and children to be 
 separated from him, in despite of which his expenses in Mexico necessarily 
 exceeded his pay, and he was sinking his small patrimony with increasing and 
 unavoidable debt, adding, * lo que pretendo es no yrlas d pagar d la otra vida. ' 
 He wants the crown either to allow him sufficient compensation or send him 
 his recall, before he is utterly ruined, reminding the king that he deserves 
 some consideration at his hands after liis 30 years of faithful service, the peti- 
 tioner being an old man 2,000 leagues away from his home, family, and rela- 
 tives. Velasco was a ' caballero profeso ' in the order of Santiago. When he 
 left the government of Navarre he was granted 200,000 maravedis a year 
 during his life, or until an equivalent was allowed him. Velasco^ Carta al 
 Emp. , in Cartas de Indias, 26(>-7. 
 
 2 Lorenzana gives his arrival in Mexico city Dec. 5th, and several authors 
 follow him; all evidently in error, for the government record-book shows his 
 first order to have been dated Nov^^ 28th, and the last one of Mendoza on Oct. 
 4th. Ooh. Pol., in Cortds, Hist. N. Esp., 14; Torquemada, i. C17, makes him 
 arrive in 1551. 
 
 ^ 'Para dicha y felicidad de la Nueva-Espafia,. ' Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 8j 
 *hombre cabal y pio.' Cavo, TresSiglos, i. 154. 
 * Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 520-47. 
 
VELASCO, VICEROY. 
 
 505 
 
 The royal officials were not to be called to other duties 
 than strictly those of their respective offices, experi- 
 ence having shown that such officers, under the pre- 
 text of collecting the revenue, often inflicted much 
 injury.^ Churchmen must not interfere in matters 
 foreign to their calling.^ Another most important 
 injunction by the monarch was the advancement of 
 public education, and the establishment of a university 
 in Mexico. 
 
 As in duty bound, Velasco set himself at work 
 energetically to carry out his instructions and con- 
 tinue to the best of his ability the work so well begun 
 by Mendoza. His straightforward course won for him 
 the respect and love of his subjects, and confirmed 
 the confidence of the sovereign. One of his first 
 acts was the enforcement, in 1551, of the new laws 
 which it had been deemed expedient by Mendoza and 
 Tello Sandoval to suspend in 1544 at the importunate 
 petitions of the colonists. The king's commands were 
 now peremptory to make effective the laws for the 
 manumission of the natives. By an affirmatory decree 
 of July 7, 1551, the crown ordered that all Indian 
 women taken prisoners in war, and males who at the 
 time of being captured were under fourteen years of 
 age, whether already branded or not, should be forth- 
 
 ^ The crown in the first three years of this viceregal term issued several 
 decrees to govern the treasury ofEcials and other royal officers, notably: Ex- 
 amination of accounts now proceeding not to be interfered with even on appeal. 
 Treasurer, contador, factor, and veedor to furnish each an additional bond of 
 10,000 pesos in gold. Escribanos de minas to have their fees curtailed. Duties 
 on smelting and marking gold and silver, hitherto allowed to the marquis of 
 Camarasa, the secretary Cobos, to be hereafter accounted for to the king. 
 Treasury officials to sell all confiscated goods without delay at public vendue, 
 an oidor to be always present at sales for treasury account. Masons, tailors, 
 tinkers, and others of low degree, not to be made corregidores. The audiencia 
 was inhibited from making appointments to offices held in perpetuity, and 
 rendered vacant by death or resignation of the incumbent. Puga, Cedulario, 
 126, 128, 134, 136, 139, 181, 183-5. 
 
 ® There being in New Spain many friars and clergymen who had come there 
 without the requisite royal permission, some of the latter disguised as laymen, 
 stringent orders were issued to the viceroy and audiencia to return all such 
 to Spain forthwith. The first order of 1550 was reiterated May 31, 1552, 
 Puga, Cedulario, 133-4, 179. In the same year, 1552, to avert 'los desmanes 
 de los eclesiasticos en asunto de mugeres,' the king forbade the taking by 
 churchmen to the Indies of women, even though the latter might be theii own 
 sisters. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 160. 
 
566 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 with set free. This decree Hkewise included the pris- 
 oners taken in the last Jalisco war, as there was no 
 right to make them slaves. Full-grown men taken 
 prisoners and held in slavery, if the possessors could 
 not show that they had been captured in a just war 
 and after all the requirements of the royal ordinances 
 on the subject had been fulfilled, were to be at once 
 liberated, the burden of proof being laid on the masters ; 
 brands or bills of sale or other titles of possession were 
 to go for nothing in such cases, the presumption being 
 that those Indians were free vassals of the king.^ 
 
 The colonists came forward with their opposition 
 stronger than before. Old arguments were revived ; 
 they begged and threatened and wailed. The king's 
 officers were firm, and one hundred and fifty thousand 
 male slaves, besides great numbers of women and 
 children, were set at liberty. It was a grand consum- 
 mation, a most righteous act; and when we consider 
 the times, the loss of revenue to the crown, the unpop- 
 ularity, nay, the absolute danger of the movement in 
 regard to the colonists, and also that it was volun- 
 tarily done, we cannot but bless the religion which 
 manufactures consciences productive of such results.^ 
 
 Another important injunction was embodied in a 
 cedula of September 21, 1551, from Prince Philip, 
 who now governed Spain, forbidding the viceroy and 
 audiencias to keep Indians in their service unless for 
 fair wages. All demands of personal service as trib- 
 ute were to be discontinued; the king and council 
 knew that the natives preferred to pay their tribute 
 in money, and not in labor, and this preference here- 
 after was to be respected. The viceroy, oidores, and 
 
 ' If any such natives had been allotted to the crown for its fifths and sold, 
 the sale money was to be returned to the purchasers out of the royal treasury 
 and the natives freed. Other natives held as slaves, not as the result of war, 
 and claiming their freedom, were to be listened to, and their cases adjudicated 
 according to the existing laws. The decree was to be circulated far and wide, 
 that it mi^t become known to all Indians; the Franciscan friars were also 
 directed to instruct the Indian slaves to demand their liberty. Puqa, Cedul- 
 rio, 124-8, 144-5, 154, 186, 209; Ordenes de la Coiwia, MS., ii. 16, with auto- 
 grajjhs of Prince Maximilian and Queen Juana. 
 
 ** 'Quedando del todo sin esclavitud, y molestia.' Vetancvrt, Trot. Hex., 8. 
 
REFORM MEASURES. 
 
 567 
 
 archbishop were directed to assess the tribute the 
 crown Indians were to pay in future, in lieu of per- 
 sonal service.^ 
 
 Persons having slaves in the capital were forbidden 
 to remove them. This policy was earnestly recom- 
 mended to Velasco by his predecessor, on the ground 
 that the slaves would thereby be enabled to obtain 
 their freedom with greater certainty. 
 
 In pursuance of the royal command of J une 1, 1549, 
 the viceroy determined to check the practice of forc- 
 ing the natives to carry heavy loads, and gave orders 
 accordingly." It was even found necessary in some 
 cases to check the clergy who had assumed temporal 
 as well as spiritual authority. But as their acts could 
 not be openly corrected without bringing disgrace 
 upon the church, the viceroy asked for the privilege 
 of exercising more private measures, which request 
 the crown granted. Likewise the crown interposed 
 its authority as late as 1558, to prevent caciques from 
 abusing their subjects, capital punishment, mutilation 
 of limbs, and other inflictions by their order being 
 forbidden. The supreme jurisdiction in civil as well 
 as criminal cases was formally assumed by the crown; 
 and July 8, 1557, it was ordered, to prevent the ca- 
 ciques from robbing the wages of the laborers they 
 employed, which had become a common practice, that 
 such wages should be paid before the ministro doc- 
 trinero. 
 
 The thraldom of the chiefs over the macehuales, or 
 
 • An earlier c^dula, July 7th, had enjomed the fixing of Indian tribute, and 
 did away with the necessity of its being paid in gold-dust by any native. 
 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 4:71-4; Torquemada, iii. 254-5. 
 
 * Con cargo que no le saque de la ciudad, porque ddndoles lugar que los 
 lleven fuera, no consiguen tan en breve la libertad.' Mendoza, Rel.y Apuniam, 
 y Avisos, in Paclieco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.^ vi. 509. 
 
 Some say they could not carry for money, because they were so ill-paid. 
 *Ni que fuese de gracia, 6 por voluntad de los propios Indios, ni oprimidos, y 
 for9ados.' Torquemada, i. 618. In June 1552 the king commanded that 
 orders of the viceroy should be obeyed, even when appealed from and the 
 appeal allowed by the audiencia. Puga, Cedulario, 132. The king had also 
 contemplated the reappointment of a protector of Indians in New Spain, but 
 for some reason failed to do so for some time. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 481; 
 Beaumont, Gr6n. Mich., v. 143-5, MS., 860-1. 
 
INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 laborers, was a heavy one. Many held the position of 
 caciques by their own assumption, without being the 
 rightful heirs of deceased chiefs. As a matter of fact 
 many of the old lords and chiefs had died, since the 
 Spanish conquest, leaving no succession. Others had 
 become rulers by the favor of the friars or corregi- 
 dores, who had made them governors, alcaldes, or 
 sheriffs; and as soon as an Indian began to hold such 
 an office he called himself a chief. The next year 
 another set would be created, and this was continued 
 from year to year till the number had so multipUed 
 that about one fourth of the native population called 
 themselves principales, or chiefs. Cortds brought the 
 subject to the attention of the crown with the addi- 
 tion that these self-constituted caciques, having the 
 rod of power in their hands, had seized a large portion 
 of the taxable lands, claiming them as patrimonial, 
 and settled on them native rent-payers, from whom 
 they exacted high rents besides the royal tribute of 
 one dollar, and a half fanega of maize.^^ 
 
 Had the yearly tribute been no more than this, the 
 burden might easily have been borne; but as a matter 
 of fact the natives had many burdens laid upon them, 
 such as personal labor, providing firewood, and supply- 
 ing fodder for animals. The king, the communes, the 
 friars, and the head-men who ruled the towns, all 
 were entitled to a share. The exactions other than 
 crown receipts were called '^sobras de tributes y bienea 
 de coinunidad," and at one time were no less than 
 300,000 pesos, and together with personal service were 
 pure imposition on the macehuales. They had, more- 
 over, to serve for nothing whenever the authorities 
 
 ^2 The marques del Valle urged the discontinuance of the system. The real 
 old chiefs might, however, have their pillalli, or patrimonial lands, cultivated 
 by fairly paid native laborers. Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.y 
 iv. 449-51. In time many macehuales deserted their lords, which the Span- 
 ish court discountenanced. Oct. 20, 1568, it ordered that such deserters 
 should be restored to their natural caciques. However, in 1628 and 1654 
 royal orders were issued to investigate false titles and set such aside, to pro- 
 tect the rightful caciques in their privileges, and at the same time relieve tha 
 plebeians from unjust burdens. No mestizo could become a cacique; a law 
 of 1576 expressly forbade it. Zamora^ Leg. Ult., ii. 153. 
 
FRAUDS OF THE OFFICIALS. 
 
 569 
 
 called upon them to build town-houses or to make 
 other improvements. Under such a system towns 
 could get along without funds, and the surplus spoken 
 of was appropriated by the unprincipled collectors. 
 
 A common trick was for the collectors to ask every 
 two or three years for a new count, on the ground of 
 a decrease in the population, which they made appar- 
 ent by hiding a number of the natives. Then with 
 less to account for they would collect from all and 
 keep the surplus. The remedy suggested by Cortes 
 to check these frauds, and to do away with all undue 
 thraldom, and at the same time offer an inducement 
 to the macehual to acquire industrious habits and 
 improve his fortunes, was to give each man or head of 
 a family a title for himself and his legal heirs, to a 
 share of land, conditioned upon his faithful payment 
 every year of a certain rent, under penalty of for- 
 feiture of the leasehold. By this arrangement the 
 tribute would be laid on the land, and not on the 
 laborer. The surplus shares of land remaining at the 
 first grants should be awarded to those born there- 
 after in the district, and of proper age, who had no 
 land to cultivate because their parents had not a suffi- 
 cient quanity.^* This proposal met with favor on 
 the part of the crown. Early in 1560 it was ordained 
 that all scattered natives should be called to dwell in 
 
 i^An abuse injurious to both the payer and the royal treasury. Cortes, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 441-2, 446-52, 456; Valderrama, in Id.^ 
 iv. 359; Rel. An6n., in Id., vi. 166-7. Cortes seemed, however, to have 
 the interests of the crown more at heart than those of the victim. He wanted 
 the tributes increased in more favored localities, where many could make in 
 two or three days the amount of their yearly tax, but being too lazy to work 
 and benefit themselves, needed to be forced to it. In fact, they chose to pay 
 four or six reales rather than the half fanega of maize, when a whole fanega 
 was worth only four or five reales. The grain should be demanded, he urged, 
 in lieu of money; otherwise in a short time there would be a famine. There 
 was another imposition the natives were called upon to sufi"er; that of Span- 
 ish travellers billeting themselves with their servants and animals upon them. 
 A royal order in 1563 required that travelling Spaniards should be put up at 
 inns, if there were any, or if not, to pay for what they had. Zamora, Lea, 
 UlL, ii. 556. 
 
 In 1575 the royal tribute continued at the old rate. A number of natives 
 had become the owners of large haciendas and other property paying no other 
 tax. Enriquez, Carta al Bey (Sept. 23, 1575), in Cartas de Indias, 307-8; 
 H'lMuyt's Voy.f iii. 463. 
 
570 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 towns, where they were to hold lands, and to pursue 
 their useful mode of obtaining a livelihood. This was 
 really the reiteration of an order of October 1558. 
 If carried out in a proper spirit this law would have 
 proved beneficial; but the avariciousness of the white 
 men charged with its execution defeated its object. 
 They gave the natives only the more barren lands, 
 reserving the best for themselves and their friends.^® 
 On the other hand it was true that the natives did 
 not like to work, and the government felt obliged at 
 last to compel them to raise more grain than they 
 actually required for their own use and for tribute.^* 
 
 The viceroy Velasco attended faithfully to the car- 
 rying-out of these orders. Towns within five leagues 
 of Mexico city were to be visited for the above pur- 
 poses by the oidores. For visiting more distant towns, 
 and enforcing the measures for the benefit of the 
 natives, the crown ordered that the licentiate Diego 
 Ramirez, an upright man,^^ should be specially com- 
 missioned. The audiencia was made to render him 
 all possible aid, and to countenance no appeals from 
 his decisions. Ramirez' term, originally limited to six 
 months, was afterward extended for as long a time as 
 he might need to complete his useful tasks. 
 
 It was enjoined on the visitadores, whether Ra- 
 mirez or an oidor, to prevent among other abuses 
 that of inflicting corporal punishment on the natives 
 by friars who had usurped the power of imprisoning, 
 whipping, and clipping the hair of native offenders. 
 They were also to cause the removal of all herds of 
 cattle and flocks of sheep grazing on lands to the in- 
 jury of the natives; and to see that the latter had the 
 requisite spiritual aid. 
 
 This injustice caused a dispersion, and the project had to be abandoned. 
 Torquemada, iii. 263. 
 
 I judge that was the object in view when the viceroy and audiencia 
 decreed December 5, 1578, in obedience to a royal order of May 7, 1577, that 
 the encomenderos should not sell to or exchange with their own Indians the 
 maize received in tribute. Montemaior, Autos Acord., 33. 
 
 From the beginning to the end of his rule Velasco was careful to appoint 
 none to office but the moral and upright. Torquemada, i. 622; Beaumont, 
 Crdn. Mich., v. 549, MS., 1133. 
 
TENURE OF ENCOMIENDAS. 
 
 571 
 
 One of the objects of Ramirez' trust was to officially 
 apprise the encomenderos that their tenor would be 
 only for the natural life of themselves and their next 
 legitimate son or daughter, but at the death of the 
 second holders the repartimientos were to revert to 
 the crown. This was pursuant to the royal decree of 
 April 5, 1552, providing the succession to an encomi- 
 enda in the eldest son or direct heir lawfully begotten.^^ 
 Not long afterward the succession was extended to 
 the second, and later to several more generations,^^ so 
 that in effect it became perpetual. 
 
 The royal order giving preference to the con- 
 querors was extended to their sons, notably by a law 
 
 In the event of his inability or unwillingness to accept it, then the sec- 
 ond son, and so on to the last; if there were no sons, then the eldest daughter, 
 and in her default, the next in succession, under certain obligations; if there 
 were neither sons nor daughters, then the widow. After the death of this 
 second holder, the encomienda was to revert to the crown. Under the king's 
 general regulations no mulatto, mestizo, nor any one of illegitimate birth 
 could hold an encomienda. If any was so holden, it was to revert at once to 
 the crown. The order was subsequently modified, allowing the viceroy of 
 Peru in 1559 to legitimize children born out of wedlock, even where the 
 mothers were Indians, upon the payment of a sufficient sum to secure the 
 encomiendas they were to inherit. That privilege was rescinded in 1561; its 
 revival asked for, was refused in 1573, and had not been allowed as late as 
 1612. It is likely that the same rule held good in Mexico. Puga, Cedulario, 
 136. 
 
 The right of transmission to the third generation having been tolerated 
 in New Spain in 1555, Viceroy Velasco wasin doubt if, in default of children, 
 the privilege extended to widows and other heirs. This was at first refused; 
 but on the 9th of February, 1561, the viceroy and audiencia were directed to 
 permit, when there were no sons or daughters in the third generation, surviv- 
 ing husbands to inherit the encomiendas of their wives, and vice versa, until 
 the crown should enact some general law. This led to abuses in marriages 
 between old women and young men, or of old men with young women, to 
 secure the inheritance of encomiendas, which were frequent and continued 
 until in later years the king adopted measures to prevent such unequal alli- 
 ances. February 27, 1575, and July 8, 1603, such inheritances were forbidden 
 in the second and third generations, unless the parties had been married and 
 lived together at least six months. Puga, Cedulario, 132, 136, 139, 149-50, 
 184^6, 192-3; Testirmnio, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 478-80; 
 Montesclaros, in Id., vi. 284, 288-90. In 1563 the crown resolved that enco- 
 miendas should no longer be transmissible to heirs in the third generation. 
 This project exasperated holders of the second generation, and much trouble 
 arose in consequence. Peralta, Not. Hist, 195. But it was not carried out. 
 And there were cases, on the contrary, in later years, where the tenure 
 passed to the fourth and even to the fifth generation. The encomenderos 
 were required by law to dwell in the provinces where they held their encomi- 
 endas. The provision was, however, often disregarded. Those living in 
 Mexico with permission were not authorized to compel their Indians to bring 
 the tributes thither; nor had they the right of taking from the Indians any 
 article of food without paying th-erefor. Puga, Cedulario, 1*54. 
 
572 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 of 1553 ordering that the sons of the first conquerors 
 of New Spain who were not possessed of encomien- 
 das should be preferred for the position of corregidor 
 and other offices, in order that they might derive a 
 support therefrom.^° The pension-list to widows and 
 offspring of the old conquerors at the time amounted 
 to about 24,000 pesos per annum.^^ 
 
 Even these broad and searching measures were 
 deemed insufficient by Friar Pedro de Gante, for in 
 1552 we find him writing to the king setting forth 
 the great suffering of the natives from excessive labor 
 and heavy taxation.^^ He beseeches the monarch to 
 look with merciful eyes on his red subjects not only 
 of New Spain but of New Galicia. Nor were these 
 prayers disregarded by the crown. Orders were issued 
 for the benefit of the natives, and issued again, and 
 several oppugnant decrees of the viceroy and audiencia 
 were repealed by royal command. And yet many 
 and gross evils continued. The archbishop confirmed 
 Gante's statement, yet added that the natives were 
 vicious, given to carnal pleasures, drinking, and gam- 
 bling, and excessively fond of litigation. They were 
 
 2° The second marques del Valle, soon after his arrival in Mexico, showed 
 himself to be not unmindful of the old conquerors, now few, and most of 
 them poor. It was true, he said to the monarch, that they received some 
 assistance from the royal treasury, but it did not suffice to support them. To 
 further aid them he wished that of the 400 public offices at least 100 should 
 be given them; considering the fact that a great many of those offices existed 
 merely to afford a maintenance to some man; otherwise 200 might be abol- 
 ished. CorUSy Carta^ in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 459-60. 
 
 2^ Those pensions were paid out of the fund of indios vacos, or unap- 
 propriated Indians; the lowest was 30 pesos, and one, the highest, of 450 
 pesos; many were of 300 pesos; a few of 400 pesos; the rest ranged from 250 
 pesos downward. Agurto, Pensiones, in Id., xiv. 201-20. In 1554 there were 
 18 encomenderos, who were aged and without heirs; at their death the Indians 
 would revert to the crown. A list appears in Relacion, xiv. 220-2. The 
 veedor of New Spain, Santander, in a letter to the sovereign of July 15, 1557, 
 recommended the perpetuity of the tenure of Indians, on the ground that 
 there v/ould be less warfare and mortality; the Spaniards would be better dis- 
 posed to serve their king, and the royal revenue would be augmented without 
 taxing the v/hite settlers. It seems that for him the Indian had no rights 
 that should not be made subservient forever to the interests of the crown 
 and the benefit of the Spanish conqueror. Santander, Carta, in Col. Doc. 
 In6d., xxvi. 351 et seq. 
 
 2^ This condition of things made it impossible, he said, for the natives to 
 advance morally or otherwise. The effect was to debase them more and 
 more, and to rapidly decrease their number. Oante, Carta al Emp. , in Cartas de 
 J7idias, 92-102; Zamora, Leg. Ult., ii. 152-4; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 13. 
 
FUTILE EFFORTS OF THE KING. 
 
 573 
 
 ground down by heavy taxes and personal service, a 
 portion of which went to the priests, and the rest was 
 consumed by the caciques, governors, and chiefs in 
 eating and drinking. The tributes had been lowered, 
 but the common laborers felt not the benefit of the 
 decrease, as they were made to pay at the old rates, 
 the chiefs reaping the advantage of the difference. 
 They were virtually held in slavery. On the matter 
 reaching the ear of the king the audiencia was directed 
 January 19, 1560, and again July 12th, of the same 
 year, to check such abuses. 
 
 It was the audiencia as much as unprincipled enco- 
 menderos and infamous tax-collectors that thwarted 
 the beneficent designs of the king and his viceroy. 
 As a court of appeal this tribunal would render 
 nugatory many of the viceroy's decrees. Then the 
 affairs of the natives would be postponed and im- 
 peded in such a manner as to defeat the ends of justice, 
 and render of no effect the beneficent royal purposes.^* 
 This was folly on the part of the high court, and a 
 cause of inconvenience to the litigants. The condition 
 of the natives, as a matter of justice and charity, 
 called for prompt despatch in their suits at law, and 
 freedom from costs; no pettifoggers should have been 
 allowed to meddle with them. In their ignorance, 
 and for several reasons, the Indians permitted the 
 mestizos and others to exercise over them a baneful 
 influence, in inducing them to keep up litigation, par- 
 ticularly about their lands. The best course that 
 occurred to the viceroy was to expel all mestizos and 
 
 Arzob. de M6j., Carta, in PacTieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 499, 
 515-22. Father Toral, who had invariably shown himself a warm friend of 
 the natives, did acknowledge, however, that Velasco had done much toward 
 Improving their condition, as he had abolished personal service, slavery, and 
 many abuses. Toral, Carta d S. 3f. el Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 138. 
 
 The emperor's attention was called to the matter by the Franciscan 
 cOxTiisario and other fathers of that order, among them Motolinia and Saha- 
 gun, who complained that the audiencia 's course made much confusion be- 
 tween the Spaniards and natives. Bustamante et al., Carta al Emp., in Cartas 
 de Indias, 121-2. The viceroy told the king that were it not for his for- 
 bearance much trouble might have resulted from the insolent behavior of 
 some of the oidores; he then begged for the appointment of a visitadoi cf the 
 audiencia, and for the removal of those objectionable oidores. 
 
574 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 obnoxious Spaniards from the Indian towns. He 
 also insisted that the authorities, both high and low, 
 should be ever watchful, in order that the natives 
 might accept as real the government's protection. 
 
 Among the measures favoring the natives the pro- 
 vision of hospitals for the care of their indigent sick 
 was worthy of much commendation. Prince Philip, 
 at the suggestion of Viceroy Velasco, decreed in 1553 
 the construction of a suitable building for that purpose 
 in the city of Mexico/^ and other hospitals and infirm- 
 aries were founded. 
 
 Obviously the enforcement of the new laws soon 
 began to tell on the royal revenue. This had been 
 predicted to Velasco in the beginning of his rule, but 
 he had said that such considerations were of little 
 import; the freedom of men was of more importance 
 than all the mines in the world. Velasco was forced 
 to admit, however, that the new laws had caused 
 trouble and poverty, partly because of exemption from 
 personal service, but in a great measure owing to the 
 fact that the Spaniards would not exert themselves. 
 He feared that the royal treasury would long feel the 
 bad effects of this state of things, unless a timely remedy 
 was applied. 
 
 It was to cost 2,000 pesos de oro. An extra allowance of 400 pesos de 
 ore yearly was also granted. The fund having been exhausted before the 
 edifice was finished, the prince, now King Philip II., in 1556 gave a further 
 Bum of 2,000 pesos de oro from the royal treasury. This, together with the 
 aid the natives themselves could afibrd, was deemed all-sufficient. This hos- 
 pital, and others which were subsequently established, proved very useful 
 during the desolating epidemics of 1555 and later. Cavo, TresSiglos, 163. In 
 1556 Father Josd de Angulo was at Brussels, where Philip's court then was, 
 and heard from the royal lips high praise of Viceroy Velasco's Indian policy 
 and of the loyalty of the natives. Velasco was commended in a letter of Jan- 
 uary of that year. Felipe II., Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, iv. 
 403-6. Puga, Cedulario, 187. 
 
 2° Viceroy Enriquez, who ruled the country from 1568 to 1580, saw their 
 necessity, and made provision accordingly. He distrusted his countrymen, 
 v/ho, ho feared, cared little for the Indian. In his suggestion to his successor 
 ho speaks clearly: * despues de servirse de los indios, mas cuidado tienen de 
 PUS perros que no dellos.' Henriquez, Instruccion, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col, 
 Doc, iii. 482-6. 
 
 2^ Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 158-9, piously ascribes Velasco's first act of justice 
 to the natives to his anxiety for bespeaking God's favor to his rule : 'para 
 comcnzar su gobiemo con la bendicion de Dios.* 
 
 2^ Velasco J Carta al Emp.y in Cartas de Indias, 267. 
 
HARD TIMES. 
 
 575 
 
 The Spanish population was discontented; a consid- 
 erable part of it was in a state of indigence, partly 
 owing to the number of vagrants and to extravagant 
 habits which had again increased notwithstanding the 
 restrictive sumptuary laws. On the other hand, among 
 the natives there was more independence and comfort ; 
 and the viceroy had become apprehensive of evils to 
 come. He told the king that the land was full of 
 negroes and mestizos, greatly exceeding the Span- 
 iards in number, and all anxious to purchase their 
 freedom with the lives of their masters. To accom- 
 plish this end there was reason to fear they would join 
 whichever side should rebel, Indians or Spaniards. 
 To avert revolt he recommended expeditions to be 
 made, the companies to be formed of white men, 
 negroes, and mestizos. No more Spaniards should be 
 allowed to come to the country, much less negroes, 
 there being twenty thousand of the latter present, 
 and their number increasing. It would be well also to 
 send to Spain as many of the mestizos as possible. 
 
 To satisfy the Spaniards he favored the plan of 
 giving the conquerors and first settlers or their heirs 
 the promised encomiendas, but without political or 
 judicial powers, and making them pay a portion of 
 the taxation, say one sixth or one seventh, for the 
 support of the church, conversion, and instruction of 
 the natives; committing, at the same time, the care 
 of teaching the aborigines to the prelates, which duty 
 hitherto had belonged to the encomenderos. These 
 should be required to dwell at their encomiendas, and 
 in the town with the prelate. 
 
 23 The council of bishops in 1555 also said to the crown that the country 
 was full of vagrants from Spain; men who had neither occupation nor means of 
 livelihood; and it was necessary to stop the emigration of more of that class. 
 Mex., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iii. 526-7. This condition went on 
 from bad to worse for several years. The veedor, Doctor Santander, a resi- 
 dent of 16 years in America, recorded July 1557, that there were 4,000 
 white persons bom in Mexico who were unemployed and without support; to 
 which number were to be added the white persons from Spain, and the half- 
 breeds. Santander, Carta, in Col. Doc. Ined., xxvi. 351. To check vagrancy 
 a royal order of Oct. 3, 1558, exacted that Spaniards, Indians, and mixed 
 breeds should dwell in towns. Purja, Cedulario, 205. In some parts of New 
 
576 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 With corruption present in the grand tribunal, and 
 purity of intention on the part of the king's repre- 
 sentative it was natural that questions regarding the 
 powers of the viceroy should arise, Velasco, as well 
 as others, appealed to the emperor to make clear his 
 duties. Theoretically, the viceroy's powers had been, 
 and continued to be till 1560, unlimited in matters 
 of government. As a matter of form, Yelasco had, 
 on difficult affairs, invariably asked the audiencia's 
 advice. That body together with some wealthy 
 Spaniards, whose abuses he had suppressed, or at- 
 tempted to check, labored not only to undermine his 
 standing at court, but to restrict his powers. They 
 were aware that they could not influence the king 
 against Yelasco personally, whose pure motives and 
 good services were much valued; still, they brought 
 to bear plausible pretences, and won to their views 
 some of the king's counsellors. Yelasco's health was 
 represented as broken, which might affect his mind, 
 and render his decisions not always judicious. For 
 this reason they claimed it was expedient to appoint 
 him a council, whom he should consult upon state 
 affairs before adopting any resolution. Such a course 
 would insure the proper deliberation, and relieve him 
 of much responsibility. By such means the king was 
 finally brought to accede to the suggestions of his 
 counsellors, and decreed that in future the viceroy of 
 New Spain should adopt no action without the pre- 
 vious advice and consent of the audiencia, which be- 
 came thus constituted as a viceregal council. All the 
 
 Spain provisions were scarce, and the villas of Purificacion and P^inuco were 
 in 1553 already becoming depopulated. Valasco, in Cartas de Indias, 263-5. 
 The women were so extravagant in the use of jewelry that the country felt its 
 bad effects. No improvement was gained by the royal measures to check vice. 
 The second marques del Valle complains bitterly of indolence, increasing 
 want, and vice; truth was almost a stranger in the country; lying and perjury 
 had become a staple, * porques cosecha desta tierra. ' Cortes, Carta, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col Doc, iv. 455-6, 458-9. Still later, in 1570, vagabondage 
 and lawlessness were still rampant. Mendieta, Carta a Joan de Ouando, in 
 Prov. del Sto Evang., MS., No. 16, 208-9. An Englishman who visited the city 
 of Mexico in 1572 declared, 'the men. , .are marvellous vicious; and in like 
 manner the women are dishonest of their bodies.' Hawks' ReL, in Haklvyt's 
 Voy., in. 463. 
 
PHILIP, KING. 
 
 577 
 
 authorities who treat of this subject agree that the 
 new system was productive of confusion and evil con- 
 sequences, and that Spaniards as well as Indians 
 suffered from it.^^ 
 
 A large portion of the most worthy Spaniards dis- 
 approved of the course adopted toward Yelasco. Even 
 the ayuntamiento of Mexico objected to it without 
 showing any factious spirit. It chose two of its 
 members, Geronimo Ruiz de la Mota and Bernardino 
 Albornoz, to represent at court the evils arising from 
 the late enactment. They were joined by three promi- 
 nent fathers of the Franciscan, Dominican, and Aus- 
 tin orders, who had been despatched on the same 
 errand, one of whom was Francisco de Bustamante, the 
 Franciscan comisario general. The viceroy, on his 
 part, while obeying the royal mandate, reiterated to 
 the king his desire that a visitador should be sent 
 out. The agents reached Spain in 1562, presented 
 their case, and the royal counsellors, to quiet them all, 
 advised the appointment of a visitador. The licen- 
 ciado Valderrama was accordingly commissioned with 
 instructions to consult public exigencies, and promote, 
 as far as possible, the welfare of New Spain. In due 
 time will be presented to the reader his arrival, and 
 the manner in which he discharged his trust. 
 
 Most of the measures enacted of late years by the 
 crown for the administration of affairs in New Spain 
 emanated from Prince Philip, who was in charge of the 
 government, owing to the emperor's failing health and 
 absence in his German dominions.^^ In January 1556 
 
 ' Se experimentd que encallaban cada dia mas los negocios de los Es- 
 panoles, y se olvidaban de los naturales,.' Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 170. Mendieta 
 speaks of the contempt that was thrown upon the royal representatives in the 
 country. Even the natives had learned to pay no respect to their decisions, hav- 
 ing been prevailed on to look to the audiencia as the real superior authority; ' no 
 hagais cuenta de lo que este os ha dicho, ni de lo que dexa mandado, que no 
 es sino vn hombre por ai, que pasa de camino, y no puede nada, que all^ en 
 Mexico, est^n los Tlatoques . . . que nos f avorecerkn, y har^n lo que quisi^remos. ' 
 Torquemada, i. 625-6. 
 
 He wrote to the audiencia of Mexico, May 10, 1554, to announce his 
 approaching marriage with Queen Mary of England, and to order that during 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 37 
 
578 
 
 INDIAN POLICY, 
 
 Philip was in Brussels, where he had come according 
 to his father's instructions, to be present at the king's 
 abdication, and to receive the crown of Spain. The 
 official notification was made by both Charles and the 
 new monarch, who assumed the name of Philip II. 
 on the day after the ceremony, but it does not seem 
 to have reached the city of Mexico till early in 1557. 
 although rumors of the change had been rife during 
 the year. The official announcement was received by 
 the ayuntamiento of the capital on the 5th of April, 
 1558, and with the approbation of Viceroy Yelasco, 
 the 6th of June was fixed for the act of recognition 
 and of swearing allegiance to the new king, when 
 among other ceremonies the banner was raised. Arch- 
 bishop Montiifar celebrating as pontifical at high 
 mass. 
 
 On the 17th of June, 1556, Philip had repeated to 
 the viceroy the notice of his elevation to the throne, 
 confirming him, the members of the audiencia, and 
 others in their respective offices. He then spoke of 
 the distressed condition of his treasury, directing the 
 viceroy to appeal to the wealthy Spaniards for pe- 
 cuniary assistance. He was not to use coercion, but 
 only most persistently to ask, and to assure them that 
 their aid would be of great service to their king and 
 country. The viceroy was to arrange with the lenders 
 for the mode of reimbursing the loans. Father Jose 
 de Angulo, who had visited the court at Brussels on 
 ecclesiastical affairs, was directed by the king to return 
 to New Spain without delay, and exert himself in 
 procuring the much needed funds. 
 
 his absence the commands of his sister, the princess of Portugal, should be 
 obeyed. Puga^ Cedulario, 149. 
 
CHAPTER XXYIII, 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 1551-1564. 
 
 Arrival of Martin Cortes, Second Marques del Valle — Visitador Val- 
 
 DERRAMA AND HIS RELATIONS WITH CORTES — NeW PoLICY REGARDING 
 
 Encomiendas — Cortes' Troubles — Threatened Revolt and Velas- 
 co's Wise Course — Royal Orders Affecting the Audiencia— The 
 Visitador's Exactions of the Indians — His Efforts to Check Abuses, 
 AND Proposed Reforms — His Disagreements with the Viceroy — Con- 
 dition and Character of Velasco — His Death, Burial, and General 
 Regret — Public Education — Floods in the Mexican Valley — Dis- 
 astrous Expedition to Florida — Settlements in Zacatecas and 
 Guanajuato — Conquest of the North-western Region — Kingdom of 
 nueva vizcaya — expedition to the philippines and its results. 
 
 I HAVE stated that Martin Cortes, the lawful heir 
 of Mexico's conqueror, was taken to Spain in 1540, 
 being then eight years of age. After his father's 
 death he came into possession of his title and of its 
 vast estates. He had received a liberal education and 
 had been trained, as became his rank, for the profes- 
 sion of arms; he accompanied Philip to Flanders, 
 where he served with distinction, and also in the 
 famous battle of Saint Quentin, being the first native 
 of Mexico to render service to the Spanish crown in 
 Europe. He likewise was one of Philip's suite when 
 that prince went to England to wed Queen Mary. 
 After the Flanders campaign he married Dona Ana 
 Ramirez de Arellano, his niece,^ for which it is pre- 
 sumed he first obtained a special dispensation of the 
 pope. 
 
 He now determined to return to his native land. 
 
 ^Clavigero, Storia Mess., in. 236. 
 
 (579) 
 
580 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 Before leaving Spain, however, he sold to the king 
 his chief house in Mexico, that which has since been 
 the national palace, with the whole block, including 
 the mint, barracks, and other offices. The deed of con- 
 veyance, dated January 29, 1562, stipulated that the 
 quarters occupied by the oidores, that is to say, the 
 montepio building of later years, should be surren- 
 dered to him.^ 
 
 About this time was brought to a final decision the 
 suit left pending by the old conqueror at his death 
 on the counting of his vassals. It was against the 
 marquis' claim. The court's rendering was that every 
 house and hereditament should count for one vecino, 
 and young Cortes was condemned to restore to the 
 crown all excess over the 23,000 vassals that Charles 
 had granted his father ; also to pay all sums till then 
 collected by his agents from the vassals exceeding 
 that number. This last part of the decision was tanta- 
 mount to utter ruin for the young marquis. How- 
 ever, Philip, who held in high esteem the great services 
 of the conqueror, and also those of the son, exempted 
 the latter from the payment of the excess above men- 
 tioned, and, in the cedula issued at Toledo March 
 16, 1562, not only confirmed the grant made to his 
 father, but also renewed it without restriction; that 
 is to say, all vecinos of the twenty-three towns, what- 
 soever their number, were to be reckoned as his vas- 
 sals. The only exception was the villa and port of 
 Tehuantepec, which the crown reserved for govern- 
 ment uses, allowing in compensation therefor the 
 tributes it yielded. 
 
 All his affairs being thus advantageously arranged, 
 the marquis, now aged thirty years, embarked for 
 Mexico with his family, excepting his eldest son and 
 heir presumptive, whom he left in Seville, bringing 
 
 2 The property so conveyed the viceroy and audiencia removed to in 1562. 
 It was destroyed June 8, 1692, by a conflagration during the riots. The old 
 palace was also situated on the plaza, and bounded by the streets of Tacuba, 
 Plateros, La Profesa, and San Jose el Real, and served for government pur- 
 poses till given up. 
 
THE MARQUES BEL VALLE. 
 
 581 
 
 also his half-brothers Martin, Marina's son, and Luis, 
 son of Antonio Hermosilla.'^ There is nothing to 
 show the date of their embarkation, but in September 
 1562 they arrived at Campeche in a small ship, during 
 a severe gale, the family having experienced much 
 suffering/ After a sojourn there of two months they 
 continued their journey, and arrived safely in Mexico 
 early in the spring of 1563, there to be received with 
 the great demonstrations due his rank and the memory 
 of his father."^ 
 
 The marquis' high rank and large income, united to 
 the memory of his father's illustrious deeds and his 
 own honorable services, gave him the most prominent 
 standing in the country, second only to the chief rep- 
 resentative of the crown. Indeed, he thought it but 
 due his father's name that the son should set up an 
 establishment on the footing of a prince, where his 
 friends were at all times welcomed and entertained 
 with lavish hospitality. This augmented his influence 
 and made him a power in the land. When he rode 
 out he was followed by a page wearing a steel helmet 
 and carrying a raised lance, the point of which was 
 enclosed in a bag with small silken tassels for closing 
 it; and to attend church he caused his servants to 
 take there for himself and the marchioness two velvet 
 prie-dieux with two cushions and two chairs. This 
 could be done in Spain by persons of rank without 
 
 ^ Martin had been taken to Spain in 1528. Charles V. made him a knight 
 of Santiago; and when old enough to enter the military profession he served 
 in the campaigns of Algiers and Germany, distinguishing himself and receiv- 
 ing several wounds. His fortune was scanty, and it may be said that he 
 derived his support almost entirely from his brother, the marquis. He mar- 
 ried an estimable lady, Dona Bernardina de Porras. 
 
 * The alcalde mayor and the bishop visited them and rendered all the aid 
 in their power. The marchioness there gave birth to a boy. Quixada, Carta 
 al Rey (March 15, 1563), in Cartas de Ind.ias, 385. The boy was christened 
 Gerdnimo. PeraLta, Not. Hist., 146-7, 187, 340-1. 
 
 ^ Everywhere on the route the marquis was greeted with marks of affec- 
 tion. The capital gave him an enthusiastic welcome. Upwards of 300 mag- 
 nificently attired and mounted gentlemen escorted him into the city; another 
 body of 2,000 horsemen with black cloaks followed in the procession. After 
 promenading the streets, cheered by the people and greeted with the smiles 
 of the first ladies of the country, the marquis and his friends visited Viceroy 
 Velasco, who gave him a hearty welcome. Peralta, Not. Hist., 191-2. 
 
582 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 exciting comment, but in Mexico it awakened envy, 
 and later was brought forward as a serious charge. 
 
 The friends and associates of the young nobleman 
 were among the first families of the city, including 
 the viceroy and his son. Among his most intimate 
 acquaintances were the brothers Gil Gonzalez and 
 Alonso de Avila, sons of the conqueror Gil Gonzalez 
 de Avila and his wife Dona Leonor de Alvarado.^ Born 
 in Mexico of pure Castilian blood, they were for their 
 high character and agreeable manners generally es- 
 teemed. The first named was now twenty -four years 
 of age, a widower, quiet, and grave though affable, 
 and held in encomienda the town of Ixmiquilpan. 
 Alonso was a year younger, handsome, elegant, brave, 
 and jovial, and possessed the valuable encomiendas of 
 Quautitlan, Jaltocan, Zirdndaro, and Guaineo, which 
 yielded him a considerable income. His wife. Dona 
 Maria de Sosa, was an estimable young lady. The 
 marquis was often seen in company with the two 
 brothers, and the intimacy brought upon them all 
 great grief, as we shall see. 
 
 Society in Mexico had rapidly developed during 
 the last two decades, and was now becoming in many 
 respects individual and pronounced. Upon the Old 
 World manners and customs was cast the New World 
 influence, and the result was an order of things never 
 before witnessed. While holding to ancient tradi- 
 tions, there was less restraint, more freedom of 
 thought, more room for aspiration and respiration 
 in American airs than in European. Side by side 
 were the descendants of the conquerors and the 
 Spanish nobility which constituted the aristocracy. 
 The opening of mines and the slavery system in its 
 several modified forms had brought on flush times. 
 Money was abundant and freely spent. 
 
 Banquets, balls, and other entertainments were of 
 daily occurrence in high circles, all vying with one 
 
 ^ Alaman, Disert., ii. 142, and others say they were the sons of Alonso de 
 Avila. 
 
THE SILVER SEAL. 
 
 583 
 
 another in reckless expenditure. Having once placed 
 themselves on the slippery declivity of human folly, 
 it was difficult for the young nobility to stop short of 
 ruin. Most of the first families soon found themselves 
 deeply in debt, and with their property encumbered. 
 A large portion of the debts had been incurred at the 
 gaming-table and by the practice of other vices. The 
 young men were wont to indulge in masked prome- 
 nades on horseback, and failed not to take advantage 
 of their position and wealth to corrupt women.^ 
 
 The marques del Valle, however, seems to have 
 behaved well, never giving himself up to vicious prac- 
 tices. Like his father, he was respectful to the church 
 and its ministers, often dismounting to bend the knee 
 and kiss the friar's hand, which example the natives 
 were not slow to follow.^ The friendship between 
 the marquis and the Velascos was not of long dura- 
 tion. The great display of wealth by the former in- 
 dicated his determination to hold the first position in 
 the country, even overshadowing the viceroy, who, 
 as the monarch's lieutenant, could not brook such 
 pretensions. And when the viceroy showed signs of 
 temper, Cortes arrayed himself in yet greater ostenta- 
 tion. He ordered made for himself a silver seal, some- 
 what smaller than the one used by the king, on which 
 was engraved the words "Martinus Cortesus primus 
 hujus nominis Dux marchio secundus."^ When it 
 was taken to the royal treasury officials to pay the 
 fifth duty, the chief official, Hortuno de Ibarra, con- 
 sidering it too large for a subject to use, delivered it 
 to the viceroy, who being of the same opinion re- 
 tained the seal, instituted proceedings, and sent them 
 to the king. This action of course displeased Cortes, 
 and widened the breach. Their feud was so warm 
 
 Viceroy Velasco tried to check it, but met with poor success. Peralta, 
 Not. HM., 193. 
 
 ^ When asked who taught them to kneel and kiss the priest's hand, they 
 would answer, ' El gran capitan Don Martin Cortes. ' Zevalhs, Hist, y Viaae, 
 361-2. 
 
 ^ Martin Cortes, first captain (or duke) and second marquis of his name. 
 Oi'ozco y Berra, Not. Hist., 79. 
 
584 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 that on the arrival of the visitador, Valderrama, it 
 broke out disgracefully. For the reception of the 
 visitador the viceroy invited all officials and persons 
 of rank, among them the marquis, who paid no heed 
 to the invitation and resolved not to appear in the 
 viceregal suite. He would go in advance with some 
 friends, and be followed by the page with the lance, 
 his object being to meet the visitador in Cuitlahuac, 
 four leagues out; but he came upon him in fact at 
 Itztapalapa, a league and a half from Mexico. 
 
 Valderrama was gratified at this mark of attention, 
 and with the marquis' manner, and together they 
 rode toward the city. Though chagrined, Yelasco 
 smothered his resentment as best he was able until 
 he saw the page, when he sent Antonio de Turcios, 
 the secretary of the audiencia, to tell Cortes that he 
 should at once send the fellow away. Such an order, 
 now for the first time given, and in such company, 
 enraged the marquis, who resolved to disregard it. 
 When the viceroy threatened him with arrest, the 
 marquis turned to the visitador and said, "Your wor- 
 ship has now the evidence of the viceroy's ill-will 
 toward me. I am glad this has occurred that you 
 may form your own judgment." Yalderrama, in order 
 to stop the disagreeable scene, supported the vice- 
 roy's authority. But not to wound the marquis too 
 deeply, he ordered the page to keep himself at some 
 distance from the suite. This reconciled matters, and 
 the march continued on to the city, where all entered 
 on the 16th of August, 1563. Yalderrama became 
 the guest of the marquis, and there was soon an inti- 
 mate friendship between them. 
 
 The marquis shortly afterward caused his intendente 
 to form a general statement of his affairs, from which 
 it appeared that the yearly income from the encomi- 
 endas amounted to 150,000 pesos. It reached the 
 ears of the king, who thought the revenue almost too 
 royal for a subject, and directed the solicitor -general 
 to notify Cortes that the crown had been deceived 
 
PETITION OF THE ENCOMENDEROS. 
 
 585 
 
 with regard to the value of his encomiendas. Doctor 
 Zurita was consequently deputed by the audiencia to 
 make the count of the Indians, and the report was 
 against the holder. 
 
 The crown then resolved that encomiendas should 
 not be transmissible to the third generation. This 
 measure was deemed unjust by the encomenderos, 
 whose wrath against the king and his advisers became 
 hot.^^ Among the more violent was Alonso de Avila, 
 whose income it is said was twenty thousand pesos 
 per annum. With him were his brother and Baltasar 
 de Aguilar, who as they talked of the matter among 
 themselves, and with others, became more and more 
 enraged, and in time it was said that the three were 
 at the head of a conspiracy against the crown, and 
 fast winning to their plans influential men by the 
 offer of honors and offices, of all which the marquis 
 was said to be apprised. The viceroy hearing of it 
 summoned to his presence the suspected parties, and 
 spoke to them with his customary wisdom and kind- 
 ness. Little more was heard of it at the time, and it 
 was supposed the affair was at an end.^^ The enco- 
 menderos, however, resolved to bring before the crown 
 the matter of their holdings. Having first obtained 
 leave of the audiencia, on the 4th of February, 1564, 
 they came before the city council of Mexico in a com- 
 mittee composed of Francisco de Yelasco, Gonzalo de 
 las Casas, Gonzalo Cerezo, and Rodrigo Maldonado. 
 The council approved of the plan, and chose young 
 
 Cortes complained that the computation had been purposely excessive, 
 not so much to injure him as to blind the king. Carta (Oct. 10, 15G3), in 
 Paclteco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 460-1. The viceroy on June 22, 1564, 
 reported his towns to have upward of 60,000 natives that must have yielded 
 84,387 pesos annually, that is to say, a population of 47,000 and an income 
 of over 47,000 pesos in excess of the original grant to his father. Orozco y 
 Berra, Not. Hist, 29. 
 
 Many of them in their excitement threatened to repudiate the king's 
 authority in these dominions. Peralta, Not. Hist., 195. 
 
 * Se habld, que hazian ya maese de campo y ofi^iales, y titulos en los 
 pueblos, de duques y condes; y puesto ya todo en pldtica, dieron parte dello 
 al marques.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 196. 
 
 ^■^Velasco, notwithstanding, represented the marquis' conduct in dark 
 colors; he could not avoid inflicting some punishment on his enemy. 
 
586 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 Alonso de Avila, one of its members, to repre- 
 sent the matter in Spain. But afterward, at a meet- 
 ing held at the house of the marquis, Diego Ferrer, 
 who had been his tutor, was selected for the mis- 
 sion. 
 
 The king's instructions to Visitador Valderrama 
 were quite explicit as to the course he was to pursue 
 toward the audiencia. He was to enforce the royal 
 decrees which forbade their engaging in expeditions 
 of discovery or in any business foreign to their official 
 duties. They had, it seems, remonstrated against that 
 strict rule, and their requests had been refused by the 
 crown; it was now notorious that they engaged in 
 unlawful business, and from the profits paid the fines, 
 when they could not escape them.^* The viceroy was 
 empowered to try offences of the oidores, who were 
 commanded to testify whenever called upon. The 
 instructions provided that in the event of his death 
 or inability to discharge his duties, the audiencia 
 should rule temporarily. It was certainly well to pro- 
 vide for the succession, but it was not wise to let it 
 fall to corrupt men. 
 
 After the king's envoy had recovered from the 
 effects of his journey, he went to inspect the king's 
 towns. Under the impression that the tribute the 
 natives were paying was too little, he doubled it, in- 
 cluding now those who lived in the city of Mexico 
 and had been heretofore exempt from tribute. Under 
 the new law all must pay two pesos instead of one 
 every year. The natives presented a petition to the 
 visitador against the change, but it availed nothing ; 
 nor were the viceroy's representations in their favor 
 more successful. Yalderrama's heartlessness and ob- 
 
 ^* The warning to be given them by the visitador was that such offences 
 would be punished with dismissal from office, forfeiture of estate, and a fine 
 of 1,000 ducats; and persons acting in copartnership with them would also be 
 subjected to confiscation of their estates. The visitador himself was forbidden 
 to send any relative to visit provinces in his name. He was to make the visits 
 in person. Cavo, Tres Sijlos, i. 172-3. 
 
RATES CF TAXATION. 
 
 587 
 
 stinacy disgusted all classes, and won him an unenvi- 
 able name.^^ 
 
 In his report to the king on judicial matters Feb- 
 ruary 24, 1564, he said that the officials were not as 
 they should be, hinting that the viceroy and his son 
 and brother, as well as the oidores, had too many rela- 
 tives in the country, all of whom were interested in 
 affairs and aided one another hence the quality of 
 justice was not always reputable. He had also con- 
 cluded upon the retirement of two of the oidores, one 
 of whom was aged and the other deaf; recommending 
 at the same time the appointment of alcaldes to pre- 
 side over the lower courts of judicature. He hinted 
 that some infamous rascality, without saying what, was 
 practised under cover of authority, which he would 
 in due time expose and punish, and endeavor at the 
 same time to clear the country of such characters as 
 its authors. His interference was salutary in most 
 instances. In lieu of the tax of two pesos, some paid 
 one peso, and half a fanega of maize, or each paid 
 his proportion on the quantity of land held. A few 
 years later negroes and mulattoes were also required 
 to pay a tribute of two pesos yearly. 
 
 The king's financial affairs were not in a satisfac- 
 tory condition. Martin Cortes, who had perhaps 
 ceased after his rupture with the Yelascos to be an 
 impartial authority, suggested that the counting and 
 taxing of the crown Indians should not be left to 
 
 i^That of *afligidor de los indios.' Torquemada, i. 624-5; Cavo, Tres 
 Sirjlos, i. 174. 
 
 Valderrama even represented Velasco as an incompetent, who, together 
 with his favored Domiriicans, had brought the covmtry to the brink of ruin. 
 The Dominicans, a little later, took sides in the troubles with the audiencia 
 and its faction, whilst the Franciscans, their rivals, for a time favored the 
 Cortes clique. 
 
 'Aqui hay escribanos y testigos para lo que los quisieren. ' Valderrama^ 
 Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 355-7, 368-9. His undoubted 
 zeal and ability, however, were of little avail against the power and influence 
 of the oidores and the force of long-established usage. 
 
 ^^If married within their own class; if single, one peso. A female negro 
 or mulatto married to a Spaniard was exempt; if to an Indian, the husband's 
 rate was jjaid. The offspring of a negro and an Indian paid as an Indian* 
 Montemaior, Autos Acord., 148-9; Zamora, Bib. Ley. Ult., iv. 461-2. 
 
588 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 the viceroy if his Majesty desired a large revenue 
 from them, but to the visitador should be given the 
 entire control. He also boldly asserted that there 
 was a manifest lack of integrity in the officials which 
 unfavorably affected the royal treasury. The evidence 
 appeared in the fact that the crown from upwards of 
 440,000 Indians drew only about 160,000 pesos yearly, 
 and he was sure that more than 300,000 pesos re- 
 mained in the hands of certain officials. To support 
 this assertion he mentioned a case in point that con- 
 cerned him personally, by which he lost heavily every 
 year.^'^ Besides the savings from vacant corregimi- 
 entos there were the quitas, or four months' pay out of 
 every sixteen served, much of which was taken from 
 those who rendered service, to give to others who did 
 nothing. The fund was thus exhausted, and the really 
 needy got no relief The king's orders on the dis- 
 tribution of moneys appropriated by him were not 
 faithfully obeyed, and hence the numerous complaints. 
 Only the old conquerors and their sons received money 
 on the treasury drafts. 
 
 Valderrama sought to correct these abuses, and 
 wrote the king, February 24, 1564, of the treasury 
 officials having notified him that the first outgoing 
 fleet would convey to Spain but a small sum of money, 
 and they would have certainly carried out their 
 original intention but for his timely arrival; in conse- 
 quence of which, it would take away a larger amount 
 than ever before, namely, not less than 40,000 marks 
 of silver. Nor did the visitador in his reports con- 
 
 i^Of course he gave plausible reasons, to wit: the viceroy had so much to 
 attend to in governmental, judicial, and other afifairs, that he could not bestow 
 the proper care on the finances. Cortes^ Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, iv. 452, 461-2. 
 
 Detecting in one of his towns a deficit of about 8,000 pesos a year, he 
 inquired into the matter, and learned that 400 or 500 pesos had gone to the 
 friars, and the remainder had been consumed in drinking by chiefs, alcaldes, 
 and regidores. Id., 441-2. The veedor, Santander, had in 1557 reported 
 that the revenue was defrauded to the amount of 1,000,000 pesos, and that 
 another million went abroad, carried away by foreigners. Santander, Carta^ 
 in Col. Doc. hied., xxvi. 343. 
 
 In this connection he urged the prompt remittance of quicksilver, which 
 was much needed to keep the mines productive; then money would circulate. 
 
DEATH OF VELASCO. 
 
 589 
 
 fine himself to financial matters ; he suggested a rad- 
 ical change in the tenure of office. He disliked that 
 public officers should take root in New Spain, as if 
 they expected to pass here the rest of their lives. He 
 preferred that the meritorious should have their re- 
 wards elsewhere; those who had been neglectful or 
 criminal should be punished. The corregimientos had 
 been often improperly bestowed, and the old settlers 
 thereby much offended. The accounting by viceroys 
 and oidores he recommended to be at short periods, 
 and not as heretofore in many instances at intervals 
 of sixteen or twenty years. They should certainly be 
 held to account before they died. He also rejected 
 to the presidency of the audiencia being vested in the 
 viceroy, instead of in a jurist. The oidores, he said, 
 usually voted as the viceroy desired. 
 
 Yelasco was much annoyed at this meddling of 
 Yalderrama, as he termed it, with viceregal affairs, 
 and in the midst of the dissensions^* which followed, 
 he threatened to throw up the office ; but Yalderrama 
 dissuaded him, saying that he was simply doing his 
 duty.^^ Death, that great comforter and final rest, 
 soon came to the viceroy's relief He had been ill for 
 some time, when a diseased bladder suddenly termi- 
 nated his career the 31st of July, 1564. 
 
 The funeral was conducted with a pomp such as 
 
 tributes would be collected, and the treasury benefited accordingly. Valdei-- 
 rama, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 366-7. 
 
 It had been provided by royal order of September 4, 1560, that no cor- 
 regidor appointed by the audiencia for two years should have another term 
 without having first been subjected to a residencia and come out of it with a 
 clear record. Puga, Cedulario, 210, 
 
 ^'^ * Da a parientes, amigos y criados de Oidores, y ansl todos le han 
 menester. Y es cosa recia votar un Gidor contra lo que el Virey quierey 
 dice.' Valderrama, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Cot Doc, iv. 357-9, 364. The 
 appointment of a jurist to preside over the court became the practice some 
 years later. 
 
 On announcing to the crown the visitador's arrival he spoke of him as a 
 'persona de tanta calidad, letras, y concencia.' Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 
 276. 
 
 25 rpj^g jj^g^jj ^j^g pQQj, g^j^^ overburdened with debt. A letter from him 
 in his son's handwriting, of August 1, 1562, to the king's secretary, Francisco 
 de Eraso, shows how depressed he was: * estoy viejo y pobre, y con poca salud, 
 y quan olvidado me tiene S. M. para no me hazer mer9ed ni a mis hijos, y que 
 la muerte esta cerca.* In Id., 275. 
 
590 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 had never before been seen in Mexico. The remains 
 left the vicergal residence escorted by ah the civil 
 and ecclesiastical corporations, directed respectively by 
 the audiencia visitador, archiepiscopal and municipal 
 authorities, and were carried to the Dominican con- 
 vent on the shoulders of four of the bishops who had 
 come to attend the ecclesiastical synod. The troops 
 organized for the Philippines expedition formed part 
 of the funeral cortege. All classes of the population 
 spontaneously manifested their love by following the 
 remains to their last resting-place. Mourning was 
 both officially and publicly observed for a month. 
 
 His death fell as a bereavement upon the commu- 
 nity. However Martin Cortes might scowl, or Val- 
 derrama write to the king, the verdict of the people 
 was **E1 prudentisimo, tutor, padre de la patria," and 
 Liberatador de los indios." He had been indeed a 
 father to the oppressed, a man conscientious in the 
 discharge of his duties. He was never rich, partly 
 because he did not pilfer from the king's chest, 
 and partly because of improvident and extravagant 
 habits. He had a fondness for entertaining; he was 
 a fine rider, and liked to display his horsemanship, 
 which often led him into undue expense ; but all this 
 only added to his popularity among those having 
 similar tastes. 
 
 It was conceded by all that Valderrama had con- 
 demned Velasco too severely, and had praised himself 
 
 2^ Some years later his son Luis became viceroy, and the new church of 
 the Dominicans being finished, he had his father's bones transferred to a 
 beautiful sepulchre built expressly to receive them. Lorenzana, in Hist. N. 
 Esp., 14, 15; Torquemada, i. 626-7; Cauo, Tres Sighs, i. 175; Beaumont, 
 Crdn. Mich., v. 142-3, 558-9. 
 
 Peralta speaks glowingly of him, and of the enthusiasm he awakened 
 whenever he took part in the games: 'Eramuylindo hombre de caballo. 
 Yo conos9i caballerous andar, quando sabian que el virrey abia de jugar las 
 canas, echando mil ter9eros para que los metiesen en el regozijo; y el que 
 entraba, le pare9ia tener un abito en los pechos segun quedaba onrrado. ' It 
 had been remarked that were Velasco to take away all the towns and enco- 
 miendas, he could still make the proprietors forget their loss by causing his 
 horse to sound a breast-strap of bells in the street, so great was the craze for 
 this species of amusement. Peralta, Not. Hist., pp. xiii.-xiv. 175-6. See, also, 
 Torquemada^ i. f.3-4; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 33-4. 
 
FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY, 
 
 591 
 
 too liiglily in speaking of the royal revenue and other 
 matters. In letters to the crown from the ayunta- 
 miento, the chapter of the archdiocese, and the pro- 
 vincial and council of the Franciscans, full justice is 
 done to the memory of Velasco.^^ He had undoubtedly 
 promoted the public v/elfare, and fulfilled his duty to 
 the king by carrying out the policy of Viceroy Men- 
 doza. 
 
 One of the viceroy's first acts on assuming office had 
 been to summon the teachers of schools and colleges, 
 and to urge upon them the education of the young, 
 not only in letters, but in morals, meanwhile assuring 
 them of his protection. Shortly after, under royal 
 orders, were established and endowed in the city of 
 Mexico one school for poor girls and another for poor 
 boys; and the authorities were enjoined to watch over 
 and foster them. And still later the site on which had 
 stood the house of Alonso de Avila was given them. 
 Likewise the higher branches of education no less 
 than Christianity and material improvement had been 
 thought of by the king. In fact, we know from 
 Herrera, that a dozen years previously the court had v 
 adopted measures tow^ard that end, which for some 
 reason had not been carried out. Now all former re- 
 solves culminated pursuant to three royal orders of 
 September 21, 1551, in the founding of a university 
 in the city of Mexico, together with the appointment 
 of professors and the appropriation of funds for its 
 support, namely, one thousand pesos de oro annually. 
 
 No time was lost in carrying out the project, and 
 the institution was inaugurated with great eclat Jan- 
 uary 25, 1553, its professors being at the same time 
 
 2^ This last memorial, dated August 28, 1566, tells the king he would soon 
 miss the wise rule of Velasco in New Spain. His son was strongly brought 
 forward for preferment. Torquemada, i. 627-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 380-1; 
 Franciscanos, Abandono, in Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 172; Beaumont^ 
 Cr6n. Mich., v. 558. 
 
 ■■^^ Philip II. confirmed it Oct, 4, 1570, and decreed an increase of 3,000 
 pesos June 25, 1597. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bolcfin, iv. 207. The foundation of a 
 university had been decreed by the king as early as 1539. Herrera, dec. vi. 
 lib. vii. cap. vi. 
 
592 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 formally installed.^'' The institution being under royal 
 patronage used the arms of the crown of Castile, and, 
 in fact, enjoyed the same privileges and preeminence 
 as the famous university of Salamanca. 
 
 A calamity that befell the city of Mexico in 1553 
 was the occasion of the display of interest, ability, 
 and energy so common with Yelasco. A long drought 
 followed by heavy rains lasting twenty-four hours 
 resulted in a flood, attended with great damage to 
 property. It was the first inundation since the Span- 
 ish conquest. The Spaniards became greatly alarmed, 
 but the Indians, who were well informed regarding 
 several previous floods, took the matter coolly. The 
 
 2" The site fixed upon was the houses of Catalina de Monte jo. Grijalua, Cron. 
 8. August. 80-1. In 1584 the rector, Doctor Sanchez de Paredes, an oidor, 
 being authorized to select a suitable building for che university, chose the 
 property of the marques del Valle in the plazuela del Volador, and seized it 
 at the price fixed by appraisers. Notwithstanding much opposition on the 
 part of the owner's attorney, Guillen Peraza de Ayala, a building was erected 
 upon the ground, and the university brought to it. The suit was continued 
 and decisions issued from the supreme government in favor of the marquis; 
 but the viceroy, Villamanrique, for divers reasons, ordered the construction 
 to go on, and the university to hold possession. However, on the 9th of 
 July, 1589, the edifice fell to the ground. The rector, Dr Sancho Sanchez de 
 Munon, then applied to the audiencia for a new building, and the house of 
 the marques del Valle, on Empedradillo street, was taken at the valuation of 
 9,000 pesos. In the course of time a second story was added, the sala del 
 general was adorned in the reign of Carlos II. , and nearly the whole edifice 
 renovated in that of Carlos III. Alaman, Disert., ii. 216-20, 261. 
 
 The rector or president had judicial authority over the doctors and alumni 
 in light offences, and in all matters strictly within its province. The alumni 
 were exempt from personal service, and had the privileges of the nobility. 
 The title of Pontificia was conferred some years later by the pope. At the 
 time of ics foundation the university, had seven endowed chairs, the appoint- 
 ments to which were made by the viceroy. The classes were of grammar, 
 Latin and Greek, philosophy, rhetoric, theology, and law in all its branches, 
 mathematics, astronomy, physic and medicine; the Otoml and Mexican lan- 
 guages were also taught. The first rector or president was the oidor Dr 
 Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada. The chairs of civil law and Greek were 
 placed in charge of Dr Frias; the others had the following teachers: holy 
 scriptures, the Austin friar, Alonso de la Veracruz; theology, the Dominican, 
 Fr Pedro Pena; mathematics, Juan Negrete; canon law, Doctor Marrones; 
 grammar, Juan Bustamante. The other branches were also committed to 
 competent men. It is said there was also a chair of Mexican antiquities. 
 During the remainder of this century several laws were enacted afi'ecting the 
 university and its professors and ofiicers. Jiecop. de Indias, 191-5, 201, 204; 
 Puga, Cedulark), 137-8; Zamora, Bib. Leg. UlL, vi. 106-12; Gonzalez Ddvila, 
 Teatro Ecles., i. 32-3; Calle, Mem. y Not., 51-2; 6rdenes de la Corona, MS., 
 ii. 109; Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., passim; Montemayor, Svmarios, 61-3; Alegre, 
 Hist. Cowp. Jesus, i. 194-5; Salazar, M6x. en 1554, 1-17; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 
 159-61. 
 
 Three are recorded: one in 1419, during the reign of the first Monte- 
 
THE TREASURE FLEET. 
 
 593 
 
 city was under water three days, according to some 
 authorities, and four, according to others. Canoes 
 were used for transit. As soon as the waters receded 
 the viceroy bestirred himself to prevent, if possible, 
 the recurrence of such a calamity, and with this view 
 he resolved to surround the city with a dike. The 
 caciques of the cities and towns of the valley were 
 summoned to bring their vassals and go to work. 
 All came cheerfully and promptly forward. To avoid 
 confusion they were divided into squads, and placed 
 in charge of skilful foremen. To give prestige and 
 excite enthusiasm during the first day, the viceroy 
 worked like another man, spade in hand; afterward 
 he superintended the operations, though often seen 
 with a mason's tools in his hands. He frequently 
 visited the field to praise those who worked with 
 alacrity, and to inspire with greater activity the lag- 
 gard. The work was finished in a few days,^^ and 
 made more secure by changing the bed of a small 
 river whose current was doing injury. 
 
 Early in April 1553 the treasure fleet sailed from 
 Vera Cruz for Spain. When in the Bahama channel 
 the ships were thrown out of their course by the cur- 
 rents and finally experienced heavy gales which drove 
 and stranded most of them upon the Florida reefs. 
 Out of one thousand persons, among them many of 
 high position,^* only three hundred reached the shore. 
 
 zuma; the second in 1500, in the reign of Ahuitzotl; and the third in 1509, 
 Montezuma II. then ruling the Aztec empire. For full particulars on these 
 inundations and the measures that were adopted, see Native Races, v., this 
 series, 412-13, 453-4, 468; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 435; Inundaciones, in 
 Col. de Diarios, Not. y Var. Pap., MS., 356, 
 
 33 Torquemada, i. 618-19; Cepeda, ReL, 4-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum. 
 Demi. Esp., MS., 82. 
 
 3* One was the general of the fleet; another, the handsome and rich Dona 
 Catalina Ponce de Leon, who was on her way to Spain, as some say, under 
 sentence of banishment; according to others, to clear herself of an accusation 
 by a negro, the sole witness, of having aided Bernardino Bocanegra to murder 
 her husband. There is some discrepancy in the accounts of various authors 
 about the loss of the fleet and other particulars. One says that three of the 
 larger and a few of the smaller vessels escaped shipwreck, mentioning only 
 two friars, Mendez and Cruz, as among the passengers, and asserting in 
 general terms that every person who got on shore afterward was massacred. 
 This version of the total destruction of life seems to be the generally accepted 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 38 
 
394 VICEROY VELASOO'S RULE. 
 
 And these may as well have saved themselves the 
 trouble, for after a few days the natives appeared, 
 behaving friendly at first, but soon beginning to kill 
 and rob. Believing Pd^nuco to be distant only three 
 days' journey, the survivors started thither, but they 
 were mostly massacred or perished on the way.^^ 
 
 The disaster drew the attention of the Spanish 
 monarch to these natives who had hitherto main- 
 tained their independence. He now resolved upon 
 their subjugation, and gave orders to Velasco to 
 despatch a force for that purpose. Though disapprov- 
 ing of the measure, Yelasco dared not disobey. He 
 accordingly ordered levies ; but this was almost an 
 unnecessary measure, as there were at the time in 
 Mexico many who imagined Florida another Potosi. 
 Large numbers tendered their services. Two thou- 
 sand were enrolled and thoroughly drilled by the end 
 of 1558. One thousand Indian archers were also ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 The Spanish force was formed into six squadrons 
 of cavalry, and six companies of infantry. Tristan 
 de Luna y Arellano,^^ also called Acuna, was given 
 the appointment of governor of Florida and the chief 
 command of the expedition, to which were also at- 
 tached eight Spaniards who had traversed Florida 
 and acquired the languages. Accompanying the force 
 were a number of Floridan women who had been some 
 time in Mexico, and who now returned to inform their 
 countrymen of the good treatment they had received. 
 Dominican and Franciscan friars went as chaplains. 
 Velasco accompanied the army to Vera Cruz, where 
 he harangued the troops, and directed that mild 
 
 one. Torquemada, i. 620. A second states that the 'Navio del Corzo do 
 Se villa, que partia con N. P. S, Francisco de las ganancias,' and two other 
 vessels escaped shipwreck. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 8. 
 
 ^'^One small craft returned to Vera Cruz with the sad news; the friar 
 Marcos de Mena, who had been left for dead by the Indians, recovered, and 
 reached Tampico and Mexico. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 272-90; Cavo, 
 Tras Sirjlos, i. 161-2. 
 
 ^'^ Had been a captain under Vasquez de Coronado in the expedition to the 
 valley of los Corazones in Sonora. Beaumont, Cr6n, Mich., v. 491. 
 
IMPORTANT MINES, 
 
 595 
 
 means should be used before resorting to violence. 
 After seeing the expedition embarked on thirteen 
 ships in June 1559, he returned to Mexico. Arrived 
 at Santa Elena, they suffered from heavy weather at 
 the anchorage; and, on landing, the natives harassed 
 them so that they had to send to Mexico for help. 
 Some companies came, one under Captain Biedna, 
 and another undel* Angel Villafane, whom the viceroy 
 appointed as Luna's successor. But it all proved 
 of no avail. It was impossible for these Spanish 
 soldiers, already becoming effeminate from long inac- 
 tivity, to maintain any hold on the country, and much 
 less to accomplish its subjugation in the face of the 
 powerful warlike tribes that had banded to defend 
 themselves. The undertaking was consequently aban- 
 doned, and the few who had escaped destruction were 
 conveyed to Habana and thence restored to Mexico. 
 
 Nor did Velasco confine his attention within the 
 former limits of New Spain. His term of office was 
 marked by conquest and the opening of rich mines 
 as well as by progress in agriculture, arts, and manu- 
 factures. Pursuing the policy of his sovereign, he 
 encouraged and fitted out expeditions for the subju- 
 gation of the vast countries then bearing the name 
 of the Gran Chichimeca, and a little later of the 
 territory called at that time Copala. His first meas- 
 ures secured the further pacification of Queretaro, 
 Zacatecas, and Guanajuato, and were followed by the 
 subjection of the whole north-western region. 
 
 An account has been already given of the towns of 
 San Felipe and San Miguel, These garrisoned places 
 proved very useful for the protection of travellers, 
 and led to the discovery of rich mines and the founda- 
 
 3^ A letter of Velasco to the king, of March 1559, speaks of 500 men— 250 
 horsemen and 250 foot — as accompanying Luna to his government. All other 
 authorities who mention numbers are agreed upon those given in the text. 
 Velasco, Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 272; Velasco, Relacion, in Florida, Col. 
 Doc, i. 10-13; Id., in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 136-40; Valder- 
 rama. Cartas, in Id., iv. 363; Torquemada, i. 620-1; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 
 9; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 15; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd.^ 
 177-8, 189-229; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 82. 
 
596 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 tion of other Spanish settlements. As a matter of 
 fact, the Spaniards became acquainted with the wealth 
 of this part of the country soon after its discovery. 
 The city of Santa Fe de Guanajuato, the veritable 
 Villa Kica of Mexico, had its birth in 1554, and in or 
 about 1558 the Veta Madre was founded. In the 
 lapse of time that town proved to be the centre of the 
 marvellous deposits on the porphyritic range of the 
 sierra de Santa Rosa, perhaps the richest group of 
 silver mines up to that time discovered, and Guana- 
 juato itself became the most singularly situated of all 
 cities. If the spirit of charity revealed the mines of 
 Espiritu Santo, it might well seem as if the genius 
 of evil had chosen this labyrinth of mountain ravines 
 as its seat. From the extraordinary shapes assumed 
 by the gigantic masses of porphyry in form of ruined 
 fortresses, one might easily imagine this the battle- 
 ground of impalpable intelligences, as though the 
 secret had been wrung from nature at a fearful cost.^^ 
 In any event, they proved the most important of any 
 found during this first period of discovery of mines, 
 and of immense wealth, yielding large revenues to 
 the crown. 
 
 The prior discovery of the mines of San Liicas, 
 Avino, Sombrerete, Ranches, Chalchihuites, Nieves, 
 and others should be awarded to Francisco de Ibarra, 
 a nephew of Diego de Ibarra, son-in-law to Viceroy 
 Velasco, who, starting in 1554 from the mines of Zaca- 
 tecas with a company of soldiers, all at his own cost, 
 
 Records of exact dates are very meagre and conflicting in this and the 
 following decade. The founding has been placed even as early as 1545 and 
 1548. It is said that some muleteers discovered the mine of San Bernabe 
 on the Cubilete hill in 1548, and the place was called Real de Minas, and 
 later Santa Fe, but retained the Indian appellation of Guanajuato. Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Boletin, ix, 92-3. The growth was slow. Its title of a villa was 
 not confirmed till 1679. Medina, Chr6n^ San Diego, 258. The first shafts were 
 sunk in that lode in April 1558, but it does not seem to have been worked to 
 advantage till 1760. Humboldt, Essai Pol.^ ii. 499; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 164; 
 Geigers Peep at Mex., 201-2. 
 
 Humboldt estimated, in 1820, that the Veta Madre of Guanajuato had 
 yielded more than a fourth part of the silver ot Mexico, and a sixth part of 
 the produce of all America. The production in later years has been some- 
 thing truly wonderful. As they have sunk deeper the lode of ore has become 
 richer. 
 
PACIFICATION OF COPALA. 
 
 597 
 
 quieted the natives, making it safe for settlers/^ Buo 
 in 1558 the audiencia of Nueva GaUcia despatched the 
 alcalde mayor, Martin Perez, at the head of an armed 
 expedition to the same region, who took formal pos- 
 session of it ; hence the claim that he discovered the 
 mines of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, and 
 Nieves. Diego Garcia Colio, or Celio, was subse- 
 quently made alcalde mayor of the new settlements. 
 
 According to Beaumont the mines of San Martin 
 were discovered toward the end of 1558, and so 
 named because found on the day of that saint. The 
 discoveries brought many laborers of various races 
 and colors ; on their way they came upon El Fresnillo, 
 but hastened forward. So many Spaniards about 
 that time were rushing to the mines that soon were 
 found the deposits of Chalchihuites, Sombrerete, Sa- 
 bino, Santiago, and Nieves, over which the alcalde 
 mayor of Zacatecas assumed authority.^^ But if the 
 claim of Ibarra is disputed in some instances it is cer- 
 tain that he was the first discoverer of many of those 
 mines whose rich deposits so quickly depopulated not 
 only the city of Compostela, but the mining district 
 of Zecatecas. To maintain continuous possession of 
 the mines was, however, a difficult matter, owing to 
 the frequent attacks of hostile bands from the Mixton 
 and Zacatecas mountains. The settlements to the 
 east and south of Zacatecas seem to have fared better, 
 protected as they were by the haciendas in that vi- 
 cinity, which soon became thickly populated. 
 
 As it was impossible for the foreign inhabitants of 
 New Galicia to hold in subjugation all its new terri- 
 tories, Yelasco resolved in 1558 to take the matter 
 into his own hands. First he thought of sending an 
 
 He claimed it in a representation to the king, asserting that no Span 
 iard had set foot in those regions till he went there. Iharra, ReL, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 463; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 779. The 
 honor of being the first settler of Sombrerete, San Martin, and surrounding 
 country has been awarded, however, to Juan de Tolosa, one of the conquer- 
 ors and founders of Zacatecas, aided by Cristobal de Oiiate, captain-general 
 of Nueva Galicia, and settler of Zacatecas. 
 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 481-2. 
 
593 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 expedition under Ibarra, from the mines of Zacatecas 
 to pacify Copala/^ 
 
 This was a favorite project of the king's, but Florida 
 affairs prevented it for a time. Meanwhile the viceroy 
 concluded to send three Franciscan f iars to the mines 
 of San Martin, which were between those of Zacatecas 
 and the province to be brought under rule. The fri- 
 ars were to engage in missionary work, ascertain all 
 they could about the coveted province, and prepare 
 the field; his intention being to despatch thither a 
 small expedition, at little expense to the crown, to 
 occupy the country and make Spanish settlements. 
 It was expected to find valuable mines in that region. 
 When the time arrived for military operations, the 
 Franciscans had made considerable progress in their 
 labors. Francisco de Ibarra was then commissioned as 
 the governor, captain-general of the so-called province 
 of Copala, to which he gave the name of Reino de la 
 Nueva Vizcaya, and which embraced the country lying 
 to the east and north of existing settlements, though 
 he did not confine himself to that region. His eflforts 
 proved successful, as he established friendly relations 
 with the several native nations, seldom having to 
 resort to force. He founded the villas of Nombre de 
 Dios, Durango, San Juan de Sinaloa, and others, and 
 discovered many mines and agricultural tracts on 
 which he established permanent settlements of Span- 
 iards, a full account of which is found in my History 
 of the North Mexican States. In his famous expedi- 
 tions he visited Durango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chi- 
 huahua; and on his return, availing himself of the 
 powers granted him to bring into his government all 
 towns that were not provided with a church and mis- 
 sionary, he despoiled many encoriienderos, and seized 
 their holdings. The terrible hardships Ibarra was 
 called on to endure brought on consumption, to which 
 
 The departure of the expedition was suspended by a viceregal order in 
 September of the same year, as a more pressing one had to be fitted out for 
 Santa Elena in Florida. This explains the change of plan above stated. 
 VelasQo, Carta al i?ev/, in S<j[ukrs MSS., x. 4, 5. 
 
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 
 599 
 
 he succumbed some time after 1570, though the date 
 and place of his death do not appear in the records. 
 His remains found their last resting-place in the city 
 of Durango. From all accounts his services were 
 never rewarded ; his estate dwindled away, and after 
 his death hardly yielded enough to pay off the large 
 debts he had contracted in fitting out and supporting 
 his great enterprises. 
 
 The Philippine Islands had now been in the hands 
 of the Spaniards for more than ten years. Acting 
 on the glowing accounts of Andres de Urbaneta, a 
 soldier and a famous navigator and cosmographer, 
 who had been with Garcia de Loaisa, and of his com- 
 panions, Garcia de Escalante and Guido de Labazares, 
 who had visited those parts, the Spanish sovereign 
 directed Yelasco to fit out an expedition for the 
 Philippines, with the view of making settlements 
 there, to which were to be sent as many colonists as 
 could be procured. In 1563 the expedition was 
 ready to depart the following year.^* After consulta- 
 tion with Urdaneta, the command was given to 
 Miguel Gomez de Legazpi, a resident of Mexico, who 
 made Mateo de Sauz his maestro de campo, and the 
 young Basque Juan de Lezcano, his secretary. Guido 
 de Labazares was appointed the king's factor. The 
 missionary part of the adventure was placed in charge 
 of the Austin order, and six fathers were chosen. 
 
 The captain was now Friar Andres de Urdaneta. Viceroy Mendoza had 
 tendered him the command of Alvarado's fleet, but he declined it, and soon 
 afterward, tiring of the world, joined the Austin order in Mexico; and yet he 
 went to the Philippines as a missionary with much alacrity. Grijalua, Cr6n. 
 S. August, 109-12. 
 
 There has been some discrepancy as to the strength of the military force, 
 which is stated by one at 600 men, by another at 700, by a third at 450, and 
 by a fourth at 400. The crews are also given at various figures. Cavo, Tres 
 Siglos, i. 176; Grijalua, Crdn. S. August., 109-20; Burney's Hist. Discov. 
 South Sea, i. 250, 272. *La grita era que yban a la China. . .y que alli abian 
 de enrrique9er, y asi se hizo muy buena armada.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 185-7, 
 346. 
 
 Fathers Urdaneta, Martin de Rada, Diego de Herrera, Andres de 
 Aguirre, Lorenzo Jimenez, and Pedro de Gamboa. Jimenez died before the 
 embarkation. Lezcano, the secretary, in later years became a Franciscan in 
 Mexico, and rose to the head of the order in his province. Torciuemada, i. 
 621; Calk, Mem. y Not., 133-4. 
 
600 
 
 VICEROY VELASCO'S RULE. 
 
 The fleet consisted of four ships, and lay at Navi- 
 dad, in Cohma, ready for sea, when the viceroy fell 
 ill, which caused further delay. Finally on the 21st 
 of November, 1564, the squadron sailed, and after a 
 prosperous voyage reached Luzon, where Legazpi 
 founded the city of Manila, which in after years be- 
 came one of the great emporiums of the east.^^ The 
 audiencia's orders required that as soon as a settle- 
 ment was effected the commander should try to dis- 
 cover a practicable route back to America. Where- 
 fore the flag-ship San Pedro, Captain Salcedo, sailed 
 from Zebu, June 1, 1565, having on board fathers 
 Urdaneta and Aguirre. After going eastward to the 
 Ladrones the course was north to Japan, and still 
 northward to latitude 38°, whence the prevailing- 
 winds bore her across to New Spain. The voyage 
 was a long and severe one. She had started short of 
 men; the master and pilot died early in the voyage, 
 and fourteen others before it ended. Urdaneta and 
 his companion had to sail the ship, to look after the 
 sick, and to prepare a chart. On their arrival at 
 Acapulco they had not men enough to cast anchor. 
 
 Captain Alonso de Arellano with the San Lucas had 
 deserted, and sailed from the Philippines to the lati- 
 tude of Cape Mendocino, arriving at Acapulco three 
 months before Urdaneta. The two men met at court 
 in Spain. Arellano had reported the rest of the fleet 
 as lost, and was claiming the reward offered for the 
 shortest route ; but instead of receiving it he was sent 
 back to Mexico to be subjected to a court-martial 
 for his desertion. Urdaneta's chart was used by the 
 Manila galleons for many years. The route was tedi- 
 ous in one part and cold in another, but without great 
 
 According to Visitador Valderrama 300,000 pesos were expended in 
 Mexico on the Philippines expeditions during the last six years, besides the 
 expenditure at Seville for arms. Writing before the sailing, in 1564, he 
 thought if it were not to cost above 100,000 pesos more it would be well. He 
 strongly objected to the selection for maestre de campo of Sailz or Saz, whom 
 he called a pardoned traitor. Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , iv. 
 363. 'Fue muy costosa.' Mendoza, Hist. China, 132-3. See, also, Medina^ 
 Chrdn. S. Die<jo, Mex., 8-10; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 9; Mofras, Exphr., i. 97. 
 
THE MANILA GALEONS. 
 
 601 
 
 difficulty or danger save from scurvy, scanty stores, 
 and a little later, from corsairs. Each year after this 
 the rich products of the east were received in Mexico 
 in one or more ships, but there is no record extant,*^ 
 for the government loved to shroud her commerce in 
 mystery, which course was, indeed, to some extent 
 justified, as subsequent events made apparent. Expe- 
 ditions on private account for the discovery of new 
 countries, whether by land or sea, were now forbidden 
 by royal cedula of July 13, 1573, unless by express 
 permission of the sovereign. 
 
 The San Gerdnimo is mentioned as having sailed for the Philippines in 
 1566; the San Juan for New Spain in 1567; the arrival of two vessels from 
 New Spain the same year, and others in 1572 to take a course farther north 
 than usual for purpose of exploration. Burney's Hist. Discov. South Sea, i. 
 271-2. The ship Espiritii Santo from Acapulco for the Western Islands 
 with 1 1 friars, Diego de Herrera at their head, and some soldiers on board, 
 sailed January 6, 1676, and arrived there April 25th; about 100 miles from 
 Manila she was wrecked; those who reached the shore were slain by the 
 natives. One Indian boy was the only person left with life. The number 
 lost, passengers, officers, and crew, exceeded 100. EnriqiLCz, Carta al Rey, 
 Oct. 31, 1576, in Cartas de Indias, 328. In the spring of 1568 arrived in 
 Mexico Alvaro de Mendano, who had been despatched in 1567 by the 
 viceroy of Peru to discover the Solomon Islands near New Guinea; he 
 returned to Mexico by way of Lower California, and anchored near Cedros 
 Island in December. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 THE i^VILA-CORT^S CONSPIRACY. 
 1564-1568. 
 
 The Audiencia's Weak Rule — Ill-feeling toward the Marqu^is del 
 Valle — Encomienda Policy — Alonso de ^Vila's Masquerade — Plot 
 
 AGAINST THE CrOWN — VaLDERRAMA RETURNS TO SpAIN — CONSPIRACY 
 
 Reported — Great Christening of the Marques' Twins — Arrest of 
 THE Marques and Others — Trial and Execution of the Brothers 
 AviLA — Marques de Falces, Third Viceroy — Marques del Valle 
 Sent to Spain — Falces Deposed by Munoz and Carrillo — Their 
 Cruel Course — Martin Cortes Tortured — His Courage — Com- 
 plaints Reach the Crown — Summary Removal of Munoz and 
 Carrillo — Their Fate — Falces Vindicated — Second Rule of the 
 AuDiENCiA — Sufferings of the Marques — Final Acquittal — Loss 
 of Domain and Property — His Death — Return or Luis Cortes — 
 Later Life of Martin Cortes. 
 
 Upon the death of Yelasco the city council of Mex- 
 ico was seized with a brilliant idea. Would the king 
 please send them no more viceroys! For howsoever 
 good they might be in theory, they were sure to bring 
 friends and dependents, to whom they would give the 
 offices rightly belonging to the conquerors and their 
 sons.^ This request was sent the emperor on motion 
 of Salazar, by resolution of August 21, 1564. And 
 they desired further that Yalderrama should be made 
 the governor, and the marques del Yalle the captain- 
 general; and that his Majesty should not regard the 
 clamor of certain friars for an increase of the revenue, 
 as they had only their own interests in view.^ 
 
 ^ * Pues traen a criados a quien hacer las mercedes. ' Mex. Col. Leyes, 
 (Mex. 1861), li.-lii. Valderrama urged the prompt appointment of a suc- 
 cessor who should not have the presidency of the audiencia; this, he said, 
 could be given to the archbishop, and at his death to a jurist. Cartas, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 364-6, 371-2. 
 
 ' Frailes bulliciosos que por conscguir obispados dan arbitrios para au- 
 mento de las Rentas Reales, con perjuicio de la tierra.' 
 
 J 602) 
 
THE MARQUES DEL VALLE. 
 
 603 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to say that the petition was 
 disregarded by the crown, with whose prerogatives it 
 attempted to interfere. As the members of the 
 council were mostly holders of encomiendas, the con- 
 clusion to be drawn from their unusual and rather 
 bold proceeding was that, anxious to secure the per- 
 petuity of their privilege, they looked to the possible 
 rule of the marquis, the chief man among the enco- 
 menderos, and of Valderrama, his warm friend, as the 
 best means of attaining their object. The death of 
 the viceroy having occurred while the audiencia was 
 still under investigation, the government of New Spain 
 virtually devolved on the visitador, although under 
 the instruction lately issued by the king in council 
 the succession belonged to the audiencia. This body ^ 
 was, however, restrained by the authority held over 
 it by their visitador. 
 
 On the whole, Martin Cortes, the marquis, was a 
 worthy son of his father. In physique, or I might 
 say in physical development, he was a trifle more 
 delicate, of finer form but not so robust, as active but 
 less enduring, as good a soldier, as ready, as brave, 
 but less suited to the rugged life of a conqueror, less 
 ready in resource, preferring the pleasures of refined 
 society to the privations and self-denials of the colonist. 
 In him the father's finer feelings were intensified, some 
 of the father's less worthy qualities, his pride and love 
 of ostentation, were more pronounced. 
 
 But comparisons of traits in parent and child can- 
 not after all lead to much increase of knowledge as to 
 their real differences of character. It is not possible 
 so to reverse their situations as to tell what would be 
 the character of the one in the position of the other. 
 We may not determine the quality of the high-born 
 boy in the home of the humble Hernan, or how he 
 would have conducted himself at school, or how he 
 
 2 Then composed of the oidores Pedro de Villalobos, Villanueva-, Vasco de 
 Puga, and the senior Ceinos. 
 
604 
 
 THE iVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 would have won his way on reaching Espaiiola, or if 
 he would have succeeded as farmer or lawyer, or 
 would have made money or love, or how he would 
 have carried himself with the crusty old Velazquez 
 on Cuba Island, or what would have been his line of 
 action when the men mutinied at Villa Rica, at the 
 meeting with Montezuma, on the arrival of Narvaez, 
 after the Noche Triste, and in a hundred other cases 
 where one mistake would have been fatal. On the 
 other hand, had the hero of a hundred battles, the 
 winner in a hundred desperate adventures, been denied 
 the poverty, the labor, the hardships, and the disci- 
 pline which he experienced, and had he been born 
 on a pinnacle of glory, there is no telling whether he 
 would have remained there even for these few years. 
 Whosoever is high must be brought low; and fortu- 
 nately it is so ; for were it not for tlie certain follies of 
 successive generations, nine tenths of mankind would 
 be in a state of slavery. 
 
 Look at this high favorite of fortune! Little 
 dreamed the Estremaduran as he passed from Es- 
 panola to Cuba that an heir of his should ever occupy 
 so proud a position. Cortes, the father, complained 
 to the king that he had not enough ; for all his great 
 services and out of all his great conquests there was 
 next to nothing for him ; and he made his old age a 
 burden in brooding over the injustice done him, and in 
 begging for greater rewards. He would have added 
 to his fame wealth and authority; he would have for 
 his heir wealth and position. And the heir had it. 
 At one time he received from the New World almost 
 as much as the crown, one hundred and fifty thousand 
 pesos per annum, and he had from forty thousand to 
 sixty thousand vassals. In his way he was the first 
 man in America, the most famous, the wealthiest, 
 occupying the highest social position. He could not 
 be viceroy; he could not hold important office. It 
 was too dangerous to Spanish monarchy. But he 
 could be the social sovereign of Mexico. He could 
 
STREET BRAWLS. 
 
 605 
 
 come and go on terms of equality with the viceroy — 
 this son of the Cuban adventurer; he could be on 
 terms of intimacy with the visitador, who for a time 
 was above the viceroy. The oidores, archbishop, and 
 all other dignitaries, state and church, high and low, 
 were profuse and constant in their marks of respect. 
 
 The void left by Velasco's death was painfully felt. 
 The members of the audiencia failed to command 
 respect; they overlooked small offences, and greater 
 ones were engendered thereby. An occurrence on 
 the 5th of April, 1565, showed how slow the audi- 
 encia was to punish offences committed by persons 
 in high position. For some unimportant cause the 
 brothers Bernardino and Hernando de Bocanegra 
 had an altercation in a public street with several 
 other gentlemen. Swords were drawn, and the police 
 stopped the fight with some difficulty, and only after 
 one Cervantes had been wounded. The audiencia 
 paid little attention to the affair; the Bocanegras 
 were arrested, but were allowed to remain at home, 
 where the marquis often visited them. He also used 
 his influence to obtain their acquittal, which was an 
 offence to the others, one of whom was Juan de Val- 
 divieso, the brother of his brother Luis' wife. From 
 that time they became his mortal enemies, and offered 
 him public affront. On one occasion they formed 
 themselves in groups, Agustin de Yillanueva and 
 Baltasar de Aguilar being of the number, and laid 
 in wait to insult the marquis as he passed from one 
 to another. Hearing of it the marquis armed his 
 servants with cudgels concealed under their cloaks, 
 and with his brothers and friends went out to face 
 his foes. The first time they met, the Cortes party 
 was passed without recognition; at other times the 
 marquis was coldly saluted, the others then going 
 their way. It must be borne in mind that hitherto 
 it had been customary for every gentleman meeting 
 the marquis in the street to doff his hat, turn back, 
 
606 
 
 THE AVILACORT^:S CONSPIRACY. 
 
 and escort him on his way. Among the prominent 
 men who would not pay him this courtesy, though 
 remonstrated with by Luis Cortes on his brother's 
 behalf, were Juan de Yaldivieso, and the high-sheriff, 
 Juan de Sdmano. The breach between the brothers- 
 in-law widened, and Valdivieso had on one occasion 
 to fight his way down stairs in Luis Cortes' house, to 
 which he had been invited for an interview. All this 
 greatly incensed the marquis and his retainers, and 
 open war between the factions was prevented only by 
 the efforts of the archbishop.* 
 
 * Scurrilous epistles were sent anonymously, among them this quartette: 
 
 ' Per Marina, soy testigo, 
 ganp esta tierra un buen hombre, 
 y per otra, deste nombre 
 la perdera quieu yo digo.' 
 
 The marquis had, it seems, laid himself open to criticism by his relations with 
 a lady of the same name as the great Cortes' famous mistress, and by favoring 
 her relatives, who were the sons of his father's bitter enemies, to the utter 
 neglect of the offspring of his warmest friends. These likewise became hos- 
 tile to the marquis, and were afterward found among his accusers. Peralta, 
 199-200. 
 
 Juan Suarez Peralta's Noticias Hist6ricas de la Nueva Espana, Madrid, 
 1878, folio, i.-xxiv. 1-392, the work last cited, was published under the 
 auspices of the minister of Foment© of Spain, and as a part of the Cartas 
 de Indias, by Justo Zaragoza, who changed its title from that given by the 
 writer, which was long and not so appropriate. The author was an eye- 
 witness of most of the events that he relates. What he says of things that 
 happened before this is of little weight; but his descriptions of the con- 
 spiracy of the second marques del Valle and its consequences; of the expe- 
 ditions carried out during the rules of Mendoza and Velasco; of general 
 affairs in New Spain from the induction into office of the latter; of the land- 
 ing of Hawkins and fighting at Vera Cruz, and treatment of the English pris- 
 oners in Mexico; of the acts of the several rulers down to the administration 
 of the marques de Villamanrique, including the wars with England and 
 Drake's career — these are interesting and valuable. The style is careless, 
 unpretentious, but withal superior to that of some writers of reputation. 
 From page 287 to the end are given notes. 
 
 The Cartas de Indias, Madrid, 1877, large folio, x.-xiv. 1-877, and 208 
 unnumbered, with fac-similes, cuts, maps, indexes, and three chromo-litho- 
 graphic charts, was issued under the auspices of the department of Fomento 
 of Spain and dedicated to King Alfonso XII. It contains letters from Colum- 
 bus, Vespucci, Las Casas, and Bernal Diaz; a collection of letters from New 
 Spain, Central America, Peru, Rio de la Plata, and the Philippine Islands — 
 all such letters being of the 15th and 16th centuries. Several of them and 
 a considerable number of signatures of the men that figured in those times 
 are also given in fac-simile. To the above are added about 224 pages of 
 geographical notes, vocabulary, biographical data, a glossary, and cuts, maps, 
 and indexes. The letters and fac-similes, from the first to the last, are valu- 
 able in a historic sense, and the vocabulary is useful; but the biograpliical 
 and historical data are not always reliable, numerous errors having been de- 
 tected in comparing their contents with official records, and with the memo- 
 randa of witnesses of the events related. 
 
THE KING'S DECISION. 
 
 607 
 
 I will mention another incident of outlawry reflect- 
 ing on the audiencia. On the night of the 17th of 
 June, 1565, tlie alcalde Julian Salazar while patrolling 
 the city came upon an armed servant of the marquis, 
 and relieved him of his sword. The servant reported 
 it to his master, who despatched two others to claim 
 the sword; they went armed and haughtily made a 
 demand, which the alcalde met by disarming them; 
 but on learning that they were retainers of the mar- 
 quis he offered to give back the weapons, which the 
 men refused to receive, and on returning home gave 
 a false account of the affair. Cortes became very 
 angry and hurried away to Salazar, whom he grossly 
 insulted and disarmed. The alcalde complained to 
 the audiencia ; but after long and tiresome proceedings 
 the marquis triumphed. The truth is, the audiencia 
 was hardly a free agent in the matter, because of the 
 intimacy between the visitador and the marquis. 
 
 Velasco's letter of June 22, 1564, had the desired 
 effect. The king on the 6th of May, 1565, summoned 
 the marquis to answer within six months the charges 
 preferred by the royal fiscal, Geronimo de Ulloa, upon 
 which he based a demand for the repeal of the grant 
 to Hernan Cortes ; his grounds being that it was both 
 surreptitious and arreptitious, inasmuch as it had been 
 obtained without stating the correct number of vassals, 
 or the revenue and jurisdiction, and through a repre- 
 sentation that it was of little value to the royal patri- 
 mony. On being notified the 28th of September by 
 Sancho Lopez de Agurto, escribano de cjimara of the 
 audiencia, Cortds took the cedula and placed it on his 
 head, as became a dutiful subject. Only a few days 
 before he had been enjoined by a royal order from 
 using a seal larger than a half-dollar, or having any 
 ducal device thereon. 
 
 A few days later there arrived at Vera Cruz Pedro 
 de la Roelas fleet from Spain, and rumor soon had it 
 that the king's final decision on encomiendas had been 
 unfavorable to holders. Without ascertaining if the 
 
608 
 
 THE AVILA-CORT^S CONSPIRACY. 
 
 report was well founded, the encomenderos became 
 excited, and used strong language in expressing their 
 discontent. The fact that neither the audiencia nor 
 the visitador spoke of the matter made it look worse 
 to them; the authorities were going to spring upon 
 them some great injustice, they thought. Complain- 
 ants began secretly to declare that a vassal's allegiance 
 was binding only so long as the sovereign respected 
 his pledges; and as they had humbly laid before his 
 Majesty their grievances, claiming only their rights, 
 which were denied to them, they should fall back upon 
 force, not in the spirit of rebellion, but by way of de- 
 fence. 
 
 Among the more angry and active were the brothers 
 Avila. In expressing their views they failed to ob- 
 serve common prudence. They had no regular place 
 of meeting, and held no formal conferences. A num- 
 ber of those most in earnest assembled a few times 
 at the house of Alonso de Avila, but for a while they 
 arrived at no line of action; they talked over the 
 proposed movement, and welcomed any one disposed to 
 join them. With those who were truly friendly came 
 spies, pretending to be on their side, but in truth 
 wishing only to learn their secrets in order to destroy 
 them. Thanks to the stupidity of Alonso de Avila, 
 enough knowledge was in the hands of the opposing 
 faction to bring the necks of the encomenderos very 
 near the halter. 
 
 As reported by these same enemies, the plan was to 
 proclaim as king of New Spain the marques del Yalle, 
 whose father had conquered the country without aid 
 from the sovereign of Castile ; then to call together 
 in parliament the proxies of the cities and villas to 
 recognize and swear allegiance to the new king; to 
 despatch to Rome as envoy a prelate to ask the pope 
 for the investiture of the kingdom ; and to solicit from 
 the French sovereign a free pass through his domin- 
 ions whenever the new government desired to send a 
 messenger to the holy city, offering in return to open 
 
THE MASQUERADE. 
 
 609 
 
 the ports of New Spain to trade and intercourse with 
 all nations. 
 
 The persons who with Alonso de Avila appeared as 
 chiefs in the plan were Baltasar and Pedro de Que- 
 sada, Cristobal de Onate, the younger, and the preb- 
 endary of the cathedral, Ayala de Espinosa. They 
 now resolved to invite the marques del Yalle to their 
 leadership, and Alonso de Avila was to bring their 
 plan to his knowledge ; he felt certain that Cortes in 
 his present state of mind would readily assent to it. 
 In the process afterward instituted against the brothers 
 Avila, there is nothing to show how Cortes received 
 the proposal. But Alonso de Avila's last confession 
 clearly indicates that the marquis pronounced the plan 
 impracticable, one evidently devised by hot-headed 
 men, a '^cosa de burla," one which would not only 
 bring upon its authors the vengeance of Philip, but 
 the ill-will of the natives whose servitude they were 
 thus thriving to perpetuate. Thus far the revolu- 
 tionists could count only on their own limited resources, 
 and the aid of a few adventurers from Peru. 
 
 In truth, Cortes had no thought of joining the 
 insurgents. There was present first of all too much 
 of the father's innate loyalty for the son to turn traitor. 
 It would add nothing to the glory of the name to 
 seize the government of the land won by his father 
 for the crown; and above all, the marquis was clever 
 enough to see that it would be madness for him to 
 risk his present proud position, second in this country 
 only to royalty, and cast his wealth and destiny in with 
 a band of adventurers having comparatively little to 
 lose in case of failure. But for all this there were 
 those who from this hour did not cease to proclaim 
 the disloyalty of the marques del Yalle. ^ 
 
 Ayala de Espinosa, during a short absence of Avila 
 
 ^ Some say that he temporized with them in order to learn their secrets 
 that he might divulge them to the king, and thus, like his father, secure the 
 country to the Castilian crcwn. But by a strange fatality the authorities 
 after a time began to feel hostile to the marquis. Peralta^ Not. Hist., 198-9. 
 ^HisT. Mex., Vol. II. 39 
 
610 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 in October, on his own business, won over to their 
 party Pedro de Aguilar, and wrote Avila to return 
 at once. His letter remained unanswered ; but some 
 days later, on a Sunday, and just before sunset, 
 Alonso de Avila entered the city at the head of a 
 fantastic cavalcade, consisting of twenty-four men 
 richly clad as Indian lords, and with masks in repre- 
 sentation of divers personages. Thus Avila appeared 
 as Montezuma, and his attendants as members of the 
 royal family and subordinate rulers. Riding through 
 the town they reined up at the house of the marquis, 
 where the sound of music was heard as at an enter- 
 tainment. Dismounting, they entered and found 
 present many ladies and gentlemen, invited guests, 
 among whom was the visitador. The table cleared 
 of European articles, the room was quickly trans- 
 formed into the hall of a native prince, with native 
 food, and furniture, and pottery, the performance 
 assuming in every particular the character of an Az- 
 tec fete before the conquest. Then the marquis as 
 his father, Hernan Cortes, and Alonso de Avila as 
 Montezuma, reenacted the first entry of the Span- 
 iards into the Aztec capital, and passing the bounds 
 of history in doing honor to the conqueror, they 
 placed in the hands of the marquis and marchioness 
 feather garlands in imitation of the coinlli, or Aztez 
 crown, saying, "This is indeed becoming to your 
 senoria!" and '^Accept the crown, marchioness!" In 
 their hands Montezuma's attendants held flowers with 
 couplets conspicuous, some on gallantry and love, 
 others hinting at intended revolt. The motto on the 
 xochitl given to Cortes bore words of encouragement, 
 saying " Pear not." ^ 
 
 In this way the conspirators might test the ground 
 on which they stood; but it was dangerous sport, 
 when taken in connection with the times, the disaffec- 
 
 ^ ' No temas la cay da pues es para mayo subida. ' Avila confessed he had 
 done it to afford pleasure, and without other intention. Orozco y Berra, Not. 
 Con J. Doc, 8, 38-9. 
 
HOW IT SHOULD BE DONE. 
 
 611 
 
 tion concerning encomiendas: dangerous for Cortes; 
 exceedingly dangerous for Avila/ 
 
 Two days afterward the conspirators held a meet- 
 ing at Avila's house to perfect their plans. Accord- 
 ing to the report of the informers it was then arranged 
 that on Friday, the audiencia's government council 
 day, they would divide themselves into groups, each 
 under a determined leader; and that while one band 
 posted themselves at the door of the council-chamber 
 to prevent ingress, another would go into the hall and 
 seize the arms; a third rush into the chamber and 
 slay the oidores and visitador; after which one of their 
 number was to make a sign from the corridor to 
 another standing by the fountain in the court-yard, 
 who in his turn would repeat the signal to a third 
 posted at the outlet into the square ; this last person 
 was to wave a red cloak, at the sight of which Ayala 
 de Espinosa would strike twice one of the bells of the 
 cathedral, this being the signal for the conspirators 
 scattered throughout the city to massacre Francisco 
 and Luis de Velasco, and every one known for or sus- 
 pected of hostility to their plan. The bodies of the 
 oidores were to be thrown into the square, which was 
 to be held by the marquis with as large a force as he 
 
 Avila that evening told Espinosa and Agnilar, * todo era aplicado para 
 lo qvie estaba concertado,' according to Zamacois, Hist. Mej., 80. Torqne- 
 mada, i. 629-30, wrongly places this feast later, after the birth of twins to 
 the marquis. He has been followed by Alaman, Disert., ii. Ill; Cavo, Tres 
 Siglos, i. 178-9; Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 208-9, and others. But the proceed- 
 ings against the conspirators fix the time plainly enough. Peralta, Not. Hist. , 
 205, agrees with Torquemada, but speaks of the birth of one son, Pedro, now 
 christened. He adds that neither Luis de Velasco nor his friends were at the 
 festival, which was something very fine; that on some of the earthen vases 
 was the letter R under a crown; and that Avila gave the marchioness one 
 bearing a crown over ^, which the informer at once interpreted as Reinnrds, 
 thou wilt reign. This, if true, would signify prearrangement, which could 
 hardly have been the case. During the feasts Dr Orozco, he concludes, sallied 
 out with a numljer of followers, carrying concealed arms to prevent a possible 
 revolt. The real fact was that the feast in question was long before the 
 marchioness bore twins, which occurred in 1566, their christening taking 
 place with great pomp on the 30th of June. This was subsequent to the 
 receipt of the supreme government's final decision, unfavorable to the per- 
 petuation of the encomiendas. It is possible that Torquemada and his fol- 
 lowers have unwittingly confounded the two feasts, and quite probable that 
 the follies of the first were wholly or partially repeated at the second. 
 
612 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTElS CONSPIRACY, 
 
 could get together, in order to awe the populace into 
 acquiescence. The next step was to burn all the gov- 
 ernment archives so as to entirely eradicate the name 
 of the king of Castile from their government. Money 
 out of the royal treasury would be liberally used to 
 gain adherents. Luis Cortes was to take possession of 
 Vera Cruz, San J uan de Ulua, and the fleet which was 
 then getting ready to sail for Spain, and every means 
 must be used for preventing knowledge of the insur- 
 rection from reaching the king's ear. Martin Cortes, 
 the half-breed, with a strong mounted force, was to 
 advance into Zacatecas and adjoining regions, and 
 bring them under subjection to the new government. 
 The capture of Puebla was to be intrusted to Fran- 
 cisco de Reinoso, and that of other more or less im- 
 portant places to commanders chosen for that purpose. 
 After the proclamation of the marques del Valle as 
 king, and the assembling of the parliament. Dean 
 Chico de Molina would take his departure for Europe 
 with valuable presents for the king of France and the 
 pope, to win from them the favors before mentioned. 
 At the same time Espinosa was to secretly visit Seville 
 and bring away the marquis' eldest son and heir. The 
 revolution achieved, the new king would make grants 
 of the whole territory, create titles of nobility, and 
 surround his throne with the nobles, that is to say, 
 Spaniards and half-breeds born in Mexico. 
 
 Economic measures were likewise considered. The 
 outward flow of precious metals would be checked; 
 with the specie which otherwise would go to Spain, 
 and the cochineal, wax, hides, sugar, and wool, and 
 the products of the Spice Islands, might be built up 
 a magnificent commerce, infinitely superior to any- 
 thing possible under the auspices of the avaricious old 
 parent. And throughout all time New Spain should 
 never again be placed under the Castilian yoke. Of 
 the insurgent party were several learned men and 
 ecclesiastics, who gave courage to the timid and char- 
 acter to the movement; and it is said that one friar 
 
DEPARTURE OF VALDERRAMA. 
 
 G13 
 
 actually supported the measure from the pulpit. Avila 
 kept open house and encouraged games of ball, dice, 
 and cards; hy this means the conspirators could meet 
 freely without attracting attention, and fresh adher- 
 ents were thus won to the cause. Neither Cortes 
 nor his brothers attended the games, although they 
 were sometimes at the secret conferences ; the mind of 
 the marquis vacillated, and notwithstanding Avila's 
 efforts Cortes deemed it expedient to await the arrival 
 of a new viceroy, and if he attempted to enforce the 
 last cedula on encomiendas, then strike the blow and 
 the people would support them. At another time he 
 said he would wait till the authorities should attempt 
 to ship him off to Spain; and still again he would 
 leave the whole matter to his supporters, promising 
 the cooperation of himself and his most intimate 
 friends at the hour of danger; and finally, he began 
 to manifest a fear of trusting the Creoles. At the 
 last meeting in 1565 the marquis had not thrown off 
 his irresolution. So it was said of him. In the early 
 part of 1566 Avila fell seriously ill and the plot passed 
 almost out of mind. The result of the marquis' lack 
 of conviction, or courage, whichever it was, cooled the 
 enthusiasm of the leading conspirators; the oppor- 
 tunity was lost, and the government found itself in a 
 position to investigate, prevent, and punish. 
 
 Much was said on both sides that was false; but it 
 is quite certain that, if the marquis did not himself 
 divulge the plot, he spoke of it to his friend the visi- 
 tador, who as we have seen was numbered among 
 those to be assassinated. After thai he endeavored 
 to soothe the discontented, and prevent an outbreak. 
 The visitador never really believed the affair to be of 
 serious import, as he attributed the words uttered in 
 public to childishness. Then the marquis went further, 
 and charged the conspiracy, if there was a conspiracy, 
 on his enemies, telling the vistador that in Tezcuco, 
 on the day after the wedding of Alonso de Cervantes 
 with a daughter of Diego de Guevara, at the house of 
 
614 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTi:S CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Hortuno de Ibarra, the royal factor, the guests under 
 pretence of a tournament, intended to revolt and 
 make themselves masters of the country. No action 
 seems to have been taken by the audiencia on this 
 charge. 
 
 The marquis made preparations in February to 
 leave Mexico for Toluca, but was induced by both the 
 audiencia and the visitador to remain in the capital; 
 the authorities still continuing to show him high con- 
 sideration. 
 
 About this time Yalderrama, his duties finished, 
 prepared to depart for Spain. He had already dis- 
 missed the oidores Villanueva and Puga, sending them 
 away to Spain, and filling one of the vacancies with 
 Doctor Orozco. The marquis was afraid there might 
 be trouble if affairs were left to the audiencia, and he 
 endeavored to keep the visitador in Mexico until the 
 arrival of a viceroy, but was unable to do so. 
 
 After the departure of Yalderrama, at which the 
 Indians were scarcely less pleased than the oidores 
 whom he held in check, the matter of the conspiracy 
 was more openly talked about, and the audiencia began 
 to investigate. A secret inquiry was started by 
 Oidor Yillalobos to ascertain what it was that the 
 marquis had said to the visitador. Friar Miguel de 
 Alvarado, a kinsman of the Avilas, heard of it, and 
 succeeded in drawing from the oidor a promise to take 
 no further action in the matter, on the plea that the 
 country was at peace, and that the objectionable re- 
 marks had been uttered by unimportant persons and 
 had not been followed by any overt act. The mar- 
 quis had renewed his usual pleasant relations with the 
 oidores, and he observed toward them the same line 
 of conduct pursued with Yalderrama, and seconded 
 Father Alvarado in his good work. Not long after- 
 ward Pedro de Aguilar visited the friar and asked him 
 to apprise Alonso de Avila that Yillalobos had begun 
 proceedings against him. The friar could hardly be- 
 lieve this report, in view of the oidor's solemn pledge, 
 
CRITICAL SITUATION OF THE MARQUES. 615 
 
 and he even accused Aguilar of having turned in- 
 former, which the latter stoutly denied. However, 
 he made the matter known to his kinsman and to the 
 marquis. Avila called on Yillalobos to assure him of 
 his innocence, which he offered to prove with a sworn 
 statement by Aguilar. The oidor went through the 
 form of taking the affidavit, and pretended to be satis- 
 fied. This was the beginning of a long line of dis- 
 simulation by the authorities on the one hand, and 
 the conspirators on the other. 
 
 The marquis found himself in a disagreeable posi- 
 tion ; indeed, he now began to realize that his situation 
 was critical. Threatened by the loss of his father's 
 estate at the hand of the sovereign power which was 
 deriving vast benefits from the results of his father's 
 life, he could not but sympathize with the encomen- 
 deros. Further than that, the conspirators were his 
 friends and sought to do him honor: he would save 
 himself ; he would save them at any cost; and yet if he 
 appeared too warmly their defender they might drag 
 him into the pit. Above all, he must appear vigilant 
 in the royal interests. The sky was threatening ; over 
 the house of Avila it was dark indeed. To escape 
 the coming storm he wrote his former tutor, Diego 
 Fe^-rer, then in Spain, to propose to the crown an 
 exchange of his marquisate and estates for others in 
 Castile, even if he thereby sustained heavy loss.^ 
 
 On the 5th of April, 1566, a formal charge was pre- 
 ferred by the audiencia in writing, Luis de Velasco, 
 Alonso de Villanueva, and Agustin de Villanueva 
 Cervantes being the chief movers in the matter. 
 This was not acted on at once, as the oidores well 
 knew that they had not strength to carry it through. 
 The arrest of the leaders of the faction, whoever they 
 might be, would probably cost them their lives. They 
 would wait and watch their opportunity, still continu- 
 
 ^ * Para tratar con la real persona que le hiziese de le dar en los reynos 
 de castilla, en trueque de su marquesado la renta y vasallos que la pareciese 
 aunque fuese la mitad menos.' Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 90. 
 
616 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 ing the secret search for evidence such as would con- 
 vict. In the mean time, as the days went by, to the 
 now-awakening inhabitants the atmosphere of the city 
 seemed thick with treason. Certain illegible lines in 
 the scroll of their destiny, on exposure to the con- 
 stant light, began to show color, and soon the charac- 
 ters could be all too easily read. The weaker of the 
 wicked ones trembled, and hastened to save their lives 
 by turning informers. 
 
 Among the first of these was the infamous Pedro 
 de Aguilar,^ who after confession and communion on 
 palm-Sunday and the next day, the 8th of April, 
 asked the Dominican friars Cristobal de la Cruz and 
 Andres Ubilla to take his statement to the audiencia. 
 He did not, however, produce it in writing until the 
 23d of May. The marquis had gone to pass holy 
 week at the Dominican convent of Santiago, where 
 he heard from Baltasar de Aguilar on the evening of 
 April 10th what had occurred. He then demanded 
 the keys of the convent, locked its gates, and together 
 with Bernardino de Bocanegra visited the city to see 
 if all was quiet. After satisfying himself on this 
 point he went to his own palace, to hold a consultation 
 with his brothers; these steps betokened a troubled 
 spirit. On Saturday Baltasar de Aguilar and Agustin 
 de Villanueva visited the marquis and opened his 
 eyes to his perilous position. Upon one of the fol- 
 
 ^ The marquis' enemies learned the facts from Baltasar de Aguilar Cer- 
 vantes, the man chosen by the conspirators for maestre de campo. He had 
 near relatives among the former, and was advised to secure his property 
 without delay, and then inform the government of all he knew of the plot, and 
 the names of the parties implicated, himself included: *y es verdad, por lo 
 que vi, que fue llevalle como por los cabellos, y asi fue y hizo su denuncia- 
 cion.' Peraltcu Not. BisL, 201. This same authority, p. 207, says that 
 Agustin de Villanueva Cervantes, who had been at the head of the marquis* 
 enemies, managed to obtain an interview with him on the pretence of join- 
 ing the plot. Before doing this, however, he obtained leave of the audiencia 
 under its seal, with written instructions. Then he partook of the commu- 
 nion and went to the marquis' house, kissed his hand, and tendered his ser- 
 vices. The marquis talked freely about the conspiracy, and the conversation 
 was reported to the audiencia. It is unlikely that the marquis placed any 
 confidence in Villanueva, and yet it is possible that he endeavored to draw 
 him out. This man Villanueva figured later at an important event in Vera 
 Cruz, which will be duly related. 
 
ARREST OF THE MARQUIS. 
 
 C17 
 
 lowing easter days he called on Oidor Villalobos to 
 renew the assurances of his fealty to the crown. 
 
 Again the spirit of rebellion was manifest on re- 
 ceipt of information from Diego Ferrer that the India 
 Council had not assented to the perpetuity of the 
 enconiiendas, and had peremptorily refused to hear 
 any more on the subject. The encomenderos vented 
 their wrath in violent language, and the rebel leaders 
 renewed their exertions more openly. Avila bestirred 
 himself among retainers, who determined to go for- 
 ward even if they must murder the oidores in the 
 street. At this juncture in the affairs of state, the 
 marchioness presented her husband with twins. The 
 baptismal feasts that followed were regal. Wine 
 flowed freely, and toasts significant of revolution were 
 repeatedly and boldly uttered. 
 
 Thus it seemed that rebellion was indeed at hand. 
 The encomenderos were ready for action, and the pop- 
 ulace were with the proposed new government. The 
 audiencia hesitated ; but finally gathering courage they 
 took a stand, organized a plan of defence, part of which 
 was to arrest the leaders,^^ the marquis among the 
 number. First of all they caused it to be reported 
 through Ayala Espinosa, an unsuspected informer, 
 that important despatches had reached them by a ves- 
 sel just arrived from Spain; and the marquis was 
 invited to attend at the opening. Anxious to learn 
 their contents, with cool confidence he entered the 
 
 ^° A raised wooden passage-way four yards wide was constructed between 
 the marquis' house and the pardon-gate of the cathedral. On both sides his 
 Indian vassals had placed platforms with flags and showy ornaments. Luis 
 de Castilla and Juana de Sosa, his wife, acted as sponsors, and the children 
 were taken to the church in the arms of two gentlemen, Carlos de Zuniga 
 and Pedro de Luna. Dean Chico de Molina officiated. Salvos of artillery 
 were fired as the cortege entered and left the church; a tournament, games, 
 and banquet followed. The common people were also munificently remem- 
 bered. Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 46-7. 
 
 Luis Cortes, knight of Calatrava, Martin Cortes, knight of Santiago, and 
 the brothers Avila. Peralta, Not. Hist., 207. Valderrama, the visitador, in 
 15()4 made Martin alguacil mayor, and his half-brother, Juan Jaramillo, became 
 the same year one of the two alcaldes de la mesta of Mexico. Cavo, Tres 
 Sujlos, i. 175. 
 
618 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTjfeS CONSPIRACY. 
 
 council-chamber in the afternoon of tne 16th of July, 
 observing, however, that the oidores had placed guards 
 and artillery at the outlets of the building, under the 
 supervision of Francisco de Velasco, brother of the 
 late viceroy, who was acting as captain-general; and 
 that though he was offered a seat no mark of distinc- 
 tion was extended to him.^^' 
 
 All sat down, and one of the oidores addressed 
 the president to learn his orders. Ceinos then said: 
 ^'Marquis, hold yourself under arrest by the king."^^ 
 Upon his asking the reason, Ceinos answered, * As a 
 traitor to his Majesty." Cortes seized his sword and 
 indignantly gave his accuser the lie.^* But seeing the 
 uselessness of resistance, he soon surrendered and was 
 conveyed to a room prepared in the royal buildings, 
 where were confined Luis and Martin Cortes, who had 
 been arrested by the high-sheriff, Juan de Samano. 
 
 Alonso and Gil Gonzalez de Avila were taken to 
 the common jail.^^ Nor did the oidores stop there; 
 many others were arrested and imprisoned. The people 
 were panic-stricken; every man bethought himself of 
 what he had said. Certain friars were seized and con- 
 fined in their convents, and clergymen in the archi- 
 
 ^2 He wore a summer dress of damask, a black cloak, and a sword. The 
 author quoted saw him enter and heard him exclaim: * Ea, que buenas nuevas 
 emos de tener.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 208. 
 
 'Marques, sed preso por el Rey.' Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 48; Tor- 
 quemada, i. 631. 
 
 ^* ' Mentis, que yo no soi traidor k mi Rei, ni los ha avido en mi linage. ' Id. 
 According to Peralta, Not. Hist., 208-9, the marquis was commanded to 
 deliver his sword, and on asking the reason, was answered, * luego se dira; * 
 and that Cortes did not then learn the cause of his arrest, but believed the 
 order for it had come in the despatches just received from the king. 
 
 ^^Dean Chico de Molina and another clergyman named Maldonado, and 
 Friar Luis Cal, guardian of the convent of Santiago Tlatelulco, appear among 
 the number. Those placed under arrest in their own houses, under penalty of 
 death should escape be attempted, were Luis and Pedro Lorenzo de Castilla, 
 Hernan Gutierrez Altamirano, Lope de Sosa, Alonso Estrada and his brothers, 
 Juan de Guzman, Bernardino Pacheco de Bocanegra, Diego Rodriguez Orozco, 
 Juan de Valdivieso, Nuno de Chavez, Luis Ponce de Leon, Antonio de Car- 
 bajal, Fernando de Cordoba, Juan Villafana, Juan de la Torre, and several 
 others. All these were of the nobility and gentry. Their papers were searched, 
 and abundance of evidence was found against Avila. According to Torque- 
 mada, i. 631-2, some of the strongest evidence was in ladies' billets to him. 
 Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 49; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 9; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
 i. 180. 
 
EXECUTION OF THE iVILAS. 
 
 613 
 
 episcopal prison. Soldiers, both roounted and on foot, 
 patrolled the streets, and every precaution was taken 
 to prevent an uprising. Among the organized forces 
 were many encomenderos, who presented themselves 
 in obedience to an order of the audiencia, and the 
 Tlascaltecs also tendered their services. 
 
 Charges of high treason were preferred against the 
 brothers Avila, and a limited time was allowed them 
 to answer. They denied the accusation, made ex- 
 planations on doubtful points, and produced witnesses 
 to testify on their behalf They pleaded the great 
 services of their father and his ancestors. Alonso 
 de Avila laid stress on the mildness he had always 
 manifested to his Indians, in not distressing them for 
 their tributes ; his wife begged in the name of God 
 that more time might be granted for her husband 
 to prove his innocence. Nothing availed, and both 
 brothers were sentenced to death by decapitation. An 
 appeal to the crown and a petition of the city council 
 were disregarded, and the sentence was executed 
 the 3d of August, eighteen days from the date of 
 their arrest. They were conveyed from tho jail to 
 the scaffold at 7 p. m., mounted on mules. The scaf- 
 fold stood in the chief square, which was strongly 
 guarded. Around were the friends of the prisoners, 
 and a crowd of people. Alonso de Avila at the last 
 moment confessed the conspiracy; his brother, it is 
 alleged, never ceased to maintain his innocence. It 
 w^as reported that the friar who attended them loudly 
 proclaimed him an innocent man. This has been 
 denied, but the people believed him not guilty, and 
 accused the audiencia of having sacrificed him out 
 of hatred to Alonso. 
 
 Soldiers attended divine service at church with the matches for their 
 arquebuses burning, to the great scandal of worshippers. The excitement 
 was such as had never been witnessed in Mexico. PeraUa, Not. Hist., 212. 
 
 Alonso de Avila was dressed in black, and had on a Turkish robe of gray- 
 damask, a velvet cap with a gold plume, and a gold chain round his neck, 
 this being the same apparel he wore when taken to prison. Torquemada, i. 
 632. 
 
 Peralta, after describing the scene when the sentence was read to Alonso 
 
620 
 
 THE IVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 The bodies were removed between 11 and 12 o'clock 
 at night by a priest and the two Velascos to the church 
 of Saint Augustine, where they were subsequently 
 buried, the first men of the city being present at the 
 funeral ceremony. The heads were discovered next 
 morning on poles upon the top of the city council's 
 buildmg. This drew a protest from the council, coupled 
 with a demand for their removal, which was com- 
 plied with, and the heads were then nailed to the 
 pillory as a warning. 
 
 Alonso de Avila's house was demolished, according 
 to the usage of the age in Latin countries ; the ground 
 was sown with salt, and a pillar erected there bearing 
 an inscription commemorative of the crime for which 
 the late proprietor had suffered death. The better 
 class of the community declared the sentence unjust. 
 The provincial of the Santo Evangelio, for himself and 
 the council of the Franciscans in that province, in a 
 long letter of August 8, 1566, to the king, pronounces 
 the charges frivolous. The audiencia was generally 
 
 de Avila in his cell, positively claims that both brothers made confession of 
 their guilt, and implicated the marquis, ' y condenaron al marques y a otros, 
 como consta por sus conhsiones. ' This author, as he says, was among the 
 men who under Francisco de Velasco guarded the square, and his horse's 
 head almost touched the scaffold; he saw and heard all that passed; the 
 unskilful executioner severed the heads only after several strokes, and thus 
 made the prisoners suffer greatly. As to the words uttered by the friar, 
 Domingo de Salazar, who later became bishop of the Philippines, he distinctly 
 heard them to be: 'Senores, encomienden a Dios a estos caballeros, quellos 
 dizen que mueren justamente,. . .y que lo que abian jurado en sus confisiones 
 era verdad, ' which Alonso, on being interrogated, confirmed then and there. 
 The friar's words were purposely misrepresented by many; but the audiencia 
 gave an authenticated copy of them to any one who desired it. Peralta, Not. 
 Hist., 211-23, 227-8. 
 
 Torquemada, followed by others, asserts that the council threatened to 
 remove them by force if its demand was not forthwith attended to, as the city 
 was not traitorous. Orozco, however, throws the entire responsibility on the 
 first named for these details, the protest alluded to not appearing on the coun- 
 cil's books. Torquemada, i. 632; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 181; Orozco y Berra, 
 Not. Con'., 51. 
 
 2" It was on Reloj street, comer of Santa Teresa. Alaman, Disert, ii. 142. 
 
 ' Por ignominia las aran 
 Y de esteril sal las siembran 
 
 Del cincel en una piedra 
 Padron^ifrentoso erige.* 
 
 Zapata, Rel. funehre, in Orozco y Berra, Not. ConJ , 501-2. 
 
 * Todo debia de ser palabras de M090S livianos, y mal recatados, en su 
 hablar, y todo sin fundamento, y sin medios ningunos, para poner nada ea 
 obra.' IWquemada, i. 632-4. 
 
VICEROY FALCES. 
 
 621 
 
 censured, and there would have been serious disturb- 
 ance had not the streets been so thoroughly patrolled. 
 Some of the encomenderos, pulling their beards, swore 
 to revenofe the innocent blood of Gil Gonzalez. 
 
 In a measure appeased by what it had thus far 
 accomplished, the audiencia was proceeding more 
 leisurely with the trial of the other prisoners, when 
 on the 17th of September arrived at Vera Cruz the 
 third viceroy, Don Gaston de Peralta, marques do 
 Falces. He was a lineal descendant of Alonso Car- 
 rillo de Peralta, first marques de Falces and second 
 constable of Navarre, under appointment of the king, 
 in 1455. The new viceroy was known as a man of 
 generous sentiments, who had rendered valuable ser- 
 vices in the field and council, and was also a good ju- 
 rist.^^ He was accompanied by his wife, Dona Leonor 
 Vico, an estimable lady. The title of excellency was 
 given him; his predecessors had been addressed only 
 as senoria. 
 
 Before arriving at Vera Cruz the new viceroy 
 learned from the master of a ship of the occurrences 
 at the capital, the imprisonment of the marques del 
 Valle, and others, the beheading of the brothers A.vila, 
 and the grounds on which the audiencia had based its 
 course. On reaching port he ascertained that no rev- 
 olutionary movements existed or were contemplated. 
 He passed the first night on board, and landed at 10 
 A. M. the next day, there being no sign of disturbance. 
 In the evening messengers arrived from Mexico to 
 greet him and deliver letters. Some assured him 
 that all was quiet, others thought he should have a 
 strong guard during his journey to the capital. After 
 
 22 Antonio Ruiz de Castaneda full of wrath swore to revenge Gil's death 
 if it cost him his whole estate. For this he was brought to trial, when he 
 qualified the remark, saying he meant * juridically,' even if he spent his estate, 
 and had to go from door to door begging for funds to carry an appeal to the 
 crown. Orofzco y Berra, Not. Conj., 401. 
 
 22 ' Sugeto de particulares prendas, y virtud. ' Lorenzana, in CorUs, Hist. 
 N. Esp., 15. 'Hombre prudente y enemigo de persecuciones. ' if om, Mej, 
 Bev.f iii. 216. 
 
6^2 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 ordering the works of San Juan de Ulua enlarged, he 
 set out for Mexico with a light escort of twenty-five 
 or thirty halberdiers, and his twelve servants armed 
 with pikes. In Jalapa he rested eight days, and be- 
 came satisfied that the country was peaceful. At 
 Tlascala and Puebla he was accorded a warm recep- 
 tion, and in return he thanked the caciques and the 
 people for their loyalty, in the king's name. On the 
 19th of October he arrived at the capital, and took 
 formal possession of his offices. 
 
 After due investigation he became convinced that 
 the audiencia had acted with severity, and he so 
 wrote the crown. On the day of his arrival he 
 ordered away the military force at the royal buildings, 
 leaving a few men to guard the prisoners.^* 
 
 Meanwhile, contrary to the viceroy's orders sent 
 them from Puebla to stop proceedings in the con- 
 spiracy cases, the oidores had hurried them forward, 
 and now Cespedes de Cardenas, fiscal of the audiencia, 
 demanded the sequestration of the marques del Yalle's 
 estates. This the viceroy and a majority of the coun- 
 cil refused to grant, and Falces resolved to send the 
 marquis to Spain. As regards Luis Cortes, the court 
 sentenced him for high treason to be beheaded, and to 
 forfeit his estate. The viceroy at first affixed his sig- 
 nature to the sentence; there may have been treason 
 in the heart of the accused; but in the review of the 
 case it was modified, and the prisoner was condemned 
 to loss of property and ten years' service in the north 
 of Africa at his own cost. Most of the other pris- 
 oners were released. 
 
 2* According to his report the monthly cost of the guard was 2,060 pesos, 
 without including the captain's pay, the powder, and other necessary expenses. 
 Falces, Informe, in Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 429. Ceinos, the senior oidor, and 
 Dthers tried to persuade him that a revolution was certain, and referred to 
 the Franciscan friar Diego Cornejo to corroborate their statement, but he 
 felt satisfied that no revolt was intended. Id., 431-4. 
 
 2^ Much kind attention was paid Cortes by Falces, who allowed his friends 
 to see him at all hours, day and night, and even visited and was visited by 
 him. This offended the oidores. The marquis also became reconciled with 
 Baltasar de Aguilar Cervantes and others of his former enemies who made 
 advances on hearing tha^^t juecea'pesquisidores would soon come out from Spain. 
 
PUNISHMENTS OF THE OTHERS. 
 
 623 
 
 Falces made much of Baltasar de Aguilar, with the 
 
 no hand in it.^^ Falces then wrote the crown that in 
 his opinion there had been no conspiracy ; the oidores, 
 on the other hand, accused the viceroy of apathy and 
 disloyalty, and thereafter they did all they could to 
 annoy him.^'' 
 
 they wrote to all Spain about it. They went further, 
 even accusing Falces of favoring the plot, and of hav- 
 ing a plan of his own to separate New Spain from the 
 crown of Castile, in support of which he had already 
 thirty thousand men enrolled. Not satisfied with 
 this, by collusion with the factor Ibarra, who had 
 
 of the oidores had been infamous, and the informers 
 
 2^ Later on, being tortured by order of the visitador Munoz, he retracted 
 that declaration, saying that his first statement had been the correct one, and 
 adding that his deposition to the contrary had been instigated by Falces. 
 Peralta, Not. Hist., 230-2, 238. 
 
 2^ The annoyance had begun even earlier, as may be judged by the conduct 
 of the oidores Villalobos and Orozco, who occupied the viceregal apartments 
 in the royal buildings, and only vacated them upon a peremptory demand 
 by Falces. This gave rise, as may be seen, to disagreeable correspondence, 
 ■which Falces alluded to in his report to the government. Peralta, Informe, in 
 Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 429. 
 
 Falces as a lover of the fine arts had caused a battle scene to be painted in 
 one of the halls of the palace, which represented men in action. Torquemada, 
 i. C34. The king of France at one time had shown much regard for the mar- 
 ques del Valle, and as the viceroy had relatives at the French court and in 
 Navarre, these facts were adduced and made much of by the enemies of the 
 two accused marquises. Peralta, Not. Hist., 232-3. 
 
 '^"^ ' Las cartas, que el Virrei escrivid, y causas, qu en su descargo embiaba, 
 las hizo detener Ortuno de Ibarra, que era Factor del Rei, y Hombre poderoso, 
 y favorecido.' Torquemada, i. 635; Peralta, Not. Hist., 233; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 
 i. 183-8; Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 57. 
 
 ^° Ayala de Espinosa said to the audiencia that society was treating him 
 with contumely for what he had done, and that the object was to make the 
 evidence of himself and others appear as unworthy of credence. Pedro de 
 Aguilar was allowed to leave for Spain. Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., Doc, 161; 
 Falces, Inf., in Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 445-6. 
 
 were held in contempt. 
 
 30 
 
THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 It was finally agreed to send the marquis to Spain; 
 but difference of opinion arose as to the best way of 
 getting him to Vera Cruz. The oidores, in further- 
 ance of their plans of compromising Falces, threw 
 the responsibility upon him. Keflecting that a large 
 military escort might create alarm, and a small one 
 be useless if the friends of Cortes should attempt a 
 rescue, the viceroy concluded to let him go on parole 
 to Vera Cruz, and deliver himself up to the general 
 of the fleet, Juan Velasco de Barrio,^^ who was to take 
 him to Spain to be surrendered to the royal authori- 
 ties. This was done. The marquis was at Vera Cruz 
 on the day stipulated, the 20th of March, having 
 placed his children under Falces' protection, who ac- 
 cepted the trust, but not that of looking after his 
 estates, as the marquis had also asked him. 
 
 Together with the marquis were sent to Spain his 
 half-brother Luis, Dean Juan Chico de Molina,^^ and 
 a Franciscan friar. The informer Crist6bal Ayala de 
 Espinosa also went in the fleet to seek preferment for 
 pretended services. Philip was ready enough to dis- 
 trust his agents in America, yet he disliked to believe 
 evil of the marques de Falces. But why did not his 
 viceroy write if he was innocent of the charges ad- 
 vanced by his brother officials? Probably it were 
 
 2^ He based his action not solely on the reasons given in the text, but also 
 on the fact that Cortes' high rank entitled him to trust; ' pues principes, gale- 
 ras, fortalezas, oficios, y otras cosas de gran calidad se fiaban y entregaban ^ 
 caballeros hijos dalgo con un pleyto homenage, el cual tenia tanta fuerza de 
 fidelidad y obligacion.' The old chivalrous spirit animated him, it seems. 
 Falces, Informe al Rey, in Mora, Mej. Rev., 424-48; and Falces, Proceso, in 
 Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 411-40. The official report of the marques de 
 Falces, viceroy of New Spain, on the alleged conspiracy of the second marquis 
 del Valle and others to wr«st the country from the Spanish crown, is a clear 
 and detailed account of political affairs as he found them on his arrival, and 
 as they continued to the time it was written in 1567. As such it is, judging 
 from the writer's character, well deserving of consideration and credence. It 
 was the same document, wilfully kept back by the king's factor, from which 
 resulted Falces' temporary disgrace and untold evils to Mexico. In the JRe- 
 yistro Trimestre, and also in Mora, Mej. Rev., it is stated that the memorial 
 was delivered to the king. But as a matter of fact it was presented to the 
 royal commissioners Dec. 6, 1567, when the fiscal of the audiencia in Mexico 
 preferred charges against Falces. 
 
 ^^In Madrid he was subjected to the torture, by which he lost the use of 
 one arm. He was also deprived of his rank. Peralta, Not. Hist., 255. 
 
TWO ATROCIOUS JUDGES. 
 
 625 
 
 better the viceroy should be deposed; and so the 
 Hcenciados Jarava, Alonso Munoz, and Luis Carrillo 
 were despatched to Mexico as jueces pesquisidores, or 
 royal commissioners, armed with a peremptory order 
 to Falces to turn over the government to them, and 
 forthwith proceed to Spain, there to answer the charges 
 preferred against him. Jarava died at sea; the other 
 two entered the capital early in October 1567,^^ and 
 demanded the government from Falces. We may well 
 imagine his indignation at this insult so unjustly and 
 cruelly inflicted; but he obeyed the royal command, 
 and then labored to ascertain the cause of it. He soon 
 discovered the trick that Ortuno de Ibarra had played 
 him, and at once made it public. Much regret was 
 felt at his deposal. The so lately dreadful conspiracy 
 was by this time almost forgotten. 
 
 Munoz, a man of advanced age, being senior in rank 
 as well as in years, took charge of aflairs. Flushed 
 with power, Munoz began to show his character, that 
 of an inflexible, haughty, and cruel man. He aped 
 royalty, ignored the audiencia, distrusted the oidores, 
 and treated with discourtesy all having business with 
 him. His subordinates he regarded with contempt, 
 and a distant bow was all he deigned to gentlemen of 
 high position. When riding out he was escorted by 
 twenty-four halberdiers.^* 
 
 Early in November Munoz and Carrillo devoted 
 their whole attention to the proceedings in the political 
 trials. Munoz as a councillor of the Indies had already 
 acted at Madrid in the cases ordering torture to be 
 inflicted on Cristobal de Onate, whom the audiencia 
 of Mexico had sent there. This man, to escape the 
 horrors of the torture, made confessions implicating 
 a number of innocent persons. He was brought back 
 to be used both as witness and victim. 
 
 ' 2^ All the authorities agree upon the time except Vetancvrty Trat. Mex. , 9, 
 who gives their arrival in March 1568. 
 
 ' Queria hacer guerra al Cielo. . .no sabia baxar la cabe9a a la Tierra. . . 
 debia de creer, que los Hombres eran bestias.' Torquemada^ i. 637. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 40 
 
626 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Munoz, taking upon himself control of the case, 
 ordered the rearrest of those the viceroy had re- 
 leased on bail, and doubled the guards. Any sus- 
 picion, however slight, against any person would in- 
 sure incarceration. To save themselves from possible 
 accusation many turned informers. The infamous old 
 man became rabid on the subject, and as he moved 
 from place to place he saw conspirators everywhere. 
 The jails becoming insufficient, he had some dungeons 
 built, damp dark horrible places for human beingSj 
 and which still existed and bore his hated name in the 
 seventeenth century. 
 
 The criminal trials were prosecuted with activity. 
 Every circumstance, however trifling, was brought to 
 bear heavily against the victims. The time allowed 
 them for defence was short. The result of it was 
 that the prisoners deemed it useless to attempt a 
 defence, and an unjust sentence and its execution usu- 
 ally ended the case. On the 7th of January, 1568. 
 were sentenced to be hanged and quartered for treason 
 and attempted rebellion Juan Gomez de Victoria, 
 Gonzalo Nunez, and Cristobal de Onate, the last 
 named being the one taken to and brought back from 
 Spain. It was believed that the other two were inno- 
 cent. "'^'^ On the 8th the three were executed, Nunez 
 and Victoria confessing their guilt, and Onate retract- 
 ing the falsehoods he had uttered in Madrid under 
 fear of torture. He declared just before his execu- 
 
 Among the prisoners the following names appear: Martin Cortes, Balta- 
 sar and Diego Arias de Sotelo, Francisco, Fernando, and Bernardino Pacheco 
 de Bocanegra, Nuno de Chavez, Luis Ponce de Leon, Agustin de Sotomayor, 
 Hernando de Bazan, Diego Rodriguez Orozco, Pedro G-omez °de Caceres, 
 Antonio de Carbajal, Baltasar and Pedro de Quesada, Juan de Valdivieso, 
 Antonio Ruiz de Castaneda, Garcia de Albornoz, Gonzalo Nunez, an d^ Juan 
 Gomez de Victoria (these last two were servants of the late Alonso de Avila), 
 Cristobal de Oilate, Pedro Gonzalez, a son of the conqueror Andres de Tapia, 
 Rodrigo de Carbajal, clergyman. Many others appear incidentally in the 
 general proceedings, those of their own trials not having reached us. The 
 property of such as had any was sequestered. Orozco y Bei-ra, Not. Conj., 59; 
 Doc, in Id., 217-470; Torqiiemada, i. 636; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 183. 
 
 ''''One thousand workmen were employed, completing them in 15 days. 
 Peralta, Not. Hist., 237. 
 
 ' Dicen, que murieron sin culpa. ' Torqnemada, i. 636. Orozco y B^cra, 
 Not. Conj., GO, gives only the executions of Victoria and Onate. 
 
TORTURE OF MARTIN CORT^IS. 
 
 627 
 
 tion that all he said about the marques del Valle 
 having given him a commission to France and to 
 certain high officials was untrue. The next day, 
 mounted on mules and bound hands and feet, the 
 brothers Baltasar and Pedro de Quesada, sexagena- 
 rians, were taken to the scaffold to be beheaded ; they 
 acknowledged having taken part in a plot against the 
 king. Baltasar de Sotelo met with the same fate.^^ 
 
 It becomes my duty here to record one of those 
 hellish acts which makes one blush for one's race, 
 which makes one wonder how superior powers can sit 
 and smile on them. Sapient philosophers may charge 
 it to the times, and there leave it, scarcely knowing 
 what they say; religionists would place it among the 
 mysteries of providence and expect us to be satisfied ; 
 there still remains the fact, a most ignoble and worse 
 than beastly one, and wherein man may see something 
 of himself as he is to-day. 
 
 While the executions of the 8th were going on in 
 the presence of the people, there lay in one of the 
 rooms of the royal buildings Martin Cortes, Marina's 
 son, undergoing bodily torture. The father had con- 
 quered the country for Spain, and the mother had 
 been his most devoted friend and helper ; and here now 
 w^as the son, stretched on a bed of mortal agony, be- 
 cause to his grizzly judge at the trial he would di- 
 vulge nothing of the secrets of his confederates, were 
 any such secrets in his keeping. 
 
 Happy invention ! that of water and cord,^^ as ad- 
 ministered at the hands of Pero Baca and Juan Na- 
 varro, by order of Munoz. It does not add to the 
 
 ^^Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 218-19, says that his brother Diego Sotelo was also 
 put to death. Torquemada, i. 636, gives only the execution of Baltasar cle 
 Sotelo. According to Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj., 61, the brothers were 
 merely banished. 
 
 Being a knight of Santiago, and the rules of the order requiring the 
 presence of other members at the act, Francisco de Velasco and the bishop 
 of Puebla, Antonio de Morales, y Molina were summoned to witness it. The 
 latter has been blamed for taking part in an act so unl^ecoming a Christian 
 prelate; but it seems that he appeared at the special request of Martin Cortes. 
 Torqtiemada, i. 636. 
 
628 
 
 THE AVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 merits of the case to know that Martin was conva- 
 lescing from serious illness. "I have spoken the 
 truth, and have nothing further to add," Martin said, 
 as they stripped him and laid him on the rack. Being 
 again urged to speak the truth, he replied, It is 
 spoken." The executioners then proceeded to bind 
 with cords the fleshy parts of the arms, thighs, calves, 
 and large toes, and gradually to tighten them all at 
 once. Speak the truth," they said. It is spoken," 
 was ever the reply. Six times they poured a quart 
 of water down his throat, demanding each time a 
 truthful declaration. With wonderful firmness the 
 poor fellow held to his first position. "Kill me if 
 you will, I can tell you nothing more."^'^ And the 
 judges at last believed him, and allowed a little rest, 
 intending to continue after the suflerer should have 
 recovered sufficient strength. Strange that in any age 
 men in the possession of common reason could hope 
 by such means to arrive at the truth ! But after all, 
 in the affairs of men there is a happy compensation. 
 Martin's mother is sold into slavery; Martin's father 
 tortures the Indians; Martin himself enslaves and 
 tortures ad libitum; Munoz imprisons and tortures 
 Martin ; death and the devil seize and torture Munoz. 
 
 It was not convenient to torture Martin further. 
 Eighteen days afterwards he was sentenced to exile 
 for life from all the Indies, and from within five 
 leagues of the court of Spain, and to pay a fine of 
 five hundred gold ducats. Others were exiled; some 
 from New Spain, some from the city of Mexico, and 
 all must pay money into the king's treasury.*^ 
 
 *° ' Ya he dicho la verdad, y ]3or el Sacratisimo nombre de Dios que s 
 duelan de ml, que no dire mas de aqui a que me muera. ' Orozco y Berra, Not. 
 Conj., 61; Doc, in Id., 231-2. 
 
 Among the most noted were: Diego Arias Sotelo, transported to Gran 
 on the north coast of Africa. The three brothers Bocanegra suffered torture, 
 confessed nothing, and were sentenced to Oran. Bernardino de Bocanegra 
 had been first condemned to death for the murder of Juan Ponce de Leon, 
 but was saved through family influence and finally sent to Oran. Of those 
 exiled I find the following: Pedro Gomez, son of Captain Andres Tapia, An- 
 tonio Ruiz de Castafieda, Garcia de Albornoz, and Juan de Valdivieso. Only 
 one of those sent to Oran ever left that xjlace. Torquemada, i. 030; Peralta, 
 Not. Hist., 247-8. 
 
THE VICEROY SUSPECTED. 
 
 629 
 
 Even the marques de Falces was brought before 
 the dread court of the royal emissaries; charges of 
 disloyalty as well as offences of omission were made 
 against him, to w^hich he pleaded that his conscience 
 was at peace, for he had done nothing incompatible with 
 the duties of a loyal subject and servant of the crown. 
 In view of his rank, the judges abstained from ren- 
 dering a decision in his case, and referred it to the 
 king. This was all Falces asked, and a few days later 
 he went down to Vera Cruz to embark on the first 
 ship for Spain. 
 
 Munoz continued his abuse of power almost with- 
 out a limit. The jails as well as his pestilence-breed- 
 ing dungeons were filled with innocent victims, whose 
 sons and wives dare not move in their release lest 
 worse befall them. For once in their battered ex- 
 istence the Indians were saved by their insignificance 
 from the horrid notice of their present rulers. It was 
 the Spaniards and their descendants, and particularly 
 those of high position, conquerors and sons of con- 
 querors, who had themselves gloried in practising 
 enormities on others, even as they were now wrought 
 upon by fiends of injustice ; it was these who were now 
 the sufferers, and at the hands of those of their own 
 race.^^ 
 
 *2 * No avia Hombre con Hombre en la Tierra, y de tal modo vivian todos, 
 que no sabian de si, ni como defenderse, ni ampararse de tantas crueldades, y 
 tiranias, como hacia. ' Torquemada, i, 636. It must be here stated, however, 
 that the Franciscan province of the Santo Evangelic, to which Torquemada 
 afterward belonged, had by this time changed its opinion respecting the 
 political condition of the country. It may have been from an honest belief, 
 or from a feeling of gratitude to Munoz for favors received, that fathers Mi- 
 guel Navarro, provincial, and Diego de Mendoza, Juan Focher, and Joan 
 Kamirez, definidores, in a letter of May 24, 1568, commend in glowing terms 
 his rule, adding that if he could have retained his powers two or three years, 
 the country would be in much better state than it ever had been since the 
 conquest. He had already set everything in order in both spiritual and tem- 
 poral concerns, and his name stood now very high, In the prosecution of the 
 marques del Valle and others, both Munoz and Carrillo had done their duty 
 like good Christians, using no more severity than was needful, and the 
 evidence produced at the trials should be considered dispassionately: 'si en- 
 sangrentaron algo las manos no devia conuenir otra cosa para la entera pacifi- 
 cacion destos reinos.' They conclude wishing for Munoz' return, or the 
 coming of some one possessed of his spirit, and with freedom of action. 
 Navarro et al, in Cartas de Indias, 159. 
 
630 
 
 THE iVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Mexico could no longer patiently endure the yoke. 
 The remedy was worse than the disease; if anything 
 could make traitors it was Munoz' conduct. Public dis- 
 content had by this time reached such a point that the 
 country's peace was really in danger, far more in dan- 
 ger than at any time previous. Measures were taken 
 by the best men to rid New Spain of the crown agent; 
 if the king would do it, well; if not, they would do 
 it themselves. Evading the watchfulness of Munoz 
 and his minions, they forwarded to Madrid correct 
 accounts of the past and present condition of things 
 over their own signatures. Petitions went to the 
 king from all quarters in Mexico, showing the whole 
 country to be in mourning, in dread and constant 
 alarm, and in actual danger of revolution. And this 
 would cease, the writers said, if Munoz and Carrillo 
 were at once removed; not otherwise. The crafty 
 and cruel, cold and unscrupulous Philip saw at once 
 that this was no case of iron-heel justice; moreover, 
 he was really indignant at the conduct of Munoz, who 
 had so infamously misrepresented him. He there- 
 fore immediately despatched to Mexico the oidores 
 Villanueva and Puga, the same persons whom Val- 
 derrama had dismissed, with orders to depose Munoz 
 and Carrillo, and compel them to quit the capital 
 within three hours. The two dismissed rulers were 
 to repair to Madrid and explain their acts. 
 
 The oidores arrived the 13th of April, 1568, which 
 was holy Tuesday. These officials knew what it was 
 to be up, and what it was to be down. They had 
 been displaced, and they knew how to displace an- 
 other. The other members of the audiencia were 
 pleased to receive them; nothing could be worse than 
 as it had been. Munoz was a pious man ; for so old 
 and so rank a sinner he was exceedingly pious. He 
 was spending holy week at the convent of Santo Do- 
 mingo, deep in king-craft; for as he had ruled here, 
 so would he if possible rule hereafter. The oidores were 
 all a little afraid of him; nevertheless it was not an 
 
MUNOZ AND CARRILLO DEPOSED. 
 
 GSl 
 
 unpleasing task to depose the old tyrant ; so plucking 
 up courage the two commissioners, with the secretary 
 Sanchez Lopez de Agurto, early next morning re- 
 paired to the convent and asked for Munoz. The 
 page hesitated to disturb his master s rest or devo- 
 tions, but finally conducted the visitors to his room. 
 Munoz received them sitting, and barely returned their 
 salutation. Without further preamble Yillanueva drew 
 forth the royal cedulaand directed Agurto to read it. 
 
 The effect on Munoz was as if he had been struck. 
 Without uttering a word his head fell heavily on his 
 breast, and after a time he signified his acquiescence. 
 The news that the tyrant had been deposed spread 
 through the city, and the jubilant inhabitants appeared 
 upon the streets just in time to see the so lately proud 
 and haughty representative of royalty, now a poor 
 and trembling old man, friendless and comparatively 
 alone, wending his way out of the country, an object 
 of scorn and execration. His weaker but scarcely less 
 detested colleague Carrillo was with him; and it is 
 said, though probably with exaggeration, that had it 
 not been for the compassion of certain citizens they 
 would have been obliged to perform the journey to 
 Vera Cruz on - foot. However this may have been, 
 they received marked demonstrations of antipathy 
 everywhere on their j ourney. Sharp corners of fortune 
 were those which the king-servers and king-defiers used 
 to turn then in the Indies. Going on board the vessel 
 which was to carry them to Spain, these who had been 
 
 It is presumed he was the same known also as Sancho Lopez de Recalde, 
 who was secretary of the royal council in Spain in 1544, and afterward a 
 notary public in the city of Mexico, where he died in 1575, leaving two sons, 
 Sancho Lopez and Diego; the latter of whom became a canon of the cathe- 
 dral; the former was a notary public before 1572, and in 1575 was made 
 notary and secretary of the audiencia, holding the office till November 9, 
 1582, on which date he wrote a letter to the king in council. It seems he 
 had often written the king on public affairs. During the disturbances of 
 the so-called conspiracy of the marques del Valle, he contributed with his 
 estate and personal services, together with those of his relatives and subor- 
 dinates, to the preservation of peace and guarding of the city. In October 
 1576 the secretary of the civil department was Juan de Cuevas. *Till late!-/ 
 he had a colleague, Sancho Lopez de Recalde, who died recently. ' EnriqueZy 
 Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 333. 
 
632 
 
 THE Ivila-cort:^s conspiracy. 
 
 driven forth found there him whom they had driven 
 forth, Fakes, but for them viceroy, and now a king 
 beside them. 
 
 Carrillo died at sea.** On arrival at Madrid, Falces 
 at once went to the king and told him all. Philip 
 listened, believed, and gave the faithful servant kind 
 treatment — that is, for a king. Munoz also went to 
 his master and was received very sternly. " I sent 
 you to nourish, not to destroy," said the king. Munoz 
 tried to explain, but Philip turned his back upon him. 
 It was enough ; disgraced, driven forth, spurned, the 
 old man went his way, and that same night was found 
 dead, sitting on a chair with his head resting on his 
 hand.*^ 
 
 It was not generally believed then, nor has it been 
 since, that any plan of independence really had exist- 
 ence at the time. The chief encomenderos, it was 
 explained, angry at the systematic provocation, the 
 arbitrary persecution by the ministers and delegates 
 of the king, in their fear and wrath had endeavored to 
 •find some means to defend their threatened interests; 
 but there was no evidence of their ever having ceased 
 to be loyal subjects, their only offence being that 
 some of them squandered their estates. The so-called 
 conspiracy was declared to be nothing more than an 
 invention of the enemies of the marques del Yalle, 
 his brothers, and their friends, to bring them to ruin. 
 Some thought it a plan concocted at Madrid for 
 despoiling the encomenderos. Juan Suarez Peralta, 
 one of the victims, who left his views in writing, 
 throws out hints in this direction, but nothing more ; 
 it was dangerous in those days to speak one's mind 
 
 **His death was caused 1/ a stroke of apoplexy. The body was carried 
 to Habana. Peralta, Not. Hist., 252, 347. 
 
 Munoz was cruel as well as pious, and Carrillo was pious as well as cruel; 
 at the tortures the former showed greater pity, a softer heart; whereas the 
 other being weaker was more harsh. The people, however, had an idea that 
 Munoz was the more monstrous of the two, and they feared him beyond 
 compare. One man actually took a fever and died in two days upon receiv- 
 ing a harsh message from Munoz. /cZ., 250-1. 
 
LITERATURE OF THE DAY. 
 
 633 
 
 on New Spain government policy. The impudent 
 utterances of Alonso de A.vila cost him his Hfe. 
 
 Many effusions in prose and verse were written to 
 commemorate this bloody episode, the most notable 
 being the funeral narrative hy the Mexican poet, his- 
 torian, and political writer, Luis de Sandoval Zapata, 
 who lived early in the seventeenth century. A notice 
 of this composition will be given elsewhere. Its 
 author exonerates both the Avilas from any treason- 
 able intent, and assures us that the king's council 
 also did so at a later time.^^ He lays to the malice 
 of informers and the envy and blindness of judges 
 the deaths of many innocent men. We must admit, 
 however, that during the epoch under consideration a 
 plot to bring about the secession of New Spain from 
 the mother country was brewing, so much having 
 been confessed by Alonso de Avila first, and by the 
 brothers Quesada later; though it certainly was not 
 worthy of the consideration given it by the oidores in 
 their zeal or animosity. Indeed, the depositions of 
 the persons having knowledge of the circumstances 
 show that treason had not been seriously considered. 
 The viceroy, who carefully read the evidence, could 
 not believe that criminality had been intended,'^' and 
 this seems to have been the conclusion arrived at by 
 the king in approving the course of Falces and con- 
 demning that of Munoz and Carrillo. 
 
 But, whatever opinion we may hold of the conduct 
 of the Avilas and others, it is quite certain that the 
 marquis, Martin Cortes, took no part in any plot 
 against the crown. Not that there was wanting cause 
 or inducement; but the risk was too great. With 
 
 *^Bien que despues el Consejo 
 , De la Magestad exelsa 
 
 Declare con su clemencia 
 
 No hubo culpa de traidores 
 
 En los Avilas. . . . , . 
 In Orozco y Berra, Not. Conj. , 502. 
 
 *^ His words in one place were ' el alzamiento que en esta tierra dicen se 
 pretendid hacer; ' and in another, * despues de la sospecha de alzamiento.* 
 In Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 424, 435-6. 
 
634 
 
 THE j[VILA-CORTi:S CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Spain and so many Spaniards and the native Amer- 
 icans against them, the insurgents could not possibly 
 have sustained themselves. And then his name, his 
 proud position, his princely estates: failure would in- 
 volve the forfeiture of all these. Yet here there was 
 little to choose; if the godly Philip desired any one's 
 property he usually took it if he could. For an inno- 
 cent man the penalties inflicted on the marquis by the 
 king and council were grievous; but they assisted to 
 foster suspicion until a good share of his wealth was 
 secured. His case was not terminated for several 
 years. Whether it was that nothing could be proved 
 against him, or that he paid over sufficient money, or 
 that the court deemed him no longer dangerous, he 
 was finally acquitted, and the family reinstated in all 
 its honors, rights, and privileges, but not till a large 
 fine had been exacted.^^ Most of the sequestered 
 property was restored in 1574. Tehuantepec was 
 taken by the crown on the pretext of its being needed 
 for a port and navy-yard, and as a point from which 
 to make discoveries.^^ During the period of seques- 
 
 The marquis was sentenced to serve in Gran and to perpetual banishment 
 from the Indies, to the payment of many thousand ducats, and the jurisdic- 
 tion in his estate was also taken from him. Peralta, Not. Hist., 255-6. 
 
 Fifty thousand ducats, and to make a forced loan to the crown of 100,000 
 more for war expenses. He must have been kept confined. He certainly was 
 in custody from January 1 to October 13, 1572, at the fortress of Torre j on de 
 Velasco, during which time 73,888 maravedis were expended for his support, 
 which were paid to the officers holding him, by the treasurer-general of the 
 kingdom, under an order of the royal council. Valdaracete, Peticion, in Pa- 
 checo and Cardenas, Col Doc, xiii. 456-8; Consejo, Peal, Mandamiento, in 
 Id., 458-61. 
 
 The deprivation of the privilege to appoint governors and alcaldes may- 
 ores was repealed much later, when Fernando, the third marquis, married 
 Mencia de la Cerda y Bobadilla, a lady of honor of the princess Isabel. 
 The Cortes family remained in Spain till Pedro, the fourth marquis, a 
 brother of his predecessor and whose wife was Ana de Pacheco de la Cerda, 
 a sister of the conde de Montalvan, came to Mexico, where he died January 
 30, 1629, without issue. It is said that at his funeral were in attendance 300 
 Franciscan friars from the city of Mexico and neighboring towns. The entail 
 went to his niece, Estefania Cortes, wife of the Neapolitan nobleman duke of 
 Terranova and Monteleone. The estates and seignorial rights remained in the 
 house till the war of succession to the Spanish crown, when, the duke having 
 taken sides with the house of Austria, they were placed under sequestration. 
 This was raised after the peace of Utrecht confirmed Felipe V., the first Bour- 
 bon to wear the Spanish crown. They were again sequestered at the time 
 of the invasion of Napoleon, and restored to the family after Fernan<lo VII. 
 recovered his throne. The family retained the estates till 1820, with the 
 
DEATH OF THE MARQUES DEL VALLE. 
 
 G35 
 
 tration, the government had paid the pensions of 
 Dona Juana de Zuniga, the dowager marchioness, 
 and of her brother the friar Antonio. 
 
 The marquis died the 13th of August, 1589. It is 
 behoved that the sentence of exile in the case of Mar- 
 tin, Dona Marina's son, was never carried out. On 
 the 17th of March, 1568, he was still living in his own 
 house, as appears in a petition asking for an extension 
 of the time he was allowed to enjoy that place as his 
 prison. As he was in bad health it is likely the peti- 
 tion was granted, and he was troubled no more after 
 Munoz was dismissed. Nothing further is known of 
 him or his family. It is probable that he left no legit- 
 imate descendants. Luis Cortes returned to Mexico 
 after the acquittal of the marquis in 1574, and lived 
 almost in obscurity. He never took part again in 
 public affairs, and at his death left to his descendants 
 the name of Cortes de Hermosilla. 
 
 exception of the seignorial privileges, the Spanish c(5rtes having abolished all 
 such. Upon the independence of Mexico the estates were sequestered a 
 fourth time, for a while, during Iturbide's short imperial sway. In 1833 they 
 were declared national property, and in 1834 restored to the owner. Such 
 has been the devious course of tenure in the Cortes estates. Terranova y 
 Monteleone, Espos., 63; Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 226-7; Datos Biog., in Cartas de 
 Ind.y 858; AXamaUy Disert., ii. 171. 
 
 I would here oflfer my tribute of respect for the prominent writer and 
 accomplished scholar Manuel Orozco y Berra. Probably no Mexican historian 
 of modern times has been so generally held in high esteem both by his coun- 
 trymen and by scholars everywhere. Enjoying the fullest facilities, with the 
 confidence of the government, and of all who held in possession materials for 
 history; with a sound mind, a facile pen, and a generous sympathy for the 
 just and humane on all questions relating to society and civilization, he was 
 a man of whose name his country may well be proud. 
 
 Most important in writing the present chapter, and a work I have freely 
 used, is his Noticia Histdrica de la Conjuracion del Marques del Valle, Aiios de 
 1565-1568, Mex. 1853, 8vo, xii. 72, 505 pp. It contains an historical ac- 
 count of the affair which has hitherto somewhat improperly been known as the 
 Martin Cortes conspiracy, some having attributed it to the second marques del 
 Valle. A sketch of his early life is also given, accompanied by copies of the 
 legal processes against the persons implicated, including the deposed viceroy, 
 the marques de Falces. I notice that the greater part of the legal proceed- 
 ings, many of the answers of witnesses, and the pleadings of the accusation 
 and defence are omitted, probably on the ground that they would have 
 
636 
 
 THE XVILA-CORTES CONSPIRACY. 
 
 thrown but little light upon the subject. More valuable is an extract giving 
 the confessions of the prisoners and the sentences decreed against them, 
 together with interesting acts ^and documents, in which the original orthog- 
 raphy and punctuation are retained. The editor also gives foot-notes wher- 
 ever he regarded them necessary. At the end of the volume is a ballad or 
 romance in verse, the subject of which is the execution of the two brothers 
 Av'Aa,, written about the beginning of the seventeenth century. 
 
 Subsequently Orozco y Berra's studies were directed to scientific subjects, 
 and he published several valuable treatises on ethnography, hydrography, 
 and kindred topics. Still later, however, as the fruit of many years of dili- 
 gent researches during his leisure hours, a work appeared which entitles him 
 to be numbered among the distinguished historians of his country. It bears 
 the title Histoj'ia Antigua y de la Conquista de Mexico, Mexico, 1880, 8vo, 4 
 vols., pp. ix. 584, 603, 527, 694, and comprises four parts: La Civilizacion, 
 El Hombre Prehistdrico en Mexico, Historia Antigua, and Conquista de Mex- 
 ico, based on the best authorities extant. The first three divisions give an 
 interesting description of the general condition of ancient Mexico and part 
 of Central America, of the rites, religion, social and intellectual standing; the 
 prehistorical inhabitants, their relations to those of the Old World; the his- 
 tory of the difiierent regions, beginning with the early traditions of the Mayas, 
 and ending with the Anahuac empire previous to its overthrow by the Span- 
 iards. Numerous foot-notes are given in support of the text; also interesting 
 bibliographical notices, and essays on ancient laws, taken from unpublished 
 documents, and on hieroglyphic writings and chronology of the Aztecs and 
 Mayas, all of which gives indubitable evidence of the author's painstaking 
 labor. The fourth volume, remarkable, like the third part, for a great num- 
 ber of explanatory notes, begins with the earliest expeditions, from which 
 originated the final conquest of the Mexican empire, and concludes with the 
 departure of Cristobal de Tapia. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the narrative of this eventful period should have 
 been given so largely in extracts, rather than in the author's own words. His 
 interpretations are usually fair, and his criticisms on Prescott and others 
 searching and pertinent. Perhaps for the early part of the conquest he is in- 
 clined to favor unduly the somewhat prejudiced narrative of Las Casas, and 
 the statements of various persons made during the residencia of Cortes are 
 frequently given more credit than they deserve, though here the letters of 
 the conqueror himself and the versions of Bernal Diaz, Herrera, Gomara, and 
 other standard chroniclers have been used, and also the native records. Taken 
 as a whole, it is a work reflecting the highest credit both on the author, and 
 on the government which in just appreciation facilitated its publication. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 1568-1580. 
 
 Temporary Government of the Audiencia — John Hawkins Invades 
 Vera Cruz — His Defeat and Expulsion — Fate of the English 
 Prisoners — Viceroy Martin Enriquez de Almansa — Drake's Oper- 
 ations — Foreign Raids — Yucatan, its Government and Indian 
 Affairs — First Acts of Enriquez — Organization of Military 
 Forces — Campaigns against the Chichimecs — Presidios and Mova- 
 ble Block-houses — Matlalzahuatl Epidemic and its Havoc — Fam- 
 ine—Inundation — Recall of Enriquez — His Government Policy— 
 His Death. 
 
 The tyrannical visitadores having been divested of 
 power, the audiencia resumed the reins of government, 
 and profiting by past experience adopted a mild policy 
 which gradually allayed public fears. With restored 
 confidence the people returned to their vocations, and 
 soon nothing was left to remind them of the late horrors 
 but the black dungeons of Munoz and the pillar on the 
 salt-sown ground where Alonso de Avila's house had 
 stood. This happy state of things continued until the 
 arrival of the fourth viceroy. Previous to the coming 
 of this official, however, there was quite a flutter of 
 excitement at the capital, owing to the seizure of the 
 island of Sacrificios, opposite the castle of San Juan 
 de Ulua, by the famous English corsair, John Haw- 
 kins, with nine armed ships, on the 14th of September, 
 1568.^ Hawkins surprised the garrison and captured 
 the fort. Among the prisoners were the king's treas- 
 urer and factor. He then removed the artillery and 
 
 ^ Miles Philips, one of the men, gives the 16th as the date ef their enter- 
 ing the port. Discourse, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 471. 
 
 637) 
 
638 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 fortified his camp without opposition.^ His ships 
 were much damaged, having been long from home 
 trading on the coasts of Spanish America. Needing 
 water and stores he resolved to take this port, after 
 first securing every vessel in the vicinity, that the 
 people of Vera Cruz might not receive warning of his 
 approach. The gentle pirate was at present fatigued 
 and desired rest. He would hurt no one if left alone. 
 Indeed, he assured the commandant of the port, Her- 
 nando Delgadillo, and the other officials that he 
 intended them no harm, having captured the place 
 only as a matter of form. He wished them to supply 
 him with water and provisions, promising to pay in 
 money and merchandise. The king's officials, how- 
 ever, declined these irregular overtures, and would 
 make no arrangements without orders from Mexico. 
 The audiencia finally agreed to furnish Hawkins what 
 he required on the terms proposed, with the under- 
 standing that none of Hawkins' men should enter 
 Vera Cruz, or leave Sacrificios for the interior. 
 
 Thus all was going on well with Captain Hawkins, 
 who could ride up and down the ocean's highways and 
 rob at pleasure, never waiting for cover of the night, 
 and who now demanded charity from the injured 
 natioD with an air of peace and innocence truly re- 
 freshing. But alas ! the daring navigator was in some 
 way so out of his reckoning that he could not calcu- 
 late his eclipse. His negotiations with the Vera Cruz 
 officials were scarcely ended when a Spanish fleet of 
 thirteen vessels came in sight. The poor pirate was 
 taken at a terrible disadvantage. His cargoes were 
 valued at £1,800,000; he had beached several of his 
 ships for repairs, and was in no humor to kill the 
 people who were coming toward him; yet he must 
 open fire on the Spanish fleet. 
 
 Now it happened that the new arrival had on board 
 
 2 He was * miiy gran soldado y marinero, y en su procecler muy hidalgo; * 
 with him was his relative Francis Drake. Peralta, Not. Hist., 257, and note 
 40. For a full account of the piratical expeditions, see Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 
 this series. 
 
PIRATES AT VERA CRUZ. 
 
 639 
 
 the last appointed viceroy of New Spain, Martin 
 Enriquez de Almansa, knight of Santiago, brother of 
 the marques de Alcanices and the marchioness de 
 Poza. He was, moreover, connected with the highest 
 nobihty of Spain, among whom was the famous duque 
 de Candia, who became the second general of the 
 Jesuits, as successor to Ignatius de Loyola, and after 
 his death was canonized as St Francis Borgia. He bore 
 the reputation of a man of sterling character, whose 
 amiable and charitable disposition^ was united with 
 firmness, and who possessed good administrative abil- 
 ities. Enriquez was much alarmed at seeing his mas- 
 ter's dominion in the hands of a foreigner. He wished 
 to bring the fleet into port; he had been long confined 
 on shipboard and he desired to land. Moreover he 
 had come to rule at Mexico, and not to be shot at 
 Vera Cruz. Hence, when Hawkins sent the Spanish 
 commander word that he had no intention of inflicting 
 injury on any one, least of all on honest and courteous 
 Spanish gentlemen ; that he had only fired from habit, 
 or by way of bull-dog salute; that he had permission 
 of the audiencia to purchase at that port certain neces- 
 saries; and that as soon as his ships were repaired 
 he would gladly depart — Enriquez listened. The 
 commander answered bluntly that he would hold no 
 intercourse whatever with Hawkins until he should 
 be allowed peaceably to enter the port.* Enriquez, 
 however, who thought a viceroy's wits should equal at 
 least those of a pirate, was quite ready to enter into 
 negotiations. Then Hawkins said that if the Span- 
 iards would pledge him their honor and good faith to 
 permit him to depart in peace as soon as he should 
 have completed his repairs, they might enter unmo- 
 lested. The viceroy agreed, and an exchange of host- 
 
 ^ During his residence in Mexico he won himself the name of a good 
 Christian, giving alms to the poor without ostentation. Peralta, Not. Hist., 
 270; Torquemada, i. 638; Mex., Not. Ciudad, 70; Datos Biog., in Cartas de 
 Indias, 754-5. He was very strict, and exalted the viceregal office, which till 
 his time had been a plain, unassuming one. Torquemada, i. 647. 
 
 * ' En lo demas le hariaa comodidad y le despacharian. ' Peralta, Not, 
 Hist., 263. 
 
640 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 ages was made. Hawkins selected ten of his chief 
 officers and sent them elegantly attired to the Spanish 
 flag-ship/ The viceroy dressed up as gentlemen an 
 equal number of men of the lowest class and de- 
 spatched them to Hawkins' quarters. After the stip- 
 ulations had been concluded and proclaimed, the 
 Spaniards entered the port, and the two fleets, as 
 Hawkins tells us, saluted one another, according to 
 naval custom.^ 
 
 This was the 24th of September. All right now, 
 thought Hawkins: the word of a Spanish nobleman 
 is as good as his bond, if either is worth anything. 
 Agustin de Villanueva Cervantes, however, he of 
 whom I have often spoken in connection with the 
 late troubles of Mexico, and who was now a prisoner 
 in the hands of the English, well knowing the quality 
 of Spanish honor and good faith when pledged to a 
 pirate, on seeing the kind of hostages given by his 
 countrymen, trembled for his own safety, it being evi- 
 dent that the Spaniards were determined on treachery. 
 Yet when Hawkins for some purpose sent to the 
 Spanish commander Robert Barret, master of one of 
 his vessels, a gentleman of fine appearance, and one 
 who understood Castilian, and he did not return be- 
 cause the viceroy detained him, Hawkins' suspicions 
 were not even then aroused, for he thought that 
 Barret perhaps had been kept to dinner. Presently, 
 however, he was enlightened, as there slowly dropped 
 down upon him a Spanish store-ship, passing the line 
 agreed upon beyond which no vessel of the viceroy's 
 fleet was to cross, and opened a lively fire on his camp. 
 Turning to the Spanish hostages, whg^ expected to be 
 immediately cut in pieces, he asked with an air of 
 injured innocence, ^^Is this the way Spaniards keep 
 their word?" Then to Villanueva, "I tell you this 
 act of your commander will cost your people more 
 
 ^Peralta, Not. Hist., 265, says he knew two of the officers, one being a 
 relative of the earl of York, and the other a connection of the queen. 
 ^Hawkins, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 624. 
 
ESCAPE OF HAWKINS. 
 
 641 
 
 than all my ships and their contents are worth." 
 And he made good his word, though I doubt not he 
 would have robbed and murdered all the same in any 
 event. Other vessels followed closely the store-ship; 
 Hawkins brought all his guns to bear, and a bloody 
 engagement ensued, in which there was great loss of 
 life on both sides. The Englishmen had the better 
 of it for a time, it was said, and until the Spaniards 
 employed against them fire-ships. The actual position 
 of the English vessels, how many were on the beach, 
 and how many afloat, is not stated; but it is certain 
 that after all the depredations of the Spaniards there 
 were two left, the flag-ship Minion and the Judith^ on 
 board of which took refuge those of the remnant of 
 the English force who were able in the end to eflfect 
 their escape. About three hundred thus saved them- 
 selves. Hawkins left the Spanish hostages unharmed, 
 knowing that if he killed them his own, worth ten to 
 one of the others, must die also. Luckily the flag- 
 ship, which carried all the silver and the most valu- 
 able goods, was not destroyed, and on her Hawkins 
 made his escape through a passage between reefs, 
 where no vessel had ever been before, followed by 
 the Judith^ in command of Francis Drake. In his 
 camp were taken many English prisoners, but in the 
 captured vessels only negroes, of whom there were 
 many. These were distributed among the captors, 
 and afterward sold at the rate of three hundred ducats 
 each. The store-ship that headed the attack was de- 
 stroyed; also some other Spanish vessels, and quite a 
 number of soldiers on ship-board perished.^ 
 
 ' ' Two great shippes of the Spaniards sunke, and one burnt. * The Span- 
 iards could not do much harm with their ships, but did much havoc with the 
 artillery of the English. The Minion shifted for herself, and Hawkins with 
 great difl&culty got on her; most of the men on the Jesus followed the Minim 
 in the boat, and those who could not were slain. Of the ships only the Min- 
 ion, John Hampton master, and the Judith, of 50 tons, commanded by Fran- 
 cis Drake, got away. All the English that were not slain or did not manage 
 to escape were taken prisoners, and cruelly treated. Some who were 
 captured on shore, * they tooke and hung them up by the armes upon high 
 postes until the blood burst out of their fingers' ends.' Of those sufferers 
 one Copeton and others, when the narrator wrote his account, were still 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 41 
 
642 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 The Enghsh prisoners were forwarded to Mexico, 
 where they arrived wounded and in sorry pHght. 
 Being protestants, and therefore profane, the govern- 
 ment confined them in a house outside the sacred pre- 
 cincts of the city. A few boys among them were 
 sent to convents to be converted. Some time after- 
 ward, at the petition of certain persons in Mexico, a 
 few of the prisoners were distributed.^ 
 
 A few months later there were brought to Mexico 
 
 living in England, bearing on tlieir persons the marks of the cruelties they 
 had suffered at the hands of the Spaniards. Philips' Discourse, in Haklvyt's 
 Vov., iii. 472-3. According to John Hortop, one of the expedition, the 
 Spanish vice-admiral's ship had most of 300 men killed or blown overboard 
 with powder. The admiral's was also on fire half an hour, and was struck 
 over 60 times; many of her men were killed and wounded; four other Span- 
 ish ships were sunk. The number of fighting men that came in the Spanish 
 fleet, and that joined them from the mainland, made together 1,500, of 
 whom 540 were slain, as ajjpeared in a letter sent to Mexico. Captain Bland 
 attempted to sail out with his ship, but her main-mast was struck down; he 
 then with his men took to the pinnace, set fire to his vessel, and went on 
 board the Jesus to join Hawkins, whom he told that he had intended to run 
 back and attempt to fire the Spanish fleet. Night came on, when Hawkins 
 ordered the Minion to come under the lee of the Jesus, and Drake to come in 
 with the J udith, and lay the Minion aboard to take in men and everything 
 needful, and to go out, which was done. As soon as the wind came off the 
 shore Hawkins set sail and passed out of the port. He went in search of the 
 Panuco River. From want of provisions the men suffered, and became dis- 
 satisfied. Finally a portion of them were landed with some money and a 
 quantity of Rouen cloth. Hortop' s Trauailes, in HaUvyt's Voy., iii. 487-91. 
 Another account has it that Viceroy Enriquez landed, and went on to Mexico 
 without fear of fraud on the part of the English. But Lujan, who com- 
 manded the fleet, believed them to be pirates, when he saw the number that 
 with arms in their hands ran about the streets; he then ordered a charge upon 
 the crowd on the beach, which caused a great slaughter among them, and his 
 ships opened fire upon those of the enemy, who, while unprepared for a fight, 
 made a brave defence. During the action the famous Francis Drake escaped, 
 and embarking on a ship that held the greater part of the gold plundered 
 by those pirates, he hurriedly fled to the ocean. Hawkins resisted des- 
 perately almost the whole day, until convinced that he could hold out no 
 longer he set fire to his flag-ship, and under cover of the darkness fled in the 
 vice-admiral's ship, which was followed by another, leaving the rest of his 
 squadron to become a prize to the Spaniards. Maixh y Labor es, Hist. Marina, 
 ii. 310. The other authorities that I have seen, including Hawkins, and 
 excepting Panes, are agreed that Viceroy Enriquez conducted the negotiations 
 with, and the military operations against, Hawkins, before departing for 
 Mexico. Icazbalceta leans to the belief that Enriquez had departed for the 
 capital within seven days after his arrival at Vera Cruz, and that it was the 
 general of the fleet who ordered and directed the attack. Doc. Hist., in Soc. 
 Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., ii. 498. Hawkins uses these words: 'With a 
 writing from the viceroy signed with his hande and sealed with his seale of 
 all the conditions concluded.' In Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 523. 
 
 ^ ' Yo lleve a mi casa seis, entrellos el que dizian era pariente de la reyna 
 y el maestro; tilvelos muchos dias, y 9ierto que lo de nobles se les echaba 
 bien de ver.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 271. 
 
FAIE OF THE PIRATES. 643 
 
 from tlie port of Pdnuco upward of one hundred En- 
 glishmen, who had been captured in a hostile region 
 by the people of the country. Singularly enough 
 they were of those who had fled with Hawkins on his 
 flag-ship. When after his narrow escape the English- 
 man had reached a point twenty-five leagues north of 
 Pdnuco Kiver, he found his overloaded ship in danger 
 of sinking. So he landed one hundred and fifty men, 
 among whom were Miles Philips and Job Hortop, 
 and twenty boys, besides a considerable portion of the 
 cargo. It was the 8th of October. The men were 
 furnished with arms, and directed to stay there until 
 Hawkins could return for them with seaworthy ves- 
 sels. Thence he went to England.^ 
 
 After much suflering from hunger and diseases, 
 and losses at the hands of natives, the men left by 
 Hawkins concluded to change their quarters. Turning 
 southward they marched seven days and nights till 
 they reached Panuco, in a deplorable condition. There 
 a force came out against them, to which they oflered 
 no resistance. It is said that the captors treated them 
 more cruelly,^'^ and finally sent them to Mexico to 
 join their former comrades. 
 
 ' ' Este, dizen, fue el pringipio del Draque, a quien ayudd con dineros para 
 venir a vengar el agravio que los espanoles le abian hecho.' Peralta, Not. 
 Hist., 272. March y Labores, Hist. Marina, ii. 310, in this connection says 
 that the ship which followed Hawkins went to pieces in the Panuco River, 
 and her crew of 70 men was taken to Mexico and humanely treated. Haw- 
 kins, after losing many of his shipmates, from wounds and hunger, escaped 
 through the Bahama Channel between Florida and the Lucayas, and sorrow- 
 stricken, arrived in England, where Drake had preceded him. As a climax 
 to his misfortunes he could not recover from Drake any portion of the gold 
 intrusted to him. There was little honor among these thieves. Drake 
 thought he could better employ it in fitting out the vessels wherewith he 
 became afterward the terror of the Spanish American coasts in both the At- 
 lantic and Pacific seas. If there be truth in the latter part of this statement, 
 time must have obliterated in Hawkins all ill feeling toward Drake, for in 
 1595 they planned a joint expedition against the Spanish colonies in America, 
 mentioned above by Peralta, and of which an account is given elsewhere. 
 See, also, Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 85-9; Datos Biog., in 
 Cartas de Indias, 754. 
 
 * Atandoles las manos y llevandolos al pueblo atropellando con los 
 caballos . . . los metieron en cargeles y prisiones, y dieron a uno d a dos tor- 
 mento.' Peralta, Not. Hist., 274-5. Hortop, one of the party, says nothing 
 of cruel treatment at Panuco. But he does state that the viceroy in Mexico 
 wanted to hang them, and was dissuaded from it. Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 492. 
 
644 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ- 
 
 Several of the members of Hawkins' expedition 
 
 under the tender mercies of the inquisition, after it 
 was formally established there, and made to undergo 
 most terrible suffering a number were burned to 
 death. What could savages do more ? 
 
 They were followed within a year by Job Hortop and several others. 
 After escaping death by shipwreck and hanging, the latter were surrendered 
 to the casa de contratacion of Seville. Hortop's Trauailes, in Halclvyt's Voy., 
 iii. 494. 
 
 ^2 Of the prisoners in Spain, Barret, Hortop, Gilbert, and two others out 
 of seven, who had attempted to escape, were retaken. After horrible cruel- 
 ties, Barret and Gilbert were burned alive, and the others sentenced to diflfer- 
 ent terms of service in the galleys; Hortop served 12 years in the galleys 
 and seven more of common imprisonment, till 1590, when he made his 
 escape to England. The others in Mexico were kept in close solitary con- 
 finement about 18 months, and tortured on the rack, or otherwise tor- 
 mented. Several died under the inflictions. Finally the day of their trial 
 arrived, when they were carried to the court wearing sambenitos, a rope 
 round the neck, a taper in the hand, and there sentenced, one to receive 
 300 lashes on the bare back and 10 years in the galleys, the rest to be 
 given from 200 to 100 lashes, and service in the galleys from eight to six 
 years. A few, among them Miles Philips, escaped the lash, but had to serve 
 in the convents from three to five years, wearing the sambenitos. Three were 
 sentenced to death by burning, and suffered their penalty publicly. The flog- 
 gings above spoken of were inflicted on good Friday, in 1575. The victims 
 were paraded through the principal streets on horseback, and called English 
 dogs, Lutherans, heretics, enemies of God, and the like. The stripes were 
 laid on with all the fierceness that bigotry and brutality could prompt. Later 
 they were sent to the galleys of Spain. Philips and six companions served 
 only part of their terms, and managed to escape to Spain, and thence to 
 England. Horto'p's Trauailes, in Halclvyt^s Voy., iii. 494; Philip's Discourse, 
 in Id. , iii. 479-87. Spanish historians, with the exception of Juan Suarez de 
 Peralta, from whose apparently impartial account I have copiously drawn, 
 and March y Labores, whose information is meagre and evidently biassed by 
 a spirit of nationality, have omitted to give a detailed narrative of Hawkins' 
 visit to Vera Cruz. One of the Spanish writers, who could not have been 
 ignorant of the particulars, disposes of the subject in a few words: 'Llegd al 
 puerto de San Juan de Ulva' — Viceroy Enriquez — 'dondo tuvo dares, y toma- 
 res con vn ingles llamado Juan de Acle.' Torquemada, i. 638. Another gives 
 Hawkins' name in one place Juan de Aquines, and in another Jaun de Aqui- 
 nes Acle. He is not very positive as to the number of ships on either side, 
 and disposes of the whole thing in a very off-hand manner: *Lo desbarat6 y 
 ech6 de la Isla.' Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 10; Id., Teatro Mex., 77. This last 
 writer, however, adds that the 200 prisoners were sent to the Santa Marta 
 quarries to work in getting stone for Mexico, which does not exactly bear out 
 the assertion of March y Labores that the prisoners from Panuco were treated 
 'con humanidad.' Another misnames the English chief Jaween. Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 150. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 188, speaks of the viceroy's 
 course in the matter as one that did honor to the inception of his rule. The 
 name of Aquines is clearly a corruption of Hawkins, Juan Aquines Acle 
 meaning perhaps John Hawkins, Esquire! See, also, Icazhalceta, Doc. Hist., in 
 Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletm, 2da ^p., ii. 493. Luther-loving corsairs and smug- 
 glers in whom no faith could be placed deserve to have little said of them. A 
 
ADVENTURES OF FRANCIS DRAKE. 
 
 645 
 
 Life on the ocean; how glorious it was all along 
 through the sixteenth century ! So little of the world 
 was known; all was so magnificently strange; one might 
 at any moment stumble upon pearl islands, golden 
 shores, Amazon lands, and life-restoring waters. And 
 then morals were so easy, and liberty iso broad. Talk 
 about the iron inquisition, the coercion of opinion, 
 and the restrictions laid on commerce. Were there 
 not islands and continents, wealthy, defenceless places, 
 that the strong might rob, and have the learned and 
 pious to find excuses for them in return for a share? 
 And then might not the robbers be righteously robbed ; 
 just as the big fish eat the little fish, to the eternal 
 glory of the creator? Such was the order of things, 
 and Francis Drake availed himself of his high priv- 
 ileges. Narrowly escaping with his head from Vera 
 Cruz in 1568, in 1572 he successfully attempted the 
 capture of some silver on its way from Vera Cruz to 
 Nombre de Dios. He also attacked the latter town 
 and obtained a little plunder, after which he sailed for 
 England. A few years later he fitted out an expedi- 
 tion at Falmouth, and sailed in December 1577 to 
 pick up what he could find of anybody's property any- 
 where. In 1578, after having played havoc on the 
 Spaniards in the south Atlantic, he entered the Pa- 
 cific, captured vessels off the Central American coast, 
 and about the middle of April made his appearance 
 in the Golden Hind at Huatulco, in Oajaca, which 
 place he sacked.^* This accomplished, he sailed the 
 
 modern Mexican writer has accused Hawkins of depredations in Vera Cruz: 
 ' Ecsigiendo fuertes tributos a sus habitantes, y aun saqueando las principales 
 casas de comercio.' Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes Hist. V. Cruz, 264. I cannot 
 find the authority on which he bases his assertion. As a matter of fact, the 
 English had neither time before, nor opportunity after, the arrival of the 
 Spanish fleet to sack the town. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 44, merely says that 
 Enriquez dislodged from Sacrificios some English corsairs that had occupied 
 it to injure vessels arriving and departing. 
 13 DroM's Life, 6, 7. 
 
 1* ' Not forgetting to take with them a Pot as big as a Bushel full of Ryals 
 of Plate, with a Chain of Gold, and other Jewels that they found in the Town. * 
 Id., 106. Cooke's account, Drake's World Encompassed, 183, says they also 
 took away two negroes of three that were being tried, on Drake's arrival, for 
 an attempt to burn the town- 
 
646 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 next day for the north, with a view of discovering a 
 northern passage to the Atlantic. Finding that im- 
 possible, he returned south, crossed to the Asiatic sea, 
 doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and in November 
 1580 reached Plymouth, England. Besides his ser- 
 vices to his country on European coasts, and at the 
 destruction of the invincible armada, Drake made other 
 voyages to the Spanish main after booty. So that it 
 may be safely said that the punishment inflicted on 
 Hawkins and Drake in 1568 at Vera Cruz was effect- 
 ively avenged on Spain and her subjects. 
 
 French pirates also made raids on the coasts of New 
 Spain,^^ notably that of Yucatan. In 1561 the French 
 attacked the town of Campeche and plundered it, doing 
 also other damage; but they were soon after driven 
 away and the plunder was recovered. Soon after- 
 ward came rumors of fresh preparations by the French 
 for a descent. The governor, Diego de Santillan, on 
 receipt of orders from the crown to be on the watch 
 for a powerful expedition, which, according to a report 
 from the Spanish ambassador at Paris, was fitting out 
 to raid upon the Spanish coasts in the Indies, lost no 
 time in visiting all the ports within his government, 
 and making every possible preparation to meet the 
 filibusters, should they come. Some part of the ex- 
 pedition, if not the whole of it, made its appearance 
 off the coast, for in May 1571 some Frenchmen landed 
 at the port of Sisal, and meeting with no resistance, 
 they went as far as the town of Hunucma, four leagues 
 inland and on the road to Merida. There being none 
 bat the natives to oppose them, they secured the 
 plaza, and then plundered the Franciscan convent of 
 
 Drake's acts against Spain, her American colonies and commerce, are 
 fully detailed in Hist. Cent. Am., ii., of this series. 
 
 ^•^It may be that Spain invited aggression. June 6, 1556, the crown for- 
 bade its subjects to trade with French corsairs under heavy penalties. Puga, 
 Ceduhirio, 187. Apprehensions of French encroachments had existed since 
 1541, and the court then adopted measures to meet the emergency. Florida, 
 Col. Doc, 103-11, 114-18. 
 
 ^^The king was in 1566 asked for protection against 'los enemigos fran- 
 ceses luteranos ' and other possible assailants. Carta del Cdbildo al Rey, in 
 Cartas de Indias, 397. 
 
FILIBUSTERS IN YUCATAN. 
 
 647 
 
 its silver plate and ornaments/^ and committed other 
 outrages. They did not venture farther into the in- 
 terior, but took the cacique and other chiefs away for 
 ransom. The news reached Merida, whereupon the 
 governor at once despatched to Hunucma Captain 
 Juan Arevalo de Loaisa with a company of soldiers, 
 who on arrival found that the raiders had already 
 retired with the plunder and prisoners to their ship, 
 and put to sea. The Spaniards followed the coast, 
 and guarded the port eighteen days, the enemy stand- 
 ing off, though in sight. Upon reporting this to the 
 governor, Arevalo and Juan Garzon were ordered to 
 embark on a vessel in pursuit; seeing which, the 
 enemy went away to the island of Cozumel. The 
 governor then despatched against them Gomez de 
 Castrillo, one of the old conquerors of Yucatan, who 
 approached the island cautiously, surprised the French, 
 and after a hard fight in which many were killed, the 
 Spaniards took the remainder prisoners. This hap- 
 pened on the eve of corpus christi. Castrillo took 
 his prisoners and the rescued silver to Merida, thence 
 sending the Frenchmen to Mexico, where the govern- 
 ment did not deal leniently with them.^^ 
 
 In 1575 English filibusters landed on the coast 
 near Merida, marched into the interior as far as the 
 town of Dzmul, and after sacking, set fire to the 
 place. In 1596 William Parker, or Park, after leav- 
 ing his ship at anchor six leagues from Campeche, 
 landed with a force of fifty-six men, as he affirmed, 
 from a pirogue, at 3 A. m., near the convent of San 
 Francisco, and took the town. Some of the inhabi- 
 
 ' Franceses hereges . . . profanaron el Santo Caliz, bebiendo sacrilegamente 
 en el y vltrajaron las imagines.' CogoUndo, Hist. Yuc, 334. 
 
 It was said that in Mexico ' auian quemado algunos por Luteranos. ' 
 CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, 334. Some of the prisoners were Calvinists. Ancona, 
 Hbit. Yuc, ii. 94^6. Such raiders, when their governments were at war with 
 that of Spain, claimed to be privateers, and were protected by the laws of 
 nations. But if their sovereigns were at peace then they were pirates and 
 treated as such, that is to say, hanged. In 1572 was captured at Campeche 
 and hanged at Vera Cruz, in San Juan de Ulua, the famous freebooter, the 
 Count de Santi Estevan. Carrillo, OrUjen de Behce, in Soc Mex. Geog., Boktin, 
 3a ep., iv. 257, 261. 
 
648 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 tants escaped, and some were taken prisoners. But 
 the former soon rallied, and by 10 o'clock fell upon the 
 raiders,^^ whose commander, luckily for the town, was 
 severely wounded, and several of his men were killed. 
 Indeed, it would have gone hard with him had he 
 not bound his prisoners arm to arm, and used them 
 as a barricade, under cover of which to retreat to his 
 boat.^^ He then boarded a Spanish vessel laden with 
 goods and the king's tribute in silver, and took all 
 the valuables, worth £5,000 to his ship. The maraud- 
 ers after that visited an Indian town, where they 
 captured a quantity of logwood. They then departed ; 
 but were not long afterward overhauled by two Span- 
 ish armed ships, when one of their vessels, with a 
 captain Hess and thirteen others, was taken, the cap- 
 tives being executed. 
 
 In 1597 a powerful British squadron made a descent 
 on the island of Cozumel, and held it for a time, but, 
 finding the Spaniards prepared for defence, it was 
 obliged to withdraw.^'^ A second attempt in 1606 
 and a third in 1601 failed. In 1602 a Spanish vessel 
 was captured. No further attacks were made for 
 several years. 
 
 Before closing with Yucatan I will give briefly the 
 history of the province during the second half of the 
 sixteenth century. Under the present government 
 was an area of about one hundred leagues from east 
 
 2" It is claimed that there were 500 Spaniards in the place, and in two 
 towns close by 8,000 Indians. Parker, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 602-3. The 
 estimate of the former was doubtless an error, for the Spanish population was 
 then small. 
 
 The filibusters ungenerously told the Spaniards that their townsman, 
 Juan Venturate, had been their guide. Without other evidence the nxan was 
 sentenced to death. One author says he was shot on the spot; another that 
 he ' con tenazas encendias fu6 despedazado; ' a third has it, ' a morir atena- 
 zado.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 420, 422; Calero, in Dice. Univ., x. 790; Ancona, 
 Hist. Yuc, ii. 133; Yuc. Estad., 1853, 248-9. 
 
 22 A party of English freebooters on the 4th of March, 1597, landed at 
 Cape Catoche, and burned all the establishments and houses of the flourishing 
 town of Chancenote, having first plundered it. Carrillo, Origen de Belice, 
 in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3a ep., iv. 258. 
 
 23 gy ^jjQ coast of Campeche had become a general rendezvous and 
 hiding-place for English and Butch pirates. Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 131-6. 
 
ANNALS OF YUCATAN. 
 
 649 
 
 to west, including all the peninsula, together with 
 Tabasco, and narrowing to twenty-five leagues in 
 width in the south-western part."* 
 
 The civil government, after Adelantado Montejo's 
 departure for Spain, and the discontinuance of his 
 privileges, was in charge of alcaldes may ores, provided 
 first by the audiencia of Mexico, next by that of Los 
 Confines, and then again by that of Mexico, em- 
 bracing the period between 1550 and 1561, till the 
 arrival of Doctor Quijada"^ on the 10th of January, 
 1562, commissioned direct from the crown. The rule 
 of this official was one of continued trouble with 
 his subjects and the church about encomiendas and 
 alleged ill treatment of the Indians by the friars. 
 Complaints were lodged against him at court, and 
 though he had been appointed for six years, a succes- 
 sor presented himself in Merida when Quijada least 
 expected him. History has no great virtue nor vice 
 to attach to his name. He was succeeded by Luis 
 
 2* There were in it, toward the end of this period, five towns of Spaniards, 
 namely, the city of Merida, the capital of the civil and episcopal govern- 
 ments, with from 300 to 400 vecinos, a cathedral, and a Franciscan convent; 
 the villa de Valladolid, or Vallid, with some 50 vecinos, a parish church, and 
 a convent of Franciscans. In this and the preceding there were some Mex- 
 icans that came with the conquerors; the villa de San Francisco de Campeche, 
 with about 80 vecinos; the villa de Salamanca, near the gulf of Honduras, 
 with about 20 vecinos; and Victoria de Tabasco, with about 50 vecinos. The 
 number of principal Indian towns was about 200, besides the smaller ones 
 under them. In 15G3 the total number of tribute-payers was officially com- 
 puted at 50,000. Quixada, Carta al Bey, in Cartas de Indias, 386-7. Tabas- 
 co's large population at the time of the conqviest had become reduced to 
 about 1,000 tributaries in the latter part of the century. Mex. Informes, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xv. 453-7. 
 
 2^ The following were the alcaldes may ores, in the order given: 1. Gaspar 
 Juarez de Avila, sent out about 1552 from Mexico, who ruled some two years. 
 During his term there came from Peru a number of Gonzalo Pizarro's rebels, 
 who^ committed some depredations, but were finally captured and punished. 
 2. Alvaro de Caravajal, appointed from Guatemala, served from 1554 to 
 1558. 3. Alonso Ortiz de Argeta, or Argueta, who ruled about 18 months. 
 
 4. Juan de Paredes, who governed two years. Jofre de Loaisa came from the 
 Audiencia de Los Confines as visitador, and the government reverted to the 
 alcalde of Merida in 1562. There are a few discrepancies in the authorities 
 about the respective periods of service, which are of no special importance. 
 
 5. Doctor Diego de Quijada. Paredes, Pel., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, xiv. 201; Coyolludo, H/M. Yuc, 322; Castilla, Dice Hist. Yuc, i. 69. 
 Tabasco was many years governed directly from Yucatan, till the king ap- 
 pointed an alcalde mayor for that district; but even then the governor of 
 Yucatan retained a certain authority over that officer. Cojolludo, Hist. Yuc, 
 225; Ponce, Pel, in Col. Doc Inid., Iviii. 453. 
 
650 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 Cespedes de Oviedo, the first of the Spanish nobihty 
 sent to rule the peninsula, with the title of governor. 
 He added no honor to his name or station. The power 
 of the ruler was made superior to what it had been 
 under the alcaldes may ores, even to the appointing of 
 a lieutenant-general letmdo, or one versed in law.^^ 
 
 The acts of the several governors present little of 
 general interest. With rare exceptions they were in 
 a chronic state of dissension with the church, arising 
 from the undue assumption of power by the friars or 
 the episcopal authority, and at times with the enco- 
 menderos in regard to the tenure of their Indians. 
 The same troubles were experienced here on this sub- 
 ject as in Mexico. Of the first governor, Cespedes, 
 it was said, however, that by his malignant tongue he 
 had created ill feeling in the community, and particu- 
 larly between the ayuntamiento of Merida and the 
 bishop. 
 
 26 The following is a list of the governors to the end of the century and 
 the respective terms, in the order they are named: Luis Cespedes de Oviedo, 
 1565-71; Diego de Santillan, 1571-2, who resigned the office in disgust, 
 and was sent to a better position; Francisco Velazquez Guijon, 1572-7; 
 Guillen de las Casas, 1577-83; Francisco Solis, otherwise appearing as 
 Francisco Sales Osorio, formerly governor of Porto Rico, 1583-6; Antonio 
 de Voz Mediano, against the four years' term, 1586-93; Alonso Ordonez de 
 Nevares, 1593 to July 7, 1594, when he died, and Diego de la Cerda waa 
 appointed by the ayuntamiento of Merida alcalde and justicia mayor to hold 
 the government ad interim; Carlos de Samano y Quinones, appointed by the 
 viceroy of Mexico, ruled from June 15, 1596, to 1597; Diego Fernandez de 
 Velasco, a son of the conde de Niebla, 1597 to August 11, 1604. Cogolludo, 
 Hist. Yuc, 338-442; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 80-130. 
 
 A word with regard Fray Diego Lopez de CogoUudo, author of Historia 
 de Yucathan, Madrid, 1688, 1 vol. fol., 760 pages, so often quoted in this 
 history. He was one of the old monkish chroniclers who carefully recorded 
 every circumstance, however minute, that came to their knowledge. His 
 history begins with the conquest and is brought down to 1655, He was a 
 Franciscan friar and filled high positions of his order in the province of Yuca- 
 tan. His facilities for acquiring facts on the civil and religious history of 
 that country were great. The results of his researches among the papers of 
 the different Franciscan convents are very valuable, for except the govern- 
 ment archives there are no other records of Yucatan aflfairs. He had access 
 to those archives also, and frequently made use of them. At the time he 
 consulted them both sets of documents must have been, to a certain extent, 
 incomplete, for not infrequently he speaks of his inability to fix dates, not- 
 withstanding a careful search. The work is therefore both valuable and re- 
 liable, although some allowance must be made for the prejudices of a Fran- 
 ciscan in favor of his order when he describes the differences that frequently 
 existed between it and the episcopal authority, and constantly between the 
 church in»,general, and his order in particular, and the civil power. 
 
 ^' Toral, Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 242-5; Mdrida, Carta del 
 
OIDOR LOPEZ. 
 
 651 
 
 Governor Santillan's short term deserves a passing 
 notice. To his efficiency was due the defence of the 
 territory at the critical period described elsewhere in 
 this chapter. He left a good name in the country. 
 The chief Spanish authority was aided in the several 
 districts, at first by the caciques subject to his com- 
 mission, and in later times by such officials as the 
 chief provincial ruler appointed, and by the respective 
 local alcaldes and ayuntamientos. The code of laws 
 under which they ruled and administered justice was 
 strict and harsh; flogging and branding for adultery, 
 bigamy, and other offences were in order. Religious 
 rites were never neglected. 
 
 It is said that the natives in many localities, not- 
 withstanding all the efforts of the government and 
 church toward their conversion, still clung to their 
 idolatrous rites. Little progress would have been 
 attained but for the timely arrival in 1552 of Oidor 
 Tomas Lopez, sent as visitador by the audiencia of 
 Guatemala. He enacted in the king's name certain 
 laws for the protection of the natives from abuse by 
 the secular authorities, enjoining on the Spaniards, 
 particularly the encomenderos, the conduct proper 
 among themselves, and toward the natives, for whose 
 government special rules were laid down. The code, 
 taken as a whole, was a confused mixture of civil and 
 religious prescripts, in which the missionaries were 
 given an undue authority over the natives, and even 
 a superiority over the encomenderos. It authorized 
 them to lower the tributes, placed the friars over the 
 caciques, making them the official advisers of the 
 ayuntamientos; in a word, the civil authorities were 
 l^owerless to adopt any action without the consent of 
 the friars. His ordinances on police and other civil 
 
 2^ The salaries now paid by the king were as follows: governor, 1,000 
 pesos de minas, equivalent to 1,200 dollars, and 500 ducats for contingent 
 expenses; teniente general, 500 ducats; contador and treasurer, 200,000 mara- 
 vedls each. A number of the best encomiendas becoming vacant reverted to 
 the crown. Calle, Mem. y. Not., 84-5. In 1571 the people suffered severely 
 from famine. Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 173. 
 
652 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 matters were, however, very beneficial to the natives, 
 who were to be taught to raise cattle and learn trades. 
 But there was one injunction, which, though well 
 meant, tended ito isolate the Mayas from the other 
 races in the country, namely, that negroes, mestizos, 
 and even Spaniards might not settle in the native 
 towns, or mix with the inhabitants in passing through 
 them.^^ During Governor Solis' term a cacique of 
 Campeche, named Don Francisco, revolted. Solis 
 marched against him, and captured him and two of his 
 lieutenants, who were tried, convicted, and executed. 
 
 In 1583 Oidor Diego Garcia de Palacio came to 
 Yucatan clothed with plenary powers from the audi- 
 encia of Mexico, as visitador for Yucatan, Cozumel, 
 and Tabasco. He was to act independently of the 
 governor, and to correct existing abuses, chiefly those 
 against the natives, and which tended to keep alive in 
 them the spirit of discontent. It is said that he acted 
 with much prudence and to the satisfaction of the 
 ftudiencia. Some Indian chiefs, accused of relapse into 
 idolatry, he sentenced to hard labor in Habana and 
 San Juan de Ulua. One of those assigned to the last- 
 named place, Andres Cocom, escaped and took refuge 
 in the forests of Campeche. Here he incited the 
 natives to revolt, calling himself king and exacting- 
 tributes. The governor hastened to the spot with his 
 lieutenant and a strong force. Cocom and his chiefs 
 were taken and put to death, whereupon peace was 
 restored. In 1597 Juan de Contreras made a second 
 raid on Contoy Island, aided by Juan Chan, cacique 
 of Chancenote, and his people, to bring away some 
 fugitives and idolaters.^*^ The same year Palomar, lieu- 
 tenant-governor, sentenced to death the chief, Andres 
 Chi, who had been acting the part of a new Moses 
 
 29 That system, which later obtained the royal sanction, added to other 
 measures, perpetuated the antipathy so natural between the conquering race 
 and the conquered. 'Fue un obstaculo constante para su amalgamiento. ' 
 Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 74. Lopez' ordinances may be found in CogoUudo, 
 Hist. Yuc, 292-305. 
 
 '^^ His first expedition, also successful, was in 1592. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc. 
 409. 
 
RETURN OF VICEROY TO SPAIN. 
 
 653 
 
 with the view of bringing about the independence of 
 the region of Nachi Cocom, but his scheme failed, and 
 he became a victim of the ruthless European. 
 
 The decree of Governor Mediano, that no advance 
 exceeding twelve reals should be made to any native, 
 was made stronger by Governor Ordonez, who ordered 
 that no advance whatever should be allowed. The 
 measure met with much opposition, but the governor 
 refused to repeal his order. The enforcement of it was 
 indeed necessary, because under the then existing sys- 
 tem the Indians would receive advances from several 
 speculators at once, and when the time came they 
 could not pay; and to avoid the consequences they 
 would either hide in the woods or emigrate to Peten, 
 and never return. With all these drawbacks the busi- 
 ness had been a profitable one, and its suppression 
 caused a great excitement, which ended in a manner 
 unexpected. Governor Ordonez expired on the 7th 
 of July, 1594. 
 
 Fernandez de Bracamonte discovered the indigo 
 plant in Yucatan in 1550, and the Spaniards soon 
 devoted themselves to its cultivation, as a staple for 
 trade.^^ 
 
 The natives held in encomienda by the king in 1551 
 yielded only three thousand pesos de minas yearly, 
 and the expenses of collection slightly exceeded that 
 amount. 
 
 Scrofulous maladies had become wide-spread among 
 
 This advance was given the Indians as the value of several products 
 to be delivered at the time they gathered the crops, or at the time agreed on. 
 The A^alue was rated by the speculators very low, on the pretext that they 
 had to wait one or two years to be reimbursed; hence the misery of the 
 natives became greater with every year. The governor's measure raised a 
 great clamor, and he was accused by the speculators, in which they are par- 
 tially supported by Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 413, of attempting te kill by fam- 
 ine the 'pobres espanoles,' who had no other means of obtaining a livelihood. 
 Ancona, Hist. Ytcc, ii. 126. 
 
 It flourished several years under royal encouragement; but later it was 
 made to appear that the preparation was injurious to the health of the 
 natives, whereupon the king forbade the employment of them at the indigo- 
 works. The cultivation thereafter was continued only upon a small scale. 
 Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 375. 
 
 ^^The collection was very difficult. Paredes, JRel, in Packeco &nd Carde- 
 nas, Col. Doc, xiv. X93-200. 
 
654 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 the natives, and could not be eradicated. The Indians 
 called them castellanzoh, accusing the Spaniards of 
 having imported them.^* According to a report of the 
 Franciscan comisario, there was in 1588, at Mani, a 
 hospital at which sufferers from scrofula and other 
 diseases were attended by a brotherhood.^^ 
 
 After having given orders for the better protection 
 of Vera Cruz, Viceroy Enriquez de Almansa pro- 
 ceeded to the city of Mexico on the 5th of November, 
 1568, and at once took formal possession of his office 
 with the usual pomp and royal display. He had 
 entered the capital with some suspicion caused by 
 certain reports sent to Spain, but soon became aware 
 that there was no ground for apprehension,^^ and he 
 now took steps to afford consolation to the numerous 
 families that had suffered so severely at the hands of 
 Munoz.^^ 
 
 Owing to the attacks on the coasts by pirates, which 
 were likely to be repeated, and the raids of the hostile 
 Chichimecs, the need of a regularly organized army 
 became apparent. New Spain up to this time had 
 maintained no permanent force under arms, relying on 
 the encomenderos and other Spaniards, and on the 
 friendly Indian auxiliaries, called into active service 
 as emergencies required. In 1568 a company of 
 halberdiers was organized, which proved no more than 
 able to support the viceroy's authority. A little later 
 were formed two compamas de palacio, to uphold 
 his dignity. There were also detached companies in 
 
 ^*It seems the Spaniards gave it to the natives, *con todos sus muebles y 
 raices.' Ponce, Bel, in Col Doc. Ined., Iviii. 69-70. 
 
 Additional authorities consulted on Yucatan are CasaSy Carta al Rey, 
 in Cm'tas de Indias, 364; Steiphens' Yuc, ii. 264-7; Cei^eray ApuntaCy in Sac. 
 Mex. Geog., Bolet'm, 2da ep. iv. 397; Registro Yuc, ii. 52-9. 
 
 Nevertheless, he speaks, April 28, 1572, of the false alarms constantly- 
 spread about revolts; sometimes the Indians were on the eve of an outbreak; 
 at other times the mestizos and mulattoes, or the negroes, threatened trouble. 
 In some instances they had it that the Indians together with the mestizos and 
 mulattoes were plotting an uprising. Cartas de Indias, 283. 
 
 ' Apagd las cenizas que aun estaban calientes, de los disturbios y lances 
 pasados.' Granados, Tardea, 289-90, 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE CHICHIMECS. 
 
 655 
 
 Vera Cruz, Isla del Cdrmen, Acapulco, and San Bias, 
 to check smuggling, and for defence against piratical 
 assaults. Other forces were specially organized and 
 employed in guarding the northern frontier against 
 the Chichimecs.^^ Through the regions occupied by 
 those wild tribes was the highway to Nueva Galicia, 
 Nueva Yizcaya, and the other districts operated on 
 by the Spanish trading expeditions. The Chichimecs 
 often plundered the wagons laden with silver, killing 
 numbers of white persons and their Indian friends. 
 For many years these marauders had carried things 
 with a high hand. To check them a strong force was 
 organized by Viceroy Enriquez and despatched under 
 Alcalde Mayor Juan Torre de Lagunas, and the 
 viceroy in person with another force marched to his 
 assistance. The results of the campaign were wholly 
 satisfactory; the Chichimecs, being routed from their 
 strongholds with heavy casualties, were obliged to 
 seek a refuge in the extensive deserts of the interior. 
 A large number of their children fell into the hands 
 of the victors, and were taken to Mexico and given 
 in charge of families to rear. 
 
 Several presidios or military outposts were placed 
 at proper distances on the load northward, so that 
 by 1570 had been established, besides the to^vns of 
 San Miguel and Lagos, the presidios of Ojuelos, Por- 
 tezuelo, San Felipe, Jerez, and Celaya, and the for- 
 mation of settlements round them was encouraged.^^ 
 Enriquez wrote the king^^ that the mode proposed by 
 
 A royal order of 1574 enjoined that regular accounts should be kept, 
 and no charge made on soldiers' drafts. Zamora, Bib. Leg. UlL, v. 385-8. 
 Another of 1588, reiterated in 1G12, 1618, and 1621, forbade the enlistment 
 or employment in any presidio of men or officers bom or residing in the city 
 or town where the presidio was. The number of officers and men to be 
 effective and serviceable. Recap. Ind., i. 599. 
 
 Unless the Indians were kept in subjection by armed forces the mis- 
 sionaries labored in vain; they either failed or became martyrs; and where 
 they made any progress it was very slow, and amid much hardship and loss 
 of life. Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 443. The presence of soldiers was to bring 
 the natives together in towns, where they could be taught clearing and irri- 
 gating fields, and building. Bspinosa, Cr6n., 459. Arlegui, Glir6n. Zac., i. 298, 
 claims truly that the presidios established before 1594 availed but little to 
 protect the road to the Zacatecas mines. 
 
 Letter of October 31, 1576, in Cartas de Indias, S25-7. 
 
656 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 the crown for making settlements was impracticable 
 unless the settlers were given Indians to serve them. 
 The settlers could not live otherwise, for the Indians 
 would not go of their own will, or, if they did, they 
 would neglect to cultivate the soil. All efforts to bring 
 the wild northern nomads to a civilized life had been 
 unsuccessful. Before long it became evident that the 
 measures adopted were of little avail. The Chichi- 
 mecs were soon again overrunning the country, mur- 
 dering and driving off stock from places but one or 
 two leagues distant from Zacatecas. The town of 
 Llerena, in the Sombrerete mines, would have been 
 defenceless and the mines abandoned but for the force 
 of soldiers furnished by the government. 
 
 After a consultation with the audiencia it was con- 
 cluded that the only means of stopping the depreda- 
 tions was to carry the war to the camp of the enemy, 
 and by fire and sword to destroy all male natives over 
 fifteen years of age. Heretofore only the leaders 
 when captured had been killed, the others having been 
 sentenced to service, from which they soon escaped 
 and became worse than before. Kegular soldiers with 
 sufficient pay would be needed, and three hundred and 
 fifty pesos per annum for a private was not enough 
 to feed and clothe him, and enable him to keep the 
 requisite number of horses, that is, more than three 
 for each man. The thing to do was to tax the mines of 
 Guanajuato, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, Sombrerete, and 
 San Martin, all of which were in the tierra de guerm. 
 The prisoners of fifteen years and under, the viceroy 
 suggested, should be transported to Campeche or 
 Habana, so that they could never return. A few had 
 been already despatched to Campeche to be utilized 
 in the quarries. 
 
 If all the Spaniards in the country were to jointly attack the hostile 
 tribes, the subjection could not be accomplished. Nothing but a war of 
 extermination would do. In the mean time the only course left was to guard 
 the highways, and severely punish all guilty of hostile acts. Still, the best 
 means would be to maintain friendly relations if possible. Letter of Sept. 25, 
 1580, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, in. 490-1. 
 
PORTABLE FORTS. 
 
 657 
 
 The plan finally adopted proved partially effective, 
 though expensive. Strong houses were erected at 
 convenient distances, where travellers and their stock 
 and goods could rest securely. A military escort was 
 furnished to each train, and each party, armed with a 
 few arquebuses, was provided with a fortified wagon, 
 or small movable block -house, to which the women 
 and children retreated in case of attack. Even this 
 mode of protection was insufficient in some instances. 
 There was one case which deserves mention. A train 
 of sixty wagons carrying $30,000 worth of cloth was 
 attacked and the escort defeated. A Spanish girl, 
 pretending to be pleased with her capture, told the 
 Indians that there was another wagon behind con- 
 taining more cloth. No sooner had they turned to go 
 in search of it than she sprang into a movable fort 
 which belonged to the train, and in which were two 
 arquebuses and a sick man, and after starting the team 
 she managed the guns so effectually as to escape. 
 
 The chief difficulty in the way of a satisfactory 
 arrangement with the Chichimecs, and a serious one, 
 lay in their division into so many bands, without a 
 general leader. A religious writer, Ribas, assures us 
 that recourse was had at last to the missionaries to 
 reduce some of them to friendship. 
 
 The valley of And^huac was not to be spared for any 
 length of time from one calamity or another. Within 
 a few years pestilence, floods, and famine had visited 
 it, and again, from 1575 to 1580, the evils continued. 
 The relentless matlalzahuatl, the greatest scourge that 
 ever assailed any community, broke out in the first- 
 named year, for the fourth time since the Spanish 
 conquest, in the city of Mexico, whence it spread 
 over the whole kingdom of New Spain. The Indians 
 were the only direct victims; priests and nurses suc- 
 cumbed from fatigue and other causes. The general 
 
 Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxii. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 42 
 
658 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 symptoms were : violent headache followed by a tena- 
 cious fever, and a burning internal heat. The patient 
 could bear no covering, the lightest sheet causing 
 great torment. The only relief was to roll on the 
 cold ground, until death ended the suffering, about the 
 seventh day. The medical profession was unable to 
 control the unknown malady. Bleeding was usually 
 resorted to.^^ As the churches could not afford suffi- 
 cient graves, it became necessary to open great ditches, 
 and to consecrate entire fields for that purpose. Not 
 only houses but whole towns were left without inhabi- 
 tants. Many thousands of all ages and both sexes 
 could procure no attendance, and perished from hun- 
 ger, thirst, and the effects of the cruel disease. 
 
 The viceroy and archbishop, as well as the other 
 authorities, the clergy, both secular and regular, and 
 the people, particularly the rich, exerted themselves 
 in providing infirmaries, medicines, food, and clothing. 
 Archbishop Moya was tireless in his efforts, con- 
 stantly visiting the sick, and seeing that they had 
 spiritual consolation; for this he permitted the priests 
 of the religious orders to administer the sacrament, 
 notwithstanding which many thousands died without 
 receiving the rite, their bodies being left in the huts, 
 or on the fields and public roads, until some charitable 
 person came to inter them. In the months of August 
 and September the disease was most virulent. 
 
 The year 1576 began without any prospect of 
 abatement; nor did the epidemic at all diminish 
 throughout that year, nor during a part of 1577. 
 Prayers were constantly made, privately and publicly, 
 and every device that the clergy could think of was 
 resorted to in vain. At last, in their despair, the 
 image of the virgen de los Remedios was brought to 
 to the city in solemn procession from its shrine in Ta- 
 cuba, by the viceroy, the audiencia, ayuntamiento, and 
 
 Viceroy Enriquez in his report to the king of August 31, 1576, says the 
 disease was still raging, and attributes it to scanty rains and severe heat; the 
 epidemic was the same as that which prevailed in 1544 and 1555, when the 
 havoc had been fearful. No Spaniards were affected. Cartas de Indias, 331. 
 
FLOODS AND EPIDEMICS. 
 
 659 
 
 the most prominent citizens, all with lighted tapers 
 in their hands. For nine days consecutively masses 
 were chanted, prayers sent up, and offerings made to 
 the virgin, invoking her intercession with the son, for 
 mercy upon the anguished community.^* When the 
 disease had spent itself, and half the natives were 
 dead, then it was affirmed that the prayers had been 
 heard. In Michoacan the suffering was not so great 
 owing to the hospitals already provided by Bishop 
 Quiroga and others. In some cases the Indians 
 were accused of attempting wilfully to contaminate 
 the Spaniards with the disease, either by throwing 
 dead bodies into the ditches of running water, or by 
 mixing diseased blood with the bread they made for 
 the white families. The Indians were furious because 
 only they were taken. The mortality is said to have 
 exceeded 2,000,000 souls. 
 
 After the disappearance of the epidemic there was 
 a scarcity of the necessaries of life, the fields having 
 been so long deserted, and the survivors among the 
 poor would have suffered from famine but for the 
 efforts of the more favored. The viceroy temporarily 
 exempted the Indians from the payment of tributes, 
 and caused the public granaries to be as well supplied 
 as possible, in order that the poor might purchase 
 their corn and wheat at reasonable prices. 
 
 In 1580, after a succession of heavy rains, the lake of 
 Mexico flooded a large portion of the valley, including 
 the capital. The viceroy, after a consultation with the 
 ayuntamiento and with persons having a knowledge 
 of hydrostatics, ordered the drainage of the lakes sur- 
 
 ** We are told that those prayers were heard; the pestilence soon after 
 began to diminish, and finally disappeared. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 110. 
 * Y luego cesd la peste.' Vetancvrt, Chrdn. Prov. S. Evang., 130. 
 
 Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 516-18. This same authority says that in 
 the city of Tlascala died 100,000. The Jesuit priest, Juan Sanchez, an eye- 
 witness, asserted that more than two thirds of the Indian population perished, 
 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 36, 107. See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii. 3235; 
 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 392-3, 515; Torquemada, i. 642-3; Fhrenda, Hist. 
 Prov. Jesus, 252-9; Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 362; Panes, Virreyes, in Id., 
 89. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., x. 1152, estimates that the Indian population of 
 New Spain was now reduced to about 1,700,000 souls. 
 
660 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 rounding the city; and the lowlands of the Huehue- 
 toca, distant about ten leagues, were chosen as the 
 most suitable place into which to carry the water 
 
 In the midst of the viceroy's efforts at drainage, 
 orders arrived from the court at Madrid relieving 
 him of his office, pursuant to his repeated requests, 
 during the past four years, on the plea of ill health, 
 and transferring him to Peru with the same rank and 
 powers/'^ He surrendered the government to his suc- 
 cessor October 4, 1580. 
 
 Suggestions had been made between 1570 and 1580 
 to Philip and his council, probably by command, 
 for the better government of the Indies. It was 
 urged that viceroys should hold office no longer than 
 twelve years, and oidores, alcaldes de corte, and other 
 judicial officers, as well as the chief treasury officials, 
 only six ; and that all, without exception, should have 
 their official conduct strictly investigated at the end 
 of their respective terms. No more corregidores or 
 lieutenants of such officers should be appointed,^^ but 
 in place of them twelve alcaldes mayores, to reside in 
 the chief cities, and yearly visit the towns in their 
 respective districts, without ostentation and without 
 laying burdens on the inhabitants.^^ 
 
 Nothing more was done toward it. Ce'peda, Bel, i. 6. The Indians 
 were accused of attempting some time before 1572 to overflow the city; 'but 
 they which should haue bene the doers of it were hanged: and euer since the 
 city hath bene well watched both day and night.' Hawks' Rely in Haklvyt's 
 Voy., iii. 463. 
 
 *^ A previous request having been denied him, he repeated it in October 
 1576, alleging the same cause. EnriqueZy Carta al Bey, in Cartas de Indiat, 
 335, and fac-sim. T. 
 
 *^In 1570 it was urged among other things that the viceroy should be 
 directed to visit in person the chief town of each district or province, to make 
 sure that the local authorities were true to their duties, for residencias, as 
 then practised, were mere farces; the officials who had robbed the Indians 
 always used the friars and others to intercede with the victims that they 
 might prefer no charges; restitution was therefore never made: 'les echan 
 frailes 6 ahutatos e otras personas, para que les rueguen que no les pidau 
 coso alguna en residencia.* Rohles^ Memoriales, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col, 
 Doc, xi. 5. 
 
 They were in the habit of robbing the natives. Escobar, Carta, Felipe IT. , 
 in Id., xi. 194. 
 
 ^® A royal order of October 2, 1575, forbade the oidores to take with them 
 on such visits their wives, members of their own or of other families; or more 
 
DUTIES OF A VICEROY. 
 
 661 
 
 In a memorandum for the guidance of his successor, 
 Enriquez sets forth the difficulties to be encountered 
 by the viceroy. The work that in Spain is divided 
 among several officers, in Mexico has to be done by 
 the viceroy, both in secular and ecclesiastic affairs. 
 He may not ignore any portion nor intrust it to 
 another without incurring obloquy or giving rise to 
 complaint. All look to him for the promotion of 
 their interests and the redress of their grievances; 
 even their family bickerings are brought to him, and 
 nothing but his personal action in each case seems to 
 avail. Indeed, he is expected to be the father of the 
 people, the patron of monasteries and hospitals, the 
 protector of the poor, and particularly of the widows 
 and orphans of the conquerors and the old servants 
 of the king, all of whom would suffer were it not for 
 the relief afforded them by the viceroy. The office 
 was by no means the sinecure that in Spain it was 
 supposed to be. 
 
 Experience had taught him the necessity of exact- 
 ing obedience from the governed, respect from the 
 officers, and of tolerating no bad example among the 
 officials. To hold public office in Mexico, he declared, 
 had come to be unbefitting an honest man.^^ Enri- 
 quez himself had done fairly well. He maintained 
 at all times cordial relations with the oidores, and 
 recommended the same course to his successor, to 
 strengthen the hands of the government. He fos- 
 
 servants than were actually indispensable. Prov. Real., in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col Doc., xix. 32-5. 
 
 ^^In 1576 much stress was laid on the situation of Bernardino de Alhornoz, 
 70 years old, very poor, and with many marriageable daughters; he had been 
 many years a faithful servant of the crown, as commander of the arsenal and 
 as royal treasurer. It was thought the king should reward the old man so 
 that he could marry off one or more of his daughters. The viceroy uses quaint 
 language. ' V. M. sera seruido de hazelle alguna merced con que pueda echar 
 alguna hijade su casa.' Enriquez, Carta al Rey., in Cartas de Indias, 332. 
 
 ^2 ' Por lo cual suelo yo decir, que, gobernar a esta tierra, lo tengo por 
 infelicidad en un hombre honrado.' Henriquez, Instruc., in Pacheco and Car- 
 denas, Col. Doc, iii. 480-99. 
 
 ^^The crown had, July 4, 1570, directed the oidores to obey all orders of 
 the viceroy, even if not meeting with their approval, unless they were evi- 
 dently of a nature to bring on a rovolt or other disturbance in the country. 
 Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xviii. 435-7. 
 
662 
 
 RULE OF VICEROY ENRIQUEZ. 
 
 tered public instruction in every possible way. One 
 of the peculiarities of his policy was the consideration 
 he always extended to Spaniards born in Mexico, con- 
 trary to traditional ideas, believing them entitled to 
 hold positions of trust in the government, recognizing 
 the fact that to refuse them was an insult to their 
 integrity and patriotism. Indeed, when their claims 
 were ignored, they invariably carried their grievances 
 to the foot of the throne. He wished his policy in 
 this respect to be continued. 
 
 During the rule of Enriquez the semi-centennial of 
 the Aztec empire's destruction was celebrated with 
 great pomp and rejoicing by all classes, more particu- 
 larly by the natives, all but the Aztecs themselves.^ 
 
 The same year part of the fleet from Spain was 
 wrecked in passing the sound to enter the gulf of 
 Mexico. Pour of the ships were stranded on the 
 coast of Tabasco.^^ 
 
 The outgoing ruler met his successor at Otumba, 
 where they held conferences on the general affairs of 
 the country, after which the latter repaired to Mexico, 
 Enriquez tarrying in Otumba several months until the 
 season arrived for his departure. 
 
 ^* They spontaneously added to the amusements of Spanish origin many 
 others that had been in vogue in ancient Mexico. Gavo, Tres Siglos, i. 193-4. 
 
 The crews and passengers and most of the cargoes were saved, CogO' 
 Undo, Hist. Yiic, 334-5. 
 
 He presided at Peru until about 1583, when he died, and his remains 
 were interred in the convent of San Francisco at Lima. At his death, says 
 Torquemada, many birds of prey appeared over his house, which was ac- 
 counted for by each one to suit himself: ' No s6 qu6 quiso significar este acto; 
 Dios to sabe, que sabe todas las cosas.' Possibly Torquemada could not forgive 
 Enriquez' sternness toward the chief of the Franciscans in Mexico upon a 
 certain occasion. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 1550-1600. 
 
 Archbishop Alonso de Montotaii — Jealousy between the Secular and 
 Regular Clergy — Royal Support oe the Friars — Differences be- 
 tween THE Friars and the Civil Power — Father Geronimo de Men- 
 dieta Defends the Religious — His Works — Position of the Friars 
 
 AND THEIR INFLUENCE W^ITH THE NATIVES — PERSONS EXCLUDED FROM 
 
 THE Priesthood — Religious Riot in Mexico — The Sacramental Dis- 
 pute — First' an^d Second Ecclesiastic Councils of Mexico — Arch- 
 bishop Montufar's Death — The Inquisition — Its Establishment, 
 Privileges, Objects, and Acts — Father Landa's Treatment of Idol- 
 aters — Archbishop Moya de Contreras — Third Ecclesiastic Coun- 
 cil AND ITS Acts — Archbishop Montufar's Departure — Alonso Fer- 
 nandez DE Bon ILL A Succeeds Him — Other Dioceses in the Country 
 
 AND THEIR HiSTORY. 
 
 The vacancy in the see of Mexico caused by the 
 death of Zumdrraga was, on the 13th of June, 1551, 
 filled by the appointment of Alonso de Montiifar as 
 archbishop.^ He was a prominent Dominican, twice 
 prior of the convent of Santa Cruz de Granada ; like- 
 wise a doctor of the university there and a censor of 
 the inquisition.^ It is said that his acceptance of this 
 see was solely with the view to benefit the native 
 races, and to that end he brought out with him ten 
 Franciscan friars and as many of his own order, 
 
 ^ This appointment was made by Charles V. at the recommendation of the 
 marques de Mondejar, to whom Montiifar had been father-confessor. It was 
 officially made known to the audiencia of Mexico Sept. 4, 1551. The conse- 
 cration took place in 1553, and the archbishop came out to Mexico the follow- 
 ing year. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 31-2. 
 
 ^ He was a native of Loja, and took the habit of his order in May 1512, 
 at the age of fifteen. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 510-12; Gondlios Prov.^ 
 MS., r y 2'' 214; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 114-15; Fanes, in Mon. Domin, 
 Esp., MS., 82; Alcedo, v. 540. 
 
 /663) 
 
664 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 among whom two were eminent. Notwithstanding 
 his good-will toward this as well as other orders, the 
 fact remains that he was a Dominican, of whom the 
 Franciscans in particular were very jealous. 
 
 Further than this, the time had come when the 
 interests of the secular clergy must clash with those 
 of the regular orders. Owing to the scarcity of 
 ecclesiastics during the earlier occupation of New 
 Spain, the monastic orders acquired undue powers 
 and privileges. When the number of bishoprics was 
 increased, and a more thorough ecclesiastical govern- 
 ment organized, the church viewed with jealousy this 
 encroachment on her prerogatives, and was displeased 
 that Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians should 
 exercise jurisdiction independent of her authority. On 
 the other hand, the orders tenaciously maintained what 
 they claimed to be their rights, and by their assertion 
 of judicial authority, especially in the prohibition or 
 sanction of marriages,^ occasioned the church much 
 annoyance. Thus arose dissension between the two 
 parties, which in time developed into a bitter feud, 
 during which acrimonious recriminations, scandals, 
 and an unchristian spirit too frequently disgraced the 
 action of both sides. Clergymen and friars each 
 accused the other of neglect of duty; bishops were 
 charged with abandoning their posts,* and members 
 
 2 At the solicitation of the bishop the crown had, in 1552 — not 1554 as 
 Beaumont has it — forbidden friars from exercising judicial authority in mar- 
 riage cases, and at the same time accused them of usurpation of powers. The 
 Mexican provincial council of 1555 decreed the above prohibition, and forbade 
 the founding of convents and churches by the religious orders. This gave 
 rise to much disturbance in the church, stopped only in 1557 by the powerful 
 arm of the royal authority, favoring the claims of those orders. Beaumont^ 
 Crdn. Mich., v. 380-3, 452-3, 463-8; Puga, Cedulario, 193-212; C^dula, in 
 Frov. del S. Evang., No. 4, MS., 108-12. 
 
 * The Franciscan comisario general for the Indies complained to the king 
 that the aged bishop of Michoacan passed much of his time in Mexico caus- 
 ing disturbances, and during the 15 years of his episcopate he had neither 
 ordained any priests, nor preached, confessed, baptized, or confirmed any 
 Indian. Mena, Gob., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xi. 190-1. Under a 
 brief of Pope Gregory XIII., Feb. 28, 1568, issued by the king's request, 
 bishops elect for the Indies were not to receive emoluments of office till they 
 actually resided in their dioceses; the emoluments during vacancies were to 
 accrue to the respective churches. Upon the king's authorities was enjoined 
 the exact fulfilment of the brief; and deans and chapters of cathedrals were 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE FRIARS. 
 
 665 
 
 of the orders, with returning to Spain, rich in silver 
 and gold, to buy preferment. 
 
 The treatment of the natives, the questions of 
 tribute and tithes, and the administering of the sac- 
 raments alike afibrded ground for angry dispute,^ but 
 of these the bitterest was the question of tithes. The 
 church demanded the payment of tithes to the bishop 
 of each diocese, by all residents within its limits, Ind- 
 ians inclusive. The archbishop of Mexico in a letter 
 of May 15, 1556, to the royal council, had asked that 
 Indians should pay tithes, or rather a tax, for the 
 time being, to be levied at the rate of one out of every 
 fifteen. But the crown would allow no such taxation 
 of natives.^ The regular orders, while not opposed to 
 such a source of revenue, objected to the bishops re- 
 ceiving income thus derived, and claimed it for them- 
 selves as Levites serving with the pope's license — a 
 doctrine which the ecclesiastical prelates abhorred.^ 
 They endeavored, however, to explain the origin of 
 their differences with the church in this respect,^ and 
 proposed to leave the question of tithes to the judg- 
 ment of the king, and their right to protect Indians 
 from abuses, as well as their privileges generally, to 
 arbitrators, but these proposals were not regarded.^ 
 
 specially requested not to give the bishops elect any of the emoluments col- 
 lected till they had actually entered upon the discharge of their episcoj)al 
 duties. This same thing had been decreed in 1561. No archbishop or bishop 
 was to go to Spain without the king's permission. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 
 484-6, 491; Reco-p. de Ind., i. 54-5. 
 
 ^ In 1 556 the complaints of the archbishop of Mexico were loud and bitter 
 against the religious orders, for their assumption of power in the treatment of 
 Indians, and for their disregard of his authority. He asserted that the three 
 orders had banded to effect their purposes of laying before the court false 
 charges against him, the bishops, and the oidores. The demands of the orders, 
 he said, were both unreasonable and unjust. The same year the king repri- 
 manded the three religious orders for their disputes. Arzobispado, Rel., in 
 Paclueco and Cardenas^ Col. Doc, iv. 491-530. 
 
 ® Philip II., on promulgating the order of the council of Trent upon pay- 
 ment of tithes by the faithful, expressly exempted the Indians. Puga, Cedii- 
 lario, 194^5; Torquemada, iii. 263. 
 
 ^ Mich. Pr&v. S. Nicolas, 38. 
 
 ^Feb. 25, 1561. Peiia et ah, Carta alRey, in Cartas de Indias, 147-51. 
 
 ^Martin Cortes, the marquis, recommended in 1563 that tithes should be 
 abolished, and that the king should support the friars in general, excepting 
 those living in towns given in encomienda, who should be supported by the 
 respective encomenderos, on condition that none of them should receive other 
 
666 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Nor did the pertinacious and meddlesome friars con- 
 fine themselves to throwing down the gauntlet to the 
 church. In political matters also they became aggres- 
 sive, and consequent hostility arose between them 
 and the local authorities. In Indian towns they 
 attempted to control elections and thereby the muni- 
 cipal governments; but above all they devoted their 
 anxious care and attention to the question of tributes, 
 and the distribution of the surplus proceeds, of which 
 they were eager to have a share. It is true that they 
 had often winked at the rascalities of alcaldes mayores 
 and corregidores ; but then they hoped to have their 
 reward, and when this did not correspond with their 
 expectations, wrath and enmity were displayed on both 
 sides. Nevertheless, the foothold they had gained 
 was strong, and they struggled to maintain it. In 
 1564 the visitador Valderrama represented to Phihp 
 that the orders were striving to keep the control they 
 had hitherto possessed, not only in spiritual but in 
 temporal affairs, which would be no difficult matter, 
 since their influence with the viceroy was so great 
 he expressed fears that whatever he might arrange 
 about Indians and tributes would, after he left Mex- 
 ico, be undone by the artful friars concealing tribute- 
 payers or reporting them as dead.^^ The friars, he 
 added, decidedly opposed the counting of the Ind- 
 ians, and went so far as to proclaim from the pulpit 
 that the epidemic then raging was a punishment for 
 
 emolument for services. Many of the less scrupulous secured a maintenance 
 for their relatives out of what they obtained from the Indians. The visitador, 
 Valderrama, confirmed the statement with these words, ' y tambien algo en 
 parientes y otras cosillas. ' Cortes quaintly remarks, ' esta invencion, de cobrar 
 de tributes, la inventd algun fraile. ' According to his computation the whole 
 expense the king would incur could not much exceed 70,000 pesos, allowing 
 each friar 100 pesos a year — 70 pesos really sufficed — and also a small addi- 
 tional sum to cover the cost of wine, oil, and church eflfects. Cortis, Carta^ in 
 Paclteco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 454-7; Valderrama, Cartas^ Id.^ iv. 360. 
 
 Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 455-6. 
 
 ' Ora sea diciendo que son muertos los tributaries, ora escondiendolos, 6 
 por otros muchos caminos que ellos saben.' Valderrama, Cartas {Feb. ^4* 
 1564), in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 365, 372. 
 
 It was not a dangerous one. Mendieta attributed it to the anger of God, 
 when the visitador had the Indians counted, and their tribute augmented. 
 Valderrama, Cartas, Id., iv. 360; Mendieta, Carta, in Icazbalceta, ii. 515. 
 
GERONIMO DE MENDIETA. 
 
 667 
 
 enforcing that measure. Indians serving in convents 
 and churches were exempt from tribute; and if the 
 friars could have their way the king would soon have 
 no tributaries. They did not openly say that the king 
 had no right to collect tributes, but they believed it 
 all the same. Some of the friars were indeed good, 
 intelligent men; but the ignorant, whose number was 
 large, claimed that all the benefits accruing from Ind- 
 ians belonged by right to the church and orders, and 
 they did not scruple at tricks to sustain this view. 
 
 Among the defenders of the religious orders none 
 was more distinguished than the Franciscan father, 
 Geronimo de Mendieta. This eminent personage was 
 a native of Victoria in the Basque province of Gui- 
 piizcoa, and one of forty brothers, all by the same 
 father. He took the habit in Bilbao and came to New 
 Spain in 1554; completed his studies in Xochimilco, 
 and learned the Mexican language. He never preached, 
 being a stutterer; but with his pen he was a master 
 of eloquence and sound reasoning, and was regarded 
 by his brethren and others as the Cicero of the prov- 
 ince. Whensoever an address had to be prepared to 
 the king or his council, the viceroy or other person- 
 ages, or to the superiors of his order, the preparation 
 was invariably intrusted to him. He thus won the 
 regard of many prelates, who sought his companion- 
 ship. He accompanied Father Miguel Navarro in 
 1569 to the general chapter of his order held in 
 France, and suffered much hardship on the journey. 
 In 1573 he returned with a reenforcement of friars. 
 During his stay in Spain he dwelt in Castro de Urdia- 
 les, and had resolved to end his days there, but holy 
 obedience demanded his return. He filled several of 
 the highest offices of trust, and was remarkable for 
 the strict performance of his duties, his ceaseless 
 efforts for the better government of the Indies^ and 
 his humility. 
 
 He died after a lingering illness at the Franciscan convent in Mexico, 
 May 9, 1604. Torquemada, iii. 561-3; Mendieta^ Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. 
 
663 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 In 1562 Father Mendieta addressed a letter to 
 Padre Francisco de Bustamante, the comisario general 
 of his order/* in which he makes a vigorous defence 
 of the regular orders, and attributes the evils existing 
 in the country to the interference with the authority 
 and privileges of friars by bishops and oidores. 
 Against the audiencia he inveighs with much sever- 
 ity/^ and considers that the viceregal power should be 
 
 Doc, ii.; Mendieta, in Prov. 8. Evang., MS., No. 16, 201-26; Dice. Univ. Hist. 
 Oeog., V. 238. Fray Gerdnimo de Mendieta was the author of several works, 
 of which I enumerate the following: Carta al Rey Don Felipe desde Toluca en 
 8 de Octuhre de 1565, sobre gobernadon de las Indias, MS., fol. 9 pp. This 
 letter is said to have been forwarded in duplicate or triplicate by diflferent 
 conveyances. The present copy is specially recommended, January 20, 1570, 
 by the provincial and definitorio of the Santo Evangelio (Franciscan province), 
 to which the author belonged. It contains 24 articles expressive of the king's 
 duty to provide the best possible government for the Indians, including the 
 religious instruction of the natives and their amelioration in general. Aside 
 from the author's excessive preference for the religious, and manifest preju- 
 dice against the secular clergy, his letter is commendable as embodying much 
 wisdom. Correspotidencia con varios personages desde 1570 d 1572 sohri 
 asuntos de Nueva Espana 6 Indias, MS., fol. 26 pp., contains six letters from 
 Father Mendieta to Licenciado Juan de Ovando, of the royal council in the 
 holy and general inquisition, and visitador of the said royal council; one fron? 
 Ovando to him; and one from Mendieta to the comisario general of the Indie? 
 for the Franciscan order. The first letter is highly important, wherein he 
 gives his views on three points upon which Ovando had doubts, namely: 
 1. How to bring about harmony and good understanding between bishops and 
 friars in the Indies. 2. How to get tithes from the Indians without oppress- 
 ing them. 3. How Spaniards were to form settlements in the Indies without 
 injuring the natives. His views are expressed in a clear, unbiassed manner. 
 Another letter, the third alluded to, sets forth the best mode, in his opinion, 
 to rule the religious order of Saint Francis in the Indies, for obtaining the 
 greatest good from it. Ovando 's letter expresses his high regard for Men- 
 dieta's advice, and calls for more of it. But his most noted work was Historia 
 Eclesidstica Indiana, Mexico, 1870, 1 vol. 8vo, 790 pp., preceded by 45 pages 
 of matter pertinent to the author and his work, the whole carefully edited 
 by Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. It is properly a history of the conversion of the 
 Indians of New Spain, from the time of the conquest to about the close of the 
 sixteenth century; but as the earlier friars and prelates played so important a 
 part in public affairs, the volume also gives much valuable information on such 
 matters not to be found elsewhere except, perhaps, at second hand. Icazbal- 
 ceta added to the value of the book by a notice of the author and his work, 
 careful and exhaustive as are all such notices by him; and by an elaborate col- 
 lation of Mendieta's Historia and Torquemada's Monarquia Indiana, showing 
 how extensively and openly the latter plagiarized from the former. Mendieta's 
 production, finished in 1596, remained in obscurity 274 years. He had sent 
 the manuscript to Spain for publication, but it never. appeared till Icazbalceta, 
 as he tells us, discovered it in the library of Bartolom6 Jose Gallardo just 
 deceased, and issued it at his own expense, fo^ which he should receive due 
 credit. The editor gives, moreover, the authorities that Mendieta availed 
 himself of in the preparation of his work, some of whom have reached us only 
 in name, and the later ones that took advantage of his labors, among whom 
 the most noted is Torquemada. 
 
 Mendieta, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 515-44. 
 
 ' Porque es verdad [coram Deo) que es tanta la desdrden, y tantos los 
 
POSITION OF THE FRIARS. 
 
 669 
 
 supreme, subject only to the throne/^ Carried away 
 by excessive zeal in the friars' cause, he exhibits 
 likewise great animosity toward the public officials 
 In general — Viceroy Yelasco only excepted — and all 
 Spaniards living in Mexico who were not friars. He 
 speaks of the discontent prev^ailing among the religious 
 orders, all members of whom, he asserts, were anxious 
 to abandon a field in which their services were consid- 
 ered no longer useful. Things had come to such a 
 pass, in his opinion, that the friar had lost all heart 
 for his work,^^ the old fervor having died away, both 
 on the part of the missionaries and the recently con- 
 verted natives. 
 
 The position of the friars during this period was, 
 indeed, an unenviable one, and so effectively had the 
 church and audiencia represented them to the throne 
 that certain cedulas were issued against them which 
 caused serious loss of influence. In fact, both Span- 
 iards and Indians openly displayed their lack of rev- 
 erence.^^ Even Bishop Quiroga, who had been a 
 warm supporter of the orders, now as warmly de- 
 fended his prerogatives in this ecclesiastical warfare, 
 and would have closed the Augustinian convents 
 
 males que de ella se siguen, que yo tuviera por mas seguro para la conciencia 
 de S. M. dejar a estos naturales penitus sin justicia ni hombre que la adminis- 
 trara, que habersela dado de la arte y manera que ahora la tienen.' Id., 532. 
 
 * No sea reino diviso con muchas cabezas . . . Quiero decir que su visorey, 
 pues su nombre y titulo denota que es imagen del rey y que tiene las veces y 
 lugar del rey, de facto lo sea, y no lo supedite, ni apoque, ni deshaga lo que 
 el hace . , . otro que el mismo rey. ' Id. , 530. 
 
 ' Dicen que ya ni aun conf esar ni predicar, sino meterse en un rincon, y 
 lo ponen por obra.' Id., 517; Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 16, 201-6. The 
 Franciscan friar Mena also reported to the king, relative to the existing man- 
 agement of affairs, that ' si en esto no se pone remedio, tengase por cierto, 
 que los religiosos dejaran la tierra.' Menu, GoUerno, in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col Doc, xi. 190, 192. And he adds that it would be well if the king sent 
 for the archbishop and retained him in Spain, as had been done with Las 
 Casas, and thus prevent him from doing further mischief. 
 
 Martin Cortes, writing in October 1563, says: *Desde que comenzaron a 
 venir estas cedulas, estaban los espanoles tan contentos, y les habian per dido 
 el respeto . . . diciendo y dando a entender a los indios que habian de quitar 
 todos los frailes desta tierra, ' and adds that the consequence was that many 
 Indians * les perdian el respeto y reverencia que les solian tener. ' Carta, in 
 Pax:heco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 454r-5. 'Aora estan tan predicados 
 que el fraile no tiene q entremeterse en sus negocios, ni que dezirles como 
 ban de viuir.' Franciscanos, Ahandono, in Prov. S. Evang., No. 12, 169-70. 
 
670 
 
 CHUUCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 within his diocese but for the interference of the 
 king.^^ One of the greatest grievances which the reg- 
 ular orders complained of was the refusal of the arch- 
 bishop and bishops to ordain members of their orders. 
 Efficient priests were becoming scarce in the religious 
 orders, and aged men, whose mental faculties and 
 physical strength were unequal to the task, had almost 
 exclusive charge of Indian conversion. The provin- 
 cials of the orders brought their complaints before the 
 crown, which expressed its displeasure to the secular 
 prelates and ordered the ordination of friars when 
 required, except such as were mestizos or persons 
 who should not be considered suitable. Nor was 
 this last prohibition unnecessary. Although as a body 
 the friars were exemplary in their moral conduct, 
 there were unfortunately among their number mem- 
 bers whose behavior brought opprobrium upon the 
 orders and required efficacious treatment. 
 
 Another ground of complaint on the part of the 
 
 A royal cedula of July 11, 1562, directed the bishop not to molest the 
 Augustinians in the possession of their convents. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 
 469-71, 521, 574-89. 
 
 ^'^In 1555 the king forbade the indiscriminate ordaining of Spaniards and 
 half-breeds. Puga, Cedulario, 153, 190; Romero, Not. Mich., in Soc. Mex. 
 Geog. , Boletin, viii. 540, states that Pablo Caltzontzin, a son of the last king 
 of Michoacan, was the first Indian who received sacred orders in Mexico. 
 
 Yet it was deemed expedient, for the honor of the church, that repri- 
 mands or punishments of offenders of the cloth should be secretly inflicted, 
 so that not even the Spaniards should know of them. This had been recom- 
 mended by Martin Cortes in 1563. The king went further in 1565, for by 
 his cedula of June 6th, received the next year in Mexico, it was ordered that 
 the regular orders should be respected, and the investigation and punishment 
 of their offences, unless they had been committed with great publicity and 
 scandal, be left to their own prelates; and only in the event of the latter 
 refusing to heed the complaint of the royal judicial authorities should the 
 cases be sent to the crown. Cortds, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 iv. 457; Recop. Ind., i. 123; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 36; Zamora, 
 Bib. Leg. Ult., v. 332; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 569-78. The archbishop, 
 Moya, at a later date, furnished the crown with a list of the clergymen of all 
 ranks existing in his diocese, accompanied with a memorandum of the quali- 
 fications, character, and conduct of each. Some of them were set down as 
 unworthy of the priesthood for immorality, misbehavior, or ignorance; others 
 were praised. A number were natives of Mexico, even among the dignitaries, 
 canons, and stipendiaries of the crown. There were then 3 dignitaries, 10 
 canons, 6 full stipendiaries, and one who received only a half ration. Moya y 
 Contreras, in Cartas de Indias, 195-218. In 1588 archbishops and bishops of 
 the Indies were permitted to ordain as priests mestizos residing in their re- 
 spective dioceses and having a moral character and education. Women of the 
 same class, of approved moral conduct, were allowed to enter as nuns. 
 
ECCLESIASTICAL FACTIONS. 
 
 671 
 
 reofular orders was the exclusion of their ordained 
 members from the right of administering the sacra- 
 ments, and their being Hmited to the celebration of 
 mass and the instruction of the Indians. Their con- 
 sciousness of the prominent part they had taken in 
 conversion, their sincere zeal, and their ardent desire 
 to maintain the superior influence over the natives 
 which they had once possessed, naturally combined 
 to make them claim the privilege of administering the 
 most solemn rites. Apart from what they deemed 
 injustice, to be debarred from the performance of the 
 higher ceremonies lowered their position in the eyes 
 of converts. Their representations to the throne with 
 regard to this matter had the desired effect, and at the 
 request of Philip, Pope Pius issued a bull, on the 24th 
 of March, 1567, granting to the religious orders the 
 privilege of administering the sacraments in Indian 
 towns. 
 
 I may further illustrate the feeling which existed 
 at this time between the ecclesiastical factions and 
 their respective supporters, by describing a tumult 
 which occurred in the city of Mexico in 1569, occa- 
 sioned by the interference of the clergymen at a pro- 
 cession of the Franciscan friars. On the virgin's day 
 it had long been the custom of this order to march in 
 solemn procession to the church of Santa Maria de la 
 Pedonda, and there celebrate mass ; but in this year 
 the secular clergy opposed the performance. The 
 Indian followers of the friars, becoming incensed, 
 began to throw stones at those who interrupted their 
 procession, which led to a volley of similar missiles 
 from natives on the other side. The result was a 
 general disturbance, in which stones and other weap- 
 
 22 Having passed the council, it was, l>y royal order of January 15, 1568, 
 pul)lished in Mexico, though it had been made known to the clergy the pre- 
 vious year. Toral, Cartas al Real Cons. (May 15, 1558, Feb. 20, 1559), in 
 Cartas de Ind., 132^, and fac-sim. M,; Pena, et al, Carta al Rey, in ic?., 
 144-6, and fac-sim. N; Puga, Cedulario, 189-90, 211; Torquemada, iii. 265-8; 
 Beauraont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 519-20; Bvla Confirm, et Novae, 1-22; Recap. 
 Ind., i. 116; Rehgiosos, etc., in Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 3, 93-4; Ordenes 
 de la Corona, MS., ii. 27; Dejensa de la Verdad, 6, 7. 
 
672 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 ons were freely used, and several persons seriously 
 injured. The clergymen and their defenders were 
 defeated. The public excitement became great, and 
 the viceroy had to exercise all his prudence. 
 
 But with regard to the sacraments, the secular 
 clergy would not yet yield the point, and so steady a 
 pressure was maintained, that on the 31st of March, 
 1583, the king issued an order commanding the friars 
 to surrender. Archbishop Moya, to enforce the order 
 and at the same time show proper respect for the 
 orders, invited their prelates to meet him at his house, 
 where he courteously reminded them of the king's 
 benevolent intentions, and asked them to choose such 
 houses as they would prefer for their conventual 
 abodes; to which they answered that they wished 
 first to hear further from the king and their superiors, 
 and begged for time to ascertain the views of the 
 other members of their orders. Their request was 
 granted. On the 23d of October the three orders 
 formally made known their purpose of appealing to 
 the crown. The archbishop then resolved to suspend 
 the execution of the royal cedula, except in urgent 
 cases, till the king's pleasure was again learned on the 
 subject. The audiencia did the same upon the petition 
 of the three orders, who forthwith appointed proctors 
 to present their case to the king.^^ The result of 
 their pleadings appeared in a royal decree of 1585, to 
 the effect that friars acting as curates were to admin- 
 ister the sacraments to both Indians and Spaniards 
 
 23 Torquemada, i. 638^0j Zamacois, Hist. MdJ., v. 150-1; El Museo Mex.y 
 482. 
 
 2* Some of the friars well -understood the justice of the royal measures, but 
 found it difficult to yield. * Por condes9ender con la maior cantidad nacidos 
 en estas partes, y venidos de esas, que gustan de mandar siendo prelados y 
 biuiendo li9en9iosamente como hasta aqui, no osan publicar su sentimiento.* 
 Moya y Contreras, Carta al Rey (Oct. 26, 1583), in Cartas de Ind., 334-7. 
 
 ^^The Dominicans, friars Gabriel de San Jose and Cristobal de Septil- 
 veda, who were then in Spain; the Franciscans, friars Buenaventura de Pare- 
 des and Pedro Mellendes; the Augustinians, friars Diego de Soria and 
 Gerdnimo de Morante. The last four named embarked, and after being ship- 
 wrecked, finally reached their destination in the New Spain fleet of 1584. 
 With the aid of the abbe of Burgundy, who had been visitador in New 
 Spain, the proctors were presented at court. Orijalua, Chr6n. S. Augicstin, 
 172-5. 
 
ARCHBISHOP MONTtlFAR. 
 
 673 
 
 dwelling with them.^^ This decree was to have a 
 temporary elFect until the issue of a final decision. 
 
 It was during Montufar's occupation of the archi- 
 episcopal seat, and under his direction, that the first 
 ecclesiastical council proper was held in Mexico.^^ 
 The efforts of the missionary friars at their conven- 
 tion in 1526 to establish rules for the guidance of 
 ecclesiastics had, from the w^ant of an organized gov- 
 ernment and the spiritual condition of the natives, 
 been attended with few results; and after the lapse 
 of thirty years, and the extension of the church, the 
 necessity of a provincial synod became urgent. The 
 archbishop therefore formally convoked a synodical 
 council, and it began its labors on the 1 7th of Novem- 
 ber 1555. This council, over which Montiifar pre- 
 sided, was attended by the bishops of Tlascala, Chiapas, 
 Michoacan, and Oajaca, by the viceroy and royal au- 
 diencia, and by a number of other officials both ecclesi- 
 astic and civil.^^ 
 
 At this meeting ninety-three chapters of declara- 
 tions and rules adapted to the requirements of the 
 period were passed. The aim was to regulate the 
 conversion of the natives, and defend them from irreg- 
 ular exaction of tribute; to reform society and the 
 mode of life followed by many of the clergy, to whom 
 gambling, mercantile pursuits, and the practice of 
 usury were forbidden under heavy punishments; and 
 
 26 * Le an de hazer no ex voto charitatis, como alM lo platicais, sino de jus- 
 ticia y obligacion.' Grijalua, Chr6n. S. Augustin, 176; Torquemada, i. 649. 
 
 The council of friars held in 1526 has been called by some an ecclesi- 
 astical council and regarded as the first. But this term, applied to that con- 
 vention is inaccurate. Bishop Zumarraga had also held an ecclesiastical meet- 
 ing in 1539, at which the bishops of Oajaca and Michoacan, and the prelates 
 of the different orders attended. Among other questions was discussed that 
 of confirmation of the natives, which was again brought forward in 1546 at 
 a meeting called by Visitador Tello de Sandoval. 
 
 28 The names of the bishops were respectively: Martin Sarmiento de Hoja- 
 castro, Tomds de Casillas, Vasco de Quiroga, and Juan Lopez de Zdrate. 
 The last-named prelate died during the session. The bishop of Guatemala was 
 represented by the clergyman Diego de Carbajal. There were also present 
 the dean and chapter of the metropolitan church, as also those of the cathe- 
 drals of Tlascala, Guadalajara, and Yucatan, the prelates of the several relig- 
 ious orders, and the corregidor and members of the city council of Mexico. 
 Concilios Prov., MS., No. 1, 191-239; No. 3, 298-326, 363-86; Id., 1555 y 
 1565, pp. iv.-vi., 35-184. 
 
 HiBT. Mex . Vol. II. iZ 
 
674 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 to systematize the administration of the archbishopric 
 and parochial churches.^^ 
 
 In 1565 a second ecclesiastical council was con- 
 voked by the archbishop, the chief object being the 
 recognition of the acts promulgated by the ecumenical 
 council of Trent in 1563. The suffragan bishops who 
 attended it were those of Chiapas, Yucatan, Tlascala, 
 Nueva Galicia, and Oajaca.^^ Twenty-eight chapters 
 were enacted, many of them constituting amendments 
 of declarations passed at the previous council, which 
 had proved in a great measure to be but a mere dis- 
 play of authority without effect.^^ 
 
 On the 7th of March 1572 the venerable Arch- 
 bishop Montufar died at an advanced age, after a 
 painful and lingering illness of eighteen months,^^ and 
 was buried in the Dominican convent. The fatherly 
 solicitude which he had ever displayed for his flock 
 caused his death to be deeply regretted.^^ He had 
 devoted himself earnestly to the duties of his calling, 
 and never lost sight of the fact that the church in 
 New Spain needed much reformation and a more 
 
 ^^Condlios Prov., MS., No. 1. 
 The bishop of Michoacan was represented by a proctor. There were 
 present also the visitador general, Valderrama, the oidores, the king's treasury 
 officials, the dean, chapter, and vicars of the archbishopric, and the alcaldes 
 and regidores of the city. Id., i. 160-9; Id., 1555-65, vi.-vii. 185-212. 
 
 21 Priests were forbidden to charge fees for the administration of the sacra- 
 ments to Indians, and it is noticeable that again the tendency of the clergy to 
 lend money at usury and engage in trading speculations is exposed. Among 
 other enactments that which exempted the natives from the payment of 
 tithes may be mentioned. The chapters were published on the 11th of No- 
 vember 1565, and on the 12th of December following the archbishop and 
 bishops decreed the fulfilment of them. Id. 
 
 ^■^The above date is given by Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 17, 24-6, who claims 
 that the writers, Davila Padilla, Gonzalez D^vila, Vetancurt, Eguiara, Loren- 
 zana, Beristain, and others are in error in assigning the year 1569 as the date 
 of Montufar's death. Sosa founds his assertion on the fact that several acts 
 of the ecclesiastic chapter of Mexico down to Sept. 3, 1571, show that there 
 was an archbishop in Mexico, and he could be none other than Montufar. 
 He also furnishes a copy of his portrait, which exists in the gallery of the 
 cathedral. At the foot there is an inscription of the artist, who also states 
 that Montufar died in 1569, at the age of 80 years. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. 
 Fvnd., 509-11, gives 92 years as his age. 
 
 23 During his long archiepiscopal career he never ceased to be an humble 
 friar, and his charity was limited only by the means at his command. Ddvila 
 Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., Id. 
 
THE INQUISITION. 
 
 675 
 
 regular organization. While he steadily opposed the 
 encroachments of the regular orders, he was not blind 
 to the shortcomings of the secular clergy and the 
 abuses which prevailed in his see. In his administra- 
 tion he ever sought the advice of men prominent for 
 their excellence and sound judgment. In the Fran- 
 ciscan lay brother Pedro de Gante he reposed great 
 confidence^ and with open candor acknowledged him 
 as his trustworthy guide, being wont to say that 
 Gante and not himself was the true archbishop of 
 Mexico. Another of his advisers was his old friend 
 and companion, Father Bartolome de Ledesma. 
 Named assistant in the administration of the archdio- 
 cese, Ledesma shared largely in its duties during the 
 last twelve years of Montufar's episcopate. In the 
 same year that Montiifar died Pedro de Moya y Con- 
 treras had been made coadjutor of the archbishop, 
 with the right of succession. 
 
 Toward the close of Montufar's rule the tribunal 
 of the inquisition was formally established in New 
 Spain. During the earlier years of the conquest there 
 existed representatives only of the institution, the 
 first of whom was the Franciscan missionary Valen- 
 cia. When the Dominicans arrived, superiors of their 
 order acted as agents of that court, and still later in- 
 quisitors, rightly so called, were officially appointed.^* 
 By a decree of the inquisition general of Spain, dated 
 the 27th of June 1535, the ecclesiastical court was 
 empowered to exercise jurisdiction and inflict punish- 
 ment in all cases where heresy was concerned, but 
 it was rarely deemed necessary to display imposing 
 severity.^^ In 1558, however, Robert Tomson, an 
 
 3*A c^dula of Charles v., dated 1531, invested the visitador Juan deVi- 
 Ua-Seuor with power to act in matters concerning the inquisition. Beaumont ^ 
 Cr6n. Mich., iii. 413-17. Tello de Sandoval was made inquisitor in 1540. 
 Peralta, Not. Hist., 279-80. 
 
 A chief of Tezcuco, Carlos de Mendoza, was burned by order of Bishop 
 Zumdrraga for having made sacrifices to idols. Upon this becoming known 
 in Spain, the inquisition was forbidden to proceed against Indians. Peralta. 
 Not. Hist., 279. 
 
676 
 
 CHURCH GO\^ERNMENT. 
 
 Englishman, and Agustin Boacio, a Genoese, after 
 a long imprisonment, were conducted through the 
 streets of Mexico, in the presence of thousands of 
 spectators, and compelled in sambenito to do penance 
 on a high scaffold on which they received sentence. 
 
 While officially constituted representatives of the 
 inquisition were thus not immoderately exercising the 
 terrible power with which they were invested, it is 
 painful to note that friars, carrying out their aggressive 
 system, laid hands upon its prerogatives. When from 
 the gloom of the past the outline of a repulsive figure 
 can be well marked, I cannot regard it as the shade 
 of a companionless Frankenstein. The saintly Landa, 
 provincial of the Franciscans, became aware in 1562 
 that the inhabitants of the ancient city of Mam in 
 Yucatan still retained some veneration for the wor- 
 ship of their forefathers. But more than this, his 
 investigations satisfied him that the bodies of rene- 
 gades had been buried in consecrated ground. Their 
 remains were disinterred and scattered in the neigh- 
 boring woods. The idolatrous propensity must be 
 stopped, and what more effective method could be 
 adopted than the Spanish inquisition? So Landa 
 determined to celebrate the event by a kind of in- 
 formal rattling of the machinery, and called upon the 
 sheriff and prominent Spaniards of the province to 
 assist him. They readily responded and the ceremony 
 was witnessed by a multitude of native Americans.^^ 
 
 The badge consisted of half a yard of yellow cloth with a hole in the 
 middle to pass the head through, one flap hanging before, and the other be- 
 hind; on each flap was sewn a red cross of Saint Andrew. Boacio was con- 
 demned to perpetual imprisonment in Spain; Tomson for a term of three years. 
 Both penitents had to wear the sambenito. I have not discovered Boacio's 
 off"ence; he was brought from Zacatecas. Tomson, by his own account, 
 expressed himself at a dinner-table on religious subjects and as a disciple of 
 Luther. He served his term in Seville, and afterward, being already 'recon- 
 ciliado con la iglesia,' married a wealthy young lady from Mexico whose 
 affection rewarded him for his past sufferings. Boacio escaped at the Azores, 
 where the ship conveying him and Tomson touched for supplies. Tomson, in 
 HaJdvyVs Voy., iii. 450-1. 
 
 ^' For particulars regarding this city see Native Races, iv. 220, v. 634, this 
 series. 
 
 Many of the captured offenders evaded public cremation by hanging 
 themselves. Their bodies were thrown into the forests to be food for wild 
 
ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE TRIBUNAL. 
 
 677 
 
 Thus for a time the rule of the rack was quite 
 benignant. But when a generation had passed away 
 and Christianity had planted firmly her foothold in 
 the conquered country, apostasy was regarded as with- 
 out excuse. Moreover, the land was full of adven- 
 turers who scoffed at religion and interfered with the 
 work of conversion. Philip was a most Catholic king, 
 and with the effect of Luther's preaching before him 
 he would, if possible, save his American dominions 
 from the sanguinary religious wars then desolating 
 Europe. Thus it came about that a regular tribunal 
 of the inquisition was sent out to New Spain in 1571, 
 there to be received with demonstrations of joy and 
 
 beasts. CogoUudo says nothing about the punishment inflicted on the cul- 
 prits who did not hang themselves. But he assures us that for many years 
 after that bright example of Christian charity, cases of idolatry were never 
 again heard of. The blessed father was called cruel, but what of that? 
 Doctor Don Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, whoever he might be, held a very dif- 
 ferent opinion on his action in the report he made against the idolaters of the 
 country. CogoLlvdo, Hist. Yuc, 309-10. The visitador Vivanco reported to 
 the crown in 1563 that the provincial had the victims subjected to the torture 
 of cord and water; triced up with weights of from 50 to 75 pounds attached 
 to their feet, and then flogged; he also had their flesh burned with flames or 
 with hot wax; he made them sufi"er in various other cruel ways, all without 
 any trial having been given them. The result was that the unfortunates in 
 their horrible agony would confess oflences they had never committed, among 
 them idolatrous rites. In this way many idols were brought to light which 
 they had possessed before their conversion, and whose existence they had 
 almost forgotten. Many Indians perished, and others were maimed for life. 
 These cruelties were continued till Bishop Toral arrived in August and stopped 
 them. Petitioners begged in the name of humanity and of the hapless suf- 
 ferers that such miscreant tormentors should be punished, and taken away 
 from Yucatan. Bibanco, Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Ind., 392-6. The alcalde 
 mayor in his report corroborates much of the above, of course covering his 
 own procedure, and adding that upwards of 2,000,000 idols were found, some 
 old and others new, besmeared with blood. Six Indians hanged themselves 
 and two others committed suicide in prison. Quixada, Carta al Key, Miirch 15 ^ 
 1563, in Cartas de Ind., 382-3. E-odriguez Vivanco, official defender of 
 the Indians, supported their complaints that the charge of apostaBy had 
 not been well founded, and that the proceedings had been excessively cruel: 
 ' hagan aUd, penitencia Fr Diego de Landa y sus companeros, del mal que 
 hizieron en nosotros, que hasta la quarta genera9ion se acordardn nuestros 
 descendientes de la gran persecucion que por ellos nos vino.' Yucatan, Carta 
 de los indios gohernad. de varias prov., al Rey, in Cartas de Ind., 407-10. 
 However, in 1567 ten caciques prayed the king to give them Franciscans, for 
 whom they expressed a strong preference, that being the order from which 
 they first received baptism. Carta de diez caciques d S. M. al Rey, in Cartas 
 de Ind., 367-8, and fac-sim. U. I cannot find that the complaints were 
 heeded or the grievances redressed; on the contrary, it is seen that the man 
 complained against was placed in a higher position than ever. Calle gives a 
 royal order of July 25, 1586, prescribing means to be taken for the extirpa- 
 tion of idolatry among the Indians. 
 
678 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 pomp, covering a wide-spread feeling of apprehension 
 and horror.^^ The chief inquisitor was Doctor Pedro 
 de Moya y Contreras, the same who some years later 
 became archbishop of Mexico and afterward viceroy 
 of New Spain. The first appointee to the office had 
 been the licenciado Juan de Cervantes, but he died 
 on the passage from Spain, whereupon Moya suc- 
 ceeded him, and installed the court on the 11th of 
 November of the same year, in the large buildings 
 of Juan Velazquez de Salazar, the dean of Mexico. 
 Alonso Fernandez de Bonilla was the first fiscal or 
 prosecuting officer of the court,*^ who in 1583 became 
 chief inquisitor. 
 
 The tribunal had jurisdiction over all Catholics 
 who by deed or word gave signs of harboring heret- 
 ical or schismatical opinions; and also over such per- 
 sons not Catholics as attempted to proselyte, or uttered 
 heretical sentiments, or were known to be hostile to 
 the church. Foreign Protestants brought within its 
 reach, and all ofifenders against the laws of the church, 
 were also fit subjects for its tender mercies. And 
 probably nothing better proves the honesty of the 
 king and the good faith of the ecclesiastical authorities 
 than the fact that Indians were made exempt, except 
 in extreme cases, on the ground that they, as a race, 
 were insufficiently instructed in the tenets of the 
 faith, and therefore liable to fall, without malice, into 
 error.^^ In so fresh a field full of reckless adven- 
 
 Peralta rejoices at the installation of the holy office: *para que se per- 
 petuase en la tierra, defendi^ndola de la mala seta luterana, y que castigase 
 los que se hallasen con culpa de abella admitido 6 tuviesen algunas ynsinias 
 della.' Not. Hist., 281. He would hardly have dared to express any other 
 sentiments. Torquemada, i. G48, regards it as very efficient and useful to the 
 country, which was ' contaminadisima de Judios, y Hereges, en especial de 
 Gente Portuguesa.' The court was founded 'sin ruido de martillo, y con muy 
 grande opinion ... la Inquisicion es vn f reno para desalmados, y libras de len- 
 gua. ' 3Ioya, Carta al Rey. , in Cartas de Indias. 
 
 *^The third inquisitor was Pedro Ramirez Granero, who in 1574 was made 
 archbishop of Charcas. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles.^ ii. 32; Mendieta, Hist. 
 Ecles., 371. 
 
 *^ Robertson and others who have followed him are rebuked by Zamacois, 
 Hist. JSUj., V. 159-65, for their assertions on this point. It is untrue, the 
 latter alleges, that the Indians were declared incapable of committing heresy, 
 for a number of them were admitted to the Catholic priesthood; and quoting 
 
auto-de-fe:. 
 
 679 
 
 turers, intermingled with Moorish, J ewish, and other 
 elements, the tribunal could not fail to obtain subjects, 
 and a number were soon arraigned. The first auto-de- 
 fe decreed by the court was in 1574, and took place 
 in the small plaza of the marques del Valle, between 
 the door of the principal church and the marquis' 
 buildings. According to Torquemada, the victims 
 numbered sixty-three, of whom five were burned. It 
 was a most dramatic affair, attended by thousands of 
 spectators from far and near.^^ 
 
 The next public aflPair of the kind was in 1575, when 
 the number of penitentes was smaller. From that year 
 till 1593 there took place seven ^more, making nine 
 from the installation of the court. The tenth occurred 
 on the 8th of December, 1595, and of this I will give 
 a desoription. Preparations on a grand scale were 
 made to present to the authorities and people a spec- 
 tacle worthy of the cause. To increase the solemnity 
 of the occasion, the day fixed upon was that of the 
 immaculate conception; and the place, the chief plaza 
 with its extensive appointments of railings covered 
 with platforms, and thousands of seats or benches 
 arranged as in an amphitheatre, which was used after 
 the celebration as a bull-ring. 
 
 The time having arrived, the viceroy, conde de 
 Monterey, accompanied by the justices and officers 
 of the audiencia, the royal treasury officials, military 
 officers, and other members of his suite repaired to 
 the inquisition building, where the inquisitors Barto- 
 
 from Abbe de Nuix, adds: 'It is not necessary to possess more talent to be a 
 bad heretic than a good priest. ' Zaniacois^bitterly inveighs against writers 
 that have accused Spaniards in general for the acts of the inquisition when 
 in their own countries at that period, and also much later, the torture and 
 other acts of brutality were in common practice. In evidence of which he 
 quotes well-known events in the history of England and her American colonies, 
 of France, Germany, Portugal, and Russia, 
 
 Torquemada, iii. 377-9. Philips says three were burned; another has 
 it two only. Peralta, Not. Hist., 281. This author adds, ' era de ver la jente 
 que acudid a vello de mas de oche ita lehuas. ' Gonzalez Davila gives 63 victims, 
 of whom 21 were followers of Luther. Teatro Ecles., i. 34. The number may 
 have been larger. Those who received sentence on good Friday of that year, 
 including the men of Hawkins' expedition brought from Panuco, were 71, as 
 Philips has it. 
 
68a 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 lom^ Lobo Guerrero, an archbishop elect, and Alonso 
 de Peralta, subsequently bishop of Charcas, awaited 
 them. Sixty-seven penitents were then led forth from 
 the dungeons, and the procession marched to the 
 plaza. A great concourse of people, from far and near, 
 followed the procession and occupied windows and 
 squares to the very gate and houses of the holy office.*^ 
 The prisoners appeared, wearing ropes round their 
 necks, and conical hats on which were painted hellish 
 flames, and with green candles in their hands, each 
 v/ith a priest at his side exhorting him to Christian 
 fortitude. They were marched under a guard of the 
 holy office. Among those doomed to suffer were per- 
 sons convicted of the following offences: Those who 
 had become reconciled with the church and afterward 
 relapsed into Judaism, in sambenitos, and with famil- 
 iars of the inquisition at their side; bigamists, with 
 similar hats descriptive of their crime; sorceresses 
 with white hats of the same kind, candles and ropes; 
 blasphemers with gags to their tongues, marching 
 together, one after the other, with heads uncovered and 
 candles in their hands. First among them came those 
 convicted of petty offences, followed in regular order 
 of criminality by the rest, the last being the relapsed, 
 the dogmatists, and teachers of the Mosaic law, who 
 wore the tails of their sambenitos rolled up and 
 wrapped round their caps to signify the falsity of their 
 doctrine. On arriving at their platform the prison- 
 ers were made to sit down, the relapsed, the readers 
 of Mosaic law, and dogmatists occupying the higher 
 seats; the others according to their offences, last 
 being the statues of the dead and absent relapsed 
 ones. The reconciled and other penitents occupied 
 benches in the plaza. On the right side of the holy 
 office was a pulpit from which preached the Francis- 
 can friar Ignacio de Santibanez, archbishop of the 
 
 'Fu6 cosa maravillosa, la Gente, que concurrid d este cdlebre, y famoso 
 Auto, y la que estuvo d las Ventanas, y Plazas, hasta la Puerta, y Casaa de 
 el Santo Oficio, para v6r este singular acompanamiento, y Procesion de loa 
 Relaxados, y Penitenciados. ' Torquemada, iii. 379-80. 
 
MOYA Y CONTRERAS. 
 
 G81 
 
 Philippines/* Then followed the usual admonitions, 
 opportunities to recant, to repent, and finally the 
 fierce flames, the foretaste of eternal torments. 
 
 Before the installation of the dread tribunal it was 
 not known that the country's religion was in danger 
 from Jews or heretics ; had the number of dissenters 
 been large, and the danger imminent from any action 
 on their part, the community, consisting mostly of 
 Catholics, would have taken the alarm, and the ec- 
 clesiastical court have laid a heavy hand on the ob- 
 noxious members, as in 1558, with regard to Tomson 
 and Boacio. It is indeed remarkable how quickly 
 after the court went into existence it managed to find 
 subjects to work upon, especially among the Portu- 
 guese, persecuted for reasons foreign to religion. The 
 charges made were often without the slightest foun- 
 dation, personal grievance or vindictiveness alone 
 prompting the informers. Else it would have been 
 impossible for the court to pick out of the small popu- 
 lation of Mexico over two thousand persons who had 
 within thirty years made themselves amenable to 
 punishment. It must be borne in mind that it had 
 been made obligatory upon all persons to report to 
 the inquisition, under the charge of secrecy, every- 
 thing heard or seen that savored of heresy in the 
 witness' estimation. Hence the holy office before 
 long became as much dreaded as had been the Aztec 
 war-god. The authority of the inquisitorial court 
 was paramount to all others, and its officers and ser- 
 vants were privileged. Any act or expression against 
 that tribunal or its supremacy would sooner or later 
 reach its knowledge, and the person so speaking be 
 made to feel its power 
 
 Torquemada, iii. 380, after an elaborate description of tlie whole affair, 
 fails to give the number of each class, and the punishments awarded. Some 
 of them were as a matter of course burned alive. Respecting this last class, 
 he adds, 'cada vno de estos porfiados Judios, podia ser Rabino en vna Sina- 
 gogo. Celebrose con grande Magestad, quedando el Pueblo, eon no poco 
 asombro de los Ritos, y Ceremonias, de estos Hereges Judai9antes, y delitos 
 graves, que alli se leieron. ' 
 
 *^ A case in point, in the proceedings in Merida, Yucatan, and in Mexico 
 
CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 On the death of Montiifar the archbishopric of 
 Mexico was conferred on the inquisitor Moya j Con- 
 treras, and if zeal and abihty alone be considered he 
 deserved the promotion. There are some interesting 
 features in the biography of this remarkable man. 
 Beginning his career as a page of Juan de Ovando, 
 president of the royal council of the Indies, in time he 
 became his private secretary. Having completed his 
 studies at Salamanca we next find him chancellor of 
 the cathedral of the Canary Islands, which office he 
 held UDtil 1570. In 1571 he was ordained a presbyter 
 in Mexico, having formerly filled high ecclesiastic posi- 
 tions in the Canaries, Murcia, and Mexico before this. 
 He was exceedingly charitable, and it is told of him 
 that he would often take whatever money there might 
 be at his disposal and give it to the poor, regardless 
 of the amount.*^ 
 
 On the 20th of October 1573 the ecclesiastical 
 chapter placed in his hands the administration and 
 government which had been in their charge since 
 Montufar's death. He had been confirmed in the 
 office by Gregory XIII. since June 15th, but the bulls 
 
 against 'Nicolas de Aquino, notario deste 8*° officio en M^rida de Jucatan,' 
 and against Francisco de Velazquez de Xixon, governor of Yucatan, and 
 Gomez del Castillo, alcalde ordinario in 1575, for contempt, resulting from the 
 prosecution and imprisonment of Aquino in M^rida by the alcalde supported 
 by the governor, though he had pleaded his privilege of a servant of the inqui- 
 sition. The case was not terminated, or it may be that the latter portion of 
 the proceedings is missing or lost. In this case the inquisitors were the licen- 
 ciados Coniella and Avalos, and the notary Pedro de los Rios. Aquino et al., 
 Proceso contra, MS., 1-141. Other authorities consulted upon this subject 
 are: Vazquez, Chrdn. de Gvat., 227; Alaman, Disert,,ii. 194; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 
 i. 194-5; Arrdniz, Hist, y Crdn., 77-9; Rivera, Gob. de Mcj., i. 45-7; Gaz. 
 Mex. {1784-5), i. 77; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 236-7; Diario Mex., viii. 145j 
 Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 244-5; Salazar, Mowirq. de Esp., ii. 85-6; Escosura, 
 Covjuracion, i. 33-4; Mora, Mej. Rev., iii. 232-6; Codex. Tell. Rem., Kings- 
 borough's Mex. Antiq., vi. 153; Cartas de Ind., lob, 774; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 
 28; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii. 632; Pensador, Mex., 39-50; Dice. Univ., iv. 
 272-84; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ^p. i. 209. 
 
 On one occasion when his pages were accused of purloining some articles, 
 he said that they were innocent, for the things had been taken by *un ladron 
 eecreto que Dios tiene en esta casa, que no es bien que sepais quien es; baste 
 deciroslo yo.' Sosa, Episcob., 27-32, with his portrait; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 
 214-15; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles.,i.S5-^; Datos Biog.,ia Cartas delndias, 
 810; fac-sim. of his writing, P, and of his signature in drawing, viii. A number 
 of his autograph signatures may be seen in Concilios Prov., MS. He was a 
 native of Pedroche in the bishopric of Cordova, Spain, and descended on both 
 
ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. 
 
 683 
 
 had not coma out, and in fact were not received in 
 Mexico until the 2 2d of November. His consecra- 
 tion by Bishop Morales, of Puebla, took place in 
 the old cathedral of Mexico on the 8th of Decem- 
 ber/^ 
 
 Not long after the appointment of Moya a serious 
 rupture occurred between him and Enriquez. The 
 apparent cause was trivial, but in its significance seri- 
 ous. The underlying stratum of discord was preg- 
 nant with future contention for power between church 
 and state. When Moya received the pallium a farce 
 was publicly represented in which figured as one of 
 the characters a collector of the excise. The viceroy 
 and audiencia interpreted the introduction of this 
 character as the expression of a sarcastic disapproval 
 of an unpopular impost lately established. Stringent 
 orders were issued forbidding the production of such 
 pieces without the sanction of the audiencia. The 
 blame of it all was laid upon the archbishop. The prel- 
 ate's authority was ignored, and many persons, in- 
 cluding such as enjoyed ecclesiastical privileges, were 
 arrested. Henceforth harmony was at an end, and 
 various petty insults were from time to time offered 
 by the viceroy to the archbishop. Moya naturally 
 complained, and had the satisfaction to receive the 
 royal approval of his course, an approval which in 
 
 sides from families of rank. Moya brought from Spain a little girl two 
 years of age, named Micaela de los Angeles, supposed to have been of royal 
 blood, and appearing as his niece. She was brought up in a nunnery, and at 
 the age of 13 became insane. The utmost care was taken of her and much 
 money expended in the efforts to restore her reason, but without avail. Slgii- 
 enza y Gdngora, Parayso Occ, 18. 
 
 During this year, while Moya was still archbishop elect, the comer- 
 stone of the great cathedral was laid with appropriate ceremonies in the pres- 
 ence of the viceroy and all the high functionaries of church and state. In 
 the erection of this edifice Moya took great interest, making it an object of 
 constant attention during the last months of his sojourn in Mexico. He 
 donated to it beautiful paintings that he had brought from Spain, chalices, 
 and costly ornaments, and left it blazing with gold, though still a-building ; 
 he also gave it his mitre and pastoral staff, together with a much venerated 
 fragment of the lignum crucis. 
 
 *^The viceroy had, in 1573, established the alcabala, or excise, which 
 merchants had till then been exempt from. The measure was very un- 
 popular, and the government had been the object of many a diatribe 
 for it. 
 
684 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 1584 made itself manifest in his appointment to the 
 vacant viceroyalty.*^ 
 
 The results of the previous convocations had been 
 not altogether satisfactory, and in 1585 the third 
 provincial council in the city of Mexico took place, 
 summoned on the 30th of March of the previous year 
 by Archbishop Moya. It was formally opened Jan- 
 uary 20th, presided over by the archbishop, who was 
 now also the viceroy, governor, and captain general 
 of New Spain, as well as visitador. The suffragan 
 bishops in attendance were : Juan de Medina Rincon, 
 of Michoacan; Domingo Arzola, of Nueva Galicia; 
 Diego Romano, of Puebla; Bartolomd de Ledesma, 
 of Oajaca; Gomez de Cordoba, of Guatemala; and 
 Gregorio de Mental vo, of Yucatan. 
 
 There were also present at the installation, besides 
 the legal advisers and other officers of the council, the 
 oidores of the royal audiencia, namely, doctors Pedro 
 Farfan, Pedro Sanchez Paredes, Francisco de Sande, 
 Fernando de Robles, and Diego Garcia de Palacio; 
 the alcalde de Chanchilleria, Doctor Santiago del 
 Riego, and the fiscal, Licenciado Eugenie de Salazar. 
 The secretary of the council was Doctor Juan de 
 Salcedo, dean of Mexico and professor of canonical 
 law in the university. 
 
 The labors of this council terminated in the latter 
 part of September. Some of the chief measures 
 
 On another occasion, at the funeral of Francisco de Velasco, the brother 
 of the second viceroy, in Dec. 1574, Enriquez caused the prie-dieu that had 
 been placed for the prelate in the church to be taken away, claiming that he 
 was the sole person that could use that article. Later he inflicted the same 
 insult on the bishop of Michoacan at the Saint Augustine church, though on 
 the next day he caused the prie-dieu to be placed for him in the church of 
 Santa Catarina, having probably been reminded that the bishop had a brother 
 who was a member of the royal council. Moya accused the viceroy and 
 audiencia of a marked hostility toward him, and of having repeatedly at- 
 tempted to weaken his authority and prestige. Moya y ContreraSy Carta, in 
 Cartas de Indias, 176-88. 
 
 ^•'The bishop of Chiapas was not present, having been forced to return 
 home, owing to an accident on the journey. The bishop of Vera Paz had 
 made his preparations to depart for Spain and could not delay his voyage. 
 Ponce, Rel., in Col. Doc. In6d., Ivii. 46-7; Torquemada, i. 649; ConciliosProv.f 
 MS., No. 3, 50, 57; Pap. Var., xv. pts. 2, 19-20, 22. 
 
CONCILIOS PROVINCIALES. 
 
 685 
 
 enacted by it were an ecclesiastic code of discipline, a 
 newly arranged catechism, and many other rules and 
 regulations to improve the civil and ecclesiastical gov- 
 ernment of New Spain. The proceedings embraced 
 five hundred and seventy-six paragraphs, divided into 
 five books under A^arious titles. Neither those of 
 the first council in 1555 nor those of the second in 
 1565, whose chief end had been to recognize and 
 enforce the acts of the ecumenical council of Trent 
 concluded in 1563, had been approved by the holy 
 see. Owing to this, all the chapters of the two pre- 
 ceding councils were embodied in the third, so as to 
 secure the pontifical sanction to all. It was also 
 necessary to accommodate the exigencies of the church 
 to the peculiar traits of Indian character and admin- 
 istration of the Indies; hence the expediency of this 
 provincial synod. The bishops wished to carry out at 
 once the acts passed, but the viceroy, in obedience to 
 a royal order of May 13, 1585, suspended their execu- 
 tion till the king's approval. This was given on the 
 18th of September, 1591, when the viceroy, audiencia, 
 and all officials, civil or ecclesiastic, in New Spain, 
 were commanded to aid in every possible way the en- 
 forcement of the decrees passed by the council. That 
 cedula was reiterated February 2, 1593, and again 
 February 9, 1621/' 
 
 Concilios Provinciales Mexicanos, MSS., 4 parts, fol. Nos. 1-4, bound 
 in parchment. Being the original records and minutes of the three ecclesias- 
 tic councils held under the presidency of the archbishop of Mexico as metropol- 
 itan in the years 1555, 1565, and 1585. 
 
 No, 1, 320 folios, gives all the orders, correspondence, and other proceed- 
 ings, as well as the chapters or acts passed by the three councils, and every 
 paper connected therewith in Spanish or Latin, to which are appended the 
 signatures of the archbishops and bishops who took part therein; also the 
 catechism adopted by the third council. 
 
 No. 2, 100 folios, is an authenticated copy in Spanish, under the seal of 
 the archbishopric of Mexico, of the acts passed by the third council in 1585, 
 with the autograph signatures of Archbishop Moya and the suffragan bishops 
 of Guatemala, Yucatan, Michoacan, Nueva Galicia, Antequera, or Oajaca; 
 countersigned by Doctor Juan de Salcedo, secretary of the council. 
 
 No. 3, 455 folios. Correspondence, edicts, decrees, in Latin and Spanish, 
 and others papers relating to the qualifications and duties of priests. 
 
 No. 4, 354 folios. Papers that the third council consulted, including 
 copies of the acts of the first council of Lima in 1582, and that of Toledo of 
 1583. 
 
 The acts of the first council, and the original minutes, as well as those of 
 
686 
 
 CHUflCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Soon after the closing of the council the successor 
 of Moya y Contreras in the viceroyalty and annexed 
 offices arrived. His release from those duties did not, 
 however, relieve him from those of visitador of the 
 courts till he completed his task in 1586. During all 
 this time he never lost sight of the grave responsi- 
 bilities of the archiepiscopal office. He made pastoral 
 visits over a large part of his district, which had been 
 till then deprived of that benefit, and confirmed great 
 numbers of his flock. He would likewise perform 
 humbler duties, which devolved upon others. Once 
 on his return he found the priests whose place he had 
 taken awaiting him; they began to make excuses, to 
 which he answered: "Fathers, it does not surprise 
 me ; for the city is large ; for which reason I must also 
 be a curate, and your comrade to assist you." As 
 soon as he finished his work as visitador he made 
 preparations for his departure, and after placing the 
 archdiocese in charge of the notable Dominican friar 
 Pedro de Pravia, in the month of June he celebrated 
 mass and bid farewell to the people of Mexico whom 
 he had called together for that purpose. On arrival 
 
 two subsequent councils, were printed in Mexico by Juan Pablo Lombard© in 
 February 1556. This issue appears to have been withdrawn by order; and to 
 avert recurrence of such publications without the royal exequatur having been 
 first obtained, the king directed in c^dula of Sept. 1, 1560, reiterating a pre- 
 vious order of Sept. 1, 1556, that prelates before printing and publishing their 
 synods should lay them before the council of the Indies for the royal sanc- 
 tion. ConcUlos Prov., MS., No. 1, 265-6; Puga, Cedulario, 201. 
 
 The acts of the second council were not published till Archbishop Loren- 
 zana in 1769 issued it in connection with that of the first. It forms a 4to of 
 396 pages, containing on the first 208 pages the chapters of the respective 
 meetings, and on the remainder the lives of all the bishops in New Spain, 
 together with an account of the founding of the different sees and other 
 material. The acts of the third council did not see print till 1622, when they 
 were issued in Latin at Mexico, in two parts, of 102 and 39 folios respectively, 
 the first containing the acts or chapters; the second, the ordinances of the 
 council as confirmed by the papal court on October 27, 1589. Another Latin 
 edition appeared at Paris in 1725, 599 pages 12mo, with biographical sketches 
 of the prelates attending the council. A third bears the imprint Mexico 1770, 
 in two parts, of 328 and 141 pages, with biographical additions, issued probably 
 by Lorenzana as a complement to his edition of the first councils. All of these 
 manuscript and rare printed sets form part of my collection, together with a 
 number of catechisms, ordinances, and other matter, issued by order of the 
 councils, or in connection with their labors. A modern edition of the third 
 council acts, in Latin and Spanish, appeared at Mexico in 1859, containing a 
 number of documents, and notes by the Jesuit Arrillaga. 
 
 His house was crowded with people who went to manifest their love 
 
LAS CASAS AGAIN. 
 
 687 
 
 at Vera Cruz he was apprised by his steward that 
 he was in debt to the amount of $20,000. But he 
 had not to wait long before a larger sum came as a 
 donation, which enabled him to pay off the indebt- 
 edness, and to make gifts to the hospitals of Vera 
 Cruz and give alms to the poor. Further information 
 on this interesting man will appear in connection with 
 his life as viceroy of Mexico.^^ Pedro de Prdvia ad- 
 ministered the archbishopric till near the end of 1589, 
 when he died. After that the diocese was governed 
 by the dean and chapter sede vacante. 
 
 The successor appointed to fill the office of arch- 
 bishop of Mexico was the bishop elect of Nueva 
 Galicia, and visitador of Peru, Alonso Fernandez de 
 Bonilla, a native of Cordova. He was elected on 
 the 15th of March, 1592, and it is said that he chose 
 the archdeacon of Mexico, Juan Cervantes, for gov- 
 ernor of the archdiocese during his absence, which 
 office Cervantes held till the see was declared vacant 
 by the death in Peru of Bonilla in 1596, shortly after 
 his consecration. The archbishop's remains were in- 
 terred in Lima.^* The archdiocese remained vacant 
 till 1601, for, though the friar Garcia de Santa Maria 
 y Mendoza, of the order of St Jerome, was chosen to 
 the office in 1600 and accepted it, he did not take 
 possession till the following year,^^ By this time the 
 
 and sorrow at his departure, carrying gifts and mementos. The Indians 
 hastened to kiss his hands, and the negroes placed at his feet a plate into 
 which they threw money as a fund for his comfort on the journey. This was 
 kept up night and day, and there was no end to the contributions. The con- 
 course became so large at the last moment that the authorities had finally to 
 place guards near the prelate's person from fear that he might be crushed. 
 He had a large popular escort as far as the villa of Guadalupe. Gutien^ez de 
 Luna, Bwj., in Sosa, Episcop., 37-8. 
 
 For additional information on Moya y Contreras, see Peralta, Not Hist. , 
 281-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 48-9; Leyes, Varias AnoL, 7; Vetancvrt, TraL 
 Ilex., 23; Dia7\ Mex., vii. 6; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 173, 175. 
 
 Bonilla had been dean of the cathedral, fiscal of the inquisition, and on 
 April 8, 1583, became chief inquisitor. Panes, Virreys, in Monum. Dom. Esp., 
 M.S., 91; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 40-1; Sosa, Episcop., 41-2; Dice. 
 Univ., iii. 396. 
 
 Sosa, Episcop., 41-3, with his portrait; Panes, Virreys, in Ifonum. Dom. 
 Esp., MS.,' 91; Mex. Hieroglyph, Hist., 157, and many others. See also Con- 
 cilios Prov., 1555-65, 215-16, 340; and Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 40-1, 
 
688 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 church had grown to large proportions. According to 
 reliable contemporaneous authority there were in New 
 Spain then 400 convents of the several orders, and 
 400 districts in charge of clergymen, making a total 
 of 800 ecclesiastic ministries for the administration 
 of the sacraments and for instruction in Christianity. 
 Each convent and each parish had many churches in 
 towns and hamlets, which were likewise visited at 
 certain intervals, and where Christian doctrine was 
 taught the natives.^^ The whole was now under six 
 prelates, the youngest of whom were those of Yuca- 
 tan and Nueva Galicia, appointed in 1541 and 1544 
 respectively. The former district had been given a 
 bishop in Julian Garces, already in 1519,^^ but tha 
 failure of settlers to occupy it caused the transfer of 
 Garces to Tlascala. After Montejo's conquest it was 
 included in the adjoining diocese of Chiapas, and the 
 celebrated Las Casas presented himself in 1545 to 
 exact recognition, but his fiery zeal in behalf of the 
 enslaved natives roused the colonists, and he was 
 obliged to depart. The growing importance of the 
 peninsula caused it to be erected into a special see, by 
 bull of December 16, 1561,^^ with the seat in Merida. 
 
 The prelacy was first offered to the Franciscan Juan 
 de la Puerta, who died as bishop elect,^^ and Francisco 
 de Toral, provincial of the same order at Mexico, was 
 thereupon chosen.^^ He declined, but was prevailed 
 
 5® The Franciscan province of the Santo Evang^lio of Mexico alone claimed 
 over 1,000. Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 54-9; Torquemada, iii. 385-6. 
 See p. 296, this volume. 
 
 ^^Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 351; MoreUi, Fasti Novi Orbis, 201. 'Que se 
 nombrasse de Yucathkn, y Cozum6l.' Cogolhido, Hist. Yucathan, 206. Gon- 
 zalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., 206, 211, is misleading in naming a bishop as 
 early as 1541, and mentioning that the church was by bull of Oct. 23, 1570, 
 erected into a cathedral, dedicated to San Ildefonso. 
 
 59 Torquemada, iii. 384. Calle states that the Franciscan Juan de San 
 Francisco had been chosen in 1541 to govern the see as bishop, without wait- 
 ing for bulls. If he ever was appointed it could have been merely as rcpre- 
 sentant of Las Casas, bishop of Chiapas. Calle continues by saying that 
 Puerta received his appointment on June 17, 1555. Mem. y Not., 82. Gonzalez 
 Ddvila, loc. cit., follows, but appoints Puerta on Feb. 20, 1552. He died 
 without consecration. 
 
 *° He was a native of tibeda, Spain, and long labored in New Spain, which 
 he in 1553 represented at Salamanca as delegate. He returned with a large 
 
LANDA AND IZQUIERDO. 
 
 689 
 
 upon to accept, and took possession in 1562. His 
 efforts to secure the prerogatives of his office, hitherto 
 enjoyed to a great extent by friars, caused a rupture, 
 and the provincial, Diego de Landa, departed in hot 
 haste to lay his complaints before the court. The 
 result was unfavorable to Toral, who, after vainly 
 seeking to resign, retired to the convent at Mexico, 
 where he died in April 1571. 
 
 The prelacy was then conferred on Landa, partly 
 because of his influential connection,^^ and partly be- 
 cause of his long and zealous services in Yucatan. 
 He came out in 1573, and his despotic and meddlesome 
 disposition soon led him into fresh complications with 
 the civil authorities/^ his Franciscan co-laborers being 
 on the other hand allowed a liberty that degenerated 
 into abuse. His rule was short, however, for he died 
 suddenly in April 1579, leaving a high reputation 
 for benevolence and piety among his contemporaries, 
 wdiich to us appears ineffaceably stained by an im- 
 prudent severity toward idolaters, and by his reck- 
 less destruction of aboriginal documents and relics. 
 He was the Zumarraga of the peninsula. His suc- 
 cessor, Gregorio Montalvo, bishop elect of Nicaragua, 
 was a Dominican,^^ wdiich in itself augured well for 
 needed reforms; but the Franciscans hampered him 
 on every side, as might be expected from the hostility 
 prevailing between the two orders.^* In 1587 he was 
 promoted to the see of Cuzco, where he died six 
 years later. The Franciscan Juan Izquierdo suc- 
 
 mission of friars, and while holding the position of provincial, the appoint- 
 ment of bishop reached him, Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles, i. 211-12. He took 
 possession August 15, 1562. Although Las Casas visited Tabasco in 1561, 
 Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 626, it no doubt passed about this time under Yuca- 
 tan, both ecclesiastically and politically. A c^dula of 1559 ordered the audi- 
 encia to report on the expediency of erecting this province into a separate 
 see. Puga^ Cedulario, 207. The report was unfavorable. 
 
 He was a member of the Calderon family, born atCifuentes in 1524. 
 
 See Sierra, Consid. sobre el origen, etc., de la suhlevacion, in Ancona^ 
 Hist. Yuc, ii. 102. 
 
 ^ He was a native of Coca, Segovia, and became a friar in 1550, displaying 
 great eloquence and administrative ability. 
 
 They accused him of severity against relapsed idolaters, who were sen- 
 tenced to exile and hard labor at Vera Cruz and other places. CogollvdOf 
 Hist. Yucathan, 398-9. 
 
 HiBT. Mf.x., Vol. II. 41 
 
690 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 ceeded, but took possession only in 1591, ruling har- 
 moniously till his death in 1602. The dedication of 
 the cathedral at Merida, one of the finest in New 
 Spain, took place during his rule.^^ 
 
 NuEVA Galicia. 
 
 ^5 In 1563 provision had been made for building it, one third of the cost to 
 be defrayed by the crown, Spaniards, and Indians, respectively. The work 
 began with the ready contribution of 50,000 natives, each giving two reales, 
 both settlers and crown being too poor to pay. Quixatla, Carta, 1563, in 
 Carto.s de Indias, 386. The architect was Juan Miguel de Agiiero, who made 
 himself a name thereby. The king gave 500 ducats for church ornaments, 
 and an equal sum for a hospital. On these and other matters touching the 
 bishopric, see letters of Bibanco, Toral, Quijada, etc., in Cartas de Indias, 
 
NOTABLE PRELATES. 
 
 C91 
 
 Nueva Galicia was on July 31, 1548,^^ segregated 
 from Michoacan and made a distinct bishopric, possess- 
 ing at the time nearly fifty benefices.^^ Compostela 
 was designated as the seat, and Antonio de Ciudad 
 Rodrigo, one of the twelve Franciscan apostles, re- 
 ceived the appointment, which he humbly declined, 
 whereupon it was conferred upon Juan Barrios, a 
 knight of Santiago,^^ but he died before consecration 
 and was buried at Mexico. 
 
 The position was next tendered to Pedro Gomez 
 Maraver, late dean of Oajaca and counsellor to Vice- 
 roy Mendoza, who entered with great zeal upon his 
 duties, but lived only till 1552. The Franciscan Pe- 
 dro de Ayala assumed the office in July 1555, and 
 assisted at the removal of the seat to Guadalajara, 
 where he laid the foundation of a cathedral.^^ He 
 died in 1569, and was succeeded by the Franciscan 
 Gomez de Mendiola, who ruled from 1571 to 1579, and 
 left so high a reputation for benevolence and sanctity 
 that efforts were made to obtain his beatification.'^ 
 The Jeronimite Juan de Trujillo was appointed suc- 
 cessor, but failed to take possession,^^ and the see 
 passed to Domingo de Arzola, a Dominican, lately 
 
 238, and passim, 372-94, 783; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 206-10, 290-1, 
 322-4, 352-71, 376, 394-6, 409; Concilios Prov., MS., No. 3, 1-3, and print, vii.; 
 Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 211-15, 220; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 42, 80, 
 135, 137, 140; Powce, ReL, in Col. Doc. In6d., Ivii. 182, Iviii. 394, 401, 425, 
 451-2. 
 
 Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 336; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 179. 
 Morelli writes July 13, Fasti Novi Orbis, 160; and others place the seat 
 wrongly at Guadalajara. 
 
 In 1596 the number had not materially changed. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 547-8. The distinguished Diego Ramirez was appointed in 1551 to mark the 
 boundary lines between the dioceses of Michoacan and Guadalajara, and be- 
 tween those of Mexico and Michoacan. The bishops of the first two named 
 dioceses objected to the lines he established, but they were approved by the 
 crown August 28, 1552. The question remained an open one, nevertheless, 
 and was but partially settled in 1564. Reopened in 1596, the final settlement 
 took place only in 1664. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 155-222. 
 
 Successor of Bishop Zumdrraga in the office of protector of Indians; a 
 native of Seville. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 198; Alcedo, Dice, ii. 242. 
 
 This removal may have drawn upon him the dislike of the chapter, 
 which in 1570 declared that his appointment had been a mistake, for he knew 
 nothing of letters or law. Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 486. 
 
 '° When exhumed in 1599 his body was found undecayed, and so it con- 
 tinued for nearly 200 years. 
 
 " Alcedo, Dice, ii. 243, places him after Arzola. 
 
692 
 
 CHURCH GOVEENMENT. 
 
 vicar-general and visitador of his order in Peru and 
 New Spain, who died in 1590 while on a pastoral 
 visit. ''^ His successor was an Augustinian, Juan 
 Suarez de Escobar, who did not survive long ei\d->p'h 
 to be consecrated, w^hereupon Doctor Francisco Rodri- 
 guez Santos Garcia,'^ lately ruler of the archbishopric, 
 occupied the prelacy till 1596, when it passed to 
 Alonso de la Mota, of whom I shall speak hereafter/* 
 In the adjoining see of Michoacan, Bishop Quiroga 
 had inaugurated a veritable golden era with his in- 
 defatigable efforts for the protection of the natives, 
 
 the establishment of hospitals and schools, and the 
 promotion of exemplary life.*^^ After his deeply re- 
 
 '2 At Atoyac, February 15th. He bad been appointed on July 6, 1582. 
 
 "^^ A native of Madrigal, and a most benevolent man. He is supposed to 
 have died at Mexico, June 28, 159C. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 1. 182, 
 Alcedo blunders about the date. 
 
 "^^ Successively dean at Michoacan, Tlascala, and Mexico, and highly 
 esteemed for his exemplary life and deeds. He was appointed October 22, 
 1597. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 93, 182, 193; VetanCur, Trat. Mex., 
 23, 51; Concilios Prov., MS., No. 1, 160-9, 185, 337; Id., vii. 336-40; Flgueroa, 
 Vindicias, MS., 70. 
 
 This will be more fully narrated on a succeeding page. 
 
ZARATE AND ALBURQUERQUE. 
 
 693 
 
 gretted death in 1565, the distinguished preacher 
 Antonio Ruiz de Morales y MoHna/^ of the order of 
 Santiago, ruled until 1572, when he was promoted to 
 Puebla, partly on account of ill-health. He had taken 
 a dislike to Patzcuaro as the episcopal residence, and 
 after a quarrel with the local authorities, while they 
 were celebrating the anniversary of the conquest of 
 Michoacan, he made strong efforts for removing the 
 seat to Valladolid, a change which was effected a few 
 years later. Meanwhile the Augustinian Alonso de 
 la Vera Cruz was tendered the prelacy, but declined 
 in favor of a colleague named Diego de Chavez, and, 
 he dying' ^ before the confirmatory bulls arrived, Juan 
 de Medina Rincon,'^ late provincial of the same order, 
 was consecrated in 1574. For fourteen years he ruled, 
 living ever the austere, self-denying life of the exem- 
 plary friar, and devoting his income to the sick and 
 poor.'^ 
 
 His successor was appointed only in 1591, in the 
 person of Alonso Guerra, a Dominican, born in Lima, 
 Peru, and promoted to this see from that of Para- 
 guay. He died in 1595,^^ and Domingo de Ulloa, 
 another Dominican of high family, and lately bishop 
 of Nicaragua and Popayan, took possession of the 
 office in 1598, but he lived only four ^^ears.^^ At this 
 
 Whose history he wrote. He was a native of C6rdova, and nephew of 
 the chronicler Morales. Concilios Prov., 1555-65 ^ 246. 
 
 ''^ February 14, 1573. Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., i. 120, places his 
 appointment after 1588, and states that he declined. 
 
 ''^ A native of Segovia. He came to New Spain with his father, who 
 held a high office in the real audiencia. In 1542 he took the habit of an 
 Austin friar. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 115-20. Y etsmcurt, Menolog., 
 82, asserts that the mitre was tendered by Philip II. to the Franciscan Juan 
 de Ayora, and the royal cddula was found in the old friar's breviary after his 
 death. The author leaves us in the dark as to the date of such choice. Ayora 
 went to the Philippines in 1577, and died there in 1581. 
 
 Eather than submit to a violation of the rules in regard to dress, which 
 was a necessity in the tierra caliente, when provincial he threw up the doctrinas 
 in Pdnuco and some in Michoacan. Hov/ever, after becoming bishop he recov- 
 ered as many of them as he could. Mich., Frov. S. Nic, 100. 
 
 Calle, Mem. y Not., 72. Some say in 1596. Figueroa, Vindicias, MS. , 74. 
 
 He died in Mexico and was there buried in t^ie convent of his order. 
 There is confusion among the old writers about the time of the appointment 
 of this bishop and of his death. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 70, 
 appoints him to Yucatan before he comes to Michoacan, which is probably an 
 error in writing that word for Popayan. He also in the same page gives his 
 
694 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 time the see contained forty-five parishes in charge 
 of secular clergy, a dozen of them among the Spanish 
 settlers and miners. 
 
 On the death of Bishop Zdrate of Oajaca,^^ another 
 prominent Dominican, Bernardo Acuna de Albur- 
 querque,^* was chosen his successor, and since he 
 
 Oajaca. 
 
 had already occupied this field as a friar, he gladly 
 resumed his task, and labored with tireless ardor and 
 
 death in 1599. Another author places his appointment to Michoacan in Feb. 
 1599, stating that he ruled four years, in which last statement he follows 
 Gonzalez Davila. TouroHy Hist. Gen., vii. 247-8. A sister of his had founded 
 three Jesuit colleges in Castile. The enemies of the order endeavored to 
 influence him against its members but without avail, Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesus, i. 369. 
 
 ^'^ Gonzalez, Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 91, 112-22; ii. 96; Condlioa Prov., 
 MS., 1-^; Id., 1555-65, vi.-vii. 320^; Beaumont, Gr6n. Mich., v. 574-8; 
 Grijalua, Crdn. S. August., 143-5; 3Iich. Anal. Estad., 5; Queipo, Col., 50; 
 Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 210; Mich. Prov. S. Nic, 19; Galle, Mem. y 
 Not., 62, 72. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 51; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 116, 131; 
 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles. , 546-7. 
 
 «^ See pp. 391-2, this volume. 
 During his labors in Oajaca he nad written a catechism in Zapotec, and 
 after his ministry here he attained to the highest honors of his order in New 
 Spain. 
 
DIOCESE OF PUEBLA. 
 
 695 
 
 self-denial.^^ Hardly less pious and benevolent was 
 the third bishop, the Dominican Bartolome de Ledes- 
 ma, who ruled from 1581 to 1604, and left a distin- 
 guished name as a writer and patron of education.^® 
 When the first bishop took possession the diocese was 
 exceedingly poor, with friars alone for ministers, but 
 toward the close of Ledesma's rule there were forty 
 well supplied parishes in charge of the secular clergy 
 distributed amono^ several hundred villasres and four 
 Spanish towns, the latter being Antequera, now quite 
 a populous place, San Ildefonso, among the Zapotecs, 
 Santiago de Nejapa, and Espiritu Santo, in Goaza- 
 coalco.^ 
 
 One of the most favored dioceses was Puebla, which 
 extended over Huexotzinco, Tlascala, Puebla, and 
 Vera Cruz districts, with over a thousand native set- 
 tlements, about two hundred of them designated as 
 towns, and divided into more than eighty parishes, 
 half in charge of convents, of which nineteen were 
 Franciscan, twelve Dominican, nine Auguscinian, and 
 one Carmelite. The native tributaries numbered more 
 than two hundred thousand, not counting Tlascala, 
 whose people paid but a nominal tax. Of the Spanish 
 towns Puebla had about five hundred settlers, and 
 Vera Cruz three hundred, while a considerable num- 
 
 ^5 He founded at his own expense the convent of Santa Catarina de Sena, 
 at Antequera, and endowed it. The dedication took place in October 1577, 
 with three Santa Clara nuns and seven novices, two being his nieces. Burgoa, 
 Geog. Discrip. , Oaj. , i. 89-92. Here his remains were deposited, after having 
 been buried in San Pablo convent. The cathedral also claims to hold the 
 grave of this saintly man. 
 
 He founded the college of San Bartolom^, with a rental of 2,000 pesos 
 for 12 poor collegians, who must be natives of the province; and he established 
 the first chair of moral theology in New Spain. To his native town of Sala- 
 manca he left several endowments for poor clergymen. He died in February 
 1 604 and was buried in the cathedral. One of his books, De Septem Novcb 
 Legis Sacramentls, was printed at Mexico in 1568. * Probably the first book 
 printed in roman letter in Mexico,' says Rich, who also refers to an edition of 
 1566. Several other works were lost while on the way to Spain to be printed. 
 Concilios Prov., MS., No. 1; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 227. 
 *Seran tambien ricos.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 547. 
 
 Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., Oaj., i. 64-80, ii. 410-11; Mex., Trtformes, in 
 Pnrheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xv. 449-51; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 
 291-303; and books already quoted. 
 
696 
 
 CKURCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 ber were scattered throughout the country, and in 
 such towns as Carrion, founded in Athxco Valley by 
 royal permit of 1579.^^ Puebla had fast assumed the 
 second rank as a city in Mexico, and justly sa with 
 its respectable population, its cathedral, and its many 
 convents, representing nearly all the orders in New 
 Spain.^^ 
 
 Tlascala. 
 
 89 Torquemada, i. 319-22. In San Pablo Valley were a number of Spanish 
 agriculturists; at Tlascala resided 50; Atlixco Valley yielded fully 100,000 
 fanegas of wheat. The estimates of English visitors in 1556 to 1572 give Puebla 
 600 to 1,000 households; Tlascala, 200,000 Indians, who paid 13,000 fanegas 
 of corn yearly. Hawks makes its population in 1572, 16,000 households, which 
 paid no tribute. Huexotzinco had been reduced to 8,000 families, through 
 disease and oppression. Cholula is credited with 60,000 Indians — others say 
 1,000 houses — and Acatzinco with 50,000. Cochineal culture was proposed 
 for Tepeaca in 1580. Henriquez, Instruc, in Padieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 iii. 489; Chilton, Hawks, and Tomson, in HaUvyt's Voy., iii. 453-63; Eerste 
 S cheeps- Togt, in A a, Naaukeurige Versameling, xxii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 546; Franciscanos, Bel, in Prov. del S. Evdng., MS., 183-200; Vetancvrt, 
 Chron., 27-9. Tlascala still enjoyed special protection, and by decree of 
 1552 no Spaniard could there form estates to the prejudice of the natives. 
 ()rdene^ de la Corona, MS., ii. 14. 
 
 The latter was begun in 1552, according to the plans of Juan Gomez de 
 Mora. Owing to frequent interruptions it stood still unfinished at the close 
 of the century. Garcia, Cated. Puebla, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 175. 
 
 One dedicated to the stigmata of Saint Francis, built upon a site chosen 
 in 1530 by Father Toribio Motolinia, on the bank of the River Atoyac, and 
 containing a novitiate and a school of philosophy with over 70 religiosos. It 
 was the burial-place of the blessed Sebastian de Aparicio, and contained a 
 venerated image like that of Remedies, within a silver eagle, originally pre- 
 sented by Cortes to the Tlascaltec chief Acxotecatl Cocomitzin. Santa Bar- 
 bara of the barefooted Franciscans, founded in 1591, had a school of philosophy, 
 and lifty religious; amongst its novices once was Felipe de Jesus, patron saint 
 of the city of Mexico. The Dominicans had three convents and houses; the 
 
DEATH OF ROMANO. 
 
 697 
 
 Bishop Julian Garces, the first appointed prelate 
 in New Spain, had died in 1542 at the advanced age 
 of ninetj,^^ deeply regretted for his unobtrusive ear- 
 nestness and his unostentatious benevolence. His suc- 
 cessor, Pablo Gil de Talavera, appointed in 1543, 
 survived his arrival in 1545 only a few days,^^and the 
 see was bestowed on Martin Sarmiento of Hojacastro, 
 lately coinisario of the Franciscans in New Spain, 
 who emulated Garces in earnest zeal, and showed him- 
 self ever the self-denying friar. He died in 1558/^ 
 and was succeeded by Fernando de Villagomez,^^ who 
 ruled till 1571, when the vacancy was filled- by the 
 promotion from Michoacan of Bishop Morales y Mo- 
 lina. He lived only until 1576, after which Diego 
 Romano, canon of Granada and inquisitor, was ap- 
 pointed, with the additional task of taking the resi- 
 dencia of Viceroy Ziiniga and of the audiencia at 
 Guadalajara.^^ The selection proved admirable, for 
 Romano possessed high administrative ability, com- 
 bined with energy and zeal, and showed himself a 
 patron of education by founding several colleges. 
 
 principal, containing the school and novitiate, the college of San Luis, and 
 the Recoleccion de San Pablo. The Austin friars possessed one convent devoted 
 to serious studies; it was the novitiate, with more than 40 inmates. The Car- 
 melite convent, founded in 1586, was to contain, as a relic, one half of the 
 cloth with which the virgin Mary wiped off the tears of her son; well authen- 
 ticated. It owned also a piece of the true cross. The Jesuits had a college, 
 and it is barely possible that the friars of San Juan de Dios had a hospital. 
 Vetancvrt, Trat. Puehla, 54-5; Id., Chron., 132, 148; Ddv'da, Continuacion, 
 MS. , 154. By c6dula of February 24, 1561, the city received the title of ' muy 
 noble y muy leal,' and in 1567, the right of electing three alcaldes, one for 
 Atlixco. Among its colleges was San Luis, a Dominican institution founded 
 in 1558. 
 
 Vetancvrt, Trat. Puehla, 50; Monum. Domin. Esp., MS., v. 50. Calle 
 writes 1543, Mem. y Not., 62, and AlcaU, Descrlp. Puehla, MS., 51, has 1541. 
 He was buried in the Dominican convent. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 
 80-4. 
 
 He was a native of Navamorquende and professor of canonic law at Va- 
 lladolid university. His friend Fuenleal, the former president of the audiencia 
 at Mexico, secured his appointment. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 244. 
 
 ^* August 30th. Vetancvrt, Trat. Puehla, 51. 'Dur6 todo su gobierno hasta 
 19 de Octubre de 1557,' says Lorenzana, Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 245, but 
 Gonzalez Ddvila favors 155'8. 
 
 Lorenzana, ubi sup. , points out that Vetancurt errs in calling him Ber- 
 nardo. He was appointed February 10, 1559, and characterized as 'perspica, 
 instructos, perfulgens.' 
 
 He was bom in 1538, and after studying at his native place of Valladolid, 
 he became a doctor at Salamanca university. 
 
698 
 
 CHURCH GOVERNMENT, 
 
 Blindness and other infirmities coaiing upon him, he 
 received a coadjutor, and died shortly after, in April 
 16065 
 
 ^^Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 248. Vetancurt writes 1607. Trat. Puebla, 51; 
 Calle, Mem. y Not., 62; Mendieta, Hist. Edes., 680-4; Villagomez, Testam.y 
 in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xi. 102-18. For additional authorities 
 on the diflferent bishoprics see Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i., passim; 
 Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 383 et seq., 680-4, 702-3; Concilios Prov., MS., Nos. 
 1-4, passim; Id., 1555-65, 209 etseq.; Franciscanos, Bel., in Prov. S. Evang., 
 193 et seq.; Vetancvrt, Menolog., passim; Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 202-10, 
 230; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 60-2, 113-16, 184; Mich., Prov. S. Mc, 59-61; 
 Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xi. 102-18; xv. 449-57; N. Esp., Breve Pes., 
 MS., ii. 273-4, 300-15; Moreno, Fragmentos, 37-8; Alcedo, Dice, iii. 323, 409, 
 etc.; Cartasde Meas, 661,827-8; Dice Univ., i. 269, 439; ii. 410-11; iv. 680-1; 
 V. 214-15; vi.479, 524-8, 665; ix. 415, 804-5; x. 823; Soc Mex. Geog., Boletin, 
 i. 181, 230; viii. 175, 539-44; 2da 6p., iv. 188, 639-42; Touron, Hist. Gen., 
 vii. 9-27, 237, 289; Zamacois, Hist. Mdj., v. 167; Museo Mex., i. 447-51; 
 Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 535-6; Torquemada, iii. 535-8; Beaumont, Cr6n. 
 Mich., V. 102-3, 498; Castillo, Dice Hist., 16, 156-7; Grijalua, Cron. S. 
 August., 201-2; Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 360; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 209; 
 Doc. Hist. Mex., s6rie i. torn. iii. 240; Iglesia, Fund, y Descrip., 15-21; 
 Iglesias y Conventos, 324^7; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., v. 157; Ancona, 
 Hist. Yuc, 104-23; FancourVs Hist. Yuc , 170-1; Mendoza^ Noc. Cronol.f 
 161-2; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 37^3; Jai., Mem. Hist, 181. 
 
CHAPTEE XXXII. 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 1550-1600. 
 
 The Society op Jesus in New Spain — Distinguished Patrons of the 
 Order and their Services — Importation of Holy Relics— Spread 
 OF the Jesuits through the Country — Brothers of Charity and 
 St Hyppolytus — Purposes of the Association — The Carmelites — 
 Their Labors and Advancement — Benedictines and their Priory 
 in Mexico — The Franciscans and their Several Provinces — Their 
 Work and Influence — Troubles with the Viceroys — Noted Fran- 
 ciscans IN THE Several Provinces — Order of Barefooted Fran- 
 ciscans — Their Custodial and Provincial Organization — The 
 Dominicans and their Successes— Their Distinguished Men — The 
 Order of St Augustine — Strict Rules — The Mercenarios, or Order 
 OF Mercy — Their Settlement in Mexico — Religious Brotherhoods 
 AND THE Objects of their Devotion — Nunneries in Mexico, Oajaca, 
 
 AND MiCHOACAN, AND THEIR UsES. 
 
 Having placed before the reader the condition of 
 the Mexican church at the close of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, and having shown the relations between its two 
 branches, the secular and the regular, and between 
 the church as a whole and the crown, I now proceed 
 to give the private history of each religious order 
 during the same epoch. The missionary army of New 
 Spain was greatly strengthened in 1572 by the acces- 
 sion of the society of J esus. The Jesuits had already 
 missions planted in Habana and Florida; but becom- 
 ing convinced that no good results could be expected 
 among the natives of Florida, so fickle, hostile, and 
 cruel, the expediency was urged upon the general, Fran- 
 cisco de Borja,^ of discontinuing the establishments 
 
 ^ The same that was canonized in 1671 by Clement X. and appears in the 
 Roman calendar as Saint Francis Borgia on the 10th of October. Moreri and 
 
 (699) 
 
700 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 in those countries.^ The general regretted the sacri- 
 fice of life in Florida and begged the king, at whose 
 solicitation those men had been sent thither, that no 
 more of his brethren might be uselessly exposed to 
 destruction. Philip promptly acquiesced, leaving the 
 matter entirely in the hands of the general. 
 
 A wealthy gentleman of Mexico, named Alonso de 
 Villaseca, had endeavored six years earlier to bring 
 hither the Jesuits at his own expense. His effort was 
 then unsuccessful. Bishop Quiroga of Michoacan had 
 also in 1566-7 tried to have members of the order 
 sent to him. Viceroy Enriquez, a relative of the Jesuit 
 general, as before shown, and with whom he held 
 intimate relations when the latter was a duke and 
 subsequently vicar-general of the Jesuit order in 
 Spain, was strongly imbued with the idea that fami- 
 lies of rank and means in Mexico and other cities, of 
 whom there were already a considerable number, 
 w^ould gladly intrust the education of their children 
 to the society. The project being warmly advocated 
 by the city council, the viceroy and audiencia were 
 requested to petition the king, as the council also did, 
 to have some Jesuits sent out.^ King Philip, gladly 
 assenting, wTote the provincial in Spain, March 7, 
 1571, to despatch priests, as he had before done to 
 Peru and Florida, to found the order in New Spain ; 
 tendering the fleet and necessary supplies for their 
 transportation. The general in Rome accordingly 
 granted leave to twelve members of the order, with 
 Doctor Pedro Sanchez as their first provincial, to go 
 to Mexico, with his blessing. 
 
 Father Sanchez and his companions reacne Seville 
 
 Miravel y Casadevante, Oran. Dice, v. 236; Roman Calendar, in Golden Ifan- 
 ual, 26. 
 
 2 Fathers Segura and Quirds and six others of the order had been recently 
 massacred by the Indians in Florida. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 41-66. 
 
 '■^ The other religious orders and the secular clergy labor earnestly, the 
 council's letter says; adding that if all the priests in Christendom were to 
 come to Mexico, their number would be insufficient to attend to all the coun- 
 tries and people needing instruction. Ciud. de Mex., Carta al Rey, in Floren- 
 cia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 71. 
 
COMING OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 701 
 
 too late for the fleet, which sailed the 10th of An<2fust, 
 and were obliged to await the next opportunity. Dur- 
 ing their detention in Spain they were engaged at 
 their ministry, and in making further arrangements to 
 secure the success of their undertaking. An increase 
 of their number was finally decided upon, making the 
 company in all eight priests and seven lay brothers.^ 
 Before embarking the provincial ordered Father Se- 
 deno to Mexico with instructions to pay in his name 
 visits to the viceroy and other personages, and notify 
 them that the mission would be ready to embark on 
 the first fleet, which it did early in June 1572, arriv- 
 ing at Vera Cruz September 9th, and being received 
 by the viceroy and other government authorities, 
 the religious orders, and the people in general with 
 every mark of respect and kindness. After resting 
 a while they started for the city of Mexico, journeying 
 on foot, and with great apparent humility and poverty, 
 though surrounded by a people anxious to extend 
 them aid and comfort. They embarked at i\^yotzinco, 
 and to avoid public demonstrations entered the city of 
 Mexico at 9 o'clock at night on the 25th of Septem- 
 ber, going to the hospital where Sedeno had prepared 
 lodgings for them. The next morning every man in 
 authority and an immense concourse of people ten- 
 dered them a cordial welcome, and supplied them 
 with every thing needful to their purposes. Most 
 of them were presently prostrated by fever, con- 
 tracted during their fatiguing journey; and so great 
 was the supply of poultry and preserves sent them 
 that little more was required for the entire hospital 
 
 * Doctor Pedro Sanchez, provincial; Diego Lopez, first rector of the college 
 of Mexico; Pedro Diaz, first master of novices of the province; Hernando 
 Suarez de la Concha, Francisco de Bazan, Pedro Lopez de la Parra, Diego 
 Lopez de Mesa, Alonso Camargo. Brothers Juan Curiel, Pedro Mercado, 
 Juan Sanchez, Bartolom6 Larios, Martin de Motilla, Martin Gonzalez, and 
 Lope Navarro. Fathers Antonio Sedeno and Juan Roger, and the brothers 
 Juan de la Carrera, Francisco de Villa-Peal, Pedro Ruiz de Salvatierra, tem- 
 porary coadjutors, and the novice Juan de Salcedo, remaining members of 
 the vice province of Florida, were also placed under Provincial Sanchez. 
 Florencia, Hist. Prov. JesvH, 78-9; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 34; 
 Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 132. 
 
702 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 during their stay. Father Bazan^ died the 28th of 
 October. 
 
 Alonso de Villaseca, already alluded to, sent Father 
 Sanchez one hundred pesos, which w^as the first alms 
 received by him in coin, and tendered his society the 
 gift of certain lots of land near his residence, on which 
 were several adobe buildings covered with straw. 
 After some hesitation the father accepted the offer, 
 and on the same night with all his companions he 
 quietly moved from the hospital into the lowly quar- 
 ters. Here they erected a humble altar.^ 
 
 They were soon visited by all classes. The regidor 
 Luis Castilla presented them with a set of fine orna- 
 ments, a silver chalice, and cruses. Others followed 
 his example, and before long the humble church was 
 provided with every thing needed for its services, and 
 presented a very neat appearance. Such were the 
 beginnings in Mexico of the society of Jesus, which 
 in after years played so conspicuous a part.'' Their 
 church ijx Mexico was contiguous to the ground sub- 
 sequently occupied by the college of San Gregorio. 
 
 ^ He was of the illustrious house of the marques de Santa Cruz, the com- 
 mander of the Spanish fleet at the famous battle of Lepanto. In order to be 
 accepted as a humble coadjutor, he had concealed his name and birth, call- 
 ing himself Arana. At his death the provincial desired to have him buried 
 as any other indigent dying in the hospital; but persons of rank and station 
 and the people took the matter out of his hands, and buried Bazan near the 
 high altar of the hospital church. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 108-11; Ala- 
 man, Disert., ii. 97-9. 
 
 ^ Villaseca was born in Spain of noble ancestors. It is unknown when he 
 came to America; but in 1540 he was already wealthy, and the husband of a 
 rich heiress, named Dona Francisca Moron. He was noted for his liberality 
 to the poor, the church, and religious bodies, much of which became public 
 only after his death; a man of few words, every one of which could be relied 
 on. His death occurred at the mines of Ixmiquilpan, Sept. 8, 1580. During 
 his last illness, the chief priests and others of the Jesuit order, whose great 
 patron he had been, were constantly in attendance. His confessor was Father 
 Bernardino de Acosta. In his last days he sent the society in bullion 24,000 
 pesos, of which 18,000 were for their building, and 6,000 to be distributed 
 among the poor. He left the Jesuit college 8,800 pesos, and for other benev- 
 olent purposes 22,100. His gifts to the Jesuits exceeded 140,000 pesos. The 
 remains, interred first with great pomp and honors in the church of San Gre- 
 gorio, were transferred to that of the Colegio Mdximo. Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 
 251-3; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesvs, i. 175-7. 
 
 ^ Viceroy Enriquez remarked on their first appearance, *Muy bien se 
 muestra, que son hijos de su Santo Padre, y Fundador Ignacio de Loyola.* 
 Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 102. 
 
LABORS OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 703 
 
 In January 1573 Antonio Cortes, tlie cacique of Tla- 
 copan, with three thousand natives built them at his 
 own cost a church one hundred and fifty-seven feet 
 square, with three aisles, and covered with shingles. 
 It was dedicated under the advocacy of Saint Gregory. 
 The Jesuits called it San Gregorio de Jacalteopam.^ 
 
 Inasmuch as the other religious orders had charge 
 of the Indians, and little was done for the education 
 of the Spaniards, the provincial resolved to found 
 colleges in the several cities and chief towns, and by 
 educating the young and preaching against the avarice 
 and other vices of the adult Spaniards, he hoped also 
 to aid indirectly in the spiritual conquest and happi- 
 ness of the native race. Whether it was accident or 
 design, whether the Jesuits were really superior in 
 their foresight and shrewdness, it was certainly a 
 master-stroke of policy. The natives were fast fading, 
 and the Spaniards increasing and becoming stronger. 
 To have the education of the Spanish children was of 
 far more consequence than to have charge of the Ind- 
 ians, But the king had sent them hither at his own 
 charge specially to convert the natives, and was it 
 right now to neglect them ? Thus asked the Jesuits 
 themselves, particularly those who came later. But 
 Father Sanchez did not propose to neglect the na- 
 tives, for in this very way he could throw the largest 
 number of missionaries into the field in the shortest 
 possible time, that is, by educating Spaniards to be 
 missionaries. A field was already chosen, almost be- 
 fore coming to Mexico ; that is, to start from Sinaloa 
 through Sonora and New Mexico, and gradually ex- 
 tend the conversion toward Florida.^ 
 
 In November 1573 the provincial established in the 
 
 ^ The Dominicans, fearing that the close proximity of the Jesuits would 
 prove injurious to their order, obtained a cedula of May 26, 1573, to compel 
 their removal to another site, on which Father Sanchez afterward founded a 
 college. But the viceroy intervened, and the Dominicans desisted, Ramirez, 
 Not. Max., in Monum. Dmi. Esp., MS., No. 6, 333. 
 
 'In the mean time the fathers learned Indian languages, preached, and 
 taught Christianity to children in Mexico and neighboring towns. Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 151-4. 
 
704 
 
 RELIGIOUS OPwDERS. 
 
 city of Mexico an ecclesiastic college under the name 
 of San Pedro y San Pablo, for which the viceroy had 
 granted a site, and a number of persons subscribed 
 the necessary funds to meet expenses and to support 
 the scholars, of whom there were eight in the begin- 
 ning.^^ This institution soon became very flourishing, 
 and was followed by the founding of others. 
 
 The society had a casa profesa, or house of novices, 
 in the city of Mexico, which was built with borrowed 
 money. In 1585 the house was free from debt, and 
 in 1592 the viceroy granted permission for founding 
 the profesa. Juan Luis Pivero and his wife built the 
 church. Four members of the order were assigned to 
 the institute on the day of its foundation. Hardly 
 had the Jesuits begun work on the building, when the 
 three mendicant orders instituted opposition, on the 
 ground that the work would be injurious to them. 
 * The case went to the audiencia, who ordered the sus- 
 pension of the work. The matter was referred to the 
 council of the Indies, whose decision was against the 
 Jesuits, who appealed to Rome. The case was finally 
 
 loVillaseca purchased the houses adjoining the old ones, which he also 
 conveyed in 1576, and upon them was begun the building of the Colegio 
 Maximo, which in after years has been known as the San Gregorio; the 
 ground being a square of 110 varas; the building of the college and the church 
 was prosecuted simultaneously. Ramirez, Not. Mex., in Monum. Dom. Esp.y 
 333-4. Villaseca, the founder, donated for the purpose '4,000 pesos de 
 oro comun, en plata diesmada.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesiis, i. 113-14, also 
 75-8. A law of November 2, 1576, provided that no literary degrees should 
 be given in that college. Recop. de hid., i. 205. A later one, April 14, 1579, 
 made studies pursued in the Jesuit college serve for graduating at the uni- 
 versity. It was the king's wish that the colleges should be fostered. Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 160-1. The first rector was Father Diego Lopez, a good 
 preacher, and a man of learning as well as virtue. His death occurred April 
 9, 1576. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 279; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 
 34; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 10. The fathers' labors in that institute were, 
 nevertheless, discontinued in 1580, because they had established semina- 
 ries. They were notified by the patrons of the San Pedro y San Pablo that 
 they must either close their seminaries or give up the management of the 
 college. To this demand Father Plaza, the then provincial, and his com- 
 panions responded by surrendering its keys and retiring from the building, 
 which was in 1582 returned to them. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 171-2. 
 Ramirez, Not. Mex., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 334. 
 
 In 1580 the order opened a seminary in Tepotzotlan, with the approval 
 and aid of Archbishop Moya of Mexico, in charge of fathers Hernan Gomez 
 and Juan de Tovar, who knew the Otoml, Mexican, and Masagua laugnages. 
 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 188-90. 
 
JESUIT EEENFOHCEMENTS. 
 
 705 
 
 decided in their favor in 1595.^^ To show his high 
 appreciation of the society and its labors the pope 
 donated for the Colegio Mdximo of San Pedro y San 
 Pablo a large number of sacred relics of saints, taken 
 out of the closed graves, and which arrived in Mexico, 
 a portion in 1576 and the rest in 1578. All were 
 placed in the church in their college with unequalled 
 pomp and religious ceremony. 
 
 In 1576 there arrived an accession of priests and 
 brothers of the society;^* and the ranks were further 
 recruited both from colonists and natives. Among 
 those admitted were several churchmen, all persons 
 of high position and recognized talents, one of whom 
 was a descendant of the kings of Tezcuco. 
 
 A further increase of Jesuits came in 1579, several 
 of whom played distinguished parts in the country.^^ 
 Father Pedro Diaz, who had charge of this last com- 
 pany, also brought out the commission as visitador to 
 Doctor Juan de la Plaza, who was instructed to relieve 
 Doctor Pedro Sanchez, as he had petitioned for a life 
 
 Ramirez, Not. Mex., in Molium. Dom. Esp.^ MS., 336. 
 
 The relics were: 11 of apostles; 57 of martyrs; 14 of doctors of the 
 church, and among these one bone of Saint Thon^aa Aquinns; 24 of holy con- 
 fessors; 27 of other saints; and the rest of saints vrho were unknown in this 
 world. Besides the above, the pope made a gift to ihe college of two bones, 
 one of Saint Peter and one of Saint Paul; a good-sized piece of the holy 
 lignum crucis; one thorn from the redeemer's crov.Ti; two relics of Saint Anne, 
 mother of the virgin Mary; and one bone of the patron saint of Mexico, 
 Saint Hippolytus. Some of these relics had been shipped in 1575, in a vessel 
 wrecked on the coast of Vera Cruz, and after some delay were recovered from 
 the sailors, who had appropriated them. Florencla, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 328- 
 49, 359; Alerjre, Hist. Vomp. Jesus, i. 127, 137-45; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, 
 Ecles., 1. 38-40. 
 
 1* Fathers, Alonso Euiz, superior, Pedro de Hortigosa, Antonio Rubio, Doc- 
 tor Pedro de Morales, Alonso Guillen, Francisco Vaez, Diego de Herrera, and 
 Juan de Mendoza. Brothers, Marcos Garcia, Hernando de la Palma, Gregorio 
 Montes, and Alonso Perez. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 114-15. 
 
 Fathers Pedro Diaz, Antonio de Torres, Bernardino de Acosta, Martin 
 Fernandez, Juan Diaz, Andres de Carried, Francisco Ramirez, Juan Ferro, 
 and Alonso Sanchez. The last named became rector of San Pedro y San 
 Pablo; later, vice-president of the Philippines; from thence some years after- 
 ward he visited China, and went inland about 70 leagues. He was also in 
 Macao, and exercised much influence over the Portuguese to reconcile them to 
 the annexation of Portugal to Spain. He sailed for Japan, was wrecked on 
 the coast of Formosa, and, finally, with great difficulty returned to the Philip- 
 pines. His career ended in Alcala some time after he made in Rome the pro- 
 fession of fourth vow . He was a very austere man. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus. 
 i. 154-9. 
 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. iS 
 
 I 
 
706 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 of repose, employing him at such work as he liked, 
 and availing himself of the old provincial's great 
 experienced^ Father Plaza arrived from Peru in 
 December 1579, bringing Father Diego Garcia and 
 Brother Marcos. ^"^ The services of the Jesuits were 
 successfully employed by the viceroy in carrying 
 Christian instruction into certain towns. During the 
 great epidemic that decimated the natives in 1575-8, 
 they labored assiduously in caring for and administer- 
 ing the sacraments to the sick and dying. In 1590 
 arrived as visitador of the province Father Diego de 
 Avellaneda, one of the most learned and virtuous men 
 that had come to America. 
 
 The Jesuits early began to extend .their field of 
 labor. They entered Oajaca in 1575 and made good 
 progress there. In Puebla they had advanced con- 
 siderably by 1580 and established the college of San 
 Geronimo, which they were, however, on the point 
 
 Sanchez had been, before he was assigned to Mexico, rector at Alcald. 
 At his death, which occurred July 16, 1600, he was 81 years of age, and had 
 served 50 years in the order. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 18, doubtingly 
 gives July 15, 1609, as the date of Sanchez' demise. The viceroy, inquisitors, 
 clergy, and community at large manifested their high respect and love during 
 his last illness, and at his death their deep sorrow. The cortege that accom- 
 panied his remains to their last resting-place in the college of San Pedro y 
 San Pablo consisted of the highest dignitaries and officials in the country, 
 both secular and ecclesiastic, and an immense concourse of mourners from all 
 classes. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 377-80. 
 
 Doctor Plaza was a learned man of exemplary virtue and much experi- 
 ence, possessing an intimate knowledge of the spirit of the society of Jesus. 
 Brother Mdrcos had been a companion of Francis Borgia, his Fidus Achates 
 till the general's death. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 406-7; Alegre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesus, i. 161-5. The second provincial council of the order took place 
 in Mexico November 2, 1585, Father Pedro de Hortigosa being chosen its 
 proctor at the courts of Rome and Madrid. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 200. 
 
 He had been rector of a newly founded college in Madrid. Philip II. 
 sent him to Germany with his embassador; he there rendered important ser- 
 vice to the church. While in Vienna the marriage of the Princess Isabel, 
 the emperor's daughter, with Charles IX. of France took place. The emperor 
 attached him to her suite as father-confessor, and he accompanied her to the 
 frontier of France. Finding that the French princes and nobility were 
 not pleased with the idea of a Spaniard holding such a position at their 
 court, however great his merit might be, he begged permission to retire, and 
 returned to Vienna, where he won the admiration of Emperor Maximilian by 
 his piety and wisdom. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 226-7. Early ia 1595 
 took place in Mexico the third council of the order. Id., i. 251. 
 
 The order opened a college in Antequera, and in a short time spread its 
 members throughout the diocese. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 229-30; Alegre^ 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 96-101, 122-4, 172-3. 
 
JESUIT EXTENSION. 
 
 707 
 
 of abandoning in 1582, owing to invidious remarks. 
 It was said that while pretending to accept no com- 
 pensation, they took it secretly. The institute would 
 have been broken up but for Bishop Komano, who 
 stifled such hostile manifestations. The college soon 
 after became prosperous. Missionaries were sent 
 from it to the valley of Atlixco and to Orizaba. 
 
 In 1578 the society founded a house at Vera 
 Cruz, where fathers Alonso Guillen and Juan Koger 
 preached daily, Guillen to the Spaniards and Roger 
 to the mulattoes and negroes. The next year they 
 obtained permission and money to found a hospital on 
 the spot where the city was finally established in later 
 years. The first member of the order to visit the 
 diocese* of Michoacan was Brother Juan Curiel; he 
 went there in 1573, was kindly received^ and ordained 
 as a priest by Bishop Morales. After the translation 
 of Morales to Puebla, and the death of Bishop 
 Chavez, the chapter at Patzcuaro asked the provin- 
 cial to establish his order there on a permanent foot- 
 ing. The provincial went there in person, when the 
 chapter tendered him the sum of eight hundred pesos 
 yearly, the church which till then had been the cathe- 
 dral, and a good site for a college, together with a 
 large fruit orchard. These oflers were accepted, and 
 soon after the provincial's return to Mexico he took 
 steps to effect the foundation at Patzucaro, with 
 Father Juan Curiel as rector. Father Juan Sanchez 
 as superior of the college, and two brothers. This 
 was when Medina Bincon had become the diocesan. 
 The subsequent removal of the see to Valladolid 
 proved a detriment to the society, as it had to estab- 
 lish another residence there with chairs of grammar 
 and Latin, under Father Juan Sanchez, supporting it 
 out of the small means from Patzcuaro. The diocese 
 
 2° The patron, Melchor de Covarrubias, died in 1592; he had once pre- 
 sented the crown with 10,000 pesos for the Catholics of France. The king 
 commended him to the viceroy. He gave, besides, 38,000 pesos to two con- 
 vents. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 252^. 
 
 ^ 2^ The bishop added 400 pesos more. The church at Patzcuaro was re- 
 
70& 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 was not to liave long the benefit of Curie! 's services. 
 He died in or about March 1576, tenderly cared for 
 by the bishop and all classes, who deplored his loss.^^ 
 
 The house at Valladolid for upwards of a year 
 relied almost wholly on the assistance of the Fran- 
 ciscan and Austin friars, and on alms begged from 
 door to door. However, this poverty was not of long 
 duration. A rich Basque, named Juan de Arbolancha, 
 whose advanced age and infirmities forbade a formal 
 admission into the society, took up his abode at the 
 college in Patzcuaro, and on dying bequeathed it most 
 of his fortune.^^ Viceroy Enriquez aided the college 
 at Valladolid with one thousand pesos yearly. This 
 relief was augmented in 1579 by the gift from Rodrigo 
 Vazquez of a grazing farm with three thousand head 
 of small stock. From both Patzcuaro and Valla- 
 dolid missions were despatched to other towns. When 
 some of the fathers were in Zamora the vicar of 
 Guanajuato begged them to visit his parish. One of 
 them accompanied him there, not without risk from 
 the hostile Chichimecs. 
 
 Bishop Mendiola of New Galicia paved the way 
 for the Jesuit order to enter that region, which they 
 had planned to be the great field of their missionary 
 labors. He asked for some of its members, and fathers 
 Hernan de la Concha and Juan Sanchez were sent 
 him about 1574. Those fathers subsequently visited 
 Zacatecas and did ministerial duty there, but the pro- 
 vincial, not deeming it as yet a suitable fields prom- 
 ised to establish a house in that place at a future 
 
 paired by the Indians, 500 taking part in the work. Don Pedro Caltzonzi, a 
 grandson of the last king of Michoacan, some years later joined the society, 
 and became a school-teacher. He succumbed in 1575 during the epidemic, 
 while ministering to his sick countrymen. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 218, 
 20: Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 110-11, 119-22, 127-8. 
 
 ■^■^He was a native of Aranda del Duero in Spain; his parents were hum- 
 ble and poor, and, to pursue his studies, he had to beg for alms wherewith to 
 Bustain himself. He was a great peace-maker. Having overexerted himself 
 in caring for the Indians during the epidemic, his health failed him, and after 
 much suffering he died. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 282-91. 
 
 ^^His remains were interred among the Jesuits as a benefactor of the 
 order. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 146-7, 173-4. 
 
LA CARIDAD Y SAN HIPOLITO. 
 
 709 
 
 day,^* and meanwhile to send them preachers every lent 
 season. Pursuant to a royal authorization of 1579, 
 and a request of the governor of Manila, the provin- 
 cial founded his order in the Philippine Islands in 
 1585, with the following members; Hernan Suarez, 
 superior; fathers Raimundo Prat and Francisco Al- 
 merico; Gaspar Gomez, temporary coadjutor. 
 
 The affairs of the society at the end of the century 
 were in the most flourishing condition. Its members 
 were held in high esteem by all classes, and by no one 
 more so than the viceroy, who not only placed his 
 three sons in their charge, but often took their advice 
 on matters concerning religion and government. 
 
 We have noticed the twofold object of the Jusuits 
 in coming to New Spain, education and conversion. 
 Another order was meanwhile established, devoted 
 wholly to charity. The order was named La Caridad 
 y San Hipolito. The patriarch and founder, Bernar- 
 dino Alvarez, came to Mexico at the age of twenty 
 years as a private soldier, served some time, and I'etired. 
 He became a gambler and a leader in many wicked 
 adventures, and finally had to make his escape to Peru, 
 again as a common soldier. Having made a fortune 
 in that country he returned to Mexico. His mother's 
 advice caused him to reflect upon his past life, and 
 he experienced a change of heart. From that time 
 he devoted all his energies to charitable purposes."*^ 
 
 2* Told those who were eager for Jesuits, ' tubiesen paciencia, que lo que se 
 dilataba no se negaba. ' Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesvs, 209. 
 
 2^ In 1594 Father Estevan Paez and 37 companions came to swell the 
 number of laborers. Special mention is made of the great services to the 
 Indians rendered by Father Pedro de Morales, the society's proctor at Rome 
 and Madrid. According to Alegre, Hist. Com.p. Jesus, i. 275-7, he manifested 
 his interest in the manner that would most quickly enliven their religious 
 zeaL He brought out a large quantity of medals, rosaries, and other objects 
 of devotion which had been blessed by Pope Gregory VIII. The trinkets 
 were distributed to the Indians during the missions yearly undertaken by the 
 fathers of the college of Mexico, 
 
 2^ During ten years he served the poor in the hospital of Jesus Nazarene; 
 procured the foundation and enlargement of the Jesus Maria convent, and 
 afforded aid to the indigent prisoners in the jail. At this time the idea 
 occurred to him of founding hospitals, and an order of charity for all persons 
 in indigence, Arce, Vida Alvarez, 1-45. 
 
710 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 In 1566 Archbishop Montiifar gave him permission 
 to erect a hospital.^' In it the congregation of Broth- 
 ers and order of Charity had origin, its object being 
 the succor and care of the indigent and the sick.^^ 
 Subsequently, Father Alvarez founded other hospitals, 
 to wit : in Oaxtepec, Jalapa, Perote, and Puebla, this 
 last in or about 1593. 
 
 The number of brothers having gradually increased, 
 and also the resources at his command, Alvarez en- 
 larged his plans. The San Hipolito in Mexico being 
 too small, he obtained from the archbishop and viceroy 
 the site and chapel adjoining it, and with his own 
 resources and the aid of friends erected a spacious and 
 solid building to which the sick were transferred. 
 After he had begun the work the capitalist Alonso 
 de Villaseca, of whom I have spoken as the friend of 
 the Jesuits, offered him one hundred thousand pesos, 
 if he would permit to be placed on the building his 
 coat of arms, and a motto expressive of the fact that 
 he, Villaseca, was its patron, varez declined, as he 
 could not dedicate the place at once to God and to 
 man.^^ One day he was without means to feed the 
 poor, who were many. So he started with an image 
 of the ecce homo, accompanied by two little boys 
 through the arcades of the petty traders, crying, ^' In 
 the name of God, give for the living stones of Jesus 
 Christ." He soon returned, it is asserted, with seven 
 hundred pesos in money, a number of blankets, and 
 other articles. 
 
 2^ In the small square later called San Bernardo, facing the street of that 
 name and that of Porta Coeli. In 1567, a license was reissued for the founda- 
 tion of the hospital of San Hipolito, where it was actually erected. Viceroy 
 Enriquez also cheerfully authorized it, and after his departure the hospital 
 was aided by the audiencia. Id., 48-9. 
 
 28 Its members were called hermanos, and their superior and ruler had the 
 title of hermano mayor, or chief brother. The vows taken were of chastity, 
 poverty, obedience, and hospitality. The pope on the 20th of May, 1700, 
 instituted the brotherhood with the name of (Jongregacion de San Hipolito, 
 and under the rule of Saint Augustine. Id., 453-5. 
 
 2^ His characteristic answer was: 'Que Dios, que era el Patron de aquella 
 obra, daria con que sustentar sus piedras vivas, que no avia de tener esta obra 
 Patron, sino k un solo Dios.' The sole patron was God's image with the 
 motto * Dominus providevit.' Id., 80-3, 91. 
 
THE CARMELITES. 
 
 711 
 
 Father Alvarez not only gave to the hospital all he 
 possessed, but declared it the heir of his share of the 
 estate left by his parents, with the only condition 
 that his brother and two sisters in Spain should enjoy 
 its income during their lives. 
 
 The order of Carmelites, represented by eleven of 
 its members with their prelate, arrived in the city of 
 Mexico on the 17th of October, 158 5,^^ and were given 
 by the viceroy, January 18, 1586, tlie charge of the 
 hermita de San Sebastian, which till then the Fran- 
 ciscans had held. On the 25th in a solemn procession 
 and with the attendance of the archbishop the host 
 was conveyed thence from the Franciscan convent. 
 This was the first foundation of the order that became 
 in later times so highly honored by the people of 
 Mexico. Without loss of time the new-comers de- 
 voted themselves to their duties of instructing, con- 
 soling, and improving the natives. 
 
 Their province was constituted in 1588 under the 
 
 2° In so doing he formally renounced all legal clauses favoring him, declar- 
 ing that his poverty was of his own seeking: 'Yo tengo votada la dicha 
 pobreza, que me he donado al dicho Hospital. Y assi no tengo necessidad de 
 propriedad, ni usufructu de Lienes.' This great philanthropist died in Mex- 
 ico, August 12, 1584, aged 70. Id., 75-6, 179. Arce, Juan Dias de, Libro de 
 vida del proximo evamjelico, el Vener. Padre Bernardino Alvarez, Mex., 1762, 
 12mo, 464 pp., 4 leaves and 2 cuts, gives a full account of the life and works 
 of the venerable Father Bernardino Alvarez, founder of the order of Charity 
 and hospitalers in Mexico, under the advocacy of Saint Hyppolj^tus, and of 
 the progress made by the order, as well as of the objects of its institution. 
 The author held the highest offices in the archdiocese of Mexico, and earlier 
 in that of the Isla Espanola. Like all works of the kind written in the early 
 days by ecclesiastics it is exceedingly prolix, but at the same time exhaustive 
 of its subject. See dl&o Morelli, Fasti Novi Orhis, 295, 337; Vetancvrt, Trat. 
 Mex., 39-40; Diario Mex., vi. 422-3. 
 
 ^^Granados,Tardes, 340, says 1586. The founders of the order in Mexico 
 were: Priests, Juan de la Madre de Dios, the prior; Pedro de los Apdstoles, 
 Pedro de San Hilarion, Ignacio de Jesus, and Francisco de Bautista; choris- 
 ters, Jose de Jesus Maria, Juan de Jesds Maria, and Hilarion de Jesus; 
 lay brothers, Arsenio de San Ildefonso, Gabriel de la Madre de Dios, and 
 Anastasio de la Madre de Dios. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 36; Medina, Chr6n. 
 San Diefjo, 10; Navarrete, Rel. Pereg., iii. 62, Ponce, Pel, in Col. Doc. Ined., 
 Jvii. 141, says they were distributed between Mexico and Puebla. Turon, 
 Hist. Gen., vi. 199-200. Philip II. in his c6dula of June 9, 1585, directed 
 the viceroy to permit this order to preach in the Philippines, New Mexico, or 
 anywhere else that its superiors desired, and to aid its members in every pos- 
 sible way, so that they could make their labors useful. Ramirez, Not. Mex., 
 in Monum. Dom. Es'p., MS., 338. 
 
712 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 name of San Alberto, and the first provincial was 
 Father Elisco de los Martires, who arrived in Mexico 
 in 1594, Father Pedro de los Apostoles governing in 
 his absence as vicario provincial. For divers reasons 
 the Carmelites gave up the administration of the par- 
 ish of San Sebastian in 1598, and occupied the convent, 
 which they held from that time. The sons of Saint 
 Therese were blamed for that abandonment, but a few 
 years afterward the wisdom of the step was recog- 
 nized when the ordinances demanded and obtained 
 the full control of the parishes. A convent of bare- 
 footed Carmelites was founded October 1593at Valla- 
 dolid, Michoacan, and another August 20, 1597, at 
 Celaya^ Guanajuato, whose first prior was the vener- 
 able Father Pedro de San Hilarion. In the course 
 of its existence in Mexico the Carmelite organization 
 became very wealthy. 
 
 The Benedictines, or friars of Saint Benedict, came 
 to Mexico in 1589, and the next year founded the 
 monastery and priory of Nuestra Senora de Monser- 
 rate, in the southern part of the city of Mexico. 
 The founder and first prior was Friar Luis de Boil, a 
 man of stern piety, the greatest of iconoclasts, and 
 of whom it is said that he destroyed one hundred and 
 sixty thousand idols. 
 
 Of all the religious orders that labored in New 
 Spain, the Franciscans, as we have seen, were the 
 first authorized to engage in missionary work by the 
 crown. Their first province, in the city of Mexico, 
 founded in 1524 under the name of Santo Evangelio, 
 became the mother of all Franciscan provinces in 
 America. Gradually its area enlarged, until it was 
 found necessary to make territorial subdivisions, which 
 
 ^^Zerecero, Bev. Mex., 5, cpeaking of them asserts that at one time it 
 owned estates in San Luis Potosi extending from the capital to Tampico, 120 
 leagues. 
 
 ^^In the same house where had been the * Recogimiento de mugeres,* 
 bounded by Cipriano de Acevedo y Ovalle, the companion of Bernardino Al- 
 varez. Ramirez, JVot. Mex., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 338; Medina, ChrOn, 
 
THE rHANCISCANS. 
 
 713 
 
 constituted new provinces, and to whick were given 
 new names. Thus by the latter part of the sixteenth 
 century New Spain consisted of three Franciscan 
 provinces, namely, Mexico, or the original Santo 
 Evangclio ; Michoacan, or San Pedro y San Pablo ; and 
 Yucatan, or San Jose, the first embracing the whole 
 archdiocese of Mexico and the diocese of Tlascala. 
 
 The Santo Evangelio used a seal that represented 
 a Franciscan preaching from* a pulpit, and Indians 
 around it attentively listening.^* The other two prov- 
 inces, Michoacan and Yucatan, will be treated of in 
 the proper place. 
 
 Owing to scarcity of priests from deaths and other 
 causes, the vacancies left having been only partially 
 filled with new accessions from Spain, the Santo 
 Evangelio, between 1564 and 1568, abandoned a num- 
 ber of its more distant houses, on the ground of neces- 
 sity, and against the advice of the marques del Yalle.^^ 
 
 ^*In 1580 it had more than 80 convents and monasteries at an average 
 distance of six or eight leagues apart. In 1584-5, for causes that will be 
 explained, it had only 69, with a little less than 379 professed friars; of which 
 houses 38 were in the archbishopric, 30 in the diocese of Tlascala, and one in 
 Cuba, which with Florida belonged to the province. San Francisco of Zaca- 
 tecas and San Salvador of Tampico were custodias under it. In 1595-6, with 
 an increase of laborers, the number of convents had risen to 90, including 14 
 in Zacatecas and 10 in Tampico. The province also had charge of some houses 
 in New Mexico, of three nunneries in Mexico city, and one in Puebla, and of 
 the college for Indians in Tlatelulco. The province of Peru belonged to it 
 till 1553, and that of Guatemala had been under it 20 years. Mendieta, Hist. 
 Ecles., 545; Torquemada, iii. 303-4; Ponce, Bel., in Col. Doc. Ined., Ivii, 85- 
 7; Vetancvrt, Prov. S. Evang., 24r-5; Prov. S. Evang., MS., 1, 2. The follow- 
 ing were the rulers that the Santo Evangelio had from its foundation to the 
 end of the 16th century. At first it was a custodia, subject directly to the 
 minister general of the 'minorites.' Custodios: Martin de Valencia, 1524-7; 
 Luis de Fuensalida, 1527-30; Martiu de Valencia, 1530-3; Jacobode Testera, 
 1533-6.. Provincials: Garcia de Cisneros, 1536-7; Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, 
 1537-40; Marcos de Niza, 1540-3; Francisco de Soto, 1543-6; Alonso Rangel, 
 1546-8; Toribio Motolinia, 1548-51; Juan de Gaona, 1551-2; Juan de San 
 Francisco, 1552-5; Francisco de Bustamante, 1555-7; Francisco de Toral, 
 1557-60; Luis Rodriguez, 1562-4; Diego de Olarte, 1564-7; Miguel Navarro, 
 1567-70; Alonso de Escalona, 1570-3; Antonio Roldan, 1573-6; Pedro Oroz, 
 1576-8; Domingo de Areizaga, 1578-81; Miguel Navarro, 1581-3; Pedro deSau 
 Sebastian, 1583-9; Domingo de Areizaga, 1589-92; Rodrigo de Santillan, 
 1592-5; Juan de Lazcano, 1598-1600; Buenaventura de Paredes, 1600. Men- 
 dieta, Hist. Ecles., 540-3; Torquemada, iii. 371-4. 
 
 ^5 Of 24 friars sent out by the king with Father Miguel Navarro, the 
 greater part were drowned, their ship having been stranded on Garden Keys. 
 Franciscanos, Abandono, in Prov. S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 169-77. 
 
 He had told them to await the king's pleasure. From 80 to 100 friars 
 were then much needed, as also a number of clergymen. The marquis, as 
 
714 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 They again took charge of San Juan Iztaquimaxti- 
 tlan, however, as a mark of respect to the viceroy, and 
 offered to do the same with any other he might desire. 
 
 From the poverty at all times displayed by the 
 Franciscans grew the practice of giving them alms. 
 With such gifts and the personal service of the na- 
 tives were built, and provided with all necessaries, 
 parish churches, convents, and numerous chapels. To 
 give some idea of the contributions I may mention 
 the church of Santiago, erected at the cost of 90,000 
 2)esos."^ The stone-cutters and masons as well as the 
 common laborers, though receiving no pay, worked as 
 heartily as for their full wages in money. A man, 
 Juan Nieto, who had the contract for supplying the 
 city of Mexico with beef, during thirty or thirty-five 
 years, furnished the large convent, with its eighty or 
 a hundred friars, all the meat required, free of charge. 
 Nieto afterward met with disaster, lost his fortune, 
 and ended his days in the convent of San Francisco, 
 receiving for his sustenance one of the many rations 
 that in his prosperity he had contributed to others. 
 The Franciscans for forty years refused to receive the 
 royal allowance to the religious orders engaged in the 
 conversion of the Indians. But as the time came 
 when voluntary contributions diminished, they were 
 obliged to solicit the king's aid.^^ 
 
 The following rules were observed by the order in 
 the reception of new members. Each novice prior to 
 profession had to make a solemn declaration setting 
 forth the names of his parents and his age; and that 
 
 early as Oct. 1563, had called the king's attention to this fact, particularly 
 commencling the Franciscans, whom the natives preferred to all other priests. 
 He thought, moreover, that the order having neither property nor income, 
 could be more easily controlled, and kept obedient to the royal behests. Cor- 
 tes, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 457-8. 
 
 The memoranda of the old convent of San Francisco in Mexico showed 
 entries of contributions of 7,000, 6,000, and 4,000 pesos, and an almost un- 
 limited number of smaller sums, ' de mil, de quinientos, y de mas, y menos 
 ceros, que estos.' Torquemada, iii. 218. 
 
 In January 1587 the viceroy was directed to continue to them the stipend 
 of 100 pesos and 50 fanegas of maize every year per man, as had been there- 
 tofore done with the three mendicant orders, without causing them useless de- 
 lays. The order was issued at their own request. 6rdenes de la Corona^ MS., 
 ii. 124; Torquemada^ iii. 263-4. 
 
THE SANTO EVANGELIC. 
 
 715 
 
 in professing he acted of his own free will. That 
 declaration he subscribed in the presence of the father- 
 guardian, the master of novices, and two other priests 
 as witnesses. Newly professed friars were formally 
 notified in the presence of the members of the con- 
 vent assembled in chapter, that if at any time it should 
 be discovered that they were descendants, within the 
 fourth degree of lineage, of Moors, Jews, converts, 
 or heretics sentenced to be burned alive or in effigy, 
 their profession would become null, and they would be 
 ignominiously expelled from the order. The friars 
 thus warned were then required to sign their names 
 to the declaration together with the guardian, master 
 of novices, and others.^^ 
 
 In 1585 it was ordered that friars assigned to a 
 province in the Indies ivjuld not be detached there- 
 from and sent to another by the ordinary prelates 
 dwelling in any part of the Indies. Friars were to 
 go direct to the places of their appointment. The 
 comisarios who had procured such friars in Europe 
 for the Indies could not bestow on them the degrees 
 of preacher or confessor, nor give them a license to 
 be ordained. Any religious who had gone to Spain 
 from the Indies could not return unless his visit to 
 Spain had been by the prelate's orders on special 
 business.^^ And in a cedula of October 20, 1580, the 
 king forbade the departure of any priest for Spain, 
 without first obtaining a royal license; and demanded 
 information as to the number of religiosos actually 
 needed, so that he might provide them/^ 
 
 2' The Lihro cle Recepciones of the convent of San Francisco of Mexico, 
 which in the original is in my library, is full of such declarations. 
 
 Esiatvtos Generales de Barcelona, para la Familia Cismontana, de la Orden 
 de nuestro Seraphico Padre S. Francisco. Mexico, 1585, sm. fol., 125 fol. and 
 15 1., unpaged. This is a rare work, which contains the general rules of the 
 Franciscan order, decreed by Father Francisco Gonzaga, minister general of 
 the order; later reformed and recompiled by a number of priests who had 
 been deputed therefor, and accepted and approved at the intermediate general 
 chapter of the cismontane family, held at Toledo in the convent of San Juan 
 de los Eeyes of the province of Castile, in 1583, and confirmed by the gen- 
 eral. The book contains nine chapters of rules, and much other information 
 for the use of the Franciscan order. 
 
 *^ The c(5dula was addressed to all orders, including the Jesuits. Ordenea 
 de la Corona^ MS. , ii. 40. 
 
716 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 The Franciscans having scattered themselves in 
 several fields throughout America, the prelates general 
 decided to commission a representative under the title 
 of comisario general, who should transact, within his 
 jurisdiction, the important affairs of the order with the 
 same powers as if the minister general were personally 
 present. The jurisdiction of the comisario general of 
 New Spain extended over the whole of Mexico, Yu- 
 catan inclusive, and Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Cuba.*^ 
 
 As the head of so large a section of a great order 
 he possessed a power before which even the king's 
 vicegerent was compelled to bow. This was instanced 
 by an occurrence in 1578, exhibiting the haughtiness 
 and presumption of one of these dignitaries. Friar 
 Francisco de Rivera, which, but for the forbearance 
 of Enriquez, might have been followed by a serious 
 riot. Rivera one day visited the viceroy's palace, 
 asking for an audience to treat on affairs of his order. 
 The viceroy being engaged could not at once grant 
 him the interview. The friar resented the delay as 
 an affront to himself and his office, and spoke of it 
 from the pulpit.^^ 
 
 The viceroy consulted the audiencia on what he 
 deemed an insult, and an order was issued to Rivera 
 to depart forthwith for Spain. Knowing that he must 
 go, the friar would have yet one more fling at the 
 viceroy. Summoning all the members of his order, 
 he marched at their head out of Mexico for Vera 
 Cruz, carrying a cross and chanting the psalm In 
 
 *2 The comisarios generales of the order that visited Mexico were: Alonso 
 de Rozas, 1531-3, who died and was buried in Mexico; Juan de Granada, 
 1533-5; Francisco de Osuna, 1535-41; Jacobo de Testera, 1541-3; Martin de 
 Hojacastro, 1543-7; Francisco de Bustamante, 1547-50; Francisco de Mena, 
 1550-9; none chosen till 15G1; Francisco de Bustamante, 1561-3; Juan de 
 San Miguel, 1563; Diego de Olarte, 1568 — he died; Francisco de Rivera, 
 1569; Miguel Navarro, 1573; Rodrigo de Sequera, 1576; Pedro de Oroz, 1582; 
 Alonso Ponce, 1584; Bernardino de San Cebrian, 1589; Pedro de Pila, 1595; 
 Diego Munoz, and Diego Caro, who died in a short while. Mendieta, Hist. 
 Edes., 543-5; Torquemada, iii. 374-6, 460-1. 
 
 ' En Palacio todo se iguala, y no ai diferencia de lo Secular i, lo Eclesias- 
 tico.' Father Torquemada, i. 647-8, in describing this incident, naturally 
 makes out a case for his Franciscan brother, whom he considers justly offended. 
 Rivera, after his recall, retired to his province, San Miguel, and never again 
 held office. 
 
FRIAR ALONSO PONCE. 
 
 717 
 
 exitu Israel de Aegipto." The people, who were 
 devoted to the Franciscans, became greatly excited, 
 and there was fear of trouble. The viceroy felt angry 
 of course, and was disposed to punish Kivera, but was 
 persuaded from it by his friends, who brought the 
 commissary back to the city, and restored the appear- 
 ance of harmony for a time. But the viceroy wrote 
 the king upon the matter, whereupon the indiscreet 
 friar was at once recalled to Spain. At a later date 
 the tables were turned. 
 
 In 1584 Friar Alonso Ponce came to Mexico hold- 
 ing that office. He presented his credentials to the 
 archbishop-viceroy, and entered upon the discharge of 
 his duties. But his mission was destined to hinder- 
 ance and his person to insult at the hands of the pro- 
 vincial and definidores of the Santo Evangelio and 
 others, who refused to recognize him as their superior. 
 The viceroy and audiencia also treated Ponce with 
 great indignity, disregarding every consideration due 
 his person, office, age, and ill-health, and compelled 
 him to leave Mexico before he had fulfilled his mis- 
 sion. Upon his return from Central America, on his 
 way to Michoacan, he was again subjected to insults, 
 and hindered in performing his duties. It would be 
 an almost endless task to enter into the particulars 
 of this scandalous affair. Suffice it to say that in the 
 end the provincial of the Santo Evangelio was deprived 
 of his office by the superior of the order in Spain, and 
 all the acts of himself and the definidores, subsequent 
 to their insubordination, were rejected by the next 
 general chapter.^ 
 
 They had sent two deputies to tlie chapter, who went from Vera Cruz 
 in the same ship that conveyed Father Pedro de Zdrate, the deputy of the 
 comisario general. The former quarrelled with the latter in Habana, and 
 continued their voyage upon another vessel. They were captured by 
 French corsairs, carried to La Rochelle, maltreated, and lost 12,000 pesos 
 and many valuable things in their charge. When allowed to go to Spain, they 
 found there Zdrate, who had arrived in safety; and upon presenting them- 
 selves to take their seats in the chapter they were not admitted, whereas 
 Zdrate was recognized and took part in the proceedings. Ponce, Eel., in Col. 
 Doc. Inid., Ivii. 24, 182-5. On the 28th or 29th of December 1587, owing 
 to violent acts of the civil authorities and others in Puebla toward the comi- 
 
718 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 The new comisario, who arrived in 1586, despatched 
 to Spain six of the chief instigators of the disturb- 
 ances, while Ponce, though justified by his superiors, 
 was ignominiously sei t to Spain by the viceroy in 
 1588; the provision iiiade for him and his secretary 
 being scanty and of inferior quaHty."^^ 
 
 The second Franciscan province in the order of 
 precedence was that of Michoacan. Until 1565 it 
 formed together with Jalisco a custodia that had been 
 erected in 1535 by Father Martin de la Coruna, or de 
 Jesus,^^ and it progressed so much in the foundation of 
 new convents that the general chapter held at Valla- 
 dolid, Spain, raised it to the rank of a separate province, 
 with the name of San Pedro y San Pablo.^^ About 
 1570 it had, within sixty leagues, twenty-seven or 
 twenty-eight convents with fifty friars.*^ In 1586 the 
 province extended over one hundred and twenty 
 leagues from east to west, with a comparatively small 
 expanse from north to south. It was then in two 
 distinct portions, namely, Michoacan with twenty- 
 three convents and seventy- eight friars, and New 
 Galicia with twenty-five convents. About this time 
 New Galicia gave up three convents, retaining tw^enty- 
 two, with fifty-seven friars. It being impossible for 
 one provincial to visit and rule so vast a territory, a 
 comisario provincial was created, and when the pro- 
 vincial was in J alisco the comisario ruled in Michoacan, 
 
 sario general, against which the provisor in the name of the absent bishop 
 had solemnly protested, with excommunication, the provisor caused the 
 lighted candles to be extinguished, the doors of the alcalde mayor, of a dele- 
 gate of the viceroy, and of the other excommunicated persons, to be stoned ; 
 and as he was proceeding, an order came from the viceroy, under penalty of 
 forfeiture of temporalities and of banishment, to raise the interdict for 30 
 days, absolve the excommunicated, and go to Mexico with the papers in the 
 case to see if his acts were just. The provisor obeyed. PoncCy Eel. in Col. 
 Doc. InM., Iviii. 310. 
 
 *5 The whole account may be found in Col. Doc. InM., Ivii.-lviii., in hun- 
 dreds of pages. 
 
 "He died in 1558. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 475-8. 
 
 *^ Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 599, has it in 1566; it is possible this was the 
 year when the chapter's decree had effect. 
 
 Most of them were very old, but they did their best, and indeed accom- 
 
 Slished more than many young priests elsewhere. Mex. Bel., inProv. S. Evang., 
 IS., No. 1, 1, 2. 
 
CUSTODIAS AND CONVENTS. 
 
 719 
 
 and vice versa}^ The fathers were successful in mak- 
 ing converts among the natives, aided in their efforts 
 by a bull of Pope Paulus IV.; but after a time new 
 idolatrous rites sprang up under the garb of Christi- 
 anity, and in the Avalos province among the Teules in- 
 cendiaries sought in 1558-59 to thwart their work 
 by destroying the church of Chapulac, the hospital at 
 Zapotlan, and the convent at Jala. Supernatural 
 manifestations were not wanting to lend interest to 
 the religious history of this province. Comisario 
 general Ponce reports sorcerers in Zapotlan, and tells 
 of the flames coming up in a hole dug by an Indian; 
 they were extinguished by the alcalde mayor, by 
 pouring in holy water. 
 
 The custodia of Zacatecas was created in 1566 with 
 five convents, namely, Nombre de Dios, San Juan 
 Bautista in Durango, San Pedro y San Pablo in 
 Topia, one in the San Bartolome Valley, and San 
 Buenaventura of Penol Blanco, later San Juan del 
 Rio. Its first custodio was Father Pedro de Espina- 
 reda, famous for his work in Durango and beyond.^^ 
 This district had been controlled by the province of 
 Michoacan, but, Santo Evangelio friars prevailing in 
 number, it was transferred to their province, the con- 
 vent owned at Zacatecas by the Michoacan friars 
 being exchanged for one at Queretaro.^^ Such was 
 the beginning of the afterward famous province of 
 Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas.^^ Zaca- 
 tecas thus became the head, which till then had been 
 Nombre de Dios. The Franciscan order lost many 
 of its most pious and energetic members during the 
 second half of the century, sacrificed by the savages 
 
 This custom, however, had been discontinued lately. It was clear that 
 the province should be divided into two, each under its own prelate. Ponee, 
 llel, in CoL Doc. InM., Ivii. 517-19. 
 
 Ponce, Bel., in Col. Doc. InM., Iviii. 101. 
 
 About 1596 it had 14 monasteries. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 545. 
 ^'^ The exchange was not actually completed till 1578. Arlegui, (.'/i j-(fn, Zac.y 
 40-3. 
 
 ^^In 1736 it already had 54 convents. Arlegui, Id., 51-130; Iglesias y 
 Conventos, 312-16; Mex. Bel., in Prov. S. Evang., MS., No. 1, 1; Beaumonty 
 Crdn. Mich., v. 567. 
 
720 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 among whom they were engaged. Others were sub- 
 jected to blows, floggings, wounds, incarceration, and 
 general ill-treatment.^^ 
 
 The province of Yucatan was founded as a custodia 
 in 1533, but owing to an Indian revolt it was left 
 vacant for eleven years, until 1544, when it was reoccu- 
 pied by Father Lorenzo de Bienvenida.^^ From 1534 
 to 1593 thirteen bands of Franciscans arrived, the 
 total number of friars being one hundred and fifty- 
 six.^® The first custodial chapter held September 29, 
 1549, presided over by Comisario La Puerta, elected 
 Father Luis de Villalpando first custodio.^^ Yucatan 
 and Guatemala by authorization of the general chapter 
 at Aquila were joined in one province and seceded 
 from that of the Santo Evangelio of Mexico in 1559, 
 the provincial to be alternately taken from the two 
 sections. The first provincial chapter, held September 
 13, 1561, chose Father Diego de Landa first provin- 
 cial.^^ Father Bienvenida attended the general chapter 
 
 ^*The following appear as murdered: Bernard Cossin, a Frenchman, for 
 whom the honor of protho-martyr was claimed, but denied in favor of brother 
 Juan Calero, said to have been the first * cristiano vie jo ' sacrificed in New 
 Galicia in or about 1541; Antonio de Cudllar, Juan de Padilla, Juan de Tapia, 
 Juan Serrato, Francisco L6pez, Juan de Santa Maria, Agustin Rodriguez, 
 Pedro de Burgos, Francisco Doncel, Francisco Lorenzo or Laurencio, Pablo 
 de Acevedo, J uan de Herrera, Alonso de Villalobos, Andres de la Puebla, 
 J uan del Rio, Francisco Gil, and Andres de Ayala. Of the last-named the 
 Indians who killed him said, ' no habian podido cocer la cabeza. ' The mur- 
 ders of Ayala and Gil and Indians in their service was avenged by a force from 
 Guadalajara, and about 900 of the revolted Indians were captured and carried 
 to that city, a number being put to death and quartered. The rest were 
 made slaves, some for life, and others for a term of years. Mention is also 
 made of eight or ten other Franciscans who fell victims to savage fury; their 
 names are not given. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles.y 735-68; Torquemada, iii. 
 606-34; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 15; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles.y 158-9; Ponce, JRel.f 
 in Col. Doc. InM., Iviii. 52-3. 
 
 Vetancvrt, Chrdn. S. Evang., 24. 
 
 The first party was that of Father Jacobo de la Testera; the largest, of 
 30 or 34, came under Diego de Landa; there were several of 18, 16, 12, and 10. 
 Among those friars are worthy of mention, besides Bienvenida and Landa, 
 Ger6nimo de Leon, Luis de Villalpando, Juan Coronel, and Pedro Cardete, 
 Cogollvdo, Hist Yuc., 336-58, 388-9, 414-15, 515-31, 552-8, 591-2, 734-5, 
 758-9; Vazquez, Chrdn. Gvat., 536-8. 
 
 The custodia was erected with only two convents. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 382. The succeeding custodios were: Lorenzo de Bienvenida, 1553; Francisco 
 Navarro, 1556; Diego de Landa, 1559; Francisco de la Torre, 1560. Cogollvdo, 
 Hist. Yuc., 268-9, 288-90, 306-8. 
 
 ^^The second was Franciscode la Torre, chosen 1563, vice Landa resigned; see 
 remarks on relations between Bishop Toral and Landa. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 
 
FRANCISCANS IN YUCATAN. 
 
 721 
 
 f.t Valladolid in 1565, and obtained the separation of 
 Yucatan from Guatemala, to form a separate province 
 named San Jose, On the 13th of April, 1567, the 
 first chapter of the new province was held at Merida, 
 and Francisco de la Torre was made first provincial/^ 
 
 The Franciscans held the whole field in Yucatan, 
 apparently disliking the introduction of other orders. 
 It is said that in 1553 there was a great famine in 
 the region of Itzamal, and the people would have 
 greatly suffered but for the help of Father Landa, 
 the guardian of the convent, who during six months 
 supplied maize not only to the local population, but 
 also to strangers who came to him for relief 
 
 There were many Franciscans in Mexico besides 
 those named, who, for their pious life, learning, and 
 valuable services in the cause of conversion, deserve 
 a special mention. Among them are the following : 
 Bernardino de Sahagun, the distinguished writer who 
 came to Mexico in 1529, and died in 1590; Francisco 
 de Zamora, a man of high birth and office at court, 
 who gave up all and became an humble friar; Alonso 
 de Huete; Juan Fucher, or Focher, a French lawyer, 
 who joined the order and became a legal light in 
 Mexico; Juan de Mesa, Hernando Pobre, Juan de 
 Eomanones, Alonso Urbano, Miguel de Torrejoncillo, 
 Alonso de Topas, Juan de Bejar, Francisco de Villal- 
 
 308, 524; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 382-5; Vetancvrt, Chrdn. Prov. S. Evang., 24; 
 Vazquez, Chrdn. Ovat., 144-8, 179-80. 
 
 ^''His successors were: Juan de Armallones, chosen 1570; Tome de Arenas, 
 1573; Pedro de Noriega, 1576; Hernando Sopuerta, a native of Merida, and 
 son of one of the conquerors; 1579, Tome de Arenas, reelected 1582; Pedro 
 Cardete, 1585; Alonso de Rio-frio, 1588; Hernando de Sopuerta, reelected 
 1591; Gerdnimo de Leon, 1594, who died the same year, and Sopuerta com- 
 pleted his term; Alonso de Pio-frio, reelected 1597; and Francisco Arias Bus- 
 tamante, IGOO. CorjoUvdo, Hist. Yuc, 307-8, 325-6, 336, 386-8, 393-4, 411- 
 15, 423; Vazquez, Chrdn. Gvat., 274; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 383, 545-8; 
 Torquernada, iii. 337; Ponce, Rel, in Col. Doc. Incd., Ivii. 24-5, Iviii. 382, 394, 
 479; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 166-9. 
 
 ^''It is reported by Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 291, that no diminution was 
 apparent in the convent's granary at the end of the famine. The same writer 
 tells of the virgin of Itzamal, how the image was brought from Guatemala 
 and jjlaced in the convent at that place, where the Indians venerated it. The 
 Spaniards wanted it in Merida, but their efforts to carry it away proved in 
 vain, the virgin herself resisting. *No bastaron fuer9as humanas para 
 mouerla del pueblo. ' Numberless miracles are attributed to this image. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. 11. 46 
 
722 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 bal, Francisco de Marquina, Francisco de Leon, and 
 Melclior de Benavente. All the above figured in the 
 province of the Santo Evangelio.^^ Anoth er very re- 
 markable man was the lay brother of minorities Friar 
 Sebastian de Aparicio, a native of Gudina, in the 
 province of Galicia, Spain, of humble birth. On 
 coming to New Spain, he was for several years en- 
 gaged in lowly pursuits, but always noted for the 
 purity of his life. He was twice married, and yet it 
 is alleged that he maintained continence. At the 
 early death of his second wife he surrendered all 
 worldly goods and joined the Franciscans as a donadOy 
 becoming afterward a brother. He served in the con- 
 vent of Puebla as its solicitor for arms until his death, 
 which occurred at the age of ninety-eight, on the 25th 
 of February, 1600. Many miracles are ascribed to 
 him; he was beatified and canonized,^'^ since which 
 time be has been recorded in the Roman calendar 
 as the beato. 
 
 Among the distinguished Franciscans of Michoacan 
 were Pedro de Oroz, a great theologian and linguist, 
 who died about 1597; Miguel de Gomalez, theologian 
 and linguist, who is said to have mastered the Tarascan 
 language in 80 days; Geronimo de la Cruz; Joseph 
 de Angulo, one of the conquerors of New Spain, and 
 late captain and treasurer of New Galicia; Juan de 
 San Miguel; and Maturin Gilberti, a Frenchman.^^ 
 
 Some members of the Santo Evangelio, in or a little 
 prior to 1544, under the impression that the old vow 
 of poverty and strict discipline were already declin- 
 ing, resolved to found another province for attaining 
 greater observance of the rule. Father Alonso de 
 
 ^^Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 639-67, 677-715; Torquemada, 466-556; Vetan- 
 cvrt, Menolog., 68. 
 
 His gift of miracles was made to appear at the Roman curia, and Pope 
 Clement XIII,, on the 2d of May, 1768, decreed him duly beatified and 
 canonized, which caused great joy not only in Galicia but in all Mexico, and 
 particularly in Puebla. Rodriguez, Vida de Aparicio, 1-234, with portrait. 
 The city of Puebla formally made him its patron saint. Vetancvrt, Me?iolo(j., 
 17-24; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 580-4. 
 63 Torquemada, iii. 556-61. 
 
THE DOMINICANS. 
 
 723 
 
 Escalona for himself and others applied to the min- 
 istro general for the requisite permission, which was 
 granted;^* the new province being named after the 
 father general, Andres de la Insula, Provincia Insu- 
 lana, with Escalona for first provincial. They jour- 
 neyed into the interior, but could find no suitable spot 
 on which to plant themselves. Everywhere they en- 
 countered obstacles until they saw the uselessness of 
 further effort, when by common consent they returned 
 and were kindly received into the old fold. At this 
 time, 1554, the order had occasion to send religious 
 to Guatemala, and Escalona started barefooted as 
 the prelate of nine others for that field, where they 
 labored several years ineffectually, and then returned 
 to Mexico. 
 
 Another order of Franciscans entered the field of 
 Mexico in 1580 or 1581, consisting of fifteen barefooted 
 friars under Father Pedro del Monte, belonging to the 
 province of Saint Joseph in Spain. They were given 
 habitation in the hospital of San Cosme and San 
 Damian.^^ This was the foundation of the province 
 of San Diego de Alcala. Through Father Monte's 
 exertions^'' the erection of a convent was effected on 
 the plaza de San Hipolito with the ordinary's permis- 
 sion and the assistance of friends.^^ The construction 
 was begun in 1591, and occupied several years ; indeed, 
 it was not finished till 1621. When the barefooted 
 Franciscans had several convents, though not com- 
 
 ^ Eight priests, among them Juan de Ribas, one of the original 12 pio- 
 neers, and four lay brothers united in the effort. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 623, 
 668-9; Torquernxida, iii. 491-2. 
 
 ^^In 1576 or 1578 a party of 21 under Pedro de Alfaro came to Mexico. 
 Soon after most of them, if not all, went to the Philippines. ITedina, Chron. 
 S. Dicfjo, 8; Ramirez, Not. 3Iex., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 341. 
 
 It was asserted that they also were bound for the Philippines, but did 
 not go. Ramirez, Not. Mex., in Monum. Dom. Esp., 321, 324. 
 
 Father Monte was highly esteemed by Archbishop Moya and Viceroy 
 Conde de la Corufia, and often consulted on government affairs, being also 
 intrusted by the former with a delicate commission to Spain and Rome. He 
 was the first visitador of his order in the Philippines, whence he did not come 
 back to Mexico, owing to age and infirmities. Medina, Chr6n. S. Diego, 15, 23. 
 
 Mateo Mauleon and his wife supplied the funds and obtained the honor 
 and right of patronage. Medina, Chr6n. S. Diego, 27; Ramirez, Not. Mex., 
 in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 341. 
 
724 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS, 
 
 pleted, in New Spain, they were constituted into a 
 custodia, subject to the province of San Gregorio of 
 Manila, which was confirmed by Phihp II. Father 
 Pedro Ortiz was made custodio, and departed from 
 Spain at the head of fifty rehgious destined for the 
 PhiUppines. He was at once recognized in Mexico, 
 August 19, 1593.'' 
 
 In 1599 the custodia of San Diego had seven con- 
 vents, one of them in Oajaca, and made appUcation for 
 a separate government as a province detached from 
 that of Manila. As there was no opposition, the 
 pope issued his brief September 16th constituting the 
 new provinces with its custodio. Father Gabriel Bap- 
 tista, as provincial. This was sanctioned by the crown 
 on the 24th of December following. ^'^ 
 
 The Dominican order at the end of the 16th cen- 
 tury had in New Spain two provinces, namely: San- 
 tiago de Mexico with forty-eight monasteries, and 
 San Hipolito de Oajaca with twenty-one. From the 
 acts passed by the several chapters of the order prior 
 to 1589, we may infer that members were strictly held 
 to the rules of poverty and mendicancy. They were 
 to be not only virtuous and chaste, but were to avoid 
 temptation They were not to expose themselves to 
 false charges; and every member was forbidden to ask 
 from any person of whatever race anything, for him- 
 self, any one else, or his convent, save what the rule 
 prescribed. No one was to go to Spain without writ- 
 ten permission from the provincial. It was enjoined 
 
 Ortiz went as a missionary to the Philippines, and later to Cambodge, 
 where he perished at the hands of the Laos. Medina, Chrdn. Son Diego, 3G. 
 
 ''^ This erection of the province was confirmed in the general chapter of 
 the order in Toledo, 1606, together with that of San Francisco of Zacatecas. 
 Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 40. During the period named the following friars 
 of the order also distinguished themselves: Francisco Torantos, Antonio de 
 Santa Maria, Cristobal de la Cruz, Cristobal de Ibarra, Miguel de Talavera. 
 The last named was a doctor of theology of the university of Alcala, a man 
 of extraordinary eloquence, who had been the guardian of his convent in 
 Madrid. About 1585 he brought out a party of missionaries, who, after tar- 
 rying for a time in Mexico, were most of them sent to the Philippines under 
 Peter Baptist as commissary. Talavera retained a few to help form the cus- 
 todia. Medina, 15, 23-6; Granados, Tardes, 339. 
 
DISTINGUISHED DOMINICANS. 
 
 725 
 
 that no member of the order should be present at the 
 election of officials in Indian towns, or in any way 
 interfere with those officials in the discharge of their 
 duties, or assume a right to inflict corporal punish- 
 ment on or demand pecuniary penalties from Indians. 
 Marriage cases of an objectionable or doubtful nature 
 were to be referred to the diocesan. The religious 
 were to win the natives by kindness, "con amorosas 
 y graciosas palabras," not preaching words to amuse, 
 but sound doctrine to fructify their souls. The Ind- 
 ians were not to be charged for the administration of 
 the sacraments, ringing of bells, or other service, but 
 their gifts might be accepted. The penalties for viola- 
 tions of the rules passed by the chapter were quite 
 severe.'^ If they grew careless there was an eye 
 upon them ; the king had to remind the Dominicans, 
 and with them the Austin friars, on the 1 8th of July, 
 1562, that they were mendicants.'^ 
 
 The Dominican community founded in Mexico in 
 1526 was ruled from this time to 1535 by a vicario gen- 
 eral;'^ from 1535 to 1568, by a provincial whose term 
 was of three years; from and after 1568, of four y ears. 
 The first to hold the office was Domingo de Betanzos,^^ 
 
 ''^Actas Prov., MS., 1-178. The Adas Provindales de la Provincia de 
 Santiago de Mexico del Orden de Predicadores, a manuscript of my collec- 
 tion, are the original minutes from 1549 to 1589 of the chapters held by the 
 Dominican province of Mexico, furnishing lists of its members at different 
 periods, where they were stationed, and other information touching that order. 
 
 Mex. Col. Leyes (1861), Introd. xlvii. Nine members of the order were 
 honored with the office of father confessor of the ruling viceroy. Of those 
 who had passed some portion of their lives in Mexico, four became archbishops ; 
 fifteen obtained bishoprics; five were appointed bishops and declined to 
 accept the office; two were governors of the archdiocese of Mexico; and sev- 
 eral others were professors of the university. Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 
 310-11. 
 
 ^^1. Thomas Ortiz, who afterward became bishop of Santa Marta; 2. 
 Vicente de Santa Maria; 3. Domingo de Betanzos; 4. Francisco de San 
 Miguel, who came from La Espanola; he later called himself provincial of 
 Mexico under an election made of him in 1534. But his claim to the office is 
 denied on the plea that the electoral rules had not been observed. Ddvila, 
 Continuacion, MS., 284-5. 
 
 "^^ Pope Julius II. regarded the reasons for the change as good, and ordered 
 the provincial's term to be quadriennial; and the intermediate chapters to be 
 held every two years instead of every year as formerly. The general. Father 
 Vicente Justiniano, by his patent of May 12, 1560, ordered it carried out, and 
 *el oficio de Proiiincial dure quatro aflos.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 57. 
 
 ^■"His successors were, in the order given: Pedro Delgado, 1538; Domingo 
 
726 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 who later declmed the bishopric of Guatemala. A 
 prior's term never exceeded two years. 
 
 In 1550 an order had been issued to segregate from 
 the province of Santiago in Mexico all convents and 
 houses existing in Chiapas and Guatemala, and they 
 went to form a part of the newly created province 
 of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala. This took 
 effect from August 15, 1551.'^ As the chief convent 
 belonging to the order was in a state of rapid decay, 
 notwithstanding heavy expenditure by the friars, in 
 1552 the king ordered that it should be rebuilt at the 
 expense of the crown. 
 
 Among the Dominicans who distinguished them- 
 selves in Mexico, aside from provincials, are Juan 
 Lopez Castellanos, Hernando de la Paz, Juan de 
 Alcazar, noted for his great eloquence in the Spanish, 
 Mexican, and Zapotec languages; Diego Osorio, after- 
 ward visitador to Peru, who declined the bishopric of 
 Carthage na, and to whom the university of Mexico 
 paid doctor's honors at his funeral. Pedro de Pravia 
 was a learned man who held the office of definidor 
 in the order, as well as other positions of honor and 
 trust. He declined the mitre of Panamd, and on the 
 departure of Archbishop Moya for Spain was left as 
 governor of the archdiocese, which office he filled till 
 
 de la Cruz, 1541, who declined the see of New Gralicia; Pedro Delgado, 1544; 
 he refused the see of Las Charcas; Domingo de Santa Maria, 1547; Andres de 
 Moguer, 1550; Bernardo de Alburquerque, 1553, later bishop of Oajaca; Do- 
 mingo de Santa Maria, 1556; Pedro de la Pena, 1559, who became bishop of 
 Quito; Cristobal de la Cruz, 1562; Pedro de Feria, later bishop of Chiapas; 
 Juan de Cordoba, 1568; Domingo de Aguinaga, 1572; Gabriel de San Joseph, 
 1576; Andres de Ubilla, 1581, became bishop of Chiapas, and later chosen 
 for Michoacan; Domingo de Aguinaga, 1585; Gabriel de San Joseph, 1589; 
 Pedro Guerrero, 1593; Pascual de la Anunciacion, who after one year re- 
 signed; the office then went into the hands of the vicario general and visita- 
 dor; and Juan de Bohorques, 1599, who afterward was bishoD of Venezuela, 
 and later of Oajaca. Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 284-5. 
 
 ''^The request came from the province in Mexico, whose rulers did not 
 approve of a very extended area, preferring to provide a requisite number of 
 ministers so that every place within its territory could be properly attended 
 to. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 110-11. August 8, 1551, the king ordered 
 that each Dominican friar should be allowed yearly one and one half arrobas 
 of wine for sacramental use. Puga, Cedulario, 182; liemesal, Hist. Chyapa^ 
 532-5. 
 
 '^'^ Real Ctdula, in Col. Doc. Ined., xxvi. 205; Pwja, Cedulano, 185; Hex. 
 Col Leyes (1861), i., Introd. xlvii. 
 
DOMINICANS IN OAJACA. 
 
 727 
 
 his death, which occurred at the age ot sixty-two. 
 His government was strict. Besides these were Juan 
 de Cordoba, an old soldier, and one of the humblest 
 as well as most efficient members ; Francisco de Agui- 
 lar, one of Cortes' prominent and trusted soldiers at 
 the conquest of Mexico, a man of lofty thoughts and 
 generous impulses, beloved by the natives, and who 
 wore the habit forty-two years, proving himself as 
 good a soldier of Christ as he had been of the king; 
 Juan de la Magdelena, a son of Juan Alonso de 
 Estrada, who was governor of Mexico in 1527, and 
 who died in Ciudad Real of Chiapas in 1579; Tomas 
 de San Juan, a good scholar, exemplary, religious, 
 and an eloquent preacher; and Domingo de la Anun- 
 ciacion, who never ate flesh, wore linen, or rode on 
 horseback. Of the last named it is said that once 
 when in great peril of being drowned, he was saved 
 by a piece of the lignum crucis that he carried on his 
 person. He died in Mexico in 1591, at the age of 
 eighty, an object of love and veneration. 
 
 The rich province of Oajaca was almost entirely 
 intrusted to the Dominicans. They lost no time in 
 taking possession of the most convenient places, where 
 they erected convents, many of whose priests won 
 for themselves and their order honorable distinction. 
 Their progress seems to have been slow at first, and 
 beset with much difficulty, the old idolatrous doc- 
 trines having such a powerful hold on the Indian 
 heart. Cociyopu, king of Tehuantepec, who had 
 been dispossessed of his dominions, notwithstanding 
 he had adopted Christianity and submitted in peace 
 to the Spanish rule, feeling indignant at such treat- 
 ment, and believing that a religion which permitted 
 
 ''^Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 106-8, 115; Ddvila, Continuadon, MS., 160-2, 
 307-8; Ddvila, Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 343-91, 468-599; Dice. Univ., ii. 632; 
 iv. 708; viii. 100-1, 144, 370-1, 528; ix. 143-5, 232. 
 
 ''^ In many places idols were discovered by the priests buried under a 
 cross, which was apparently well cared for and venerated, or under the very 
 altars in the churches, and on which the heathenish sacrifices were sometimes 
 offered. All such idols, in whatever form, were destroyed. Ddvila Padilla, 
 Hist. Fvnd., 635-44; Burfjoa, Geog. Desa-tp., Oaj., ii. 387. 
 
728 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 injustice and oppression must be false, abandoned it 
 and returned to his old faith, and was discovered 
 sacrificing as high-priest to the idols, with six of his 
 people. Father Bernardino de Santa Marfa, the 
 vicar- general, admonished him in private, reasoning 
 tenderly, but, as he persisted, he and his accomplices 
 were imprisoned in the Dominican convent. The 
 people clamored for his liberty, and the civil author- 
 ity, fearing possible trouble, asked the priest to per- 
 suade Cociyopu to speak to his people and calm them. 
 The king replied that his vassals were his children, 
 and were righteously grieved; nevertheless he asked 
 them not to add to his sorrows by violent acts. It is 
 the will of heaven," he said. am well treated and 
 happy, and you must not break the peace." Never- 
 theless, he refused to recognize the jurisdiction of 
 Bishop Alburquerque's commissioners to try him, 
 because as a subject of the Spanish crown his case 
 should go to the viceroy and audiencia, before whom 
 it had been already laid. He went to Mexico about 
 the year 1563, summoned to appear before the high 
 court of the audiencia, and on his journey, though 
 apparently in custody, was greeted everywhere as be- 
 fitted the king of Tehuantepec, the son of Cociyoeza, 
 grandson of one Mexican emperor, and brother-in- 
 law of another. His efibrts availed him nothing, 
 however, for after spending a year in the endeavor to 
 obtain justice, he was stripped of everything. 
 
 According to Bishop Zdrate, afiairs in this province 
 were not in an enviable condition down to the year 
 1550. There were at the time very few priests and 
 only two convents, of the Dominican order, one at 
 Oajaca and the other at Miztecapan. On account of 
 the unsettled affairs of Cortes the valley seemed to have 
 been neglected, particularly by his sturdy enemy the 
 
 Deprived of his property and rank by the sentence of the court, he set 
 out on his return to Tehuantepec, and died of apoplexy at Nejapa, a town 
 just without the boundaries of his lost kingdom, where he did not meet with 
 the same distinguished reception as on the journey out. Brasseur de Bour- 
 hourg, lli6t. Nat. Ctv., iv. 825-9. Brasseur calls him Cocyopy. 
 
DOMINICANS IN THE NORTH. 
 
 729 
 
 viceroy. The few wealthy settlers had died, and 
 those remaining were in distress ; their condition was 
 such that in the absence of fortresses or other de- 
 fences'^ they were in continuous fear of the Indians. 
 The whole number of Spaniards in the city was 
 scarcely thirty, and these were anxious to depart. 
 Contrary to the opinion of Zarate,''^ Mendoza claimed 
 that the site of Antequera was a good one, being where 
 Montezuma had his garrison of Mexicans. When the 
 Spaniards went to live there they took possession of 
 the Indian dwellings. Cortes had a house upon a 
 temple and Francisco Maldonado another. 
 
 Between 1551 and 1580 affairs assumed a new 
 aspect, and much religious progress was made; and 
 what was no less important to the apostolic laborers, 
 a large extent of country was secured for the aggran- 
 dizement of the order which in 1555 already had a 
 good supply of priests, and in Antequera a vicar- 
 general of the provincial for the government of the 
 Zapotec, Miztec, and Mije regions. The convent of 
 Tehuantepec was in 1551 attached to the province 
 of Guatemala, as being nearer thereto, and one hun- 
 dred and thirty leagues from that of Mexico; but three 
 years later that arrangement was found inconvenient, 
 and the convent was restored in 1555 to the latter. 
 
 In 1554 was founded an establishment in Guajolo- 
 titlan, and in 1555 one in Cuilapa, and another in 
 Ocotlan. These foundations were followed by others 
 in Villa Alta de San Ildefonso, Xustlahuaca, Achiuh- 
 tla, Xaltepec, Tecomastlahuaca, Nochistlan, Tilan- 
 
 In 1550 the settlers petitioned for a fortress; but the government de- 
 clined. Mendoza, ReL, in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 514. 
 
 ^'^ Bishop Zarate affirms that the city of Antequera, or Oajaca, was founded 
 on an unsuitable spot with the evil intent of injuring the marques del Valle, 
 and that the settlers had been the suflFerers, for the Indians had increased in 
 numbers and occupied the environs. Thus the Spaniards had no outlet for 
 their live-stock, no pastures, nor lands to cultivate. Carta, in Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc, vii. 54C-51. Father Santa Maria stated in 1548, that 
 the Indians of Tepoxcolula, a town 16 leagues north-east of Antequera, de- 
 sired to settle near the monastery, and the bishop would not allow it; a royal 
 decree should be issued permitting it, as it would prove beneficial to the 
 natives. Carta, in Id., 207. 
 
730 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 tongo, Cimatlan del Valle by Bishop Alburquerque, 
 Chicliicapa, Santa Catarina, Santa Ana, Teticpaque, 
 Tlacuehahuaya, Juquila, and Chuapa.^^ All, as well 
 as can be made out, were created within the period 
 above named. In 1575 the order laid the corner-stone 
 of another convent in Antequera,^* which toward the 
 end of the century found itself at the head of one 
 hundred and twenty religious establishments in this 
 diocese. The creation of a separate Dominican prov- 
 ince of Oajaca had been contemplated prior to 1580; 
 but for various reasons the division was not made 
 until Father Antonio de la Serna obtained the final 
 order from the general chapter held at Venice in 1592.^^ 
 The Chontales, a fierce people, were brought under 
 subjection to the crown after hard fighting. They 
 paid tribute, but never would countenance the sojourn 
 of Europeans among them, nor dwell in permanent 
 towns. The first Christian churches erected in their 
 country were mere huts of boughs hidden among the 
 ravines, and scarcely distinguishable from the trees 
 and undergrowth. The people would j^lace food for 
 the missionaries on the ground at the entrance of the 
 huts and say to the Indian attendant, ''Tell them to 
 eat and go away, for we have no need of their mass." 
 Father Domingo Carranza went among them with his 
 stafi" and a rosary, attended by his Zapotec servant. 
 At first the Chontales fled from him, and he was re- 
 duced to live on wild fruits; but after a while some 
 
 ^2 Santa Catarina, Santa Ana, Teticpaque, Villa Alta, and Chuapa were 
 mere doctrinas. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., Oaj., ii. 225-32, 266-73, 280-5, 300-1, 
 307-11. 
 
 A rock was chosen on which to build, because of earthquakes. The con- 
 struction was begun with 15 pesos, and a cart with two mules; at first 1,000 
 pesos were spent on it yearly; then 2,000, and finally 6,000. All the Domini- 
 can houses in Oajaca aided. Remesal, Hist. Chyaya, 713; Burgoa, Geog. 
 Descrip., Oaj., ii. 340. 
 
 Father Francisco Jimenez was made the first provincial; at his death 
 Alonso de Vayllo accepted the charge, September 29, 1593, and one year later 
 took possession. The first chapter was held in Oajaca April 26, 1595. Pro- 
 vincial Vayllo's term expired September 29, 1597, and Martin de Zarate ruled 
 as vicar-general till April 19, 1598. The second chapter, the first electoral 
 one, was then held, and Father Antonio de la Serna chosen. Bemesal, Hist. 
 Chyapn, 711-12. The new province in 1596 had 48 monasteries. Mendieta, 
 Hist. Ecles., 546. 
 
OTHER NOTABLE DOMINICANS. 
 
 731 
 
 began to listen, and by spending twelve years among 
 them, he succeeded in converting some.^^ 
 
 The Chinantecs were believed by the first Spanish 
 conquerors to be ferocious giants who would not accept 
 alliance or religion. The Dominican priest Francisco 
 de Saravia was the first Spaniard to visit them. He 
 learned their language, and in four years taught them 
 Christianity, and induced them to live in towns and 
 practise the arts of civilization. He taught their 
 youths to read and write, and to translate into their 
 language a prayer-book.^'' The Mijes also taxed the 
 jDatience of the worthy missionaries. When the Span- 
 ish arms reached that country the Zapotecs of the 
 sierra and the Mijes were at war. Gaspar Pacheco, 
 sent there by Cortes with a force, found no trouble in 
 obtaining the allegiance of the former with a promise 
 of help to destroy their foes. Being a nomad people, 
 the conquest of the Mijes was a difficult task; it was 
 accomplished, however, with the aid of Father Gonzalo 
 Lucero, whose zeal prompted him to attempt in 1531 
 their conversion, for which he was given two assistants. 
 The nation being numerous and restless, to keep them 
 in check the Spanish commander founded in their 
 midst the Villa Alta de San Ildefonso with thirty 
 Spanish vecinos, and near it on the west a town of 
 Mexicans, named Analco. The villa was destroyed 
 by fire in 1580, and afterward rebuilt. 
 
 The Dominicans in charge of the Chinantecs and 
 Mijes enjoyed, under a royal order of 1556, a yearly 
 allowance of 1,000 pesos besides the necessary oil and 
 wine, church ornaments, etc. The natives were taught 
 reading, writing, and the useful arts by fathers Jordan 
 de Santa Catarina, Pedro Guerrero, and Pablo de San 
 
 ^^Bad health obliged Carranza to leave the field; his successors were the 
 fathers Domingo de Grijelmo and Diego Serrano; after 1595, Mateo Daroca. 
 Burgoa, Georj. Descrip., Oaj., ii. 339. 
 
 He lived among them 30 years. Several of the chiefs learned to wear 
 silk garments like the Spaniards, to carry swords, and to ride fine mules with 
 elegant saddles and bridles, proud of their good forms and manners, and of 
 their ability to write a good hand and compose well. Burgoa, Id., ii. 289- 
 90; Murguia y Galardi, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vii. 205-10. 
 
732 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 Pedro, and the lay brother Friar Fabian de Santo 
 Domingo.^^ It was said that Saravia and Guerrero 
 built one hundred and sixty churches in as many 
 towns. 
 
 Among the Dominican priests of this diocese who 
 distinguished themselves, and obtained high positions 
 in and out of their order, besides those already named, 
 are Martin de Zarate, Alonzo Lopez, Francisco Avila, 
 Antonio de la Serna, the two last being natives of 
 Oajaca; Gregorio de Beteta, who became bishop of 
 Cartagena; Pedro de la Vena, made bishop of Quito 
 in Ecuador; Pedro de Feria, afterward bishop of 
 Chiapas; Domingo de Salazar, prior of Antequera, 
 first bishop and archbishop of the Philippines, who 
 died soon after receiving the pallium in Madrid. 
 
 Juan Pamirez was a friar of Mexico and provincial, 
 and served among the Miztecs; after which he went 
 to Spain to defend the Indians, and died there. Juan 
 de Bohorques, provincial, was later bishop of Vene- 
 zuela, and subsequently of Oajaca. Domingo de Santa 
 Ana, noted for his purity, found himself imperilled 
 by the blandishments of a rich and handsome Indian 
 princess, who was desperately enamored of him. As 
 he rejected all her proffered caresses, she one night 
 entered his room, and while he slept threw herself 
 into his arms. Awakening, he succeeded in getting 
 out of bed, and with a shoe beat the tempter till she 
 screamed. People rushed in from the church and 
 discovered the much abashed cacica; the good father 
 meanwhile looking as if he had been fighting a legion 
 of demons. 
 
 Tomas del Espiritu Santo was one of the great 
 lights of the order. Domingo de Aguinaga was a 
 noted minister and prelate ; as prior in Mexico he was 
 exemplary, and as vicar-general much beloved. He 
 
 Guerrero was a man of letters, and became the provincial of the order 
 in Mexico, before the province was divided. Burgoa, Geoy. Descrip., Oaj., i. 
 43. 
 
 ' Le did tales golpes a la desenrroscada serpiete.' Bimjoa, Geog. Descrip., 
 Oaj., i. 88. 
 
THE AUGUSTINIANS. 
 
 733 
 
 was tlie confessor of Viceroy Enriquez, twice elected 
 provincial, and venerated as a saint. Alonso Garces 
 was burned to death in Villa Alta de San Ildefonso, 
 in 1580. Alonso de la Anunciacion was killed by 
 the fall of a platform on which he was officiating in 
 Etla, and by which accident over one hundred persons 
 were severely injured. Bernardo de Santa Catarina 
 came to Mexico in 1550, served among the Zapotecs, 
 and destroyed a great number of idols. When he 
 died, February 6, 1592, in Oajaca, the people crowded 
 his cell to cut locks from his hair and pieces from his 
 habit.^^ 
 
 The Augustinians having increased their numbers, 
 and made much progress in the foundation of con- 
 vents throughout the country, under the rule of a 
 vicar-general, dependent of the provincial of Castile, 
 ifc was decided to create a separate province in Mexico, 
 subject only to the minister general of the order. 
 The division was effected in 1543, and Father Juan 
 de San Roman became the first provincial. The 
 term of office was fixed at three years. During the 
 
 ^ The following authorities have been consulted on Dominican missionary 
 work in Oajaca: Bwgoa, Geoq. Descrip., Oaj., i. 84-6, 81-92, 104-8, 149-82, 
 189-94; ii. 202-50, 205-85, 300-11, 336^0, 387-8, 410-11; Hist. CInjapa, 
 713-15; Puga, Cedulario, 186; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 238-46, 461-4, 
 483-G, 504-16, 545-58, 625-50; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 89, 226; Fer- 
 nandez,, Hint. Ecles., 108-12; Ddvila, Continuacion, MS., 154, 285. 
 
 He went to Spain in the same year with the provincials of the other two 
 mendicant orders to represent at court the affairs of the country; during his 
 absence Father Alonso de la Veracruz ruled the province as vicar-general 
 nearly two years; his successors were: Juan de Estacio, 1545-8; Alonso de 
 la Veracruz, 1548-51; Gerdnimo de Santi Estevan, 1551-4; Diego de Ver- 
 tadillo, 1554-7; Alonso de Veracruz, reelected, 1557-60; Augustin de la Co- 
 runa, 1560-3; Diego de Vertadillo, reelected, 1563-6; Juan de Medina Rincon, 
 1566-9; Juan de San Roman, reelected, 1569-72; Juan Adriano, 1572-5; 
 Alonso de la Veracruz, 2d reelection, 1575-8; Juan de San Roman, 2(i 
 reelection, 1578-81; Antonio de Mendoza, a son of Captain Luis Marin, one 
 of the first conquerors, and Maria de Mendoza, of the house of the marques 
 de Aguilar, 1581, who died a few days afterward; Pedro Suarez de Escobar, 
 1581-4; Pedro de Agurto, 1584-7; Luis Marin, a brother of the late Father 
 Mendoza, 1587-90; Juan Adriano, reelected, 1590-3; Gerdnimo Morante, 
 159.3-6; Juan de Alvarado, a cousin of Pedro de Alvarado, 1596-9; Dionisio 
 de Zcirate, 1599-1602. During 12 years till the election of Adriano, the 
 provincials chosen were natives of Mexico. Father Luis Marin tried to 
 check that partiality, and thus do away with all spirit of jealousy. Grijalua, 
 Cr6n. S. Augustin, 185-213; Mich. Prov. S. Nicolas, 112. 
 
734 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 second term of one of his successors, Alonso de la 
 Veracruz, strenuous exertions were made by the order 
 to secure for the religious orders the tithes paid by the 
 natives. 
 
 The discipline prescribed by the rules becommg 
 relaxed, to the scandal of the order, Provincial Medi- 
 na Rincon, a man of much equanimity though capable 
 of sternness when occasion demanded it, summoned to 
 his presence in Culhuacan the offending members and 
 despatched them to Spain. They attempted remon- 
 strance, and even bluster, but the provincial was 
 firm.^^ So large was the number thus offending that 
 some of the convents had to be abandoned in conse- 
 quence, but the progress of the order was not retarded 
 thereby, and good discipline was restored. At this 
 time the Philippines were under the province of Mex- 
 ico, which supplied them with such missionaries as it 
 could spare. Under Father Adriano's rule the in- 
 creased number of friars permitted the districts to be 
 divided for more thorough administration.^* 
 
 Father Veracruz brought from Spain the lignum 
 
 ^2 Through the eflforts of Veracruz the Indians were much favored in the 
 matter of tithes. He was one of the most learned as well as pious and indus- 
 trious men the religious orders had in Mexico. After the expiration of his 
 second triennial he went to Spain in 1562, and was the object of high con- 
 sideration at court. He declined the mitre of Michoacan as well as the office 
 of comisario general of New Spain, Peru, and the Philippines, with residence 
 in Madrid, and a salary from the royal treasury equivalent to that of the 
 Franciscan comisario. While in Madrid he was prior of the convent there 
 and visitador of New Castile; finally, the general made him vicar-general and 
 visitador of New Spain and the Philippines. After a sojourn of 11 years in 
 Spain he returned to Mexico. He served his fourth term as provincial, and 
 then retired to the convent in Mexico, where after a lingering illness he died 
 at the ripe age of 80. His remains were buried in the chapel of the San 
 Pablo College, founded by him. Mich. Prov. S. Nicolas, 35-40; Grijalua, 
 Cr6n. S. Augustin, 145; Salazar, Mex en 1554, 57-66. 
 
 ^2 ' Vayanse con honra, si no quieren q los embie con deshonra, ' he sternly 
 told them. The priests must have continued in their misbehavior in Spain, 
 for the provincial of Castile wrote to Medina Rincon to tell him beforehand 
 something about their character when such friars were sent back, using the 
 quaint expression, 'quando embiase Frayles semejates dixesse. Agua va.' 
 Grijalua, (Jr6n. S. Augustin, 123. 
 
 Some of the priories retained 40 towns in their charge, others 60; 
 and these at first had been ministered to with great difficulty. Toward the 
 end of his term the same provincial laid before the chapter an order of the 
 general making the provincial's term four years; for himself he declined the 
 extension, and discountenanced the innovation. Grijalua, Cr6n. S. Augustin, 
 140. 
 
LA MERCED. 
 
 735 
 
 crucis,^^ and also a royal grant of the San Pablo build- 
 ing to his order, which met with some objection on 
 the part of the ordinary, but the viceroy favored the 
 friars. They were then assisted by friends, and the 
 provincial built a house for the theological college 
 with accommodations for about twenty religious. 
 Thus was the old San Pablo building brought into 
 use. The establishment soon became one of the most 
 notable in Mexico; a fine library was brought from 
 Spain for it by Veracruz. Father Pedro de Agurto 
 was the first rector. The order did not confine its 
 eftbrts to the archbishopric of Mexico. It had con- 
 vents in Puebla, Antequera, Zacatecas,^^ and Michoa- 
 can, which was one of its great fields. The convents 
 in the last-named bishopric were begun in 1537. The 
 first foundations were those of Tiripitio, Ucareo, and 
 Jacona, which till then had been in charge of the 
 Franciscans.^^ There was for a time some opposition 
 on the part of the bishop, till 1562, when the crown 
 stopped it. After that the Augustinians founded 
 convents in many places within that diocese. Two 
 deserve special notice; that of Charo, where lived 
 and died Father Basalenque, a celebrated writer of 
 the following century, and that of Tiripitio. Father 
 Veracruz, of grave, austere habits, and very learned, 
 obtained from Emperor Charles a cedula to found the 
 university of Tiripitio, which he superintended from 
 1540 to 1551, when he was prevailed on to transfer it 
 to Mexico. The order had in 1596 seventy-six mon- 
 
 On placing it in the convent's church the archbishop assisted, a high mass 
 was celebrated, and the bishop of Puebla preached the sermon. After the 
 ceremonies were concluded the archbishop asked for a piece of the sacred 
 wood for his cathedral, which being granted, the ceremonies were repeated. 
 Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes. , i. 35-6. 
 
 Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 226. 
 
 The Austin friars were a hard-working body and very successful in their 
 labors among the Tarascos. Sin. Mem. , MS. , 1 ; Midi. Prov. S. Nicolas, 78, etc. 
 
 Previously to the trouble it had houses in Guachinango, Charo, Quitzeo, 
 Guango, Yuririaptindaro, and Valladolid, Afterward one in Cupandaro, 
 Tzrosto, Patzcuaro, Chucandiro, Tinganbato, San Felipe, Undameo, and San 
 Luis Potosi. In 1573 the Franciscans turned over to the order the convents 
 at Tonala and Ocotlan. Midi. Prov. S. Nicolas, 69 et seq. ; Beaumont, Cr6n. 
 Midi., 470; Morelia, in. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 629, 633. 
 
 ^^The order had other men of distinction in Mexico, aside from those 
 
736 
 
 RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 
 
 asteries in New Spain, which early in the next cen- 
 tury was divided into two provinces. 
 
 The Mercenaries, or religiosos of the order of our 
 Lady of Mercy, were originally brought to Mexico 
 by Hernan Cortes, but finding that field already occu- 
 pied they proceeded to Guatemala,^^^ where they estab- 
 lished a province. Some of their members went to 
 Mexico in 1582 to attend the university. In 1589 a 
 convent was founded in a house bought by the order 
 in the San Lazaro district of the Mexican capital. 
 This convent was erected into a college in 1593, pur- 
 suant to a decree of Viceroy Velasco, which was sub- 
 sequently confirmed by Philip II. The fathers also 
 obtained permission from the king to found other 
 convents in America, and toward the end of the 
 century one was established in Oajaca, At one time 
 they endeavored to obtain a footing in Yucatan, but 
 the Franciscans prevented them.^^^ 
 
 In 1580 was brought from Catalonia in Spain by 
 two rich Spaniards, Diego Jimenez and Fernando 
 Moreno, an image of the virgin of Montserrat, a copy 
 
 already named for services in the province. Father Gerdnimo de Santi Es- 
 tevan was one of the missionaries who went with Lopez de Villalobos to the 
 Philippines; he wandered seven years without attaining his object, travelled 
 around the world as many more, and returned to Spain by way of the East 
 Indies. An humble disciple of Christ, he was always ready to sacrifice him- 
 self in the cause of the master. He died at the age of 77 after passing 55 
 years in spreading the gospel. Andres de Mata, Juan de la Veracruz, Juan 
 Perez, Gregorio Rodriguez, and Pedro Garcia. Grijalva, Cr6n. S. Augustin, 
 134-5. 
 
 A party of 28 Austin friars passed through Mexico in 1580, and em- 
 barked at Acaj)ulco for the Philippines. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles. , 546. 
 
 '^^^1 see, however, that on the 4th of August, 1533, some friars of the order 
 came to Mexico to found a monastery, as they said, for the spiritual benefit 
 of the Spaniards and Indian conversion. They asked the ayuntamiento for 
 the grant of a site. The petition was referred to a committee of one alcalde 
 and some regidores, with instruction to report. Another entry of the book 
 of that corporation says that the site was granted. Mex. Col. Leyes (1861), 
 i., In trod., xxxviii.-ix. 
 
 ^^'^ Vetancvrt, in Momim. Dom. Esp., MS., 36; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 
 10; Sac. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2a ep., i. 729. 
 
 ^^"^The comisario and definitorio of the Franciscans, on the 1st of Feb. 
 1547, wrote the council of the Indies from Merida, and among other things 
 suggested to reform, 'una drden de Mercenaries que por aca anda, d sean 
 echados de la tierra. ' It seems the Mercenarios did not take root. Extract. 
 Sueltos, in Sqiuers MSS., xxii. 101. 
 
A FRIGHTENED MONK. 
 
 737 
 
 of the one in that country. They built a chapel for 
 it, and endowed it with funds, agreeing to bequeath 
 their estates to the new establishment. In 1582 
 the brotherhood of the Descendimiento y Sepulcro de 
 Cristo was established under the advocation of Saint 
 Mao-dalen.^^^ In 1584 a similar orp'anization was 
 founded under the title of the Cofradi'a del Kosario. 
 It is related that Friar Tomis del Rosario when very 
 ill saw Lucifer coming toward him with a terrific and 
 threatening aspect. The frightened monk called on 
 the virgin to protect him. She forthwith appeared 
 and taking his hand in hers, said: Arise, recite my 
 rosary, and I will favor thee." The devil disappeared 
 and the monk was cured, and from that moment 
 began to exert himself to establish the cofradia, and 
 succeeded in obtaining many brethren. A silver 
 image costing over five thousand pesos was made. 
 Offerings arrived from all parts, and the worship of 
 the virgen del Rosario increased rapidly after 1584. 
 A cofradia was soon founded in Puebla, and another 
 in Oajaca.^^^ 
 
 In 1588 there were seven nunneries and one school 
 for girls in the city of Mexico, all under the ordinary. 
 One of the nunneries, of the order of Saint Jerome, 
 was used as a place of detention for married women 
 undergoing trial, and for those who had been sentenced 
 for violation of their marriage vows.^^^ 
 
 During Bishop Guerra's pastorate was founded in 
 Valladolid, Michoacan, the convent of Santa Catalina 
 de Sena of Dominican nuns. A convent of Capuchin 
 nuns existed in Oajaca at the end of the century, and 
 in 1589 a convent of the order of Santa Clara was 
 founded in Merida, Yucatan. 
 
 A brotherhood was organized, and the pope granted it the same rights 
 enjoyed by the one in Catalonia. Iglesias y Conventos, 113-14. 
 ^"^Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd., 561. 
 Fernandez, Hist. Ecks., 99-100. 
 
 The convent of Jesus Maria, finished in 1588, was built for the poor 
 descendants of the conquerors and early settlers. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro 
 Ecles., i. 38; SigiXenzay Gdngora, Parayso Occid., 5-11. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. II. 47 
 
CHAPTEE XXXIII. 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 1580-1589. 
 
 SUAREZ DE MeNDOZA, CoNDE DE LA CORUNA — A TOO BENIGNANT RULE— 
 
 Golden Times for the Corrupt Ofitcials — Suarez well out of It — 
 Archbishop Moya y Contreras Made Visitador — Then Viceroy 
 — A Stern Ruler — He Makes Money for his Master — Hard Times 
 FOR THE Wicked Officials — They Beg Deliverance from Moya — • 
 And Receive It — Zuniga, Marques de Villamanrique — A Just and 
 Moderate Rule — Pirates on the West Coast — Cavendish Captures 
 a Galleon — A Rare Prize — California Coast Defences — Commerce 
 on the Atlantic — Epidemic, Earthquakes, and Social Disruption — 
 Villamanrique Deposed and Humiliated. 
 
 Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, conde de la Coruna, 
 received an enthusiastic welcome in the capital on the 
 4th of October, 1580, as the fifth viceroy of New 
 Spain, the ceremonies being conducted with unusual 
 pomp. With the increase of the Spanish population, 
 and the development of stock-raising and mining, 
 wealth and luxury had assumed magnificent propor- 
 tions, and the viceregal dignity swelled accordingly. 
 In the present instance the high station and rare 
 personal qualities of Suarez had something to do 
 with the unusually brilliant reception. He was a 
 member of the illustrious family of the first viceroy, 
 Antonio de Mendoza, whose memory was still cher- 
 ished ; he was advanced in age, enjoying the fame of 
 a great soldier and gallant courtier, and with a dis- 
 position more affable, frank, and generous than that 
 of any of his predecessors. Thus he at once captivated 
 all with whom he came in contact. 
 
 Naturally from his rule the people expected the 
 
 (738) 
 
DEATH OF SUAREZ. 
 
 739 
 
 best results, and deemed it not unreasonable to look 
 forward to a period of peaceful progress which would 
 still further develop their growing prosperity. But 
 they were doomed to disappointment. The count was 
 a man too good for the place. He was too mild, too 
 lenient; he lacked energy; he was utterly unable to 
 cope with the corrupt officials who as a rule were ever 
 at hand to disgrace the government of New Spain. 
 His inability in this and other respects was increased 
 by the restrictions which had been placed upon vice- 
 regal power during the time of Velasco, and by such 
 royal provisions as that permitting the first purchasers 
 of notarial offices to sell them aofain to the hiofhest 
 bidder, paying one third of the purchase-money into 
 the royal treasury.^ 
 
 Taking advantage of the viceroy's weakness, gov- 
 ernment servants became more bold; public funds 
 were misappropriated, and the venality of the judges 
 was without precedent. Viceroy Enriquez had well 
 known the country and the people, and in order that 
 his successors might profit by his experience, the king 
 had requested him, as we have seen, to write out in- 
 structions to serve as a guide for the future viceroys 
 of New Spain.^ Under the present circumstances 
 these were of little value. Suarez' only remedy lay at 
 court; and in a secret report to the king he set forth 
 the disadvantages under which he labored, the wicked- 
 ness of the audiencia, and their disregard for his 
 authority. He requested that a visitador be sent 
 from Spain, clothed with sufficient power to chastise 
 the malefactors. 
 
 But all was superfluous; the Great Assuager was 
 at hand to deliver the sadly beset count from all his 
 budding troubles. Bowed by the weight of years, and 
 the vexatious duties of his office, he died, June 19, 
 1582. He left no family to mourn his loss, and the 
 
 ^ This permission to sell the qficlos de pliima was granted by the king, 
 November 13, 1581. lieales Cedulas, in Pacheco and Cdf-denas, CoL Doc, 
 xvii. 368. 
 
 Imtnicciones, Vlreyes, Nueva Espaila, 242-50. 
 
740 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 pompous rites of the official funeral were hollow in 
 the extreme, with more than usual mockery.^ Had a 
 strong man been present to take his place, the death 
 of Suarez might have been of benefit to the country. 
 But such a one was not at hand, and before the 
 funeral ceremonies were over the audiencia assumed 
 gubernatorial powers under the presidency of Dr Luis 
 de Villanueva.* Their evil rule was of short duration, 
 however. Suarez' private report, and information of 
 the doings of the audiencia, had their effect upon the 
 king, and in 1583 the archbishop of Mexico, Pedro de 
 Moya y Contreras, was appointed visitador. 
 
 The prelate had long observed the arbitrary pro- 
 ceedings of the oidores, and his austere disposition 
 and rigid principles offered little hope for mercy. His 
 power was dreaded the more because he might wield 
 it in secret as a minister of the holy office, the first 
 inquisitor of Mexico. Moya manifested no great haste 
 in his action against the culprits, but proceeded with 
 prudence to gather information and prepare the neces- 
 sary proofs. His preparations completed, he reported 
 to the crown and asked for further instructions. He 
 pointed out the great offenders, and recommended to 
 royal favor the few who had been faithful. The king's 
 reply was brief; the archbishop was appointed viceroy 
 with plenary power, and on September 25, 1584, he 
 took formal charge of the government as sixth viceroy 
 of New Spain, thus being the sole incumbent of the 
 three most powerful positions in the country, namely, 
 viceroy, archbishop, and inquisitor. 
 
 Seldom, if ever, during those times was the con- 
 fidence of the monarch more judiciously bestowed. 
 His elevation was hailed with joy by all save the 
 
 ^ In Torquemada, i. 648, the date of his death is not given, while Vetan- 
 curt and others erroneously give July 19, 1582. 
 
 * He died October 25, 1593. The subsequent personnel of the audiencia 
 consisted of Pedro Farfan, Pedro Sanchez Paredes, Francisco de Sande, Fer- 
 nando de Robles, and Diego Garcia de Palacio. Alcalde de chancillerfa, 
 Santiago del Riego; fiscal, Licenciado Eugenio de Salazar; secretary, Sancho 
 Lopez de Agurto. Concilios Prov., MS., i. 267; iii. 69. 
 
ARCHBISHOP MOYA. 
 
 741 
 
 audiencia and its satellites/ Proceedings now were 
 short and decisive. Some of the minor delinquents 
 were fortunate enough to escape with removal from 
 office; others were heavily fined and punished, while 
 several of the chief culprits were hanged. Men of 
 proverbial probity were then appointed to fill the 
 vacancies, and thus by the fearless and energetic rule 
 of this remarkable man, order and justice soon reigned. 
 The immediate effect of this procedure against the 
 officials was that in 1585 Moya was enabled to re- 
 plenish the royal cofiers by shipping to Spain three 
 million three hundred thousand ducats in coined 
 silver, and eleven hundred marks of gold in bars, to- 
 gether with valuable cargoes of the products of the 
 country. 
 
 Feeling his great responsibility, his zeal was inces- 
 sant, no less in temporal than in spiritual matters. 
 At the solicitation of the priest Juan de la Plaza, he 
 founded a seminary intended exclusively for Indians, 
 in which they were instructed in the elementary 
 branches. The college was under the direction of 
 the Jesuits, and soon became noted for the wonderful 
 progress of its students. In his other efforts to benefit 
 the natives he was only partially successful. 
 
 The government of the archbishop was too severe 
 to be of long duration. While the people would have 
 looked with favor on the prolongation of his power, 
 he had been the terror of certain persons, who resorted 
 to intrigue so common at the time to effect his re- 
 moval. The long list of charges preferred against 
 him, however, found little credence in Spain. ^ 
 
 Scarcely thirteen months after Moya took charge 
 of the government, and while he was actively engaged 
 
 ^ * Hablaba, y obraLa, como Poderoso en todo, y todos callaban, y suf rian 
 como rendidos, y alebestrados.' Torquemada, i. 649. 
 
 ® Under date of July 1, 1586, a series of 181 charges against Moya were 
 forwarded to the India Council, by Cristobal Martin of Mexico, concerning 
 'los e9esos e otras cosas que don Pedro Moya de Contreras. . .hizo e cometid 
 en desserui9io de Dios Nuestro Senor e de su magestad, e mal exemplo y 
 escandalo de la republica, assi espanoles como naturales della. ' Peralta, Not. 
 Hist., 348-9. In this document he is accused of incapacity to govern, the 
 
742 
 
 FIFTH, SDCTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 in his many duties, his successor arrived. After con- 
 tinuing his visitatorial functions for a further period, 
 during which he was still the scourge of evil-doers, he 
 finally returned to Spain, and was appointed president 
 of the India Council. He died in Madrid toward the 
 end of December 1591.^ 
 
 On the 18th of October, 1585,^ the seventh viceroy 
 of New Spain, Alonso Manrique de Zuniga, marques 
 de Villamanrique, and brother of the duque de Bejar, 
 was received in Mexico with the customary pomp, 
 and with rejoicing by the classes that were glad to be 
 rid of tlieir late tormentor. He brought with him his 
 wife and daughter, his brother-in-law, and a large 
 retinue of servants. At first the new viceroy was 
 highly esteemed, much on account of the amiable 
 marchioness; but in due time the newness of the man 
 wore off, and as Torquemada observes, 'Hhough he 
 was wise, sagacious, and prudent, during the course 
 of his subsequent proceedings, he gave not the satis- 
 faction he might." 
 
 Dissensions between the temporal and spiritual 
 authorities were becoming chronic in New Spain, so 
 that it was hardly to be expected that a viceroy and 
 archbishop could encounter without coming to words. 
 Hence we are not at all surprised to learn that at a 
 meeting with Moya, at Guadalupe, a discussion arose 
 concerning political and ecclesiastical affairs which 
 left the high dignitaries enemies for life.^ The breach 
 
 last charge we should expect to see preferred; of being a bad ecclesiastic, 
 disobedient to royal authority, living in concubinage, as careless, vicious, dis- 
 honest; of being addicted to cards, proud, vengeful, inhuman, and of possess- 
 ing what other bad or criminal qualities might be attributed to the worst of 
 men. 
 
 ^ The time of death is variously stated as having occurred in January and 
 in December 1591. It seems that the deceased had been so poor that Philip 
 was obliged to pay his debts and funeral expenses. Further information of 
 Moya may be found in Sosa, Espiscopado 3Iex., 27-40; Torquemada, i. 649; 
 Akfjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 208-9; Alaman, JDisert., iii. ap. 16; Gonzalez 
 Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 35-40. 
 
 ^ Concilios Prov., MS., i. 271; Mex. Hieroghjphical Hist, 126; Vetancvrt, 
 Trat. Mex., 10-11. Some of the modern authors, as Lorenzana, Alaman, 
 Rivera, and others, give the date as October 17th, 
 
 ^ One of the principal causes of their lasting enmity was that the viceroy 
 
ASIATIC COMMERCE. 
 
 743 
 
 between the two great bodies widened still more when 
 in the early part of the following year the viceroy 
 for the second time notified the three orders, Fran- 
 ciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians, to comply 
 with the commands of the king concerning the admin- 
 istration of the Catholic faith in New Spain, previously 
 given by Viceroy Enriquez. The provincials, evading, 
 replied as before, and the viceroy insisting, they ap- 
 j)ealed to the king. 
 
 It would seem to us from the present point of view 
 that the reappearance of pirates in American waters 
 would prove a pleasing divertisement from official bick- 
 ering at the capital. However that may be, the vice- 
 roy was greatly alarmed when he heard that Francis 
 Drake had taken Santo Domingo, and threatened 
 Habana. Messengers were sent along the coast from 
 Panuco and Yucatan, and into Guatemala and Hon- 
 duras, ordering coast defences to be made ready all 
 along the border to Nombre de Dios. Diego de Ye- 
 lasco, brother-in-law of Yillamanrique, was appointed 
 commander of the fortress San Juan de Ulua, and 
 two hundred and fifty men were sent to defend Habana. 
 The flurry, however, passed away, and news that the 
 royal fleet was approaching made the Spaniards breathe 
 freely again. 
 
 Since the founding of Manila in 1564, by Miguel 
 Gomez de Legazpi, a profitable trade had sprung up 
 with New Spain. It was natural, therefore, that 
 when fears for the shipping on the Atlantic became 
 somewhat abated, the people should begin to tremble 
 for the safety of their richly laden galleons plying 
 between the Philippine Islands and Acapulco. Of 
 the early voyages to the Philippine Islands little is 
 known ; but by chance a record has been preserved of 
 one made a few years after the departure of Francis 
 
 favored the oidores, who were subject to investigation by the archbishop as 
 visitador. See Ponce, Bel., in Col. JJoc. Ined., Ivii. 182. 
 
 ^"See the report of the viceroy to Philip II., in Cartas de Indias, 353-7, 703. 
 
744 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 Drake from the Pacific. Francisco de Gali/^ having 
 sailed from Acapulco in March 1582, left Macao on 
 his return July 24, 1584. Taking the usual northern 
 route, he .sighted the American coast in latitude 37° 
 30^ and without anchoring followed it to Acapulco. 
 Subsequently the islands were governed by an audi- 
 encia, but, the commercial intercourse with New Spain 
 increasing, it was thought expedient to make the gov- 
 ernment and judiciary of the Philippines dependent 
 on the viceroy and audiencia of Mexico.^^ The voyage 
 from Acapulco to the Philippines and return generally 
 occupied thirteen or fourteen months, and usually one 
 vessel was despatched every year.^* 
 
 With regard to the pirates, it proved as the people 
 of Mexico had feared. They were indeed again in the 
 waters of the Pacific. The country was aroused, and 
 an armed force was at once hurried to Acapulco, under 
 Dr Palacio. Arrived at the port, it was found that 
 the pirates had not touched there, but had been in 
 that vicinity. It appears that Thomas Cavendish, 
 
 Also written Oualle, or Galle. 
 
 The original Spanish diary not being extant, our only knowledge of the 
 voyage comes from a Dutch translation published in Linsdioten, Reys Ghe- 
 schrift, of which the first edition appeared in 1596. 
 
 ^''This change was effected about the year 1590 by Velasco, successor to 
 Villamanrique, when Gomez Perez das Marinas was appointed governor of the 
 Philippines. Agreeable to a special royal commission Velasco appointed Her- 
 rero del Corral visitador to take the residencia of the oidores, and organize 
 the government of the islands. The change does not seem to have worked 
 to advantage, however, as we are told that there were continual dissensions 
 between Governor Marinas and the clergy, and some difficulties with the 
 emperor of Japan. Torquemada, i. 654-6; 669-70. A royal decree of Jan- 
 uary 11, 1593, provided that thereafter New Spain should be the only pos- 
 session in Spanish America allowed to send vessels to the Philippine Islands for 
 trade, and merchandise was not to be brought from there to any other part of 
 America under penalty of forfeiture. Beales Cidulas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, xyii. 420-1. 
 
 The climate of the islands proved so fatal to the Spaniards, that of the 
 14,000 who had gone there during the previous 20 years, 13,000 had died. 
 Vizcaino, in Hahlvyfs Voy., iii. 560. 
 
 It was believed at the time, and some of the old authorities, as Torque- 
 mada, Cavo, and others, followed by a host of modern authors, state positively, 
 that this raid in 1587, during which the Spanish galleon Santa Ana was cap- 
 tured, was made by Francis Drake, who, as is well known, in that year 
 scoured the coasts of Spain. Of these modern authors I will only mention 
 Zamacois, who gives a detailed account of the affair, and says the pirate was 
 ' TTrancisco Drak. ' Previously he makes a short and vague mention that one 
 ' T omas Cawendisk ' took a ship coming from Manila in 1586. See his Hist. 
 Mej., V. 190-2. 
 
PIRATES IN THE PACIFIC. 
 
 745 
 
 or Candisli, as it is sometimes written, in a voyage 
 of circumnavigation and for plunder, had sailed from 
 Plymouth on July 21, 1586, with one hundred and 
 twenty-three men, on the Desire, Content, and Hugh 
 Gallant, of one hundred and twenty, sixty, and forty 
 tons respectively/^ 
 
 The fleet had entered the Pacific on February 24, 
 1587, and from March to June had ravaged the coast 
 of South America, taking several prizes with a mod- 
 erate booty, and retaining such prisoners as might in 
 the commander's opinion be of use later. Yet he 
 found the Spaniards less unprotected than had Drake ; 
 for he deemed it wise to pass by several towns with 
 out landing to attack, and on each of two occasions he 
 lost twelve men in battle. 
 
 On the 1st of July Cavendish approached the coast 
 of North America,^'' and on the 9th captured and 
 burned a new vessel without cargo from Guatemala. 
 From a prisoner, the pilot, Michael Sancius, he learned 
 that a large galleon was expected at an early date 
 from the Philippines. Soon another vessel was taken, 
 supposed to have been sent to warn the galleon. On 
 July 26th Cavendish anchored in the river Copolita, 
 several leagues from Huatulco, and during the night 
 sent his pinnace with thirty men to the town, which 
 
 ^^The standard authority for Cavendish's voyage is The admirable and pros- 
 perous Voyage of the Worsldpfidl Master Thomas Candisli of Trimly in the 
 Countie of Suffolke Esqidre. . .by Master Francis Pretty. . .a Gentleman employed 
 rn the same action, in Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 803-25. In the same collection, 
 825-3G, are Certain rare and special notes concerning the heights, soundings^ 
 etc., by Thomas Fuller of the Desire. A brief account was also published 
 in the first edition of HaUvyt, in 1589, 809-13. Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., 
 Viage Introd., liv.-v., saw two original documents on the subject — a state- 
 ment of Captain Alzola of the Santa Ana, made on his arrival at Aca- 
 pulco, and a declaration by Antonio de Sierra, one of the passengers, made 
 before the audiencia of Guadalajara January 24, 1588. Torquemada, i. 699, 
 gives the only account extant of the return of the Santa Ana to Acapulco. 
 The above mentioned are the only sources of original information on the expe- 
 dition, or at least on that part of it concerning our territory. The follow- 
 ing secondary authorities are before me: Voyages, Hist. Acct., i. 162-237; 
 Voyages, New Col., i. 43-62; Kerrs Voy., x. 66-93; La Harpe, Abrege, xv. 
 22-5; Burneys Discov. South Sea, ii. 85-9; Taylor, m. Browne's L. Cat, 20-1; 
 Gotffriedt, N. Welt, 367-8; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 214; Mofras, Explor., i. 99— 
 a list which might be easily augmented. 
 
 The Hugh Gallant had been exchanged for a prize, the George, which 
 was also soon abandoned. 
 
746 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 they burned, after capturing a oark from Sonsonate, 
 laden with cacao and indigo. On the 29th Caven- 
 dish anchored off Huatulco and landed in person. A 
 raid of several miles into the interior also proved profit- 
 able to the pirate, and on August 2d he set sail, hold- 
 ing his course northward along the coast. 
 
 But the prudent filibuster was satisfied to attack 
 the less defended places on the coast, and would not 
 trust himself into the harbor of Acapulco, having been 
 informed by Michael Sancius that this was the ren- 
 dezvous of the Philippine fleet. Though not difficult 
 to clear the narrow entrance to the harbor, it might 
 be a more serious matter to retreat in case of a failure 
 to take the town. It therefore appeared to Master 
 Cavendish much like a dangerous rat-trap, which he 
 wisely concluded to evade. 
 
 The next field of his depredations was Navidad, 
 near the present Manzanillo, where he landed August 
 24th, and captured a mulatto who had been sent 
 along the coast with letters to give the alarm. The 
 town and two large ships on the stocks were burned. 
 From August 26th to September 2d Cavendish was 
 in the port of Santiago, obtaining water from the 
 river ; and on the next day, from a port called Malaca, 
 a little farther west, the pirates went two leagues in- 
 land, and ^defaced' the Indian village of Acatlan. A 
 similar raid was made at Chacala,^^ where a party of 
 men were held until ransomed by their wives with 
 plantains and other fruits, one carpenter and a *Por- 
 
 18 < WTgg landed there, and burnt their towne, with the church and custome- 
 house, which was very faire and large : in which house were 600 bags of anile 
 to dye cloth; euery bag whereof was worth 40 crownes, and 400 bags of cacaos; 
 every bag whereof is worth ten crownes.' Speaking of the cacao the report 
 of Master Pretty here continues: 'They are very like unto an almond, but 
 are nothing so pleasant in taste; they eate them, and make drinke of them.* 
 HaTclvyt's Voy., iii. 814. 
 
 Here we have the reason why Palacio failed to find him in or about the 
 port of Acapulco. Master Pretty at this stage of his narrative remarks: ' Here 
 wee ouershipped the hauen of Acapulco, from whence the shippes are set 
 foorth for the Philipinas.' Haklvyt's Voy., iii. 815. 
 
 2" Described as 18 leagues from Cape Corrientes. Burney, Discov. South 
 Sea, ii. 86, without specifying any other than the Hakluyt account, calls it 
 the ' Bay of Compostella, probably San ^las, ' as it very likely was. 
 
ADVENTURES OF CAVENDISH. 
 
 747 
 
 tusfal' beinfi:: carried awav. From the 12th to the 
 17th of September the Englishmen laid in a store of 
 fowl and seal meat on the little island of San Andres, 
 arriving on the 24th at Mazatlan.^^ 
 
 Having obtained ''good fruites, though not without 
 danger," they repaired the vessels on the small island 
 just north of Mazatlan. Here, digging in the sand, 
 they obtained water "by the assistance of God in that 
 our great neede . . . otherwise wee had gon backe 20 
 or 30 leagues to water; which might have bene occa- 
 sion that we might haue missed our prey wee had 
 long wayted for." Poor indeed must he be who has 
 not a god according to his purposes ! Here the oper- 
 ations of Cavendish were watched by a party of Span- 
 ish horsemen from the main, who were supposed to 
 have come from Chametla, some eleven leagues dis- 
 tant. On the 9th of October the fleet left the island 
 and bore across to San Liicas, arriving on the 14th, 
 and watering at a river which flowed into the Aguada 
 Segura, since known as the bay of San Bernabe, or 
 Puerto del Cabo. It was time the galleon should be 
 coming; ah, what a rare robbery it would be! 
 
 The vessel lay ofl* and on till the 4th of November, 
 when early in the morning the cry, A sail ! was heard 
 from the mast-head. It was indeed the galleon, the 
 Santa Ana of seven hundred tons, captain Tomas cle 
 Alzola,^^ from the Philippines bound for Acapulco, and 
 having on board 122,000 pesos in gold, besides a rich 
 cargo of silks and other Asiatic goods. 0 rare and 
 righteous luck ! Let now both sides pray, and God 
 defend the right ! 
 
 The stupid Spaniard seems never to have suspected 
 anything wrong, for he came lazily along through the 
 tranquil waters, thankful that the long voyage was at 
 last over; thankful for the rich results, that would glad- 
 
 21 This is perhaps the earliest mention of this name, which is still retained. 
 
 22 Pretty says, Tomas de Ersola was a pilot and was taken by Cavendish 
 to the Ladrones; but Navarrete consulted Alzola's declaration in the aflfair 
 and can hardly be in error. He gives the name of the pilot as Sebastian 
 liodriguez. 
 
748 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 den the hearts of a hundred thousand men and women, 
 old and young. The Desire stood out under all sail 
 as if to give the old ocean-battered bark a friendly 
 greeting ; and the Spaniard seems not to have realized 
 the situation until awakened to it by a broadside 
 from the pirate, which was now at close range. In- 
 stantly all was activity on board the Santa Ana as 
 the surprised Spaniards prepared for action, keeping 
 down behind the bulwarks out of si^ht. After a 
 few volleys of small shot the Britons somewhat too 
 hastily attempted to board. The Spaniards sprang 
 forward, armed ''with lances, iauelings, rapiers, and 
 targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which 
 they threw overboord upon our heads and into our 
 ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put 
 vs off the shippe againe, with the losse of 2 of our men 
 which were slaine, and with the hurting of 4 or 5." 
 
 A prolonged shout from the Spaniards followed the 
 receding foe, but the heavy guns were again brought 
 into play, and a murderous broadside was once more 
 thrown into the galleon. Though the damage in- 
 flicted on the Spaniards was great, "their Captaine 
 still like a valiant man with his company stood very 
 stoutly vnto his close fights, not yeelding as yet." 
 But couraofe and endurance were of no avail: the 
 Santa Ana was doomed. 
 
 After a fight of five or six hours, when twelve of 
 his mcQ had been killed and the Santa Ana was in 
 imminent danger of sinking, the Spaniard struck his 
 flag, and lowering boats at the command of Cavendish, 
 he went on board the Desire to surrender and sue for 
 mercy. Cavendish turned his benignant face to the 
 Spanish captain and ''most graciously pardoned both 
 him and the rest vpon promise of their true dealing 
 with him," and "of his great mercy and humanitie, 
 promised their lives and good vsage." 
 
 On the 6th the prize was towed into Aguada Se- 
 gura,^^ the work of transferring the cargo began, and 
 
 Salmeron, Hel, 16, says it was Magdalena Bay. 
 
CAPTURE OF THE GALLEON, 
 
 749 
 
 the Spaniards to the number of one hundred and 
 nmety were put on shore, all of them save a few who, 
 it was thought, might be useful as interpreters or 
 pilots at the Islands. When the Englismen proceeded 
 to divide their booty, difficulties, as usual, arose with 
 threats of mutiny ; especially from the men of the Con- 
 tent, wdiich vessel had done but little during the fight, 
 though finally, much to the satisfaction of the fright- 
 ened prisoners, all was in due time amicably arranged. 
 On the 17th the anniversary of the queen's corona- 
 tion was celebrated on board the pirate with salutes, 
 fireworks, and general rejoicing, and on the 19th they 
 *'set sayle ioy fully homewardes towardes England. ' 
 The Content was left in the roads and was never heard 
 of again; but the Desire completed the circumnavi- 
 gation of the earth and anchored in Plymouth harbor 
 September 9, 1588. 
 
 Cavendish prided himself on being a most humane 
 and Christian pirate ; he would not kill the people of 
 the Santa Ana for the mere pleasure of it. He did 
 not ravish the women, or throw overboard the children. 
 After taking what he wanted out of the galleon, leaving 
 still some five hundred tons of valuable cargo, and after 
 setting fire to the vessel, he w^as not particular to see 
 that every plank was burned before he left it. There 
 was nothing mean about Cavendish; though it does 
 not appear why he did not leave the ship to the Span- 
 iards so that in it they might bring him more gold to 
 capture. Another mark of Cavendish's humanity and 
 fine gentlemanly feeling: before burning the Santa 
 Ana he permitted the Spaniards to take away the 
 sails with which to make themselves tents on the 
 beach, and also some planks out of which they might 
 build some boats to take them to Acapulco, so that 
 they were quite comfortable. They were put ashore 
 on the lower end of the peninsula, if we may believe 
 the gentle highwayman, in a place where they had 
 a fayre river of fresh water, with great store of fresh 
 fish, foule, and wood, and also many hares and conies 
 
750 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 vpon the maine land; "and Cavandish left them ''great 
 store of victuals, of garuansos, peason, and some wine." 
 And when the filibuster took leave of the captain, he 
 *'gaue him a royall reward," which consisted "both of 
 swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder," and a piece 
 of ordnance. 
 
 But better fortune was in store for them than even 
 Cavendish had intended. The galleon had been fired 
 when at anchor a short distance from the land. When 
 her cables burned off she drifted to the shore, and 
 ballast being thrown out, the hulk was found in a 
 condition capable of being repaired, as we are informed 
 by Torquemada, so as to carry the whole party to 
 Acapulco. 
 
 When they entered the port and their sorrowful tale 
 reached the ear of the viceroy, Palacio was again 
 despatched to capture the pirate, but without success. 
 For so serious a loss somebody must be to blame, and 
 there were many who accused the viceroy of not 
 having taken sufficient precautions to prevent the 
 calamity. 
 
 It was, indeed, necessary that steps should be taken 
 to render safer the Asiatic commerce, for under the 
 existing state of things the reward was too tempting 
 to escape notice. If such wealth could be so easily 
 secured by a handful of sea-robbers, then it were bet- 
 ter for all the world to turn thieves. It was along 
 the California, coast, where robbers lay in wait, that 
 there was the greatest danger ; and as the galleons were 
 obliged to go northward to catch the trade-winds in 
 crossing the ocean, a more northern port, somewhere 
 on the California coast, was first of all desirable, which 
 might serve as a station for armed vessels to watch for 
 and escort the galleons to Acapulco. 
 
 To this end, in 1595, the San Agustin was de- 
 spatched from the Philippines by Governor Gomez 
 Perez das Marinas, at the order of Viceroy Velasco, 
 the son, under the pilot Sebastian Kodriguez Cer- 
 
ATLANTIC FLEETS. 
 
 751 
 
 menon, for the express purpose of exploring the coast. 
 All that is known of the result is that the San 
 Agustin ran ashore behind the point a little later called 
 Reyes, in the bay now bearing the name of Drake, 
 or Jack Harbor, but then named San Francisco, prob- 
 ably from the day of arrival.^* 
 
 But the matter was not allowed to drop. The 
 same viceroy entered into a contract with Sebastian 
 Vizcaino to explore anew and occupy for Spain the 
 Islas Californias. Velasco's successor, the count of 
 Monterey, ratified the contract and despatched the 
 expedition in 1597.^^ 
 
 Though Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco with three 
 vessels and a large force, the expedition again proved 
 a failure, and those of the discomfited Spaniards who 
 were fortunate enough to escape with their lives sub- 
 sequently returned to Acapulco. 
 
 Meanwhile on the Atlantic, where the necessity for 
 the protection of commerce from the pirates was 
 greater than on the Pacific, more efiScient measures 
 were introduced. Commercial intercourse with the 
 mother country must at all hazards be preserved. 
 Hence navios de registro were formed into fleets, and 
 periodically despatched from Spain to Vera Cruz, 
 convoyed by war-vessels, the first coming in 1581.^^ 
 
 2* The further fate of the vessel and crew is left to conjecture; but the 
 pilot Francisco de Bolanos lived to visit the bay again in 1603 with Vizcaino, 
 and from him apparently comes all that is known of the voyage. Torquejnada, 
 i. 717-18; Ascemion, Rel. Breve, 558; Cabrera Bueno, Nav. Especvl., passim; 
 Salrneron, Rel, 20; Niel, Apunt., 74; Sutil y Mex., Viage, Ivi.-vii. The 
 question is fully discussed in Hist. North Mex. States and Hist. CaL, this 
 series. 
 
 Torquemada, followed apparently by all other writers, states that in 
 1596 the king ordered Viceroy Monterey to send Vizcaino to California, and 
 that the expedition was made the same year'; but there is a royal cedula of 
 August 2, 1628, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d series, iii. 442-3, in which the facts 
 are stated as I have given them, Monterey ordering Vizcaino to fulfil his 
 contract, * no embargante que en la sustancia y capacidad de su persona, hallo 
 algunos inconvenientes. ' Greenhow, Or. and CaL, 89-91, tells us without 
 any known authority that Vizcaino had been on the Santa Ana, that was 
 captured by Cavendish. 
 
 ^•^ For the interesting details of this expedition and the adventures of the 
 Spaniards in California, see Hist. North Mex. States, i., and Hist. Northwest 
 Coast, this series. 
 
 In 1582 new laws and regulations were promulgated concerning these 
 
752 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 Eleven of sucli fleets arrived at Vera Cruz durino* the 
 last twenty years of the century, carrying back to 
 Spain the accumulated treasures of the New World. 
 The expense of equipping and maintaining such a large 
 number of vessels was sometimes so great that all the 
 treasure carried would not pay expenses. Occasionally 
 it would happen as with an armada despatched from 
 Seville in 1593, having a capacity of 9,500 tons, with 
 3,500 men. It was commanded by Francisco Caioma, 
 but never reached its destination, being obliged to 
 convoy back the fleet of Alvaro Flores from New 
 Spain, with which it had fallen in on the high sea.^^ 
 
 The unloading of ships at Vera Cruz was tedious, 
 expensive, and generally attended with the loss of 
 many lives from disease. The time usually occupied 
 for discharging was four months, and nine or ten 
 months elapsed before the ships were again despatched. 
 For this reason many vessels were damaged or lost; 
 freights were excessive, and passage rates high.^^ 
 Ships for Europe at this time sailed from San Juan 
 de Ulua for Habana, which occupied some twenty 
 
 fleets, their outfit, and the manner in which the sailors and even passengers 
 were obliged to go armed. Ordenanzas, Casa de Contratadon, 60. 
 
 '^^ This subject will be more fully considered in my next volume on New 
 Spain. See also Ternaux-Corn'pans, Voy., serie i. tom. x. 455; Ari'dniz, Hist, 
 y Cron., 327-8; Alaman, Desert., iii. app. 20. 
 
 '•^^The cost of Caloma's subsequent expedition, in 1594, exceeded 800,000 
 ducats, which was much in excess of the ultimate amount realized. Vazquez, 
 Afunt., in Col. Doc. Ined., lii. 535-6. In the same year Prince Juan Andrea 
 Doria, in a letter to the king, accused the India Council of incompetence in 
 this matter, and recommended that treasure should be conveyed to Spain in 
 faster vessels than those of the English. He thought the transportation too 
 dangerous in 'galeones de armada,' however well they might be equipped; if 
 they engaged in combat, success was doubtful, and, even if favorable, there 
 was no certainty that while fighting one or the other of the treasure-ships 
 might not go down. Doria, Carta al Rey., in Col. Doc. Ined., ii. 171-2. In 
 1591 a large fleet on its way to New Spain was destroyed by the enemy, and 
 another at Cadiz, when about to sail. Vazquez, Apunt., in Col. Doc. Ined., lii. 
 537-65. The losses at sea were severe and continued, in addition to which, 
 as the king said, ' hauiendome encargado (sin poderlo escusar) dela defensa 
 de toda la christiandad demas dela demis Reynos. ' This, among other origi- 
 nal cedulas, signed Yo El Bey by Philip II., with royal seal attached and 
 countersigned by the secretary Joan de Ybarra, may be found in drdenes de 
 la Corona, MS., ii. 132. 
 
 Goods were kept a long time in launches and barges; large quantities 
 were stolen or smuggled, and the crown lost much of its dues. Mansillaf 
 Carta al Hey, in Cartas de Indias, 156-8. 
 
SOME MAY NOT MARRY. 
 
 753 
 
 five days. There they took in supphes, waiting about 
 fifteen days for the fleet from Nombre de Dios, which 
 brought the treasures from Peru; thence passing 
 through the Bahama Channel, off Cape Canaveral, 
 they sailed away from Spain.^^ Of course there were 
 shipwrecks, one of the most notable of early times 
 being the loss of the admiral's ship, coming with 
 an anxiously expected fleet from Spain, which was 
 dashed to pieces on the reefs at the mouth of Vera 
 Cruz Harbor, during a norther early in 1588. Over 
 one hundred and eighty persons perished in sight of 
 the town, for lack of boats on shore to deliver them.^"^ 
 A consulate or commercial tribunal was originated 
 in the city of Mexico in 1581, under whose protection 
 the growing commerce of the country might be regu- 
 lated. The merchants hailed this institution with 
 satisfaction, for Mexico was now the commercial 
 centre for traders from Asia, America, and Europe, 
 and the harbors of Vera Cruz and Acapulco had 
 become famous in the trafficking world.'''^ 
 
 But what were shipwrecks, and the depredationB 
 of filibusters, and the loss of galleons, with the conse- 
 quent curses of the men, and the low long-drawn com- 
 plaints of women — what to the unhappy representa- 
 tive of royalty were such troubles compared with those 
 attending the regulations of the social spheres? "By 
 thee, O king! we live and move and have our being," 
 the maids and matrons of New Spain might say. 
 '^Thou givest us better than corn and wine — hus- 
 bands great or small according to thy good pleasure; 
 ai?d frocks and ribbons, in thy great Majesty deter- 
 mining the extent and colors of them." And if Philip 
 so said, Vallamanrique must take his viceregal seat on 
 
 Hortop's Travailes, in Haldvyts Voy.^ iii. 493. 
 ^^The admiral and over 100 persons were saved by the exertions of some 
 few who ventured out in boats to their assistance. Ponce, Rdacion, in CoL 
 Doc. Imd., Iviii. 480. 
 
 Though begun in 1581, the establishment of the consulate was not fully 
 established until 10 or 12 years later. For details and list of officers, soe CallCf 
 Mem. y Not, 53; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 30-1. 
 Hist. Mex., Vol, II. 43 
 
754 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 the pinnacle of Popocatepetl, and thence direct the 
 ebb and flow of ocean, the movements of the clouds, 
 the growth of plants, and the respiration of all organic 
 things. 
 
 There was in force a royal decree, issued some years 
 previously, forbidding any government oflScials in 
 America from marrying within the district where 
 they held jurisdiction, without special permission from 
 the king, under penalty of forfeiture of the royal favor 
 and the offices they held; nor might they ever again 
 hold any office in the Indies.^* Hitherto the law had 
 been little heeded; either officials had not desired to 
 break it, or, breaking it, little notice had been taken 
 of the offence. 
 
 But the time had come when the king's authority 
 must be enforced. In defiance of the law an oidor of 
 the audiencia of Guadalajara had married, and the 
 royal procurator of that district had allowed his 
 aaughter to marry. Villamanrique ordered their 
 arrest. The officers resisted, and dissensions followed, 
 during which the question of jurisdiction was brought 
 lorward. None of the opponents yielded, until the 
 viceroy, becoming exasperated, despatched a military 
 force against the audiencia. Other troops were there 
 ready to oppose them. For a time war was immi- 
 nent, but, by the wise interference of lovers of peace, 
 harmony was at length restored. 
 
 Other historic troubles followed. In 1 5 8 8 the native 
 population of New Spain was again decimated by a 
 pestilence like that of 1576. The provinces suffering 
 most were Tlascala and Toluca; though here, where 
 
 Contracts of marriage, verbal or in writing, made with the idea or hope 
 that the royal license would be forthcoming, were to be treated the same as 
 formal marriages, so far as the penalties were concerned. The decree was 
 dated at Lisbon February 26, 1582. Real Cedula, in Pacheco and Cardenas, 
 Col. Doc, xviii. 244-7. 
 
 'Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8 yeres 
 old with a boy of 12 yeres old.' Cano, Letter, in HaMvyt's Voy., iii. 396-7. 
 
 According to Alegre, Hist. Comip. Jesus, i. 221, the viceroy was moved 
 to relent by a Jesuit's sermon on forgiveness. Torquemada, i. 650, says that 
 the viceroy was removed for this affair. Cavo, Tres Sif/los, i. 216-17, tells us 
 the quarrel was about the jurisdiction over certain towns. 
 
A CHANGE WANTED. 
 
 755 
 
 the Matlalzinco, Mexican, and Otomf nations lived 
 intermixed, the two latter remained in a measure free 
 from the ravages of the disease.^'' 
 
 The following year, 1589, was not less calamitous. 
 On April 11th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, there 
 was a great earthquake in the city of Mexico and 
 throughout the province; and on the 26th of the same 
 month there were three heavy shocks, two within half 
 an hour, and the other during the night. In the city 
 of Mexico several walls fell, and many buildings were 
 otherwise injured; in Coyuhuacan much of the work 
 on the Dominican convent was destroyed; but for all 
 this the inhabitants were more frightened than hurt.^^ 
 
 And now came the usual petitions to the king ask- 
 ing for a change of government. At all events, they 
 want this viceroy recalled ; the crown can do as it 
 likes about sending another. There was nothing in 
 particular with which to charge him; Yillamanrique 
 had been wise, honest, and humane, instant in fulfill- 
 ing his duties to the people and loyal to his king. 
 But the pirates had come and captured the galleon, 
 an epidemic had caused many to mourn, and the earth- 
 quakes had frightened them, and the viceroy would 
 not let the oidor marry a wife. That the viceroy's only 
 daughter should die, thus bringing to the father's 
 heart more poignant grief than otherwise all New 
 Spain combined could do, was nothing to them. 
 
 The memorials and unfavorable reports had their 
 effect upon the king, who feared most of all a repetition 
 of the Guadalajara difficulties, and so Yillamanrique 
 was removed from office. Luis de Yelasco, a son of 
 the former viceroy of that name, was appointed, in his 
 stead, and Pedro Romano, bishop of Tlascala, was 
 charged to take the residencia of the deposed viceroy. 
 This latter appointment was unfortunate for Yilla- 
 
 ^^In 1596 a like pestilence appeared, accompanied by measles, mumps, and 
 spotted fever, which carried off an immense number. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 
 515-19. 
 
 2^ Another shock was felt on May 9th, but slight. Ponce, Rdacion, in Col. 
 Doc. Ined., Iviii. 516. 
 
756 
 
 FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH VICEROYS. 
 
 manrique. Bishop Romano was an uncompromising 
 enemy, who had long awaited such an opportunity. 
 He now invited all to present charges, no matter how 
 trivial they appeared; he would make them large 
 enough. Especially were all claims for money 
 allowed. The ecclesiastic succeeded well in all these 
 operations. A faithful servant of the king was 
 humiliated, his peace of mind destroyed, his pride 
 brought low, his family reduced to poverty. Romano 
 was happy. Very different from his grand viceregal 
 entry into Mexico was Villamanrique's departure; the 
 former was a triumph, the latter a funeral. With his 
 afflicted marchioness, and carrying with them the 
 remains of their dead daughter, the late viceroy 
 departed from a land where he had met with nothing 
 but misfortune and sorrow.*^ 
 
 Romano even went so far as to attach the linen and wearing apparel of 
 the marchioness, Dona Blanca. Torquemada, i. 650-1 ; Cartas de Indias, 866. 
 
 ^''Many of Bishop Romano's decisions were subsequently revoked, and 
 the release of Villamanrique's property was decreed; but at the time of 
 his death only part of it had been restored. Torquemada, i, 650-1 ; Vetancvrt, 
 Trat Mex., 10, 11. The latter informs us that he subsequently retired to a 
 Franciscan convent in Spain, where he died. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 1589-1600. 
 
 Rumored Insurrection — Fears of Velasco, the New Viceroy — Recep- 
 tion — City Improvements — The Chichimecs — The Mines of Guana- 
 juato, San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas — Founding of Towns — Philip 
 Wants More Money — Velasco's Astute Measure — Conde de Mon- 
 terey, Viceroy — Futile Efforts to Move the Indian — Race Inter- 
 mixtures — NuEvo Leon — Occupation of the Northern Country- 
 Governor Carabajal — Review of the Century — Bibliographical- 
 Writers Subsequent to the Conquest — Torquemada among Others. 
 
 It was some time during the month of December 
 1589, that Luis de Yelasco, conde de Santiago and 
 son of the second viceroy, cautiously approached the 
 shores of New Spain as its eighth viceroy. First he 
 touched at the port of Tameagua, afraid to proceed at 
 once to Sa.n Juan de Ulua on account of rumored dis- 
 turbances in the country. Either Mexico had been 
 taken by the audiencia of Guadalajara, or Villaman- 
 rique had revolted; there were dire and uncertain 
 ebullitions in the land, and it behooved this son of his 
 father to be circumspect. Assured at his first landing- 
 place that the rumors of political troubles which had 
 reached Spain were unfounded, Yelasco proceeded to 
 Yera Cruz, and on the 25th of January 1590, he 
 entered the capital.^ 
 
 The city put on its brightest smile of welcome. 
 The new viceroy was no stranger to the inhabitants. 
 
 ^Torquemada, i. 652, Cave, Tres Siglos, ii. 219, and others, agree upon 
 this date, while Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 76, gives January 29th; Lorenzana, 
 Viage, in Cortes' Hist. N. Espifiosa, 18; Zamacois, Hist. MeJ., v. 198, the 27th; 
 and Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 11, the 26th. 
 
 (757) 
 
758 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 He had been there with his father; had indeed resided 
 in the country many years, fiHing various important 
 positions, particularly those of alferez real of the 
 ayuntamiento of Mexico and regidor of Cempoala. 
 He was more one of themselves than any who had 
 hitherto represented the crown in New Spain; and as 
 he was popular, well beloved for himself, and came 
 with all the prestige of rank and worthy performance, 
 all that wealth and warm hearts and high anticipation 
 could do was done to make his reception befitting. 
 Shortly before his present appointment he had been 
 employed in the diplomatic service of the king.^ 
 
 A better selection for the ruiership of New Spain 
 could not have been made at this juncture. There 
 had been troubles throughout the land, some real and 
 some imaginary, the latter usually the hardest to bear ; 
 now all were in the humor for a reign of prosperity 
 and rejoicing. Gold and silver were plentiful, the fruits 
 of the earth abundant, the native nations throughout 
 their broad area for the most part at peace ; now might 
 the sons of the conquerors rest; they might put on 
 gay attire and become fat and effeminate. Velasco 
 possessed ability and energy; he was intelligent and 
 learned. Above all he was loyal, not to the king alone, 
 but to the people. He was honest upon instinct. 
 
 One of his first endeavors was to elevate the con- 
 dition of the people, wliite and red. He was wise 
 enough to know that the best thing for them was 
 work, which manifested, indeed, great intelligence as 
 coming from a Spaniard. Among other beneficent 
 measures, he decreed on June 1, 1590, the reopening 
 and operating of the extensive wool and cotton fac- 
 
 ^Alaman, Disert.y iii. app. 18, and Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 76, assert that 
 Velasco was a native of Mexico. This is an error. He came to New Spain 
 with his father in 1550, when 11 years of age, and was married in 1556 at 
 the age of 17. During a subsequent trip to Spain he received many favors 
 at the hands of the king. When Villamanrique arrived he was at first on 
 friendly terms with Velasco, but enmity arising the latter again went to Spain. 
 There he was appointed ambassador to Florence, whence he was recalled to 
 assume the present position. He was at present a widower, 51 years of age, 
 and had four chddren, who resided in Mexico. Tonjuemada, i. 651; Cam, 
 Tras Sighs, ii. 217. 
 
VELASCO THE SON. 
 
 759 
 
 tories, established by the first viceroy, and which had 
 been closed. This gave employment to hundreds of 
 idle persons, and the benefits flowing from this in- 
 dustry were soon felfc throughout the country. The 
 consumers paid less for the home-made article, and the 
 money remained in the country. 
 
 Then he thought it would be well to beautify the 
 capital, one of the results of which was the alameda, for 
 centuries the favorite resort of all classes in search of 
 relaxation and recreation, and remaining such to-day, 
 a beautiful certificate to the taste and liberality of this 
 ruler.^ The city now contained about three thousand 
 Spanish families, besides a numerous Indian and mixed 
 population. During the successive decades it had 
 slowly unfolded into magnificent proportions from the 
 ruins of old Tenochtitlan. There were broad streets 
 bordered by fine dwellings, with here and there temples 
 and public buildings presenting a yet more imposing 
 aspect.^ 
 
 Velasco also put laborers at work to strengthen the 
 fortifications at San Juan de Ulua, and to erect new 
 forts for the better protection of the harbor and ap- 
 proaches to Vera Cruz.^ This was but a preliminary 
 step to the transfer of the city itself, in 1599, to its 
 immediate vicinity, upon the very site where Cortes 
 had nominally founded Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz four- 
 score years before. The transfer had been several 
 times recommended, owing to the unheal thiness of 
 the site, its inconvenience for trade, and its exposure 
 to floods and attacks.^ Few people indeed lived there 
 
 ^ The alameda was laid out by the viceroy in 1593, the name coming 
 originally from alamo, poplar, and applying to a peculiar grouping of trees, 
 of a xjromenade. Vetancvrt, Trat. Slex., 11; Panes, Vireyes, in Mon. Dom. 
 Esp., MS., 90-1. 
 
 * A contemporary religious narrator, extolling the fine houses and streets 
 of Mexico, gravely affirms that ' beautiful children and fine horses grew there. ' 
 Ponce, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Ined., Ivii. 174—9. 
 
 °In 1568 a garrison of 50 men were stationed there, with about 150 negro 
 laborers. It now became quite populous. 
 
 ''This was forciljly represented by the episcopal council of November 1555, 
 wherein it was termed a ' sepoltura de vivos. ' Lencero was suggested for a 
 new site. Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iii. 524^6. English travel- 
 lers also bear witness to its unhealthiness. Infants generally died there, and 
 
760 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 permanently, and it was only during the presence of 
 the fleet, from September to March, that it assumed 
 the appearance of the leading seaport of New Spain. 
 After that all who could removed to the interior, 
 notably to the beautiful Jalapa/ The new site of Vera 
 Cruz, if by no means healthy, was certainly better than 
 the former, and the city made rapid strides under its 
 alcaldes may ores. ^ 
 
 Another matter of importance was brought to a suc- 
 cessful issue. While the conquerors had from the 
 first grasped at vast areas, they really occupied few 
 other than mining ' districts, at least in the north. 
 Thus population was distributed without order, and 
 with wide distances between one settlement and an- 
 other, to the obvious jeopardy of the invading race. 
 When the natives had recovered from their first 
 surprise at the Spanish entry, and were relieved from 
 the superstitious awe of sorcery supposed to be exer- 
 cised by the new-comers, perceiving that their sole 
 object was to rule them, many abandoned the towns 
 where they had temporarily submitted to the Span- 
 iards, and betook themselves to the mountains, thence 
 to sally forth and harass the settlers. More particu- 
 larly was this the case with regard to the roving bar- 
 barous Chichimecs, who, gathering into strong bands, 
 would suddenly burst from their strongholds, and as 
 quickly return to them after their raids. Much had 
 been done toward pacifying them, during the govern- 
 ment of Enriquez, by the establishment of presidios 
 along the northern borders. Though that ruler was 
 greatly assisted in his efibrts at pacification by Luis de 
 
 women on finding themselves enceinte went to the country * to avoid the perill 
 of the infected aire.' Chilton, in HaUvyt's Voy., iii. 456. See also Tomson 
 and Hawks, in Id., 453, 462; Moreri, Gran. Dice, ix. 108, x. 475. In June 
 1589, a storm assisted the swollen river to create immense damage among the 
 buildings and shipping. Ponce, Rel, in Col. Doc. Ined., Iviii. 535-6. 
 
 Cortes there founded a Franciscan convent, which was finished in 1555. 
 Perote, on the route to Mexico, had quite a settlement in 1568. 
 
 ^Calle, Mem. y Not., 68; Clavujero, iii. 30; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-7; 
 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 27-8. Panes confounds the date of transfer with those 
 ol later cedulas granting favors. Coat of arms was conferred June 20, 1618. 
 Veracruz, MS., 1-2. See also Hist. Mex,, i. 154, this series. 
 
QUERETARO AND ZACATECAS. 
 
 761 
 
 Carabajal, subsequently governor of Nuevo Leon, tlieir 
 joint labors proved but partially and temporarily suc- 
 cessful.^ 
 
 Nevertheless, spells of comparative quiet were 
 obtained, affording the sorely distressed settlements 
 round the mines of Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi, and 
 Zacatecas the opportunity to develop their wealth, 
 and attract much needed immigration. Zacatecas, 
 which since its discovery in 1546 had been exposed to 
 repeated ravages, received such an impetus that in 
 1585 it was raised to the rank of a city.^^ 
 
 Twenty years before the Franciscan order had 
 proved sufficiently numerous to form here a custodia, 
 the beginning of the later provincia de Guadalupe de 
 Zacatecas, which became so famous for its missionary 
 labors throughout the vast north. Most of the settle- 
 ments in this region also owed their origin to Zacatecas, 
 whose alcaldes mayores, subject to Nueva Galicia, sent 
 forth or promoted numerous expeditions to open mines, 
 among them San Martin. This was made the seat of 
 a new alcaldia mayor, which extended and controlled 
 settlements far into Durango/^ where Nombre de 
 
 ^In 1581 Viceroy Suarez complained much of the continued hostilities 
 of the Chichimecs, ' tan lebantado y con tanto numero y desberguen9a. ' Co- 
 rima, Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 340. 
 
 ^'^ To which was added in 1588 the title of 'muy noble y leal,' together 
 with a coat of arms. Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 43-4. This was due to the effort 
 of Baltasar Tremino. Beryhes, Zac, 3. Rivera Bernardez confounds the 
 two dates. Zac, 27-8, 35. The population was at first settled toward the 
 north, where the earlier mines were discovered, and there the first church was 
 built on the hacienda of Domingo Tagle Bracho. Afterward, on the coming 
 of two images of Christ, imported by Alonso Guerrero Villaseca, and placed 
 on his two haciendas, the population settled where it now is. Frejes, Hist. 
 Breve, 208-9. Subject to it was a settlement of Mexicans named Mejicalpa, 
 now corrupted to Mejicapa. The municipal houses of Zacatecas were built in 
 1559. The first minister was the Franciscan friar, Gerdnimo de Mendoza, 
 from Mexico. Arleijui, Cron. Zac, 13-14; Mier y Campa, Muralla, Zac, in 
 Bevista Cient., ii. 111-12; Museo Mex., iv. 118. The first parish was fovmded 
 in 1567, with Fernando Maldonado for curate, according to the municipal 
 records reproduced in Dice Univ., x. 1033, 1078-82. At the time the title of 
 city was bestowed the actual settlers numbered about 400, not counting women 
 and children. There were fully as many traders and others of a floating 
 character, and a large number of slaves and native workers. The first corre- 
 gidor was Felix Guzman y Avellaneda. 
 
 Under Juan Vazquez de Ulua, the alcalde mayor then ruling at Zacate- 
 cas was Caspar de Tapia. One of his successors, Hernan Martel, in 1563 
 founded Santa Maria de los Lagos, as a clieck upon the Huachipiles, like 
 
162 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 Dios soon became a leading settlement. The records 
 concerning the population and yield of the Zacatecas 
 region are meagre, but it appears that while it at one 
 time drew settlers away from the Guadalajara dis- 
 tricts, and became the most populous settlement in New 
 Spain, next to Mexico, the more northern discoveries 
 of Ibarra created a reaction,^^ as did the new founda- 
 tions to the south, such as Aguascalientes, so named 
 after its springs,^* and the mining districts eastward, 
 centring round Guanajuato and San Luis Potosi. 
 
 With the conquest of Queretaro and the founding 
 of Zacatecas the regions intermediate and eastward 
 were soon occupied. Silao was settled in 1553 by 
 seven Spaniards, attended by a number of Otomis, 
 and to the following year is ascribed the founding of 
 Guanajuato, the most famous of mining towns. San 
 Miguel el Grande, the later Allende, rose six years 
 afterward, and in 1562 San Felipe was founded by the 
 brother of Viceroy Velasco, as a frontier presidio or 
 advance post against the Chichimecs, the adjoining 
 
 Jerez de la Frontera. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 233, 552-7; Parra, Conq. 
 Xal., MS., 31. Ulua speedily became unpopular, and was replaced in 1562 
 by Captain Garcia Colio or Celio. Francisco de Ibarra claimed the discovery 
 of several of the most important mines. Rel., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc, XV. 464. A report on their condition in 1575 is given in Miranda, 
 Pel., in Id., xvi. 563-70, and shows even then a decline among many. 
 
 ^2 Fresnillo also assumed prominence, becoming a presidio and seat of an 
 alcalde mayor. Sombrerete also said to have been discovered by Juan de 
 Tolosa in 1555 or 1558, was made a villa in 1570. Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 64; 
 Garcia, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 23; Dice. Univ., x. 1035. Among 
 other mines are named Avino, San Lticas, Pinos, Inde, Parral, Santa Bar- 
 bara, and Mazapil. 
 
 ^■^ As will be shown in Hist. North. Mex., i., this series. In 1550 it con- 
 tained 160 Spaniards, 60 of prominence, working 75 veins of metal, and 
 possessing 45 reduction works and 5 churches, says Marcha, in Ternaux- 
 Compans, Recueil, 197-8. Bernardez assumes that in 1562 there were only 
 35 reduction works. Zac, 42, In 1569 the region had 800 male Spaniards, 
 150 being occupied on the mines within 30 leagues of the town. In forme del 
 Cabildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 494. Estimates of yield, partly from 
 Humboldt, are given in Dice Univ., x. 1034; Museo Mex., iv. 115-19, and 
 others. See also Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., MS., 805, 814, 1088, and AUgre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 83-4. 
 
 Juan de Montoro, Cerdnimo de la Cueva, and Alonso de Alarcon were 
 commissioned on October 22, 1575, to found it as a villa, and although the 
 title never was formally confirmed, yet its ayuntamiento was ever after 
 addressed as ' muy ilustre.' Parra, Conq. Xal., MS., 30-1. Medina, Chrdn. 
 S. Diego, i. 257, gives it the religious name of 'Assupcion.' Aguirre, Doc. 
 Antiguos, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da 6p., iii. 17-19; Beltrami, Mex., i. 174. 
 
CHICHIMEC TREATY. 
 
 763 
 
 town being formed by a few Spanish settlers assisted 
 by a number of allies/^ Celaya and other towns also 
 sprang up, and by 1680 the district claimed six hun- 
 dred Spaniards. In 1576 Luis de Leixa had pene- 
 trated north-eastward, and on the slope of a metal- 
 bearing mountain he founded the town of San Luis 
 Potosi, which became the seat of the alcaldia mayor 
 controlling for a time the whole region northward, 
 and promoting thence its settlement. 
 
 Very naturally these rich and promising districts 
 were objects of parental solicitude to the government, 
 and as armed measures availed so little ao^ainst the 
 
 CD 
 
 inroads of the savages, Velasco determined to try con- 
 cession. In 1591, while seeking to devise the best 
 means for the accomplishment of his purpose, he was 
 gladdened by the arrival of an embassy from the hos- 
 tile tribes, desirous to sue for peace. The Indians had 
 been persuaded to this step by the mestizo. Captain 
 Caldera, whose mother was a Chichimec. Caldera 
 was a brave soldier, and a person of influence among 
 his mother's people. He had been able to convince 
 them that continued war against the stronger race 
 was useless, and they had now decided to make a 
 treaty. The ambassadors were cordially received by 
 the viceroy, and when, in return for their allegiance. 
 
 At this place existed a relic venerated generally under the name of 
 Senor de la Conquista, and also a crucifix spotted with the blood of Father 
 Francisco Doncel, the minister of Chamacuero in the same district, who with 
 Frair Pedro Burgense had been murdered by Indians. With the pacification 
 of Indians San Felipe declined. Torquemada, i. 640-2; Mex., hi formes, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas , Col Doc, xv. 247; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 110, 
 143. 
 
 It was named after Leixa, Potosf being added because of its similarity 
 in rich veins and site to the Peruvian city. Frair Diego de la Magdalena is 
 also claimed as the founder. Its alcalde mayor in 1584 was Gaspar de Cas- 
 tano. In 1656 it was made a city, and so confirmed by cedula of Aug. 17, 
 1658. In 1787 it had 22,000 inhabitants. Among the settlements founded in 
 this region are Matechula, 1550; San Gerdnimo de Agua Hedionda, 1552; 
 Charcas Viejas, formerly Real Natividad, 1564, whose site was changed in 
 1583; and San Pedro mines, about 1586. The Tlascaltec towns of Tlascalilla, 
 Mezquitic, and El Venado, 1580 to 1595; Santa Maria del Rio, whose site 
 was afterward changed, 1589. See T(yrquemada, i. 640; Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 
 73 et seq.; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 280; Castillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 
 Boletin, 3da ^p., v. 497, 503-8; Iturribarria, in Museo Mex., iv. 12; Gonzalez, 
 Col. Doc. N. Leon, p. vi. 
 
764 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 they demanded an annual supply of cattle and clothes, 
 although it was quite reversing the orthodox orHer 
 of things, under the circumstances the viceroy aid 
 not hesitate to agree to the terms. But to insure the 
 permanency of the pacificacion, he asked permission 
 to send among the Chichimecs a number of christian- 
 ized Indian families, to assist them in forming settle- 
 ments, and encourage them to change their mode of 
 life. This was granted and the treaty concluded. 
 
 An additional measure was the founding of special 
 colonies by christianized allies to serve as nuclei and 
 patterns for Chichimec towns, and as a protection 
 to missionaries. The Tlascaltecs had from the begin- 
 ning been the friends of the Spaniards. They were 
 at the same time the most tractable of the natives, 
 and enjoyed certain immunities from taxes and trib- 
 utes for loyal conduct. From these Yelasco selected 
 four hundred families to colonize among the Chichi- 
 mecs, and under the direction of the Franciscan frairs 
 and Captain Caldera the measure was accomplished, 
 and four new colonies were founded. Here the Tlas- 
 caltecs and Chichimecs continued to live in peaceful 
 community, though they would never intermarry nor 
 dwell together in the same house. Otomis and Aztecs 
 also joined these colonies, one of which, San Luis de 
 la Paz, was founded by Jesuits, who made rapid strides 
 toward converting and settling the roaming natives, 
 and thus promoted the pacification of the country. 
 
 Yet another and more disagreeable and thankless 
 task demanded the attention of the viceroy. King 
 Philip wanted money. He was engaged in ruinous 
 European wars, which so drained his coffers that the 
 enormous treasures constantly pouring in from the 
 New World were not sufficient to meet the necessi- 
 
 ^'^ Ribas, TriumpJios de la F4, 723-6; Alerjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 280-1, 
 356-8. Cavo places the introduction of Tlascaltecs in 1591, Ti-es Sighs, i. 
 220-1, in which year 60 were massacred at San Andres. Torquemada, iii. 351. 
 Orozco y Berra, Geog., 285, intimates hastily that the settlement occurred in 
 1588. Among the towns formed by them are Colotlan, Venado, San Miguel, 
 Mezquitic, and suburbs near Saltillo and other Spanish settlements. 
 
SPANISH FORCED LOAN. 
 
 765 
 
 ties. The ordinary means for levying taxes were ex- 
 hausted, and recourse must be had to forced loans. A 
 revenue system, covering internal, import, and export 
 duties, had been introduced by Viceroy Enriquez in 
 1574, pursuant to royal decree of 1571, which the mer- 
 chants, however, strenuously opposed. They claimed 
 that commerce, then in a flourishing state, would 
 greatly suffer by the system, as by exemption only 
 could the merchants of the mother country make it 
 profitable to bring hither their merchandise. Never- 
 theless Enriquez remained inflexible, alleging that the 
 commerce of the country was so widely extended and 
 permanently established that its interests could not be 
 prejudiced. It appeared to him unjusfc that Mexico, 
 whose commerce was the most important of any of 
 the New World provinces, should alone enjoy such 
 exemption.^^ 
 
 These forced loans of the Spanish king fell heavily 
 on the natives, who neither knew nor cared about 
 wars on the other side of the globe. Their tribute 
 before this had been four reals, and it was eight reals 
 that each must now pay. No mention is made of re- 
 funding this difference on the part of the king. It 
 was with reluctance that the viceroy proceeded to 
 impose this tax, knowing how difficult it was to col- 
 lect even the ordinary tribute. An astute plan, how- 
 ever, was devised which would greatly relieve the red 
 tax-payer from the infliction. For gold and silver 
 one must dig, but beasts and birds grow of them- 
 selves. That this European fight in which the Ameri- 
 
 The tax imposed at first was 2 per cent on everything sold or exchanged. 
 Then 3 per cent was collected on all importations; 4 per cent on real and 
 personal property; 6 per cent on goods confiscated and on negroes imported, 
 who were valued at $150 each. Exempt were ecclesiastical communities; the 
 clergy in particular, and all that pertained to divine service, churches, con- 
 vents, and monasteries, including their income from whatever source; prop- 
 erty sold for religious uses; mining utensils and machinery; printing material, 
 and a limited list of other articles and products of the soil. Disposiciones 
 Varias, i. 45-50; Fonseca y Urrutia, Real Hacienda, ii. 5-118; Alaman, Hist. 
 Mej., i. app. 7; Rivera, Governantes, i. 47. The second custom-house according 
 to seniority was at Acapulco. The treasury officials in Mexico had charge of 
 the collection of duties, but this ceased in 1597, and the port was placed on 
 the same footing as Vera Cruz. Mcx., Mem. Hacienda, 1825, i. 4. 
 
766 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 can aboriginal could not take a hand might be less 
 burdensome, it was decreed by the viceroy that of 
 the four additional reals demanded by the king, only 
 three should be required in money, a fowl being held 
 equivalent to one real. It was intended as a master- 
 stroke, and might have been called ''the raising of rev- 
 enue made easy." Unfortunately for the Indian, who 
 usually neglected to provide himself with the required 
 fowl, and who was predestined to be cheated even in 
 the payment of an imposition, Spanish speculators 
 bought up the fowls, and advanced the price two hun- 
 dred or three hundred per cent, so that to obtain a 
 fowl, which in his Majesty's forced loan was to take 
 the place of one real in money, the red subject must 
 pay perhaps three reals in money. 
 
 But for all this the country made steady progress 
 in every branch of industry during Yelasco's rule; 
 political, commercial, and social conditions were im- 
 proved, and prosperity prevailed. Under this gov- 
 ernment were also begun the first preparations for 
 the conquest of New Mexico, which were not wholly 
 completed when the present term was brought to a 
 close. The eminent services of Velasco were duly ac- 
 knowledged by the crown, many favors being bestowed 
 on him and his family; and on June 7, 1595, he was 
 appointed viceroy for Peru.^^ 
 
 On September 18, 1595, the ninth viceroy of New 
 Spain, Gaspar de Zuniga y Acebedo, count of Mon- 
 teiey, landed at Vera Cruz, and on the fifth of the 
 following month, after observing the usual formalities 
 with respect to the departing viceroy he entered the 
 
 The act was subsequently revoked by the succeeding viceroy, Monterey. 
 Torquemada, i. 653. 
 
 '^'^ In 1603 he was assigned a pension of 6,000 ducats, and after his death 
 4,000 ducats to his eldest son for life; 2,000 ducats to his daughter for life, and 
 the same after death to her daughter. Besides these pensions, when Velasco 
 returned from Peru, he was assigned 20,000 ducats from the treasury of Mex- 
 ico. See Real Cedula, in Pac/teco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xviii. 256-9; Calle, 
 Mem. y Not., 55-6. In 1607 we shall meet with Velasco, then marques de 
 Saliaas, again as viceroy of Mexico. 
 
CONDE DE MONTEREY. 
 
 7G7 
 
 city of Mexico and took charge of the government. 
 Monterey was reputed to be a man of austere disposi- 
 tion, sound judgment, and great probity, but lacking the 
 urbane quahties so prominent in his predecessor. He 
 was, therefore, looked upon in the beginning with some 
 feelings of distrust, as to how he might conduct him- 
 self There was at this juncture more than the usual 
 speculation upon the question of his future policy, as 
 the 23eople were now enjoying the fruits of the felici- 
 tous rule of Luis de Velasco. 
 
 Monterey, however, was in no haste to gratify 
 curiosity, or determine a policy prematurely. Some 
 gathered from this that he was either weak or in- 
 different; but the truth is, he was simply cautious. 
 He could not see how one could rule wisely without 
 knowing something of the country and the necessities 
 of the people. More particularly would he sound the 
 vexed Indian question, which so far had baffled suc- 
 cessful solution; it did not take him long to abolish the 
 infamous fowl tax. He saw that the natives had greatly 
 diminished in number, and were still rapidly diminish- 
 ing, notwithstanding the claim set up by Christianity 
 and civilization that they were better now than for- 
 merly, when under their own religion and rulers. 
 
 It was now estimated that since the coming of the 
 Spaniards the native population had fallen off tliree 
 fourths. The causes of this decline were obvious. 
 Aside from war and pestilence many were deprived of 
 their lands, and so rendered homeless in their own 
 country. They appealed to the tribunals, only to in- 
 vite greater evil by alluring more despoilers. Their 
 opponents generally managed by false evidence or 
 bribery to obtain such decision as they desired, and 
 thus with the addition of grants, usurpation, and other 
 means, the Spaniards soon obtained possession of 
 nearly all the choice land in the country.^^ The un- 
 
 21 This assertion is made in Memorial, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
 vi. 183-4, 
 
 '^'^ An Austin friar, Pedro Juarez de Escobar, writing from New Spain to 
 the king, among other wise suggestions for the good government of the 
 
CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 tillable lands, and those located at great distances from 
 Spanish settlements, were alone left the natives. 
 
 What the officials, descendants of the conquerors,^^ 
 and other Spanish settlers did not possess, was held 
 by the friars, who through bestowals, testaments, or 
 endowments had in time succeeded in obtaining pos- 
 session of large areas of the finest land. This had 
 been a comparatively easy task for the friars, though 
 it was done in violation of the law, which forbade their 
 holding lands or other property. 
 
 Like those of some other countries Spain's Indian 
 regulations were good enough in theory. Indians 
 must not be conquered, but they may be paci- 
 fied; they must not be enslaved, but they may be 
 forced to work all their lives in the mines at half a 
 real a day; the provincial council might place their 
 soul and body on an equal footing with those of the 
 conqueror, even permitting them to take orders and 
 become priests, yet there was ever present the iron 
 heel beneath which it is the destiny of the weaker to 
 be ground to dust. How were the tender consciences 
 of Isabella, of Charles, and of Philip appeased! Was 
 there not a cedula of December 29, 1593, which re- 
 quired the audiencia to punish Spaniards who mal- 
 
 Indies, speaks of the necessity of providing that there should be only one 
 lawyer, one proctor, and one interpreter to attend to Indian affairs, as the 
 natives were constantly victimized by pettifoggers. He also urges that the 
 chiefs be protected in their possessions, for they were often swindled out of 
 them. The masses of the native population should be relieved of taxes, and 
 their ignorance be considered in the imposition of penalties for offences; their 
 imprisonment or detention for debts should be done away with. Escobar, Gob. , 
 in Pacheco and Cardenas, xi. 197-200. 
 
 23 A complete list of these descendants with brief remarks may be found 
 in Mem. de los Hijos de Conquist. en 1590, in Monumentos Hist, y PoliL, MS., 
 preface. As the more prominent of these are mentioned in the course of this 
 history, I do not deem it desirable here to repeat their names. 
 
 2* Nor could the Indians legally transfer what they did not legally own; 
 their lands were deemed the property of the crown, except the patrimony of 
 chiefs, who were the only natives having property in land, and the right of 
 disposal. See Memorial, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 185. It 
 was recommended that the king should institute an examination of the titles 
 to lands held by Spaniards and friars; and that all possessions not held under 
 legal tenure should revert to the crown. Also, among various other meas- 
 ures, that future grants should be prohibited; tributes to be assessed accord- 
 ing to the value of the lands. 
 
INDIAN RESERVATIONS. 
 
 769 
 
 treated Indians, with the same punishment appHed to 
 those who had offended Spaniards? And was there 
 not a cedula forbidding officials to capture Indians in 
 war or peace ? and were there not a hundred other laws 
 against outrages which could never be prevented ? 
 
 A law had long since been issued requiring Indians 
 to collect in towns, and Velasco, the previous viceroy, 
 after his successful negotiation with the wild Chi- 
 chimecs, determined to carry out this law with regard 
 to all dispersed natives within the settled regions. He 
 met with much more opposition, however, than had been 
 anticipated, and with some heart-rending scenes that 
 affected even the most callous among the officials. 
 An Otomi, for instance, who was to be forcibly re- 
 moved from his miserable hovel, evinced his attach- 
 ment for home by killing his wife and children, and 
 cattle, and then hanging himself This occurrence, 
 with others like it, made a deep impression on Velasco, 
 and he directed his officials to stop further attempts 
 to remove the natives. 
 
 Monterey thought that by a little judicious sever- 
 ity in the beginning, most beneficial results must 
 accrue,^^ and he proceeded energetically to carry out 
 this scheme. One hundred commissioners, accom- 
 panied by as many missionaries, were appointed to 
 decide upon sites for new towns, with instructions to 
 examine every promising locality in each province, 
 and report thereon under oath.^^ The Spanish set- 
 
 2^ For an account of the abuses of Indians, and also of the efiforts made in 
 their behalf, and recommendations to the king to abolish the system of reparti- 
 mientos, and to improve their condition in general, see Concilios Prov. , MS. , 
 i. 39^6, 78-96, 120; Id., iii. 255; iv. 17, 35-50, 113-56, 210-26; Larenau- 
 diere, Mex. et Guat., 148; Repartimientos, 73-5, in Prov. 8. Evang., MS., i.; 
 In forme, 149, in Id., viii.; Silua, Advert. Irrvport. Gov. Ind., 1-110; Arri- 
 civita, Cr6n. Serdjica, 346; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 538-41; Gil. Soc. 
 Mex. Georj., Boletin, viii. 493; Leyes, Farias AnoL, MS., 153-62, 210; Ddvila, 
 Continuax^ion, MS., 125-6; Mena, Gob., in ^acMco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
 xi. 186-93; Ficjueroa, Vindicias, MS., 47. 
 
 2^ ' Verdad sea, que aunque al Conde le movid buen celo, fue apretando 
 mucho la Cedula, y anadiendo inteligencias a racones, que ^'enian en ella bien 
 claras, y manifiestas. ' Torquemada, i. 687-8. 
 
 2^ From these preliminaries we may judge of the importance Monterey 
 attached to the matter, particularly as every one of these commissioners 
 received a salary of 2,000 pieces in advance. *Son docientos mil Pesos, los 
 , Hist. Mex., Vol. H. 49 
 
770 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 tiers, however, were on the alert, and when a loca- 
 tion was decided on which the Spaniards desired for 
 themselves, as it happened in most cases, they bribed 
 the commissioners to oppose the selection, and a less 
 favorable or even wholly unfit locality was chosen. 
 The charge of bribery is positively maintained by 
 Torquemada, who says that for this reason 'Hhe Ind- 
 ians suffered and the Spaniards prevailed," protest- 
 ing that he speaks not at random, but of well-known 
 facts. This author, himself a prominent friar, dwells 
 with a sigh upon the circumstance that those mission- 
 aries had so little influence in the matter, "because 
 now, when the religious and ecclesiastics in these 
 Indies do speak the truth, it is looked upon with sus- 
 picion by those who govern, on account of our great 
 sins." 
 
 When the different locations were finally determined, 
 another commission was appointed by the viceroy to 
 enforce the actual migration of the natives and the 
 formation of the new towns. These being entirely 
 new men, they were also desirous of profiting by 
 their office. A new series of abuses sprang up; and 
 so matters continued ; for every device by government 
 for the protection of the natives there were twenty by 
 the settlers for their undoing. 
 
 It was, indeed, sorrowful when the commissioner 
 came to drive the Indian from the home of his an- 
 cestors, evermore with his family to dwell in strange 
 parts. They were gathered like a flock of sheep, their 
 dwellings burned, their fields destroyed, and lamenting 
 they were driven away. Those who complained were 
 not heeded, and those who bore their misfortune in 
 silence were treated like beasts. And though it was 
 provided by the crown that when Indians were re- 
 moved to other localities none of the land thus vacated 
 should be taken from them and given to Spaniards, 
 the command was but temporarily respected, and soon 
 
 que (le ante mano se gastaron en esta Comision, para sola la vista de los Sitios, 
 y Pueblos, donde avia de ser la Gente congregada. ' Torquemada, i. 687. 
 
THE CONFLICT OF RACES. 
 
 771 
 
 all the ancient possessions yielded to the avarice of 
 the conqueror. 
 
 Monterey was not immediately aware of the atroci- 
 ties committed by his officials, but imagined that he 
 was performing a pious duty. Complaints grew finally 
 so loud and so frequent that no doubt was left; he 
 therefore countermanded the worst part of his orders, 
 and reported to the king the impracticability of the 
 undertaking. 
 
 In answer came a cedula prohibiting further steps 
 in the matter, and it was proclaimed that all Indians 
 who desired might return to their original homes. A 
 few took advantage of the permission, but the major- 
 ity, reduced to poverty and helplessness, had not the 
 courage nor the means to return to their destroyed 
 homes and begin anew the cultivation of their fields; 
 ''and most pernicious damage," as we are told by Tor- 
 quemada, resulted from the formation of these settle- 
 ments.^^ 
 
 New races ana race intermixtures were springing 
 up, however, to fill the widening gaps in native ranks, 
 and among them the negroes and Indian zambos,^^ 
 the latter offspring of Indians and negroes, appeared 
 conspicuous, not alone from their number, but from 
 their vicious tendencies, which were regarded as dan- 
 gerous. The Indian zambos in particular would not 
 apply themselves to mechanical trades nor cultivate 
 the soil. Their favorite occupation was herding cattle, 
 in which they could lead a free and roving life; they 
 were particularly fond of living among the Indians, 
 an association dangerous to the Spaniards in case of 
 revolt, and incentive to troubles. Besides, they as 
 well as fugitive slaves were constantly committing 
 
 2^ I have preferred to follow the statements of Torquemada, who has given 
 tis the fairest account of all the steps taken in the matter, and the results. 
 He had the best opportunity of knowing, as he lived in Mexico at the time, 
 and in company with other friars took a prominent part in the endeavors to 
 protect the natives from the lawless acts of the commissioners. 
 
 ' Zambo de indio. ' The matter of race intermixtures and terms is more 
 fully given in Hist. Mex., iii., this series. 
 
772 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 depredarions in Vera Cruz and its environs, between 
 the city of Antequera and Huatulco, in the province 
 of Pilnuco and other places ; and to stop this evil the 
 government had been obliged to pursue and punish 
 the criminals; after which, such of them as were 
 slaves w^ere restored to their masters. 
 
 With each year the introduction of negro slaves 
 increased, as their services were needed for the mines, 
 and no better laborers for that purpose could be 
 obtained. The natives were poor workmen, being 
 naturally lazy, and encouraged in this vice by knowl- 
 edge of existing laws against their enforced labor. 
 Marriages between negro men and Indian women were 
 common, the latter preferring negroes to Indians, and 
 the negro males being more fond of Indian women. 
 The cause of this reciprocal feeling may perhaps be 
 found in a wise and humane law, which provided that 
 all offspring of these unions should be born free. 
 
 Alarmed at the great number of zambo children 
 born in the country. Viceroy Enriquez had asked 
 the king to decree that the latter should be born 
 slaves. And the pope was requested to forbid future 
 marriages between the two races, but the proposals 
 failed. Meanwhile an officer was appointed to keep a 
 record of all zambos of both sexes, to watch over 
 them, and see that they were engaged in honest pur- 
 suits, and to punish vagrants. 
 
 But if Count Monterey failed in some particulars, 
 in others he was eminently successful — instance the 
 state of affairs in Michoacan, which under the ener- 
 getic and beneficent rule of Quiroga, first as visitador 
 and then as bishop, had been sent forward on a 
 
 A law of 1557 forbade the landing from any vessel of negroes without a 
 license of the king's officers, who were to keep account of every negro landed. 
 Masters convicted of violating the law were to be punished with forfeiture of 
 their vessels, and imprisonment. It was a crime under the laws of 1568-73 
 for any negro, mulatto, mestizo, or other of mixed breed to carry weapons. 
 Eecop., Ind., ii. 361, 363; Zamora, Leg. UlL, iii. 109, iv. 461-2. 
 
 See Enriquez, Carta al Rey, in Cartas de Indias, 298-300. 
 
MICHOACA^^. 
 
 773 
 
 broad road of peace and prosperity, broken only by 
 occasional disturbance on the eastern border. 
 
 As a province subject to the audiencia of Mexico, 
 it was ruled by alcaldes mayores,^^ to whom were an- 
 swerable a number of lieutenants and chiefs, control- 
 ling different towns and tribes.^* Their residence 
 
 Transfer oj* Episcopal Seat. 
 
 ^2 At Yuririaptindaro are still to be seen in the convent garden three trees, 
 called 'Trompon y de las mujeres libertadas,' and planted in commemora- 
 tion of the rescue by the Indian chief Trompon of two women who in 1588 
 had been carried off from the town by Chichimec raiders. Soc. Mex. Geog., 
 Boletin, ix. 163. 
 
 22 The first person whose name is j)reserved to us by the records is Juan 
 del Hierro, who in 1581 was succeeded by Doctor Alonso Martinez. For sub- 
 sequent rulers, see Linares, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ^p., iv. 637-8. 
 
 2* Among these chiefs were descendants of the unfortunate Tangaxoan, one 
 of whose blood, Diego Tomas, was made captain-general of the Chichimec 
 frontier and principal chief of the Tarascan cacique, receiving also the title of 
 hijodalgo, together with the grant of Panjamo. A letter from the audiencia 
 in Ternaux-Compam, Voy., serie ii, tom. v. 206, alludes to several sons of 
 Tangaxoan. Beaumont refers only to the career of Antonio, and his son Pablo, 
 married to a Spanish lady, and enjoying an annuity from the crown. Cr6n. 
 Mich., iii. S61. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions also Fernando, and a docu- 
 
774 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 was at Patzcuaro, which in 1554 had been made the 
 leading city by the transfer of the episcopal seat from 
 Tzintzuntzan.^^ This blow at the ancient seat of 
 royalty in favor of an Indian suburb, as Patzcuaro 
 was classed, created no little remonstrance, appeals 
 being sent also to the king. Despite the continued 
 clamor, no attention was accorded till Bishop Morales 
 proposed a solution by recommending the transfer of 
 political and ecclesiastical government to the growing 
 city of Yalladolid. This took effect in 1580 or 1582, 
 although not without further protests.^^ The place 
 had been founded in 1541 by Viceroy Mendoza, when 
 on the way to the Mixton war, and was occasionally 
 termed Guayangareo, after the valley in which it 
 lay- 
 
 Tzintzuntzan appears to have suffered less from this 
 
 ment in Orozco y Berra, Hist. Atit., 
 ii. 207, speaks of Constantino as a 
 son of Antonio. See also Soc. Mex. 
 Geog., Boletin, ix. 133-4, 
 
 ^^The royal order to this ef- 
 fect had been obtained by Quiroga 
 while in Spain, the papal approval 
 being dated July 8, 1550. Nueva 
 Esp., Breve Res., MS., ii. 250-74. 
 Beaumont gives a native painting 
 which I reproduce on p. 773, re- 
 cording the transfer. Crdn. Mich., 
 MS., app. A description of the 
 arms of Patzcuaro is given in the 
 same book. 
 
 2^ Florencia states that but for 
 the Jesuits the Indians would have 
 forcibly resisted the transfer. They 
 were appeased by the grant of a 
 venerated bell. Hist. Prov. Jesus, 
 225-7. The protest of Tzintzun- 
 tzan appears in Mich. Carta, in 
 Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 244-7; 
 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 128-9; 
 Mich., Prov. S. Nicolas, 42. The 
 ARMS OF THE CiTY OF Valladolid. objection to Patzcuaro was that 
 
 the centre of business had moved 
 away from its district, and that it suffered from heavy rains in summer. Villa 
 Sehor, Theatro, ii. 8. It had at this time 100 Spanish households, two con- 
 vents, and a Jesuit college. 
 
 2^ Cavo, Treji Sighs, i. 139. According to Tello, it received a coat of arms 
 in 1563. With the transfer it received great impulse, and a. costly cathedral 
 added to its attractions. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 450, 460; v. 548. The 
 coat of arms given above is a fac-simile from Id., MS., app.; Me-X- Col. Leyes, 
 i., p. xlvii.; Romero, \i\ Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 540. 
 
MONTEREY'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 775 
 
 last change than from the previous, for it prospered 
 sufEciently to be endowed in 1593 with the title of 
 city.^ There were four other Spanish towns in the 
 province and about three hundred native towns and 
 villages. The population suffered much less here 
 from the epidemics of 1563 and 1575-6, thanks to 
 the many hospitals erected by friars, and to which 
 Quiroga had given impulse by his establishment at 
 Santa Fe.^*^ The memory of this good bishop is to 
 this day venerated throughout the province for his 
 
 Arms of the City of Tzintzuntzan. 
 
 many beneficent acts and fatherly supervision, con- 
 tinued until his death in 1565, the fruits remaining as 
 a bright example to his successors. Of gigantic stat- 
 
 ^^The above cut is from Beaumont, Cron. Mich., MS., app. Government 
 buildings had been projected there as early as 1531, Salmeron, in Packeco 
 and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xv. 451. 
 
 2' With over 40,000 tribute-payers. The Spanish towns were San Miguel, 
 San Felipe, Zacatula, and Colima. The last was made a s'^illa in 1554, with 
 the name of Santiago de los Caballeros. It sufiFered severely from a hurricane 
 and earthquake on November 14, 1573. Ships were built at Salagua or 
 Manzamillo. Cajitlan is also spoken of as a prominent town. Colima, 
 Bepresentacion, 5-7 ; Informe por Cabildo de Guad., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.y 
 ii. 507 ; Moia Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 237. 
 
 *^ He left an income to support it, with instructions for its management, 
 Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 579-81. 
 
776 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 ure, great strength and endurance, and swarthy com- 
 plexion, the prelate was indefatigable in his efforts for 
 the advancement of Christianity, particularly among 
 the Indians, who alluded to him affectionately as Tata 
 Vasco. He visited even the remotest parts of his vast 
 diocese, setting his hand personally to rude tasks, 
 erecting churches and schools for children and arti- 
 sans, and giving to all the example of a humane and 
 moral life/^ 
 
 Monterey's administration was also marked by the 
 extension of Spanish settlements in the north, partic- 
 ularly in the region then called the Nuevo Keino 
 de Leon, whose conquest and settlement proper fall 
 within this period, though earlier attempts more or 
 less successful had been made. The territory was 
 inhabited partially by some of those wild tribes com- 
 ing under the general name of Chichimecs with whom 
 Viceroy Yelasco had concluded a treaty, and by others 
 properly belonging to the adjoining province of Ta- 
 maulipas. 
 
 We are told that in the year 1580 Franciscan mis- 
 sionaries came from Jalisco to Nuevo Leon in charge 
 of Fray Lorenzo de Gavira; and after preaching for 
 some time in different places, they retired to Saltillo, 
 where in 1582 they founded the convent of San Este- 
 van. Gavira then returned to Jalisco. Two years 
 later we find established in the territory Diego de 
 Montemayor, said to have come to Saltillo in 1575, 
 whence he petitioned Gaspar de Castano, alcalde 
 
 *i He died aged 95, March 14, 1565, at Uruapan, whilst on a pastoral tour, 
 and was buried in his favorite town of Patzcuaro, where he had endowed the 
 college of San Nicolas. At the time the cathedral was removed to Valladolid 
 the chapter attempted to take away the bishop's remains, but the Indians of 
 Patzcuaro prevented it; the bones were preserved in silk bags in the church 
 which had been placed in charge of the Jesuits. Valladolid, now Morelia, 
 possessed the staff wherewith, according to tradition, he struck the rock from 
 which sprang the potable water used in that city; also his hat bearing the 
 marks of perspiration. Several portraits exist in Michoacan, and represent 
 him as of dark complexion and gigantic stature. Villa Sefior, Theatro, ii. 7 
 etseq.; Romero, mSoc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. ^38-40; Florencia, Hist. Prov. 
 Jesus, 210, 226-7? Alegre, ii.; Hist. Comp. Jesus, 132-3. The fullest account 
 of his life is given in Moreno, Fragmentos de la Vida . . .de Quiroga, Mex. 
 r'^66, 202, 30, written by a canon of Guadalajara, and containing also interest- 
 ing matter on the history of the province. 
 
SAN LUIS POTOSl. 
 
 777 
 
 mayor of San Luis Potosi, who controlled all this 
 region, for a grant of the lands and water of the 
 hacienda San Francisco. This petition was signed 
 by Montemayor as royal treasurer, showing that even 
 then he was a prominent personage. 
 
 The favorable features and resources of the region 
 soon became know^n, and Luis de Carabajal y de la 
 Cueva, a frontiersman, made a contract to effectually 
 colonize it at his own expense, in consideration for the 
 ap23ointment of governor. His original jurisdiction 
 under the name of Nuevo Reino de Leon was to 
 comprise a vaguely defined territory, from the port of 
 Tampico along the River Panuco as a basis, thence 
 extending northward, but not to exceed two hundred 
 leagues either way, which would seem to have in- 
 cluded all of Tamaulipas. To pacify and colonize the 
 new territory Carobajal was allowed to employ one 
 hundred soldiers and take with him sixty married 
 laborers, including their wives and children. Armed 
 with this concession he appeared at Mexico in the 
 early autumn of 1580, and began to prepare for occu- 
 pying his territory. But the allurements of the rich 
 mining districts of San Luis Potosi and Guanajuato 
 tended to eclipse the more pastoral vistas offered by 
 New Leon, and the enrolment proved slow.^^ In 1584, 
 however, he appears to have set out, and on reaching 
 the Spanish settlement already established at Santa 
 Lucia, in Estremadura Valley,*^ he determined there 
 to plant his colony, changing the name of the place to 
 
 ^^The present town of San Francisco de Apodaca. Soc. Mex. Geog., 
 Bohtin, 3da ep. i. 231. 
 
 *^This capitulation was dated May 31, 1579. Calk, Mem. y Not, 104-8. 
 Gonzalez, Col. JSf. Leon, p. xvii. 6, the historian of the province, followed by 
 a writer in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boleiin, 3da ep. i. 224-5, argues strenuously that 
 Carabajal was appointed in 1569, but this date is disproved not only by 
 Calle's document, but by the admitted fact that Carabajal did not enter the 
 province till 1584-5. 
 
 An appeal must have been made to the king, for by a cedula of April 
 19, 1583, the viceroy was charged to promote the undertaking in every way. 
 See also Imtruccione, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ii. 480-99. 
 
 Founded probably by Father Cavira and Diego de Montemayor. Yet 
 some assume that General Urdinola senior may have brought the settlers 
 here established. 
 
778 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 that of City of Leon; and segregating the territory 
 from the jurisdiction of the alcalde mayor of San Luis 
 Potosi, he established the New Kingdom of Leon, by 
 
 Kingdom of New Leon. 
 
 virtue of his contract with the crown. At this place 
 he must have fallen in with Diego de Montemayor, 
 
NEW LEON. 
 
 779 
 
 for we find that on the 16th of August, 1585, the 
 grants extended to the latter by the alcalde referred 
 to were confirmed and amplified by Governor Cara- 
 bajal/^ 
 
 The new city of Leon does not appear to have made 
 much progress under Governor Carabajal. But we 
 have no further data concerning the province at this 
 time, except that in 1591 Gaspar de Castano, who 
 seems to have acted as lieutenant-governor of New 
 Leon, marched with about two hundred men through 
 that territory and Coahuila, on his way to New 
 Mexico/^ 
 
 Two years later the first Franciscans obtained a 
 permanent foothold in the province, under Father 
 Andres de Leon, who was accompanied by fathers 
 Diego de Arcaya and Antonio Zalduende. These 
 friars were of the number who accompanied the expe- 
 dition despatched by Yelasco, with the Tlascaltec 
 families, to colonize the Chichimec country. Having 
 reached Saltillo, where they founded the village of 
 San Estevan, adjoining the convent of that name, they 
 penetrated to the valley of Estremadura, and founded 
 a large mission at a place known to-day as Piedra 
 Parada, distant about a league from Leon. Father 
 Zalduende then returned and continued his missionary 
 labors in the interior of Coahuila. 
 
 Governor Carabajal died about 1595,^ and Pedro 
 Rodriguez, who may have been an alcalde, was left in 
 charge of the government when the colony was strug- 
 gling for existence. In 1596 Diego de Montemayor 
 was made lieutenant-governor and captain-general of 
 
 *^ ' Este auto de revalidacion esta puesto en la ciudad de Leon, del Nuevo 
 Reyno de Leon. ' Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, p. vi. 5. ' He hallado aqui un docu- 
 mento. . .que prueba que el ano de 1584 San Luis era villa, y capital de la 
 provincia, regida por un alcalde Mayor, que lo era Gaspar de Castano, cuya 
 jurisdiccion se estendia hasta el Nuevo Reyno de Leon.' No mention is made 
 of the proceedings of Carabajal after this, but it is not improbable he employed 
 several years in completing his project. 
 
 *^ Sosa, Mem., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iv. 283-354; also /c?., 
 XV. 191-261. 
 
 ^^Calle, Mem. y Not, 105. The exact time of his death is not given. 
 
780 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 New Leon, and by special commission from Viceroy 
 Monterey he proceeded to reorganize the government 
 and settle the province. It is claimed that for this 
 purpose he brought thirty-four Spanish families, but 
 it seems more probable that he undertook the task 
 with those he may have brought thither at the begin- 
 ning, or those who remained of Carabajal's colony, 
 and the Indians gathered at the mission by Father 
 Andres de Leon. There is no evidence that Monte- 
 mayor ever left the province after his first arrival. 
 
 On the 20th of September, 1596, the lieutenant- 
 governor solemnly incorporated the capital of the 
 province, changing the name of Leon to the City of 
 Our Lady of Monterey, in honor of the ruling viceroy; 
 but the province retained the name of New Leon.^^ 
 This act of incorporation shows that Montemayor 
 himself was the first to introduce disorder, and lay 
 the foundation of future discontent, by giving to the 
 ayuntamiento and the church of the new city six 
 Indian tribes in encomienda. 
 
 The civil and judicial affairs of New Leon continued 
 subject to the government of Mexico, while ecclesias- 
 tical matters were under the jurisdiction of the diocese 
 of Guadalajara. Father Andres de Leon was the first 
 to receive the appointment to the curateship proper 
 of Monterey. Of the general progress of that city 
 during the latter part of the sixteenth century little 
 is known. During the early years of the next cen- 
 tury more Franciscans arrived from Zacatecas, who 
 founded a convent in Monterey. Then Father Andres 
 
 The document of incorporation, or carta de fundacion, preserved in the 
 municipal archives of Monterey, bears date, ' en el valle de Estremadura Ojos 
 de Santa Lucia, Jurisdiccion del Nuevo Reyno de Leon,' September 20, 1596, 
 signed by Diego de Montemayor. The first municipal officers were Alonso 
 de Berreda and Pedro Inigo, alcaldes ordinaries; Juan Perez de los Rios, 
 Diego Diaz de Verlanga, and Diego Maldonado, regidores; Diego de Monte- 
 mayor, procurador general; the regidor Verlanga acting at the same time as 
 notary of the cabildo. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3da ep., i. 225; Gonzalez, Col. 
 N. Leon, 8-11. The following authorities erroneously place the founding of 
 Monterey in the year 1599. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 231; Villa Sefior, Theatro, ii. 
 295; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 175; Dice. Univ., ix. 884. The article on 'Nuevo 
 Leon ' in the latter work is replete with errors in facts and dates. Mota 
 Padilla gives the year 1602, and Arlegui 1603. 
 
NEW MEXICO. 
 
 7S1 
 
 was better enabled to follow up his religious labors, 
 so that in 1603 thirty-five thousand Indians had been 
 baptized, besides three thousand who had died in the 
 mean time. These numbers Arlegui claims to have 
 taken from a public document. Thus the permanent 
 colonization of New Leon became one of the success- 
 ful undertakings of Count Monterey, the capital of 
 which province perpetuates his name to this day. 
 
 Many other attempts were made during the las*^ 
 quarter of this century to explore and populate the 
 north-western and more northerly regions of New 
 Spain as far as the interior of New Mexico, a fuller 
 account of which is given in my History of the North 
 Mexican States. After the expedition of Vasquez de 
 Coronado in 1540-2 and his subsequent retreat, this 
 vast region was almost forgotten for forty years. In 
 1581 the ill-fated priest, Agustin Kodriguez, penetrated 
 north, over two hundred leagues, into the Tiguas prov- 
 ince, on the Rio del Norte. Then came, in the following 
 year, the expedition of Antonio de Espejo and Father 
 Bernardino Beltran, which advanced through the val- 
 ley of Rio Conchos up the valley of the Rio Grande 
 to the Pueblo territory and beyond, in a north-westerly 
 direction. There they found traces of the Coronado ex- 
 pedition, and after some exploring in the vicinity they 
 returned in safety. The next Spaniards to explore in 
 that direction were those under Caspar de Castano, 
 in 1590, mentioned in this chapter. He set out prob- 
 ably from New Leon, and was subsequently arrested 
 by order of Velasco. Then came the expedition, in 
 1594 to 1596, under Bonilla and Humana, in search 
 of Quivira, which, came to such on unfortunate end 
 that but one Spaniard and a mulatto girl are said to 
 have escaped. 
 
 Meanwhile arrangements for the conquest of New 
 Mexico had been completed between Viceroy Yelasco 
 and Juan de Onate, on August 24, 1595. Many and 
 serious difficulties arose about the matter between 
 
782 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 Monterey and the principal leaders of the enterprise, 
 so that several years elapsed before the expedition 
 was fairly under way. Finally, in the autumn of 1 597, 
 Onate set out with four hundred men, one hundred 
 and thirty of whom had families. Many were the 
 hardships, reverses, and successes of this important 
 expedition, until formal possession of the newly con- 
 quered territory was taken in the name of the crown, 
 by Juan de Onate, on April 30, 1598, thus adding 
 another important province to the rapidly expanding 
 boundaries of New Spain. 
 
 Thus terminated the sixteenth century in New 
 Spain, the opening of which had beheld at the zenith 
 of its glory the most advanced and powerful empire in 
 America, as yet undreamed of by the Spanish adven- 
 turers who were scouring the western seas in search 
 of India. Within two brief years it fell, thereafter 
 to serve as a base for the extension of a new power. 
 The ancient capital of the Aztecs was made the me- 
 tropolis of yet vaster domains. The decade following 
 the fall of Mexico saw these Spaniards spreading in 
 small but irresistible bands southward over Chiapas 
 and Guatemala, until, stayed in Honduras by the cur- 
 rent of invasion from the Isthmian capital, they turned 
 to subjugate the still untrodden north, advancing on 
 the one side beyond Pdnuco, on the other to the 
 borders of Sinaloa, nearly opposite Lower California. 
 Another decade saw the conquest of the peninsula of 
 Yucatan in the east, while in the north exploring ex- 
 peditions disclosed the other great peninsula, that of 
 California, entering the gulf by its side, and passing 
 through Sonora and Arizona into the land of Cibola, 
 and beyond, to the borders of Kansas. Meanwhile 
 a few wanderers had crossed their track and traversed 
 the broad expanse of continent from Florida to the 
 shores of the gulf of California. The following dec- 
 
 ^ For particulars and full narrative of these various expeditions, some of 
 which are absolutely ignored by modern writers, see Hist. North Mex. States, 
 i., and Hist. Ariz, and New Mex., this series. 
 
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EPOCH. 
 
 783 
 
 ades witness tlie mining excitement which confines 
 exploration within the latitudes of Queretaro and 
 Chihuahua, and the coast ranges east and west. Here 
 a number of metalliferous districts and towns sprang 
 up under the protecting wing of presidios and armed 
 camps, most of which still exist as famous mining- 
 centres and state and county capitals. 
 
 Then the long and fitful dream of treasures which 
 had danced the early adventurers hither and thither, 
 bringing blood-hounds and fire-tortures on many a 
 luckless chief, had become fixed and realized. And 
 although for a time the numerous mines discovered 
 proved the chief attraction and the more immediate 
 source of wealth, gradually attention was turned 
 to the more enduring forms of prosperity, agricul- 
 ture and manufactures, which will more clearly be 
 brought to light in the succeeding volumes of this 
 history. 
 
 And all along through the century we have seen 
 explorers and conquerors, city-builders and miners, 
 side by side with self-denying and exemplary friars, 
 who, while replacing a cruel and debasing worship 
 with a gentler faith, sought to ameliorate the condi- 
 tion of their charge, ever mysteriously fading into the 
 immaterial before their pitying eyes. 
 
 Meanwhile able men appear at the head of eccle- 
 siastical affairs, and the church rises into power, gain- 
 ing for the millions lost in the Old World millions in 
 the New. Government becomes organized; conquer- 
 ors give way to encomenderos ; adelantados to audi- 
 encias and viceroys, who by mutual aid and restraint 
 form an administration which with a few exceptions 
 may be called beneficial. Society improves, wealth 
 and refinement come, education advances, and the 
 aboriginal culture is replaced by a higher civilization. 
 As with increasing age the conscience of Philip be- 
 comes yet more tender, gradually fall the shackles of 
 an enslaved people ; sympathizers of the superior class 
 born upon the soil come to their support, and from 
 
784 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 this union springs a new people destined in time to 
 revive the faded glories of the past. 
 
 Mexican history during the viceregal rule has one attraction not possessed 
 by the preceding annals of the conquest, that of novelty; since, as I have 
 intimated, no narratives of this period exist in English beyond vague gener- 
 alizations and bare fragmentary outlines, in connection with treatises on mod- 
 ern Mexico and its resources. Even the works in Spanish, by Cavo, Ribera, and 
 Zamacois, are most unsatisfactory, especially for the sixteenth century, which 
 is treated in a brief, uneven, and fragmentary manner. This is chiefly owing 
 to their neglect of, and want of access to, the voluminous documents in dif- 
 ferent ancient and modern collections, and even in a number of quite attain- 
 able chronicles and histories. The lack of research is augmented by a 
 neglect of generalization, of institutional topics, of local annals, aod of the 
 critical and philosophical treatment of subjects so essential to proper history. 
 
 The sources for material on the period subsequent to the fall of Mexico 
 change as the din of battle ceases, and the cross takes possession of the field 
 opened for its labors. For a while it advances side by side with the sword; at 
 times it even becomes the precursor, and finally the peaceful symbol becomes 
 dominant. Yet soldier-chroniclers continue for some years as leading narra- 
 tors of events, notably Cortes, in his clear, concise Cartas, supplemented by 
 Oviedo with testimony from diflPerent sources, while Las Casas furnishes views 
 from the other side, exaggerated though they may be from excess of zeal. 
 Gossipy Bernal Diaz, so full and thorough for the earlier period, becomes 
 fragmentary and less reliable, describing now this expedition from personal 
 experience, now a number of others from vague hearsay; or he jots down 
 events as they occur to his fading memory. Gomara concentrates his coloring 
 upon the closing achievements of his patron, while disclosing many important 
 points. But Herrera, who so far had followed him pretty closely, maintains 
 an even tenor, borrowing now from more varied sources wherewith to fill his 
 bald and stulted decades. Despite his false method, want of breadth, and 
 pronounced Castilian tendencies, he stands forth brimful of facts, the most 
 complete general writer on American events for the first half of the century. 
 Elegant Soils, like philosophic Clavigero, stops with dramatic tact at the fall, 
 but a successor arises in Salazar y Olarte, a man who, in undertaking to con- 
 tinue his narrative from the material ofi'ered in a few printed versions, seeks 
 also to clothe it in florid language befitting the original, only to degenerate 
 into a verbose and spiritless declaimer whose word-painting excites derision. 
 Robertson's attractive outline dwindles into a brief philosophic review of 
 progress in Spanish -American colonies, and Prescott becomes after the fall 
 merely the biographer of his hero, and his allusions to contemporary history 
 do not pretend to be more than a culling from a few accessible authors. 
 
 The places gradually vacated by soldier-chroniclers and their followers 
 are occupied by civilians, visitadores, judges, viceroys, and municipal bodies, 
 who in voluminous reports or less complete letters disclose political unfold- 
 ings and factions, dwell on the development of settlements and mines, and 
 discourse on local affairs and social features. Singly they furnish but frag- 
 
CHRONICLERS OF THE PERIOD. 
 
 785 
 
 mentary evidence, jointly they cover their field satisfactorily, as will be found 
 by the investigator who patiently searches through the many and voluminous 
 collections into which their writings have been gathered, as Coleccion de Dom- 
 mentos Ineditos, in over 50 volumes; Pacheco and Cardenas, Coleccion de 
 Documentos, in over 40; Documentos para Historia de Mexico, in over 20; Ter- 
 nauX'Compans, Voyages, and other issues, in more than 20; the even more 
 bulky Sodedad Mexicana de Geografia, Boletin, the collections of Navarrete, 
 Icazbalceta, Ramirez, Hakluyt, Purchas, Cartas de Indias, Archivo, Mexicavo, 
 Florida Coleccion de Documentos, the unique Squier's MSS., in over 20 vol- 
 umes; the original minutes and records in Concilios Provinciales, MS., and 
 Papeles Franciscanos, MS. ; the curious material in Monumentos de la Domi- 
 nacioH Espafiola, MS.; Id., Histdricos y PoUticos, MS., and Lihro de Cabildo, 
 MS. ; the collections and summaries of laws in Puga, Cedulario, drdenes de 
 la Corona, MS., and Reales drdenes, both in a number of volumes, in 
 Pecopilacion de Indias Montemayor, and Zamora, and so forth. 
 
 Nevertheless there remain many features not touched by civilians, such as 
 the wide-spread labors of religious, who to a great extent acted also as peace- 
 ful conquerors of vast provinces, and as rulers in their districts, guiding the 
 destinies of millions. The labors and observations of these men were incor- 
 porated in monk-chronicles, written in many instances by themselves, and 
 the better known by formally appointed historians for the orders and prov- 
 inces concerned. While their attention is bent chiefly on religious topics, 
 miracles, and biographies of friars, they narrate also political and kindred 
 topics, although not with much connection, thoroughness, or impartiality. 
 They nevertheless form a check on statements from the opposite side, and in 
 this their very antagonism becomes valuable to the student in sifting the truth 
 from varied testimony. Among the earliest of chroniclers stands Motolinia, 
 whose Historia de los Indios relates in rambling and naive manner the per- 
 sonal experience of a founder of the Franciscan order in New Spain, and 
 dwells also upon the relation between church, friars, and state, and the treat- 
 ment of his native portages. His follower, Mendieta, was an equally ardent 
 defender both of his order and of the natives, yet more talented as a writer, 
 so much so that he was appointed official historian of his province, and gained 
 great distinction. His Historia Eclesidstica gives the most thorough account 
 of religious labors for the greater part of the sixteenth century. Neither 
 of these histories was published, however, till of late, and Torquemada 
 stepped forward to avail himself of them, in connection with a mass of other 
 material in print and manuscript, presenting in his Monarquia Indiana the 
 most complete general history for the century of ecclesiastical, political, and 
 Indian affairs. He is consequently copied by a number of both general and 
 local writers, such as Vetancurt, who, while less full, adds a mass of informa- 
 tion on orders, churches, cities, and other topics, in his numerous histories 
 and treatises. Beaumont figures in his Crdnica de Michoacan as the historian 
 of a western province, yet he covers in a very complete manner all general 
 affairs of New Spain that lead up to or are connected with his district. 
 Tello and Mota Padilla write on the farther north-west, New Galicia, though 
 adhering more closely to their particular sections, and Arricivita and Arlegui 
 continue the link eastward. Cogolludo in the same manner stands forward 
 Hist. Mex., Vol. IT. 50 
 
786 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY, 
 
 as a very thorough historian of Yucatan, the farthest east, while Villagutierre, 
 Remesal, and Burgoa complete the circle in the south, for Itza, Chiapas, and 
 Oajaca, respectively. Remesal represents also the Dominican order, which 
 in Chiapas held sway, and other orders have their special historians, such as 
 Grijalva, the Augustinian chronicler; Garcia, who records Bethlehemite deeds; 
 Philoponus, the Benedictine; Alegre and Florencia, the Jesuit annalists, and 
 so forth; while the church itself found historians in Fernandez, Gonzalez 
 Davila, and Hazart. 
 
 In connection with the monks figures a new class of writers, natives and 
 mestizos, who were educated at the convents or became members of orders, 
 and imbibed from teachers the love of writing. Repelled to a certain extent 
 by the proud Spaniard, they cling more closely to their own race, and, while 
 seeking in its glorious records a balm for their sorrow, they feel a yearning to 
 preserve them and to advocate the claims of their people. Among these 
 writers I have already spoken of Camargo, who in connection with material 
 on aboriginal history and customs gives a brief sketch of events during Span- 
 ish rule. There is also Chimalpain, who besides his translation of Gomara, 
 to which he adds several valuable features, is credited with works on ancient 
 and conquest times. Ixtlilxochitl, the native Cicero, writes more fully on 
 the coming of the Spaniards, with which the achievements of his own family, 
 the main topic of his works, are so closely bound up, and he frequently ven- 
 tures to throw light on incidents wherein the conquerors appear to little 
 advantage. His son Manuel Alva issued several translations of Vega's 
 comedies together with platicas against native superstitions. The native Jesuit 
 Juan Tovar wrote on ancient history, but the works of the mestizo friar 
 Duran, so largely used by Acosta, have been wrongly credited to Tovar by 
 hasty modern historians. Antonio Tovar, Cano Montezuma, Francisco Pi- 
 men tel Ixtlilxochitl, the mestizo Cristobal Castillo, Saavedra Guzman, the 
 author of El Peregrino Indiano, 1599, Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro 
 Ponce, Tezozomoc, Juan Bautista Pomar, Tadeo de Niza, Gabriel de Ayala in 
 his Comentarios, Cristobal Castaneda, who wrote on Michoacan, and Jaun 
 Ventura Zapata y Mendoza, the Tlascaltec annalist, are among the noted 
 writers of native or mixed origin, whose productions on ancient and conquest 
 periods have either been published or incorporated in the works of Torque- 
 mada, Vetancurt, Clavigero, and others. 
 
 Torquemada, as I have shown, must be regarded as the leading chronicler 
 of New Spain for the sixteenth century, giving as he does a comprehensive 
 account of political as well as ecclesiastical and aboriginal affairs, compiled 
 for the first half of the century from a number of versions extant in manu- 
 script and print, and the remainder written to a great extent from personal 
 observations. For this work he was particularly well fitted by his training, 
 attainments, and position. Born in Spain, he came at an early age to Mexico, 
 where he assumed the Franciscan robe and studied philosophy and theology 
 under the famous Juan Bautista, whose love for the Mexican language, his- 
 tory, and antiquities he readily imbibed. His ability was early recognized, 
 and he became definidor, guardian of Tlatelulco college and of Tlascala con- 
 vent, and provincial of his order in Mexico, holding the latter ofl&ce from 1614 
 to 1617. To this position, or to the influence which gained it, may be due 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 787 
 
 the success which so many predecessors failed to achieve, the publication of 
 his great work, Los Veinte i vn Libros Rituales i Monarchia Indiana, con el 
 orifjen y ffuerras de los Indios Ocidentales, de sus Pohlaciones, etc. , first issued 
 at Seville 1615, in 3 folio volumes. Antonio, Bib. Hist. Nova, iii. 788. Pinclo, 
 followed by Ternaux-Compans, says 1613; but this is an error, as shown by 
 the fact that the permission to print was issued only in May 1513. The issue 
 of these bulky volumes, full of notations, must have taken some time. The 
 greater part of the edition was lost in a shipwreck, and the remaining copies 
 disappeared so rapidly that Solis could not obtain one. Indeed, a century 
 after the imprint date only three copies could be traced. The importance of 
 the work had meanwhile become so appreciated that a new edition was issued 
 at Madrid in 1723, corrected from the original manuscript which had been 
 discovered in Gonzalez de Barcia's library. Several parts had, however, been 
 cut out by the censor, such as the first chapter to the second book, containing 
 the ' key to the idea ' of the migration, which is similar to that given in 
 Garcia, Origen. As indicated by the title, the work consists of 21 books, in 
 three volumes, of which the first book treats of cosmogony and origin of Ind- 
 ians, the second and third of aboriginal history, the fourth of the conquest, 
 and the fifth of the events in New Spain from the fall of Mexico to 1612. 
 This last book is unevenly treated, the middle period being very brief as com- 
 pared with later decades. The second volume, with nine books, is devoted 
 to aboriginal mythology and customs; the third, with seven books, to the 
 progress of conversion, the condition of the natives under the new rule, the 
 history of the church, and particularly of the Franciscans in New Spain, with 
 a number of chapters on afi'airs in the Antilles, Philippines, and elsewhere. 
 
 The instructions issued to Torquemada in 1609 directed him to collect and 
 use all existing material for the work in question, and he certainly showed 
 no hesitation in obeying the order to the letter. Indeed, Motolinia, Sahagun, 
 Mendieta, Acosta, Herrera, and others, have been literally copied to a great 
 extent. The conquest and subsequent events for several decades are almost 
 wholly from the last named, while Mendieta is called upon to supply the re- 
 ligious history. According to Juan Bautista, Adviento, prologue, to whom 
 Mendieta had intrusted his manuscript, it had been decided at one time that 
 Torquemada should embellish it with his lore and arguments. As it was, he 
 absorbed the contents, softening the condenmatory language so freely poured 
 forth by the fearless Mendieta wherever he thought it necessary. Besides 
 the sources mentioned, Torquemada used several narratives by writers of 
 Indian extraction, a mass of material from public and private archives, 
 together wdth his own diaries and observations. He had spent over fourteen 
 years in gathering this material, and seven in preparing for his work, called 
 to it by a literary taste, and a sympathy for the subject, stimulated by his 
 predecessors, so that his volumes were already well advanced before the offi- 
 cial order came for him to write them. His superiors evidently examined the 
 work beforehand, and recognized his fitness to undertake it; a fitness already 
 made manifest in a previous publication, the Vida del Santo Fr. Sebastian de 
 Aparicio, 1605, Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 829, and in his vast store of biblical and 
 classical lore, which he scatters throughout the pages in lavish profusion, 
 and frequently with little regard for the appropriate. While more prudent 
 
788 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 than the hot-headed Mendieta, he is less clear-sighted, and easily led into 
 errors; he fairly revels in miracles and saintly dissertations, and loses himself 
 in wordy arguments for his theme and cloth, often with striking simplicity. 
 Nevertheless, his work merits admiration for its laborious thoroughness, which 
 has deservedly made it the standard history for its period and field, for its 
 comparatively excellent plan and order, and for its clearness of style; in all of 
 which Torquemada stands preeminent among contemporaries, justly entitled 
 to what a modern Mexican writer calls him, the Livy of New Spain, The claim 
 of the Monarquia Indiana as a standard authority is conceded in the frequent 
 and copious use made of it by general and local writers; and by the absence 
 till Cavo's time of a comprehensive history for the century. Yet the latter is 
 brief and unsatisfactory, giving in his volume on the three centuries of Span- 
 ish rule but one seventh to this earlier and more important period. A little 
 fuller, yet equally unsatisfactory, as before remarked, is the more modern 
 Ribera, while Zamacois, who dwells on the Spanish colonial period, 1521- 
 1821, in seven respectable volumes, accords but a little more than one of them 
 to the sixteenth century. This unevenness applies also to the subject-matter, 
 which is compiled, and carelessly so, from a few of the most accessible books 
 and records, so that a number of interesting periods and incidents are either 
 wholly overlooked, or treated in bare outline. 
 
 Besides these general works, a number of treatises on special episodes and 
 states have been edited or written by such Mexican writers as Alaman, Rami- 
 rez, Icazbalceta, Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, Romero, Gil, Prieto, and a 
 number of others whose names figure in the volviminous Boletin of the Mex- 
 ican Geographical Society. Still another class of contributions is to be found 
 in the narratives of travellers and navigators, who report not only on aflfairs, 
 society, and resources as observed by them in the countries visited, but add 
 much to the knowledge of their earlier history from hearsay or research. 
 This material is scattered throughout a vast number of collections of voyages, 
 a class of books to which Ramusio may properly claim title as founder, as I 
 have shown elsewhere. 
 
 Herewith I give broader references to some authorities consulted for the 
 preceding chapters: Torquemada, i. 332-670, and iii. 232-634, passim; Con- 
 ciliosProv., MS., i. 34-320; ii. 89-100; iii. 1^55; iv. 67; Mex., Adas Prov., 
 MS., 43-8, 62-170; America, Descrip., MS., 180; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., 
 
 i. 328-74; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc, iii. 480-91, 520-30; iv. 360-77, 
 440-62, 491-547; vi. 65, 182-3, 455-6; xi. 5-29, 102-18, 190-211; xiv. 101-3, 
 196-201; XV. 447-60; xvi. 142-87, 376-460; xvii. 532; xviii. 328-30, 435-7; 
 xix. 32-5; xxiii. 520-47; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., Oajaca, i. 34-194, passim; 
 
 ii. 202-388, passim, 410-11; Id., Palestra Hist., 57-139, 189-200, 260-3; Kings- 
 horouglis Mex. Antiq., v. 157-8; vi. 153; ix. 284-93; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 63; 
 Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 93-4; Cartas de Indias, 108-867, passim; Becop. de 
 ludlas, i. 51-221, passim, 594, 608; ii. 39, 48-64, 122, 199-200, 384; Cortes, 
 Escritos Sueltos, 102; Id., Despatches, 30; Calk, Mem. y Not., 52-90; Mex., 
 Hieroglyph. Hist., 113, 126-7, 157; Corjollvdo, Hist. Yucaihan, 8-754, passim; 
 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20-4, 249-50; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 47, 54, 
 74; HaUvyt's Voy., iii. 396-7, 469-95, 560-1, 602-3, 814-15; Squiers MSS., 
 X. 4, 5; xiii. 4; xix. 39-42; xxi. 1-3; xxii. 1, 33, 101, 115-16; Soiis, Hist. 
 Mex., i. 74-8; Oviedo, iii. 168; San Francisco de Mex., MS., 1, 5, 216; Sin., 
 Doc. Hist., MS., i. 10-13; Las Ca.sas Hist. Ind., iv. 374-6, 465-6, 477, 495; 
 V. 1-5; Id., Hist. Apolof)., MS., 28-9; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 3-156; Id.,Chron. 
 
FURTHER REFERENCES. 
 
 789 
 
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790 
 
 CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. 
 
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