LINCOLN 
 AND 
 THE 
 DOCTORS 
 
 SHUTE S 
 
 
 
LINCOLN ROOM 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 
 the Class of 1901 
 
 founded by 
 
 HARLAN HOYT HORNER 
 
 and 
 
 HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/lincolndoctorsmeOOshut 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
[LAST PORTRAIT OF LINCOLN, TAKEN FIVE DAYS BEFORE HIS DEATH] 
 
LINCOLN 
 
 and the DOCTORS 
 
 A Medical Narrative 
 
 of the 
 
 LIFE of ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 \£ 
 
 By 
 Milton H. Shutes, m.d. 
 
 The Pioneer Press : New York 
 April 15, 1933 
 
Copyright, 1933 
 By Rufus Rockwell Wilson, The Pioneer Press 
 

 
 i 7 3. 7 LL>3 L/zvc 
 
 To 
 "Si" — and George and Marilyn 
 
 This book is printed in memory of the physicians 
 who contributed to the maintenance of the health 
 of Abraham Lincoln and to those physicians who 
 sought to keep alive the sinking flame in his strick- 
 en body. 
 
 And it is published on the sixty-eighth anniversary 
 date of his dramatic death. 
 
 Saturday April 15, 1865. 
 Saturday April 15, 1933. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 THE study of the life of Abraham Lincoln is 
 so unusually engrossing that any serious effort 
 at a contribution thereto may serve as its own 
 apology. 
 
 With no pretense to completeness, this writing 
 is an inquiry into Lincolniana from a new vista. 
 Excepting the discussion of certain characteristics, 
 it is, largely, a compilation of hitherto scattered 
 and unappreciated facts and bits of information — 
 some entirely new — and the weaving of them into 
 a narrative. The medical phase of Lincoln's life 
 should be of real interest; so this book is offered in 
 the hope that it will stimulate as well as meet that 
 interest. 
 
 Acknowledgment is gratefully made to the en- 
 couragement and suggestions of John W. Starr, 
 Jr., of Millersburg, Pennsylvania, and particularly 
 to Paul M. Angle of Springfield, Illinois; to the aid 
 of Robert P. Utter, professor of English at the 
 University of California at Berkeley; to the edi- 
 torial criticism and suggestions of F. Ray Risdon 
 of Los Angeles, and to the kindness and assistance 
 of all other individuals with whom the author has 
 communicated. A list of many of the sources of 
 information not accredited in the text is appended. 
 
 M.H.S. 
 
 Oakland, California 
 1932 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 • 
 Chapter One . . . 
 
 
 . 1 
 
 Chapter Two .... 
 
 9 
 
 Chapter Three . . . 
 
 23 
 
 Chapter Four .... 
 
 33 
 
 Chapter Five . . . 
 
 40 
 
 Chapter Six .... 
 
 43 
 
 Chapter Seven . . . 
 
 56 
 
 Chapter Eight . . . 
 
 65 
 
 Chapter Nine . . . 
 
 73 
 
 Chapter Ten .... 
 
 76 
 
 Chapter Eleven . . 
 
 84 
 
 Chapter Twelve . . . 
 
 90 
 
 Chapter Thirteen . . 
 
 96 
 
 Chapter Fourteen . . 
 
 111 
 
 Appendix A . . . . 
 
 129 
 
 Appendix B 
 
 142 
 
 Appendix C . . . . 
 
 144 
 
 Index 
 
 149 
 
CHAPTER ONE 
 
 THE ancestral history of Abraham Lincoln re- 
 veals nothing that might cause the medical 
 director of a life insurance company to hesitate in 
 granting a policy to America's greatest son. His 
 virile paternal grandfather, Captain Abraham Lin- 
 coln, was killed in the forty-second year of his life 
 by the bullet of an Indian, and left five children 
 and 1,200 acres of land. Bathsheba Lincoln, the 
 widow, well born and strong of body and intellect, 
 lived a pioneer's life and died at the reputed age of 
 100 years. As there is no knowledge of Lincoln's 
 maternal grandfather, except that he was well 
 born, the medical investigator would find nothing 
 of interest there. But Lucy Hanks Sparrow, his 
 maternal grandmother, led a useful life until about 
 the age of 61, leaving eight children and many 
 grandchildren to honor her. 
 
 Thomas Lincoln, the father, survived the hard- 
 ships of his life in Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana and 
 Illinois, where he died in his seventy -fifth year; but 
 his mother, Nancy Hanks Lincoln, succumbed 
 when 37 years old to an epidemic disease possessing 
 a high mortality. 
 
 From a medical point of view the idea of family 
 environment and of immediate forebears known as 
 
 in 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 "poor but honest" is not a bad beginning for any 
 biography. Thomas Lincoln was honest and tem- 
 perate, and possessed a keen sense of humor and a 
 strong physique free from hereditary disease and 
 tainted predispositions, and his wife possessed the 
 same advantages to a more or less degree — some- 
 thing more valuable than a heavy purse. 
 
 Thomas Lincoln lived with his bride Nancy in 
 Elizabethtown, Kentucky, for two years and here 
 was born in 1807 their first child, Sarah. If Nancy 
 had a physician at that time, it was a Dr. Ebenezer 
 B. Goodletter. He was followed in 1809 by a Dr. 
 Thomas Essex from England. Soon after this, a Dr. 
 William Sulcer of Holland arrived and Dr. Essex 
 left the town. No doubt the Lincolns came in con- 
 tact with these physicians, but, so far, the records 
 reveal only one who rendered professional service. 
 About 1811, Dr. Daniel B. Potter arrived in Eliza- 
 bethtown and soon built up a large practice, caus- 
 ing his only competitor, Dr. Sulcer, to move on. 
 In 1814, however, during an epidemic of the "cold 
 plague," he died and left to his young widow 
 $1,560.33 in uncollected bills. A court commission 
 collected $864. 89 J for her, of which amount 
 Thomas Lincoln paid $1.46 due from a previous 
 unpaid balance. There is no record of what his 
 services were, when rendered and for whom. But as 
 Thomas Lincoln had the mumps which necessi- 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 tated an operation, Beveridge suggests that it was 
 for this that Dr. Potter was employed ; and it may 
 be of interest to the suspicious inquirer to be re- 
 minded that Dr. Potter did not arrive in Kentucky 
 until after February 12, 1809. 
 
 On that memorable Sunday in February, on the 
 Sinking Spring Farm, four miles from Hodgen- 
 ville and fourteen miles from Elizabethtown, there 
 was no medical aid. Thomas Lincoln had con- 
 sidered sending for Dr. Potter, but being already 
 under obligation to that physician, he hesitated at 
 "runnin' up the debt." Mrs. Mary LaRue Enlow, 
 the Nolin Creek midwife, was engaged in another 
 home on this eventful date, so she sent her young 
 niece and assistant, Mrs. Peggy Walters, who, with 
 the helping hand of an aunt or two of Nancy Lin- 
 coln's, satisfactorily rendered the necessary assist- 
 ance. There were warm water, warm coverings and 
 certainly a hot fire to cheer this puncheon-floored, 
 single-roomed cabin. We know there were some 
 dishes and a "bason," which had been purchased 
 a short time prior to this February event. So with 
 the help of the women and their crude obstetrical 
 paraphernalia there was brought into that pre- 
 carious world a husky infant, who from the very 
 beginning seemed to have thrived in it. 
 
 When the boy was three years of age, the family 
 moved twelve miles away to their Knob Creek 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 farm, where they lived until he was eight. It was 
 during this period that one or both of his old play- 
 mates, Dennis Hanks and Austin Gallaher, pulled 
 him out of the river and rolled and pummeled him 
 until the water poured from his mouth. Here he 
 lived the normal life of a backwoods boy, but there 
 is little authentic information concerning him ex- 
 cept that he grew longer and faster than his com- 
 panions. But they were not to see the length to 
 which his body sprouted; that phenomenon was to 
 astonish his friends and neighbors in Gentryville, 
 Indiana. Here he passed through the terrible, awk- 
 ward years of male adolescence and early manhood, 
 developing his long, powerful frame and feeding his 
 searching mind on every printed page that he could 
 find, buy or borrow. 
 
 And here, in southwestern Indiana, the nine-year- 
 old lad received an emotional shock from which he 
 suffered subconsciously all his life — the loss of the 
 parent who understood his desire for book learning, 
 and who gave him the sympathy and love that 
 only a mother can bestow. Tall, thin and never 
 strong, she became an easy victim of that mys- 
 terious malady the milk sickness, or trembles, 
 which in those days caused an appalling loss of 
 life. Dr. Theodore Lemon of Danville, Illinois, 
 wrote to the Lincoln biographer, Ward Lamon, an 
 excellent description of the disease and correctly 
 
 [4] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 attributed the cause to a vegetable origin. His 
 description of the onset, symptoms and course is 
 also quite accurate. But unfortunately the medical 
 men of 1818-1829 did not know the exact etiologic 
 factor, which we now have reason to believe is the 
 ingestion of milk or meat from cows feeding on 
 white snakeroot (Eupatorium urticaefolium) and 
 rayless goldenrod (Aplopappus heterophyllus), nor 
 did they have knowledge of a certain treatment 
 that now consists in the proper administration of 
 carbohydrates. Pathetic, sad-eyed Nancy Lincoln! 
 Her end was possibly hastened by the blood- 
 letting proclivities of Josiah Crawford on that 
 poor body already dehydrated by the disease. 
 
 There was no physician within thirty miles of 
 Gentryville, but the community had a "yarb and 
 root" doctor of note in no less a person than the 
 well known Josiah Crawford, for whom the boy 
 Abraham split the many rails for the rain-soaked 
 "Life of Washington." "Doctor" Crawford knew 
 how to apply plasters and to give hot foot-baths, 
 and he was generous with blue-mass pellets. He 
 was also in great demand as a dentist and became 
 adept with a pair of twister forceps for extractions. 
 And not to be too far behind the times, he obtained 
 a lancet and added the art of blood-letting to his 
 accomplishments. On troublesome occasions, as 
 in the case of hemorrhages, he relied on faith cures 
 
 [5] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 and charms, such as thrice repeating the sixth verse 
 of the sixteenth chapter of the Prophecy of Ezekiel : 
 "And when I passed by thee, and saw thee polluted 
 in thine own blood, I said unto thee when thou 
 wast in thy blood, Live, yea, I said unto thee when 
 thou wast in thy blood, Live." As Abe and his 
 sister Sarah "hired out" to him, they undoubtedly 
 at times became his willing or unwilling patients. 
 Probably he had many provocations for nicknaming 
 his whilom employer, "Old Blue-Nose Crawford." 
 While still in his early teens, overgrown and im- 
 patient of the irksome task of driving an unen- 
 thusiastic horse around a grist-mill, Abe suddenly 
 applied a whip and yelled: "Get up, you old hussy. 
 Get up — " when the old gray mare let fly her un- 
 shod heels and caught the lanky boy somewhere 
 on his head. His father was sent for and hurried the 
 senseless boy home, where he was washed and put 
 to bed. As consciousness returned in the early 
 morning, his first words were: " — you old hussy," 
 the remainder of the sentence he had flung at the 
 horse prior to being knocked down. This form of 
 arrested cerebration resembles the interrupted line 
 of thought observed in the petit-mal (mild) attacks 
 of epilepsy; to Lincoln it was an experience that 
 intrigued speculation all his life, and he often had 
 occasion to relate the incident as an example of the 
 mysterious working of the brain's machinery. 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 As the boy's body outgrew his backwoods 
 clothes, so his mind outgrew his pioneer environ- 
 ment until he became restless and dissatisfied in his 
 father's home. Thomas Lincoln, still seeking the 
 green grass beyond, and using another threatened 
 siege of the milk-sickness as an excuse, planned a 
 home farther west in Illinois. Abe, grown to man- 
 hood, loving his foster-mother, Sarah Bush Lin- 
 coln, and remembering his own mother, agreed to 
 remain with the family group until they were 
 settled in their new cabin on the Illinois prairies. 
 That done, being of age, and filled with a restless 
 ambition, he left his kith and foster kin and turned 
 his face to the Sangamon country and destiny. 
 
 But before he set his feet on that high-road, they 
 were badly frozen while crossing the Sangamon 
 River during the hard winter of 1830-31. This was 
 no unblessed misfortune for Abe. Unable to return 
 to his home, he was comfortably marooned for 
 weeks during that winter's famous "deep snow," 
 in the more spacious cabin of William Warnick, 
 sheriff of Macon county and father of five boys 
 and six girls. 
 
 Polly, a daughter, who was credited with causing 
 an incipient glow in the bosom of young Abraham, 
 was now safely married. So, at ease, Abe buried his 
 nose in the sheriff's Statutes of Illinois and his 
 burning feet in the palliative bandages of the 
 
 [7] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 sheriff's wife. Mrs. Warnick had been quick to re- 
 move his shoes and place his feet in snow "to take 
 out the frost-bite, " and annoint them in goose- 
 grease, skunk-oil or rabbit-fat according to the 
 custom. He had worked all summer on the Warnick 
 place, splitting thousands of rails and helping with 
 the harvest. As usual, every one liked the interest- 
 ing fellow they called "long-legged Abe." 
 
 After the storm and the healing, he returned 
 home to help his family in their 16 by 16 foot cabin. 
 Like most pioneer families, his folks were crowded 
 and ailing. All that fall, members of the group had 
 suffered from chills and fever. To combat the ague 
 and its malaise, they had purchased quantities of 
 "barks" at James Renshaw's store in Decatur. 
 "Barks" was a mixture of whiskey and Peruvian 
 bark. Abe, himself, had no need for ague remedies. 
 This was a year of marvelous vigor and expendi- 
 ture of vast physical energy for him. 
 
 But he had no fondness for building fences or 
 gathering the harvest they enclosed. By March of 
 1831, he made his escape forever from farm life and 
 started on a memorable river voyage to New Or- 
 leans. On a similar business venture in 1828 with 
 Allen Gentry, he had received a knife slash over 
 his right temple in a fight with seven Indians. This 
 time, however, he returned unhurt and more ex- 
 perienced to tread the royal road. 
 
 [8] 
 
CHAPTER TWO 
 
 ON the high banks of the Sangamon River 
 there was perched the young town of New 
 Salem, an ambitious but short-lived venture of the 
 Reverend John Cameron and his uncle, James Rut- 
 ledge. Here came, about August 1, 1831, the stal- 
 wart, resourceful young Lincoln, an Ichabod in 
 appearance; sad of eye but with a wonderful smile, 
 poor in pocket and raiment but rich in personality 
 and character. He came armed with a contract to 
 build and manage a store for one Denton Offut, 
 who already had sent him on the famous flatboat 
 trip to New Orleans. 
 
 The stock in trade for the new store was sched- 
 uled to arrive in Beardstown, where the Sangamon 
 empties its waters into the Illinois River, and Abe 
 Lincoln was "fixing to go fetch" it overland to New 
 Salem. Now there lived near the town along the 
 river a Dr. Nelson, who felt himself being crowded 
 by too many neighbors, it was said, and who was 
 hankering for Texas where the spaces were still 
 wider and more open. So he arranged with our 
 experienced flatboatman to help him raft his 
 household goods down the river to Beardstown, 
 where he boarded a river steamer for the South. It 
 was no doubt a busy trip and gave Lincoln little 
 
 [91 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 opportunity to learn about doctors from this pe- 
 culiar fellow. Though Abe surely had met and 
 mingled with scores of representatives of the med- 
 ical profession, this appears to be his first recorded 
 contact with one of them. Down the river at San- 
 gamotown, where Abe built the raft, was a Dr. 
 Abbott, who later moved on to become the first 
 physician in nearby Athens. 
 
 This district also had a famous "yarb-doctor" 
 in James Pantier, generally and affectionately 
 called "Uncle Jimmie." There seemed to exist a 
 mystical understanding between this unusual fel- 
 low and the wild life of the country side — plants, 
 birds and animals. From far and near people came 
 to him to be cured by herb and by faith. He was 
 remarkable among healers because, as he con- 
 sidered his curative ability a gift of God, he refused 
 all fees for its application. He lived in Sandridge 
 near New Salem and owned two lots across from 
 the Rutledge-Cameron tavern, where young Lin- 
 coln boarded. He was 52 years old when Lincoln 
 was 21, but these two personalities found much of 
 interest in each other and became fast friends. 
 
 During this year of 1831, Dr. John Marsh, Har- 
 vard graduate and Indian agent on the upper Mis- 
 sissippi River, came to New Salem with his 
 French-Sioux wife and their six-year-old son Char- 
 lie, whom he entrusted to the care of the Pantiers. 
 
 noi 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Abe met Dr. Marsh and took special interest in 
 his slim tall son. He gave to Charlie his first pocket- 
 knife and spent much spare time fashioning wood- 
 en toys for him. Dr. Marsh, the following year, 
 became involved with his Sioux friends in the 
 Black Hawk War, and five years later, he was the 
 first of a number of adventurer-doctors to settle 
 in California, where he became a great land and 
 cattle baron and an interesting participant in the 
 romance of early California history. 
 
 The storekeeping business soon "winked out" 
 and Lincoln was casting about for a new job when 
 Black Hawk in 1832 started a little war in northern 
 Illinois and gave Lincoln an opportunity to become 
 a federal employee. First he soldiered with the rank 
 of captain and later he reenlisted as a private. 
 While captain, his regimental surgeon was Dr. 
 Jacob M. Early, but as a private, medical care 
 must have come from the same Dr. Early, now his 
 captain. His only hardship seemed to consist in 
 the burying of five scalped soldiers, and his only 
 bloodshed was that from the bites of mosquitoes. 
 He returned in three months to New Salem, fired 
 with a political ambition that never ceased its 
 urgings. Being now politically minded, he tried 
 for the state legislature; but he was insufficiently 
 known in his county and unseasoned in politics, 
 and was defeated. 
 
 [Ill 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 This first political reverse, added to his problem 
 of making a livelihood, became a source of depres- 
 sion to him and a worry to his friends. This is 
 apparently the first of many periods of mental 
 depression so familiar to students of Lincolniana. 
 Among his rapidly growing circle of friends (he 
 possessed a genius for acquiring them) there was 
 a Dr. Jason Duncan who practiced in New Salem 
 for a short time and then moved to Warsaw, Illi- 
 nois. Duncan is the only doctor of medicine who 
 has left any memoirs of the young Lincoln and is 
 the authority for the statement of Lincoln's 
 marked depression over his situation in the spring 
 of 1833. But friends, headed by Dr. Duncan, 
 maneuvered things so that by May 7, 1833, Lin- 
 coln was made village postmaster. He retained this 
 position until May 30, 1836, when the postal 
 business also "winked out" as the little town 
 weakened prior to its eventual extinction. 
 
 His small post office income was soon amplified 
 by another stipend. The Black Hawk War had 
 advertised Illinois, and as immigration increased 
 there was an increased demand for surveying. 
 John Calhoun, county surveyor, was in need of a 
 deputy and the studious Abe was promptly ap- 
 pointed before he knew a rod from a line. In six 
 weeks of close application, working all day and 
 far into the night, he mastered the book on survey - 
 
 [121 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 ing lent him by Mr. Calhoun. This he did with the 
 loyal help of that unsung hero of Lincoln's New 
 Salem days, the pioneer schoolmaster, Mentor 
 Graham. Now we find the two great men of the 
 town much together, Graham the teacher, and 
 Lincoln the student. But these hours of work and 
 study left him hollow eyed and ill looking. His 
 friend, Dr. Duncan, offered warnings as well as 
 help in his studies. He it was who introduced to 
 Lincoln the poem that forever after has been con- 
 sidered his favorite, beginning: "Oh, why should 
 the spirit of mortal be proud?" 
 
 Illustrating one of many ways by which young 
 Lincoln made and cemented friendships is the 
 story of his meeting with a young physician, Dr. 
 Charles Chandler from Woodstock, Connecticut, 
 who in 1832 had entered one and a half sections of 
 Sangamon land near the town later known as 
 Chandler ville. According to an unwritten pioneer 
 law, this gave him an option on 80 acres adjoining 
 his own. A friend and neighbor from Connecticut 
 was offered one-half of these choice 80 acres by 
 Dr. Chandler as an inducement to locate near by, 
 but the friend wanted the whole of it and an- 
 nounced his intention of immediately driving to 
 Springfield to enter it in the land office for himself. 
 Dr. Chandler borrowed some extra currency, 
 quickly saddled his horse, and started by a shorter 
 
 ■ [13] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 and more familiar route to the county seat. When 
 a few miles from Springfield, he overtook two men 
 on horseback and while resting his horse, explained 
 his need for haste. One of the two men became 
 indignant and offered to lend him his fresher 
 mount, but Dr. Chandler with much appreciation 
 of the offer declined it as unnecessary and hurried 
 on to beat his selfish friend by an hour. 
 
 Some time later, Dr. Chandler, on summoning 
 Calhoun's deputy to survey his lands, was surprised 
 to find him the same man who had offered to swap 
 horses. When years later he related this story to his 
 daughter-in-law, Mrs. S. L. B. Chandler, he closed 
 with the statement, "I became a Lincoln man then 
 and I have been one ever since." Mrs. Chandler 
 adds that this was the beginning of a lifelong 
 friendship between the two men and accords with 
 the facts of Father Chandler's substantial aid in 
 Lincoln's campaign for the presidency and his 
 being his guest at the first inauguration. 
 
 Following Mr. Lincoln's term in Congress he 
 remained in the East for a while campaigning for 
 Zachary Taylor, the Whig candidate for the 
 presidency. Dr. Chandler was able to contact Mr. 
 Lincoln with Eastern friends and relatives of in- 
 fluence, especially his brother-in-law, the Honor- 
 able Linus Child, chairman of the Whig Central 
 Committee, who personally introduced Mr. Lin- 
 
 [141 
 
v*. •*-*** ^ : 
 
 [DR. CHARLES CHANDLER 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 coin at a Lowell, Massachusetts, meeting; and 
 more particularly with another relative, Henry 
 Chandler Bo wen, editor of the New York Inde- 
 pendent, who became active in originating and pro- 
 moting the invitation, in 1860, to Mr. Lincoln, to 
 deliver a lecture in New York City. This lecture 
 became famous as the Cooper Institute Speech, 
 which was largely instrumental in paving the way 
 to the Republican nomination in Chicago. 
 
 Another physician resident in New Salem about 
 1829 was a Dr. Francis Regnier, who lived and 
 died near the banks of the Sangamon and who had 
 a large share of the county practice. He resided for 
 a short time only in New Salem, moving three 
 miles away to Clary Grove, a neighboring settle- 
 ment, and finally to Petersburg. Dr. Regnier was a 
 fat, eccentric and witty man. When his horse once 
 ran away with him, he stuck his big leg out of his 
 sulky against a sapling to check the horse and had 
 his leg broken. While it was being set he kept the 
 surgeon and helpers roaring with laughter at his 
 stream of wit. There is no record of his contact with 
 Lincoln in New Salem, but it is highly improbable 
 that such a man would fail to be attracted by, and 
 to, the story-telling Lincoln. That they were ac- 
 quainted at this time may be inferred, however, 
 from the fact that later Mr. Lincoln tried a lawsuit 
 for Dr. Regnier. 
 
 [15] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Another acquaintance was Dr. Newton (or 
 Richard E.) Bennett at whose tavern young Lin- 
 coln often stayed but of whom there is no informa- 
 tion other than that he was the first doctor to 
 locate in Petersburg. Seven miles away was Dr. 
 David Meeker who located at Indian Creek in 
 1832. He too would seem to have been an inevit- 
 able contact since he was a schoolmaster as well as 
 a practicing physician. 
 
 Abe was liked by all of his acquaintances, so 
 politics easily became his profession and a seat in 
 the state legislature a matter of waiting only for 
 the next election. But during that time he was 
 busy making friends, and fighting and whipping 
 all comers with pugnacious intent, even subduing 
 the notorious Clary Grove gang. He studied, de- 
 bated, performed feats of great strength, and fell 
 in love, at first secretly at a distance and then, 
 with a clear field ahead, openly and ardently. 
 
 The love between Ann Rutledge and young 
 Lincoln was a beautiful but short poem of spring 
 flowers, hopes, plans and tragedy. In the spring 
 and summer of 1835 in central Illinois there were 
 heavy rains followed by great heat. This, as the 
 early settlers correctly believed, contributed to 
 malaria, "bilious fever," "brain fever," and ty- 
 phoid fever. We now know that those weather con- 
 ditions were favorable to the rapid breeding of 
 
 [161 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 mosquitoes and flies and they in turn were re- 
 sponsible for malarial and typhoid fevers. Ann 
 probably suffered, as most of the settlers did, from 
 malaria; but as some of the old contemporaries of 
 New Salem asserted that she died of "brain fever" 
 and some called it typhoid, we may assume that it 
 was typhoid because so many others, including 
 her father, died of fever that summer. There was 
 quinine to combat malaria but those who survived 
 typhoid fever did so in spite of their doctors. 
 
 Ann's death was a tremendous shock to her 
 young lover, then in the rainbow mists of his first 
 great love, and it came when he was least prepared 
 physically to meet it. He had been suffering from 
 chills and fever every other day for some weeks 
 prior to Ann's illness, but with the help of Peru- 
 vian bark, boneset tea, jalap and calomel he was 
 able to help nurse the stricken, make calls with Dr. 
 Allen and even to construct coffins. Added to this 
 strain came the gripping worry of Ann's illness and 
 the final agony of her passing. He returned from 
 the little Concord burial plot at Sand Ridge, we 
 are told, bowed down with heart-ache, and desert- 
 ing the haunts of men, he wandered about over the 
 hills and through the woods and by the river banks. 
 There grew in him a bitter antagonism toward the 
 God he believed in, for he had been taught that 
 death was often the direct act of a wise God as 
 
 [171 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 punishment to loved ones, dead or alive. Thus be- 
 foggled with grief and resentment, he neither ate 
 nor slept, and again his friends became alarmed, 
 this time for his reason. 
 
 His good friend, Dr. John Allen, a wise man as 
 well as a skillful physician, took him in charge. He 
 explained that death was always caused by natural 
 agents, by fixed laws made in the beginning of 
 things. Lincoln was quick to react to the preposter- 
 ous assumption that the Creator of the universe 
 would single out his unimportant self for chasten- 
 ing. Dr. Allen then conspired with the hospitable 
 wife of Bowling Green, whose cabin still leans by 
 the highway, to care for the distracted fellow. Aunt 
 Polly took him in and mothered him until he be- 
 came himself again, and until, as Dr. Allen ordered, 
 he had passed three consecutive weeks without a 
 chill. 
 
 There existed a mutual affection between Lin- 
 coln and Dr. Allen that makes necessary a word 
 concerning the doctor. He was a man of medium 
 height and of light frame, and he walked with a 
 slight limp. He was a graduate of Dartmouth Col- 
 lege and he came to New Salem about 1830, pur- 
 chased a lot on Main Street from the herb doctor, 
 James Pantier, built a three room log house, and 
 soon became the busiest physician in that general 
 community, and New Salem's leading citizen. In 
 
 [181 
 
J'^Stiltera 
 
 [DR. JOHN ALLEN, EARLY FRIEND OF LINCOLN] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 professional ability he ranked with the eminent 
 Dr. Gershom Jayne of Springfield and Dr. David 
 Prince of Jacksonville. He was deeply religious. 
 His medicine saddle-bags always laid at the end of 
 his church pew ready for the next sick call. His 
 mind was the uncompromising one of a crusader. 
 He believed in keeping Sunday as a day for rest and 
 religion. Yet not unmindful of human needs, he 
 compromised the difficulty of practicing his pro- 
 fession on the Sabbath by donating to his church 
 all fees received for work done on that day. 
 
 He organized the first Sunday School and the 
 first temperance society pledged to total absti- 
 nence from intoxicating beverages. Tradition says 
 that when defending a belligerent group of local 
 pioneer Carrie Nations of Petersburg, Lincoln 
 pointed to Dr. Allen, who, with his money and his 
 presence, helped to support the cause of these 
 angry wives, and said, "There sits the man to 
 whom I am indebted for my ideas upon the liquor 
 question, and I desire publicly to acknowledge the 
 same and to say that I am glad, yes, very glad 
 indeed, that I ever met him." 
 
 The doctor was also a good business man. He 
 was a silent, or non-active, partner in the store of 
 canny John McNamar, the first favored suitor of 
 Ann Rutledge. His clever method of collecting fees 
 is worth noting. Money was scarce among the early 
 
 [191 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 settlers so he accepted dressed hogs at the market 
 price, cut them into lard and bacon, built a smoke- 
 house of his own design, and in the spring shipped 
 the cured products by river to St. Louis and New 
 Orleans, where he obtained cash. In 1840, when 
 New Salem failed, he moved two miles away to the 
 new town of Petersburg and died there about 1860. 
 
 Dr. Allen was greatly respected for his strength 
 of character and was none too popular with many 
 because of his decided anti-slavery principles and 
 his constant vigorous protest against the universal 
 drinking habits of the time. It is said that he ex- 
 erted a greater moral influence than all the 
 preachers in his community. Looking at this 
 friendship, it is safe to conclude that no man, 
 certainly no medical man, ever exerted a greater 
 and deeper influence on Abraham Lincoln than 
 this shrewd, strong principled physician. 
 
 Dr. Allen's name suggests that of his Petersburg 
 associate, Dr. Cabanis, and that name, in turn, 
 recalls Dr. Cabanis' subsequent partner, Dr. Ben- 
 jamin F. Stephenson, graduate of Rush Medical 
 College and later Major Stephenson, surgeon in 
 the Fourteenth Illinois Regiment and known to 
 history as the founder of the Grand Army of the 
 Republic. That Dr. Stephenson had ideas and 
 courage is suggested by the advertisement of his 
 intention to limit his practice to those who paid 
 
 [201 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 their bills, for he inserted the following announce- 
 ment in the Menard (Co.) Index for March 15, 
 1860: "B. F. Stephenson, M.D., will continue the 
 practice of medicine and surgery in Petersburg to 
 all those who will pay him." 
 
 We may now assume that to all outward ap- 
 pearance Lincoln was soon well in body and mind, 
 for within the year we find him conducting a half- 
 hearted courtship with Mary Owen of Kentucky, 
 who was a visitor in the home of her sister, the 
 wife of another friend of Lincoln's, Dr. Bennett 
 Abell. Dr. Abell practiced medicine in the com- 
 munity for many years and, we may easily believe, 
 added to Lincoln's favorable impression of doctors 
 and their profession. 
 
 In 1836 Lincoln himself recorded a period of ill- 
 ness lasting about a week, when he wrote from the 
 state capitol, then at Vandalia, to Mary Owen at 
 New Salem: 
 
 , T Vandalia, December 13, 1836 
 
 Mary: 
 
 I have been sick ever since my arrival or I should 
 have written sooner . . . you recollect that I men- 
 tioned at the outset of this letter that I had been 
 unwell. That is the fact, though I believe I am 
 about well now, but that with other things I cannot 
 account for have conspired and have gotten my 
 spirits so low that I feel that I would rather be any 
 place in the world than here. I really can not en- 
 dure the thought of staying here two weeks. 
 
 [21] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 This is the third recorded period of marked de- 
 pression that is to be so familiarly associated with 
 him. Again illness, and Mary Owen this time, are 
 factors in precipitating the depression. 
 
 [22] 
 
CHAPTER THREE 
 
 IN March, 1837, fortified by a certain political 
 prestige acquired at Vandalia as a member of 
 the famous Long Nine assemblymen, Lincoln am- 
 bled into the newly made Capitol of Illinois on a 
 borrowed horse, lighter in purse than when he 
 climbed the bluff into New Salem six years be- 
 fore. Springfield was his city of opportunity; he 
 had just received his license to practice law and 
 for the next few years we find him, in the words 
 of Joseph Fort Newton, "making his way slowly, 
 unhappy, and ambitious, alone. Inured to hardship 
 and poverty, rarely ill, being a man of regular 
 habits; wiry and stalwart, beyond the best of west- 
 ern men." 
 
 After two lonesome years, 20-year-old Mary 
 Todd came to Springfield from Lexington, Ken- 
 tucky. Witty, caustic, impulsive and lovable, she 
 soon cast a spell over the younger men of the town. 
 A friend of Lincoln, Dr. E. H. Merryman, wrote a 
 poem about this vivacious lady that finally found 
 its way into the Journal of the Illinois State His- 
 torical Society. It was inevitable that the now well- 
 known, woman-shy assemblyman should be at- 
 tracted to her, and by his uncommonness draw the 
 fire of her interest. There soon followed a stormy 
 
 [23] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 romance and engagement which came to a sudden 
 end on the very day of the scheduled wedding, the 
 "fatal first of January, 1841." 
 
 Lincoln was 6 feet and 4 inches tall, homely and 
 gawky, and no one knew it more thoroughly than 
 himself. He also knew that he was deficient in 
 schooling, social grace, and poise. He was not un- 
 mindful of the fact that he came from a generation 
 of poor folk and that a link in his near ancestry was 
 missing. Mary Todd came from an old and well- 
 to-do family of Kentucky and she was a part of the 
 socially and politically prominent Edwards family 
 of Illinois. It was inevitable that the shy, conscien- 
 tious, introspective Lincoln should develop acute 
 fears and forebodings, and that the depression en- 
 gendered by those complexes, meeting with the com- 
 pulsion of his desire and his ambition should result 
 in an emotional conflict of a disturbing nature. 
 
 The word "fatal" as applied to that New Year 
 wedding date was Lincoln's own. He immediately 
 sank into a deep mire of despondency in which the 
 blue devils harassed his soul. Herndon and others 
 believed him within the mists of insanity, and 
 knives and razors were kept away from him. It 
 is asserted that he himself feared the danger of 
 self-destruction and for that reason carried no 
 pocketknife for months thereafter. However, ac- 
 cording to his old friend Orville H. Browning, this 
 
 [24] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 illness lasted at its worst only a week, during which 
 time "he was incoherent and distraught ... I 
 think," said Mr. Browning, "it was only an inten- 
 sification of his constitutional melancholy; his 
 trials and embarrassments pursued him down to a 
 lower point than usual." 
 
 It was about this time — early in January of 
 1841 — that Lincoln wrote to Dr. Daniel F. Drake, 
 dean of the medical department of the College of 
 Cincinnati, a man who deservedly enjoyed a splen- 
 did reputation throughout the great West. In a 
 long letter, Lincoln described his symptoms and 
 asked Dr. Drake to suggest a line of treatment, but 
 the doctor replied that it would be impossible to 
 prescribe without a personal interview, which 
 would naturally include a physical examination. 
 Beveridge, in his Abraham Lincoln adds this foot- 
 note: "Daniel Drake was the author of Pioneer 
 Life in Kentucky, so frequently cited in chapter II 
 of this volume. He was about 55 years old when 
 Lincoln wrote him, the acknowledged head of his 
 profession and greatly admired and respected. Few 
 men have had a more brilliant career. Lincoln 
 could not possibly have done better than to have 
 gone to Cincinnati and personally consulted this 
 wise, experienced, and highly educated physician, 
 and it was a serious mistake that he did not do so." 
 
 Beveridge seemed to be concerned about a "dis- 
 
 [251 
 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 ease" that Lincoln was apparently greatly worried 
 about at this particular time. But the evidence 
 points to nothing other than hypochondriasis, 
 wherein one believes himself to be suffering from 
 some nonexistent disease. The distance to Cin- 
 cinnati was comparatively great in 1841, and Lin- 
 coln evidently considered his condition not suffi- 
 ciently grave to warrant the time and expense. A 
 record of a physical and mental examination by a 
 man of Dr. Drake's experience and learning would 
 have been of much value, particularly to historians 
 seeking a medical background. 
 
 Lincoln had the good sense to turn now to his 
 friend and competent physician, Dr. Anson G. 
 Henry. On January 20, 1841, he wrote to congress- 
 man John T. Stuart of Springfield, then in Wash- 
 ington : 
 
 Dear Stuart : 
 
 I have had no letter from you since you left — 
 no matter for that — what I wish now is to speak 
 of our Post Office. You know I desired Dr. Henry 
 to have the place when you left; I now desire it 
 more than ever — I have within the last few days 
 been making a most discreditable exhibition of 
 myself in the way of hypochrondrism and thereby 
 got an impression that Dr. Henry is necessary to 
 my existence — unless he gets that place he leaves 
 Springfield. You therefore see how much I am 
 interested in the matter. 
 
 F261 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 We shall shortly forward you a petition in his 
 favor signed by all or nearly all the Whig members 
 of the Legislature, as well as the other Whigs. 
 
 This, together with what you know of the Doc- 
 tor's position and merits, I sincerely hope will se- 
 cure him the appointment — my heart is very 
 much set upon it. 
 
 Pardon me for not writing more; I have not 
 sufficient composure to write a long letter. 
 
 As ever yours, 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Lincoln now had the diagnosis; and much was 
 made of hypochondriasis in those days. One of the 
 standard medical reference books was the En- 
 cyclopedia of Practical Medicine, published in 
 London in 1833. In it, Volume II, pages 548-557, 
 some 4,000 words are devoted to hypochondriasis 
 under the subtitles: "Definition and Character- 
 istics of the Disease," "Descriptions of the Phe- 
 nomena," "Diagnosis," "Causes," "Pathology," 
 "Treatment." Hypochondriasis enjoyed the dis- 
 tinction of being classified as a disease; now it is 
 considered only as a manifestation of a psycho- 
 neurotic temperament. Osier's Modern Medicine 
 mentions the word hypochondria only to distin- 
 guish it from, or rather to associate it with, 
 neurasthenia, a word that is now replaced by the 
 word psychoneurosis. 
 
 But whether the condition is termed hypochon- 
 
 [271 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 dria, neurasthenia, or psychoneurosis, it has fear 
 as a dominant element, and is caused by overwork 
 and worry. As a rule, it is accompanied by varying 
 degrees of emotional depression; the patient is un- 
 happy and is often made so because of a hyper- 
 conscientiousness. The symptoms of psychoneu- 
 rosis are difficult to describe because they vary 
 greatly and depend largely on the personality of 
 the patient. With our knowledge of Lincoln we can 
 readily picture him during this period of work, 
 worry, fear, inferiority, and other complexes, as 
 suffering from that particular infliction. 
 
 By way of treatment, his fears must first be 
 quieted; his nutrition must be improved and, as 
 all physicians from Sydenham to Osier have urged, 
 he must plan for a change of scene and climate, for 
 new faces and novel surroundings. So Lincoln was 
 told of that which ailed him. Lincoln was a man of 
 intelligence, and Dr. Henry must have given him a 
 careful reasoned explanation of his condition. For 
 he referred to his illness correctly as a "nervous 
 debility," and derisively as "the hypo"; and he 
 began to improve. 
 
 We shall see now how well Dr. Henry brought 
 his patient along. Three days after writing to Ma- 
 jor Stuart, Lincoln finds himself sufficiently com- 
 posed to write him a long letter, mostly of political 
 matters, and devotes a little more than one para- 
 
 [281 
 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 graph to his health. The latter is still quite de- 
 plorable, but he is entertaining Dr. Henry's idea 
 of "a change of scene." On January 23, 1841, Lin- 
 coln wrote his friend : 
 
 Dear Stuart : 
 
 Yours of the 3rd instant is received, and I pro- 
 ceed to answer it as well as I can, though from the 
 deplorable state of my mind at this time, I fear I 
 shall give you but little satisfaction. . . . 
 
 For not giving you a general summary of news, 
 you must pardon me; it is not in my power to do 
 so. I am now the most miserable man living. If 
 what I feel were equally distributed to the whole 
 human family, there would not be one cheerful 
 face on the earth. Whether I shall ever be better, 
 I cannot tell. I awfully forebode I shall not. To 
 remain as I am is impossible; I must die or be 
 better, it appears to me. The matter you speak of 
 on my account you may attend to as you say, 
 unless you shall hear of my condition forbidding it. 
 I say this because I fear I shall be unable to attend 
 to any business here, and a change of scene might 
 help me. If I could be myself, I would rather re- 
 main at home with Judge Logan. I can write no 
 more. 
 
 Your friend as ever, 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 On February 5, 1841, he again wrote to Major 
 Stuart but does not mention his health this time, 
 which is evidence of further improvement. 
 
 [29] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 The only really intimate friend that Lincoln ever 
 possessed was Joshua F. Speed, the young man 
 who a few years before had shared his bed with 
 the penniless young stranger. Speed had invited 
 him to visit his home in Louisville, Kentucky, to 
 which place, as soon as his work permitted, in mid- 
 summer, the still distraught man fled. A few luxur- 
 ious weeks of changed climate and scenery on that 
 Southern plantation, a bit of mothering from the 
 parent who presented him with an Oxford Bible as 
 something "good for the blues,' ' the tonic com- 
 panionship of the sister and the sympathetic under- 
 standing of the friend himself were as a "balm in 
 Gilead" to him. He returned with his friend to 
 Springfield, once more restored and set on his feet. 
 
 Yet there had been an annoying fly in the balm. 
 He had had a bad time with a Louisville dentist. 
 In a long, interesting letter to Speed's sister, Mary, 
 he writes : 
 
 "... when we reached Springfield, I stayed but one 
 day, when I started on this tedious circuit where I 
 now am. Do you remember my going to the city 
 while I was in Kentucky to have a tooth extracted 
 and making a failure of it? Well, that same old 
 tooth got to paining me so much that about a 
 week since I had it torn out, bringing with it a bit 
 of the jaw-bone, the consequence of which is that 
 my mouth is now so sore that I can neither talk 
 
 [301 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 nor eat. I am literally 'subsisting on savory re- 
 membrances.' " 
 
 By the middle of October, he was again busy in 
 the game of politics and in the pursuit of his pro- 
 fession. And though his mind continued to brood, 
 time and work, the great palliatives, were having 
 their way. So that when he wrote to Speed, who 
 had gone again to his Kentucky home, on Febru- 
 ary 8, 1842, "You know the hell I have suffered on 
 that point," he could add, "I have been quite clear 
 of 'hypo' since you left; even better than I was 
 along in the fall." 
 
 And then on the thirteenth, he postscripts an- 
 other letter, "I have been quite a man since you 
 left." And so he was. During June, Martin Van 
 Buren, the former president, was entertained in 
 Rochester, Illinois, by a group of politicians which 
 included Lincoln, who "kept the company con- 
 vulsed with laughter till the small hours of the 
 night." Mr. Van Buren later stated that he had 
 never spent so agreeable a night in his life. And in 
 September — over some newspaper chaffing of the 
 Honorable James Shields, which involved Mary 
 Todd and her friend Julia Jayne — he "fought" the 
 broad-sword duel with two-fisted Dr. Merryman 
 as his second. But his nimble wit turned a serious 
 affair into a farce. 
 
 [31] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Lincoln, indeed, seemed to be himself again. But 
 shrewd Dr. Henry evidently was thinking of a 
 more complete cure for his hypochondriacal pa- 
 tient. By fall, in the home of a certain incorrigible 
 match-maker of Springfield, Lincoln and Mary 
 Todd were once more brought together. Dr. 
 Henry's efforts were soon rewarded; for on No- 
 vember 4, 1842, in his thirty-third year, Lincoln 
 and Mary Todd were quietly "united for better 
 or worse.' ' As William E. Barton so aptly ex- 
 presses it : "These two people who were so divinely 
 created to irritate each other, were also constituted 
 in such fashion as to be necessary to each other's 
 comfort and peace." Abraham Lincoln was an 
 introvert and Mary Todd an extrovert ! One week 
 later he wrote a friend: "Nothing new here, except 
 my marrying, which to me, is a matter of profound 
 wonder." From now on, Lincoln had something 
 to think of outside of himself. Mary Todd Lincoln 
 saw to that. 
 
 Lincoln's attack of hypochondriasis was second- 
 ary to his "forebodings" over Mary Todd, and 
 had as an underlying predisposing factor, a psycho- 
 neurotic temperament. 
 
 
 [32] 
 
CHAPTER FOUR 
 
 EXCEPT for frequent lapses into his habitual 
 fits of dejection, precipitated mostly by po- 
 litical setbacks and minor annoyances, Lincoln, 
 during the ensuing fifteen years of discipline and 
 development, did not suffer any other intense 
 shock to his mental equanimity until the death of 
 his favorite son William in 1862. 
 
 This depressive phase in his character has al- 
 ways been a source of much interest and specula- 
 tion to his friends and to students of his life. Jesse 
 W. Weik, who collaborated with William H. Hern- 
 don in the writing of Herndon's Lincoln, has the 
 following to say concerning that phase: 
 
 "The most marked and prominent feature in Lin- 
 coln's organization was his predisposition to melan- 
 choly or at least the appearance thereof, as indi- 
 cated by his facial expression when sitting alone 
 and thus shut off from conversation with other 
 people. It was a characteristic as peculiar as it was 
 pronounced. Almost every man in Illinois I met, 
 including not only Herndon but John T. Stuart, 
 Samuel H. Treat, James C. Conkling, James H. 
 Matheney, David Davis, Leonard Swett and 
 Henry C. Whitney, reminded me of it. No one was 
 able to determine what caused it. Stuart and 
 Swett attributed it to defective digestion; in fact, 
 
 [331 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Stuart told me and Herndon that Lincoln's liver 
 failed to function properly. 'It did not secrete 
 bile,' he said, 'and his bowels were equally in- 
 active. It was this that made him look so sad and 
 depressed.' That was my notion, and I remember 
 I talked to him about it and advised him to resort 
 to blue-mass pills, which he did. This was before 
 he went to Washington. When I came on to Con- 
 gress in 1863, he told me that for a few months 
 after his inauguration as President, he continued 
 the pill remedy, but he was finally forced to cease 
 because it was losing its efficacy besides making 
 him more or less irritable." 
 
 Inquiry on this subject among Lincoln's close 
 friends convinced Weik that men who never saw 
 Lincoln could scarcely realize this tendency to mel- 
 ancholy, not only as reflected in his facial expression 
 but as it affected his spirits and well being. Robert 
 L. Wilson, who was a member with Lincoln of the 
 Illinois Legislature in 1836, wrote thus to Herndon, 
 February 10, 1866: 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln told me that although he appeared to 
 enjoy life rapturously, still he was the victim of 
 terrible melancholy. He sought company and in- 
 dulged in fun and hilarity without restraint or 
 stint as to time; but when by himself he told me 
 that he was so overcome by mental depression he 
 never dared carry a knife in his pocket, and as 
 long as I was intimately acquainted with him 
 
 [34] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 previous to his commencement of the practice of 
 law, he never carried a pocketknife." 
 
 The above is copied from the original manuscript 
 signed by Wilson, delivered to Herndon, and by 
 him turned over to Weik. Along with it came this 
 reference to Lincoln's peculiarity, in Herndon's 
 hand: 
 
 "As to the cause of this morbid condition, my idea 
 has always been that it was occult and could not be 
 explained by any course of observation and reason- 
 ing. It was ingrained and, being ingrained, could 
 not be reduced to rule or the cause assigned. It was 
 necessarily hereditary, but whether it came down 
 from a long line of ancestors and far back or was 
 simply the saddened face of Nancy Hanks cannot 
 well be determined. At any rate, it was part of his 
 nature and could no more be shaken off than he 
 could part with his brains. Simple in carriage or 
 bearing, free from pomp or display, serious, un- 
 affected, Lincoln was a sad looking man whose 
 melancholy dripped from him as he walked." 
 
 Lincoln suffered from chronic constipation more 
 or less all his life, which may possibly explain his 
 fondness for apples, but scarcely the trait under 
 discussion. Herndon came nearest to the truth 
 when he termed it occult. If our modern psycho- 
 analysts could have studied Lincoln at first hand; 
 if Freud or some student of his teaching, which has 
 
 \S5] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 introduced a new world of thought in unconscious 
 motives, had lived in Springfield, we might now be 
 closer to an understanding of Lincoln's personality 
 and its development. 
 
 In 1919, Dr. L. Pierce Clark read a paper before 
 the New York Psychiatric Society in which he 
 offered Lincoln's attachment to the mother ideal 
 in the form of his own mother as the origin of the 
 unconscious motives involved in his benign de- 
 pressive psychosis. He reminds us of the lack of 
 sympathy between father and son; of Lincoln's 
 intense love for his mother and devotion to his 
 step-mother; his shyness and indifference toward 
 other women; and finally, at the age of 25, his 
 love for Ann Rutledge and profound depression 
 following her death; his incomplete mental ad- 
 justment to Mary Todd as a bride and after the 
 advent of their children, a "mitigation of the uxori- 
 ousness of the marriage tie." He further suggests 
 that some of the love not requited in the marriage 
 state was expressed by Lincoln in the affectionate 
 companionship between himself and his third son, 
 William, whose mere presence was an immense 
 comfort to his father. 
 
 The final great emotional crisis in Lincoln's life 
 was caused by the death of his favorite son in 
 February, 1862. Lincoln shut himself away from 
 family and friends in a darkened room, and gave 
 
 [361 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 evidence of such depth of despair as to terrify 
 Mrs. Lincoln, who sent for help. This time he 
 again turned to religion for solace. What had 
 seemed to be only a form of speech and a fine 
 method of literary expression now changed into a 
 new or reborn faith in the Supreme Being as a 
 personal God. From this time on, though his body 
 and brain grew steadily more tired, his soul went 
 marching on. Frank B. Carpenter, the artist who 
 lived for six months in the White House, referring 
 to Herndon's conception of Lincoln's negative re- 
 ligious faith, said: "After his election Mr. Herndon 
 knew little of him and absolutely nothing of his 
 mental and spiritual condition before the sickness 
 of his son Willie nor after Willie's death, and I 
 must say that Mr. Lincoln's mind underwent a 
 vast change after that event." Dr. Clark sees a 
 further stilling of the conflict in Lincoln's soul by 
 a possible reconciliation toward his own father as 
 well as toward his spiritual Father, with both of 
 whom he had always been in subconscious antag- 
 onism; and so we find that "Lincoln at last ac- 
 cepted a religious outlet as a means of unconscious- 
 ly solving a large part of his regressive relations 
 with life which had heretofore taken the form of 
 intensive and prolonged depressions." 
 
 There is too little known of Lincoln's early life 
 and he was too reticent concerning himself to 
 
 [37] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 justify the conclusion that mother fixation was the 
 cause or among the underlying causes of his de- 
 pressive make-up; but we can more safely agree 
 with Dr. Clark, that the cure dated from the time 
 of his boy's passing and that it was of a definite 
 spiritual religious nature. And we may further infer 
 that the cure was complete and would have con- 
 tinued so, even through the tragic era of the recon- 
 structive period, had he outlived it. 
 
 Lincoln's athletic-asthenic physique, suggestive 
 of a schizoid (dual) personality, his keen sense of 
 humor, his constant bubbling over with jokes and 
 stories in such marked contrast to his frequent 
 lapses into mental depression, his melancholic as- 
 pect when alone and in thought, the several spells 
 in which his spirits sank to a lower ebb than usual, 
 and the severe depressive reaction to his love plight 
 with Mary Todd form the material out of which 
 have been molded the various impressionistic 
 images in psychopathology of this remarkable man. 
 The psychiatric study of Lincoln's character and 
 career will always be interesting and worthy of 
 careful study by unprejudiced men whose minds 
 are well trained in psychoanalysis. The hope of the 
 variant, the balance wheel or stabilizer for any 
 seeming mental deviation from the normal is 
 common sense. So, no matter how interesting any 
 psychoanalytic deductions regarding Lincoln may 
 [38] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 be, there is that well known and supereminent 
 characteristic of his which no psychiatrist can ig- 
 nore or clever detractor take away. If Lincoln's 
 periods of depression seem to a student of his life 
 to approach or even to invade the border of the 
 pathologic, that student can be reassured that 
 Lincoln's common sense alone, all physiologic, 
 psychologic, or inherited considerations aside, 
 would and did lift him up whenever the emergency 
 arose. 
 
 After all, a large share of the world's work, and 
 much of its best work, has been done by psycho- 
 neurotics. Lincoln was a psychoneurotic, and that 
 phase of his character went into the mosaic of his 
 intensely interesting personality and was an in- 
 dissoluble part of his greatness. 
 
 39] 
 
CHAPTER FIVE 
 
 THE last current of thought suggests another 
 more recent development in medical research 
 — that of endocrinology, or the study of the duct- 
 less glands and their unbalance and dysfunction. 
 Some discussion of the subject seems necessary if 
 for no other reason than that one hears nowadays 
 public speakers thoughtlessly refer to disturbances 
 in Lincoln's thyroid gland. 
 
 Herndon's description of Lincoln is of the great- 
 est value, not only because he was Lincoln's actual 
 partner, day in and day out for sixteen years, but 
 because, as Jesse Weik states, its value to history 
 arises from the fact that it was prepared for de- 
 livery to audiences in central Illinois composed 
 largely of Lincoln's neighbors, people the most 
 competent of all to test its accuracy and truth- 
 fulness. It follows in somewhat condensed form: 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln was wiry, sinewy, and raw-boned — 
 thin through the breast to the back and narrow 
 across the shoulders. Standing, he leaned forward; 
 was somewhat stoop-shouldered, inclining to the 
 comsumptive in build. His usual weight was about 
 180 pounds (height 6 feet 4 inches). His organiza- 
 tion worked slowly. His blood had to run a long 
 distance from his heart to the extremities of his 
 
 [40] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 frame, and his nerve force had to travel through 
 dry ground, a wide circuit, before his muscles were 
 obedient to his will. His structure was loose and 
 leathery, his body shrunk and shriveled; he had 
 dark skin and dark hair, and looked woe-struck. 
 The whole man, body and mind, worked against 
 more or less friction and creaked as if it needed 
 oiling. 
 
 "His circulation was slow and sluggish. 
 "His forehead was narrow but high; his hair dark, 
 coarse and rebellious. His cheek bones were high, 
 sharp and prominent; his jaws long; his nose was 
 large and a little awry toward the right eye; thin, 
 sharp and upturned ; his face was sallow, shrunken 
 and wrinkled, and his cheeks were leathery. His 
 ears were large and ran out almost at right angles 
 from his head. His head was long and tall from the 
 base of his brain and from the eyebrows; the 
 dimensions from ear to ear were 6 \ inches and 
 from the front to the back of the brain, 8 inches. 
 The look of sadness was more or less accentuated 
 by a peculiarity of one eye, the pupil of which had 
 a tendency to turn or roll slightly toward the upper 
 lid, whereas the other maintained its normal posi- 
 tion equidistant between the upper and the lower 
 lids. 
 
 "His legs and arms were very long and in undue 
 proportion to the rest of his body. Sitting in a 
 chair, he was not taller than ordinary men; it was 
 only when he stood up that he loomed above them. 
 He walked like an Indian, with even tread, the 
 inner sides of his feet being parallel, betokening 
 
 [411 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 caution. He put the whole foot flat down on the 
 
 ground, not landing on the heel; he likewise lifted 
 
 it all at once, not rising from the toes; hence there 
 
 was no spring to his step as he moved up and down 
 
 the street. 
 
 "Thus stood, walked and looked this unusual 
 
 man." 
 
 But there is nothing in this or in any other de- 
 scription to suggest thyroid dysfunction; nor is 
 there aught to suggest disturbance in any other 
 endocrine gland unless it was some overactivity of 
 the anterior lobe of the pituitary gland (at base of 
 brain), beginning after puberty. This may have 
 been a factor in producing Lincoln's unsymmetrical 
 stature — his long legs and arms "in undue pro- 
 portion to the rest of his body." But because of 
 insufficient data, of a lack of certain indispensable 
 exact observations, this field of study as applied to 
 Lincoln must ever be a most highly speculative 
 consideration; to wander even further afield in an 
 attempt thus to explain his disposition to mental 
 depression would be merely an interesting venture 
 in the realm of fancy. Furthermore, the subject of 
 endocrinology itself is still too shrouded in dark- 
 ness to make it worthy of consideration in relation 
 to a serious study of Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 42 
 
CHAPTER SIX 
 
 AND now, after the interruption caused by these 
 X~JL general theoretic contemplations, we may re- 
 sume this narrative in some effort at sequence. The 
 first recorded item of medical concern relative to 
 the newly wedded pair is the advent of their first- 
 born child, Robert Todd Lincoln. William E. Bar- 
 ton, D.D., in his Life of Abraham Lincoln calls 
 attention to the fact that the first child was born 
 exactly 270 days after that sudden wedding, which, 
 he adds, "tells its own tale of immediate concep- 
 tion." William Barton mentions this because Lin- 
 coln entered marriage with a "thoroughly morbid 
 hesitation." To quote him further: "We discover 
 in Lincoln a man of domestic tastes and of pure 
 life, a man who was upright in his relations with 
 women before his marriage, was true to his wife 
 and (was) the father of a family of children, yet 
 whose attitude toward marriage was influenced by 
 a large degree of abnormality." 
 
 But the four children came along in "becoming 
 regularity," Robert Todd on August 1, 1843, Ed- 
 ward Baker on March 10, 1846, William Wallace 
 on December 21, 1850, and Thomas Thaddeus on 
 April 4, 1853. And so, whatever of abnormality 
 may have existed in Lincoln's attitude toward the 
 
 [431 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 marriage relation, here is the evidence that he 
 neither was lacking in virility nor was undersexed 
 to the slightest pathologic degree. 
 
 No record can be found of medical attendance 
 at the four births or at the death of the second boy, 
 who died ten months before the birth of the third 
 son, yet we know that Lincoln had friends who 
 were good medical men, and Mrs. Lincoln had two 
 kinsmen, an uncle, Dr. John Todd, and a brother- 
 in-law, Dr. William Wallace, who were in active 
 practice in Springfield. Her younger brother, Dr. 
 George Todd, was a physician in Lexington, Ken- 
 tucky, and she had grown up in that city, accus- 
 tomed to the medical attention of Drs. Ben Dudley 
 and Elisha Warfield. Being temperamentally ner- 
 vous and fearful, she would have been quick to rely 
 on medical aid at the least sign of danger. 
 
 Pascal Hatch of Springfield recently uncovered 
 the following note to his father Ozias M. Hatch, 
 secretary of the state of Illinois, which was written 
 by Mrs. Lincoln sometime during the late fifties 
 and which illustrates her quick nervous concern 
 but does not reveal the elusive name of the family 
 physician: 
 
 Monday Morning 
 Mr. Hatch: 
 
 If you are going up to Chicago to day, & should 
 meet Mr. L. there, will you say to him, that our 
 
 [441 
 
WILLIAM S. WALLACE] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 dear little Taddie is quite sick, the Dr. thinks it 
 may prove a slight attack of lung fever. I am feel- 
 ing troubled & it would be a comfort to have him 
 at home. He passed a bad night; I do not like his 
 symptoms, and will be glad, if he hurries home. 
 
 Truly your friend, 
 M.L. 
 
 It is of interest to note here that Dr. Wallace, 
 prior to Lincoln's marriage, had occupied the very 
 room of the hotel to which Lincoln brought Mary 
 Todd. The doctor was a successful physician and a 
 cultured gentleman, which is sufficient evidence to 
 refute the implication of Edgar Lee Masters, that 
 the Globe Tavern — at that period one of the lead- 
 ing hotels in Springfield — was not a proper place 
 for a successful lawyer to bring a bride. 
 
 Among the medical men of Lincoln's early days 
 in Springfield was the famous pioneer physician 
 Dr. Gershom Jayne. If Mr. Lincoln did not employ 
 him directly, at least he used the doctor's flatu- 
 lence remedy, Jayne's Carminative. Dr. E. H. 
 Merryman, previously referred to, had some repu- 
 tation for pugilistic as well as for professional 
 ability. He was a friend of the young Lincoln and 
 like many another physician of the time suffered 
 from unfulfilled political ambitions. Three years 
 later there appeared the adventurous Dr. Garrett 
 Elkin, who had served in the Black Hawk War, 
 
 [45] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 later enlisted in the Mexican and the Mormon 
 wars, and incidentally engaged in many little tilts 
 of his own in Springfield. He was sheriff of Sanga- 
 mon County about 1840 and a staunch liegeman 
 of Dr. Henry. 
 
 Dr. William Jayne, a boy in his early teens when 
 Lincoln came to town, grew up into manhood torn 
 between two loves, but one finds him making good 
 with both. He succeeded to the practice of his 
 father, Gershom Jayne, and soon became well 
 known medically and politically. In the November 
 election of 1860, he triumphed over a strong 
 Democratic rival for a seat in the Illinois senate, 
 and in 1861 President Lincoln appointed him, at 
 the age of 35, territorial governor of what is now 
 Montana, Idaho and the Dakotas. He returned 
 later to the practice of medicine at Springfield, 
 where he died in 1916, at the age of 90. From his 
 boyhood days Dr. Jayne was an admirer of Lincoln 
 and he left many valuable contributions to Lin- 
 colniana. 
 
 Another of the early physicians, whose name is 
 familiar to the reader, was Lincoln's old and un- 
 wavering friend Dr. Anson G. Henry. He was born 
 in 1804, was a student under Dr. Drake in Cin- 
 cinnati and was a member of the Illinois State 
 Medical Society; he was also a prominent citizen 
 of Springfield, an uncompromising Whig and Re- 
 
 T461 
 
DR. ANSON G. HENRY 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 publican, and the active — perhaps too active — 
 head of a commission of three to build the first 
 Illinois statehouse. He had the temerity to fight 
 by way of editorial columns with the brilliant 
 Stephen A. Douglas and generally busied himself 
 in politics. June 24, 1850, President Taylor ap- 
 pointed him Indian agent of Oregon Territory, and 
 in 1861, President Lincoln appointed him surveyor- 
 general of Washington territory. During those 
 eleven years and the succeeding four, he kept up a 
 correspondence with Mr. Lincoln, and after the 
 assassination Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Henry con- 
 tinued the friendly letter writing in an exchange of 
 sympathy in their mutual bereavement; for Dr. 
 Henry, while returning to his home from New York 
 City in the summer of 1865, was lost at sea off the 
 northern California coast in the tragedy of the 
 steamship, Brother Jonathan. 
 
 Dr. Henry was a loyal, lifelong friend of both 
 Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln. During the perturbed court- 
 ship, he was always close to Mr. Lincoln, watch- 
 ing over him, advising him medically, and finally 
 succeeding in his efforts to reunite the estranged 
 couple. He had made two trips from his home in 
 Olympia, Washington, to Washington, D. C, in 
 1863 and 1865, and each time he was a heartily 
 welcomed guest in the White House. 
 
 John R. McBride, whom Lincoln appointed 
 
 [47] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Superior Judge in 1865, described in the Portland 
 Oregonian, his first call on President Lincoln when 
 he went to Washington as Congressman: "After 
 reading a letter of introduction from Dr. Henry 
 which I handed him, Mr. Lincoln said, 'What a 
 great big hearted man he is. Dr. Henry is one of the 
 best men I have ever known. He sometimes com- 
 mits an error of judgment, but I never knew him to 
 be guilty of a falsehood or of an act beneath a 
 gentleman. He is the soul of truth and honor.' He 
 then related a number of stories of the day when 
 he and Baker and Henry ran the politics of San- 
 gamon County." 
 
 In 1863, Dr. Henry was in Washington on busi- 
 ness, which included the formation of the new ter- 
 ritory of Idaho, and a dispute in the northwest over 
 a collector of customs. Mr. Lincoln dated a card 
 March 81, 1863, and wrote on it, "Will the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury do me the favor to hear my 
 old friend Dr. Henry briefly, about Victor Smith." 
 In 1865, Dr. Henry's business was more personal. 
 On March 17, with Congressman McBride, John 
 W. Forney and Abram Wakeman, he dined with 
 the President, and later in the evening he and 
 McBride were Mr. Lincoln's guests at Ford's 
 Theater where they sat in the box that, one month 
 later, became the scene of national tragedy. 
 No friend was more utterly crushed by grief at 
 [481 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 sight of the dead president than Dr. Henry, and 
 no one's sympathy to the stricken widow was so 
 consoling and helpful. As a member of the family, 
 he rode in the funeral procession to the Capitol and 
 then remained with or near them until June, when 
 he performed one last service for the harassed 
 widow by writing a letter to the Lincoln Monu- 
 ment Association at Springfield, advocating in a 
 tactful and conciliatory manner acceptance of her 
 insistent demand that her husband's body remain 
 buried in Oak Ridge Cemetery instead of in the 
 city plot approved by the committee. When Mrs. 
 Lincoln heard, a short time later, of the death of 
 the doctor, she immediately wrote to Mrs. Henry 
 that "my sons and myself consider we have lost 
 our best and dearest friend." And so he was to the 
 distracted Mrs. Lincoln; and so he was — certainly 
 of all those numbered in the medical profession — 
 to Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Other members of the early Illinois State Med- 
 ical Society who were known to Mr. Lincoln were 
 Drs. Alexander Shields, Meredith S. Helm, Charles 
 Ryan, Rufus S. Lord, Sanford Bell, Fletcher Tal- 
 bot, C. F. Hughes and E. S. Fowler. Dr. Samuel 
 Long, also of good standing, abandoned the prac- 
 tice of medicine when President Lincoln appointed 
 him consul at Havana. In this group should be 
 included Drs. Henry C. Barrell and J. N. Dixon 
 
 [49] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 and Dr. J. L. Million of Pleasant Plains, nearby. 
 
 Others whose names were found on the pages of 
 Diller's day-book were Drs. A. Taappe, A. M. 
 Browning, Raback, Morehead, Grismore, Price 
 and Kyner. These men all frequented the place 
 where Lincoln so often "loafed," and were unques- 
 tionably acquainted with him. Yet another Spring- 
 field friend was Dr. A. W. French, with whom 
 Lincoln took a course of lessons in German; but 
 it is said that he soon wearied of the effort. 
 
 Between 1840 and 1850, when cholera ravaged 
 Illinois and yellow fever wormed its way up the 
 Mississippi River, men of various ' 'schools," from 
 the homeopath and the eclectic to the herbalist and 
 the itinerant Indian doctor, came to Springfield. 
 The first homeopath was Dr. Ferdinand Kuechler 
 who built up a large practice, especially among 
 women and children. A little later, Dr. J. A. Vin- 
 cent arrived and became mayor of Springfield. The 
 first herb doctor was a Dr. Higgins and then came 
 Dr. John D. Freeman, who built the original St. 
 Nicholas Hotel, and Dr. Henry Wahlgemuth who 
 also made his way into the ranks of prominent 
 citizens. 
 
 Outside of Springfield there was Dr. John Logan, 
 a physician of skill and a man of character. He was 
 the father of General John A. Logan. Dr. Logan 
 was the Democratic member of the legislature from 
 
 [501 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Jackson county in southern Illinois from 1836 to 
 1848, and a warm personal friend of Lincoln. Dur- 
 ing the year 1836, Lincoln and the other eight of 
 the Long Nine (representatives from Sangamon 
 county, all of whom were six feet or over) began 
 their successful campaign to secure the removal of 
 the state capital from Vandalia to Springfield in 
 Sangamon county. This was accomplished through 
 the necessary aid of another political group headed 
 by Dr. Logan. Later (Feb. 5, 1839), as chairman 
 of the Committee on Counties, Lincoln was chief 
 surgeon at the operation of accouchering a new 
 county from big Sangamon. As an expression of 
 his personal regard for, and his county's gratitude 
 to, Dr. Logan, he seized this opportunity to honor 
 the assemblyman-doctor by christening the infant 
 county, Logan. 
 
 And there was Dr. Robert Boal of Lacon, who 
 presided, June 4, 1850, at the first meeting and 
 organization of the Illinois State Medical Society. 
 With him came Dr. S. G. Thompson. Lincoln 
 already knew Dr. Boal well and had considerable 
 correspondence with him of a political nature, 
 relying on his aid, as he wrote, "because of your 
 position and standing." Likewise, he knew and 
 corresponded with Drs. William Fithian, Thomas 
 Conant and Charles Wallace. Surely he knew the 
 physician, Dr. N. S. Freeman of Farmington, Illi- 
 
 [51] 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UMYERsmr of iuwoh 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 nois, who cared for his father Thomas Lincoln and 
 his stepmother Sarah Bush Lincoln during their 
 last years and days. Then, too, there was Dr. 
 Richard F. Adams of Lee County, a staunch and 
 conspicuous pro-Lincoln man. He was a skilful 
 physician and a capable politician. He helped or- 
 ganize the Republican party in Illinois, was the 
 first Republican to sit in the Illinois Senate, and 
 was the first on the roll-call of the combined house 
 and senate meeting of January 5, 1859, to vote for 
 Abraham Lincoln for the United States Senate. 
 During the Civil War he rendered devoted aid to 
 President Lincoln in the Illinois legislature. 
 
 Further evidence of Lincoln's cordial relations 
 with the doctors is afforded by the well known 
 letter which, with a twinkle in his eyes, he wrote 
 to Dr. (and later Judge) Franklin Blades. After his 
 admission to the bar in 1858, Blades wrote to 
 Lincoln, asking for the use of his name as a refer- 
 ence, but neglecting to explain his change of pro- 
 fession. Lincoln, being in doubt as to the identity 
 of Dr. Blades, wrote him as follows: "I do not 
 know whether you are Doctor Blades or not. If 
 you are Doctor Blades, you may use my name; if 
 you are not Doctor Blades, if Doctor Blades says 
 you may use my name, you may do so." 
 
 Mention should be made also of Lincoln's friend 
 Dr. Samuel C. Busey of Washington, who sat 
 
 T521 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 across from him at the boarding-house table of 
 Mrs. Ann Spriggs in Carroll Row on First Street, 
 where he lived as Congressman during 1848 and 
 1849. Great credit is due Dr. Busey for most of the 
 available data concerning Lincoln's life in Wash- 
 ington while a member of the Thirtieth Congress. 
 
 When Lincoln first came to Springfield there 
 were eighteen doctors located there. This number 
 grew with the population, and of the number in 
 and about Springfield and throughout the state 
 there were a great many whom he knew socially, 
 politically and casually. These men were medical 
 school graduates and undergraduates, and some 
 were schooled by experience in the corner drug 
 stores. But to Lincoln, the politician, a doctor was 
 a doctor, and medical advice was accepted with 
 but little discrimination as he journeyed over the 
 Eighth Judicial Circuit and about the state. 
 
 Isaac Diller, son of R. W. Diller, the Springfield 
 druggist and good friend of Lincoln, relates that 
 during the Civil War his father unsuccessfully 
 sought a position as hospital steward at the large 
 military camp just outside the city. He was refused 
 for reason of inadequate medical training. In reply 
 to his appeal, President Lincoln unofficially wrote 
 back that as R. W. Diller had given him many a 
 dose of medicine it would seem that he ought to be 
 skilled enough to do the same for the soldiers. 
 
 [531 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Illness in his family, however, was cause for 
 nicer discrimination in the choice of a physician. 
 Mary Lincoln's uncle, Dr. John Todd, one of the 
 founders of the Illinois State Medical Society, was 
 along in years, according to Isaac Diller, and prob- 
 ably was not employed in a medical capacity by 
 the Lincolns. Mr. Diller states that Dr. William 
 Wallace was his own family physician and he is 
 quite sure that Dr. Wallace was also the Lincoln's 
 family physician and that Dr. Helm was called at 
 times. The Chicago Tribune on January 11, 186L 
 referred to Doctor W. S. Wallace as Mr. Lincoln's 
 family physician. Dr. Helm, a graduate of the Balti- 
 more Medical College, had a fine reputation, es- 
 pecially in obstetrics; both men, as well as Dr. 
 William Jayne, lived near the Lincolns. So we may 
 infer that Mrs. Lincoln and the children were well 
 cared for by competent medical men. 
 
 The second son, Edward, died of diphtheria on 
 the morning of February 1, 1850. Lincoln wrote his 
 stepbrother that the boy had been sick fifteen days. 
 In that pre-anti toxin day, diptheria was a terrify- 
 ing ordeal to all parents. "We miss him very 
 much," did not express the Lincolns' deep, dis- 
 consolate sorrow. With Robert they left for Lexing- 
 ton where Mr. Lincoln came across a volume en- 
 titled The Christian's Defense by James Smith, 
 D.D. This attracted his attention as the author 
 
 [541 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 was the minister of Springfield who had conducted 
 the funeral services for his boy. After his return to 
 Springfield, he sought an interview with the 
 minister, who later stated: "I found him much de- 
 pressed and downcast at the death of his son and 
 without the consolation of the Gospel." Lincoln 
 borrowed a copy of Reverend Smith's book and 
 soon after rented a pew for Mrs. Lincoln in the 
 First Presbyterian Church. This digressive story 
 is interesting when considered in connection with 
 Lincoln's more effective remedial turning to re- 
 ligion after the death of his third son William. 
 
 [55 
 
CHAPTER SEVEN 
 
 SOME of the illnesses in the Lincoln family 
 during the fifties might be found in the old 
 record books of the Diller Drug Store, held in 
 Springfield, secure and unobtainable. But a peek 
 at them some years ago by Jesse Weik revealed the 
 following items purchased by Lincoln in 1852: 
 
 Aug. 7 To prescription 15 
 
 "11 " calomel powder. . .10 
 
 " 14 " Pennyroyal 10 
 
 " 23 " bot. carminative. . .25 
 
 " 30 " bot. carminative. . .30 
 
 From this we may conclude that the children were 
 suffering from colic and were treated for it in the 
 wrong, old-fashioned way. 
 
 However, the genial Isaac Diller still retains one 
 of the old daybooks of the drugstore including the 
 years 1857, 1858, and 1859, which he kindly per- 
 mitted me to scrutinize. On October 8, 1857, the 
 youngest child was 4J years old, but Lincoln was 
 still purchasing a bottle of carminative for 25 
 cents. On October 26, the children needed syrup of 
 ipecac for a cough and chest cold and another 
 bottle in November. During 1858, his busy year 
 of politics, there is only one item found : 
 
 242— Ab. Lincoln 
 
 To adhesive plaster 10 
 
 [561 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 In 1859, "A. Lincoln" is found thirteen times — 
 often for drug store sundries, but on St. Valen- 
 tine's Day somebody was suffering: 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To bot. cast, oil 25 
 
 And then the usual sequel to an "upset stomach" 
 developed — the ubiquitous cold! Four days later 
 occurred the entry : 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To Brown's mixture 25 
 
 Cough candy 10 
 
 On May 21, 1859, he bought a tonic — a bottle of 
 Allen's Restorative for $1.50 and on Tuesday, 
 September 6, there is an interesting entry: 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To bot. Dead Shot 25 
 
 bot. Lub. Extract 1.00 
 
 pt. Spt. camphor 35 
 
 1 oz. glycerine 25 
 
 The last item was new at that time and was used as 
 a sweet lubricant for sore throat and huskiness of 
 the voice. The spirits of camphor, as now, was 
 rubbed on the chest. Lubin's Extract was a per- 
 fume, and the bottle of Dead Shot was a favorite 
 "sure cure" for an unpopular house guest that 
 respected neither prominence of person nor the 
 homes on the best streets — Cimex lectularius. 
 
 [57] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 On Saturday, September 10, Mr. Lincoln was 
 again back at Diller's for another household friend 
 — a popular cathartic of the times: 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To box of Wright's pills 25 
 
 But of peculiar interest are two entries in 1859 
 for June 3 and 13 : 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To bot. brandy 2.00 
 
 242 — A. Lincoln 
 
 To bot. brandy 2.00 
 
 This was not an uncommon item of drug store pur- 
 chases by Lincoln during the fifties, but it is the 
 only record at Diller's for these three years. The 
 purchase of two bottles in ten days is difficult and 
 unnecessary to explain. We know of Lincoln's per- 
 sonal attitude toward liquor and that on February 
 22, 1842, in a temperance address before the 
 Washington Society, he said: "Physicians prescribe 
 it in this, that, and the other disease," and "the 
 victims of it are to be pitied and compassionated 
 just as the heirs of consumption and other heredi- 
 tary diseases." 
 
 He said many other things against intemper- 
 ance. He had early acquired a strong prejudice 
 against the cup with the alcoholic urge. He had 
 seen that cup in action in Spencer County, Indi- 
 
 [58] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 ana, and along the Ohio, Mississippi and Sanga- 
 mon rivers. When 18 years old, his sister, Mrs. 
 Aaron Grigsby anticipated her first baby. The 
 nearest doctor lived only two miles away, but he 
 was objected to because of his inebriety. Yet on 
 January 20, 1828, because Sarah's need was sud- 
 den and terrifying, a messenger was dispatched for 
 this doctor, who arrived helplessly intoxicated. 
 Sarah's father-in-law, Reuben Grigsby, then hur- 
 ried the 4 miles to Little Pigeon Creek and across 
 it into Warwick County for Dr. William Davis. The 
 creek was rapidly rising and on Grisby's return 
 with Dr. Davis it was so swollen that they had to 
 cross some six miles farther up near Dale, Indiana. 
 When they finally reached Sarah, she and her 
 baby were dead. What an impression that tragedy 
 must have made on our sensitive young man. 
 About this time, he was reading the columns of a 
 certain Cincinnati weekly devoted to temperance, 
 which was loaned him by a neighbor, William 
 Wood; all this prepared him for the later influence 
 of his New Salem friend, the militant water- 
 drinker, Dr. John Allen. 
 
 There is an abundance of evidence that Lincoln 
 practiced total abstinence, but the aforementioned 
 list of purchases shows either that Mrs. Lincoln 
 desired the bottles for the ever popular brandy 
 sauces (mincemeat was not made in June) or that 
 
 T591 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 they had some medicinal use for it. Possibly Lin- 
 coln used it for external purposes, a method which 
 he learned from Mrs. George P. Floyd of Quincy, 
 Illinois. After the sixth debate with Douglas at 
 Quincy, Lincoln was utterly exhausted and, as 
 George P. Floyd, proprietor of the Quincy House, 
 relates, he almost collapsed. He was taken by his 
 friends to his room in the Quincy House and laid 
 on a lounge. Lincoln expressed the fear that he 
 might have to give up the race, that he was 
 "mighty nigh petered out." Mrs. Floyd came in 
 and, after observing the tired man, suggested a 
 "rum sweat" at which Lincoln protested that he 
 never drank a drop in his life. But after assurance 
 that it was for external use only, he was willing, 
 in his extremity, to take a chance. So he was 
 stripped and seated on a cane-bottomed chair and 
 covered with blankets. Then a pan of New Eng- 
 land rum was lighted and placed under the chair. 
 This started a perspiration, after which he was put 
 to bed and the sweating continued under more 
 blankets and with the help of hot ginger tea. The 
 next morning he appeared bright and early and 
 feeling "like a two year old," vociferous with 
 praise for Mrs. Floyd's treatment. Years later, 
 when Mr. Floyd went to the White House on 
 business, Lincoln recognized his name and said: 
 "Why, I have seen you before, sir. I remember you 
 [601 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 very well. I believe your wife saved my life when 
 I was in Quincy in 1858. Yes, I have taken that 
 rum sweat that she prescribed for me many times 
 and I have prescribed it for some of my friends. 
 It has always been a dead shot." 
 
 In 1854 there was sickness in the Lincoln family 
 of sufficient gravity to keep him from a speaking 
 engagement with his friend 0. H. Browning of 
 Quincy; they were announced as speakers at the 
 annual meeting of the Illinois State Colonization 
 Society at the First Presbyterian Church of 
 Springfield but only Mr. Browning was present. 
 "On account of illness in his family, Mr. Lincoln 
 was not present," records the Illinois Journal of 
 January 14, 1854. 
 
 Perhaps he was out of town with his dog-bitten 
 son, Robert, for it was somewhere about this time 
 that Lincoln took him to Terre Haute, Indiana, to 
 have the madstone remedy applied. This incident 
 may bring a smile to the reader with his knowledge 
 of the cause and cure of hydrophobia, but it oc- 
 curred some thirty years before the discoveries of 
 Louis Pasteur, and Lincoln was frightened enough 
 to try almost anything to save his son from the 
 terrifying symptoms of rabies. He explained to 
 Joseph Gillespie that "he found the people in the 
 neighborhood of those stones fully impressed with 
 the belief in their virtues from actual experiment." 
 
 [61] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Even then, it seemed necessary to offer an explana- 
 tion for his credulity; although he had an orderly, 
 logical mind, he was, by his own confession, in- 
 fluenced by the superstitions of his early life. 
 
 During the years as barrister-at-law, Lincoln 
 met many doctors who were involved in litigation 
 of one kind or another and there must have been 
 many legal disputes of definite medical interest, in 
 evidence, of which are the three mute witnesses 
 found in the Lincoln and Herndon law library: 
 Dean's Medical Jurisprudence,Ts,y\oT y s A Treatise 
 on Poisons in Relation to Medical Jurisprudence, 
 and A Synopsis of Practical Surgery. 
 
 One lawsuit for malpractice has recently come 
 to light in which Lincoln figured. In the summer of 
 1856, Samuel Fleming brought suit in the Mc- 
 Lean County Circuit Court against two reputable 
 physicians of Bloomington, Illinois, Drs. Eli K. 
 Crothers and Thomas F. Rodgers, complaining 
 that as a result of their mismanagement of his 
 fractured leg, a disabling shortening of that mem- 
 ber had occured. The wife of Dr. Crothers, also a 
 licensed doctor of medicine, was a daughter of a 
 political friend and client of Lincoln. A well-liked 
 nurse who had formerly served the Lincolns was 
 now a nurse in the Crothers family and Lincoln was 
 assisting her in some property litigation. More- 
 over, Lincoln was well known in Bloomington; he 
 
 [621 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 was a frequent visitor there and had purchased a 
 piece of residence property which, in 1887, was 
 acquired by Dr. Marie L. Crothers, then the 
 widow of Dr. Eli Crothers. The property still re- 
 mains in the possession of her two daughters. 
 
 Naturally, the doctors turned to Abraham Lin- 
 coln, who promptly agreed to defend them. The 
 trial, through change of venue and a series of con- 
 tinuances, was transferred to the Logan County 
 Circuit Court in Bloomington and delayed until 
 the fall of 1857. In the meanwhile the defendants 
 made good use of the time. They demonstrated to 
 Lincoln that because of the advanced years of the 
 plaintiff the regeneration of bone in the area of the 
 fracture was slow and scanty, thus greatly increas- 
 ing the liability to shortening; they instructed him 
 in the physiology of bone repair in the young as 
 compared with that in the aged, using chicken 
 bones as illustrations. 
 
 When the suit finally came to trial, Lincoln had 
 forgotten much of the medical terminology, and in 
 lieu thereof employed certain comical expressions 
 and used the prepared chicken bones and other 
 illustrations. With his usual wit and adroitness, 
 he had the jurymen "with him," and closed his 
 argument with an earnest plea that the plaintiff, 
 instead of complaining about a slight unavoidable 
 impairment, should thank his God and his doctors 
 
 [63] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 that he had a leg to stand on, as most doctors 
 would have amputated so severely injured a 
 member. A verdict in favor of the doctors was 
 promptly returned, and the whole costs of the 
 trial placed on the plaintiff. 
 
 [64] 
 
[president Lincoln's spectacles! 
 
CHAPTER EIGHT 
 
 IN 1856, Lincoln helped to organize the Republi- 
 can Party in Illinois and by both necessity and 
 inclination did a great deal of reading. Most of it 
 was in fine print and on poor paper, yet he did this 
 without glasses until the year 1857, when presby- 
 opia overtook him and compelled him to secure 
 reading glasses. These he purchased in a diminu- 
 tive jewelry shop in Bloomington, Illinois, while 
 shopping with Henry C. Whitney, who writes that 
 Lincoln bought his first pair of spectacles for 37J 
 cents, remarking that he was 48 years old and 
 "kinder needed them." 
 
 This is an indication that Lincoln was blessed 
 with eyes that were normal from an optical point 
 of view. However, a pair of spectacles, used by 
 President Lincoln and now in the possession of 
 Oliver R. Barrett has been found to be number 
 6.75 (diopters) for each eye. A reading strength of 
 2.5 D is sufficient for the normal eye at the age of 
 fifty and beyond. To one familiar with the subject 
 physiological optics, this pair of reading glasses of 
 (strength 6.75 D) would indicate a high degree of 
 hyperopia (4.25 D of far-sightedness) — an amount 
 of refractive error that would have provoked 
 marked symptoms of eye strain even in one of his 
 
 [651 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 phlegmatic disposition, and after middle age, 
 would have limited his distance vision and have 
 hastened the blur of presbyopia ("old-age" near 
 vision). Yet Lincoln went to his forty-eighth year 
 before attempting to improve his reading vision, 
 whereas the average year for the beginning of the 
 bifocal age is forty-five. This fact is difficult to 
 reconcile with his strong reading glasses, for if 
 Lincoln had been very far-sighted he would have 
 been compelled to seek his first pair of reading 
 glasses earlier than he did. 
 
 The probable explanation of the strong glasses 
 is that Lincoln's eyes were quite far-sighted and 
 that when he felt the need of new reading glasses, 
 he sought the customary jewelry store, and there 
 with the assistance of the proprietor, selected a 
 pair of glasses which seemed to meet his needs, 
 and as is usual with that primitive method, greatly 
 over-corrected his visual requirement. 
 
 This discussion concerns the eyes themselves, 
 but the ability to make his two eyes work together 
 is a different matter and opens up another inter- 
 esting field of discussion. In order to obtain single, 
 comfortable vision from both eyes, the muscles 
 that control their position and alignment, verti- 
 cally and horizontally, must attain almost perfect 
 coordination. When there is a latent degree of 
 lagging of one eye, due to an underacting or over- 
 
 [661 
 
|THERE WAS AN APPARENT DEVIATION OF LINCOLN S 
 LEFT EYE UPWARdI 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 acting set of muscles, there usually develop vary- 
 ing degrees of nervous symptoms, such as eyeache, 
 headache, irritability and even mental depression. 
 When the deviation of one eye becomes apparent, 
 symptoms tend to subside and double vision de- 
 velops. 
 
 Herndon said that "the look of gloom and sad- 
 ness so often noted in the many descriptions of his 
 countenance was more or less accentuated by a 
 peculiarity of one eye, the pupil of which had a 
 tendency to turn or roll slightly toward the upper 
 lid, whereas the other one maintained its normal 
 position, equidistant between the upper and lower 
 lids." This dissimilarity was noted by others. Dr. 
 T. Hall Shastid, writing in The Nation for Febru- 
 ary 20, 1929, states that his father, who was a 
 young physician in Illinois and knew Lincoln well, 
 noted that the left eye turned up at times. 
 
 A casual inspection verified by a careful parallel 
 ruling of full-face photographs of Lincoln will dem- 
 onstrate an apparent deviation of the left eye 
 upward. If this was a true squint, he must have 
 suffered various discomforts from it, and as such, 
 it would prove to be a definite factor in contribut- 
 ing to and precipitating minor attacks of depres- 
 sion. It contributed, with his drooping lids, to give 
 him his pronounced facial expression of sadness and 
 woe. Also, he actually suffered an attack of diplo- 
 
 [671 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 pia (double-vision) on at least one recorded occa- 
 sion. He related the following incident to Noah 
 Brooks and later to his secretary John Hay and to 
 Frank Carpenter: 
 
 "It was just after my election in 1860, when the 
 news had been coming in thick and fast all day and 
 there had been a great 'hurrah boys,' so that I was 
 well tired out and went home to rest, throwing 
 myself upon a lounge in my chamber. Opposite to 
 where I lay was a bureau with a swinging glass 
 upon it, and in looking in that glass, I saw myself 
 reflected nearly full length ; but my face, I noticed, 
 had two separate and distinct images, the tip of 
 the nose of one being about three inches from the 
 tip of the other. I was a little bothered, perhaps 
 startled, and got up and looked in the glass; but the 
 illusion vanished. On lying down again, I saw it a 
 second time, plainer, if possible, than before, and 
 then I noticed that one of the faces was a little 
 paler, say five shades, than the other. I got up, and 
 the thing melted away and I went off and in the 
 excitement of the hour, forgot all about it, nearly, 
 but not quite, for the thing would once in a while 
 come up and give me a little pang as though some- 
 thing uncomfortable had happened. When I went 
 home I told my wife about it and a few days after I 
 tried the experiment again when, sure enough, the 
 thing came back again, but I never succeeded in 
 bringing the ghost back after that though I once 
 tried very industriously to show it to my wife who 
 was worried about it somewhat. She thought it was 
 
 [681 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 a 'sign 9 that I was to be elected to a second term 
 of office, and that the paleness of one of the faces 
 was an omen that I should not see life through the 
 last term." 
 
 In an address delivered in Portland, Maine, 
 February 12, 1901, Dr. Eratus Eugene Holt re- 
 ferred to Lincoln's optical illusions and pronounced 
 them due to a temporary lack of balance of the 
 external ocular muscles: 
 
 "As he lay there upon the couch, every muscle be- 
 came relaxed, as never before. In this relaxed con- 
 dition, in a pensive mood ... all the muscles, that 
 direct, control and keep the two eyes together, 
 were relaxed, the eyes were allowed to separate and 
 each eye saw a separate and distinct image by it- 
 self. The relaxation was so complete for the time 
 being that the two eyes were not brought to- 
 gether, as is usual by the action of converging 
 muscles, hence the counterfeit presentment of him- 
 self. He would have seen two images of anything 
 else, had he looked for them but he was too startled 
 by the ghostly appearance." 
 
 It remained for Dr. S. Mitchell of Hornell, New 
 York, in the Ophthalmic Record for May, 1914, 
 to make the first recorded observation that Lincoln 
 must have suffered from a left hyperphoria and 
 hypertropia (vertical deviation). He called atten- 
 tion also to the corrugation of his brow and its 
 
 [69] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 resulting crow's-feet as one of the common symp- 
 toms of muscle unbalance. This article called forth 
 further comments from Dr. E. E. Holt in the same 
 magazine for August. 
 
 In 1926, Dr. Edward E. Maxey read a paper on 
 this subject. The double image episode he also at- 
 tributed to a hyperphoria or cyclophoria of Lin- 
 coln's external eye muscles, making that condition 
 explain much of his physical laziness in youth and 
 manhood and his fatigue during the Presidency, and 
 claiming that Lincoln's habit of lounging was an in- 
 stinctive search for a less tiring position for his eyes. 
 
 Dr. Shastid, in his article in The Nation pre- 
 viously mentioned, writes interestingly of Lin- 
 coln's hyperphoria and also suggests a further de- 
 fect — color blindness. "To my grandmother who 
 once wished to show him the flowers in her front 
 yard, he said, 'I will look at your flowers, mother, 
 but I really cannot understand what people see to 
 admire in such things. I am somehow deficient.' ' 
 Lincoln said substantially the same thing to his 
 sister-in-law, Mrs. Ninian Edwards, who, in the 
 summer of 1862, took him for a stroll through the 
 White House conservatory. He admitted to her 
 that it was his first view of its beauteous contents ! 
 It was Lincoln's habit to consider himself deficient 
 in many ways, but it is probable that he meant 
 esthetically and not physiologically deficient. 
 
 [701 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Now there is such a thing as an apparent or a 
 simulated squint. Paintings and portraits often 
 show an eye that apparently turns in or out or up, 
 the impression depending on an abnormal relative 
 position of the iris and lid margins, which shows an 
 abnormal amount or position of the white of the 
 eye, sufficient to give one the impression of a 
 squint. The apparent tilting upward of Lincoln's 
 left eye can be explained by the edge of the left 
 lower lid sagging below the level of the edge of the 
 right lower Hd, thus revealing more of the white 
 of that eye below the cornea or iris coloring. This 
 gives the impression that the pupil or the iris of 
 the left eye is higher than that of the right, whereas 
 the two pupils may actually be in perfect horizon- 
 tal and vertical alignment permitting comfortable 
 normal single vision. 
 
 If that deviation upward was a permanent error, 
 it was so marked that one must wonder why Lin- 
 coln did not complain more often of seeing double, 
 especially during the strain of the Presidency. All 
 things considered, I am strongly inclined to the 
 theory that the Lincoln "squint "was more apparent 
 than real, and that the sole incident of diplopia was 
 the result of temporary excessive fatigue. 
 
 In his Personal Reminiscences, Dr. William 
 Jayne states that Mrs. Lincoln told him of the 
 double-vision occurrence and her fear of it, but the 
 
 [711 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 good doctor apparently did not associate the inci- 
 dent with defective or tired eye muscles. One can- 
 not resist the thought that had Lincoln told that 
 double-vision story to one of his well-informed 
 medical friends more familiar with eyes than was 
 Dr. Jayne, he might have been spared that "little 
 pang" instead of worrying over it as a "sign"; yet 
 it seems to make the man more human, and we love 
 him none the less for the old-time superstition of 
 which he was a bit ashamed and against which he 
 fought. 
 
 72] 
 
CHAPTER NINE 
 
 LINCOLN records in a letter to his old friend, 
 J Dr. Anson G. Henry, then in Lafayette, Ore- 
 gon, that he had suffered from a throat infection. 
 Under date of July 4, 1860, he writes: 
 
 My dear Doctor: 
 
 Your very agreeable letter of May 15th was re- 
 ceived three days ago . . . 
 
 Our boy in his tenth year (the baby when you 
 left) has just had a hard and tedious spell of scarlet 
 fever and he is not yet beyond all danger. I have a 
 headache and a sore throat upon me now, inducing 
 me to suspect that I have an inferior type of the 
 same thing. 
 
 Our eldest boy, Bob, has been away from us 
 nearly a year at school, and will enter Harvard 
 University this month. He promises very well, 
 considering we never controlled him much. 
 
 Write again when you receive this. Mary joins 
 in sending our kindest regards to Mrs. H., Your- 
 self, and all the family. 
 
 Your friend, as ever, 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 The human-interest portion of this letter is 
 quoted incidentally to reaffirm the existence of the 
 close friendship of the Henry and Lincoln families 
 but principally to record this minor illness of the 
 presidential nominee. It was probably an attack of 
 
 [73] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 acute tonsillitis, or it might have been what would 
 now be termed a streptococcic pharyngitis. Lincoln 
 must have been subject to more or less trouble 
 then, as Mrs. Lincoln was always so solicitous 
 about his going out without a muffler or something 
 about his throat; or maybe because of his long, 
 stooping thinness, her anxiety was directed toward 
 that "tubercular tendency." We recall Herndon's 
 description, "Thin through the breast to the back 
 and narrow across the shoulders — stoop shoul- 
 dered, inclining to the consumptive in build." Since 
 much speculation has been in order, we may be 
 pardoned for groping once more in that hazy vista, 
 with the suggestion that a latent tuberculosis, 
 which he feared, might have been gradually break- 
 ing loose in his hard-muscled body during the war- 
 harassed days in Washington and might account in 
 part for his haggard, ashen, pale face, his emacia- 
 tion and his fatigue. 
 
 Our stalwart hero by no means felt strong and 
 fit every day of the year, year after year. Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor Bross of Illinois tells of meeting him 
 in May, 1860, when leaving the Republican con- 
 vention at Decatur: "I found Mr. Lincoln sitting 
 on a trunk, alone, at the end of the hall, with his 
 head bowed down and leaning it upon his hand. 
 Tm not very well,' he said." 
 
 Research brings to light other little items of in- 
 
 [741 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 terest or samples of wit, as when Lincoln referred 
 to a certain section of the South, "where most men 
 are salivated by excessive use of the Charleston 
 Mercury," or when, on the day after the November 
 election, Mr. Lincoln made a jocular statement to 
 Dr. Jayne, who had shown him a telegram: "Why, 
 that elects you, Bill. You seem to succeed as well 
 in politics as you have succeeded in pills. If I were 
 as lucky as you are in politics and strong enough 
 to beat as good a man as Murray McConnell in a 
 Democratic district for State Senator, I would 
 change my sign so that it would read: 'Dr. William 
 Jayne, Purveyor of Pills and Politics. I guarantee 
 the cure of Democratic Headaches and all the ail- 
 ments of Popular Sovereignty cranks. No cure, no 
 pay'. " 
 
 75 
 
CHAPTER TEN 
 
 MR. LINCOLN was now President-elect and, 
 as such, a very busy and important man. 
 He soon forgot the unpleasantness of that mir- 
 rored double image of himself in his planning and 
 preparations for Washington. He was apparently 
 well and vigorous now, though still a slave to the 
 little calomel pill. 
 
 We may be sure that Mrs. Lincoln saw to it that 
 he took his pill, had on his rubbers and mufflers, 
 and carried the cotton umbrella over his head dur- 
 ing those wintry days. When he stepped on the 
 special train of the Great Western Railroad, he 
 had over his shoulders the famous gray shawl to 
 protect him from the cold February drizzle. Aboard 
 the train was Mrs. Lincoln's brother-in-law, Dr. 
 William Wallace, the physician in charge of the 
 trip to Washington. For now Lincoln's life, as well 
 as his health, needed guarding. Threats of assassi- 
 nation had been pouring in by word and pen, and a 
 doctor was a necessary member of that party. 
 
 Fortunately, the journey was ended in safety, 
 despite hotel meals, winter weather and political 
 enemies; the sun set on that inaugural fourth of 
 March with President Lincoln safe with his family 
 in the White House, physically tired, spiritually 
 
 [76] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 happy and mentally anxious. We can imagine that 
 first night's sleep as a sound, dreamless rest, re- 
 freshing him for the first of those historic days of 
 service to come. 
 
 From then on, his body needed all of its native 
 strength and more to resist the pressure of irregular 
 and meager hours for food and sleep, of the swarm 
 of office seekers and busybodies, of the machina- 
 tions of political friends and enemies, of mighty 
 battles directed by mediocre leaders, and of a 
 million and one little annoyances that so tried his 
 soul. And the public begrudged him even his solac- 
 ing stories! 
 
 Early in the administration, Mrs. Lincoln began 
 her habit of daily drives and insisted as her right 
 that Mr. Lincoln accompany her; it was her only 
 means of getting him out into the fresh air. He was 
 often called to the cabinet room as early as 5 
 o'clock in the morning and had his coffee sent into 
 him, with breakfast put off until 9 or 10 o'clock and 
 with Mrs. Lincoln fuming about it all. She resorted 
 to many schemes to regularize his meals, even to 
 inviting distinguished guests for breakfast and 
 then sending a definite message that she and com- 
 pany were waiting. A favorite guest of hers was the 
 genial Sam Galloway of Ohio, who was often pres- 
 ent at family meals and who delighted in seeing 
 the grim furrows on the President's face soften and 
 
 f77l 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 alter their contour as change of thought and ex- 
 change of stories brought laughter. With eyes 
 brightened and face lighted up, the President 
 would leave the table, refreshed to meet the never 
 ending bombardment of his troubles. 
 
 One must credit Mary Lincoln with a good mind 
 and an intelligent use of it when she was quick not 
 only to appreciate her husband's political possibili- 
 ties in Springfield but now during the Presidency 
 to recognize his greatness and his need for protec- 
 tion against loss of health and strength. 
 
 During the first week or two, while threats of 
 assassination were being broadcast, General Scott 
 had placed guards about and in the White House, 
 and a feeling of danger and insecurity permeated 
 the household. One night, every member of the 
 household except the servants was taken suddenly 
 ill, and physicians were hastily called. A rumor of 
 attempted poisoning was started but soon quieted 
 when it was learned that the family had eaten too 
 well of the unaccustomed Potomac shad. 
 
 With one tragic exception there was little of 
 serious illness in the Lincoln family. Soon after 
 getting settled down in their new home, the two 
 younger boys suffered an attack of measles, which 
 soon faded without complications. Dr. Robert K. 
 Stone, a prominent physician of Washington, who 
 was listed as a permanent member of the American 
 
 [78] 
 
DR. ROBERT KING STONEJ 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Medical Association in its transactions after 1851, 
 was selected (though politically unsympathetic) as 
 the family physician and became a more or less 
 frequent caller on the President and his family. 
 Mrs. Lincoln suffered much from attacks of severe 
 headache, and the children had the usual aches and 
 pains of which most children complain. Tad was 
 born with a partial cleft palate, and his pronuncia- 
 tion of certain words suffered accordingly. Judging 
 from photographs, the postnasal cavities of the two 
 younger boys were fairly well occluded with ade- 
 noids. But on Thursday, February 20, 1862, the 
 Grim Reaper visited the family. Twelve-year-old 
 Willie, a counterpart of his father in every way ex- 
 cept that he was handsome, was an object of in- 
 tense love, pride and understanding. This can be 
 illustrated by an illuminating incident as told by a 
 relative, Mrs. Grimsley. After a certain tearful 
 scene on the part of Tad, Willie, who was seated 
 at the table with the family and a guest, looked 
 most sorrowfully at Tad and then lapsed into a 
 profound, absorbed silence which Mr. Lincoln 
 would not allow to be disturbed. This lasted ten or 
 fifteen minutes, when the boy clasped both hands 
 together, shut his teeth firmly over the under lip 
 and looked up smilingly into the face of his father, 
 who exlaimed: "There you have it now, my boy, 
 have you not?" Turning to Sam Galloway, he said : 
 
 [791 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 "I know every step of the process by which that 
 boy arrived at his satisfactory solution of the 
 question before him, as it is by just such slow 
 method I attain results" 
 
 This was the boy who became sick along with his 
 younger brother. Tad made a satisfactory recov- 
 ery, but Willie, who two years before had suffered 
 from scarlet fever and probably acquired there- 
 from an unappreciated damaged heart or kidney, 
 could not resist the infection. A Washington news- 
 paper wrote of "the illness of the second son of the 
 President, an interesting lad of about 8 years of 
 age, who has been lying dangerously ill of bilious 
 fever for the last three days." The reporter was ap- 
 parently ignorant of that important boy's name, 
 and he was inaccurate by four years as to his age 
 and by a few days as to the length of his illness. 
 
 "Bilious fever" at that time was a term used 
 loosely by the nonmedical public and was no longer 
 found in the publications of the American Medical 
 Association. The disease that is now known as 
 malaria was once called bilious fever, but during 
 the late fifties and the sixties it was more correctly 
 termed intermittent fever and was so referred to in 
 the medical literature of that time. A contem- 
 porary impression that the illness was of a malarial 
 nature is indicated by an editorial, entitled "Death 
 of Willie Lincoln," found in the National Repub- 
 
 [80] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Heart of February 21, 1862, which describes his 
 sickness as "an intermittent fever assuming a 
 typhoid character." 
 
 The month of February is contributory to "lung 
 fever" (pneumonia) and not at all to bilious or in- 
 termittent fever (malaria) . If Willie had malaria in 
 February, then it necessarily was an infection ac- 
 quired during the previous mosquito season, but 
 there are no records which indicate that. Broncho- 
 pneumonia would cover whatever even Dr. Stone 
 considered as a bilious or intermittent fever lasting 
 two or three weeks. There was then much medical 
 confusion in distinguishing between malaria, ty- 
 phoid fever and pneumonia, proof of which exists 
 in the now obsolete terms "typhoid-malaria" and 
 "typhoid-pneumonia." Bronchopneumonia would 
 fit exactly the descriptions of intelligent Elizabeth 
 Keckley, who spent many hours of the day and 
 night by the sick boy's bedside. From her reminis- 
 cences, published early in 1868, the following ac- 
 count is abbreviated: "Willie delighted with a little 
 pony . . . insisted on riding it every day . . . weather 
 changeable . . . exposure resulted in cold . . . deli- 
 cate constitution . . . days dragged wearily by . . . 
 weaker . . . more shadow like . . . severe cold . . . 
 weaker, . . . continued to grow worse . . . Dr. Stone 
 insisted no immediate danger — evening of recep- 
 tion suddenly worse . . . feverish hand . . . labored 
 
 [81] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 breathing. Morning Willie was worse . . . lingered 
 few days . . . died." 
 
 The shock to the mother and father was terrific. 
 Mrs. Lincoln never again entered that sickroom, 
 and Mr. Lincoln sank into a vast slough of grief 
 and despond from which he only partly emerged, 
 when on the following Thursday he again locked 
 himself in his own darkened room and abandoned 
 himself to grief and suffering. The next Thursday 
 he repeated the performance, paced the floor, ate 
 nothing and formulated the foolish resolve to dedi- 
 cate every Thursday to grief over his son and 
 every father's son that died because of the war. 
 But Mrs. Lincoln, in desperation, sent a friend to 
 him, the Reverend Francis Vinton of Trinity 
 Church, New York, evidently a wise, tactful, con- 
 vincing doctor of divinity; for Lincoln gratefully 
 assured him: "There shall be no more mourning 
 Thursdays, doctor." 
 
 Mother and Father, as they called each other, 
 were mutually alarmed over the other's state of 
 mind. She sought for him the timely aid by which 
 he emerged, and which, strangely, was denied to 
 her. After his recovery, he recognized her peril 
 and, pointing one day through a window to a dis- 
 tant asylum, solemnly gave warning and counsel. 
 To her less stable personality, the loss of the son 
 resulted in permanent injury, but to Lincoln there 
 
 [82] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 came through that same pain a new birth of heal- 
 ing. 
 
 There is much evidence to indicate that Lincoln 
 became a changed man spiritually and was cured 
 of his attacks of great mental depression. Even his 
 cynical friend and biographer, Ward Lamon, at- 
 tributed his "melancholy" to his lack of religious 
 faith. Mrs. Lincoln once said that her husband 
 thought most deeply on religion on two occasions 
 — Willie's death and the Gettysburg Cemetery 
 Dedication a year and a half later. 
 
 President Lincoln seemed to be impressed not 
 only with the historical importance but also with 
 the spiritual significance of the ceremony at Get- 
 tysburg. He spent many hours of thought and 
 work in the preparation of his brief address, and 
 his disappointment at the lack of appreciation by 
 the audience and the press lingered for many days. 
 The death of his son William was vitally personal, 
 and the Gettysburg event was vitally patriotic in 
 its poignancy. May we not correctly affirm now 
 that the spiritual uplift received through these two 
 experiences, added to the remedial submersion of 
 his ego in his all-consuming purpose to save the 
 Union, was more than adequate to cure — symp- 
 tomatically at least— his psychoneurosis? 
 
 83 
 
CHAPTER ELEVEN 
 
 THE immortal Dedication Address and the in- 
 cidents of his trip to the historic battleground 
 are well known, but the fact that he returned to 
 Washington ill is little known. Gideon Wells, 
 Secretary of the Navy, wrote in his diary at the 
 time: 
 
 I was invited and strongly urged by the President 
 to attend the ceremonials at Gettysburg, but was 
 compelled to decline, for I could not spare the time. 
 The President returned ill and in a few days it was 
 ascertained he had the varioloid. We were in cabi- 
 net meeting when he informed us that the physi- 
 cians had the preceding evening ascertained and 
 pronounced the nature of his complaint. It was a 
 light form, but yet held on longer than was ex- 
 pected. He would have avoided an interview, but 
 wished to submit and have our views of the mes- 
 sage. 
 
 The National Republican for November 28, 1863, 
 contains the following brief editorial, entitled, 
 "Health of the President": 
 
 We are glad to be able to announce that the Presi- 
 dent is much better today. The fever from which 
 he has suffered has left him. Thursday and Thurs- 
 day night his suffering was chiefly from severe 
 pains in the head. Yesterday, and the day before, 
 
 [84] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 he was not permitted by his physician to hold any 
 interviews — even with the members of his Cabinet. 
 It is hoped that in a day or two he will gain suffi- 
 cient strength to resume his official duties. 
 
 And again, in Mr. Wells' diary is this reassuring 
 entry: "Tuesday, December 15 — Seward and 
 Chase were not present at the Cabinet meeting. 
 The President was well and in fine spirits." 
 
 Lincoln became ill on the train leaving Gettys- 
 burg, so it is known that he was sick from the very 
 day of the ceremony, November 19, until about 
 the middle of December. Wayne MacVeagh, then 
 a young but already prominent lawyer, was the 
 guest of Mr. Lincoln at Gettysburg and later 
 wrote: "Others then came around him and I did 
 not see him again until on the train on our way 
 home. He was suffering from a severe headache 
 and lying down in the drawing room with his head 
 bathed in cold water." 
 
 Varioloid is a mild form of smallpox acquired by 
 the partially immune, so the White House was not 
 quarantined. But the newspapers made something 
 of it, and even the London Spectator speculated 
 on the effect on the war of a possible fatal termina- 
 tion, published a brief description of Lincoln's suc- 
 cessor, Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, and 
 closed with this contribution: "Let us hope, how- 
 ever, that there will be no occasion for the curious 
 
 [851 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 medley of associations suggested by the substitu- 
 tion of a Hannibal in the political patriarchate, for 
 an Abraham." Being a portion of the time in bed, 
 attended by Dr. Stone, Lincoln had at least some 
 surcease from the importunities of many seekers. 
 "Now I have something that I can give to every- 
 body," he humorously exclaimed. And though he 
 attended to important matters, he used the small- 
 pox scare to advantage to rid himself of more than 
 one undesirable visitor. 
 
 When the President went to Gettysburg, he was 
 distressed about leaving Tad sick in bed. Return- 
 ing home on the 20th, he wrote to Edward Everett, 
 the orator of the day, that "Our sick boy, for 
 whom you kindly inquired, we hope is past the 
 worst." Mrs. Lincoln either was away at this time 
 or left Washington soon after Tad was "past the 
 worst." Her return early in December was pre- 
 ceded by frequent telegrams of anxiety concern- 
 ing her ailing husband and son. She reached New 
 York on the 3rd of December, "very tired" and 
 with a "severe headache." She telegraphed for 
 news the next morning, and in spite of a reassuring 
 reply from Mr. Lincoln on the 5th, she sent two 
 more telegrams on the 6th — one to Mr. Lincoln 
 and one to Edward McManus, the doorkeeper, 
 wanting to "know immediately exactly how Mr. 
 Lincoln and Taddie are." 
 
 [861 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Was Tad suffering from the same light form of 
 smallpox? The White House prescriptions and 
 drugs were rilled and purchased at Thompson's 
 across from the Treasury Building, a drug store 
 that was organized in 1851 and continues to do 
 business at 701 Fifteenth Street, N.W. Unfortu- 
 nately, all its drug records prior to 1890 have been 
 destroyed. What interesting medical deductions 
 they would have permitted! 
 
 In September, Mrs. Lincoln was in New York 
 with Tad, and Mr. Lincoln was trying to inveigle 
 them home with the assurance that the Washing- 
 ton air was "clear and cool and apparently 
 healthy." But later on, smallpox broke out and 
 was a constant menace that fall and winter. Rob- 
 ert Lincoln wished to bring home a chum from Har- 
 vard, but on January 19, 1864, his father tele- 
 graphed him as follows: "There is a good deal of 
 smallpox here. Your friends must judge for them- 
 selves whether they ought to come or not." On 
 March 14, he was in bed again for one day, but 
 he met with his cabinet in his bedroom for a 
 brief session and attended to other important 
 matters. 
 
 Even though Mr. Lincoln was once a diagnosed 
 and self -admit ted hypochondriac, he was never one 
 to enjoy the comforts of poor health. He was too 
 busy for one thing and too sensible for another. 
 
 [87] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 He had comparatively few occasions to need his 
 physician and even fewer to require a dentist. 
 
 The art and science of modern dentistry is 
 younger than that of medicine and surgery. Not 
 so long ago, a dentist was a fellow creature to be 
 feared, and Lincoln, like all mankind, dreaded 
 pain. He must have cringed under numerous ex- 
 traction forceps in Illinois; and the heavy-handed 
 dentist in Louisville, Ky., left a wound in his jaw- 
 bone that eventually healed, but the ache in his 
 memory remained. When he sought a dentist in 
 Washington, he came prepared! 
 
 One day in 1862, Dr. G. S. Wolf, 1313 New York 
 Avenue, N.W., but one door next to the church 
 which Mr. Lincoln attended, was honored by a 
 visit from the President, who asked that an annoy- 
 ing tooth be pulled. After the examination, Dr. 
 Wolf selected a pair of forceps, and as he adjusted 
 it to the tooth, Mr. Lincoln exclaimed, "Just a 
 minute, please!" To Dr. Wolf's surprise, the Presi- 
 dent reached in his pocket for a small bottle from 
 which he took a few deep inhalations and then 
 gave a signal to proceed. Dr. Wolf stated that the 
 contents of the bottle was chloroform and that the 
 extraction of the tooth was practically a painless 
 operation. Dr. Wolf was greatly respected in Wash- 
 ington where he practiced dentistry for many years 
 and, as one of the older dentists of Washington 
 
 [88] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 who had personally known Dr. Wolf, recently 
 wrote to me, "he was a fine man and would not 
 fake a story." 
 
 This incident is especially interesting because it 
 shows that Lincoln practiced the art of analgesia 
 on himself long before that procedure was ap- 
 proved by the medical and dental professions. 
 Analgesia is a word used to denote that state of 
 anesthesia in which the sensation of pain is dulled 
 or lost but consciousness retained. Chloroform was 
 first used in Edinburgh in 1848, by Sir James 
 Simpson to assuage the pains of childbirth. Soon 
 afterward, a young dentist of Chicago, Dr. Austin 
 C. Hewett, conceived the idea of employing it in 
 dentistry, secured a supply from England and suc- 
 cessfully tried it on himself for the extraction of an 
 abscessed tooth. He continued to use chloroform in 
 his practice for more than fifty years; and he was 
 the first and a persistent advocate of its useful ap- 
 plication in dentistry. Who suggested chloroform 
 to Lincoln? Did he know Dr. Hewett, or had he 
 heard of him, in Illinois? 
 
 [89] 
 
CHAPTER TWELVE 
 
 IN the first chaotic months of the war, the in- 
 adequacy of the Medical Department to care 
 properly for the thousands of volunteers pour- 
 ing into the military camps was sensed by most 
 people outside of the harassed department itself, 
 which seemed completely oblivious of the situa- 
 tion. 
 
 An earnest impulse of benevolence swept the 
 country and, under the guidance of Reverend Dr. 
 Henry W. Bellows, Dr. W. H. Van Buren and Dr. 
 Elisha Harris of New York City, rapidly crystal- 
 lized in the United States Sanitary Commission, 
 the efficient predecessor of the American Red Cross 
 Society. This transformation, however, was con- 
 summated only after considerable painful anxiety. 
 Even President Lincoln feared that it might be- 
 came a "fifth wheel to the coach," but finally on 
 June 9, 1861, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, 
 reluctantly appointed "a Commission of Inquiry 
 and Advice in Respect of the Sanitary Interests of 
 the United States forces, consisting of H. W. Bel- 
 lows, D.D.; A. D. Bache, LL.D.; Jeffries Wyman, 
 M.D.; Samuel G. Howe, M.D.; and Robert C. 
 Wood, Surgeon, United States Army. Four days 
 later, President Lincoln wrote on the order, "I ap- 
 prove of the above.' ' 
 [90] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 But the Surgeon-General refused to cooperate. 
 According to L. E. Chittenden, Register of the 
 Treasury, President Lincoln summoned the Sur- 
 geon-General to the White House and before mem- 
 bers of the commission, he insisted that the depart- 
 ment cooperate to the extent of its ability. 
 
 Public opinion was the lever adroitly employed 
 by the commission to force Congress to reorganize 
 the Medical Department, which it finally did, April 
 18, 1862, in a bill entitled, "An Act to reorganize 
 and increase the efficiency of the Medical Depart- 
 ment of the Army." One of the first steps taken 
 toward increasing that efficiency was the appoint- 
 ment a week later, on April 25, of William H. Ham- 
 mond, Assistant Surgeon, United States Army, as 
 Surgeon-General. Much opposition was made to 
 the appointment of so young a man, but President 
 Lincoln was influenced largely by the numerous 
 petitions signed by eminent physicians from all 
 over the North, for he remarked that it was im- 
 possible to resist the weight of evidence in the doc- 
 tor's favor which had been given by the medical 
 profession of the whole country. The commission's 
 choice was vindicated, for Dr. Hammond proved 
 himself to be one of the department's greatest sur- 
 geon-generals. 
 
 During the Lincoln administration, prominent 
 physicians were obviously the surgeons-general of 
 
 [91] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 the United States Army and the presidents of the 
 American Medical Association. The former were in 
 more or less frequent communication with Mr. 
 Lincoln, and the latter were known at least by 
 reputation and possibly by contact. Dr. Thomas 
 Lawson, Surgeon-General for twenty-five years* 
 died May 15, 1861, soon after the inaguration, and 
 was succeeded by Dr. Clement A. Finley, who in 
 1832 accompanied General Winfield Scott to the 
 Black Hawk War and was his chief medical officer 
 during the cholera epidemic which young Lincoln 
 escaped. But Dr. Finley, a good army officer, met 
 a new force in the guise of the Sanitary Commis- 
 sion and was compelled to give way to the young 
 man, Dr. William H. Hammond. And Dr. Ham- 
 mond, after two and a half years of notable accom- 
 plishments, succumbed to the enmity of Secretary 
 of War Stanton and was succeeded by Dr. Joseph 
 K. Barnes. Dr. Eli Ives of New Haven, Connecti- 
 cut, was President of the American Medical Associ- 
 ation for the years 1860-1862, Dr. Alden March of 
 New York for 1863, and Dr. Nathan S. Davis of 
 Chicago for 1864-1865. The real story of the doc- 
 tors, those in sympathy with and those against the 
 North, has not been and never will be told, for, 
 though the true physician works with personal 
 courage, he does it away from the blare of trum- 
 pets; and, too, the struggle of man with disease 
 [921 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 lacks the romantic zest of a fight between man and 
 his fellow. 
 
 But the Sanitary Commission, more fittingly, 
 could sound its battle cry. It worked on the depart- 
 ments at Washington, on Congress, on the Presi- 
 dent and on the sympathies of the people at large. 
 It struck medals and held great fairs in many of the 
 large cities. President Lincoln was invited to speak 
 at these fairs, but he was able to appear only in 
 Baltimore and Philadelphia and possibly in Wash- 
 ington. He was greatly interested in all of them 
 and sent the original draft of the Emancipation 
 Proclamation to be sold at auction at the fair in 
 Chicago during August, 1863. He wrote: "I had 
 some desire to retain the paper; but if it shall con- 
 tribute to the relief and comfort of the soldiers, 
 that will be better." 
 
 On October 18, 1862, Surgeon-General Hammond 
 received a communication from Mr. Lincoln, in 
 which it is not difficult to detect a trace of irritation: 
 
 Sir: 
 
 A Baltimore committee called on me this morn- 
 ing, saying that city is full of straggling soldiers, 
 half sick, half well, who profess to have been turned 
 from the hospitals with no definite directions where 
 to go. Is this true? Are men turned from the hos- 
 pitals without knowing where to go? 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 [931 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Another committee came, this time a medical 
 one, a group of homeopaths, to lay before Mr. 
 Lincoln the advantages offered by homeopathy 
 with its attenuated doses and supplies. After listen- 
 ing quietly, as was his wont, he dismissed the dis- 
 ciples of Hahnemann with a witty and effective 
 though rather rough comparison, which expressed 
 his idea of the futility of their system as applied to 
 the needs of the Medical Department. He already 
 had his ideas of that system of the art of healing, 
 for in the great debate at Quincy on October 13, 
 1858, where he berated Douglas for his theory of 
 popular sovereignty, he said: "Is not that running 
 his Popular Sovereignty down awfully? Has it not 
 got down as thin as the homeopathic soup that was 
 made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had 
 starved to death?" And on February 12, 1861, in a 
 speech to the Indiana legislature, in referring to the 
 professed lovers of the Union with their affection 
 showing thin and airy, he said: "If sick, the little 
 pills of the homeopaths would be much too large 
 for them to swallow." So it is safe to conclude that 
 his physician, Dr. Stone, was not a homeopath. 
 
 But Dr. Stone was a Democrat and disagreed 
 politically with his distinguished client. Unfortu- 
 nately, he left no reminiscences of his contacts with 
 his patient; but Frank Carpenter was one day at 
 work in his improvised studio when Dr. Stone 
 
 [94] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 strolled in and, while gazing at a painting of the 
 President, said with much feeling: "It is the prov- 
 ince of a physician to probe deeply the interior 
 lives of men; and I affirm that Mr. Lincoln is the 
 purest hearted man with whom I ever came in 
 contact." 
 
 This is particularly interesting testimony when 
 considered in relation to his alleged questionable 
 story telling. These stories, though often undig- 
 nified, were always witty, well told, and expressive 
 of a thought or an idea that he wished to convey. 
 He was always quite solicitous about that. In his 
 message to Congress, July 4, 1861, is this sentence: 
 "With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been 
 drugging the public mind of their section for more 
 than thirty years." When the Congressional printer 
 criticised the word "sugar-coated" as undignified 
 in an historical document, the President insisted 
 that it be left alone as the American people would 
 always know exactly what sugar-coated meant. 
 
 95 
 
CHAPTER THIRTEEN 
 
 WHEN time and opportunity permitted, Lin- 
 coln always accounted it a privilege to visit 
 the sick and wounded in the military hospitals be- 
 cause he was vitally interested in their welfare. 
 Dr. John H. Britton, Major, U. S. Volunteers, re- 
 lates the following incident: "Once I amputated at 
 the shoulder joint the arm of a soldier in a hos- 
 pital in Washington, which the President was 
 visiting at the time. He was greatly interested but 
 evidently had little fondness for surgery. At the 
 conclusion of the operation, a younger surgeon, 
 who had been watching me, expressed with some 
 enthusiasm and in a voice audible to the President, 
 his congratulations upon the operation and I re- 
 member well being startled by the voice of the 
 President behind my back making the solemn in- 
 quiry, 'But how about the soldier?' " 
 
 The President's penchant for social contact was 
 restricted by his official duties, but Mrs. Lincoln 
 had time and energy to express their mutual sym- 
 pathies. From the beginning of the war she was a 
 constant worker in and for the camps and hospi- 
 tals. After the loss of Willie in February, she spent 
 the summer of 1862 at the Soldiers' Home, mourn- 
 ing over her son and visiting the hospitals. Papers 
 [96] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 of the South, in derision, referred to her as the 
 Yankee Nurse, but the friendly Daily Morning 
 Chronicle of November 29, 1862, contained the fol- 
 lowing item on her return from New England: 
 "Mrs. Lincoln returned to Washington on Thurs- 
 day evening, apparently much improved by her 
 visit to the North. The sick and wounded soldiers 
 in our hospitals will hail her return with joy." 
 
 The following summer on one of her morning 
 visits, July 2, 1863, her coachman fell from his ac- 
 cidentally dislodged seat when he drew up before 
 Mount Pleasant Hospital. As the frightened horses 
 dashed away across the open space, Mrs. Lincoln 
 sprang from the carriage. She was badly shaken up 
 and painfully bruised, especially from a bleeding 
 gash on the back of her head which had struck a 
 stone. This injury terminated her hospital work for 
 the remainder of the year, which she spent mostly 
 away from home, thereby adding to the accumula- 
 tion of general criticisms, mostly unjust, which 
 flew at her like steel clippings to a magnet. Yet all 
 this benevolent activity was done without benefit 
 of press agent — quietly and generously. 
 
 And there was a great abundance of the sick and 
 hurt for the President and his wife to visit. In 
 Washington alone there were twenty -five hospitals, 
 totaling 21,426 beds aside from some post hospi- 
 tals; two of the latter were located on the grounds 
 
 [97] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 of the Executive Mansion, and one was close by. 
 In addition to his great interest in the boys them- 
 selves, the President gave much thought to hospi- 
 tal construction and one hospital in particular was 
 he anxious to see erected as a model for others. To 
 the doctors in charge, he offered suggestions for 
 various aids to comfort, contributing from his own 
 purse for that purpose. He sent the White House 
 gardener with seeds and plants to embellish the 
 bare surroundings. The largest military hospital in 
 Washington, containing 2,575 beds and consisting 
 of twenty -five or more detached pavilions arranged 
 "en echelon," was named the Lincoln General Hos- 
 pital; opened in 1862, its medical director was Sur- 
 geon Henry Bryant, who in time was succeeded by 
 Drs. G. S. Palmer, Harrison Allen, Robert Bar- 
 tholow, J. Cooper McKee and Webster Lindsley. 
 
 The Lincoln General Hospital was a temporary 
 war structure. When the President died, Harper s 
 Weekly began a campaign for a popular subscrip- 
 tion to erect a permanent hospital for the soldiers 
 and sailors, who, as stated in its issue of April 29, 
 1865, "had no more tender and faithful friend than 
 Abraham Lincoln. . . . To a man of his broad and 
 generous humanity no monument could be so ap- 
 propriate as a Hospital." Though the idea met with 
 popular sympathy, the project was never consum- 
 mated. 
 
 [981 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 During the campaign of the Army of the Poto- 
 mac near Washington, Lincoln made frequent vis- 
 its to the battle-fields and saw the wounded and 
 the dying, and on his way to and from the Soldiers' 
 Home, he often passed long lines of ambulances 
 laden with the sick and wounded. These sights al- 
 ways contracted his heart with pain and made him 
 long the more for peace. On a memorable visit to 
 City Point on the James River, Mr. Lincoln an- 
 nounced to the surgeon in command of the large 
 hospital there that he wished to visit all the sol- 
 diers in his charge. The surgeon, Edward S. Dal- 
 ton asked the President if he realized what that 
 meant, as there were more than 5,000 in the vari- 
 ous wards. But Mr. Lincoln "guessed he'd go as 
 far as he could anyway." After some hours of visit- 
 ing, hand-shaking, and pleasant inquiries, Mr. 
 Lincoln returned with the medical staff to the sur- 
 geon's office, when an orderly came in saying that 
 one ward had been overlooked and the boys wanted 
 to see the President. The surgeon tried in every 
 way to dissuade him but failed. Returning to the 
 office, the surgeon became solicitious about Mr. 
 Lincoln's arm after so much hand-shaking; but 
 with the pardonable pride of all strong men, Lin- 
 coln strode over to where an ax lay against a log, 
 and for a few minutes made the chips fly ; then he 
 extended his right arm and held the ax horizon- 
 
 [991 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 tally. A hospital steward, while Mr. Lincoln drank 
 the glass of lemonade he had made, gathered the 
 chips "that Father Abraham chopped." 
 
 Adelaide W. Smith, independent worker for the 
 Sanitary Commission, relates that on one occasion, 
 while Lincoln was visiting at City Point the sick 
 and wounded of the 9th, 6th, 5th and 2nd corps 
 and the Corps d'Afric, Jerome Walker, a young 
 man connected with the commission, who later be- 
 came a physician in Brooklyn, said, pointing to 
 some tents close at hand, "Mr. President, you do 
 not want to go in there!" 
 
 "Why not, my boy?" he asked. 
 
 "Why, sir, they are sick rebel prisoners." 
 
 With a hasty movement the President replied, 
 "That is just where I do want to go," and he strode 
 into the tent, shaking hands and offering words of 
 comfort, to the great surprise and pleasure of the 
 Confederates, who eagerly responded to this cor- 
 dial gesture. 
 
 On another occasion, while he was with General 
 Grant, the general said, "These are the Confeder- 
 ate quarters," and Mr. Lincoln immediately replied, 
 "I wish to go in there alone." 
 
 Though all this tended to increase his natural 
 sadness, yet it was a change from his great duties 
 and nervous cares; instead of carping critics and 
 questionable friends, he met young men who loved 
 
 [1001 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 and idolized him, to whom he was "Father Abra- 
 ham." So these visits to city and field hospitals, 
 though depressing in their way, were at the same 
 time good for both body and soul. 
 
 Certainly he needed this change, for those days 
 offered but slight chance for recreation or exercise. 
 What there was of physical recreation consisted of 
 "driving out," but even that mild overture to 
 health was neglected when Mrs. Lincoln was away. 
 In the summer of 1863, he wrote her as follows: 
 "Tolerably well. Have not rode out much yet, but 
 have at last got new tires on the carriage wheels 
 and perhaps shall ride out soon" — a message that 
 promised but little by way of obedience to "or- 
 ders." Misunderstanding would have met any ef- 
 fort to play a little, even if he had been disposed to 
 indulge in handball, billiards, bowling, or throwing 
 horseshoes, as he was fond of doing back in Illinois. 
 When urged to take a vacation for a fortnight, he 
 replied, "Two or three weeks would do me no good. 
 I cannot fly from my thought; my solicitude for 
 this great country follows me wherever I go." 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln, Dr. Stone and friends finally pre- 
 vailed to the extent of a summer residence three 
 miles from the Executive Mansion on an elevation 
 at what was then termed Soldiers' Rest and is now 
 one of many such soldiers' homes. Here he escaped 
 the greater heat of the city and could enjoy the 
 
 [1011 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 cooler breeze of that quiet place. Here he could 
 rest and muse and think uninterruptedly and, in- 
 cidentally, drape his long legs over the furniture in 
 masculine comfort. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was human and suffered from 
 the torments of civilized feet — corns and callouses. 
 An engaging individual with an air, whom the 
 President addressed as "Doctor," one Isachaar 
 Zacharie, cared for those large feet so successfully 
 that Mr. Lincoln gave the chiropodist an auto- 
 graphic testimonial of his skill. At Soldiers' Rest, 
 however, he could shed his constringent shoes and 
 even his carpet slippers, and enjoy those famous 
 blue woolen socks of his. 
 
 Nevertheless, each day, he was back at his desk 
 or haunting the telegraph office and Secretary 
 Stanton's room in the War Department close by. 
 Sleepless nights and protracted days were pulling 
 his habitual low blood pressure lower; anxiety and 
 worry were urging the pressure upward and scle- 
 rosing his arteries. 
 
 Little wonder that in serious company and in 
 serious times he fell back on his love for jokes, 
 stories and laughter. On September 22, 1862, he 
 urgently called all members of his cabinet together 
 to consider a matter of supreme importance — and 
 then he read to his amazed confreres a humorous 
 story ; yet no one laughed but himself. After trying 
 
 [1021 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 another with a similar response, he put Artemus 
 Ward away and exclaimed: "Gentlemen, why don't 
 you laugh? With the fearful strain that is upon me 
 night and day, if I did not laugh, 1 should die, and 
 you need this medicine as much as I do!" Then, 
 with a sigh, he pulled a paper out of his deep hat 
 and read to his astohined listeners the first draft 
 of the Emancipation Proclamation ! He repeatedly 
 said he would die if he did not laugh, and so on all 
 and any occasions, at meals, at congenial gather- 
 ings and at solemn conclaves, he would be "re- 
 minded.' ' Thus his keen sense of humor was con- 
 stantly at work in mitigating the debilitating op- 
 pression of the rebellion which he so feared he 
 would not survive. 
 
 One of these reminders, which is of some interest 
 in this story, followed the announcement of the 
 cause of the absence of General W. W. Morris, one 
 of his invited guests to Gettysburg. Turning to his 
 Postmaster-General, Lincoln said, "Blair, did you 
 ever know that fright has sometimes proved a sure 
 cure for boils?" 
 
 "No, Mr. President, how is that?" 
 
 "I'll tell you. Not long ago, when Colonel ■, 
 
 with his cavalry was at the front and the Rebs were 
 making things rather lively for us, the colonel was 
 ordered out on a reconnaissance. He was troubled 
 at the time with a big boil where it made horseback 
 
 [103] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 riding decidedly uncomfortable. He hadn't gone 
 more than two or three miles when he declared he 
 couldn't stand it any longer, dismounted and or- 
 dered the troops forward without him. He had just 
 settled down to enjoy his relief from change of 
 position when he was startled by the rapid reports 
 of pistols and the helter-skelter approach of his 
 troops in full retreat before a yelling rebel force. 
 He forgot everything but the yells, sprang into his 
 saddle and made capital time over fences and 
 ditches till safe within the lines. The pain from his 
 boil was gone and the boil too, and the Colonel 
 swore that there was no cure for boils so sure as 
 fright from rebel yells and that the secession had 
 rendered to loyalty one valuable service at any 
 rate." 
 
 No doubt he enjoyed telling this story to his 
 medical friends and acquaintances and to certain 
 of his official colleagues, many of whom were sons 
 of doctors, such as his private secretary, John Hay, 
 Vice-President Hamlin, Secretary of State Seward, 
 Secretary of War Stanton, Speaker of the House 
 Colfax and others. 
 
 There are many autograph notes concerning doc- 
 tors, which are now carefully preserved, consisting 
 of requests and orders, all written in his usual cour- 
 teous style. Among these are his orders to Dr. 
 John P. Gray to examine Dr. David M. Wright 
 
 [104] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 and Private Lorenzo Stewart as to their sanity; his 
 notes assisting Dr. E. K. Stone to introduce Dr. 
 Kidwell's new antiseptic, and Dr. Worster to in- 
 troduce Harmon's Sandal Sock, to the Army, and 
 his messages helping some through a difficulty, 
 granting favors to others, and seeing to it that one 
 received deserved approval and another merited 
 punishment. 
 
 These telegrams and scribbled notes are replete 
 with human interest. It was a source of satisfaction 
 to assist an anxious wife in the search for her hus- 
 band, Dr. Joseph J. Williams, a Confederate pri- 
 soner, but the affair of Dr. Wright brought to him 
 only pain. In addition to a letter, dated September 
 10, 1863, giving specific detailed instructions to 
 Dr. Gray in his hope of establishing insanity in the 
 case of Dr. Wright, there are the following tele- 
 grams which reveal a story of hopeless tragedy for 
 all concerned. One was dated October 15, 1863: 
 "Postpone the execution of Dr. Wright to Friday 
 the 23rd instant (October) . This is intended for his 
 preparation and is final." The other was dated two 
 days later: "It would be useless for Mrs. Dr. 
 Wright to come here. The subject is a very painful 
 one, but the case is settled." Both telegrams were 
 addressed to Major-General Foster, Fort Monroe, 
 Va., and were signed: "A. Lincoln." 
 
 It is often related that Abraham Lincoln was the 
 
 [105] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 only President of the United States who, while in 
 office, had been under enemy fire. When General 
 Early stormed Washington in 1864, Mr. and Mrs. 
 Lincoln visited Fort Stevens to witness the battle 
 of July 11. He, with a "plain clothes man" and a 
 medical officer, stood on a parapet within range of 
 a tree that concealed a rebel sharpshooter who was 
 successful in picking off man after man. Mr. Lin- 
 coln refused all importunities to seek safety, until 
 the medical officer was shot down by his side and 
 he was "ordered" off the parapet by the officer in 
 command, General Wright. Did the doctor stand 
 there because of curiosity, or because of the honor 
 and thrill of courting danger beside the President, 
 or because of a generous thought that his bright 
 uniform might have a selective action on a Mini6 
 ball? The motive is not as important as the fact 
 that the sharpshooter chose the uniform in prefer- 
 ence to the towering silk hat. So here are a cheer 
 and a salute to that unremembered and until now 
 unknown physician, whose name is presented in 
 appreciative retrospect — Dr. C. C. V. A. Craw- 
 ford, assistant surgeon, 102nd Pennsylvania Volun- 
 teers. Dr. Crawford recovered from his wound and 
 was honorably discharged on November 19 of the 
 same year. His hospital cot, we may be sure, was 
 one that Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln did not fail to 
 visit. 
 [1061 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Soon after Lincoln became President, a life in- 
 surance expert, Rufus Small, attempted to write a 
 policy on his life, but Mr. Lincoln refused to take 
 the insurance agent seriously and offered this hu- 
 morous dig at doctors: "I am not ready yet to sell 
 my bones to a physician." His widow and sons 
 would have been saved much humiliation at the 
 hands of Congress if he had "sold his bones,'' as he 
 expressed it, to a reputable insurance company. 
 However, life insurance was new and Mr. Lincoln 
 lacked confidence in its surety, and possibly, also, 
 his old streak of superstition was a subconscious 
 restraining influence. 
 
 But aside from the ever present danger of vio- 
 lence, the burden of his office was steadily doing its 
 work of attrition, disintegrating the rock and iron 
 of his constitution. His old friends were shocked at 
 the change in him. Noah Brooks, who had known 
 him in Illinois, said that the change a few years had 
 made was simply appalling. John Hay wrote that 
 in mind, body and nerves, Lincoln was a different 
 man at the second inauguration from the one who 
 had taken the oath in 1861. Horace Greeley in his 
 weekly Tribune of April 22, 1865, said: "When we 
 last saw Mr. Lincoln, he looked so weary and hag- 
 gard that he seemed unlikely to live out his term." 
 
 He aged with great rapidity. When the famous 
 sculptor Augustus Saint Gaudens first saw the life 
 
 [107] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 mask of Lincoln's face made by Clark Mills in the 
 spring of 1865, he insisted that it was a death 
 mask. 
 
 The growing exhaustion of the country was re- 
 flecting itself on the face of the President, making 
 it sallow, haggard and dark circled under the eyes. 
 He once said: "I sometimes fancy that every one 
 of the numerous grist ground through here daily, 
 from a senator seeking a war with France down to 
 a poor woman after a place in the Treasury De- 
 partment, darted at me with thumb and finger, 
 plucked out their special piece of vitality and car- 
 ried it off. When I get through with such a day's 
 work, there is only one word which can express my 
 condition and that is 'flabbiness'." And yet, when 
 urged to rest, he replied that the tired part of him 
 was inside and out of reach ! 
 
 Even victories and a brighter prospect did not 
 offer much surcease from the weight of events as 
 they poured on him. Grant was slowly yet surely 
 closing the jaws of his war machine on Richmond, 
 and blood oozed through every tooth of the jugger- 
 naut. People were clamoring to have the terrible 
 flow stopped, and Lincoln was feeling the horror of 
 it as never before. Dr. Stone again warned him 
 that his nerves were nearing exhaustion. On Febru- 
 ary 6, 1865, the Attorney-General stormed in, an- 
 nouncing his decided disapproval of so much par- 
 
 ri08l 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 doning of soldiers for desertion. Lincoln jumped 
 up and shouted back at him, "If you think that 
 I, of my own free will, will shed another drop of 
 blood ..." and then fainted and was put to bed. 
 Dr. Stone ordered him kept there for an entire day 
 and night, and with another warning insisted on 
 more rest and shorter working hours. 
 
 This rest was not far off. Soon General Grant in- 
 vited him to come to City Point for a conference. 
 He accepted, and he took Mrs. Lincoln and Tad 
 with him on the steamer River Queen, on March 
 22, 1865. The river was wide and rough, and when 
 Grant and his staff came aboard at City Point, 
 they were welcomed with his usual cordiality and 
 an apology: "I am not feeling very well. I got 
 pretty well shaken up on the bay coming down and 
 am not altogether over it." One of the staff urged 
 on him a bottle of champagne as the best cure for 
 seasickness. "No, no, my young friend, I have seen 
 many a man in my time, seasick ashore from drink- 
 ing that very article." But he was now to have a 
 few days of comparative ease and the relaxation of 
 evenings around roaring camp fires. 
 
 Events were crowding each other. On March 27, 
 President Lincoln, General Grant, General Sher- 
 man and Admiral Porter met in their memorable 
 interview. On April 2, Petersburg fell, and the next 
 day Richmond was occupied. Mr. Lincoln ex- 
 
 [1091 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 claimed, "Thank God that I have lived to see this. 
 It seems to me I have been dreaming a horrid 
 dream for four years and now the nightmare is 
 gone. I want to see Richmond." 
 
 The famous trip to Richmond was made in 
 safety, and on Sunday, April 9, the River Queen 
 docked again in Washington, and Mr. Lincoln 
 learned Lee had surrendered that day at Appo- 
 mattox. 
 
 Meanwhile, Secretary of State Seward had suf- 
 fered a severe accident during his absence, and Mr. 
 Lincoln's first act was to visit his sickroom and 
 there relate to him his experience in Richmond. 
 Throwing himself across the bed in boyish abandon, 
 with his head propped in his hand, he told his Sec- 
 retary of State the story of the ending of the war 
 and then, lifting himself up, he exclaimed, "And 
 now for a day of Thanksgiving.' ' 
 
 [110 
 
. ..' 
 
 [COPYRIGHTED PHOTOGRAPH OF DR. CHARLES A. LEALE, REPRODUCED 
 BY PERMISSION OF HIS FAMILY] 
 
CHAPTER FOURTEEN 
 
 THAT day of thanksgiving Lincoln had — six 
 whole days of it which transfigured his pale, 
 sad, worn face into one of serene joy. Six days of 
 happiness and planning for the future and on the 
 seventh he was gone ! From a sense of duty to the 
 people who expected him, he accompanied his wife 
 and two friends to the theater on April 14, and 
 there with thanksgiving and forgiveness in his big 
 heart, his brain received the bullet from Booth's 
 derringer. 
 
 An audience-packed theater was held in momen- 
 tary, shocked silence as the "regicide" made his 
 dramatic escape, and then seething excitement 
 boiled up throughout the house. Mrs. Lincoln, 
 frantically screaming and calling for help, held the 
 President upright in his rocking chair. Calls for a 
 doctor brought into the box Dr. Charles A. Leale, 
 assistant surgeon, United States Volunteers. Mr. 
 Lincoln seemed to be dead. His eyes were closed 
 and his head had fallen forward. Dr. Leale felt of 
 his pulseless wrist and immediately laid him out 
 on the floor, his head in the arms of Laura Keene, 
 the actress, and then he found a large clot of blood 
 on the left shoulder. This led the doctor to look for 
 a dagger wound. He slit open the coat and shirt 
 
 [111] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 sleeve but found no injury. On lifting the eyelids, 
 he saw evidence of brain injury, and immediate- 
 ly the clotted wound in the back of the head was 
 revealed. When he removed the clot, the intra- 
 cranial pressure was eased; shallow breathing and 
 a weak pulse followed. 
 
 Dr. Charles S. Taft, acting assistant surgeon, 
 United States Volunteers, was now lifted into the 
 box from the stage and found Dr. Leale bending 
 over the President, attempting to stimulate the 
 respiration by placing his two fingers into the 
 throat and pressing down and out on the base of 
 the tongue to free the larynx of secretion. Dr. 
 Albert F. A. King had also come into the box, so 
 Dr. Leale asked each physician to manipulate an 
 arm while he pressed upward on the diaphragm 
 and under the left lower costal border to stimulate 
 the heart's action. This was followed by an im- 
 provement in the pulse and the irregular breathing. 
 
 Then fearing the effects of more bodily manipu- 
 plations during this first stage of profound shock, 
 Dr. Leale attempted further stimulation by for- 
 cible in-and-out breathing into the President's 
 mouth, and soon heart and lungs were acting inde- 
 pendently of artificial stimulation. Brandy was 
 next poured into the President's mouth, and he 
 swallowed it. As the danger of immediate death 
 was over, bystanders urged that the President be 
 
 [1121 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 removed to the White House, but the doctors in- 
 sisted on getting him into the nearest bed. So with 
 some difficulty, Dr. Leale supporting the head, Dr. 
 Taft the right shoulder, and Dr. King the left, the 
 stricken Lincoln was carefully carried across Tenth 
 Street to the rented room of William Clark, a 
 boarder in the house of William Peterson, and 
 placed on a four-poster bed at about 10:45 p.m., 
 just fifteen minutes after the shooting. 
 
 After an attempt to remove the foot-board of the 
 bed, the knees were unflexed by placing Mr. Lin- 
 coln diagonally across the bed; pillows propped up 
 the body to lie in a gently inclined plane. Windows 
 were now raised, the room was cleared, and the pa- 
 tient was undressed in order that the doctors might 
 search for more wounds. None was found. Hot- 
 water bottles, and blankets were sent for, and a 
 large sinapism (mustard plaster) was applied over 
 the solar plexus and entire anterior surface of the 
 body. Examination of the wound was made by 
 using a finger as a probe, but the ball could not be 
 found. Brandy poured between the lips by Dr. 
 Taft caused choking, and was swallowed with 
 much difficulty; another teaspoonful ten minutes 
 later was retained in the throat. The respirations 
 now became labored, and the pulse rate dropped 
 to 44 a minute and was feeble. The eyelids were en- 
 tirely closed and ecchymotic (discolored) ; the left 
 
 [1131 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 pupil was greatly contracted and the right widely 
 dilated. 
 
 Dr. Stone, the family physician, and a little 
 later, Dr. Joseph K. Barnes, surgeon-general of the 
 United States Army, and Dr. Charles H. Crane, 
 colonel and assistant surgeon-general of the United 
 States Army, came in and took charge of the 
 mortally wounded President. At their suggestion, 
 brandy was again administered, but unsuccessfully, 
 for the last time. During the night, Dr. Neal Hall, 
 with whom Dr. Stone consulted during the last ill- 
 ness of Willie Lincoln, came in, as did other promi- 
 nent physicians of Washington, such as Drs. C. H. 
 Lieberman and J. F. May. Dr. Beecher Todd of 
 Lexington, a cousin of Mrs. Lincoln, was there 
 through the long night. Others present were Acting 
 Assistant Surgeon Ford and Drs. CD. Gatch and 
 E. W. Abbott. A detailed record was made by Dr. 
 Abbott of the President's pulse and respirations, 
 Mrs. Lincoln's visits to her husband's bedside and 
 other minor data and was published in the daily 
 papers. 
 
 The upper left eyelid was dark and swollen after 
 the patient was put to bed; thirty minutes later 
 the inner angle of the right eye became dark and 
 swollen, and soon there was a double exophthal- 
 mus. At 11 :30, twitching of the left side of the face 
 developed, which continued for some fifteen to 
 
 [114] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 twenty minutes, with the mouth pulled slightly to 
 the left side. The intracranial pressure, causing em- 
 barrassment to the heart and lung centers, was fre- 
 quently relieved by removing blood clots from the 
 wound. At 1 a.m., spasmodic contractions of the 
 forearms occurred, and the muscles of the chest be- 
 came fixed, causing the breath to be held during 
 the spasm, which in turn was relieved by a sudden 
 expulsive expiration. 
 
 At 2 a.m., Dr. Barnes attempted to find the bul- 
 let with an ordinary silver probe which met an ob- 
 struction in the path of the bullet about % inches 
 deep. Then a long Nelaton probe was passed be- 
 yond the driven-in piece of skull, and the bullet 
 itself was distinctly felt about 2 inches beyond. 
 Passing deeper, the broken segments of the right 
 orbital plate of the frontal bone were felt. The 
 probe was then withdrawn, and no further efforts 
 at exploration were made. 
 
 At 5 a.m. the oozing from the wound ceased en- 
 tirely and the breathing became stertorous and 
 labored. During the last half hour it would cease 
 entirely for a minute and then resume after a con- 
 vulsive effort; each time those who were gathered 
 about the bed thought it was the end. 
 
 The last breath was finally drawn at 21 minutes 
 and 55 seconds past 7 a.m., and the last heart beat 
 occurred at 22 minutes and 10 seconds past the 
 
 r 1151 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 hour on Saturday, April 15, 1865. Dr. Barnes' 
 finger was over the carotid artery, Dr. Leale's 
 finger was on the right wrist pulse and Dr. Taft's 
 hand was over the cardium when that great heart 
 made its final contraction. After a full minute of 
 awed silence, Secretary Stanton solemnly made his 
 famous pronouncement, and the Reverend Doctor 
 Phineas D. Gurley knelt in fervent prayer; and so 
 passed from the earth this great man, to live for the 
 ages. 
 
 There was nothing more for the doctors to do ex- 
 cept to gather for the autopsy, which was held in 
 an upper guest-room in the northwest wing of the 
 White House, at 11 a.m. Saturday, April 15, in the 
 presence of Surgeon-General Barnes, Assistant Sur- 
 geon-General Crane, Dr. Stone, Assistant Surgeon 
 Woodward, U. S. Army, Assistant Surgeon Curtis, 
 U. S. Army, and Assistant Surgeon W. M. Notson, 
 U. S. Army, and Assistant Acting Surgeon Taft, 
 U. S. Volunteers. Dr. Leale declined an invitation 
 to be present. He was a young physician (age 23) 
 and his experience through the night was all that 
 he cared to endure. On April 19, the day of the 
 funeral procession to the rotunda of the Capitol, he 
 did not refuse an invitation to join the "Surgeon- 
 General of the United States and Physicians to the 
 deceased," who, by order of the Adjutant General's 
 office, in consideration of their earnest effort to 
 
 [1161 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 prolong the President's life, were given a post of 
 honor immediately in front of the senatorial pall- 
 bearers and the hearse. Dr. Leale in 1932, cele- 
 brated his ninetieth birthday, dying June 13, and 
 though he was always reluctant to discuss that 
 night which, even after many years brought him 
 only emotional depression, he had reverently saved 
 his creped sword and bloodstained cuffs. 
 
 It is unnecessary to give more of the details of 
 the postmortem in these pages than to trace 
 roughly the passage of the fateful bullet now pre- 
 served in the archives of the War Department. It 
 entered the cranium through the occipital bone 
 (base), 1 inch to the left of the superior longitudi- 
 nal sinus (large vein which is at center of base), 
 tore the lateral sinus (large vein which lies hori- 
 zontally on a level with the center of the mastoid 
 process) and, passing obliquely through the brain, 
 carried large fragments of bone with it for 2? 
 inches, and stopped in the right anterior lobe of the 
 cerebrum, just behind the right orbit, fracturing 
 the orbital plates of both orbits. But the anterior 
 dura mater (the thick covering of the brain), lying 
 over the posterior orbital bone, was uninjured. 
 This most unusual double fracture of the orbital 
 plates was decided, and so announced, as being a 
 fracture by contrecoup. 
 
 This explanation was generally accepted by the 
 
 [117] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 medical profession. The London Lancet, the fore- 
 most medical journal of the time, for June 17, 1865, 
 published an article by T. Longmore, professor of 
 military surgery at the Army Medical School, in 
 which he agreed that the fractures were caused by 
 the brain being driven against the orbital bones by 
 the impetus communicated to the brain by the bul- 
 let, but W. F. Teever, F.R.C.S., surgeon to the 
 West London Hospital, disagreed with that opinion 
 because he claimed there could not have been a 
 transmission of force for the reason that the bullet 
 struck the occiput with such velocity as to make a 
 sharp, clean-cut hole, just the size of the missile, 
 and therefore could not have transmitted its mo- 
 tion to the surrounding bone and brain. In his 
 opinion, the bullet was a spent bullet as it struck 
 the right orbit and rebounded without injuring the 
 dura, even as a spent bullet will fracture a long 
 bone, without penetrating the clothes that cover 
 it. He thought the left orbital fracture an extension 
 of the right orbital fracture and that the surgeons 
 would have found that communication by a more 
 minute examination. 
 
 We may be sure that a careful search for a con- 
 necting fracture had been made. Also, it is quite 
 improbable that a fracture of the thin orbital bone 
 could extend through the heavy sphenoid or the 
 heavy frontal bone to the opposite orbital plate. 
 
 [118] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 The force called contrecoup is still the best expla- 
 nation for that remarkable double fracture. 
 
 Following the army during the war was a skilful 
 embalmer, named Charles D. Brown, whom Mr. 
 Lincoln had had occasion, in 1863, to refer to as Dr. 
 Brown. This man was of the well known firm of 
 Brown and Alexander. The New York Herald for 
 February 22, 1862, contains the following informa- 
 tion: "The body of Willie Lincoln was embalmed 
 today by Doctors Brown and Alexander, assisted 
 by Dr. Wood, in the presence of attending physi- 
 cians, Doctors Stone and Hall, Senator Browning 
 and Isaac Newton. The method of Sagnet of Paris 
 was used and the results were entirely satisfactory 
 to the attendant friends of the family. Thaddeus, 
 the youngest son of the President, is still danger- 
 ously ill and fears are entertained that his disease 
 will assume the type which proved fatal to his 
 brother." Whether the title of doctor was by cour- 
 tesy or degree, this Dr. Brown had gained promi- 
 nence by his skill and was assigned by Secretary 
 Stanton to embalm the President's body and to 
 care for it on the long rough journey back to 
 the prairies of Illinois, where, with reverence and 
 stately ceremony, it was entombed in the side of a 
 hill near a peaceful brook. Soon a beautiful pile of 
 bronze and granite grew on the crest of that grassy 
 slope, in the mausoleum of which stood a marble 
 
 [119] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 sarcophagus, to receive (September, 1871) the won- 
 derfully preserved and officially identified body of 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 * * * 
 
 But before that September event there came on 
 July 17, the body of the White House playfellow, 
 Tad, to join the silent trio on the hill. Mrs. Lincoln 
 and Tad had returned, in the spring, to the home 
 of Robert Todd Lincoln in Chicago, when Tad 
 came down with a severe cold. He was soon suffi- 
 ciently improved to be moved to the Clifton 
 House. However, the illness proved to be more 
 than a severe cold; Tad became worse and, by June 
 25, he was a source of much concern to his family 
 and of consultation among doctors. The family's 
 regular physician, Dr. Charles Gilman Smith, was 
 called in on May 23, and Dr. H. A. Johnson served 
 with him from June 18 to July 8, and then Dr. 
 Nathan S. Davis, ex-President of the American 
 Medical Association and co-founder of what is now 
 the Northwestern University Medical School, was 
 called in as a consultant with Dr. Smith, as the pa- 
 tient grew worse. 
 
 For the few days after June 9, the boy seemed 
 better, there was less "water in his chest," and his 
 face had lost in part its look of distress. Hope for 
 his recovery was revived, but the hope was short 
 lived. Dr. Davis declared there was no chance for 
 
 [1201 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 recovery. By July 14, the lad was again in great 
 distress and fighting for breath. He continued to 
 fail rapidly during the night, and when morning 
 came he "suddenly threw himself forward on his 
 bed and was gone." It is generally thought that 
 Tad died of typhoid fever, but the foregoing brief 
 evidence would indicate that he had pleurisy with 
 effusion. A witness to this diagnostic observation 
 is an obituary notice in the Chicago Tribune of 
 July 16, 1871, which states that, "The cause of his 
 death was dropsy of the chest." Dr. W. A. Evans 
 suggests, with good reason, that a pleurisy which 
 had existed for six months must have been tuber- 
 cular, especially since Tad was tall and thin and 18. 
 
 * * * 
 
 To Mary Lincoln, this loss was another reason for 
 her longing to join her babies and husband. On en- 
 tering the White House she was 42 years of age and 
 approaching or passing through the involutional 
 change that women must endure. In addition to 
 that nervous ordeal and to the mental havoc 
 wrought by the death of Willie, the bitter years of 
 the war brought to her not only great worry and 
 emotional stress but intense personal abuse and — 
 worse than all else — social ostracism. Under that 
 strain her mind or personality, which was not en- 
 dowed with the common sense or the firm grasp on 
 
 [1211 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 reality that Mr. Lincoln possessed, showed in- 
 creasing signs of deviation. Always a variant, she 
 now wandered farther from the accepted standard 
 of the normal in human behavior, and, as such, be- 
 came a poor risk against calamity. 
 
 So the shock of that fearful April night in Wash- 
 ington had the immediate effect of throwing her 
 into an extreme state of hysteria and prostration. 
 She was unable to appear at her husband's funeral, 
 and it was reported that she never again saw his 
 face after that early tragic morning. For weeks she 
 remained in bed, "suffering intensely in body and 
 mind" according to the New York Tribune, and 
 fainting on occasions when she attempted to pull 
 herself together and arise, according to her seam- 
 stress-maid-companion, Elizabeth Keckley. Finally 
 on May 22, accompanied by Mrs. Keckley and Dr. 
 Henry, she left the White House with her two sons 
 to go to Chicago. Mrs. Keckley stated that "Dr. 
 Henry accompanied us and he was remarkably 
 attentive and kind." 
 
 The world for Mrs. Lincoln was now a lonely, 
 confused place in which to live, and her bruised 
 mind was unable to adjust itself. Her headaches 
 increased, and her judgment became impaired, 
 leading to minor errors and major mistakes which 
 harmed no one but herself. She shrank from the 
 curiosity and criticism of unkind people which de- 
 
 [1221 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 veloped in her a paranoic sense of persecution. 
 Robert was married, and the death of her "Tad- 
 die," adding to her vast sense of loss and grief, 
 hastened her mental disintegration. Resentments, 
 tears, neuralgias, headaches and fevers; "great and 
 burning pains" in her spine and "womanly trou- 
 bles," made her days miserable and her nights 
 sleepless. Her troubles, imaginary and factual, 
 brought her to the extremity of praying for death 
 as a welcome release. 
 
 She constantly complained of her ill health, 
 which, in truth, it was. Insanity is no longer a 
 medical word; it is a social or legal term. Medical 
 men have a more exact phraseology to classify the 
 various types of mental ill health. Mrs. Lincoln 
 was a sick woman and she had been sick since her 
 first year in the White House. Her inclination to 
 get away from Washington increased during the 
 four years, and after 1865 she was constantly on 
 the move from one watering-place to another, flee- 
 ing from people and seeking health resorts. 
 
 Four years after Tad's death she was in Florida. 
 March 12, 1875, she wired Dr. Ralph N. Isham of 
 Chicago to save Robert's life. Robert Lincoln and 
 Dr. Isham met her train on its arrival in Chicago, 
 and she was almost overcome with joy and relief 
 to find her son well. She insisted on going to the 
 Grand Pacific Hotel and on Robert's remaining 
 
 [123] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 with her. Indians and doctors were pulling wires 
 and steel springs from her head. Hallucinations and 
 delusions made of her a troublesome tenant for the 
 hotel management and an embarrassing annoy- 
 ance to Robert Lincoln. Finally, at the urgent ad- 
 vice of five prominent physicians in consultation, 
 he felt compelled to permit a jury of twelve dis- 
 tinguished citizens of Chicago to find his mother 
 insane. Her personal physician, Dr. Willis Dan- 
 forth, was the main witness, and Drs. Isham, 
 Davis, Johnson and Smith, already referred to, 
 gave their opinions at the trial. Dr. S. C. Blake, 
 city physician, sat on the first jury and Dr. R. M. 
 Paddock on the second jury. 
 
 Robert's lawyer was Leonard Swett, and his 
 mother's lawyer was Isaac N. Arnold — both old 
 friends of Abraham Lincoln. Their duty was per- 
 formed as quickly and sympathetically as possible. 
 She was judged ". . . insane and a fit person to be 
 sent to the State Hospital for the Insane ..." She 
 was committed, however, to the care of Dr. R. J. 
 Patterson, founder and director of the Belleview 
 Place Sanitarium at Batavia, near Aurora, Illinois. 
 
 After thirteen months she had improved to such 
 an extent that another Chicago jury, more gener- 
 ous than accurate, on June 15, 1876, declared her 
 ". . . restored to reason." Accompanied by her 
 sister, Mrs. Ninian Edwards and a companion- 
 
 [1241 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 nurse, she returned to Springfield; but being too 
 sensitive and unhappy to remain there, she fled for 
 the second time to Europe, to be alone among 
 strangers. While in France, in 1879, she fell from a 
 ladder and seriously hurt her spine. Fearing to die 
 among the strangers she had sought, she returned 
 in October, 1880. After a brief stop in New York 
 City for the purpose of consulting with the eminent 
 orthopedic surgeon, Dr. Lewis A. Sayre, she has- 
 tened to the home of her sister and the care of her 
 Springfield physician, Dr. Thomas W. Dresser, son 
 of the preacher who had married her. 
 
 During these later years, diabetes overtook her 
 and now began to manifest itself in earnest, with 
 loss of weight, disturbance of vision, distressing 
 boils and other annoyances. And the old injury to 
 her spine interfered with locomotion. In the fall of 
 1881, she managed to return to Dr. Sayre and re- 
 mained several months under his orthopedic care, 
 though a Springfield paper stated that she went to 
 New York to be treated for "a disease of the eyes 
 and for diabetes." In her letters she complained of 
 almost everything but her eyes, yet cataract or 
 retinitis would be a very probable complication of 
 her diabetes. A portion of her visit was spent at 37 
 West Twenty-sixth Street in Dr. E. P. Miller's 
 hotel, which featured turkish, electric and roman 
 baths. By March she was back again in the Ed- 
 
 [125] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 wards' home, living in a darkened room, preferring 
 candlelight to sunlight — unhappy, secluded, and 
 more sick now in body than in mind. 
 
 She grew rapidly weaker, and finally midsum- 
 mer brought the end she had so longed for. In the 
 evening of July 15, she suffered a stroke of paraly- 
 sis and rapidly sank into coma. Dr. Dresser stated 
 that the coma, in his opinion, was due to the 
 stroke, or breaking of an intracranial blood vessel, 
 rather than to diabetes. It might have been either 
 or both. Twenty -four hours later, at 8:15 p.m., 
 July 16, 1882, Mary Todd Lincoln died, and on 
 July 19 her wish "to lay my aching head and sor- 
 rowing heart by the side of the dearly beloved 
 one" was fulfilled. Poor tragic Mary Lincoln, de- 
 voted mother of four boys and loyal wife of Abra- 
 ham Lincoln! Intense and ambitious in life and 
 immortal in death ! Her body now lies in a marble 
 crypt forever near to that of the man she truly 
 helped guide to his great destiny. 
 
 In the spring of 1890, there lay sick at No. 2 
 Cromwell House, Kensington, London, Abraham 
 Lincoln II, the 16-year-old son of the Honorable 
 Robert Todd Lincoln, then American Ambassador 
 to the Court of St. James. For a period of four 
 months the heir to that illustrious name had suf- 
 
 [126] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 fered from a carbuncle under one of his arms, 
 which, extending into the chest, caused, in all prob- 
 ability, an abscess of the lung or an empyema of 
 the pleural cavity. His physician, Dr. J. Maclagan, 
 recorded it as pleurisy. After three weeks of lung 
 involvement the lad died on March 5. His body 
 was later brought to Springfield and laid away in 
 one of the five crypts of the mausoleum. 
 
 Finally, on July 26, 1926, Robert Todd Lincoln, 
 the last of the male line, died in Manchester, Ver- 
 mont, at the age of 83. His body, at his own desire, 
 lies entombed in the National Cemetery at Arling- 
 ton, and alongside it now rests the reinterred body 
 of his only son, Abraham. 
 
 Robert Todd Lincoln, with justifiable pride of 
 birth but with a worthy independence of spirit, de- 
 sired to live his life without aid or benefit from so 
 great a name. His very reverence for his father 
 made him shrink from public demonstration of his 
 heritage. But the bodies of the three young broth- 
 ers will remain in a princely row near those of their 
 parents in a new mausoleum in the rebuilt Lincoln 
 Monument at Springfield, Illinois — mute, pathetic, 
 and likewise immortal, because of him who sired 
 them. 
 
 127 
 
* 
 * 
 
 This effort at a contribution to Lincolniana is a 
 work of love by one who believes that Abraham 
 Lincoln will become increasingly great, for when he 
 saved the Union of the United States of America, 
 he also saved the very principle of peaceful federa- 
 tion of separate states for the impending new era 
 of world federation. 
 
 * 
 * 
 
 [128] 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 The following letters are printed by permission of 
 Oliver R. Barrett of Chicago, owner of the origi- 
 nals. 
 
 Dr. Henry's letter to Mrs. Henry reveals their 
 close friendship to the Lincolns and, incidentally, 
 the only record of President Lincoln's last spoken 
 words. The letters of Mrs. Lincoln corroborate the 
 author's emphasis of that close friendship, and, of 
 added interest in this book, disclose early signs of 
 her psychosis. 
 
 DR. ANSON G. HENRY TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 Lafayette, Oregon, June 21st, 1861 
 Dear Lincoln: — 
 
 You will see by the enclosed, that I am doing all in 
 my power to keep things right here. 
 
 There is a much stronger Secession feeling in Oregon 
 than is generally believed. 
 
 In my opinion the election of Baker and Nesmith to 
 the Senate, and the consequent defeat of Breckenridge 
 and Lane in Oregon and California in November, is all 
 that saved this Coast from going with the South. As it 
 was, the timely appearance of Gen. Sumner at San 
 Francisco saved the public property of California from 
 falling into the hands of the Secessionists. 
 
 I think all is now safe, notwithstanding the Governors 
 of both California & Oregon openly avow their hostili- 
 ties to your policy of putting down the Rebellion. 
 
 [129] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 The Douglas wing of the Democracy are a Unit here 
 in Oregon, in support of your policy. The Organ (The 
 Statesman) is the most zealous & efficient supporter 
 you have in Oregon if not on the Pacific Coast. 
 
 I am now on my farm, doing little or nothing. If I can 
 aid the Government in the capacity of Surgeon (for 
 which I am best fitted) or in any other way, you can at 
 a moment's notice command my services. 
 
 That God may give you Strength and Wisdom to dis- 
 charge your very responsible duties, is the daily Prayer 
 of your old & unwavering friend. 
 
 A. G. Henry 
 
 Lafayette, Oregon, June 21st, 1861 
 Dear Lincoln: — 
 
 I have no misgivings about your ultimate triumph 
 over the Rebellion. It may with truth be said of your 
 Army as was said of Oliver Cromwell's Regiment — 
 "Being well armed within by the satisfaction of their 
 consciences, and without, with good Iron Arms, they 
 will as one man stand firmly, and charge desperately." 
 
 We have just heard of the death of Mr. Douglas. He 
 died surrounded by a blaze of Patriotic Glory, and his 
 memory will be cherished by all true Patriots. 
 
 Remember us most kindly to Mrs. Lincoln. Yours as 
 ever. 
 
 A. G. Henry 
 
 dr. anson g. henry to a. r. elder of california 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 
 a t» ™ j ^ Washington, April 12, 1863 
 
 A. R. Elder, Esqr. * 
 
 Dear Sir: — 
 
 I received your letter of February 20th on my return 
 
 from a visit to the Army of the Potomac in Company 
 
 [130] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 with Mr. Lincoln's Lady. We spent six days as the 
 guests of Gen. Hooker. 
 
 You will see an account of our trip in the slip I send 
 you, and also in the Sacramento Union. I am now 
 the Guest of the President, but shall leave tomorrow 
 evening no Providence preventing on a visit to Spring- 
 field, where I shall only spend a day or two, and return 
 to this place for two or three days before starting for 
 home on the first of May — I may take the Overland 
 stage. 
 
 I fully appreciate your feelings in relation to my ap- 
 pointments, but I shall see you so soon after this 
 reaches you that I will defer any expression until we 
 meet face to face. 
 
 I have had a great deal of talk with Mr. Lincoln since 
 I have been here and your name has been frequently 
 mentioned in connection with our early history in The 
 Sangamon. Mr. Lincoln is very kindly disposed towards 
 me and so is Mrs. Lincoln. They both urged me to stop 
 with them when I first arrived here, but declined doing 
 so for the reason that I would have been terribly an- 
 noyed by those who were anxious to get interviews with 
 Mr. Lincoln. I thought I could stand two or three days, 
 so I accepted their pressing invitation on our return 
 from the Army, last Friday evening, and besides I 
 wanted to have a fair swing at Victor Smith. I think I 
 will have his head in a basket before I leave tomorrow 
 evening but you will get the news by Telegraph long 
 before this will reach you. 
 
 I think we are now getting on with the war better 
 than ever before. Gen. Hooker will certainly go to 
 Richmond when he starts, and on to New Orleans if it 
 is necessary, for he has the finest army the sun ever 
 shone upon, commanded by a brave and dashing corps 
 of officers. 
 
 [131] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 I have written my wife a long letter by this mail 
 which I presume she will show you. 
 
 My kindest regards to your family and all friends. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 A. G. Henry 
 
 DR. ANSON G. HENRY TO HIS WIFE 
 
 Washington, D. C, April 19, 1865 
 My Dear Wife, 
 
 Today has been the saddest day of my life, if indeed 
 one day can be sadder than another of the sad days 
 that has shrouded the nation in gloom. 
 
 I have no words to express what I feel and how much 
 I now long to fold you to my bosom and mingle my 
 burning tears with yours for the loss of our greatest, 
 best & most kind and loving friend Abraham Lincoln. 
 Now that he has gone to the Spirit land we realize how 
 much we loved him and how worthy he was of our love 
 and confidence. 
 
 I was in Richmond on the night of his assassination. 
 The next day in the afternoon I went down to City 
 Point & met the sad news. I was so stunned by the blow 
 that I could not realize that he was dead until I saw 
 him lying in the Guest's chamber, cold and still in the 
 embrace of Death. Then the terrible truth flashed upon 
 me & and the fountain of tears was broken up and I 
 wept like a child, refusing to be comforted, remaining 
 riveted to the spot until led away by those who came in 
 for the purpose of laying the body in the coffin. I had 
 never before realized the luxury of tears & I never be- 
 fore wept in the bitterness of heart & soul, & God grant 
 that I may never have cause to so weep again. 
 
 After recovering my composure, I sought the pres- 
 ence of poor heart broken Mrs. Lincoln. I found her in 
 
 [1321 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 bed more composed than I had anticipated, but the 
 moment I came within her reach she threw her arms 
 around my neck and wept most hysterically for several 
 minutes, and this completely unmanned me again, but 
 my sympathy was to her most consoling, and for a half 
 hour she talked most composedly about what had 
 transpired between her and her Husband the day and 
 evening of his death, which I will tell you when we 
 meet. She says he was more cheerful and joyous that 
 day and evening than he had been for years. When at 
 dinner he complained of being worn out with the in- 
 cessant toils of the day, and proposed to go to the 
 Theatre and have a laugh over the Country Cousin. She 
 says she discouraged going, on account of a bad head- 
 ache, but he insisted that he must go, for if he stayed at 
 home he would have no rest for he would be obliged to 
 see company all the evening as usual. 
 
 Finding that he had decided to go, she could not 
 think of having him go without her, never having felt so 
 unwilling to be away from him. She set close to him 
 and was leaning on his lap looking up in his face when 
 the fatal shot was fired, his last words being in answer to 
 her question "What will Miss Harris think of my hang- 
 ing on to you so" — "She won't think anything about 
 it" — and said accompanied with one of his kind and 
 affectionate smiles. Yes, that look & expression is 
 stamped upon her soul too indelibly to ever be effaced 
 by time, and its recollection will never fail to soothe and 
 comfort her in her hours of darkest affliction. God in his 
 mercy will sanctify this personal and National affliction 
 for great good, and this is my greatest and almost only 
 consolation under the terrible bereavement. 
 
 I feel that there is no selfishness mixed up with my 
 sorrow. The loss of Mr. Lincoln will not affect my per- 
 sonal interests unfavorably. I have good reason to be- 
 
 [133] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 lieve that President Johnson will do all for me that 
 President Lincoln could or would have done, but the 
 great attraction for remaining here has been taken away; 
 yet it would not be right to refuse to stay here as the 
 representative of our Pacific interests in the Depart- 
 ments, should the Delegation insist upon it, as they un- 
 doubtedly will. At least, so says Judge Williams. The 
 matter won't be settled until Mr. Harlan takes charge 
 of the Department of the Interior on the 15th of May. 
 This was the understanding between Harlan and Mr. 
 Lincoln when I left for Richmond. It may possibly 
 turn out that Johnson won't ratify the arrangement, 
 but I don't think he will refuse. The general impression 
 is, that he will, as nearly as possible, carry out Mr. 
 Lincoln's policy & plans. In other words, finish up the 
 work the immortal Lincoln had begun and so nearly 
 completed. The great body of the Nation will demand 
 this of him. 
 
 You must my Dear, Dear Wife bear our separation 
 with all the patience possible. Let us thank God that 
 we are permitted to commune together in this way, and 
 that should it be we do not meet again on earth, that 
 by his all prevailing grace and mercy we will meet in 
 Heaven. 
 
 Anson 
 
 P.S. — I forgot to tell you that I followed the hearse in 
 the funeral procession in the third carriage as one of the 
 family. The place was assigned to me by the marshall, 
 as I suppose on the suggestion of Mrs. Lincoln. I was 
 seated with the mourners in the East Room where the 
 Funeral Ceremonies were performed. I send you a copy 
 of them enclosed — The sermon of Doctor Gurley. 
 
 [134] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 mrs. mary lincoln to dr. anson g. henry 
 
 Hyde Park Place, Chicago 
 July 17th 1865 
 My Dear Dr. 
 
 I had hoped, to have sent this letter, by today's 
 steamer, but have been so seriously indisposed, this 
 week, that this is the first day of it, I have been sitting 
 up. General Todd called to see us, ten days since, said 
 he had a conversation with Sec. Harlan, the day before 
 leaving, that was Monday day after you sailed. He ex- 
 pressed great regret, that you had so suddenly left, said 
 he had intended, doing something for you. Robert im- 
 mediately wrote to him and insisted, that it was not too 
 late & that he considered it due, his Father's memory, 
 that you should be provided for, in W. Although it has 
 been over a week, since this was written, not a word, 
 have we heard from him. I see, by the papers, this week, 
 that some man from Iowa, has been put in Dole's place, 
 and that Holloway, has resigned. Much, doubtless, to 
 old Newton's delight, another, this last is, of the selfish 
 ones. Mr. Harlan, has acted in the most contemptible 
 way! It has become so much so with every one, that 
 when I write to Wash, on any subject or business, I re- 
 ceive no reply, it is so with Robert also. No such sorrow, 
 was ever visited upon a people or family, as when we 
 were bereaved of my darling husband, every day causes 
 me to feel still more crushed & broken hearted. If it was 
 not for my dear little Taddie, I would pray to die, I 
 am so miserable. I still remain closeted in my rooms, 
 take an occasional walk in the park & as usual see no 
 one. What have I, in my misery, to do with the outside 
 world? 
 
 I must not fail to thank you, for your most interesting 
 letter from New York, it is well for us, that you passed 
 
 [135] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 a day or two there, & saw those you did. Mr. Bentley 
 wrote me from Detroit, one day, this week, said he 
 would probably be in Chicago, next week. He appears, 
 to be a very kind hearted man. Judge Davis, has been 
 holding court in Chicago, called out & said very com- 
 placently, I am glad, to see you are so well situated out 
 here & remarked, that there was not the least indication 
 that C — or any other place, would bestow a house & we 
 must have to content ourselves, with boarding. I re- 
 plied, "I board no longer than next spring in 111., after 
 that, if we still have to be vagrants, I prefer being so, in 
 any state, rather than where every man, in the state, 
 owes my Husband a deep debt of gratitude.' ' He said, 
 "Will you take Robt with you too?" I replied, "most cer- 
 tainly, he goes where I do." — There is no doubt he, 
 Judge D., enters entirely into the feelings of the S. 
 clique. I mentioned, that I had understood, that Smith, 
 had been making himself, as silly and malicious as ever, 
 by endeavouring to turn my best friends in N. Y. 
 against me. He said "not at all, he could not believe it." 
 I told him very emphatically, "it was so." I did not 
 mention any names to him. With all our overwhelming 
 sorrows, what enemies we do have to contend with. — 
 I can assure them here, that it is from no feeling of 
 gratitude or love, for them, that I have returned here — 
 Judge D. is intensely selfish, and would rather, I really 
 believe, prefer to see us, as we are, without a home, or 
 the prospect of one, rather than have us comfortable — 
 it is endurance vile — I assure you — and no prospect of a 
 remedy. I believe in my heart that you are really, the 
 only disinterested, sincere friend, left us. I trust for all 
 your kindnesses, I will be enabled to repay some of it. 
 It was very painful to us, I assure you, that you had to 
 return home. I had fondly hoped, that you would have 
 been settled in W. and we would have received frequent 
 
 U361 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 visits from you & Mrs. Henry, whom I remember with 
 much affection. Alas, alas, our families, are both situ- 
 ated alike, nothing but disappointments before us — and 
 if myself & sons, are specimens, of American justice, 
 God Help, other people. 
 
 I have written to Sen. Williams, and have as yet, had 
 no reply — I have requested him to inform me, of the 
 first safe means, of sending some articles to you — our 
 poor boxes, I fear, are long destined to remain in the 
 warehouses. I thought it best, not to send, for the pres- 
 ent, those claims to Mr. Brooks. Some months later, 
 perhaps, it would be better. Any thing we do is seized 
 on — An especial way, of "being cared for, by the Ameri- 
 can people. " Robert is so worried, that I am sick so 
 much, that he has purchased a neat covered buggy, in 
 which he can drive his horse, otherwise he says he would 
 sell the horse. As it was his father's last gift, I could not 
 consent to this, although, I expect, we will hear re- 
 marks, about our purchasing a buggy — I do hope, dear 
 Doctor, you will write us very frequently — what would 
 I not give to have one of our old chats together again. 
 R. — often remarks the same. I cannot express, how 
 lonely and desolate we are. And you have been almost 
 our only friend in our deep, deep affliction. Please pre- 
 sent much love to Mrs. Henry, who must indeed be re- 
 joiced to see you. I will write you again in a few days, 
 after seeing Bentley, if he calls. Do write at least once a 
 week. 
 
 Robt. and Tad send much love. 
 
 Your truly attached friend, 
 Mary Lincoln 
 
 137 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 MRS. MARY LINCOLN TO DR. ANSON G. HENRY 
 
 Hyde Park Place, July 26th— 65 
 My Dear Dr. 
 
 Although, I wrote you, a few days since, by the Over- 
 land Route, yet remembering that a steamer sails, next 
 Saturday, I have concluded, to send you, a few lines. I 
 did not receive your letter from Panama and I have 
 written to Senator Williams & he has not replied. I have 
 nothing more just now to tell you, this place has become 
 a complete Babel & I grieve, that necessity requires us, 
 to live, in this way. Bentley, from the Detroit Conven- 
 tion, came over to C. as usual, he was "hoping on, 
 hoping ever" — there is a very dim prospect of success I 
 think. I see that one of the Editors of the Springfield, 
 Mass. R. paper, accompanies Mr. Colfax and is now 
 with him in California. This Mr. Bowles, will throw cold 
 water, I fear on any of your or the Tribune's efforts — in 
 Cal. Taddie is not at home, the scarlet fever, is in the 
 house & a lady who boards here, the daugher of Dr. 
 Boone and niece of Mrs. Judge Thomas, who formerly 
 lived in S. now in C. proposed for fear of the disease, 
 taking Taddie up to her Mother's, in the country. I am 
 so miserable, it is painful to part with him, even for a 
 day, yet it is best, he should be away. Taddie, has made 
 many warm friends, in the house. I live, as secluded, as 
 ever, as a matter of course. I long for a home, where I 
 can bury myself & my sorrows. Sec. Harlan wrote R. 
 a letter, full of all manner of excuses about not ap- 
 pointing you — he is intensely selfish & I trust, I shall 
 never see any of them again. I am sure, as we are not 
 now in power, they do not desire it. Gov. Oglesby is in 
 Chicago, and it appeared in two of the leading Journals 
 of the city, yesterday, purporting to be copied, from 
 "Boston Transcript/' that Mrs. Lincoln had already 
 
 ri38i 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 from the estate $100,000 — and the paper was author- 
 ized to state, no more contributions would be received. 
 It, of course, emanated from Springfield, and those 
 people know we have no home. 
 
 Mrs. Trumbull, has not yet honored me with a call, 
 should she ever deign, she will not be received. She is, 
 indeed, "a whited sepulchre. " 
 
 Poor Robert has borne his sorrows, manfully, yet 
 with a broken heart. I wish to goodness, yourself & 
 family, could have remained on this side — But, as it 
 was our earnest wish, they, at Wash., saw fit to dis- 
 appoint us. 
 
 Your attached friend, 
 Mary Lincoln 
 
 mrs. lincoln to mrs. henry 
 
 Chicago, Aug. 31st, 1865 
 My very dear Mrs. Henry, 
 
 Bowed down & broken hearted, and feeling so deeply 
 for you, in your agonizing bereavement, I feel justified, 
 in approaching you, at this time, when, we all feel alike 
 crushed. 
 
 We have both been called upon to resign, to our 
 Heavenly Father, two of the best men & the most de- 
 voted husbands, that two unhappy women, ever pos- 
 
 The terrible news, that our beloved friend, who so 
 sympathized with us, in our irreparable loss, is gone, 
 has been received by us, only a day or two since. My 
 sons and myself have been overcome, by the startling 
 and heart rending intelligence. We consider that we 
 have lost our best & dearest friend. It has been my most 
 ardent wish, that Dr. Henry, should have received an 
 appointment in Washington, it would have been a great 
 
 [139] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 comfort to us, in our own overwhelming sorrow, to have 
 had you both near us. In this great trial, it is difficult 
 to be taught resignation, the only comfort that re- 
 mains to us, is the blessed consolation, that our beloved 
 ones, are rejoicing in their Heavenly Home, free from 
 all earthy trials & in the holy presence of God & his 
 angels, are singing the praises of the Redeemer. I long, 
 to lay my own weary head, down to rest, by the side of 
 my darling husband. I pray God, to grant me sufficient 
 grace, to await his time, for I long to be at rest. With- 
 out my idolized husband, I do not wish to remain on 
 earth. 
 
 Mr. Wm. T. Henry, called a day or two since. I was 
 confined to my bed & did not see him. Robert saw him 
 & he left your telegram. Robert immediately wrote on 
 to Washington, urging and pleading, for the appoint- 
 ment of your son in law. We pray & trust the appeal, 
 will be granted. You have no one, my dear friend, who 
 could possibly feel for you, as I do, your grief is mine, 
 in it, I am living over my own disconsolate state & the 
 gratitude we feel, for the dear Doctor's recent, sym- 
 pathy for us, in all things together with the great love 
 we all bore him, makes your troubles my own. How 
 much, I wish, you lived nearer to us. We could then, 
 weep together, over our dreary lot. The world, without 
 my beloved husband & our best friend, is a sad and 
 lonely place enough. Our poor little family, would be a 
 gloomy picture, for any one to see, who has a heart to 
 feel. It was a great trial, to me, when Dr. Henry left 
 here in June, that I was unable to have access to some 
 boxes, stored in a warehouse, where was deposited a 
 cane of my husband's, a large family Bible, & some 
 other things, designed for presentation to the Dr. So 
 soon as I can get to them, I shall avail myself, of the 
 first opportunity, of sending them to you. I can offer 
 
 f 1401 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 you in conclusion, of this very sad letter, my dear Mrs. 
 Henry, very little consolation, for I am so weary & 
 heavy laden myself, over everything, concerning us 
 both. I trust you will write to me, for you are very dear 
 to me, now & ever. 
 
 With regards to your family, I remain always 
 
 Your attached friend, 
 Mary Lincoln 
 
 141 
 
APPENDIX B 
 
 NOTES ON DR. ROBERT KING STONE, 
 
 PHYSICIAN TO PRESIDENT 
 
 LINCOLN AND HIS 
 
 FAMILY 
 
 Dr. R. K. Stone was born in 1822 in Washington, 
 D. C, in a house built by his father, Wm. G. Stone, at 
 the corner of 14th and F Streets, N.W. At the age of 20, 
 he received his A.B., in 1842, from Princeton Univer- 
 sity and his M.D., in 1845, from the University of 
 Pennsylvania. After graduation, he went to Europe and 
 attended the clinics of Edinburgh, Paris, and Vienna, 
 paying special attention to study of the eye and ear. 
 For some time, he was a private pupil of Dumarres. In 
 1847, he returned to Washington and a year later was 
 appointed Professor of Anatomy and Physiology at 
 Columbia Medical College. This chair later included 
 Microscopical Anatomy, and still later, he was made 
 Professor of Ophthalmic and Aural Surgery. In 1860, he 
 was a Professor of Clinical Surgery to the National 
 Medical College in Washington, and from 1858 to 1861, 
 President of the Board of Health of the District of 
 Columbia. On May 3, 1865, he read a paper before the 
 Medical Society of the District of Columbia, describing 
 the death and autopsy findings of President Lincoln. 
 About 1860, Dr. Stone was thrown from his buggy and 
 suffered a fractured hip, which compelled him to limit 
 his practice chiefly to hospital and office work. His 
 health failed later, and while on a trip to Philadelphia, 
 he died suddenly of apoplexy on April 23, 1872 at the 
 age of 50. 
 
 [142] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Dr. Samuel C. Busey, mentioned in the text as a 
 friend of Congressman Lincoln, became one of the 
 prominent physicians of Washington, and was one of 
 the very few Washington members of the early Ameri- 
 can Medical Association. In his Reminiscences pub- 
 lished in 1895, Dr. Busey attributed his own "fluency 
 of speech and readiness in debate" to Dr. Stone, who 
 "always spoke with great ease and fluency [and once] 
 said to me, 'The secret lies in two things, know what 
 you intend to say and forget yourself/ ... He was a 
 broad minded, open hearted, generous and forgiving 
 man, who met everybody with a cordial greeting and 
 salutation, which attached friends, won enemies, and 
 spread all around and about him the mellow radiance 
 of a soul that was most happy when making others 
 happy. Of his professional attainments I need not 
 speak to you." 
 
 Lincoln, as in most matters of vital importance, again 
 disregarded party consideration, and chose the physi- 
 cian to his family for his personal and professional 
 qualifications. 
 
 |143 
 
APPENDIX C 
 
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 
 
 Herndon's Lincoln. Chicago, New York, San Francisco: 
 Belford, Clark & Company, 1889. 
 
 The Real Lincoln. By Jesse W. Weik. Boston and New 
 York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1923. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln: A History. By John G. Nicolay and 
 John Hay. New York: The Century Co., 1890. 
 
 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln. Edited by John 
 G. Nicolay and John Hay. Gettysburg Edition, New 
 York: Francis D. Tandy Co., 1905. 
 
 Appendix, The Life of Abraham Lincoln. By Ida M. 
 Tarbell. McClure, Phillips Co., 1900. 
 
 Life of Abraham Lincoln. By William E. Barton. In- 
 dianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1925. 
 
 The Women Lincoln Loved. By William E. Barton. In- 
 dianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1927. 
 
 The Lineage of Lincoln. By William E. Barton. Indi- 
 anapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1929. 
 
 Lincoln at New Salem. By Thomas P. Reep. Peters- 
 burg, Illinois, 1927. 
 
 Lincoln's Parentage and Childhood. By Louis Austin 
 Warren. New York: The Century Co., 1926. 
 
 "Abe Lincoln, Kentucky Boy." By Raymond Warren. 
 Chicago: The Reilly & Lee Co., 1931. 
 
 The Black Hawk War. By Frank E. Stevens. Chicago: 
 Frank E. Stevens, 1903. 
 
 John Marsh, Pioneer. By George Dunlap Lyman. New 
 York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1930. 
 
 Everyday Life of Abraham Lincoln. By Charles Francis 
 Browne. Newport and St. Louis: N. D. Thompson 
 Publishing Co., 1886. 
 
 [1441 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Abraham Lincoln in the National Capital. By Allen C. 
 Clark. Washington, D. C, 1925. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln : a New Portrait. By Emanuel Hertz. 
 New York: Horace Liveright, Inc., 1931. 
 
 Uncollected Letters. By Gilbert Tracy. Boston & New 
 York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1917. 
 
 New Letters and Papers of Lincoln. Compiled by Paul 
 M. Angle. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin 
 Co., 1930. 
 
 Personal Reminiscences of the Martyred President. By 
 Dr. William Jayne. Chicago, 1900. 
 
 Personal Memoirs. By John H. Brinton, Major and 
 Surgeon, U.S.V. New York: The Neale Publishing 
 Co., 1914. 
 
 With Malice Toward None. By Honore Willsie Mor- 
 row. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1928. 
 
 The Role of Doctor's Sons in the Lincoln Administra- 
 tion: a Contribution to the Psychology of Govern- 
 ment. By William Browning, Ph.B., M.D. 
 
 Reminiscences of an Army Nurse During the Civil War. 
 By Adelaide W. Smith. New York: Greaves Publish- 
 ing Co., 1911. 
 
 Lincoln and His Wife's Home Town. By William H. 
 Townsend. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1929. 
 
 Mary, Wife of Lincoln. By Her Niece, Katherine Helm. 
 New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1928. 
 
 The Tragic Career of Mary Todd Lincoln. By Dr. 
 Charles Stoltz. South Bend, Indiana: privately 
 printed, 1931. 
 
 Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. By Dr. W. A. Evans. New 
 York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1932. 
 
 Documents, by Paul M. Angle in Mary Lincoln, Wife 
 and Widow. By Carl Sandburg. New York: Harcourt, 
 Brace & Co., 1932. 
 
 [145] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Medicine in the Illinois Country. By Dr. C. S. Nelson. 
 Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society, 
 1925. 
 
 Six Months in the White House. By Elizabeth Todd 
 Grimsley. Journal of the Illinois State Historical So- 
 ciety, October 1926, January, 1927. 
 
 Early Physicians in my County. By Spencer Gore. 
 Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Janu- 
 ary, 1932. 
 
 Lincoln in Macon County. By Edwin Davis. Journal of 
 the Illinois State Historical Society, April-July, 1932. 
 
 U. S. Army Surgeons at Fort Armstrong. John H. Han- 
 burg. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 
 January, 1932. 
 
 New Salem : Early Chapter in Lincoln's Life. Josephine 
 Craven Chandler. Journal of the Illinois State His- 
 torical Society, January, 1930. 
 
 Lincoln in Indiana. By J. Edward Murr. Indiana 
 Magazine of History. October, 1917. 
 
 Address: Lincoln Centennial Association. Springfield, 
 Illinois, 1916. 
 
 Old New Salem. By Benjamin P. Thomas. Bulletin No. 
 29, Abraham Lincoln Association. Springfield, 111. 
 
 Lincoln Lore, No. 193. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln's Rum Sweat. By George P. Floyd. 
 McClure's Magazine, January, 1908. 
 
 Our Presidents Out of Doors. By Calvin Dill Wilson. 
 McClure's Magazine, January, 1908. 
 
 Lincoln at Gettysburg. By Wayne MacVeagh. Mc- 
 Clure's Magazine, November, 1909. 
 
 The Living Age (Littell's), January 16, 1864. 
 
 The New York Weekly Tribune, April 22 and May 6, 
 1865. 
 
 The Lerna (Illinois) Weekly Eagle, August 2, 1929. 
 
 [146] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Lincoln and His Relation to Doctors. By Edward W. 
 
 Mar kens. The Journal of the Medical Society of New 
 
 Jersey, January, 1922. 
 Dr. Abraham Lincoln. By Dr. Lewis D. Carman. The 
 
 Journal of the Medical Society of New Jersey, April, 
 
 1922. 
 Lincoln's Last Hours. By Charles Augustus Leale, 
 
 M.D., Ass't. Surgeon, U.S.V. New York: Privately 
 
 printed, 1909. 
 Last Hours of Abraham Lincoln. By C. S. Taft, Acting 
 
 Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, Medical and Surgical 
 
 Reporter, Philadelphia, April 22, 1865. 
 The Lancet (London), June 17 and July 22, 1865. 
 Certified Copy of Entry of Death, General Registers 
 
 Office, Somerset House, London. 
 
 Correspondence with: 
 
 S. M. Blunk, M.D., Virden, Illinois. 
 
 Louis A. Warren, Lincoln Historical Research Founda- 
 tion, Fort Wayne, Indiana. 
 
 Paul M. Angle, Librarian Illinois State Historical Li- 
 brary, Springfield, Illinois. 
 
 Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois. 
 
 Judge Lawrence B. Stringer, Lincoln, Illinois. 
 
 Rachael and Lulu M. Crothers, Bloomington, Illinois. 
 
 P. B. Harm, Major U.S.A. Retired. Library of the Army 
 War College, Washington, D. C. 
 
 H. M. Schooley, D.D.S., Washington, D. C. 
 
 [147] 
 
INDEX OF NAMES 
 
 Abbott, Dr., 10 
 Abbott, Dr. E. W., 114 
 Abell, Dr. Bennett, 21 
 Adams, Dr. Richard F., 52 
 Allen, Dr. Harrison, 98 
 Allen, Dr. John, 17, 18, 19, 20, 
 
 59 
 Angle, Paul M., vii 
 Arnold, Isaac N., 124 
 
 Bache, A. D., 90 
 
 Barnes, Dr. Joseph K., 92, 114, 
 
 116 
 Barrell, Dr. Henry C, 49 
 Barrett, Oliver R., 65, 129 
 Bartholow, Dr. Robert, 98 
 Barton, William E., 32, 43 
 Bell, Dr. Sanford, 49 
 Bellows, Rev. Henry W., 90 
 Bennett, Dr. Newton (Richard 
 
 E.), 16 
 Beveridge, Albert G., 3, 25 
 Blades, Dr. Franklin, 52 
 Blake, Dr. S. C, 124 
 Boal, Dr. Robert, 51 
 Booth, John Wilkes, 111 
 Bowen, Henry Chandler, 15 
 Britton, Dr. John H., 96 
 Brooks, Noah, 68, 107 
 Brown, Charles D., 119 
 Browning, Dr. A. M., 50 
 Browning, Orville H., 24, 61 
 Bryant, Dr. Henry, 98 
 Busey, Samuel C, 52, 53, 143 
 
 Cabanis, Dr., 20 
 Calhoun, John, 12 
 
 Cameron, Rev. John, 9 
 Cameron, Simon, 90 
 Carpenter, Frank B., 37, 68, 94 
 Chandler, Dr. Charles, 13, 14 
 Chandler, Mrs. S. L. B., 14 
 Child, Linus, 14 
 Chittenden, L. E., 91 
 Clark, Dr. L. Pierce, 36 
 Clark, William, 113 
 Colfax, Schuyler, 104 
 Conant, Dr. Thomas, 51 
 Conkling, James C, 33 
 Crane, Dr. Charles H., 114, 116 
 Crawford, Dr. C. C. V. A., 106 
 Crawford, Josiah, 5, 6 
 Crothers, Dr. Eli K., 62 
 Crothers, Dr. Marie L., 63 
 
 Dalton, Dr. Edward S., 99 
 Danforth, Dr. Willis, 124 
 Davis, David, 33 
 Davis, Dr. Nathan S., 92, 120, 
 
 124 
 Davis, Dr. William, 59 
 Diller, Isaac, 53, 54, 56 
 Diller, R. N., 53 
 Dixon, Dr. J. N., 50 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 47, 60 
 Drake, Dr. Daniel F., 25, 46 
 Dresser, Dr. Thomas W., 125 
 Dudley, Dr. Ben, 44 
 Duncan, Dr. Jason, 12 
 
 Early, Dr. Jacob N., 11 
 Edwards, Mrs. Ninian, 70, 125 
 Elder, A. R., 130 
 Elkin, Dr. Garrett, 45 
 
 [149] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Enlow, Mary La Rue, 3 
 Essex, Dr. Thomas, 2 
 Evans, Dr. W. A., 121 
 Finley, Dr. Clement A., 92 
 Fithian, Dr. William, 51 
 Fleming, Samuel, 62 
 Floyd, George P., 60 
 Floyd, Mrs. George P., 60 
 Forney, John W., 48 
 Fowler, Dr. E. S., 49 
 Freeman, Dr. John D., 50 
 Freeman, Dr. N. S., 52 
 French, Dr. A. W., 50 
 
 Gallaher, Austin, 4 
 Galloway, Sam, 77, 79 
 Gatch, Dr. C. D., 114 
 Gentry, Allen, 8 
 Gillespie, Joseph, 61 
 Goodletter, Dr. Ebenezer, 2 
 Graham, Mentor, 13 
 Grant, Ulysses S. f 100, 108 
 Gray, Dr. John P., 104 
 Grigsby, Reuben, 59 
 Grigsby, Sarah Lincoln, sister, 2, 
 
 59 
 Grismore, Dr., 50 
 Gurley, Rev. Phineas D., 116, 
 
 134 
 
 Hall,Dr.Neal,114 
 Hamlin, Hannibal, 85, 104 
 Hammond, Dr. William H., 91, 
 
 92, 93 
 Hanks, Dennis, 4 
 Hanks, Nancy, see Lincoln, 
 
 Nancy Hanks 
 Harris, Dr. Elisha, 90 
 Hatch, Ozias M., 44 
 Hatch, Pascal, 44 
 Hay, John, 68, 104, 107 
 Helm, Dr. Meredith S., 49, 54 
 
 [150] 
 
 Henry, Dr. Anson G., 26, 28, 32, 
 46, 48, 49, 73, 122, 129 
 
 Henry, Mrs. Anson G., 47, 49, 
 132, 139 
 
 Herndon, William H, 24, 33, 35, 
 36, 37, 40, 67 
 
 Henry, William T., 140 
 
 Hewett, Dr. Austin C, 89 
 
 Higgins, Dr., 50 
 
 Holt, Dr. Eratus Eugene, 69, 70 
 
 Howe, Dr. Samuel G., 90 
 
 Hughes, Dr. C. F., 49 
 
 Isham, Dr. Ralph N., 123, 124 
 Ives, Dr. Eli, 92 
 
 Jayne, Dr. Gershom, 19, 45 
 
 Jayne, Julia, 31 
 
 Jayne, Dr. William, 46, 54, 71, 
 
 75 
 Johnson, Dr. Ita, 120 
 
 Keckley, Elizabeth, 81, 122 
 Keene, Laura, 111 
 King, Dr. Albert F. A., 112 
 Kuechler, Dr. Ferdinand, 50 
 Kizner, Dr., 50 
 
 Lamon, Ward, 4, 83 
 Lawson, Dr. Thomas, 92 
 Leale, Dr. Charles A., 111-116» 
 
 117 
 Lee, Robert E., 110 
 Lemon, Dr. Theodore, 4 
 Lieberman, Dr. C. H, 114 
 Lincoln, Abraham, grandfather, 
 
 1 
 Lincoln, Abraham, grandson, 
 
 126 
 Lincoln, Bathsheba, grand- 
 mother, 1 
 Lincoln, Edward Baker, son, 43, 
 44,54 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Lincoln, Mary Todd, wife, 23, 
 
 24, 31, 32, 36, 38, 44, 77, 78, 
 
 79, 82, 86, 96, 97, 101, 109, 
 
 111, 120, 121-126, 135-134 
 Lincoln, Nancy Hanks, mother, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5 
 Lincoln, Robert Todd, son, 43, 
 
 61, 73, 79, 120, 123, 127 
 Lincoln, Sarah, sister, see Grigs- 
 
 by, Sarah Lincoln 
 Lincoln, Sarah Bush, stepmother, 
 
 7, 52 
 Lincoln, Thomas, father, 1, 2, 3, 
 
 7, 52 
 Lincoln, Thomas Thaddeus, son, 
 
 43, 45, 79, 86, 109, 119, 120 
 Lincoln, William Wallace, son, 
 
 33, 36, 43, 73, 79, 80, 81, 82, 
 
 119 
 Lindsley, Dr. Webster, 98 
 Logan, Dr. John, 50 
 Logan, John A., 50, 57 
 Long, Dr. Samuel, 49 
 Longmore, Dr. T., 118 
 Lord, Dr. Rufus S., 49 
 
 Miller, Dr. E. P., 125 
 Million, Dr. J. L., 50 
 Mills, Clark, 108 
 Mitchell, Dr. S., 69 
 Morehead, Dr., 50 
 Morris, W. W., 103 
 
 Nelson, Dr., 9 
 
 Newton, Joseph Fort, 23 
 
 Notson, Dr. H. M., 116 
 
 Offut, Denton, 9 
 Osier, William 27, 28 
 Owen, Mary, 21, 22 
 
 Paddock, Dr. R. M., 124 
 Palmer, Dr. G. S., 98 
 Pantier, James, 10, 18 
 Pasteur, Louis, 61 
 Patterson, Dr. R. J., 124 
 Peterson, William, 113 
 Porter, David D., 109 
 Potter, Dr. Daniel B., 2, 3 
 Price, Dr., 50 
 Prince, Dr. David, 19 
 
 McBride, John R., 47, 48 
 McConnell, Murray, 75 
 McKee, Dr. J. Cooper, 98 
 Maclagan, Dr. J., 127 
 McManus, Edward, 86 
 McNamar, John, 19 
 MacVaagh, Wayne, 85 
 March, Dr. Alden, 92 
 Marsh, Charlie, 10 
 Marsh, Dr. John, 10 
 Masters, Edgar Lee, 45 
 Matheney, James H, 33 
 Maxey, Dr. Edward E., 70 
 May, Dr. J. F., 114 
 Meeker, Dr. David, 16 
 Merryman, Dr. E. H., 23, 31, 45 
 
 Raback, Dr., 50 
 Renshaw, James, 8 
 Regnier, Dr. Francis, 15 
 Risdon, F. Ray, vii 
 Rodges, Dr. Thomas F., 62 
 Rutledge, Ann, 16, 17, 19, 36 
 Rutledge, James, 9, 17 
 Ryan, Dr. Charles, 49 
 Saint Gaudens, Augustus, 107 
 Sayre, Dr. Lewis A., 125 
 Scott, Winfield, 92 
 Seward, William H, 104, 110 
 Shastid, Dr. T. Hall, 67, 70 
 Sherman, John, 109 
 Shields, Dr. Alexander, 49 
 Shields, James, 31 
 
 [151] 
 
LINCOLN AND THE DOCTORS 
 
 Simpson, Dr. James, 89 
 
 Small, Rufus, 107 
 
 Smith, Adelaide W., 100 
 
 Smith, Dr. Charles Gilman, 120, 
 124 
 
 Smith, Rev. James, 55 
 
 Smith, Victor, 48 
 
 Sparrow, Lucy Hanks, grand- 
 mother, 1 
 
 Speed, Joshua F., 30, 31 
 
 Speed, Mary, 30 
 
 Spriggs, Mrs. Ann, 53 
 
 Stanton, Edwin M., 92, 102, 
 104 
 
 Starr, John W., vii 
 
 Stephenson, Dr. Benjamin F., 
 20,21 
 
 Stewart, Lorenzo, 105 
 
 Stone, Dr. E. K, 105 
 
 Stone, Dr. Robert King, 78, 81, 
 86, 94, 101, 108, 114, 116, 
 142, 143 
 
 Stuart, John T., 26, 29, 33 
 
 Sulcer, Dr. William, 2 
 
 Swett, Leonard, 33, 124 
 
 Taape, Dr. A., 50 
 Taft, Dr. Charles S., 112, 116 
 Talbot, Dr. Fletcher, 49 
 Taylor, Zachary, 14, 47 
 Teever, Dr. W. F., 118 
 Thompson, Dr. S. G., 51 
 Todd, Dr. Beecher, 114 
 Todd, Dr. George, 44 
 Todd, Dr. John, 44, 54 
 
 Todd, Mary, see Lincoln, Mary 
 
 Todd 
 Treat, Samuel H., 33 
 
 Utter, Robert P., vii 
 
 Van Buren, Martin, 31 
 Van Buren, Dr. W. H., 90 
 Vincent, Dr. J. A., 50 
 Vinton, Rev. Francis, 82 
 
 Wahlgemuth, Dr. Henry, 50 
 Wakeman, Abram, 48 
 Walker, Dr. Jerome, 100 
 Wallace, Dr. Charles, 51 
 Wallace, Dr. William, 44, 45, 54, 
 
 76 
 Ward, Artemus, 103 
 Warfield, Dr. Elisha, 44 
 Walters, Mrs. Peggy, 3 
 Warnick, Polly, 7 
 Warnick, William, 7 
 Weik, Jesse W., 33, 40, 56 
 Welles, Gideon, 84, 85 
 Whitney, Henry C, 33, 65 
 Williams, Dr. Joseph J., 105 
 Wilson, Robert L., 34 
 Wolf, Dr. G. S., 88 
 Wood, Dr. Robert C, 90 
 Wood, William, 59 
 Wright, Dr. David, M., 104, 105 
 Wyman, Dr. Jeffries, 90 
 
 Zacharie, Isachaar, 102 
 
 152 
 
Five hundred and fifty copies of this edition of 
 Lincoln and the Doctors have been printed, at the 
 press of the George Banta Publishing Company, 
 Menasha, Wisconsin, April 15, 1933. 
 
 This is copy number ^ f / and is signed by 
 
 ^fc£Z^£f*&U^2z