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 L161— 0-1096 
 
Life of 
 
 Gen. Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 A Full Account of his Ancestry, Boyhood, Early Struggles, Mar- 
 riage, and Recent Political Triumphs, 
 
 With a Sketch of the Life and Public Services of 
 
 WHITELAW REID, 
 
 Together with Both Sides of the Question 
 
 Protection and Free Trade. 
 
 PROTECTION 
 
 BY 
 
 Hon. JAMES Q. BLAINE, 
 
 Ex-Secretary of State. 
 
 VALUE OF PROTECTION 
 
 BY 
 
 Hon. WM. M’KINLEY, Jr., 
 
 Governor of Ohio. 
 
 FREE TRADE 
 
 BY 
 
 The Rt. Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE, 
 
 Ex-Premier of England. 
 
 To which is appended a full account of the National Convention, Minneapolis, 
 June 7-10, 1892, with Republican Platform Adopted. 
 
 Sketches of the Lives of all the Presidents of the United States, 
 from Washington to Harrison, with Portraits. 
 
 ALSO 
 
 Reciprocity; The Silver Question; Behring Sea 
 and Chilian Questions. 
 
 SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY. 
 
 CHICAGO, ILL. PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
 
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1892, 
 ByJ. W. SHEPP, 
 
 In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 NOTICE. 
 
 The articles contained in this book, written by Hon. James G. Blaine, Hon Wm, M’Kinley 
 and Rt. Hon. W. b. Gladstone, are original matter obtained and furnished by Mr. Lloyd Bryce, 
 Editor and Proprietor of the North American Review, and secured by Copyright, singly and 
 collectively, and any attempt at infringement will be rigidly and immediately prosecuted. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ANCESTRY. 
 
 Harrison the Roundhead — Harrison the Soldier — Life in a Log 
 Cabin — On the Threshold — Oratory Extraordinary. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 EARLY LIFE. 
 
 Boyhood’s Days — A Noble Mother — Chores and Ambitions — 
 The Sunday Dinner— The Family Bible — Going to School 
 — Boyish Pranks — The Earnest Student — A Will and a 
 Way — The Shadow Before. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 AT THE FOUNT OF KNOWLEDGE. 
 
 College and its Memories — Chums and Classmates — Anecdotes 
 — Never at a Loss — Professors — A Wild Night — Daring 
 Escapades — A Close Student — Midnight Oil — Good-bye 
 to College. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 5 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 LIFE OF THE VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 Simple Early Life — Personal Characteristics as a Boy — Always 
 Reliable — Pleasing Manners — Courtesy Costs Nothing, 
 but is Worth More than Gold — Always to the Front in Good 
 Works — Business Life — Sympathy with the Distressed 
 — A People's Man — Political Life — Chosen Vice-President. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FREE COINAGE OF SILVER. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 LIFE OF GLADSTONE. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Ex-Premier 
 of England. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FREE TRADE 
 BY 
 
 Rt. HON. W. E. GLADSTONE. 
 
 Apology for the Article — An Old Friend with a New Face — 
 British Wages — Protection Viewed in its First Aspects — 
 Relation Between Protection and High Wages — On the 
 Reason, Why Protection only Injures and does not Ruin 
 the United States — Moral Aspect of the Question. 
 
6 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 LIFE OF JAMES G. BLAINE. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Hon. James G. Blaine, Ex-Secretary of 
 State, U. S. A. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PROTECTION 
 
 BY 
 
 HON. JAMES G. BLAINE. 
 
 Americans Honor Gladstone--England’s Meat, other Nations’ 
 Poison — Why England was Content — Financial Disaster — 
 Value of Protection During the War — Carrying the War 
 into the Enemies , Camps — Gladstone’s Moral Plea Faulty 
 — His Great Error. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM M’KINLEY, JR. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Hon. Wm. M’Kinley, Jr., Governor of 
 Ohio. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 VALUE OF PROTECTION 
 BY 
 
 HON. WM. M’KINLEY, JR. 
 
 GOVERNOR OF OHIO. 
 
 We Shall Always Have Tariffs — The Sole Question at Issue — 
 What the Protective System Has Accomplished — Revenue 
 Tariff a Failure — A Few Facts. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 7 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Biographical Sketches of all the Presidents of the United States, 
 from Washington to Harrison. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CONVENTION AT MINNEAPOLIS. 
 
 The Great Convention — Minneapolis in Gala Attire — In Hotels 
 and Boarding-Houses — Personnel of the Delegates — The 
 Magnificent Auditorium — He Eulogizes His Party — Etc., 
 Etc., Etc. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 RECIPROCITY. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE BEHRING SEA QUESTION. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE CHILIAN QUESTION. 
 
Life of 
 
 Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ancestry. 
 
 It has been very cleverly said that “ every 
 man is the father of his own future,” and, in a measure, 
 this is true, but, after all, it is worth something and 
 counts for much in the struggle toward eminence, that 
 one is able to point to ancestors who have loomed 
 above the mediocre multitude, and whose fairly-won 
 laurels a nation loves to keep green with the dew of 
 affectionate recollection. Benjamin Harrison, the sub- 
 ject of our sketch, was emphatically well-born. If it 
 be true that “the education of a child should begin 
 one hundred years before its birth,” he is certainly 
 unusually blessed in the matter of pre-natal education. 
 
 university of 
 
 ILLINOIS LIBRARY 
 
12 
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 Harrison the Roundhead. 
 
 Early in the sixteenth century we catch our first 
 glimpse of the stock from which Benjamin Harrison 
 sprung. For many years the Puritan sentiment had 
 been growing among the middle and lower classes of 
 Englishmen, while the aristocracy grew more and more 
 arrogant and tyrannical. When James I. became king, 
 his loudly-iterated doctrine of the Divine Right of Sover- 
 eigns, and his determined support of the English hier- 
 archy, bitterly offended the grave and liberty-loving 
 Puritans, whose stern piety soon took on a strong 
 political character. Charles I., who succeeded James, 
 carried his father’s ideas to their utmost limit, and by 
 the abuse of the royal prerogative, especially in mat- 
 ters of taxation, arrayed the majority in Parliament 
 against him. Parliament after Parliament was dis- 
 solved, but as one succeeded another, the battle was 
 kept up until open war was declared between the 
 sovereign and the aristocrats (then first called cavaliers) 
 on one side and the Puritans or Roundheads on the 
 other — the latter being, practically, the representatives 
 of the Parliament and people. Oliver Cromwell was 
 one of the first great military leaders to force his way to 
 the front. With his dreaded “Ironsides,” he became the 
 terror of the cavaliers and seemed invincible. Among 
 his troops was a man who had once followed the 
 trade of a butcher, and who soon attracted the atten- 
 tion of Cromwell, himself the son of a brewer in Hunt- 
 ington ; this man’s name was Thomas Harrison, and 
 
I*ife of Benjamin Harrison 
 
 13 
 
 ere long his bravery and military genius won for him 
 the position of Lieutenant-General. He was a mem- 
 ber of the Parliamentary Court appointed to try 
 Charles I. for high crimes and misdemeanors, and we 
 find his signature attached to the sentence of death 
 pronounced against that sovereign. On the restora- 
 tion of Charles II., Thomas Harrison was tried and 
 convicted as a regicide, and suffered execution. It is 
 proof of the cool courage of the man, and the sense 
 that he had only performed his duty, that kept him in 
 England when America might easily have afforded him 
 refuge. Thomas Harrison was an ancestor of Ben- 
 jamin Harrison who possesses many of the former’s 
 traits. 
 
 Harrison the Patriot. 
 
 The next Harrison of note is Benjamin, who was one 
 of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 That he fully understood the consequences of his act, 
 in case of the failure of the cause of the colonies, is 
 clearly shown by his amusing remark to Elbridge 
 Gerry, of Massachusetts, a tall, slim man, that “when 
 the hanging scene came, he would be dead in a few 
 minutes, while Gerry would be kicking in the air.” 
 Harrison was frequently called upon to "fill positions 
 of trust, was in Congress until 1778, was elected to 
 the Virginia Legislature several times, and in 1782 
 became Governor of the State, being re-elected to that 
 office until the Constitution rendered" him ineligible. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Life in a Log Cabin. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison was born at North Bend, 
 Ohio, on the old homestead, August 20, 1833. PIN 
 was the healthy out-door life of the ordinary American 
 boy. Removed from the luxuries and temptations of 
 crowded cities, he grew up in love with nature and 
 nature’s God. The broad Ohio flowed placidly past 
 the door of his father’s house, a deep, strong, silent 
 river, splendidly symbolical of the strong, earnest 
 character of the future President. The farm on which 
 he lived was fair and fertile, and produced within its 
 boundaries nearly everything required for the comfort 
 of the family. Young Benjamin early learned the 
 need of labor. As a boy he performed his part of the 
 chores on the farm. He drove the mild-eyecl cows to 
 and from the pasture, and carried the foaming pails of 
 milk to the dairy. He tossed the fragrant hay in the 
 meadow and gathered the golden and rosy spoil of 
 autumn in the orchard. He grew up quiet and con- 
 templative, a grave young David of the Miami. Many 
 strangers visited the old homestead, a little distance 
 away, but he came in contact with very few of them. 
 Close by his father’s house was a little log cabin, used 
 as a school-house. It was furnished with the most 
 
i6 
 
 L, ife of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 primitive simplicity. No modern desks were there for 
 the convenience of scholars. The seats were rude 
 slabs set upon blocks, had no backs against which one 
 could lean. The building was fully in keeping with 
 the furniture, unpainted without, unplastered within, 
 and with only nature’s floor, it was indeed a very rude 
 temple of knowledge ; but it answered every purpose, 
 and was the first workshop in which young Benjamin 
 Harrison’s mind began to be shaped. The distance 
 to other schools was far too great for the farmers’ boys 
 of the neighborhood, so many of them also attended 
 the little log cabin. Full of sturdy health and boyish 
 spirits, they were excellent companions for Benjamin, 
 and many a hunt after birds’ nests and wild bees’ nests 
 they had together. When the old cabin began to let 
 in the sunshine and the rain a little too liberally, the 
 school was removed to a room in Benjamin’s father’s 
 house, and here he trod the path of learning until he was 
 fourteen years old. His father was a strict church- 
 goer, and early instructed his children in their religious 
 duties. In those days parents did not regard the 
 Sabbath school as furnishing a means of relief from 
 their obligation to instruct their little ones in Divine 
 Truth, but devoted strict personal attention to it. 
 Benjamin soon learned to love the Bible and to obey 
 its precepts, and owes much of the respect in which he 
 is held to-day to his splendid moral training. But his 
 Sabbath recollections are not only of the church in 
 which he “heard the parson pray and preach,” for that 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 On the Threshold. 
 
 We now see Benjamin Harrison, a young man of 
 eighteen, with a more than ordinarily good education, 
 of fine moral character and bright intelligence — small, 
 slim, with an eager face well set off by bright, earnest 
 eyes. He is in love, and that with a girl whose father 
 holds a good position and is much respected. Now, 
 love operates in two ways — it either totally destroys 
 all desire for advancement, utterly encircling the soul 
 in dreams and fantasies, or it nerves a man to work, 
 and furnishes a splendid stimulus for his ambition. 
 The latter was the case with Benjamin Harrison. 
 Some turn to poetry, he turned to law. He was with- 
 out means, and could have no expectations from his 
 father, whose financial affairs were terribly embar- 
 rassed ; though he was the possessor of a good farm, 
 and was himself an industrious and intelligent farmer, 
 his easy and generous disposition led him to trust 
 many worthless persons, until nothing was left to him 
 of his original property. He endorsed the notes of 
 his neighbors and borrowed for his own necessities. 
 He would have been left homeless only for the kind- 
 ness of his relatives who continued him on the farm. 
 Thus, at an early age, Benjamin was taught the folly 
 
MRS. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
20 
 
 I^ife of Benjamin Harrison, 
 
 of trusting promiscuously, and, no doubt, his father’s 
 humiliation was a good lesson to him in after years. 
 Harrison had not been trained with any view to a 
 definite profession, but his turning to the law seemed 
 the most natural thing to do under the circumstances. 
 First, it was an eminently respectable profession, and 
 kept him in a social class similar to that of the young 
 lady of his choice; and, secondly, the chances for pre- 
 ferment were great. His knowledge of the history 
 of the country showed him that many lawyers had 
 attained eminence ; that many, even most, of the Presi- 
 dents of the United States had practiced that profes- 
 sion, added to which, it would enable him to secure a 
 respectable livelihood in the shortest possible time. 
 Having then determined upon his profession, his next 
 move was to enter the office of some truly able lawyer. 
 Many young men have failed just here ; they seek as 
 their instructors either men 'of little note who can do 
 little toward advancing them, or men of practice so 
 large as to ensure the neglect of students altogether. 
 Some, again, choose those who will be lenient with them, 
 and not keep them too closely confined to work. It 
 was far otherwise with Harrison. He entered the 
 office of two of the most honorable and able lawyers 
 in Ohio — the firm of Stover & Gwynne,‘of Cincin- 
 nati. These gentlemen paid every attention to the 
 young student, and he made rapid progress ; but all 
 this time his heart was with his lady-love. Poor as he 
 was, he knew that she had every confidence in his 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Oratory Extraordinary. 
 
 Perhaps the most severe test to which the genius 
 of President Harrison has yet been put, was on the 
 wonderful journey of ten thousand miles, made by rail, 
 through the United States, from April 14 to May 15, 
 1891. At almost every place of consequence the 
 President was called upon for an address, and he 
 responded with such felicity and dealt with such a wide 
 range of subjects, that a burst of admiring acclaim 
 rang throughout the country. The people of the 
 southern States were as charmed with the tact and 
 courtesy of the man as were the men of his own west. 
 He did not disdain to give words of cheer to the Indians 
 who came to see him, and his kindly words warmed 
 the hearts of the colored people, and cheered them on 
 the rough way toward civilization. Just think of it — 
 dashing through the most magnificent scenery on the 
 face of the earth, in a splendid train such as the most 
 opulent eastern potentate never even dreamed of, over 
 thousands of miles of territory, teeming with vigorous 
 life, spangled with glorious farms, flecked with almost 
 countless herds of cattle, ribboned with rivers of gleam- 
 ing silver, and jeweled with glittering lakes flung down 
 like giants’ shields on a mighty battle-field, while Titanic 
 
Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 25 
 
 referring to the great development of mineral wealth 
 and the stream of immigration pouring into the State ; 
 he spoke of the blessings of the restored Union, ot the 
 joy he felt in seeing all render homage to the regality of 
 the Constitution, and of his great desire to evince in 
 his lofty station the qualities of a loyal servant of 
 the people. He showed how much grander were 
 the triumphs of peace over those of war, and how 
 true were Whittier’s words, that 
 
 “ Peace hath higher tests of manhood 
 Than battle ever knew. ,, 
 
 The people of Tennessee rose as one man to honor 
 their President; his words were so true, so gentle, so 
 full of warm, brotherly kindness and homely wisdom, 
 that mountaineers and lowlanders alike found him a 
 man after their own hearts. In Georgia he was 
 welcomed by the Governor and principal officers in the 
 most hospitable manner. He addressed the boys of 
 the night school in Atlanta, and in other places spoke 
 on the freedom of elections, and the duty of the people 
 to educate their children in the fear of God. Loyal 
 Georgia, he said, was a sight to move his profound 
 admiration and gratitude to God. He cheered the 
 hearts of the people of Alabama by the evidence he 
 gave of his knowledge of the advance and needs of the 
 State. He went from cotton to watermelons, from 
 town lots in Birmingham to the shipping question, with 
 an evident grasp of the subject that appealed to the 
 
26 
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 most practical. He discussed harbors, reciprocity 
 and commerce in Texas, and did not forget to mention 
 the coming benefits of the Nicaragua Canal. At El 
 Paso he addressed a crowd of Americans, Indians, and 
 Mexicans. On the platform, beside him, was seen the 
 Governor of the Mexican State of Chihuahua, who 
 was commissioned by President Diaz, of Mexico, to 
 present his compliments to the President of the 
 United States, a grateful charge most gracefully per- 
 formed. President Harrison seized the opportunity to 
 express a hope that there might be a great development 
 of commercial relations between the two republics, 
 and charmed all with his modesty and good sense. At 
 Lordsburg, New Mexico, he was presented by the 
 citizens with a beautiful case of silver, mined in the 
 vicinity, and in exchange left behind him golden opin- 
 ions. The people of Arizona turned out to welcome 
 him as his train dashed through, and at his first stop 
 in California he was presented with an address by 
 Chief Cabazon, head of the Indio tribe of Indians ; Ca- 
 bazon is over 100 years old. At San Diego, Governor 
 Torres of Lower California, met President Harrison 
 and again presented him with the good wishes of Pres- 
 ident Diaz, of Mexico, to which Mr. Harrison made a 
 most happy reply, emphasizing the respect in which 
 President Diaz is held in the United States, and his 
 wish that cordial relations might always endure 
 between the sister republics. Glorious California re- 
 sponded gloriously to President Harrison’s ringing 
 
* 
 
 WHITELAW REID 
 
Life of 
 
 Hon. Whitelaw Reid. 
 
 About a mile from White Plains, New York, 
 stands a palatial residence, surrounded by about eight 
 hundred acres of as lovely meadow and woodland as 
 can be seen in the fair Empire State. The place is 
 known as the Ophir Farm, and the residence cost over 
 one million ofdollars. Without, itis astatelypile ; within, 
 the abode of luxury. Its furnishings are of the most 
 sumptuous order, and the recent works of art are 
 scattered about in bewildering opulence. Such is the 
 home of Hon. Whitelaw Reid, whose nomination for 
 the vice-presidency, by the Republican National 
 Convention, has caused such widespread satisfac- 
 tion throughout the country. Mr. Reid has just 
 returned from Paris, where, as Minister to France, he 
 had won golden opinions, and a round of banquets 
 and speech-making had rendered rest desirable, when, 
 without any effort on his own part, and almost without 
 an inkling to the country at large, he is nominated 
 
Life of Hon. Whitelaw Reid. 
 
 for the second place on the Republican ticket. His 
 friends and neighbors were almost wild with enthu- 
 siasm, and hundreds visited him at his lovely home 
 within a short time after the arrival of the news. Mr. 
 Reid was doubly delighted ; first, with the honor shown 
 him, and, next, with the interest of his friends. It 
 speaks well for his candid nature and for the spirit that 
 he will. bring into the discharge of the duties of his 
 high office, that he so frankly expresses his satisfaction 
 at the favor shown him. When the citizens arrived, 
 Mr. Reid was still at table with that most genial 
 gentleman, Colonel John Hay, well-known as poet and 
 politician. Mr. Reid came out on the balcony and said : 
 
 “ Friends and Neighbors : It gives me great pleasure 
 to receive this cordial welcome home, after a long ab- 
 sence abroad, and I am proud to be with you. I am 
 standing on historic ground, which you are probably 
 better acquainted with than I am. I understand this 
 is purely a welcome from the citizens of White Plains, 
 irrespective of party, and I will not detain you with 
 any speech from a partisan standpoint ; but if you 
 will permit me to make a remote reference to politics, 
 I will say that I am a Republican from way back.” 
 
 Mr. Reid then told his friends and neighbors 
 how much pleased he was to meet them, Repub- 
 licans and Democrats. These remarks were fol- 
 lowed with an apology for not being able to receive 
 his guests as he would like. He said that he had 
 been at home for a week only, but if the callers would 
 
Life of Hon. Wliitela-w Reid. 
 
 step into the house, Mrs. Reid and himself would be 
 pleased to receive them. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Reid then took a place in the great 
 onyx hall, and were there made acquainted with nearly 
 all of their neighbors whom they did not already know. 
 
 It is a curious fact that Mr. Morton, the present 
 Vice-President, is a millionaire, and Mr. Reid, though 
 not so wealthy, is worth more than a million dollars. 
 Only two of the Presidents of the United States have 
 left the office worth more than $ 100,000 , so that two 
 millionaire Vice-Presidents in succession is something 
 of a coincidence. Mr. Reid’s home is one of the most 
 imposing structures in the State. It is built of grey 
 granite, after Mr. Reid’s own designs, and should 
 properly be called a castle, as it is in the old Norman 
 baronial style. A view of Long Island Sound for forty 
 miles can be had from the windows. Whitelaw Reid 
 was born in Xenia, Ohio, in October, 1837; thus the 
 State of Grant, Hayes, and Garfield, claims him as her 
 son. His ancestors were Scotch, his mother being of 
 the blood of the Clan Ronald, a powerful highland 
 family. His paternal grandfather, also of Scotch 
 blood, emigrated to this country late in the last cen- 
 tury, and settled in Kentucky, among the first of those 
 whose heroism has made memorable “the dark and 
 bloody ground.” Early in 1800, he removed to the 
 neighborhood of what is now Cincinnati, and bargained 
 for some land near the river. One of the terms of the 
 sale was, that he should run a ferryboat across the 
 
Life of Hon. Whitelaw Reid. 
 
 river on Sabbath days. Old Mr. Reid was a Cove- 
 nanter and rigid as all such men then were. His 
 conscience troubled him. He felt that he could not 
 sell his principles for money, and though the place 
 he had purchased was exceedingly desirable, he gave 
 it up rather than run that ferryboat and offend his 
 God. It is worth while to be born of a race like this, 
 and Mr. Reid is no degenerate scion of this splendid 
 stock. His grandfather then settled near Xenia, in 
 Greene County, Ohio, becoming one of the earliest 
 settlers in that part of the State. Here Whitelaw was 
 born. Mr. Reid was not only fortunate in his parents, 
 but also in his preceptor, Rev. Hugh McClintock, D. D., 
 a Covenanter and a God-fearing, scholarly man. Young 
 Whitelaw attended the academy at Xenia, and was 
 aided in his studies by Mr. McClintock, who was his 
 uncle. Though his parents were far from rich, they 
 managed to scrape enough money together to send the 
 boy to college, so that at nineteen years of age he 
 entered Miami College, about four years after Benjamin 
 Harrison left the institution. Thus, oddly enough, the 
 two candidates had the same Alma Mater, and it is quite 
 certain that the training which has rendered the Presi- 
 dent such a safe and able man, has had the same effect 
 on Whitelaw Reid 
 
THE GREAT CONVENTION. 
 
 If there was ever a heaven upon earth, 
 
 It is here ! it is here ! it is here ! 
 
 Scent of white cherry blossoms, billowing' in 
 one vast perfumed sea out toward the world-famed 
 Falls of Minnehaha, wide-spreading prairie, greener 
 than Ireland’s boasted fields, and starred with innum- 
 erable flowers, that seem to have burst by magic from 
 the sod, all anxious to glorify the short summer with 
 their eager beauty. The swift, passionate Mississippi, 
 bordered by great factories, now dashing in wild 
 turbulence over the Falls of St. Anthony, and now 
 racing along as though eager to escape the hungry 
 mills that depend upon its power to move their vast 
 machinery. Triumphs of the architect’s skill burst 
 upon you in the most unexpected places, not ranged 
 in long rows, but standing singly, revealing every 
 detail in that marvellous light and under that wonder- 
 ful sky of which an Italian may dream, but never 
 behold, in his native land ; then long, long streets, 
 straight as a thought of God, with houses surrounded 
 by velvet lawns and bowered in a magical wealth of 
 variegated greenery. You may walk for miles along 
 these streets and ayenues, and still the same charming 
 
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION HALL, 
 MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 
 
388 
 
 Tlie Great Convention. 
 
 view will greet you. Except for the houses of the 
 Poles and Bohemians, in the lowlands by the river, 
 you would dream that poverty had been banished from 
 this lovely spot. On both sides of the Mississippi 
 rise the greatest flour mills in the world, which turn 
 out 30,000 barrels a day, and lumber mills that have 
 in one year manufactured 165,000,000 feet of lumber ; 
 no wonder. the palaces of the business men of Minne- 
 apolis can vie with those of European princes. When 
 the citizen of Minneapolis retires to his home, he leaves 
 business behind him, for the resident and business 
 portions of the city .are widely separated. The streets 
 at night, except in the neighborhood of the hotels, are 
 as quiet as any meditative philosopher could wish ; but 
 all this is changed now, the city is 
 
 In Gala Attire, 
 
 the glorious banner of the Union floats from houses 
 and tree-tops, while triumphal arches, decorated with 
 all the skill at the disposal of an ingenius and generous 
 people, tell of the welcome the great city accords to 
 her numerous visitors. The hotels are one fluttering 
 mass of gorgeous bunting; the West House, one of 
 the finest hostelries on earth, looks like a May queen 
 risen from some green dell, splendid with the trickery 
 of fairy drapery. The Nicollet is not one whit less 
 gay, and the great convention building is in a blaze of 
 glory. It is Sunday, June 5th, and the quiet city 
 presents a strange scene — every train is unloading 
 
The Great Convention. 
 
 389 
 
 its shouting contingent ; Harrison and Blaine are on 
 every lip ; the white plume of Maine’s great son floats 
 on the breeze. Enthusiasm runs wild — here is a 
 group singing in stentorian tones a song evidently 
 improvised on the journey hither: 
 
 “ Let every honest fellow from Maine to Oregon ; 
 
 Let every honest fellow, unless he’s a son of a gun, 
 
 Let every honest fellow, unless he’s a son of a gun, 
 
 Be sure and cast his vote for Benjamin Harrison.” 
 
 And here comes from two hundred throats the wild 
 reply — a reply caught up along the streets until 
 “earth and her waters and the depths of air” seem to 
 take up the sound : 
 
 “We are for the man from Maine, 
 
 He will get there just the same ; 
 
 Pennsylvania is here to stay, 
 
 And she stands by Matthew Quay. 
 
 Chorus. — T a-ra-ra, Boom-de-ay, etc.” 
 
 In the Hotels and Boarding Houses. 
 
 Men and even women shout themselves hoarse; it 
 is all they have to do ; the real business is being settled 
 by quiet groups of men gathered around tables in the 
 upper rooms — earnest men who know what they are 
 about and fence with each other like skilled swordsmen. 
 There is no over-crowding yet, but every place seems 
 full. The delegations of numerous States are here — 
 New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, New Jersey, Connecti- 
 cut, California, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and also those 
 from the new States have already occupied their quar- 
 ters. What a jolly set of fellows they are ! This may be 
 
, 39 ° 
 
 The Great Convention. 
 
 a vast country, but these men look as though they be- 
 longed to one family. The same nation truly ; the man 
 from New Jersey finds a brother in the man from 
 North Dakota; the man from California may be seen 
 arm-in-arm with the man from Connecticut. The States 
 of such a nation can never be separated. We hear of 
 French, German, Italian and Spanish cookery; just 
 look at these men around the tables, they eat, eat, eat 
 and never trouble about the cookery. They are cook- 
 ing another dish entirely, and hope that they may be 
 able to put the Democratic party “in the soup” this 
 fall, and feel sure that they will, and all seem desirous 
 that Cleveland may furnish the soup-stock. But we 
 are interested most in the 
 
 Personnel of the Delegates ; 
 
 that is, of the more prominent men who are here this 
 June Sabbath — here is a group of Blaine leaders — 
 Tom Platt of New York, dapper as a tailor’s clerk, 
 and cool as the shaggy hide of a polar bear. We 
 remember when, with the lordly Conkling, he passed 
 out of the Senate, and how he failed of re-election. 
 Oh, how innocent he looks! But beware! oh, beware! 
 
 “ Trust him not, he is fooling thee, 
 
 Beware ! oh, beware !” 
 
 Then, here is Foraker of Ohio, a little greyer than 
 when we saw him last, riding with the men of the Grand 
 Army in Washington, but fiery still, full of nervous 
 power and force ; he is flame to Platt’s ice — a wonderful 
 
392 
 
 "File Great Convention. 
 
 This morning, June 6th, they had a little fracas, which 
 has been greatly magnified by rumor. The Blaine men 
 were marching up the street, carrying a banner bearing 
 the name of the Plumed Knight, when one of the other 
 side dashed in and fried to snatch it away. A little 
 girl held it, however, and lifted it out of reach of the 
 enemy, amid wild cheers for Blaine and the young lady ; 
 the matter was soon hushed up, however. There is 
 still much doubt as to who will be temporary chairman. 
 Two names are much discussed, those of Hon. J. Sloat 
 Fassett, who ran for Governor of New York last fall, 
 and was beaten by the Tammany candidate, and Gen- 
 eral Horace Porter, whose wonderful energy has re- 
 sulted in raising $350,000 for the Grant monument. 
 The latter is, however, the more highly favored by both 
 parties, as Fassett is supposed by the Harrison men 
 to be too strongly in favor of Blaine. Fassett’s nomi- 
 nation will mean that Blaine is ahead. 
 
 The Magnificent Auditorium 
 
 will seat at least ten thousand people. It was originally 
 intended for an exhibition building, but is marvellously 
 adapted for its present use. The decorations are be- 
 yond all description. The building was crowded to its 
 utmost capacity on the occasion of its dedication, on the 
 night of June 6th. The dedicatory speech was made by 
 Hon. Chauncey M. Depew of New York. He said : 
 
 “ Ladies and Gentlemen : It has been my privilege 
 to voice the spirit and meaning of the occasion at the 
 
RECIPROCITY. 
 
 The idea of an American Zollverein is by no means 
 a new one. Yet, as the dev-elopment of the idea was 
 reserved for Mr. Blaine, he may fairly be considered 
 as the father of the movement. He first proposed it 
 in 1 88 1, when he was Secretary of State in Garfield’s 
 Cabinet, but the assassination of that President led to 
 its postponement until Mr. Blaine came once more 
 into office. The first idea was to limit the negotiations 
 to the settlement of all difficulties that might arise 
 between American nations, but when the matter was 
 again taken up, this plan was broadened to include 
 many commercial questions. Mexico, Venezuela, 
 Guatemala, Colombia, Nicaragua, Peru, Chili, Brazil 
 and the Argentine Republic accredited as delegates 
 their resident ministers ; Colombia, Venezuela, the 
 Argentine Republic and Brazil sent each two more 
 delegates, while Chili and Mexico added only one 
 apiece to their usual representatives in Washington. 
 Honduras, Ecuador and Bolivia, Salvador, Costa Rica, 
 Uraguay and Paraguay, as also Hayti, sent accredited 
 envoys, though the views of these representatives, with 
 respect to the functions of the congress, were by no 
 means in accord. The congress met October 2, 1889. 
 
Reciprocity, 
 
 Mr. James G. Blaine, Secretary of State for the United 
 States, was chosen president, the only objection 
 coming from the two Argentine delegates. This was the 
 best nomination that could possibly have been made, as 
 Mr. Blaine was entrusted to negotiate, with full powers, 
 with the delegates, and his purpose was to secure, by 
 every reasonable effort, the success of the congress. 
 There were practically two subjects before the con- 
 gress — Arbitration and Reciprocity. With the former 
 this article has nothing to do ; with the latter, much. 
 The conference agreed that to establish a customs 
 union in the sense of a great American Zollverein 
 would, under existing circumstances, be almost impos- 
 sible, but that the promotion of trade between the 
 respective countries could be best served by reciproc- 
 ity treaties. While such treaties had been made 
 before, notably one with Mexico in 1883, which prac- 
 tically fell through, this was the beginning of a definite 
 system of reciprocal trade. Trade must necessarily be 
 of mutual advantage to the seller and the buyer ; the 
 advantage then derived from trade is what we call 
 reciprocity, but it must, in its nature, be of equal, or 
 relatively equal, benefit to both parties. Obstructions 
 in the way of consumer and producer destroy reciproc- 
 ity, nor can true reciprocity exist where one side must 
 do all the buying and another all the selling, as it is 
 clear that the nation that sells derives the greater bene- 
 fit from the profits that accrue through larger produc- 
 tion. Now, an illustration of this maybe found in our 
 
THE BEHRING SEA 
 QUESTION. 
 
 Over one hundred years ago, Russia came into 
 possession of the Aleutian Islands and the territory we 
 at present call Alaska. The region appeared cheerless 
 and inhospitable, only a few half-starved aboriginal 
 tribes wandering over its vast extent. Its value to 
 Russia lay in the vast number of fur-bearing animals 
 it contained, many of them of the most valuable 
 species, such as otter, mink, sable, marten, and fur 
 seals. At this time such animals, especially the fur 
 seal, were much more widely distributed over the 
 earth’s surface. Vast rookeries existed in Patagonia, 
 Falkland Islands, Kerguelen Land, and numerous 
 islands of the Antarctic Seas. Seals could be counted 
 there by millions, but the ruthless greed and improvi- 
 dence of the hunters has entirely destroyed them, so 
 that very few can be seen on those wonderful breeding 
 grounds to-day. In fact, the entire supply of the world 
 is now dependent upon the rookeries in Behring Sea, 
 the Islands of St. Paul and St. George in the Pribylor 
 Group, owned by the United States, and two other 
 islands, owned by Russia, the Commander Islands, 
 
The Behring Sea Question. 
 
 Behring and Copper Islands, near the Asiatic shore. 
 For over seventy years Russia drew her supply of fur 
 seals from this source, unmolested by any intruding 
 power. The Russian fur hunters were men of daring 
 temper. They did not wait to build commodious 
 vessels, nor even to secure sea-worthy boats, 
 but dashed into the enterprise on craft little better than 
 rafts, flung together hastily and manned by as wild and 
 roving a body eif men as ever drew the breath of life. 
 Planks were tieV together with rawhide, seal thongs 
 and stray pieces of rope, and without chart or compass, 
 these men set out on their dangerous errand. Hun- 
 dreds never reached their destination. Many, after a 
 rich harvest, found watery graves, and beneath the 
 tide of Behring Sea lies many a valuable cargo of 
 skins, consigned by fate to the arms of ocean. When 
 we speak of Behring Sea we must not imagine a 
 stretch of sunlit waters, dimpling and pooling in dells 
 of purple, green and gold ; we must not imagine a 
 clear northern sky, blue as the heaven that smiles down 
 upon fair Italy. Oh, no ; this is the region of eternal 
 fog ; gray, sullen, lowering fog that no glass can 
 pierce, no sun dissipate. You cannot tell where the 
 sky begins and the sea ends. You sail out a.nd out, 
 on and on, into the dense mist, and the prow of your 
 vessel cuts through a fog that closes on you and 
 swallows you up, as it were. It is a weird, mysterious 
 land, a strange and ghastly sea; what wonder, then, 
 that for long years the Pribylor Islands were not 
 
THE CHILIAN QUESTION. 
 
 
 It is astonishing how ignorant we, of the United 
 States, are of our neighbors of South America. Proud 
 of our own greatness, and of the marvellous strides we 
 have made in civilization and power, We are too apt to 
 undervalue the resources and abilities of the smaller 
 nations about us. Once in a while history, however, 
 revenges itself upon us and we are forced, much against 
 our will, to take notice of those around us. Of all our 
 neighbors, Chili is, perhaps, the least understood, and 
 even the late war with Peru has failed to make us much 
 better acquainted with her. Of all the South American 
 republics, Chili is the brainiest and most plucky ; she 
 has never been conquered by a foreign enemy, and, 
 until yesterday, had no national debt. Her population is 
 now nearly four millions, with a larger admixture of 
 Spanish blood than any of her sister republics. This 
 necessarily makes her prouder and stauncher than the 
 rest, and more prompt to resent affronts. The area 
 of Chili is about 219,925 square miles, and extends 
 from the Bay of Mejillones to Cape Horn, a distance 
 of 2270 miles, while in breadth it varies from 40 to 200 
 miles. Chili has enjoyed a greater degree of peace 
 
The Chilian Question. 
 
 than any of her neighbors, and her constant victories 
 over the surrounding powers, has led her people to 
 suppose themselves invincible. The country first be- 
 came known to Europeans in the sixteenth century. 
 Its name signifies “snow” from Tchile, an ancient 
 Peruvian word ; such is the country and such is the peo- 
 ple with which the United States came very near to 
 engaging in war a few short months ago. The con- 
 stitution of Chili differs from that of the United States 
 in one important respect ; namely, that the President 
 is elected for five years and is not eligible for a second 
 term. Jose Manuel Balmaceda came into office in 1886; 
 he represented the popular party as opposed to the 
 aristocratic element and the clerical power. Prior to 
 this time, Chili had been practically governed by an 
 oligarchy of the rich and renowned Spanish families, 
 but the war with Peru has enabled the common people 
 to press to the front and, as their representative, Bal- 
 maceda came into power. He was by no means disloyal 
 to his constituency ; he passed the Civil Marriage and 
 Cemeteries Secularization bills, and proved to the 
 church and to the aristocracy his intention to stand by 
 the people. Through a coalition of the opposing ele- 
 ments in congress, his government was left in a minor- 
 ity but, contrary to the action of President McMahon 
 of France, he still clung to office. 
 
 The Chilian constitution gives the President power 
 to appoint his own cabinet officers, and to fill positions 
 in the civil service, but the congress insisted on 
 

 
Rt. Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE. 
 
 
 The autocrat of English politics to-day is the Rt. 
 Hon. William Ewart Gladstone. For over fifty years 
 his name has been in the mouths of Englishmen, and 
 he truly merits the name bestowed on him of The 
 Grand Old Man. He was born December 29, 1809, 
 near Liverpool, England. He is of pure Scotch blood 
 on both sides. His father was once engaged in the 
 business of a draper but, becoming interested in the 
 India trade, soon amassed a large fortune and secured 
 a baronetcy. William is his fourth son. He was 
 sent to Eton and Oxford, taking the highest honors 
 at Christ Church College. December, 1832, he was 
 elected to Parliament from Newark, a borough under 
 the patronage of the Duke of Newcastle. He pre- 
 pared himself by quite extensive travel and observa- 
 tion. Under the Peel ministry he became Junior Lord 
 of the Treasury, and the next year, 1835, Secretary of 
 Colonial Affairs. In 1841, he became Vice-President 
 of the Board of Trade and Master of the Mint, and in 
 1842 he showed his iree-trade principles in his revision 
 of the British tariff. In 1843, he was chosen Presi- 
 dent of the Board of Trade, and was Secretary for the 
 
174 
 
 W. E< Gladstone. 
 
 colonies under Sir Robert Peel. From 1846 until 1847 
 he was not in Parliament, but since that date has con- 
 stantly represented some constituency. The Univer- 
 sity of Oxford honored him by electing him its repre- 
 sentative in Parliament in 1847, thus inaugurating his 
 marvellous hold on office. In 1850, he gave the world 
 a double taste of his character — first, in his opposition 
 to the brutal treatment of Greece in the Don Pacifico 
 affair, and next by his vigorous denunciation of the 
 Bourbon misrule in Naples, which he had seen with 
 his own eyes. Garibaldi called his portrait The First 
 Trump of Liberty. About this time, his great Parlia- 
 mentary battles with Benjamin Disraeli began, and 
 continued until the latter statesman was called to the 
 House of Lords. As a financier, Gladstone never 
 met an equal. His budgets had all the interest of his- 
 tory, with a practical value rarely achieved. Under 
 his management figures assumed a magical charm. 
 As Chancellor of the Exchequer, he made himself a 
 name throughout the civilized world. He came out 
 as a Liberal, fully, in 1859, after the Crimean War. 
 During the American Civil War he was at first favor- 
 able to the South, fully believing that the United 
 States would be divided, but he was quick to see his 
 error, and nobly expressed his change of opinion. 
 Gladstone has been Prime Minister of England three 
 times. He has stood always for the Rights of Nations. 
 The Golden Rule has been the core of his statesman- 
 ship. Greece, Belgium, South Africa and, above all, 
 
FREE TRADE. 
 
 
 The Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 
 
 i. Apology for this Article. 
 
 existing difference of practice between 
 
 America and Britain with respect to free trade and 
 protection of necessity gives rise to a kind of inter- 
 national controversy on their respective merits. To 
 interfere from across the water in such a controversy 
 is an act which may wear the appearance of imperti- 
 nence. It is prima facie an intrusion by a citizen of 
 one country into the domestic affairs of another, which, 
 as a rule, must be better judged of by denizens than 
 by foreigners. Nay, it may even seem a rather violent 
 intrusion ; for the sincere advocate of one of the two 
 systems cannot speak of what he deems to be the de- 
 merits of the other otherwise than in broad and tren- 
 chant terms. In this case, however, it may be said 
 that something of reciprocal reproach is implied in the 
 
i 7 8 
 
 Free Trade. 
 
 glaring contrast between the legislation of the two 
 countries, apart from any argumentative exposition 
 of its nature. And where should an Englishman look 
 for weapons to be used against protection, or an 
 American for weapons to be wielded in its favor, ex- 
 cept in America and England respectively ? 
 
 This sentiment received, during the late Presidential 
 struggle, a lively illustration in practice. An Ameri- 
 can gentleman, Mr. N. McKay, of New York, took, 
 according to the proverb, the bull by the horns. He 
 visited Great Britain, made what he considered to be 
 an inspection of the employments, wages and condition 
 of the people, and reported the result to his country- 
 men, while they were warm with the animation of the 
 national contest, under the doleful titles of “Free-Trade 
 Toilers” and “Starvation Wages for Menand Women.” 
 He was good enough to forward to me a copy of his 
 most interesting tract, and he did me the further honor 
 to address to me a letter covering the pamphlet. He 
 challenged an expression of my opinion on the results 
 of free trade in England and on “ the relative value of 
 free trade and protection to the English-speaking 
 people.” 
 
 There was an evident title thus to call upon me, 
 because I had, many years since, given utterance to 
 an opinion then and now sincerely entertained. I 
 thought, and each of the rolling years teaches me more 
 and more fixedly to think, that in international trans- 
 actions the British nation for the present enjoys a 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 179 
 
 commercial primacy; that no country in the world 
 shows any capacity to wrest it from us, except it be 
 America ; that, if America shall frankly adopt and 
 steadily maintain a system of free trade, she will by 
 degrees, perhaps not slow degrees, outstrip us in the 
 race, and will probably take the place which at present 
 belongs to us ; but that she will not injure us by the 
 operation. On the contrary, she will do us good. Her 
 freedom of trade will add to our present commerce and 
 our present wealth, so that we shall be better than we 
 now are. But while we obtain this increment, she will 
 obtain another increment, so much larger than ours 
 that it will both cover the minus quantity which, as 
 compared with us, she at present exhibits in interna- 
 tional transactions, and also establish a positive ex- 
 cess, in her own favor. 
 
 It would have been impertinent in me, and on other 
 grounds impolitic, to accept the invitation of Mr. Mc- 
 Kay while the Presidential contest was yet pending. 
 But all the agencies in that great election have now 
 done their work, and protection has obtained her vic- 
 tory. Be she the loveliest and most fruitful mother of 
 the wealth of nations, or be she an imposter and a 
 swindler, distinguished from other swindlers mainly 
 by the vast scale of her operations, she no longer 
 stands within the august shadow of the election, and 
 she must take her chance in the arena of discussion 
 as a common combatant, entitled to free speech and to 
 fair treatment, but to nothing more. So that the 
 
i8o 
 
 Free Trade. 
 
 citizens of two countries, long friendly, and evidently 
 destined to yet closer frendliness, may now calmly and 
 safely pursue an argument which, from either of the 
 opposing points of view, has the most direct bearing 
 on the wealth, comfort and well-being of the people 
 on both sides of the water. 
 
 II. An Old Friend with a New Face. 
 
 The appeal of the champion whose call has brought 
 me into the field is very properly made “ to the wage- 
 earners of the United States.” He exhibits the de- 
 plorable condition of the British workingman, and asks 
 whether our commercial supremacy is not upheld at 
 his expense. The constant tenor of the argument is 
 this : High wages by protection, low wages by free 
 trade. It is even as the recurring burden of a song. 
 Now, it sometimes happens that, while we listen to a 
 melody presented to us as new, the idea gradually 
 arises in the mind, “ I have heard this before.” And 
 I can state with truth that I have heard this very same 
 melody before ; nay, that I am familiar with it. It 
 comes to us now with a pleasant novelty ; but once 
 upon a time we British folk were surfeited, nay, almost 
 bored to death with it. It is simply the old song of 
 our squires, which they sang with perfect assurance to 
 defend the Corn Laws, first from within the fortress 
 of an unreformed Parliament, and then for a good 
 many years more, with their defences fatally and fast 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 183 
 
 on the whole, higher than those of the Continent. 
 Under protection, American wages are higher than 
 those of Great Britain. We then argued, post hoc , 
 ergo propter hoc. He now argues (just listen to his 
 phonograph), post hoc , ergo propter hoc. But our 
 experience has proceeded a stage further than that of 
 the American people. Despite the low wages of the 
 Continent, we broke down every protective wall and 
 flooded the country (so the phrase then ran) with the 
 corn and the commodities of the whole world ; with 
 the corn of America first and foremost. But did our 
 rates of wages thereupon sink to the level of the Con- 
 tinent? Or did it rise steadily and rapidly to a point 
 higher than had been ever known before ? 
 
 That the American rate of wages is higher than 
 ours I concede. Some, at least, of the causes of this 
 most gratifying fact I shall endeavor to acknowledge. 
 My enumeration may be sufficient or may be other- 
 wise. Whether it be exhaustive or not, the facts will 
 of themselves tend to lay upon protectionism the 
 burden of establishing, by something more than mere 
 concomitancy, a causal relation between commercial 
 restraint and wages relatively high. But what if, be- 
 sides doing this, I show (and it is easy) that wages 
 which may have been partially and relatively high 
 under protection, have become both generally and 
 absolutely higher, and greatly higher, under free 
 trade ? 
 
 That protection may co-exist with high wages, that 
 it may not of itself neutralize all the gifts and favors 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 184 
 
 of nature, that it does not, as a matter of course, make 
 a rich country into a poor one — all this may be true, 
 but is nothing to the point. The true question is, 
 whether protection offers us the way to the maximum 
 of attainable wage. This can only be done by raising 
 to the utmost attainable height the fund out of which 
 wages and profits alike are drawn. If its tendency is 
 not to increase, but to diminish, that fund, then pro- 
 tection is a bar to high wages, not their cause ; and is, 
 therefore, the enemy, not the friend, of the classes on 
 whose wages their livelihood depends. This is a first 
 outline of the propositions which I shall endeavor to 
 unfold and to bring home. 
 
 III. British Wages. 
 
 Mr. McKay greatly relied upon a representation 
 which he has given as to the rate of wages in England. 
 It is only incidental to the main discussion, for the 
 subject of this paper is not England, but America. 
 Yet it evidently requires to be dealt with ; and I shall 
 deal with it broadly, though briefly, asking leave to 
 contest alike the inferences and the facts which he 
 presents. My contention on this head will be two- 
 fold. First, he has been misled as to the actual rate 
 of wages in England. Secondly, the question is not 
 whether that rate is lower than the rate in America, 
 nor even whether the American workman (and this is 
 a very different matter) is always better off than the 
 
RATIFYING THE NOMINATION, 
 MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 188 
 
 a very high degree, the public confidence. He sup- 
 plies us with tables which compare the wages of 1833 
 with those of 1883 in such a way as to speak for the 
 principal branches of industry, with the exception of 
 agricultural labor. The wages of miners, we learn, 
 have increased in Staffordshire (which almost certainly 
 is the mining district of lowest increment) by 50 per 
 cent. In the great exportable manufactures of Brad- 
 ford and Huddersfield, the lowest augmentations are 
 20 and 30 per cent., and in other branches they rise to 
 50, 83, 100 and even to 150 and 160 per cent. The 
 quasi-domestic trades of carpenters, bricklayers and 
 masons, in the great marts of Glasgow and Manches- 
 ter, show a mean increase of 63 per cent, for the first, 
 65 per cent, for the second, and 47 per cent, for the 
 third. The lowest weekly wage named for an adult is 
 twenty-two shillings (as against seventeen shillings in 
 1833), and the highest thirty-six shillings. But it is 
 the relative rate with which we have to do ; and, as the 
 American writer appears to contemplate with a pecu- 
 liar dread the effect of free trade upon shipping, I 
 further quote Mr. Gififen on the monthly wages of sea- 
 men in 1833 and 1883 in Bristol, Glasgow, Liverpool 
 and London. The percentage of increase, since we 
 have passed from the protective system of the Naviga- 
 tion Law into free trade, is in Bristol 66 per cent., in 
 Glasgow 55 per cent., in Liverpool (for different classes) 
 from 25 per cent, to 70 per cent., and in London from 
 45 per cent, to 69 per cent. Mr. Gififen has given the 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 191 
 
 IV. Protection Viewed in its First Aspects. 
 
 With a view to presenting the argument for leaving 
 trade to the operation of natural laws in the simplest 
 manner, I shall begin with some postulates which I 
 suppose to be incapable of dispute. 
 
 International commerce is based, not upon arbitrary 
 or fanciful considerations, but upon the unequal distri- 
 bution among men and regions of aptitudes to pro- 
 duce the several commodities which are necessary or 
 useful for the sustenance, comfort and advantage of 
 human life. 
 
 If every country produced all commodities with 
 exactly the same degree of facility or cheapness, it 
 would be contrary to common-sense to incur the charge 
 of sending them from one country to another. 
 
 But the inequalities are so great that (for example) 
 region A can supply region B with many articles of 
 food, and region B can, in return, supply region A with 
 many articles of clothing, at such rates that, although 
 in each case the charge of transmission has of neces- 
 sity been added to the first cost,, the respective articles 
 can be sold after importation at a lower rate than if 
 they were home-grown or home-manufactured in the I, 
 one or the other country respectively. 
 
 The relative cost, in each case, of production and 
 transmis: ion, as compared with domestic production, 
 supplies, while all remain untrammelled by State law, 
 a rule, motive, or mainspring of distribution which may 
 be termed natural. 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 203 
 
 vast army of the wholesale and retail tradesmen of a 
 country, with all the wants appertaining to them. As 
 consumers, they are taxed on all protected com- 
 modities ; as the allies of producers in the business of 
 distributing, they are forced to do with more capital 
 what could be done as well with less. 
 
 V. Relation between Protection and 
 High Wages. 
 
 Admitting that we see in the United States a co- 
 existence of high wages with protection, but denying 
 the relation of cause and effect between them, I may 
 be asked whether I am prepared to broaden that 
 denial into an universal proposition and contend that 
 in no case can wages be raised by a system of protec- 
 tion. 
 
 My answer is this : A country cannot possiby raise 
 its aggregate wage fund by protection, but must inevi- 
 tably reduce it. It is a contrivance for producing dear 
 and for selling dear, under cover of a wall or fence which 
 shuts out the cheaper foreign article, or handicaps it 
 on admission by the imposition of a heavy fine. Yet 
 I may for the moment allow it to be possible that, in 
 some particular trade or trades, wages may be raised 
 (at the expense of the community) in consequence of 
 protection. There was a time when America built 
 ships for Great Britain ; namely, before the American 
 Revolution. She now imposes heavy duties to pre- 
 
2o8 
 
 Free Trade. 
 
 VI. On the Reasons why Protection only 
 Injures, and does not Ruin, the 
 United States. 
 
 I hold that dear production, even if compensated to 
 the producer by high price, is a wasteful and exhaust- 
 ing process. I may still be asked for a detailed answer 
 to the question : “ How, then, is it, that America, 
 which, as you say, makes enormous waste by protec- 
 tion, nevertheless outstrips all other countries in the 
 rapid accumulation of her wealth?” To which my 
 general answer is, that the case is like that of an indi- 
 vidual who, with wasteful expenditure, has a vast for- 
 tune, such as to leave him a large excess of receipts. 
 But for his waste that excess would be larger still. 
 
 I will, then, proceed to set forth some of the causes 
 which, by giving exceptional energy and exceptional 
 opportunity to the work: of production in America, 
 seem to allow (in homely phrase), of her making ducks 
 and drakes of a large portion of what ought to be her 
 accumulations, and yet, by virtue of the remainder of 
 them, to astonish the world. 
 
 i. Let me observe, first, that America produces an 
 enormous mass of cotton, cereals, meat, oils, and other 
 commodities, which are sold in the unsheltered market 
 of the world at such prices as it will yield. The pro- 
 ducers are fined for the benefit of the protected inter- 
 ests, and receive nothing in return; but they obtain 
 for their country, as well as for the world, the whole 
 advantage of a vast natural trade ; that is to say, a 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 209 
 
 trade in which production is carried on at a minimum 
 cost in capital and labor as compared with what the 
 rest of the world can do. 
 
 2. America invites and obtains in a remarkable de- 
 gree from all the world one of the great elements of 
 production, without tax of any kind ; namely, capital. 
 
 3. While securing to the capitalist producer a mo- 
 nopoly in the protected trades, she allows all the world 
 to do its best, by a free immigration, to prevent or 
 qualify any corresponding monopoly in the class of 
 workmen. 
 
 4. She draws upon a bank of natural resources so 
 vast that it easily bears those deductions of improvi- 
 dence which simply prevent the results from being 
 vaster still. 
 
 Let me now mention some at least among those 
 elements of the unrivalled national strength of America 
 which explain to us why she is not ruined by the huge 
 waste of the protective system. And first of these I 
 place the immense extent and vastness of her terri- 
 tory, which make her not so much a country as in her- 
 self a world, and not a very little world. She carries 
 on the business of domestic exchanges on a scale such 
 as mankind has never seen. Of all the staple products 
 of human industry and care, how few are there which, 
 in one or another of her countless regions, the soil of 
 America would refuse to yield. No other country 
 has the same diversity, the same free choice of in- 
 dustrial pursuit, the same option to lay hold not on 
 
2l6 
 
 Free Trade. 
 
 VII. The Moral Aspect of the Subject. 
 
 I am sorry to say that, although I have closed the 
 economical argument, I have not yet done with the 
 counts of my indictment against protection. I have, 
 indeed, had to ask myself whether I should be within 
 my right in saying hard things, outside the domain of 
 political economy, about a system which has com- 
 mended itself to the great American state and people, 
 although those hard things are, in part at least, strictly 
 consequent upon what has been said before. Indeed, 
 the moral is so closely allied to the economical argu- 
 ment as to be intertwined with it rather than consequent 
 upon it. Further, I believe the people of the United 
 States to be a people who, like that race from which 
 they are sprung, love plain speaking ; and I do not 
 believe that to suppress opinions deliberately and 
 conscientiously held would be the way to win your 
 respect. 
 
 I urge, then, that all protection is morally as well as 
 economically bad. This is a very different thing from 
 saying that all protectionists are bad. Many of them, 
 without doubt, are good, nay, excellent, as were in this 
 country many of the supporters of the Corn Law. It 
 is of the tendencies of a system that I speak, which 
 operate variously, upon most men unconsciously, upon 
 some men not at all ; and surely that system cannot be 
 good which makes an individual, or a set of individuals, 
 live on the resources of the community and causes him 
 
Kree 'Trade. 
 
 217 
 
 relatively to diminish that store, which duty to his fel- 
 low-citizens and to their equal rights should teach him 
 by his contributions to augment. The habit of mind 
 thus engendered is not such as altogether befits a free 
 country or harmonizes with an independent character. 
 And the more the system of protection is discussed 
 and contested, the more those whom it favors are driven 
 to struggle for its maintenance, the farther they must 
 insensibly deviate from the law of equal rights, and, 
 perhaps, even from the tone of genuine personal inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 In speaking thus, we speak greatly from our own 
 experience. I have personally lived through the varied 
 phases of that experience, since we began that battle 
 between monopoly and freedom, which cost us about 
 a quarter of a century of the nation’s life. I have 
 seen and known, and had the opportunity of compar- 
 ing, the temper and frame of mind engendered first 
 by our protectionism, which we now look back upon as 
 servitude, and then by the commercial freedom and 
 equality which we have enjoyed for the last thirty or 
 forty years. The one tended to harden into positive 
 selfishness ; the other has done much to foster a more 
 liberal tone of mind. 
 
 The economical question which I have been endeav- 
 oring to discuss is a very large one. Nevertheless, it 
 dwindles, in my view, when it is compared with the 
 paramount question of the American future viewed at 
 large. There opens before the thinking mind, when 
 
Free Trade. 
 
 219 
 
 mulations. The American love of freedom will, beyond 
 all doubt, be to some extent qualified, perhaps in some 
 cases impaired, by the subtle influence of gold, aggre- 
 gated by many hands in vaster masses than have yet 
 been known. 
 
 Aurum per medios ire satellites, 
 
 Et perrumpere amat saxa, potentius 
 
 Ictu fulmineo 
 
 But, to rise higher still, how will the majestic figure, 
 about to become the largest and most powerful on the 
 stage of the world’s history, make use of his power? 
 Will it be instinct with moral life in proportion to its 
 material strength! Will he uphold and propagate 
 the Chris'tian tradition with that surpassing energy 
 which marks him in all the ordinary pursuits of life? 
 Will he maintain with a high hand an unfaltering rev- 
 erence for that law of nature which is anterior to the 
 Gospel, and supplies the standard to which it appeals, 
 the very foundation on which it is built up ? Will he 
 fully know, and fully act upon the knowledge, that 
 both reverence and strictness are essential conditions 
 of all high and desirable well-being? And will he be 
 a leader and teacher to us of the old world in reject- 
 ing and denouncing all the miserable, degrading sophis- 
 tries by which the arch-enemy, ever devising more and 
 more subtle schemes against us, seeks at one stroke 
 perhaps to lower us beneath the brutes, assuredly to 
 cut us off from the hope and from the source of the 
 final good? One thing is certain: His temptations will 
 


JAMES G. BLAINE. 
 
 
 The most commanding figure in American politics 
 to-day is James G. Blaine. Possessed of magnetic 
 personality, infinitely sensitive and keen, he is almost 
 unique among statesmen. He was born June 31, 
 1830, in Union Township, Washington County, Pa. 
 He is of rugged Scotch-Irish stock, a race warranted 
 to wear well in any climate and under any circum- 
 stances. Blaine was sent to school when six years of 
 age, and soon showed the two characteristics necessary 
 to greatness — a surprising memory, and fluency of 
 speech. When little over seventeen years of age, he 
 graduated from Washington College, Washington, Pa. 
 He was at this time a raw-boned, angular lad, but 
 very bright and plucky. He put his foot on the first 
 round of the ladder of fame by teaching school at 
 Lick Springs, Kentucky. There were four hundred 
 and fifty boys in the school, a sort of military college, 
 and Blaine’s first lessons in government were learned 
 in that unruly little republic. In 1853, he removed to 
 Augusta, Maine, and purchased a half interest in the 
 Kennebec Journal. He was a heaven-made journalist. 
 His keen satire and exhaustless humor, added to the 
 
222 
 
 James G. Blaine. 
 
 sharp look-out he kept upon current events, soon 
 made him and his paper noteworthy. In 1858, he 
 was elected to the Legislature, and also made chair- 
 man of the Republican State Committee. He was 
 twice elected Speaker of the lower House, and thus 
 early gave convincing proof of his power to control 
 legislative bodies, and his great knowledge of parlia- 
 mentary law. In the dark days of 1862, he became 
 a member of Congress and soon took active part in 
 the debates. He was re-elected for several terms and 
 became Speaker of the Forty-first Congress. He 
 proved himself a sturdy Samson in opposition to the 
 political Philistines who constantly tried to upset his 
 calm impartiality, and his iron endurance won the sur- 
 prised admiration of friends and foes alike. For six 
 years he held this position, which is practically the 
 third greatest in the country, and really demands the 
 greatest intelligence. Upon the return of the south- 
 ern members to the House, Mr. Blaine became the 
 recognized leader of the Republican minority, and 
 proved a terrible thorn in the side of the “rebel briga- 
 diers,” who hated him right royally for his stand 
 against admitting Jefferson Davis to amnesty. Prior 
 to the meeting of the Republican convention in Cin- 
 cinnati in 1876, the enemies of Mr. Blaine, first by 
 innuendo and at last by definite charges, did all they 
 could to injure him, but he triumphantly vindicated 
 his integrity, and endeared himself still more to the 
 hearts of the Am. rican people. He became Secretary 
 
PROTECTION. 
 
 Hon. James G. Blaine, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 
 Americans Honor Gladstone. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Mr. Gladstone is 
 the most distinguished representative of the free-trade 
 school of political economists. His addresses in Par- 
 liament on his celebrated budget, when Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer, in 1853, were declared by Lord John 
 Russell “to contain the ablest exposition of the true 
 principles of finance ever delivered by an English 
 statesman.” His illustrious character, his great ability 
 and his financial experience point to him as the leading 
 defender of free trade applied to the industrial system 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone apologizes for his apparent interfer- 
 ence with our affairs. He may be assured that apology 
 
226 
 
 Protection. 
 
 is superfluous. Americans of all classes hold him in 
 honer: Free-traders will rejoice in so eminent an advo- 
 cate, and protectionists, always the representatives of 
 liberality and progress, will be glad to learn his opin- 
 ions upon a question of such transcendent importance 
 to the past, the present and the future of the Republic. 
 
 England’s Meat, Other Nations’ Poison. 
 
 Perhaps the most remarkable feature in the argu- 
 ment of Mr. Gladstone, as indeed of every English 
 free-trader except John Stuart Mill, is the universality 
 of application which he demands for his theory. In 
 urging its adoption he makes no distinction between 
 countries; he takes no account of geographical posi- 
 tion — whether a nation be in the eastern or the west- 
 ern hemisphere, whether it be north or south of the 
 equator ; he pays no heed to climate or product, or 
 degree of advancement ; none to topography — whether 
 the country be as level as the delta of the Nile, or as 
 mountainous as the Republic of Bolivia; none to pur- 
 suits and employments, whether in the agricultural, 
 manufacturing, or commercial field ; none to the wealth 
 or poverty of a people ; none to population, whether 
 it be crowded or sparse; none to area, whether it be as 
 limited as a German principality or as extended as a 
 continental empire. Free trade he believes advanta- 
 geous for England: therefore, without the allowance 
 of any modifying condition, great or small, the English 
 
Protection. 
 
 227 
 
 economist declares it to be advantageous for the United 
 States, for Brazil, for Australia; in short, for all coun- 
 tries with which England can establish trade relations 
 It would be difficult, if not impossible, for Mr. Glad- 
 stone to find any principle of administration or any 
 measure of finance so exactly fitted to the varying 
 needs of all countries as he assumes the policy of free 
 trade to be. Surely it is not unfair to mantain that, 
 deducing his results from observation and experience 
 in his own country, he may fall into error and fail to 
 appreciate the financial workings of other countries 
 geographically remote and of vastly greater area. 
 
 The American protectionist, let it not be discourte- 
 ous to urge, is broader in his views than the English 
 free-trader. No intelligent protectionist in the United 
 States pretends that every country would alike realize 
 advantage from the adoption of the protective system. 
 Human government is not a machine, and even ma- 
 chines cannot be so perfectly adjusted as to work with 
 equal effectiveness at all times and under all conditions. 
 Great Britain and the United States certainly resemble 
 one another in more ways than either can be said to 
 resemble any other nation in the world; yet, when we 
 compare the two on the question at issue, the differ- 
 ences are so marked that we almost lose sight of the 
 resemblance. One is an insular monarchy with class 
 government ; the other a continental republic with pop- 
 ular government. One has a large population to the 
 square mile ; the other a small population to the 
 
23° 
 
 . Protection. 
 
 even a brief period. She is in an especial degree 
 dependent upon the products of other nations. More- 
 over, she does not feel bound to pay heed to the rate 
 of wages which her labor may receive. That, like the 
 fabrics which her labor creates, must take its chance 
 in the markets of the world. 
 
 Why England was Content. 
 
 On. many points and in many respects it was far 
 different with Great Britain a hundred years ago. She 
 did not then feel assured that she could bear the com- 
 petition of Continental nations. She was, therefore, 
 aggressively, even cruelly, protective. She manufac- 
 tured for herself and for her net-work of colonies reach- 
 ing around the globe. Into those colonies no other 
 nation could carry anything. There was no scale of 
 duty upon which other nations could enter a colonial 
 port. What the colonies needed outside of British 
 products could be furnished to them only in British 
 ships. This was not protection ! It was prohibition, 
 absolute and remorseless, and it was continued even to 
 the day when Mr. Gladstone entered upon his long 
 and splendid career in Parliament. It was not broken, 
 though in some respects it was relaxed, until in the ful- 
 ness of time British energy had carried the wealth and 
 the skill of the kingdom to the point where no competi- 
 tion could be feared. 
 
*34 
 
 Protection. 
 
 markets of the world. An extraordinary stimulus was 
 thus given to all forms of trade in the United States. 
 For ten years — 1846 to 1856 — these adventitious aids 
 came in regular succession and exerted their power- 
 ful influence upon the prosperity of the country. 
 
 Financial Disaster. 
 
 The withdrawal or termination of these influences, 
 by a treaty of peace in Europe and by the surcease of 
 gold from California, placed the tariff of 1846 where a 
 real test of its merits or its demerits could be made. 
 It was everywhere asked with apprehension and anx- 
 iety, Will this free-trade tariff now develop and sustain 
 the business of the country as firmly and securely as 
 it has been developed and sustained by protection ? 
 The answer was made in the ensuing year by a wide- 
 spread financial panic, which involved the ruin of thou- 
 sands, including proportionately as many in the South 
 as in the North, leaving the country disordered and 
 distressed in all the avenues of trade. The disastrous 
 results of this tariff upon the permanent industries of 
 the country are described in President Buchanan’s 
 well-remembered message, communicated to Congress 
 after the panic: “ With unsurpassed plenty in all the 
 elements of national wealth, our manufacturers have 
 suspended, our public works are retarded, our private 
 enterprises of different kinds are abandoned, and 
 
236 
 
 Protection. 
 
 a whole chapter of the history of free trade in the 
 United States: 
 
 No price for property; no sales except those of the sheriff and the marshal; 
 no purchasers at execution-sales except the creditor or some hoarder of money; 
 no employment for industry ; no demand for labor ; no sale for the products 
 of the farm ; no sound of the hammer except that of the auctioneer knocking 
 down property. Distress was the universal cry of the people ; relief the uni- 
 versal demand. 
 
 Relief came at last with the enactment of the pro- 
 tective tariff of 1824, to the support of which leading 
 men of both parties patriotically united for the com- 
 mon good. That act, supplemented by the act of 
 1828, brought genuine prosperity to the country. The 
 credit of passing the two protective acts was not due 
 to one party alone. It was the work of the great men 
 of both parties. Mr. Clay and General Jackson, Mr. 
 Webster and Mr. Van Buren, General William Henry 
 Harrison and Richard M. Johnson, Silas Wright and 
 Louis McLane, voted for one or the other of these 
 acts, and several of them voted for both. The co-op- 
 eration of these eminent men is a great historic tribute 
 to the necessity and value of protection. Plenty and 
 prosperity followed, as if by magic, the legislation to 
 which they gave their support. We have their concur- 
 rent testimony that the seven years preceding the 
 enactment of the protective tariff of 1824 were the 
 most discouraging which the young Republic in its brief 
 life had encountered, and that the seven years which 
 followed its enactment were beyond precedent the most 
 prosperous and happy. 
 
MILWAUKEE RAILROAD STATION, 
 MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 
 
. 
 
Protection. 
 
 24 1 
 
 But Mr. Gladstone, with an apparent confidence in 
 results as unshaken as though he were dealing with 
 the science of numbers, proceeds to demonstrate the 
 advantage of free trade. He is positively certain in 
 advance of the answer which experiment will give, and 
 the inference is that notning is to be gained by 
 awaiting the experiment. Mr. Gladstone may argue 
 for Great Britain as he will, but for the United States 
 we must insist on being guided by facts, and not by 
 theories ; we must insist on adhering to the teachings 
 of experiments which “ have been carried forward by 
 careful generalization to well-grounded conclusions.” 
 
 Value of Protection during the War. 
 
 As an offset to the charge that free-trade tariffs have 
 always ended in panics and long periods of financial 
 distress, the advocates of free trade point to the fact 
 that a financial panic of great severity fell upon the 
 country in 1873, when the protective tariff of 1861 was 
 in full force, and that, therefore, panic and distress fol- 
 low periods of protection as well as periods of free 
 trade. It is true that a financial panic occurred in 
 1873, and its existence would blunt the force of my 
 argument if there were not an imperatively truthful 
 way of accounting for it as a distinct result from 
 entirely distinct causes. The panic of 1873 was widely 
 different in its true origin from those which I have been 
 exposing. The Civil War, which closed in 1865, had 
 
244 
 
 Protection. 
 
 Does Mr. Gladstone maintain that I am confusing 
 post hoc with propter hoc in these statements ? He 
 must show, then, that the United States during the war 
 could have collected a great internal revenue on 
 domestic manufactures and products, when under the 
 system of free trade similar fabrics would daily have 
 reached New York from Europe to be sold at prices 
 far below what the American manufacturer, with the 
 heavy excise then levied, could afford to set upon his 
 goods. And if the government could collect little from 
 the customs under free trade, and nothing from internal 
 products, whence could have been derived the taxes 
 to provide for the payment of interest on public loans, 
 and what would have become of the public credit ? 
 Moreover, with free trade, which Mr. Gladstone holds 
 to be always and under all circumstances wiser than 
 protection, we should have been compelled to pay 
 gold coin for European fabrics, whi'e at home and 
 during the tremendous strain of the war, legal-tender 
 paper was the universal currency. In other words, 
 when the life of the country depended upon the gov- 
 ernment’s ability to make its own notes perform the 
 function of money, the free-traders’ policy would have 
 demanded daily gold for daily bread. 
 
 The free-trader cannot offset the force of the argu- 
 ment by claiming that the laws regulating revenue and 
 trade are, like municipal laws, silent during the shock 
 of arms ; because the five closing years — indeed, almost 
 six years — of the decade in which the Rebellion 
 
Protection. 
 
 240 
 
 tially the same prices. Does any free-trader on either 
 side of the ocean honestly believe that American rails 
 could ever have been furnished as cheaply as English 
 rails, except by the sturdy competition which the highly 
 protective duty of 1870 enabled the American manu- 
 facturers to maintain against the foreign manufac- 
 turers in the first place, and among American manu- 
 facturers themselves in the second place? It is not 
 asserted that during the nineteen years since the heavy 
 duty was first established (except during the past few 
 months) American rails have been as cheap in America 
 as English rails have been in England, but it is asserted 
 with perfect confidence that, steadily and invariably, 
 American railroad companies have bought cheaper 
 rails at home than they would have been able to buy 
 in England if the protective duty had not stimulated 
 the manufacture of steel rails in the United States, 
 and if the resulting competition had not directly oper- 
 ated upon the English market.* 
 
 * In 1870, only 30,000 tons of steel 
 rail were manufactured in the United 
 States. But the product under the 
 increased duty of that year rapidly 
 increased. The relative number of 
 tons produced in England and the 
 United States for a period of twelve 
 years is shown as follows : 
 
 England. United States. 
 
 1 877 508,4 0 0 385,865 
 
 1878 622,390 491,427 
 
 1879 520,231 610,682 
 
 1880 .... 732,910 852,196 
 
 1881 ... 1,023,740 1,187,770 
 
 F or the same period, 1877-1888 inclu- 
 sive, the following table will show the 
 number of tons of steel ingots pro- 
 duced in the two countries respec- 
 tively : 
 
 England. United States . 
 
 1877 750,006 500,524 
 
 1878 .....* 807,527 653,773 
 
 1879 834,511 829,439 
 
 1880 1,044,382 1,074,262 
 
 1881 1,441,719 1,374,247 
 
Protection. 
 
 250 
 
 2. English steel for locomotive tires imported in 
 1865, duty paid, was thirty-four cents per pound in 
 gold. The American competition, under a heavy pro- 
 tective duty, had, by 1872, reduced the price to thirteen 
 cents per pound, duty paid. At the present time 
 (1889) American steel for locomotive tires, of as good 
 quality as the English steel formerly imported, is fur- 
 nished at four and three-quarter cents per pound, and 
 delivered free of cost at the point where the locomo- 
 tives are manufactured. The lowering of price was 
 not a voluntary act on the part of the English manu- 
 facturer. It was the direct result of American compe- 
 tition under a protective duty — a competition that 
 could not have been successfully inaugurated under 
 free trade. 
 
 3. In the year i860, the last under a free-trade pol- 
 icy, the population of thirty-one millions in the United 
 States bought carpets to the amount of twelve mil- 
 lions of dollars. Nearly half of the total amount was 
 imported. In 1888, with a population estimated at 
 
 
 England. 
 
 United States. 
 
 
 England. 
 
 United States. 
 
 1882 . . 
 
 . . . 1,235,785 
 
 1,284,067 
 
 1882 
 
 1,673,649 
 
 1,514,687 
 
 1883. . 
 
 
 1,148,709 
 
 1883 
 
 ■ 1,553,380 
 
 U 477, 345 
 
 1884 . . 
 
 . • • 784,96 s 
 
 996,983 
 
 1884 
 
 , 1,299,676 
 
 I , 375 , 53 I 
 
 1885. . 
 
 . . . 706,583 
 
 959,471 
 
 1885 
 
 1,304,127 
 
 i, 5 i 9 , 43 o 
 
 1886. . 
 
 
 1,574,703 
 
 1886 
 
 1 , 570,520 
 
 2,269, 190 
 
 1887. . 
 
 
 2, 101,904 
 
 1887 
 
 2,089,403 
 
 2,936,033 
 
 1888. . 
 
 
 1,386,277 
 
 1888 .... 
 
 2,032,794 
 
 2,511,161 
 
 Total in 
 
 12 years, 9,963,454 
 
 12,980,054 
 
 Total in 12 years, 
 
 16,401,688 
 
 18,035,622 
 
 Under the protective duty of 1870, the United States soon manufactured 
 annually a much larger quantity of steel than Great Britain, and reduced the 
 price from $100 per ton in gold to less than $35 per ton in gold. 
 
Protection 
 
 253 
 
 impossible. A very large proportion of the railway 
 enterprises would of necessity have been abandoned 
 if the export of gold to pay for the rails had been the 
 condition precedent to their construction. But the 
 manufacture of steel rails at home gave an immense 
 stimulus to business. Tens of thousands of men were 
 paid good wages, and great investments and great 
 enrichments followed the line of the new road and 
 opened to the American people large fields for enter- 
 prise not heretofore accessible. 
 
 I might ask Mr. Gladstone what he would have 
 done with the labor of the thousands of men engaged 
 in manufacturing rail, if it had been judged practicable 
 
 nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported 
 articles .” 
 
 I recall this quotation primarily for two reasons : First , Mr. Cleveland 
 stands without a rival at the head of the free-trade party in the United States, 
 and it is instructive to see how exactly he adopts the line of argument used by 
 the English free-trader. Second , It is a valuable admission from the head of 
 the free-trade party when he affirms that “ comparatively a few of our people 
 use imported articles,” and that there are “ millions of our people who never 
 use or never saw any of the foreign products.” In what words could the com- 
 plete success of the protective policy in the United States be more fitly 
 expressed ? 
 
 But when Mr. Cleveland asserted that our people pay for our domestic fabrics 
 il nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported 
 articles,” he evidently spoke without investigating facts, and accepted as true 
 one of those fallacious statements which have been used in the interest of for- 
 eign importers to deceive the people. Mr. Cleveland’s argument would have 
 been strengthened if he had given a few examples — nay, if he had given one 
 example — to sustain his charge. As he omitted all illustrations of his position, 
 I venture to select a few which apparently establish the exact reverse of Mr. 
 Cleveland’s statement : 
 
 India rubber goods are protected by a duty of 25 per cent. ; but, instead of 
 those goods being 25 per cent, higher in price than the foreign goods, they are, 
 in fact, cheaper. They undersell the English article in Canada and success* 
 
254 
 
 Protection 
 
 to buy the rail in England ? Fortunately he has given 
 his answer in advance of the question, for he tells us 
 that “ in America we produce more cloth and more 
 iron at high prices, instead of more cereals and more 
 cotton at low prices.” The grain-growers of the West 
 and the cotton-growers of the South will observe that 
 Mr. Gladstone holds out to them a cheerful prospect ! 
 They “ should produce more cereals and more cotton 
 at low prices !” Mr. Gladstone sees that the protec- 
 tive system steadily tends to keep up the price 
 
 fully compete with Canada’s goods, which are protected by a duty of 20 per 
 cent. 
 
 Patent leather is subject to a duty of 20 per cent. ; but patent leather is 
 not, therefore, 20 per cent, higher in the United States than elsewhere. On 
 the contrary, it is cheaper. Five years ago, the city government of London 
 advertised for bids for a large amount of patent leather to be used in connec- 
 tion with the uniforms of the police. There were bids from several countries, 
 but the lowest bid was offered by a manufacturer of Newark, N. J. He secured 
 the contract, and furnished the goods at a fair profit. 
 
 Steel rails are selling in London for seven pounds sterling per ton. The duty 
 is $15 per ton. The price, therefore, in the United States ought to be, accord- 
 ing to Mr. Cleveland’s doctrine, $50 per ton. But in fact the price is but $35 
 per ton, and during the last summer and autumn was as low as $25 per ton, 
 and large sales were made at $30 per ton. 
 
 Boots and shoes are subject to 30 per cent. duty. According to Mr. Cleve- 
 land, they should be 30 per cent, higher than the foreign article. As a matter 
 of fact, they are cheaper. American boots and shoes hold the Canadian mar- 
 ket against the European manufacture. 
 
 Examples of this kind could be shown on almost the whole tariff list where 
 an American manufacture is firmly established. In fact, the whole history of 
 pVotection has vindicated what Alexander Hamilton said of it when he was at 
 the head of the Treasury : “ The internal competition which takes place soon 
 does away with everything like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the price 
 of the article to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed. 
 This accords with the reason of the thing and with experience.” Mr. Hamil- 
 ton thus effectually answers both Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Cleveland. 
 
Protection. 
 
 257 
 
 were cherished in the time of the glorious Georges, in 
 the era of Walpole and the elder Pitt. 
 
 I do not mean to imply that Mr. Gladstone’s words 
 carry with them an approval, even retrospectively, 
 of this course toward the colonies, but there is a 
 remarkable similarity to the old policy in the fundamen- 
 tal idea that causes him in 1889 to suggest that Amer- 
 icans produce “too much cloth and too much iron,’’ 
 and should turn their labor to “ low-priced cereals and 
 low-priced cotton.” Are we not justified in con- 
 cluding that Mr. Gladstone’s theory of free trade, 
 in all its generalizations and specifications, is fitted 
 exactly to the condition of Great Britain, and that 
 British hostility to American protection finds its deep 
 foundation in the fact — to quote the old phrases — that 
 “it is prejudicial to the trade and manufactures of 
 Great Britain,” that “ it lessens our dependence upon 
 Great Britain,” and that “it interferes with profits 
 made by British merchants ?” 
 
 Carrying the War into the Enemy's Camp. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone makes another statement of great 
 frankness and of great value. Comparing the pur- 
 suits in the United States which require n > protection 
 with those that are protected, he says : “ No adversary 
 will, I think, venture upon saying that the profits are 
 larger in protected than in unprotected industries.'” 
 This is very true, and Mr. Gladstone maybe surprised 
 
26 o 
 
 Protection. 
 
 by the enactment of the Morrill tariff. It will be found, 
 I think, that the advance of wages in England corres- 
 ponds precisely in time, though not in degree, with the 
 advance in the United States, and the advance in both 
 cases was directly due to the firm establishment of 
 protection in this country as a national policy. But it 
 must not be forgotten that American wages are still 
 from 70 per cent, to 100 per cent, higher than British 
 wages. If a policy of free trade should be adopted in 
 the United States, the reduction of wages which would 
 follow here would promptly lead to a reduction in Eng- 
 land. The operatives of Manchester, Leeds and Shef- 
 field recognize this fact as clearly as do the proprietors 
 who pay the advanced wages, and more clearly than do 
 certain political economists who think the world of com- 
 merce and manufactures can be unerringly directed by 
 a theory evolved in a closet without sufficient data, and 
 applied to an inexact science. 
 
 Gladstone’s Moral Plea Faulty. 
 
 The zeal of Mr. Gladstone for free trade reaches its 
 highest point in the declaration that “ all protection is 
 morally , as well as economically, bad.” He is right in 
 making this his strongest ground of opposition, if pro- 
 tection is a question of morals. But his assertion 
 leaves him in an attitude of personal inconsistency. 
 There is protection on sea as well as on land. Indeed, 
 the most palpable and effective form of protection is 
 

 
 

WILLIAM M’KINLEY, Jr. 
 
 William M’Kinley, Jr., was born in Niles, Ohio, 
 February 26, 1844. He was educated in the public 
 schools, and no better evidence of the excellence of the 
 system could be forthcoming than his wonderful finan- 
 cial training. When only seventeen years old, on the 
 outbreak of the war, he enlisted as a private soldier in 
 the Twenty-third Ohio Volunteer Infantry. In that 
 subordinate position he never failed to do his duty, 
 and though full of ambition, he gave himself up so 
 thoroughly to the cause of his country that he won the 
 esteem of his superiors, and, with it, rapid promotion. 
 He bowed to discipline that he might rise to rulership. 
 He fought during the entire war, refusing to avail 
 himself of the well-earned rest so dear to the hearts 
 of most men. In September, 1865, he was honorably 
 mustered out of the service with the full rank of 
 captain, in the regiment he had joined at the beginning 
 of the war, and the right to the rank of brevet major. 
 From 1869 to 1871 he was prosecuting attorney for 
 Stark County, Ohio, and his fairness, courage and 
 thorough uprightness in that position gained for him 
 the entire approval of the public. Though strict in the 
 
272 
 
 Win. M’Kinley, Jr. 
 
 performance of his duties, he made friends instead of 
 enemies. The State of Ohio is a regular nursery of 
 statesmen, and whoever would compete for a public 
 position must be the possessor of more than ordinary 
 ability. In spite of this fact, William M’Kinley, Jr., 
 has represented his State in the national Legislature 
 during seven sessions, from the Forty-fifth to the Fifty- 
 first Congress. In the latter session he introduced the 
 bill known by his name the world over, embodying 
 the most complete tariff legislation ever brought before 
 a governing body. To that bill he devoted the most 
 careful study and painstaking inquiry. A staunch 
 Republican from the beginning, he saw that the 
 continued success of his party depended upon the 
 preservation of those conditions which have made the 
 American laborer thrifty, contented, and independent; 
 which have made his home the centre of refinement 
 and even luxury, and kept the bright star of hope 
 burning in the sky of his aspirations. The passage of 
 that bill was a circumstance of which any man might 
 well be proud. Through it, M’Kinley has fought the 
 battle of the poor and come out gloriously victorious, 
 and no future Congress will ever dare upset the prin- 
 ciples of the M’Kinley Tariff Bill, however much they 
 maybemodified to suitthe exigencies of political parties. 
 In 1890, Mr. M’Kinley was defeated for re-election 
 to Congress, but in 1891 he became Governor of Ohio, 
 after a campaign which, in many of its features, resem- 
 bled the strife between Lincoln and Douglass in 
 
Value of Protection. 
 
 Hon. William M’Kinley, Jr., 
 
 Governor of Ohio. 
 
 we shall have tariffs so long as we have a gov- 
 ernment. We can only dispense with them by resort- 
 ing to direct taxation, and it is hardly probable that 
 the people of this country will ever consent to that 
 system exclusively for.raising the needed revenues of 
 the government. Whatever may be our opinions of 
 either a “ tariff for revenue only,” or a tariff for reve- 
 nue coupled with “protection,” the great majority of 
 our people will probably always prefer the one or the 
 other for raising revenue to taxing directly our own 
 products, our own industries and our own people. 
 The government inaugurated the tariff system in its 
 first revenue bill, and no considerable party in this 
 country has ever sought to change it. 
 
276 
 
 Value of Protection. 
 
 In the discussion of these theories of external taxa- 
 tion we are prone to forget that the one or the other 
 is a necessity. No government can be administered 
 without an assured annual income, and there is no way 
 of securing this income save by resorting to the taxing 
 power conferred upon Congress by the Constitution of 
 the United States It may be an evil, but if so, it is a 
 necessary one, and inseparable from the existence of 
 government. 
 
 It requires about ^400,000,000 annually to meet the 
 fiscal requirements of the government. That is the con- 
 dition which confronts us. The way to raise this money 
 with the least burden upon the people is the problem 
 of the statesman and legislator. It would not do in 
 time of peace to issue the notes of the government, and 
 thus create a charge upon the people, making no pro- 
 vision for their payment. It would not do to restore 
 the internal-revenue system as it prevailed through the 
 war and for some years subsequent thereto, when every- 
 thing was taxed — every tool of trade, every article of 
 commerce, every legal document, every check or note or 
 instrument of writing, every profession, every income. 
 The people would not stand that long. They bore 
 it patiently and patriotically under a great national 
 necessity. They bore it that the government might 
 be preserved and its institutions continued, just as 
 they had borne similar taxation at two other periods 
 of our history which were similar in their necessities. 
 
 It must be manifest, therefore, that the largest share 
 of the needed income must be raised by tariff taxation 
 
Value of Protection. 
 
 279 
 
 or a duty upon foreign products, and at the same time 
 carefully providing that such duties shall be on pro- 
 ducts of foreign growth and manufacture which com- 
 pete with like products of home growth and manufac- 
 ture, so that, while we are raising all the revenues 
 needed by the government, we shall do it with a dis- 
 criminating regard for our own people, their products 
 and their employments ? Such a tariff stands as a de- 
 fence to our own productions, as a discrimination in 
 favor of our own and against the foreign, and as an 
 encouragement to productive enterprises, besides se- 
 curing a healthful competition not only among our- 
 selves, but between ourselves and foreign producers, 
 tending to prevent combinations and monopolies, and 
 eventuating in fair and reasonable prices to our own 
 consumers. This is impossible under the Democratic 
 revenue-tariff system. 
 
 Cardinal Manning says in a recent article : 
 
 If the great end of life were to multiply yards of cloth and cotton twist, 
 and if the giory of England consists or consisted in multiplying without stint 
 or limit these articles and the like at the lowest possible price, so as to under- 
 sell all the nations of the world, well, then, let us go on. But if the domestic 
 life of the people be vital above all; if the peace, the purity of homes, the 
 education of children, the duties of wives and mothers, the duties of 
 husbands and of fathers, be written in the natural law of mankind, &nd if 
 these things are sacred, far beyond anything that can be sold in the market, 
 then I say, if the hours of labor resulting from the unregulated sale of a man’s 
 strength and skill shall lead to the destruction of domestic life, to the neglect 
 of children, to turning wives and mothers into living machines, and of fathers 
 and husbands into — what shall I say, creatures of burden ? — I will not say any 
 other word — who rise up before the sun, and come back when it is set, wearied 
 and able only to take food and lie down to rest, the domestic life of men exists 
 no longer, and we dare not go on in this path. 
 
 I will ask, is it possible for a child to be educated who become a daily 
 wage earner at ten or even twelve years of age ? Is it possible for a child in 
 
 \ 
 
28 o 
 
 Value of Protection. 
 
 the agricultural districts to be educated who may be sent out into the fields at 
 nine ? I will ask, can a woman be the mother and head of a family who 
 works sixty hours a week ? You may know better than I, but bear with me if 
 I say I do not understand how a woman can train her children in the hours 
 after they come home from school if she works all day in a factory. The chil- 
 dren come home at four and five in the afternoon ; there is no mother in the 
 house. I do not know how she can either clothe them, or train them, or watch 
 over them, when her time is given to labor for sixty hours a week. 
 
 Never was more truth crowded into the same space. 
 It presents the situation in a most striking- manner. If 
 the great end of life be to multiply commodities at the 
 lowest price, at the expense of labor, then the British 
 system surpasses ours ; then does it become the ideal 
 system, and the Democratic party is wise in adopting 
 it. But there are other considerations higher and 
 deeper than cheap fabrics, when made so by the deg- 
 radation of human labor. We must take into account 
 the family and the fireside. We must have more con- 
 cern for the man, for his welfare, his improvement and 
 development, the enlargement of his opportunities, in- 
 spiring him to greater effort in the confidence of in- 
 creasing rewards. These conditions will ultimately se- 
 cure cheaper commodities, not through harsh and 
 unnatural exactions placed upon labor, but through 
 that skill and craft and invention which are the sure 
 outcome of intelligent, thoughtful, independent and 
 well-paid labor. 
 
 The mind will not invent, will not discover, new and 
 better and more economical processes and methods of 
 production if the body is used, as a mere “ creature 
 of burden.” If the body is enslaved, the mind cannot 
 be free. 
 
284 
 
 Value of Protection. 
 
 doctrine of protection in the colonies. In his new 
 work he now adds that 
 
 since that time the whole of the self-governing colonies of Great Britain, except 
 New South Wales and the Cape (South Africa), have become protectionist, 
 while the Cape has heavy duties upon most goods, put on, however, mainly for 
 revenue purposes, but now beginning to give rise to a growth of protectionist 
 opinion ; and in New South Wales the free-traders hold their own only by a 
 bare majority. 
 
 Sir Charles further says that it cannot be denied that 
 the effect in the provinces of the Victorian protective 
 system has been to enable the colony to gradually 
 supply its wants with a better class of home-made 
 goods, instead of importing them. 
 
 Speaking of Canada, he says: “There can be but 
 little doubt about the general popularity of the protec- 
 tive system in Canada, and Sir John Macdonald’s long 
 possession of power has been facilitated by his adop- 
 tion of the so-called national policy,” which, on Sir 
 Charles Dilke’s own admission, “has caused Canadian 
 manufacturers to win the greater portion of the Cana- 
 dian market and he also states that the wealth of 
 Canada has been more rapid since the adoption of the 
 protectionist policy than before. 
 
 On the 1 2th of May, 1887, in the Commons, Sir 
 Charles Tupper, in speaking of a previous period in 
 the history of Canada under free trade, said: 
 
 When the languishing industries of Canada embarrassed the finance minis- 
 ter of that day, when, instead of large surplus, large deficits succeeded year 
 after year, the opposition urged upon that honorable gentleman that he should 
 endeavor to give increased protection to the industries of Canada, which would 
 prevent them from thus languishing and being destroyed. We were not suc- 
 cessful,— I will not say in leading the honorable gentleman himself to the con- 
 clusion that what would be a sound policy, for I have some reason to believe 
 
Value of Protection 
 
 285 
 
 that he had many a misgiving on that question, — but, at all events, we were 
 not able to change the policy of the gentleman who then ruled the destinies of 
 Canada. As is well known, that became the great issue at the subsequent 
 general election of 1878, and the Conservative party being returned to power, 
 pledged to promote and foster the industries of Canada as far as they were able, 
 brought down a policy through the hands of my honored predecessor, Sir 
 Leonard Tilley, . . . and I have no hesitation in saying that the success of 
 
 that policy, thus propounded and matured from time to time, has been such as 
 to command the support and confidence of a large portion of the people of this 
 country down to the present day. 
 
 In Germany, so long ago as the 14th of May, 1882, 
 Bismarck, in a speech before the German Reichstag, 
 paid to the Republican tariff high eulogy. He said: 
 
 The success of the United States in material development is the most illus- 
 trious of modern time. The American nation has not only successfully borne 
 and suppressed the most gigantic and expensive war of all history, but im- 
 mediately afterward disbanded its army, found employment for all its soldiers 
 and marines, paid off most of its debt, given labor and homes to all the unem- 
 ployed of Europe as fast as they could arrive within its territory, and still by a 
 system of taxation so indirect as not to be perceived, much less felt. Because 
 it is my deliberate judgment that th d prosperity of America is mainly due to its 
 system of protective laws, I urge that Germany has now reached that point 
 where it is necessary to imitate the tariff system of the United States. 
 
 Mulhall, the great London statistician, states that in 
 i860 our total wealth was estimated at $16,000,000,- 
 000 ; it is now estimated at over $60,000,000,000. In 
 1882 the same authority estimated the total wealth of 
 Great Britain at $40,640,000,000. Mr. Mulhall sets 
 forth our development and progress in these forcible 
 words : 
 
 It would be impossible to find in history a parallel to the progress of the 
 United States in the last ten years. Every day that the sun rises upon the Amer- 
 ican people it sees an addition of two and one-half million dollars to the 
 accumulation of wealth in the Republic, which is equal to one-third of the daily 
 accumulation of all mankind outside the United States. 
 
 It is said that under the Republican policy exporta- 
 tions have been diminished, and our foreign trade 
 
THE FREE COINAGE 
 OF SILVER. 
 
 
 There is no question more pertinent just now than 
 this: “What effect will the free coinage of silver have 
 on the vast majority of the population ?” Silver is of 
 more ancient use as coin than gold, and has certainly 
 been “current money with the merchant” for over 
 four thousand years. Norway and Sweden possess 
 within their bounds, the most famous mines in the Old 
 World. At one time Mexico produced two-thirds ot 
 the metal in use. A single lump, weighingfour thou- 
 sand pounds and valued at $68,149, was on exhibition 
 in the Mexican Department, at the Centennial, in 1876. 
 At present, the greatest silver mines of the world are 
 within the territories of the United States. The supply 
 in Colorado and Nevada alone being supposedly inex- 
 haustible. It comes to the mints in various forms — 
 either as pig bars, worn coin, old plate and articles of 
 jewelry, not omitting figures of saints and other sacred 
 relics. All, however, go into the furnace together, and 
 become money when legally stamped. There are two 
 kinds of money, namely, absolute and relative. Gold 
 
The Free Coinage of Silver. 
 
 and silver are absolute money, carrying a certain value 
 with them apart from that given by law. Notes, checks, 
 greenbacks, are only relative money of no intrinsic 
 value, but depending for value upon the solvency and 
 conscience of the redeeming power. It must be 
 remembered then, that gold and silver have each a 
 commercial value that no law can fix — save those of 
 trade — and no stamp of government can permanently 
 raise or lower. Thus, if there should be a great 
 demand for gold in the arts, its value must rise, pro- 
 vided production was not greatly increased to meet the 
 greater demand, in spite of the inscription upon the 
 metal calling it a dollar, a half-eagle, or an eagle. 
 Oddly enough, the production of gold remains almost 
 even year by year ; that is, when compared with the 
 out-put of silver. All that has been said of gold applies 
 with equal truth to silver. It will always be worth more 
 or less than the denomination of the stamp which makes 
 it money. Of late years its production has been enor- 
 mously increased ; in fact, out of all due proportion 
 to its demand for artistic and even monetary use. The 
 United States government has been buying $4,500,000 
 of silver bullion monthly, which, or a great part of 
 which, is still piled in the Treasury vaults. The actual 
 coinage of silver has exceeded $29,000,000 a year, 
 which, at the beginning of 1890, meant over $360, 
 000,000 of silver money coined. During that time 
 the relative value of silver to gold had become as 1 
 to 16. Since 1819, England has adhered strictly to 
 
Tlie F'ree Coinage of Silver. 
 
 the gold standard or mono-metallic system. The rea- 
 sons advanced for this are easily recounted. The advo- 
 cates of gold say that there is a constant liability to 
 fluctuations in value, and it is much better that, to 
 secure unity, there should be one standard, and that stand- 
 ard should be gold ; and the argument brought for- 
 ward is, that silver, being so bulky, is hardly a fit arti- 
 cle for commerce, and that the lightness of gold should 
 prove it much more suitable. They also adduce the 
 general tendency among nations to adopt the gold 
 standard, as also that the general growth of the use 
 of checks, notes and bills of exchange has made gold 
 an all-sufficient metal. Gold is, however, as subject to 
 fluctuation in value as silver, and, being a commercial 
 article, cannot be arbitrarily governed by civil laws. 
 The argument on the other side, or that of bi-metallic 
 standard, is no less easily set forth. If gold be in 
 value as 1 6 to i of silver, it is certain that the free coin- 
 age of silver would drive out gold, as the silver dollar 
 would be thus reduced to a value of between 70 and 
 80 cents, and as foreign nations are constantly coin- 
 ing silver, they would buy our gold and thus denude 
 us of the more precious metal. This will naturally 
 cause the currency to shrink over 20 per cent. Now, 
 who will suffer from this ? Certainly not the rich or 
 those who are interested in great financial affairs, for 
 they will take care ; yes, and are even now arranging 
 that all pledges shall be for gold. These men cannot 
 be blamed. Self-preservation is the first law of nature ; 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON 
 
 George Washington, the first President of the 
 United* States, was born in Westmoreland County, 
 Va., February 22, 1732. His ancestors were of the 
 landed gentry of Northamptonshire, England. His 
 great-grandfather was commander of the troops sent 
 by the colonial government to punish the Seneca In- 
 dians. It is thus seen that his family was early rooted 
 in America. He received a careful home-training, and 
 attended two local schools, but was never a classical 
 scholar. The whole bent of his mind was practical ; 
 when a mere boy he surveyed the vast property of 
 Lord Fairfax, through whom he obtained the position 
 of Public Surveyor. Many of his surveys are on 
 record, and even at this day are models of exactness. 
 He pursued this profession for three years. When 
 Washington was nineteen years of age, the colony was 
 divided into military districts, and he was given, by 
 Governor Robert Dinwiddie, the position of Adjutant- 
 General with the rank of Major, being the youngest 
 officer of that rank in the colonies. He soon made 
 himself conversant with military affairs. October 30, 
 
 1 75 3, he was sent by Governor Dinwiddie as com- 
 missioner to the French commander on the fork of the 
 
292 
 
 George 'Washington. 
 
 Ohio River. He performed his mission loyally, though 
 it entailed great suffering and danger from both 
 French and Indians. April 2, 1754, he was made 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, and took part in the disastrous 
 campaign against the French and their Indian allies, 
 which ended in the surrender of Fort Necessity. The 
 next year we find him on General Braddock’s staff, and 
 had his advice been followed, that General would 
 probably have been spared the disastrous defeat which 
 cost him his life. Washington really saved the 
 remainder of the army from annihilation. In 1759 he 
 married Mrs. Martha Curtis, a lady of rare personal 
 charm and solid mental endowments. He was for 
 some time a member of the Virginia Assembly, and 
 took part in the first Colonial Congress, winning 
 golden opinions by his steadiness and loyal faith. 
 While still a member of the Continental Congress, the 
 battle of Lexington took place, April 19, 1775, and 
 Washington was chosen as the Commander-in-Chief of 
 the forces engaged against Great Britain. He hurried 
 to Boston, forced the British to evacuate that city, and 
 from that time until the close of the war at Yorktown, 
 he presented the spectacle of a commander unwearied 
 by defeat, not elated by victory, unmoved by calumny, 
 unspoiled by flattery ; at once a gentleman, a hero, 
 a patriot, a Christian, and a modest man. It was only 
 natural that Washington should be called to govern 
 the nation he had so nobly aided to create, and on 
 the 30th of April, 1789, he was inaugurated as the first 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 John Adams, second President of the United States, 
 was born at Braintree, Mass., October 30, 1735. His 
 ancestor emigrated to this country in 1632, so that the 
 family had been settled in America one hundred and 
 two years when John Adams was born. In 1751, he 
 entered Harvard College, from which he graduated 
 in 1755. He taught school, and studied law in the 
 office of Mr. Putnam, afterwards a general in the 
 Revolutionary War. He was admitted to the Bar in 
 1758, and soon won fame as an astute and honorable 
 member of the legal profession. So greatly was his 
 power appreciated that Governor Barnard offered him 
 the position of Advocate General in the Admiralty 
 court. He first became distinguished politically by 
 his vigorous opposition to the Stamp Act, in 1765, 
 when his ringing resolutions became the Massachu- 
 setts creed of liberty. In 1774, he was sent by Massa- 
 chusetts to the Congress in Philadelphia, and so 
 strongly urged separation from the mother country 
 that he was chosen, with Jefferson, to draught the 
 Declaration of Independence. His patriotism led him 
 to decline the office of Chief Justice, which was offered 
 
296 
 
 John Adams. 
 
 to him in 1 776, preferring to serve his country in a 
 more direct and drastic fashion. 
 
 John Adams may fitly be called the father of the 
 American navy, as December 29, 1775, he was 
 appointed by Massachusetts, in conjunction with John 
 Palmer, to arrange for the fitting out of armed ves- 
 sels. In 1777, he was appointed one of the commis- 
 sioners to France, his companions being Franklin and 
 Deane. He remained in Paris eighteen months, and 
 December, 1779, he was sent as plenipotentiary to 
 treat for peace and arrange a commercial treaty with 
 Great Britain. Though balked in his first aim, he suc- 
 ceeded in forming a commercial and defensive treaty 
 with Holland. John Adams was the first minister sent 
 by this country to Great Britain after the Revolution. 
 He succeeded in winning the personal regard of 
 George III. and the respect of his court, as well as the 
 approval of the American government, by his firm 
 and yet gracious demeanor, and the sterling patriotism 
 he evinced. On his return to America, he was elected 
 Vice-President of the United States and, upon the 
 refusal of Washington to accept a third term, he was 
 chosen President and inaugurated March 4, 1797. 
 June 15th, President Adams, by proclamation, sum- 
 moned Congress to meet, in consequence of the alarm- 
 ing relations existing between this country and France, 
 and his firm attitude, combined with the unanimous 
 support of all political parties, did much to hasten the 
 settlement of the difficulties with the truculent directory, 
 
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, third President of the United 
 States, was born at Shadwell, Albemarle County, 
 Virginia, April 2, 1743. His ancestry was Welsh, 
 but his branch of the family had been settled in Amer- 
 ica for at least three generations. At the early age 
 of nine he began the study of Latin, Greek and French, 
 and continued his studies, under able masters, until his 
 seventeenth year, when he was admitted to William 
 and Mary College, where he remained for two years. 
 He then took up the study of law in the office of a Mr. 
 Wyeth, who introduced the young student to Gov- 
 ernor Farquier and other notable persons, whose con- 
 versation aided in forming; his mind. He was admitted 
 to the Bar in 1767, and filled the office of Justice 
 of the Peace for seven years. When twenty-six years 
 old he was elected a member of the Virginia House of 
 Burgesses, and soon took an active part against Great 
 Britain. As Washington was the sword , Jefferson 
 was the pen of the American Revolution. When in 
 1772, Lord Bottetourt dissolved the Assembly in con- 
 sequence of its resolution sustaining Rhode Island in 
 
3 °° 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, 
 
 its resistance to British tyranny, Jefferson, with Wash- 
 ington, Lee and others, passed resolutions at the old 
 Raleigh Tavern, in Williamsburg, pledging themselves 
 to use no article imported from England. Jefferson 
 also led in the establishment of Committees of Cor- 
 respondence between the colonies, which resulted in 
 the first Continental Congress. Though not elected 
 to its first session, he was, upon the retirement of Pey- 
 ton Randolpl sent to represent the Virginia House, 
 June 21, 1775. He was the author of the Declaration 
 of Independence, a document only third in importance 
 to the Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the 
 Mount. Jefferson remained in Congress until Sep- 
 tember 2, 1776, when he returned to Virginia to take 
 his seat in the Legislature. In 1779, Jefferson became 
 Governor of Virginia. The war had been in progress 
 three years, and the State was much harried by Corn- 
 wallis, Arnold, and Tarleton ; the latter nearly captured 
 the person of Jefferson. As governor, he worked hand- 
 in-glove with Washington, though his administration 
 was very severely criticised. In the winter of 1783, 
 Jefferson was again in Congress, and in July, 1784, 
 we find him in Paris, acting as plenipotentiary. Jeffer- 
 son was very popular as Minister to France, and while 
 there did much to benefit American commerce. In 
 March, 1790, President Washington selected Jefferson 
 as Secretary of State. He represented the doctrines 
 of State Rights and decentralization in the Cabinet in 
 opposition to Washington and Hamilton. His attitude 
 
JAMES MADISON. 
 
 James Madison, fourth President of the United 
 States, was born in King George County, Virginia, 
 March 1 6, 1751. At the age of twenty years he grad- 
 uated at Princeton, N. J., and began the study of law. 
 After having spent nearly three years in the Virginia 
 Convention, he was elected to Congress, in 1779. In 
 1784, in conjunction with Mr. Jefferson, he did good 
 work in the Virginia Legislature in placing all religious 
 denominations on an equal plane before the law. 
 Madison’s motion in the Virginia Legislature, in 1785, 
 led to the meeting at Annapolis, and ultimately to the 
 constitutional convention, held in Philadelphia, in May, 
 1787. His able representations to the assembled del- 
 egates led to the establishment of a national govern- 
 ment instead of the loose confederacy of States, which 
 had before existed. In the Virginia Convention, Mad- 
 ison most ably defended his views on government 
 against such able opponents as Patrick Henry and 
 George Mason. This was the crowning triumph of 
 his life. 
 
 Madison was most strenuous in his advocacy of pre- 
 senting a bold front to the claims of Great Britain. 
 
3°4 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 He opposed all amicable measures relating to the 
 former enemy of the country, and advocated a close 
 association with France, the ally of the United States. 
 He bitterly opposed the Alien and Sedition laws, in 
 1798, and was the author of the Virginia Resolutions, 
 opposing them. He acted as Secretary of State under 
 Jefferson, and sturdily opposed the efforts of foreign 
 nations to draw the United States from their neutral 
 position. In 1809, Madison was elected President, and 
 his administration of eight years was full of storm and 
 disquiet. In 18 11, the* Shawnees and other Indians 
 became unruly, and September 26th, a body of troops, 
 under General Harrison, afterwards President, set out 
 to chastise them, and performed that duty most thor- 
 oughly. June 18, 1812, war was declared against 
 Great Britain, which continued, with varying success, 
 until the Peace of Ghent, December 24, 1814. In this 
 war the fighting qualities of the American navy were 
 splendidly demonstrated, and the result of the war 
 was practically, though not nominally, in favor of the 
 United States — all that they contended for being practi- 
 cally granted, or quietly buried, never to be revived. 
 Under this administration, Louisiana and Indiana were 
 admitted to the Union. A short war with the Creek 
 Indians ended, March 27, 1814, almost in the annihila- 
 tion of the tribe ; General Jackson commanded against 
 them. During the war with the British, the city of 
 Washington was taken and burned, August 23, 1814; 
 the library and public documents were destroyed in 
 
JAMES MONROE. 
 
 
 James Monroe, fifth President of the United States, 
 was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, April 28, 
 1758. He came of an old Scotch family of cavaliers, 
 one of his ancestors having served under Charles I. 
 in the Parliamentary wars. In 1776, he left his 
 studies in the college of William and Mary to join the 
 Continental army, with which he served until the close 
 of the war. He never rose to high rank, but wap 
 conspicuous for personal bravery on more than one 
 occasion. He was badly wounded at the battle of 
 Trenton. He served as Major under Lord Sterling, 
 the highest military rank to which he attained. In 
 1.780, he began to study law under Jefferson, and his 
 association with that great bulwark of the Common- 
 wealth must have had much to do with his after career. 
 From 1782 to 1786, he served in the State Legisla- 
 ture of Virginia and also in Congress ; after which 
 he resumed the study of law until again elected to 
 the Legislature. He opposed the acceptance of 
 the Federal Constitution in the Virginia Convention, 
 and thus stood in direct opposition to Madison and 
 other notables. In 1790, he was elected United States 
 
308 
 
 James Monroe. 
 
 Senator, and stood boldly for States rights as 
 opposed to centralization. Washington sent him as 
 Minister to France in 1794, and he won golden 
 opinions from that government because of his deep 
 interest in the French Republic; he carried this a little 
 too far, however, and was recalled in 1796, it being 
 felt in Washington that a more conservative person 
 could better represent the policy of the government. 
 Fie was chosen Governor of Virginia in 1799, and 
 was twice re-elected. His soldierly frankness and 
 openness won the hearts of the people. He was one 
 of the commissioners chosen to negotiate the purchase 
 of New Orleans from the French, and enlarged his 
 commission by the purchase of the whole of Louisiana. 
 He was next sent as Minister to England, and, in 1804, 
 attempted to negotiate the purchase of the Floridas 
 from Spain, but failed. He had not much better success 
 in a treaty negotiated with England the next year, as 
 President Jefferson refused to submit it to the Senate 
 on the ground that it did not cover the impressment 
 of American seamen for the British navy. On his re- 
 turn from England, he was again elected to the Virginia 
 Legislature and next became Governor of the State. 
 From this he was called into the Cabinet of President 
 Madison, in which he held the office of Secretary of 
 State. He became Minister of War in 1814, and in the 
 autumn of 1816, he was again elected President of the 
 United States. Under this administration, Mississippi, 
 Illinois, Alabama, Maine, and Missouri were admitted to 
 
3 i 5 • o4e l a/h\J 
 
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the United 
 States, was born at Braintree, Mass., July n, 1767. 
 He was a son of John Adams, and accompanied his 
 father to Europe, spending his earlier years at the 
 capitals of France, Holland, and England. Few lads 
 have enjoyed such splendid educational privileges, for 
 his father was not alone a statesman but a conscien- 
 tious parent, who devoted himself to the cultivation of 
 the mind of his young charge. In 1 780, Adams entered 
 the University of Leyden, and when only fifteen years 
 of age accompanied the Minister of the United States 
 to St. Petersburg in the capacity of Secretary. He 
 graduated from Harvard College in 1788, took up the 
 study of law and was admitted to the Bar in 1791. 
 Adams developed into a political writer of great ability 
 and used his exceptional early advantages in a measure 
 to attract the attention of the thinking men of the 
 country, Washington among the number. The latter 
 appointed him as Minister to the Hague in 1794. He 
 was sent as Ambassador to Prussia by his father, but 
 having been recalled by Jefferson, returned to the prac- 
 tice of law in Boston. He served in the Massachusetts 
 
312 
 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 
 Senate and was also elected to Congress, where he 
 voted with the Federalists for some time, but sustained 
 Jefferson’s Embargo, and thus lost influence. He held 
 the position of professor of rhetoric and belles lettres in 
 Harvard for three years. He was a very graceful writer, 
 a finished debater, and on occasion did not disdain the 
 Muse. Madison made him Ambassador to St. Peters- 
 burg in 1809, and when war broke out with Great 
 Britain, Adams influenced the Czar to offer mediation, 
 which, however, was not accepted by the English. 
 He, with Russell and Clay, signed the Treaty of Ghent, 
 December 24, 1814, on behalf of the United States. 
 From 1815 to 1817 he served as Minister to London, 
 and upon his return to America, became Secretary of 
 State under Madison. In 1825, he was elected Presi- 
 dent by the House of Representatives, as the popular 
 vote had been indecisive. His administration was 
 marked by the union of the loose Constructionists in 
 a national Republican party, which was ultimately 
 known as the Whig party. They preserved the tenets 
 of the Federalists, and advocated a high protective 
 tariff and the use of the government money for inter- 
 nal improvements. Their opponents, first known as 
 Jackson men, assumed the name of Democrats, by 
 which they have since been known. They advocated 
 tariff for revenue only, and opposed centralization. 
 President Adams met with the fiercest opposition in 
 Congress ; in fact, the administration was, excepting 
 one session, in the minority. The most important 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 
 Andrew Jackson, seventh President of the United 
 States, was born in Union County, Waxham Settlement, 
 North Carolina, March 15,1 767. His earlier years were 
 spent in a struggle with hardship and poverty, but this, 
 doubtless, toughened the fibre of the man and fitted 
 him for the stern scenes in which he was to participate. 
 When little over thirteen years of age, he ran away to 
 the army and was, with his brother, taken prisoner by 
 the English, who soon, however, released the boys, 
 not deeming it very heroic to make war on children. 
 His schooling was very slight indeed, but his keen 
 intelligence and indomitable pluck stood him in good 
 stead. He studied law at Salisbury, North Carolina, 
 and was admitted to practice at Nashville, Tennessee. 
 He represented that State in Congress in 1796, and 
 was chosen Senator in 1797. In Congress he stead- 
 fastly opposed George Washington and contracted a 
 lasting friendship with Aaron Burr, being one of his 
 sturdiest advocates when that erratic politician was on 
 trial for conspiracy. In 1806, Jackson killed Charles 
 Dixon in a duel. In 1813, as Major-General of 
 militia, Jackson commanded in the war with the Creek 
 
316 
 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Indians of Georgia and Alabama. He defeated them 
 in several sanguinary battles, and the 27th of March, 
 1814, he captured their stronghold at Horse Shoe 
 Bend, on the Tallapoosa River. He made a treaty of 
 peace with the Creeks in August, 1814. In May, 
 1814, he was commissioned as Major-General in the 
 regular army, to serve against the British. He cap- 
 tured Pensacola, an important British station, and 
 won immortal glory by his overwhelming defeat of the 
 British at New Orleans, January 8, 1815. • The Amer- 
 ican loss was only seven men killed and six wounded, 
 while the English lost seven hundred killed, fourteen 
 hundred wounded, and five hundred prisoners. Jack- 
 son administered martial law in New Orleans so rigidly 
 that after the peace he was fined $ 1000 for contempt 
 of court, which fine Congress subsequently remitted 
 and returned to him with interest. He commanded 
 in the war against the Seminole Indians of Florida and 
 brought it to a successful termination in the spring of 
 1818. His harsh methods during the campaign 
 brought him into difficulties with Congress, but he did 
 not seem to learn caution, for, on being appointed 
 Military Governor of Florida, in 1821, he defied the 
 civil courts again and would have been severely cen- 
 sured had not John Quincy Adams stood as his friend. 
 Jackson was inaugurated President of the United 
 States March 4, 1829, and held the reins of power until 
 1837. Early in 1831 a rupture occurred between 
 President Jackson and John C. Calhoun, the Vice- 
 
Immediately after tlie Convention at Chicago which meets 
 June 21 st, we will issue a book containing the lives of tlie Democratic 
 Nominees for President and Yice-President of the United States ; together 
 with both sides of the question “Free Trade and Protection.” Free 
 
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