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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
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 ADDRESS 
 
 OF 
 
 JAMES A. BEAVER. 
 
 Delivered at Harrisburg January 18, 1887, on the Occasion of His 
 Inauguration as Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Citizens of Pennsylvania: —Your suffrages liave called 
 
 me to your service. The call is of right. The suffrage is 
 the ordinary method of expressing it. The service is your 
 due. The solemn obligation which binds me to you as the 
 Executive of the commonwealth has been taken, and it 
 now only remains as the customary conclusion of this cere¬ 
 mony, to address you in a few words expressive of my ap¬ 
 preciation of the confidence which you have so generously 
 reposed in me, of my views in regard to the relation which 
 has thus been constituted between us, and of my under¬ 
 standing of your wishes as to the manner in which the ser¬ 
 vice, which results from it is to be rendered. A word as to 
 the service itself. 
 
 It is a service of obligation. In a government of the 
 people, the convenience of one must necessarily yield to the 
 call of the many. This principle is fundamental. It applies 
 no less to the duties which the citizen owes his country in 
 civil, than in military service. The failure of many citizens 
 to recognise its binding force does not in any degree les¬ 
 sen the obligation, and it is safe to say that popular govern¬ 
 ment can never reach its highest aim and most perfect 
 development until all who share its advantages are ready 
 to respond to the call for, and to render such service as may 
 be fairly demanded of them. 
 
 It is a service of responsibility. The duty of the in- 
 
2 
 
 dividual citizen is of itself sufficiently responsible, but 
 when in addition to this, any number of citizens join in 
 delegating to one of their number additional duties, re¬ 
 quiring more exacting service, the responsibility is, of 
 course, greatly increased. This is true whether the au¬ 
 thority delegated, or the duty required be by few or by 
 many. But when live millions of people combine by a 
 majority of their number, in calling upon a single indiv¬ 
 idual to serve them as their executive officer, the respon¬ 
 sibility assumes great and grave proportions. It is in this 
 case, keenly felt and not lightly assumed. 
 
 It is also a service of accountability. The public servant 
 who loses sight of the account which he must render to 
 the constituency which has entrusted hini with the power 
 and authority of representing it, is not likely to realise 
 either the obligations or the responsibility of the place to 
 which he is called. For every act of administration in his 
 responsible office, the Executive is accountable to you. 
 This accountability must be kept in view each day and 
 hour with special reference to your general judgment upon 
 the administration as a whole when the obligations now as¬ 
 sumed are laid down, and the power and authority with 
 which you now invest him, are returned to your hands for 
 transmission to another. We must also not forget that 
 the relation which is to-day finally consummated, is held 
 under, and subordinated to, a higher power to whom all of 
 us are alike fully and finally accountable. 
 
 The relation which we assume toward each to-day is one 
 of such age, importance, and dignity, that time and custom, 
 as well as the constitution and the laws, have in a large 
 measure defined and prescribed its duties. You have your¬ 
 selves surrounded it with certain limitations in the consti¬ 
 tution of the commonwealth which must be taken bv the 
 
 «/ 
 
 Executive as the letter of his instructions received at your 
 hands. 
 
 The Executive is your creature, controlled by your will. 
 but by that will formally expressed through the consti. 
 tution and the laws. So far as these are applicable to the 
 discharge of any duties which confront him, they are bind- 
 
3 
 
 ing and unbending. He must take them as they are, and 
 must be governed by them in all things which concern his 
 duty. The constitution is to him a letter of limitation. 
 The doubts in regard to its meaning, if any exist, must 
 be by him resolved in its favor. Others may seek to be 
 governed by its spirit; he must be governed by its letter. 
 Individual preferences and liberal construction must, alike, 
 yield to literal and exact interpretation. 
 
 The constitution fixes the place of the Executive, and 
 he is bound to keep it. He must carefully see to it that 
 the independence of the legislative and judicial branches of 
 the government is not in any way invaded by him. 
 
 The responsibility of the legislature in making the laws, 
 and of the judiciary in expounding them, must be, as it 
 ought to be, carefully recognised. No slight motive, no 
 personal feeling, and no individual judgment should, there¬ 
 fore, move the Executive in the exercise of the veto power. 
 The constitution has, it is true, vested that power in him ; 
 but it must be exercised in such a way as to recognise the 
 independence and the responsibility of the legislature. 
 The legislature is elected once in two years. Its members 
 are responsible directly to their immediate constituencies. 
 It is to be taken for granted, therefore, that its members 
 represent the will of the people ; and that will is not to be 
 lightly set aside. It is to be hoped that, with this view 
 publicly expressed, the legislature will maintain its inde¬ 
 pendence and assume the responsibility which belongs to 
 it as the law-making power, and that careful and well-con¬ 
 sidered legislation will prevent the exercise of the constitu¬ 
 tional prerogative, vested in the Executive, except in ur¬ 
 gent, extreme, or extraordinary cases. 
 
 As to the general policy of administration to be pursued, 
 you will expect something to be said. Your views are 
 sought to be reflected in the following general principles : 
 
 You expect efficiency in the public service. No man 
 should be appointed to place, unless specially qualified for 
 the duties of that place. Qualification is the first consid¬ 
 eration, and to this all other considerations should yield. 
 
 You expect economy in the appropriation and expendi- 
 
I 
 
 ' 4 
 
 ture of public moneys; and yet you believe that economy 
 of administration does not consist necessarily in a minimum 
 of expenditure. A revenue conveniently collected which 
 bears equally upon all and hardly upon none, should be 
 so expended that the commonwealth shall receive one 
 hundred cents’ worth of value for every dollar of ,expendi¬ 
 ture. Our educational system and our charitable and penal 
 institutions are to be generously sustained. Our industrial 
 development is to be aided by the judicious expenditure of 
 money. That is wise economy which expends it with a 
 view to the future as well as the present. The state never 
 dies ; the state should never grow old; and, therefore, our 
 foundations should be broadly and strongly laid, and our 
 building upon them so far as we progress, should be solid 
 and enduring. 
 
 You expect ordinary honesty and ordinary prudence to 
 be exercised in the conduct of vour business. That which 
 
 •j 
 
 is dishonest in the confidential agent of an individual, or 
 imprudent in the careful business man, is dishonest and 
 imprudent in a public official. In a word, the same rules 
 as to integrity and prudence which apply in the ordinary 
 business intercourse of man with man, apply to the rela¬ 
 tion which public officials bear to you. 
 
 You expect that the laws will be impartially administer¬ 
 ed. The weakest are to be carefully guarded in the enjoy¬ 
 ments of their rights because they are weak ; and the 
 strongest are to be preserved from prejudice because they 
 are strong. Persons, natural and artificial, are to be held 
 alike amenable to law, and neither class is to be favored 
 or prejudiced at the expense of the other. A corporation 
 should receive just so much consideration as would be ac¬ 
 corded to its humblest stockholder ; and the poorest citi¬ 
 zen of the Commonwealth should receive the same protec¬ 
 tion as the most powerful corporation. 
 
 You will expect the administration to be one of the peo¬ 
 ple and not of a party. Each citizen of the commonwealth 
 has a right to demand at the hands of the administration 
 the same consideration as is accorded to everv other. 
 Emphasis is, therefore, laid upon the fact, that although 
 
elected by a party, the Executive is the servant of the peo¬ 
 ple, and every citizen of the commonwealth, no matter what 
 his views as to questions of public policy have been and 
 are, has equal right to his time, attention, and service. 
 
 Questions of popular interest and public importance have 
 been passed npon by the people through their suffrages at 
 the election, which resulted in the choice of the present 
 executive officers of the commonwealth. There is no dis¬ 
 position to evade the responsiblity which has thus been en¬ 
 tailed. The majority of the people of the commonwealth 
 demand the right to pass upon the question of the prohibi¬ 
 tion of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating drinks, 
 within its limits, by constitutional enactment. This is 
 neither a question of morals, solely nor of partisan poli¬ 
 tics ; nor is it believed that the people divide upon it by 
 the ordinary lines of political thought and action. It is, 
 therefore, due to them that the question should be submit¬ 
 ted fairly, fully, frankly, and in such a way, and at such a 
 time, as will enable them to vote their individual senti¬ 
 ments upon it. In the ordinary course of events such sub¬ 
 mission cannot take place until three months from and 
 after the passage of a joint resolution covering the subject, 
 by the legislature which shall assemble in January, 1889. 
 It is believed that the pledge and promise on this subject, 
 which undoubtedly secured the votes of many citizens, will 
 be most fairly met, and most fully carried out by the sub¬ 
 mission of such an amendment to the constitution, at a 
 special election, when no other question will engross public 
 thought, and wdien each citizen may vote his sentiments 
 upon that particular subject without reference to, or inter¬ 
 ference from, any other. 
 
 The general interests of labor have a large place in 
 public thought, and are receiving much of public atten¬ 
 tion. The term “ labor”, thus used is restricted to the 
 employed classes which labor with their hands. It may 
 be that all of the demands of labor, so called, are not wise. 
 It may be that some of its demands should not be conceded. 
 It must be true, however, that with discontent so wide- 
 
 v ' 
 
 spread and demand so general, there are wrongs to be 
 
6 
 
 riglited and remedies to be applied which shall, or ought 
 to, lighten the load and ease the burdens which labor has 
 to carry. The labor market is overstocked. The supply 
 is greater than the demand. The inevitable consequence is 
 want of opportunity to work for men who are able and 
 willing to work ; inadequate compensation to those who do 
 work ; and undue competition among those who are seek¬ 
 ing for employment. In the present condition of the in¬ 
 dustrial development of our country, the remedy for this 
 state of affairs is to be found largely in the diversification 
 of our industries. This, under our form of government, is a 
 question with which the general government through its 
 legislative and executive branches must almost exclusively 
 deal. This is not the time, nor is this the place, for a gen¬ 
 eral discussion of this question, so far as it relates to the 
 policy to be pursued by the general government. But 
 there are some questions coming exclusively within state 
 control which demand attention, and to which scarcely 
 more than an allusion can at present be made. Although 
 the diversification of our industries depends largely upon 
 national legislation relating to the duties upon imported 
 articles manufactured abroad, and the establishment and 
 maintenance of a commercial marine, something may 
 doubtless be done by us in this direction which will not 
 only open up new avenues of employment, but which will 
 elevate the whole tone and standard of labor. We have 
 passed the point at which our industries are confined to 
 their rudimentary forms. We not only minister to the abso¬ 
 lute wants of our people by our industries, but we also con¬ 
 tribute to their enjoyment and to the cultivation of their 
 taste thereby. It becomes us, therefore, to provide liber¬ 
 ally for the education of our industrial classes in all the 
 branches of industrial art, and of art as applied to industry 
 which tends to multiply the avenues of employment and to 
 increase the rewards of labor. 
 
 Labor is entitled to education, to the right to organ¬ 
 ise for mutual improvement and protection, to an equal 
 voice in fixing the wage rate, and the settlement of other 
 questions in which it has a vital interest, to impartial ar- 
 
7 
 
 bitration when irreconcilable differences between it and its 
 employer arise, and to such legislation as will enable it to 
 secure, if economical and frugal, a homestead which shall 
 be preserved to it inviolable. Opportunity for a more ex¬ 
 tended discussion of these rights of labor may offer in the 
 future in a communication to the legislature, touching 
 the importance and necessity of legislation in regard to 
 some of them, and remark upon them is therefore limited 
 to their mere enumeration. 
 
 The question of the reform and enlargement of our edu¬ 
 cational svstem is one which should be brought to the atten- 
 tion of the people of the entire commonwealth, with a 
 view of securing extended discussion and intelligent criti¬ 
 cism. It is here introduced because of its importance, at 
 greater length than would be otherwise desirable or proper. 
 The time was when a system of popular education, under 
 the direction of the commonwealth, was opposed and bit¬ 
 terly assailed, and its introduction impeded by the masses 
 of our people. The time is now when the demand of the 
 people is in favor of an enlarged educational system, im¬ 
 proved educational methods, and more thoroughly compe¬ 
 tent instruction. Within a short time, on the streets of our 
 principal city, a great procession of its intelligent laboring 
 population, numbering 30,000 or more, bore upon hund¬ 
 reds of transparencies a demand, among other things, for 
 “education”, and this in a city which leads all other local- 
 ities in the commonwealth in the efficiency of its school 
 system, in the liberality with which that system is main¬ 
 tained, and in the variety which is introduced into it. The 
 main fault of our present system is that it leads directly 
 and inevitably to that which is abstract, and away from 
 that which is practical. It deals in words and signs, and 
 not with facts and things. The graduate of our average 
 high school, as all experience proves, is educated away from 
 what are called industrial pursuits, and into a fitness for 
 those employments which involve only mental training. In 
 short, the head is developed at the expense of the hand, 
 and we are compelled to rely upon the skilled labor of 
 other countries to fill the most lucrative and important po- 
 
8 
 
 sitions which our industrial establishments offer. The value 
 of mere intellectual training is not underestimated, nor is 
 its importance overlooked. But years of successful experi¬ 
 ment in America have demonstrated beyond question that 
 mind and hand can be developed together as quickly, as 
 fully, and with much better results, than can the mind 
 alone. There is no reason why industrial manual training 
 cannot be engrafted upon our present school system, with 
 little of expense, with little, if any, change in the machin¬ 
 ery of school management, with no change in our general 
 system of laws relating thereto, and with infinite advantage to 
 our industrial develoyjment and to our common weal. Small 
 beginnings have already been made in this direction in some 
 of our larger cities. Such training should become universal 
 wherever a sufficient number of our children and youth are 
 gathered in our schools to insure a proper grading for the 
 purposes of instruction. Pennsylvania, with a school sys¬ 
 tem second to that of no other state in the union, should 
 not be behind in the introduction of this system of train¬ 
 ing the hand as well as the mind, which is demanded by 
 many experienced educators, and which is already being 
 introduced by some of our sister states with satisfactory 
 results. The system here referred to, strange as it may 
 seem, was first introduced in Russia, and its principles 
 brought to the notice of the great mass of our educators in 
 America at the centennial exhibition of 1876. It deals 
 with the general training of the eye and hand, and does not 
 undertake to fit them for any syjecific trade or vocation. It 
 imparts a knowledge of the principles of drawing and con¬ 
 struction, but does not undertake to put those principles 
 into active operation for immediate practical purposes. 
 The application of these principles to a specific object is 
 better reached through the medium of trade schools, which, 
 although important and useful in themselves, could scarcely 
 be generally maintained in connection with our common 
 school system ; and which, if founded, should be estab¬ 
 lished with reference to the wants of particular localities, 
 by local enterprise or private charity. This whole question 
 is one of broad significance, and of the utmost importance 
 
9 
 
 to our present welfare and future development. It would 
 be well if it could be accorded intelligent and extended 
 discussion in the public press of the state. 
 
 The training of the citizen for the ordinary duties of citi¬ 
 zenship would seem to be a matter of such supreme moment 
 in a popular government, that it is difficult to account for 
 the fact that instruction upon the subject has never yet 
 found a place in the course of study in our common 
 schools. The science of Civics, as it is now called, is re¬ 
 ceiving earnest and intelligent attention and discussion at 
 the hands of our educators and intelligent public-spirited 
 citizens generally. This science, which deals with the duties 
 of the citizen to the state, and with the principles of gov¬ 
 ernment which underlie those duties, should be taught, at 
 least in ics elementary principles, in all our schools. The 
 constitution of. the United States, the constitution of our 
 commonwealth, and the laws which bear upon the rights 
 and duties of citizens as constituent parts of the body po¬ 
 litic, can as readily be taught, with as much of success 
 and practical results, as arithmetic or any abstract science 
 or the more practical study of geography. There is no rea¬ 
 son for teaching the physical outlines and features of our 
 country, and leaving the principles upon which our govern¬ 
 ment is founded, and in the exercise of which it must be 
 perpetuated, untaught. It would seem that the state in 
 founding a system of education, would provide first for 
 the teaching of those principles upon which the state is 
 based, and which must govern the individual citizen in 
 the discharge of his duties as such. The causes which have 
 led to the development of such an abnormal system of ed¬ 
 ucation are easily found and understood by those who will 
 give intelligent thought to the subject. We do not now 
 deal with the causes. Here are the facts. What shall be 
 done with them % These are practical questions which ap¬ 
 peal to all our people and challenge the careful thought and 
 best efforts of our wisest legislators. 
 
 Closely allied to the education of our young, are the care 
 and training of the destitute children of the state. Wisely 
 forbidden a place in our alms-houses, no adequate provi- 
 
10 
 
 sion has been made for their ordinary care and for fitting 
 them for usefulness in life. We cannot afford to found in 
 this country an aristocracy of pauperism. The state must, 
 in self-defense, take the young who are deprived of natural 
 guardians, and those of unnatural parents who fail to pro¬ 
 vide for their off-spring, and train them for independent 
 support and usefulness. This is not a question which ap¬ 
 peals to philanthropy alone. Prudent forethought and 
 wise economy will expend money and effort in directing the 
 youthful mind, and the pliant energies of childhood into 
 proper channels ; and the result will be self-respecting, in¬ 
 telligent, and self-supporting manhood and womanhood. 
 It may be that some legislation on this subject is needed. 
 Just how the question is to be met is not here discussed. 
 The fact is stated in order that the thought of the people 
 may be turned toward the subject, and its discussion lead 
 to practical results. In such a discussion, however, would 
 it not be well to lead the public mind away from great in¬ 
 stitutions, with their cumbersome management and labor- 
 saving machinery, to such a simple and inexpensive organi¬ 
 sation as will approach the home, and will exact from the 
 inmates the discharge of the ordinary every-day duties 
 which are performed by the children, in the average homes 
 of our people ; or, better, to hearty co-operation in such 
 organisations as seek out the destitute and provide real 
 homes in families where they will be reared and educated 
 for future usefulness % 
 
 What of our children and youth who, through the neg¬ 
 lect or avarice of unnatural parents, or their own way¬ 
 wardness, fail to take advantage of the facilities for educa¬ 
 tional training which are offered them in every school dis¬ 
 trict of the commonwealth ? The state cannot afford to 
 allow her children to grow up in ignorance or idleness, or 
 both. Self-preservation again asserts itself and insists that 
 every child born and reared within the limits of the com¬ 
 monwealth must be trained for usefulness, and for bearing 
 its full share of the burdens, and discharging its full share 
 of the duties of citizenship. How shall this be done ? Is 
 compulsory education feasible ? If so, under what conditions 
 
11 
 
 and limitations ? The question is merely stated. The peo¬ 
 ple must deal with it and instruct their representatives in 
 regard to it. What of the neglected class, already beyond 
 the limits of childhood, which has fallen into the commis¬ 
 sion of misdemeanor and crime ? Reformation, not punish¬ 
 ment for the mere sake of punishment, is the true interest 
 of the state. Our House of Refuge and reform school 
 provide, in a measure, for the very young. Wliat shall we 
 do with that large class, a little older, who are to be saved 
 for the state and the future, and for usefulness and happi¬ 
 ness ? A reformatory, a place for training, a place for ed¬ 
 ucating them out of themselves and into something better 
 and nobler, is being prepared. How shall it be organised ? 
 Let public thought and public discussion turn to this ques¬ 
 tion, and, in the light of what has been accomplished else¬ 
 where, let Pennsylvania take her stand in the front rank of 
 reform on this subject. 
 
 No subject more directly or deeply interests the people gen¬ 
 erally than the revenue, or rather the system of taxation by 
 which, and under which, our revenue is raised. That grave 
 inequalities exist cannot be denied. That revenue commis¬ 
 sions and ordinary legislation have hitherto failed to remedy 
 these inequalities is likewise true. Our latest revenue law 
 and the decisions of the courts thereunder seem only to 
 magnify these inequalities, and to increase the burdens of 
 that class of the community which has, heretofore, with 
 some justice, complained of the load which it was required 
 to carry. Whatever the intention of the law imposing a 
 state tax upon mortgages may have been, the practical 
 eifect of it as at present administered, is to relieve corpora¬ 
 tions holding those mortgages from taxation entirely and 
 to impose whatever of revenue is raised from that source, 
 to a great extent at least, upon the mortgagors, thus en¬ 
 tailing additional burdens upon our agricultural interests 
 and the holders of modest homesteads. The burden of 
 local taxation for county, school, poor, and road purposes 
 falls almost entirely upon real estate. The farmer with his 
 farm, and the mechanic with his home, already bearing as 
 they believe, more than their full share of the burdens of 
 
12 
 
 taxation, are, if compelled to borrow money upon mortgage, 
 required to pa.v in addition to the ordinary rate of interest 
 the State tax levied thereon. The result is that the more 
 unfortunate our small land-holder may be, the more heavy 
 are the burdens of taxation which oppress him. We have 
 endeavored to encourage manufacturers by exempting the 
 stock of manufacturing corporations from taxation. In 
 order to prevent money seeking investment in other states, 
 we have endeavored to lighten the burden of taxation upon 
 it. Let us beware lest, by unduly taxing the great middle 
 class, which is the pride and boast of Pennsylvania, we drive 
 from us a people who are more to us than manufacturers or 
 money. May it not be true that by an unequal system of 
 taxation, and by failing to provide by law, adequate ex¬ 
 emption of the homestead, we are driving from us a large 
 class of valuable citizens who seek a home where exemption 
 from taxation and liberal homestead laws, protect them 
 and provide for increased comfort ? In cases where the 
 money-lender pays the taxes required to be paid undenour 
 latest revenue law, is it not true in practice that the cor¬ 
 poration lending money upon mortgage is entirely ex¬ 
 empted from its payment, and the poor widow and 
 orphan whose entire income may be derived from the in¬ 
 terest on a modest investment, is made to pay the full 
 amount of the tax as provided by the law ? If so, this 
 ought not so to be. Our whole revenue system is built up 
 of disjointed and fragmentary provisions 0 f law. Under 
 the impulse of a supposed inequality in one direction, we 
 have rushed to an extreme in the other, and so created 
 greater ills than than those from which we tied. Where is 
 the golden mean? If called upon to communicate with 
 the legislature hereafter, during its present session, some¬ 
 thing more practical and pointed on this subject may be 
 said. 
 
 Our charitable institutions appeal to the sympathy of the 
 public. It is to our credit that they are so well sustained. 
 A new institution providing for a class which appeals es¬ 
 pecially to our sympathy and demands our help, has been 
 established at Erie for the care and support, under imme- 
 
13 
 
 V 
 
 diate state supervision, of the soldiers and sailors rendered 
 destitute by reason of their service in the defense of their 
 country, who do not come within the technical provisions 
 of the laws regulating our national homes established for 
 this class of unfortunates. It seems to be conceded that our 
 almshouses are not proper places for them. The begin¬ 
 ning which has been made at Erie demonstrates the entire 
 feasibility of the plan; and the attention of the public is 
 called to the institution in the hope of awakening interest 
 and inquiry in regard to its management, and of calling 
 forth a wider sympathy in behalf of the unfortunate class 
 gathered, and yet to be gathered, within its hospitable 
 walls. 
 
 In communicating directly with you in this general way, 
 many subjects of immediate interest to the commonwealth 
 at large crowd themselves upon us; but the occasion and 
 the surroundings forbid the mere mention of. them, and have 
 rendered extended discussion of any subject entirely out of 
 the question. 
 
 There are questions also, of moment which concern us as 
 citizens of our great country which press upon the thought 
 and demand fearless discussion. The same proprieties 
 which limit discussion in other directions forbid' it in this. 
 
 The retiring Executive is entitled to the thanks of the peo¬ 
 ple of the commonwealth for the earnestness of purpose 
 which has governed him in the discharge of the high duties 
 to which he was called by you, and which are now assumed, 
 in accordance with your will, by another. In this presence, 
 and on your behalf, these thanks are hereby cordially 
 tendered, as well as my personal acknowledgment of the 
 courtesy and kindness which have characterised his efforts 
 to inform me as to the new and responsible duties which 
 now devolve upon me, and to make the transfer of respons¬ 
 ibility from his shoulders to mine both easy and pleasant. 
 
 And now my fellow-citizens, as in the beginning of this 
 address, so now let me say I am yours for service. The 
 best powers of body and mind with which God has en¬ 
 dowed me are yours, to be freely expended in your service, 
 for your welfare. In rendering this service, your cordial 
 
14 
 
 co-operation and the faithful, intelligent criticism of the 
 public press are earnestly desired ; and the guidance and 
 help and blessing of Him who has been, and always will be, 
 first in service to mankind, are devoutly invoked. 
 


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