%l ?"• '\-.»' • •• Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library 21 i'jj m 13 1^ mi 9 DEC 19 Id 1979 ^J0\. JflN 1 6 li 1 \5«i V DEC 1 4 MAR 12 1^00*^ "Ol' 1 ,5 20M 1J73 !<8Q 2001 L161— H41 Ov ^f FIRST ORGANIZATION OF COLORED TROOPS IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK, T» AID IN SUPPRESSING THE SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION. STATEMENTS CONCERNLNG THE ORIGIN, DIFFICULTIES & SUCCESS OF THE MOVEMENT: ' Collated for the " New York Association for Colored Volunteers," By henry O'RIELLY, Becrktary. New York, March, 18G4. The movements which finally resulted in the organization of Colored Troops in the State of New York were preceded by efforts ou the part of sundry patriotic citizens, which are deserving of remembrance as a part of the history of the times. ; At a public meeting in the City of New York, called by sundry well-known loyalists, " to take measures for securing the enlistment of Colored Volunteers," a Committee was, on the 3d of May, 18G3, appointed to wait upon the President of the United States, to ascertain what facilities would bo extended by the National Government towards the organization of such troops in the State of New York. The Committee consisted of , Messrs. Edward Gilbert, Dexter Fairbanks, James Fairman, and Lewis Francis. \ This Committee obtained an interview with President Lincoln on the 9th of June, r^iind on that occasion presented the following Memorial : % To His Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : Extensive observation and inquiry among the colored population of the Free States have convinced 3-our memorialists of the patriotism and devotion of this portion of ^ our fellow-citizens, and of their willingness to bear their full share of the biuxlens, ■" dangers, and privations of the war against the rebellion. They are willing to volunteer for the service, upon the requisite assurance that they will be placed under leaders in sympathy with the movement. Indeed, such is their intense enthusiasm and patriotism, that if the assurance can be given them, that upon their enlistment they will be in active service under the command of Major-Gencral John C. Fremont, your memorialists are confident that a force of at least 10,000 could be placed under enlistment within sixty days, forming a Grand Army of Liberation, swelling in numbers as they pass along, thus giving elfectivertess to the Proclamation of January, 1808. Pledges of enlistment, conditioned upon these assurances being given, have already been obtained to the number of 3,000 names. P Your memorialists, therefore, respectfully petition your Excellency to place John - C. Fremont in a suitable command, and accept the 10,000 troops offered as above, atid 2 that the necessary orders may be issued to secure the organization and mustering of the troops into the service of the United States; that a rendezvous be named and ^ instructions given to the local military agents of the United States to furnish tho ma- \1 terials and facilities required for these purposes. (Signed.) JOHN E. AVILLIAMS, WM. CULLEN BRYANT, , HORACE GREELEY, WM. CURTIS NO YES, Q DANL. S. DICKINSON, PETER COOPER, «J EDWARD HAIGIIT, MORRIS KETCH UM, V ' EDGAR KETCH UM, PARKE GODWIN, "' HENRY C. GARDINER, EDWARD A. STANSBURY, HOSMER liUSHNELL. The friends of the movement held a meeting in the Church of the Puritans, in New York, when the following opinions were expressed : liesohed. That it is the conviction of this meeting that, in view of the cause, origin and progress of the Rebellion in our land, the time has arrived when the dictates of justice, humanity and expediency unite in admonishing us to encourage and labor to obtain a general arming of the Loyal Men of the Union, without reference to color, as a means calculated to accomplish the greatest good, in the best manner, to our be- loved country, in this, the hour of her trial. \ ^cm L'esohed, That considerations of humanity, as well as elfcctivcness, warrant us in declaring that we regard the military co-operation of the emancipated Slaves of the South as a uK-ans which will secure the earliest triumph to our countiy in its contest with Slavery in Rebellion, as well as give the best guarantee of permanent security and peace in the future. lusolveJ, That, as an instrumentality to tliis end, we view the organization of a largo force of Colored Volunteers from the Loyal States, viulcr^ the command oj leialers in symjKtthy with the movement, as calculated to improve contidence and secure co-operation in a degree which we can attach to no other available agency, and there- fore should be encouraged by the practical action of the Government. Jiesoheil, That we consider it to be the duty of every true citizen and soldier of the Republic to facilitate such a movement with every energy they possess, that the vast conspiracy against the life and liberties of our country— too extensive in crime for the functions of the common hangman — may receive its death-blow from the hands they seek to enslave. liemhed, That in view of the red page of our history, written in the blood tif a heroic people in the recent conflict at Port Hudson, it needs no asseveration on our part to prove that the black man will fight. licsohid. That we here pledge our best efforts to give complete and speedy success to the scheme presented to the Government l)y our deputation, and we will look with impatient zeal to the Goverment lor the word that will speak an immense army into existence, and give a significance to the President's Proclamation of January, 1863, that will inspire with energy and hope the heart of every true friend of our country. The President's Reply. The reply of President Lincoln to the above-named Committee, after referring to a proi)Osed command for Gen. Fremont, was substantially to this effect : — That, AS GOV. SEYMOUR TS GOVERNOR OF A LOYAL STATE, the Na- tional Government declined to act in reference to Colored enlistments in that State, UNTIL IT COULD BE SHOWN THAT GOV. SEYMOUR, under his own signature, REFUSED TO ENCOURAGE VOLUNTEERING IN THAT WAY. First and Second Applications to Gov. Seymour. A memorial to the Governor of the State of New York, in reference to the proposed organization of Colored Troops, as a part of the (]uota of the State for reinforcing the armies in the Held, was sent about the s:ime time to Governor Seymour. To this respect- ful application, no reply was received. But, persevering in the object, the Committee sent another copy of the request for authority to organize a. brigade of Colored Volunteers,— to be commanded by " any other jierson,'' who might be selected by the Governor, if the officer named by the me- morialists was not acceptable to his Excellency, as stated in the letter of Mr. Lewis Franci.s, of August 13th. These papers were in the following terms : New York City, July 9, 1863. To I/i.H Krcellrnry UoRATio Seymour, (rO^iernor of the State of New York. The undersigned would respectfully ask your Excellency to appoint Colonel James Fail-man a Colonel, for the purpose of raising a brigade of Colored Volunteers for the war, knowing him to bo a man every way (jualified for the purpose, from his "record " at Washington, he having raised the 90th Regiment N. Y. V., at Plattsburg, and re- signed, on account of ill health, from injuries received in the field. Respectfully yours, JAS. BLACK, 92 William Street. TIIOS. J. HALL, 71 East IGth Street. J. W. ALDEN, lUi William Street. CHAS. SULLIVAN, Df Heekman Street. FRANK AV. BALLARD, lOtt Broadway. F. II. JENNY, 95 East 15th Street. EDWARD GILBERT. LEWIS FRANCIS, 45 Maiden Lane. BRADIIURST SCIIIEFFELIN, 170 William Street. [The JULY RIOTS, with their horrors, indicated .some of the .schemes and difficul- ties which at that lime opposed the enlistment of loyal Colored Volunteers, and, indeed, of soldiers of any kind for the National Defeni;e.] 4 New York, August 13, 1863. To His Excellency Horatio Seyjiouk, Governor of the State of New York. Sir: In presenting this petition, I would say that I have given the subject some considerable attention, and have no doubt that if Colonel James Fairman, or any other person known to he in sympathy with the movement of nsiny Colored Tfoojis in the sup- pression of the Rebellion, be appointed by you to recruit such troops, at least four thou- sand Colored Volunteers can be raised in this State, thereby saving that number of white citizens from the draft. If fticilities are not offered them to inlist in this State, they will go to neighboring ones, and will be lost in the (juota as New York State troops. Since the Government's guarantee of protection to colored soldiers, they are rap- idly enlisting in other States, from New York. I sent you a similar petition about two months since, and having received no an- swer, I beg you will fiivor me with a reply to this, as great efforts have been made to prepare our colored citizens, and I think good to the nation will result from the mea- sure. Very respectfully, LEWIS FRANCIS, 45 Maiden Lane. But, even to these repeated respectful appeals, no reply was received fioni Gov- ernor Seymour. LeTTEK FJiOM THE SOLICITOR OF THE WaR DEPARTMENT. Wliile waiting in suspense for authority from the Governor to raise Colored Troops to be cjedited as a part of the quota of this State, the friends of the movement were cheered by hearty responses from sundry quarters — of which the following reply to an invitation to attend a convention at Poughkcepsie, for promoting the organization of Colored Volunteers, may be taken as a specimen — the high personal character of the writer adding importance to the prominent position he occupies under the National Government. It is understood that, in this letter, the writer expressed the general views of President Lincoln : Letter of the Hon. Wuj.iasi Whiting, Solicitor to the War department. War Department, AVashington City, July 10, 18li3. Dear Sir : — Your letter, under date of July, has been received, in which you have done me the honor to invite me, on behalf of the Fremont Legion, to address the grand Mass Convention of Colored Citizens, to be held at Poughkcepsie on the 15th and 16th instant, and in which you desire me to answer certain inquiries in relation to troops of xVfrican descent. Other engagements render it impossible for me to be present on that occasion, but I avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my respect and sympathy for those who now, for the first time within the present century, have determined to vindicate their right to be treated as patriots, — sharing in the toils, dangers and sacri- fices of that great nation of which the3' constitute so important a part. Courage, endurance, and disinterested heroism are qualtics of all brave men, what- ever may be their lineage. No names yet stand upon the roll of honor more brilliant or illustrious than those of Hannibal and Touissant L'Overture. Give to those Americans, who claim as their fatherland the continent that gave birth to the conqueror of Rome, the arms and discipline of the well-trained soldier, and they will give back to the cause of the countiy all the elements of military power. Such is the teaching of history — such the testimony of experience; What has the Africo-American to fight for? He fights for that land which, now about to be freed from the curse of slaver}^ will be to him "his country." In rallying round the flag of the Union, he adds strength and support to the noble aiinies of the West and of the East, who, on the fields of Vicksburg and Gettysburg, have added fresh laurels to their imperishable fame. Not alone for his country's honoi-, not for empire, not for conquest, not alone for the crushing of RebeUion, is the African's ))lade unsheathed. He tights for the honor and manhood of his race, for justice, humanity, and freedom. When love of country and of fame, when thirst for justice and a sense of wrongs yet unavenged, shall nerve the arm and fire the blood already kindled by the flames of freedom, how is it possible that the soldier can be otherwise than brave and terrible in battle, whtm slavery and death are behind him, and life and liberty lie only in the path to victory V Let history answer this question. Read your answer in the bloody battles of tlxe Revolution, where negro soldiers bore a part so noble that General Washington, publicly and at the head of his army, acknowledged their gallantry. Remember the honor paid by General Jackson to the heroic regiment of colored men who aided in the defense of New Orleans. Let the battles on the Atlantic coast and the storming of forts on the Mississippi answer. Their bravery rccjiUs the memory of the world-renowned battle of Marathon, in which one-tenth of those who fought and won imperishable honor were slaves " unchained from the doorposts of their masters." AVill the colored men respond to the invitation of the Government ? They are now springing up like dragon's teeth, from the soil into which they have been crushed. Masters of the ground they tread upon, they are sweeping forward in steady, solid legions. Forty thousand strong arc already in the service. They are des- tined to wield the sword of just retribution, — to teach their former masters, on many a bloody battle-field, by many a rout and swift pursuit, which of them is " of the superior race." The military organization of Colored Troops, removing all danger of insurrectionary movements, will regulate, control and utilize the physical force of the only "genuine Union men" in the Gulf States. The greatest war power of treason will becoine the most efficient defense of the Union, and while it will smother rebellion, it will destroy the curse that caused it. On the 22d of May, the AVar Department issued a General Order (No. 143) estab- lishing a bureau in the Adjutant-General's office for the organization of Colored Regi- ments, whereby the system of employing them as part of the forces of the United States has become the fixed and permanent policy of the Government. That policy, sanctioned by Congress, carried into practical effect by the Government, has been approved by the general consent of wise and patriotic men. The country cannot afford to lose the aid of its best and chief supporters in the South. The employment of Colored Troops, it is true, was in the beginning experimental. The law of 1862, which first authorized them to enter the service, provided no means of payment. The second law, which permitted their employment, authorized them to be paid ten dollars per month and one ration per day. This law was, however, made with reference to those who by force of arms, or by provisions of statutes, had been recently freed from bondage. The important class of colored soldiers from the Free States were probably not in the contemplation of Congress when framing these Acts. But now, while colored men are admitted to be citizens of several of the Northern States and of the United States, and since the Conscription Act makes no distinction between white and colored citizens, but requires them equally to be enrolled and drafted in the forces of the United States, there seems to be no reason why such citizens should not, when volunteering to serve the country, be placed upon the same footing with other soldiers as regards their pay and bounty. The attention of Congress will be directed to this subject, and from the generous manner in which they have ti'cated the soldiers heretofore, it cannot be doubted that they will honor themselves by doing full justice to those of every color, who rally round the Union flag in time of public danger. But I do not forget that the colored soldiers are not fighting for pay. They will not let their enemies reproach them with being mean, as well as cowardly. They will not lose this, their first chance, to vindicate their right to be called and treated as men. Pay or no pay, they will rally round that banner of freedom which shall soonjtoat over a country thut contains no slave within its borders. The policy of the Government is fixed and immovable. Congress has passed the ir- revocable Acts of p]mancipation. The Supreme Court of the United States have unani- mously decided that, since July 13, 1801, we have been cngagedin a territorial civil war, and have full belligerent rights against the inhabitants of the rebellious districts. The President has issued proclamations under his hand and seal. Ahrnhon Lincoln takes no bacAwurd i>ttp. A man once m»de free by law cannot be again made a slave. The Government has no jjower, if it hail the will, to do it. Omnipotence alone can re-enslave a freeman. Fear not that the Admmistration will ever take the back track. The President wishes the aid of all Americans, of whatever descent or color, to defend the country. He wishes every citizen to share the perils of the contest, and to reap the fruits of victory. Very respectfullv, vour obedient servant, WILLIAM WHITING. Edward Gilbert, Esq., New York City. FuKTHEK Appeals to Gov. Seymock. Resolved to persevere, notwithstanding the non-reception of reply to their for- mer appeals to the State Executive, the friends of the movement again deputed ;i co«n- mittee to address the Governor personally. For this purpose, Mr. Requa, of Albany, called upon Ilis Excellency again in October, when a brief letter was elicited, which letter will be found embodied in the comments which the New York Evening Post made upon the subject. The entire article from that journal is here inserted, as a cotempora- neous view of the course pursued by the memorialists and by the Governor: From the New Yorh Evening Post, Oct. 14, 1863. " In June last several gentlemen in this city, wishing to help in filling up oui- ar- luios, took measures for raising several Negro Regiments. They sent a immber of agents through the State to inquire into the disposition of the colored people, and ascertain the number who would probably enlist. The reports of these agents showed that at that time about five thousand colored men could have been mustered in. This wouUl have made an important addition to the State's quota of troops. The persons in question therefore applied to Governor Seymour to authorize an effort to raise a negro brigade. This application was made as long ago as the 9th of July, and we have before us the Governor's answer, dated October 7th ; so that three months, less two days, were re- (juired by him to make up his mind whether or not he should authorize the addition to the armies of the Union of at least one full brigade of able-bodied soldiers. This would not only have benefited the cause to that extent, but would have placed just so many thousand men to the credit of the State, to the relief of that number of white citizens from draft. "After ninety days of delay and evasion, the Governor was at last brought to bay by the persistence of the gentleman who was charged with soliciting his consent, and wrote the following reply : " ' State of New York Executive Department, } Albany, October 7th, 1863. ( " ' Mr. Requa has called upon me a number of times with your request that an au- thorization be given to Colonel James Fairman to raise a Negro Regiment. " ' I do not deem it advisable to give such authorization, and I have therefore declined to do it. Truly yours, &c., " ' Horatio Seymour. '"To Messrs. E. Gilbert, L. Francis, and others.' "In a letter of Mr. Requa he adds: ' In my interviews with the Governor, in com- pany with others, he expressed, in the most unequivocal manner, his disapproval of the system of raising negro regiments to aid in putting down the rebellion, both as a mat- ter of principle and poHcy — especially so in the northern States.' "The armies of the Union need to be filled up; Governor Seymour's friends resist a draff, and he does not discourage them in their opposition. There is a source whence several thousand able-bodied men can be got ; the Governor is asked to authorize the raising of these men, to be counted in the State's quota ; and he refuses. What are we to think ? Has he changed his mind about the draft ? Does he want to force on an- other draft V Does he really think black men so much better than white men that the latter ought to be sent to the war, while the negroes arc kept safely at home ? Else, why does Governor Seymour tnake himself the special protector of the blacks ? Is it that he intends, by all means in his power, to prevent volunteering, and make another draft necessary V or is it that he desires the Union armies to be deprived of needed re- inforcements, and leave them at the mercy of superior rebel numbers? " The people of the State want to know the Governor's intentions towards their brothers and sons now in the army, and he ought to explain himself; for it is not pleasant to think that he is playing a treacherous part towards them, and abandoning them to the tender mercies of men in revolt against the nation. '• In the meantime, we will point out to the people this fact, that other States, whose Governors are more careful of the interests of the citizens, and more zealous for the Union cause, arc profiting at our expense, through the policy of Governor Seymour. While the Governor was delaying his answer, and endeavouring by all manner of pleas to avoid committing himself upon the question — in these ninety-days of his delibera- tion not less than six hundred able-bodied colored men left the State and enlisted in Rhode Island. In the same period some four hundred more left here and entered regi- G ments in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. Thus we have already lost a full regiment through the inefficiency or perversity of the tiovernor— a full regiment, which would have been counted in tl»e quota of the State. What do the people of New York think of ^liis ? Governor Seymour may not be able to do much to ai«i his rebel friends and former political allies, but he does what he can. During the last canvass he blew hot and cold on the .iue>lion of Union ; promised Fernando Wood and his followers to op- pose the war, aiiolicy was deemed proper by the National Government as a condition precedent to any action on the subject in the State of New York by the President or Secretary of ^Var ; for, in June, President Lm- coln declared to that Committee, substantially, " That, as Governor Seymour is Governor of a Loyal State, the National Government declined to act in reference to Colored En- listments in that State, until it could be shown that Governor Seymour, under his own sio-naturc, refused to encourage volunteering in that way." Gov. Seymour, after re- peated applications for months, finally stated, in his letter of October 7lh, above print- ed, that he did "not deem it advisable to give such authorizations" (for raising a Ne- gro regiment), "and therefore declined to do it." The Association for Pkomoting Colokeu Volunteerino. Such was the state of the case, when the emergencies of the times occasioned the issue of the following Address to the People of New York— among the signatures to which will be recognized those of many prominent citizens : — To THE People of New Youk. New York, November 9, 1863. Fellow Citizens :— New York State has but a few weeks within which to raise her quota of over one hundred thousand men by volunteering. ,r i u If we allow our citizens to be drawn awav by superior inducements offered by other States we lo.se them in making up our quota, "and the diaft will fall heavily upon those who are left. Or, if we rai.se the men by volunteering at the last hour, we shall have to pay larger bounties and heavier taxes. Let us move in this matter without delay. Other States are fast taking our men to fill their quotas, especially our colored men. Several thousands of these may be added to the strength of our army, and also saved to the quota of our State, by a prompt and vi"'orous movement. Our country's interest and self-interest here unite. ° All who are in favor of supporting the Government and preserving the interestsand honor of our State, are invited to attend a Preliminary Meeting at Room No. 5 Clinton Hall, at 8 o'clock on Monday evening, November 16, 18G3, to take measures for uu- mediatc practical action. Peter Cooper, Henry W. Bellows, Frederic Sherwood, J. W. V,. Smith. Maj-General Daniel E.Dr. Charles Kessman,Lewis Roberts, Henry Kimball, Sickles, U. S. Vols. Charles Sears, Josiah M. Fiske, Wm. Hunt, :\Iorris Ketchum, Sydney Howard Gay,Alfic(l M. Hugli, J. W.IIair, Wm. Curtis Noycs, Theodore Tilton, G. H. Roberts, tJ. Gay, Fred. S. Talmadgc, J.Thompson, ,J. B. Ilenick, W. S. Stover, John Cochrane, C. E. Detmold, Henry Rawlcs, J. K. Ingalls, William E. Dodge, Parke Godwin, Henry Hill, M. Esterly, Israel Corse, Hiram Harney, Jas. O. Rennett, Robert T. Shannon, David Dudley Field, Frederick Kapp, John J. llerrick, N. Mun 'ay, flco Cabot Ward, R. II. Manning, Paul (Jrout, John Holden, Wm. C. Bryant, P.T. Bainum, Wm. A. Brown. H. Wdliams, James McKaye,' James Kelly, Davi.l Dows, Geo. W. Rose, H J Raymond, A. M. Palmer, David Packer, E. ."M. \oung, Herman Raster, Benj. F. Lee, E. A. Packer. Jackson S. Schult.s Huch \llen Edward Cromwell, C. P. Bronson, S. Isham, F. F. Thompson, W. H. Gedncy, Clark Orvis. The results of this call are briefly stated in the accounts given by several of the newspapers — one of which statements is here quoted : From the New Toi'Tc Tribune, of Nosemher nth, 18G3. Important Meeting to Encourage Enlistments. A numerous and influential meeting for the above purpose was held, pursuant to the call of a large number of our most prominent citizens, at Clinton Hall, last evening. There was a good attendance, and the proceedings were entirely harmonious. Gen. W. K. Strong, being unanimously called to the chair, read the preamble and resolutions setting forth the purpose of the organization, of which this meeting, was the first step, to strengthen the military power both by white and colored soldiers of the Government; to secure justice to all who enlist ; to inform them of their duties and rights as soldiers, and to make the men, white or black, feel that they were backed up by friends at home. These objects would be carried out by a committee of twenty-five. As Governor Sey- mour had refused to authorize colored enlistments, a sub-committee was to wait upon the President to endeavor to induce him to take action in the premises. A mas meeting was to be held at as early a day as such could be arranged. The money received by the Government for commutation under the draft ought, or a part of it, to be expended in bounties. A committee of lawyers was to be formed to consult as to the extent of the power of the Government in relation to enlisting negroes. Free drill rooms were to be established in the city, &c. All the foregoing was embodied in the resolutions which were unanimously passed by the meeting. Pending their adoption. General Strong made a vigorous and eloquent speech. He was in Egypt when the war broke out, being then in the first year of a three years' visit to the various countries of Europe — a visit undertaken for the express purpose of comparing their Governments with our own. In no case had he found a people whose condition, Government, institutions, and oppor- tunities were equal to those of America. The General drew a vivid picture of the be- nighted condition of Egypt when the news of the Rebellion reached him, and he felt in- dignant beyond expression that the land which he had left peaceful and prosperous should be desolated by this wicked treason, which originated in oppressions and wrongs the most foul that the world ever saw. The framers of the Constitution intended it to be one of equal rights — they did not foresee the evils that have arisen since, or if they did, they thought the remedy might be left to the wisdom and patriotism of their pos- terity. It has pleased God to give to this generation the work of cutting up by the roots this gigantic and accursed crime. There must be no virus left to breed new rebellions. Believing that his mission in the West was over, no considereable force being massed west of the Missisippi, and that the murderers and house-burners would soon be disposed of, he had come home to aid in putting down Copperhead treason in this city. The General was followed by Adjutant Haggerty, who has been to the war with a New York Regiment, and who made an extremely glowing and patriotic speech, de- nouncing the action of Governor Seymour, and claiming that the Bradj's and the Mea- ghers should be regarded as the representative men of the Irish population, and that colored men .should be allowed to enlist. His remarks were much applauded. He was followed by the Rev. H. H. Garnett, who said that, as a class, colored men were most anxious to do their utmost to put down the Rebellion. Mr. Garnett gave a description of the unavailing efforts of the negroes to be employed as soldiers of New York, and alluded, in forcible terms, to the fact that they are leaving the city to enlist in Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, where they are not only appreciated, but offered large bourjties and equal rights with white soldiers. Some further remarks were made by Colonel Shannon, Henry O'Rielly, and others, when the committee of twenty-five, of which Peter Cooper was elected President, was appointed. The meeting, which was very enthusiastic throughout, did not adjourn un- til a late hour. The General Committee, appointed to promote the above-mentioned objects, pro- ceeded promptly and energetically in the work — as shown in the following statements : From the Times, Trihuue, and Herald of Nov. 26, 1803. Course of the National and State Authorities Concerning Colored Volunteers — Letters from Governor Seymour and Secretary Stanton. The " New York As.sociation for Colored Volunteers," formed at a meeting called by Peter Cooper, General Sickles, Wm. C. Bryant, General John Cochrane, Henry J. Raymond, Wm. Curtis Noyes, "Wm. E. Dodge, David Dows, David Dudley Field, and many other citizens — of which meeting General Wm. K. Strong, late of the army, was president — took prompt measures for ascertaining the views of the National and State Governments concerning the conditions on which Colored Troo])S might be enlisted under the President's Proclamation for more volunteers. General Strong was requested to telegraph the AVar Department, and ^Ir. James Rodgers went to Albany to learn the views of Governor Seymour on the subject. The callers of the meeting said: " If we allow our citizens to be drawn away by superior inducements offered by other States, we lose them in making up our quota, and the draft will fall heavily upon those who are left ; or, if we raise men by volun- teerin"- at the last hour, we sliall have to pay large bounties and heavier taxes. ^ Let us move ?n this matter without delay. Other States are fast taking our men to fill their quotas — especially our colored men. Several thousand of these may be added to the strength of our army, and also saved to the quota of our State, by a prompt and vigor- ous movement. Our country's interest and self-interest here unite." The General Committee of the Association, in their letter to Secretary Stanton, dated Nov. 21, said: "This application to the National Government results from the refusal of certain State functionaries to recognize colored men in the call for volunteers, notwithstanding the fact that the President's Proclamation makes no discrimination in color, and the additional fact that that class of citizens are subject, like white men, to a draft. . . And in their representations at Albany it was added that "justice and patriotism alike require that all men who are subject to draft shall have equal privilege in volun- teering under the President's Proclamation " — it being desirable, also, " that our white fellow-citizens shall be measurably relieved from drafting by allowing colored citizens to volunteer for the war — in the course of which war the colored troops have evinced discipline and bravery worthy of the noble cause of national self-defense." Answers have been received from Washington and Albany. Under date of the 24th, the Secretary of War says : " On application, by suitable person.s special author- ity will be granted to raise Colored Troops in New York, according to the rules and regulations relative to organizing and raising Colored Troops. The troops so raised will he credited to the State. Until Congress shall authorize it no bounty can be paid, and the pay is limited by Act of Congress to ten dollars a month. The department will recommend that, in this respect,. the Act be amended so as to make the pay the same as for other colored soldiers. They will be enrolled as United Statcs^ Volunteers, and the ofiBcers be appointed and commissioned by the President. (Signed EnwiN M. Stanton, Secretary of War.)" , ,, n j Governor Seymour replies thus to the inquiry made through Mr. Kodgers:— " State of New Yokk Executive Depaktment, [ Albany, Nov. 24, 18C3. ^ " To James Rodgers, Esq., JSFo. 421 Broadway, N. Y. " Siu : In answer to your inquiries about the enlistment of Blacks, and the organ- ization of regiments and companies, I have to say : ,. . . «< First— That, under the State laws the bounty is paid to all, without distinction, who are mustered into the service of the United States, and for whom credits are given to New York, under tlie President's call for troops. '' Second— An to new organizations, I have no power to authorize any, either for blacks or whites, which will be entitled to the benefit of the bounty given by the Gen- eral Government. The object at Washington is to fill up the ranks of the regiments in the field If any new organizations, for cither white or black troops, are made, they mvst he authorised hy the War Department, to entitle those who join them to the bene- fit of the money paid to volunteers. Yours, &c., " IIoiiATio Sevmouh. These answers are published for the information of the Association and all others interested, and the co-operation of all loyal citizens is earnestly invoked in furtherance of the objects above-mentioned. liv order of the General Committee, HENRY O'RTELLY, Secretary. Rooms of the Association, No. 20 Pine Street, Nov. 2."i, ISf.r.. It will be .seen by the above letter of Gov. Seymour, of Nov. 24th, that the rea.Koi.s for non-action assigned by the Governor are diflorcnt from those given in his letter of October 7, before quoted. 9 The views of the Association concerning the employment of Colored Troops were bricHy presented to President Lincoln in a letter from Peter Cooper, and to the Secretary of War and others in the letters from the Secretaryof the Association — which letters were as follows: — Lettek fkom Peter Coopek. To Eis ExcelUncy Abraham Lincoln, President of the United Stales: Most Respectf.d Sir: Since I last had the honor to address yon in January, 1862, the courae;e, skill and perseverance manifested by you in your efforts to maintain and defend our union of States, with all their rightful authority and power, has commanded my heartfelt gratitude, contidence, and respect. Your efforts to bring back the rebel States to accept the supremacy of the Consti- tution and the laws, with the general course of your Administration, have compelled me to believe that there is nothing that you have sought and desired so much, as to know and apply the best means to secure a lasting and honorable peace, and to overcome, with the least'possible expense of life and treasure, a rebellion that embodies in itself the sum of all that is vile. It would have been too much to expect from any human being tii.it such a compli- cation of ditticulties and dangers as those you have encountered, should have been met and overcome without errors and mistakes as to the best means to restore peace to our country. Our Union of States, which has from the commencement of the Government con- tinued to si)read its protecting shield over all the rights reserved to each of the indi- vidual States, can never be abandoned to the despotism of Slavery, or the heresy of secession, while there is life and power to maintain and defend it. In my letter I endeavored to show that nothing but the corrupting power of buying and selling human beings could ever so far demoralize a people as to cause them to del- uge a nalion in blood, in order to perpetuate an institution that enslaves thousands of their own children. It nuist be api)arent to all who desire the preservation of the Union, that the slaves who now cultivate the fields, and who perform a large portion of the mechanical labor of the South, are as much a power to be met and overcome as the rebel armies that are now doing their utmost to spread death and desolation over our country. I believe with you, that it is impossible for a people who aie determined to per- petuate Slavery at the expense of all the horrors of a civil war, to continue to hold slaves and live in peace with a Government having its foundation on the equal and ina- lienable rights of men. In relation to the propriety of the employment of negroes as a loar measure or means to conquer the rebellion, I fear the greatest mistakes of the war have been made. It has taken time to educate the people to see and feel the absolute necessity of uttacTciny the rebellion in tke only ioay by which it can be speedily and effectually over- come, and at the same time extinguish a cause of national sorrow, demoralization, and di.sgrace. You have with great propriety asked the question, " Why should negroes do any- thing for us if we will do nothing for them ?" You have rightly said that " If they stake theii^livcs for us they must be prompted by the strongest motives." The correctness and wisdom of that opinion cannot be called in question. It is greatly to be deplored that the Government, and so many people of the North, with somc^of the ofidccrs of the army, have been so slow to perceive and adopt the only effectual means, which is to vse the negroes as a power by which this terrible war of re- bellion canbe put down. Those who have sympathized with rebels know their importance, and have uni- formly raised a clamor against their use and every measure calculated to strengthen our own Government, or to strike the rebellion in its weakest place. It is cause of astonishment to all who realize the fact that this desolating war is now carried on against us by less than one-third of the inhabitants of the United States. This is rendered .still more astonishing when we remember that more than one-half of this one-third now left within the limit of the rebel States arc our friends, and have been at times ready and anxious to aid us so soon as their freedom and safety could be secured. I believe that the war of rebellion would have been short, if, at the commencement 10 of the struggle, a decided policy in relation to the employment of negroes could have been adopted and sustained by the people of the North. It should have been a policy promising freedom, protection, and a soldier's bounty to all able-bodied slaves of rebels who would enlist to defend the Union, the Constitu- tion, and the laws which made us a nation. It should have been a policy defined by a proclamation, to be constantly kept before the people, setting forth the fact that the Gov- crnmeni of the United SUites have been compelled, in the most reluctant stlf-defcnse, to adopt these measures, to meet in actual war those States now in open rebellion against all the rightful authority and power of the Nation, thereby forcing on the Govern- ment the painful necessity of using all means known in civilized %varfare in order to put down a combination of wicked men who aim to destroy the Union and to build upon its mins a Government where " proj)erty shall own labor," and of which the corner-stone shall be the enslavement of millions of human beings. Our National Government, after having organized all the jiublic lands into Terri- torial Governments, with the right to engraft slavery upon them all, whenever the people of any State shall so elect, and after passing by an almost unanimous vote in Congress a resolution declaring that the Government had no intention or desire to interfere with Slavery in any manner where it was then legally held, further demonstrates the sin- cerity of the Government, by proposed amendment to the Constitution, in order to put it forever out of the power of Congress to interfere with Slavery within the States. All these efforts failed to satisfy the people of the South, whose present Vice-Presi- dent, when in the Convention of Secessionists, defied their body to show a single act of the General Government that was intended to oppress or injure the people of the South, whose leading men had long before determined on a dissolution of the Union, for no better reason" than the one stated by John C. Calhoun more than thirty years ago. He then said their system of slavery was an aristocratic system, and that they were an aristocratic people, and that so long as they could control the action of the General Gov- ernment thev would remain in it, but when they could not, they would break it up. This they are now trying to do by any and all means in their power. To prevent them from bringing upon our country and the world such a calamity, our Government will be fully justified in holding out exenj inducement to slaves of rebels to •ioift o?«- «7'W)/ to fight for their freedom and independence. The ^poWcy oieviploxjing the negroes in our defense, if I am not mistaken, is demanded by the highest interests of the South as well as by the North. , r, , •„ I believe that ten years will not pass before the people of the South will erect monuments to commemorate their deliverance from the blight of Slavery. They will verify the truth of what Homer declared two thousand six hundred years ago, when he said that ° " "Whatever day makes man a slave Takes half his worth avpay." I for one, envy not the man who, to save a nation's life, will not say : Perish Slavery— ])erish idl that stands in the way of nmiiitaininQ the freedom and independence that our Union was intended to secure. Hoping that our Government will always contend for those measures best calcula- ted to establish justice and promote the general welfare, 1 remain, with great respect, y«"^^"^"^' PETER COOPER. APPLICATION TO TOE SECRETaHV OF WAR. Rooms of the New Yokk Association fok Coloued Volunteeks, ^ 2(3 Pine Street, New York, Nov. 21, 1863. ^ ITon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington. Siu: At a meeting of the General Committee of the New York Association for Colored Volunteers— an Association formed imder the annexed call from Peter Cooper, General Sickles, and many other well-known citizens — it was Rusolred : That General AV . K. Strong, late of the United States Army, be requested to tele- graph to the War Department to know whether the President will authorize the enlist- ment of Colored Volunteers in this State, and c?-tehalt of my regiment and myself, that we will be leady at twenty- four hours' notice, to march (as we have done before) to any position of actual service where Me can be useful, provided that service be limited to a period not exceeding three months. More than this, a sense of individual responsibility and duty does not permit me for the present to promise. " More than six months ago I tendered my services to other officers for the enlist- ment and organization of Colored Volunteers in this State ; and I at that time addressed a connnunication to the SeL-retur}- of War upon the subject I stand ready now, and shall at all times stand read}', to render that assistance. "Faithfully yours, F. A. CONKLING. " Henkv O'Riellt, Esq., Secretary N. Y. A. C. V." Colonel Dwight Morri.s, late acting Brigadier of a brigade including some New York, New Jersey, and Conuectiiut Volunteer.'^, was then named as a proper commander for the proposed Brigade of Coloi-ed Volunteers — as follows : Okkick of tok Nkw Youk " Association fok Coloked Volinteek.s," ^ New York, 2(5 Pine Street, Dec. 2, 1S«3. S To the UoN. Edwin M. Staxton, tScrretnr;/ of ]\'(ir : Sir: in your reply of Nov. 24 to our communication through (General ^\ . K. Strong, late of the United States Ami}', you state that yen will gram authority to suit- able persons to raise Colored N'olunteers, in New York, to be crctlited on tiie (piota of the State, and to be known as United States Volunteers — the officers to be commis- sioned by the l*resident. For the j)urpo.se of sustaining this policy of the Government, and trigadii;r-(uiicral, and assigned to dut}"^ in this city and State. The Committee take jjleasure in expressing tiie belief that tliis gentleman (who, as .\cting Brigadicr-(y heaping into it the corpses of his colored soldiers. Dishonored ! Who would not die such a death to be worthy of such a grave? Who that rightly feels would exchange that lowly resting place on the barren shore of South Carolina, lulled by the eternal requiem of the solemn sea, for the proudest mausoleum in the loftiest temple built with human hands V "No, no, my friends, you cannot be hindered now in your high caUing. It is but to look back for a few years — nay, but for a few months in this city — to realize what a forward step has been taken, and to feel quite sure that in such a path there is no step backward. "On! on! then, soldiers of the 20th United States Colored Troops, with .serried ranks, with faith in yourselves and in your cause, with contidence and affection for your officers, and with humble but earnest trust in God, and you will, you must, in con- tributing to the rescue of your country and its Constitution, work out your own com- plete redemption. " Already the colored troops of the United States count by tens and twenties of thousands, and nowhere have they turned back from the bloodiest conflict or failed to follow their leaders into the very jaws of death. " Dear Col. Bartram, to you and to the officers of this fine regiment it remains for me to say a few words : " The flag which I hold in my hands, to be placed in yours, tells its own story. The conquering eagle and the broken yoke and the armed figure of liberty speak as plainly as symbols can of the might of Freedom and the overthrow of Slavery — and flying, as will this standard-sheet, beside the Stars and Stripes of the Republic, they will form a spell of such power as to bind up every generous heart with one firm, fierce resolve that these flags shall not be separated — shall not be surrendered — but shall go marching on, and marching on, and still marching on to triumph and final victory ! " In the faith, Colonel, that such is your resolve, I commit to your hands, for the 20th Regiment United States Colored Troops, in the name of those loyal women, the flag they have prepared. May the blessing of God go with it, and with you and your soldiers, and fighting beneath its folds, may He cover your heads in the day of battle!" At the close of his speech, President King read the following address, which had been prepared by H. T. Tuckerman. The address was neatly engrossed on parchment , and .signed by the ladies who presented the colors to the regiment. To the Officers and Men of the Twentietli United States Colored TroojJS : Soldiers : We, the mothers, wives, and sisters of the members of the New York Union League Club, of whose liberality and intelligent patriotism, and under whose direct au.spice.s, you have been organized into a body of national troops for the defense of the Union, earnestly sympathizing in the great cause of American iree nationality, and de- sirous of testifying, by some memorial, our profound sense of the .sacred object and the holy cause in behalf of which you have enlisted, have prepared for you this banner, at once the emblem of freedom and of faith, and the symbol of woman's best wishes and prayers for our common country, and especially for your devotion thereto. When you look at this flag and rush to battle, or stand at guard beneath its sublime motto, "God and Liberty!" remember that it is also an emblem of love and honor from the daughters of this great metropolis to her brave champions in the field, and that they will anxiously watch your career, glorifying in your heroism, ministering to you when wounded and ill, and honoring your martyrdom with benedictions and with tears. Mrs. J. J. Astor, Mrs. G. W. Blunt, Mrs. J. W. Beckman, Mrs. S. Wetmore, Mrs. S. B. Chittenden, Mrs. G. Bliss, jr., Mrs. S.J. Bacon, Mr.s. R. B. Minturn, Mrs. Charles 3 18 King, ^rr?. S. W. Bridgham, Mrs. W. E. I)oilp;c, Mrs. R. Stebbins, Mrs. B. Schieftelin, Miss Kin ! The puni.shment for it has undoubtedly lieeii great already, but I trust tiiat liic utlor humiliation and discomfiture which it deserves, are about to follow. 'J"o this end this regiment is about to take the field — a regiment com- posed of a race hitherto despised — of a race almost hopelessly sunk in degradation, by a .sy.stem of slavery as barbarous as it is unjust. It has been the habit of those among us who sympathize with the traitors now in arms against us to sneer at what they are pleased to term the cowardice of the negro. 1 hope that Port Hudson, Fort >Vagner and <)lustce have forever settled this question. In this regard, I must be permitted to refer biiefly to the conduct of the Eighth United States Colored Troops, in the last- mentiohed action. My reason for doing this is, that for some three or four months I was on duty wilh this regiment, as its Lieutenant-Colonel, and during this period I had ample opportunity to become thoroughly actjuainted witli its ofliccrs and the material composing its rank and lile. No regiment ever went to the field better officered than the Eighth, and no regiment ever contained a braver or more resolute set of men. How well they fought is shown by their list of casualties ; and although a subordinate oflict-r in a battery thought it a misfortune to be supjiorted by a colored regiment, yet, when we bear in, mind that two veteran regiments had already found the position too hot and had retired, 1 think we can afford to forgive the .slander, and .say that the misfortune, if mis- fortune there was, was not in having a colored regiment for a support, but in having an 19 to my duty to an old companion in ann^, wno nas laui iiown nis uiu iii)on his country, did I permit this occasion to pass without paying this shglit ti memory. [The allusion is to Col. Frihley, of the 8th U. S. Colored Volu fell at Olustee, and who cordially recommended that iJartrani, his Lieut.-Cul officer in the service of the United States so biased, so ungenerous, so cowardly, as to slander the brave men who fell around his guns. [Applause.] I should feel recreant to my duty to an old companion in anus, who has laid down his life ui)on the altar of ■" " ' ... • .... ■ ,, • '■ riit tribute to his luntecrs, who lonel, should be appointed Colonel of this (-^irth) Regiment of U. S. Colored Troops.] " I trust that when the time comes for the 20th to go into action, we shall behave ourselves in a manner that will rcHcct credit upon ourselves and honor upon our friends and our country. AV^e feel that we have tlie sympathies and prayers of good men and women. We know the interest you feel in us— the high hopes you entertain— and be- lieve me when I say that it is the determination of every officer and man of my com- mand that, so far as the power to fulfil in them lies, you shall not be disappointed. I would that I could command appropriate words to address the noble women to whom we are indebted for this beautiful stand of colors. ^Vill you accept a soldier's thanks, and his pledges that they shall never know dishonor while strength remains to wield a weapon in their defense V" At the conclusion of his remarks he was greeted with enthusiastic cheers ; then followed cheers for his officers and cheers for his men, and before he mounted his beauti- ful steed, some one presented him with a handsome boquct. The following letter was received from Gen. Dix : Headijuahteks Depautment of the East, ) New Yokk City, March 5, 1864. y To the Committee for the Reeej-ttion of the Twentieth United States Colored Regiment. Gentlemen: I much regret that official engagements at my headquarters vvill not permit me to attend the tiag presentation to the regiment. It will cairy with it to the tield my cordial wishes for its success, and the assurance that the alacrity with which the colored classes in this State are coming forward to co-operate in putting down the Rebellion will secure, as it deserves, the lasting gratitude of the country. I am truly yours, John A. Dix, Major-General. THE COLLATION AT THE SQUARE. ' After the presentation ceremony was over, the men stacked arms, and partook of a collation provided for them. Corpulent cans of coffee and fat baskets of sandwiches were carried into the square, and their contents generously distributed among the sable soldiers. They ate heartily, and were not backward in expressing their sentiments in relation to the reception they had met. " This is what we get for being soldiers." " If Uncle Sam treats us in this way, wc should like to board with him." " Hurrah for the Committee." "This doesn't look like July." " How arc you, rioters!" " Three cheers for the ladies." " That {lag is a big thing, boys." " AVe'll show the Copperheads what we can do for freedom when we get a chance." " That was a jolly speech made by our Colonel." '■ Didn't Professor King talk like a book," &c. We might till a column with the remarks made by these men during the few minutes allowed for lunch, showing their appreciation of the ovation which had been tendered to them, and the great ad- vancement made in public opinion in regard to their race. After luncheon, march was resumed in the following order : THE PROCESSION. Police Superintendent Kennedy. One Hundred Policemen. Members of the Union League Club. Colored Friends of the Recruits, marching with hands joined. Governor's Island Band. The 20th Regiment United States Colored Troops. The line of march was down Broadway to Canal street, through Canal street to the North River, where they embarked on l)oard the Ericsson for New Orleans. The men made a tine appearance in their blue uniform, white gloves and white leggings. They are hearty and athletic fellows, many of them six feet tall, straight, and .symmetrical. A majority of them are black ; indeed there are but few mulattoes among them. The 20th is emphatically an African regiment, and to its credit be it .spoken, not one of its members disobeyed orders, no one broke ranks to greet enthusiastic friends, no one used intoxicating drinks to excess, no one manifested the least inclination to leave the service, and their marching was very creditable. 20 The inarch was truly a magniticont demonstration and a triumphant sign to progress. One thousand men with black skir.s, whose color has been a crime in the eyes of multi- tudes of whites, marched without molestation from the wharf where they landed, through Twenty-sixth Street, the Fifth Avenue, Lexington Avenue, Madison Avenue, and Broad- way. The doors, windows and balconies of our city palaces were thronged with aristo- cratic spectators, the ladies waving handkerchiefs, and the men cheering. Seven months ti(/o, the homes of these soldiers were attacked by rioters, who burned their dwellings, stole their property, and made the streets smoke with the blood of their unoffending relatives and friends. On the t)th of July, Mr. Geo. W. Blunt met with other gentlemen, at the New Eng- land Rooms, and adriiised Governor Andreic not to send the both Maasarlinsetts Colored Regiment through this city, on their wat/ to the seat of war, became the lives of colored /romen and children here would he endangered. On Saturday Mr. Blunt marched with other members of the club in the van of the grand procession, and saw no signs of that hatred of the black race which has been such a stigma of shame to our city and nation. THE TWENTY-SIXTH REGIMENT U. S. COLORED TROOPS. Presentation of Colors — Speech of Jonx Jay, Es*^. — Reply of Col. Silliman — De- PAKTtUE of the ReOIMEST. The 26th Regiment United States Colored Troops broke camp at Riker's Island at an early hour yesterday' morning, and came b}' barges to the foot of AVarren street. North River, where they embarked on board the steamer Warrior. The proposed parade of Saturday being unavoidably postponed on account of the weather, they were met by a committee of the Union League Club, anil an elegant stand of colors was presented to them, on behalf of the ladies of New York, by the Hon. John Jay. Mr. Jay accompanied the presentation by the following chaste address : Soldiers of the 26