Intellectual Bravery 
 
 COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS 
 
 JUNE 10, 1914 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS RILEY MARSHALL, LL. D. 
 
 VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 THE MAINE BULLETIN 
 
 VOL. 16, SPECIAL NUMBER 
 
 ORONO, MAINE, JULY, 1914 
 
 J. 
 
Hon. Thomas Riley Marshall, LL. D. 
 Commencement Orator 
 
INTELLECTUAL BRAVERY 
 
Intellectual Bravery 
 
 COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS 
 
 JUNE 10, 1914 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS RILEY MARSHALL, LL. D. 
 
 VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
c 
 
 I AM here to acknowledge that I have never gotten 
 anywhere in my life by the grace of merit alone. It 
 has always been because somewhere scattered over the 
 broad domain of the republic there was a great Hoosier 
 who was willing to say or do something for any Hoosier 
 brother of his. So my presence in this splendid audito- 
 rium this morning, on this beautiful campus, is not due to 
 any merit of my own, but to my old time friendship for 
 your distinguished president. 
 
 Carping Pilate asked, "What is truth ?" and would not 
 stay for an answer, with the result that twenty centuries 
 have not been enabled to tell definitely what is the truth. 
 And since his day nobody has been infallible, not even a 
 young man, although youth comes nearer infallibility than 
 any other period of life. 
 
 This is the young man's age. Failing eyesight indi- 
 cates failing intellectual vigor and the failure of the power 
 to do anything. I desire you to note that statement. I 
 am wearing glasses myself. There is no longer any use 
 for the old man in business life. There may be now and 
 then an elderly minister in Maine, but nowhere else in the 
 republic. There is a dead line which comes with failing 
 eyesight and graying hair, and the only place in which 
 there is use for an old man is in the profession of the law, 
 and I think they only tolerate the old lawyer because he 
 knows some things that it would be unpleasant for him 
 to tell. I have no protest to make against this young 
 men's and young women's age. I know that the automo- 
 bile has taken the place of the horse, and the electric car 
 
has taken the place of the ox team, and I know that 
 things are moving at a rapid pace in the world. And I 
 have no objection to the young man's age if the young 
 man will be willing to assume the responsibilities of the 
 age in which he lives, and will be willing to meet and face 
 the responsibilities of life. My own views are unimpor- 
 tant, absolutely unimportant, unless they meet with the 
 approval of right-thinking men and right-thinking women 
 everywhere. The most dangerous man in the world is 
 the man who imagines that his personality is in and of 
 itself of any great moment. 
 
 I want to call attention to the fact that we have three 
 grades of citizens in the Republic that, with due deference 
 to the opinion of other people, it seems to me might be 
 improved upon. And if they are to be improved upon, it 
 must be the work of the young men and the young 
 women who are going out of the colleges and universities 
 of America this year, and next year, and every succeeding 
 year. 
 
 There is a grade of citizens in America that I might 
 call hero worshippers, citizens who erect a base in their 
 hearts, set up the statue of a mere man, and fall down 
 and worship it. And this worship is not confined to those 
 who have not had the advantages of an academic train- 
 ing, but, alas! too often the real hero worshipper of 
 America is the bright, consummate flower of college and 
 university training. 
 
 I may be permitted to illustrate. I know a man who is, 
 from the standpoint of knowledge and information ac- 
 quired, the peer of any person in the Republic. He has 
 been a hero worshipper for ten years to my certain knowl- 
 edge. Some two years and a half ago he wrote and had 
 
published what seemed to me to be by far the best article 
 that I had read opposing the new-fangled idea of the 
 recall of the judiciary. Within six weeks after the publi- 
 cation of that article, a certain distinguished gentleman 
 who has had all the honors that the American people can 
 confer upon a man, and has taken all the honors abroad 
 that he could carry home, announced that he believed in 
 the recall of judicial decisions, which went the judges one 
 better. I said to myself, this friend of mine now at last 
 will cease his hero worshipping. But let me tell you that 
 although he had made a convincing argument against the 
 recall of judges, he still followed his hero and stood for 
 the recall of judicial decisions. 
 
 Now that is a problem for the young man and the 
 young woman of America to face with intellectual brav- 
 ery, to have the courage to reason out the problem as to 
 whether American life is going to be safe if any large 
 number of people fall down and worship any particular 
 man in the Republic. I would not have you understand 
 that in making this statement I am attempting to cast any 
 aspersions upon the great and wonderful success of an 
 ex-president of the United States. But if anybody should 
 fall down and worship me and follow me outside of the 
 constitution and the laws of this Republic, I should say 
 that he was doing his country and doing me an injustice. 
 
 There is another grade of citizens who are just quasi- 
 hero worshippers. They are like little children. They 
 want their doll for a little while after they get it, and then 
 they want to rip the seam open to see the sawdust run 
 out of the doll. It is within the common knowledge of 
 the American people that we put Admiral Dewey upon a 
 pedestal after the battle of Manila bay and we worshipped 
 
him, one and all of us bowing down before him as the 
 greatest of Americans, and some of us contributed a dol- 
 lar apiece and bought him a house. He deeded his house 
 to his wife, and then we just ripped him open and let the 
 sawdust run out of him. 
 
 For a while so many of us approach a public man upon 
 the theory that he is some huge colossus bestriding the 
 earth, and we poor pygmies are to be honored if we may 
 be but permitted to walk between his legs. For a while 
 we look upon him as a sacred image in a sacred church 
 and a great many of us come into the church with an 
 incense pot in one hand and a brickbat in the other ; and 
 for awhile we swing the censer, bow down and worship 
 him, until suddenly this oracle announces something that 
 does not happen to tally with our particular views, al- 
 though it may be an utterance that has no moment what- 
 ever in American life, and straightaway we throw the 
 incense pot out, shy the brickbat at him and break his 
 clay legs — because every man in American life has clay 
 legs if you only knew them. Down he comes from his 
 high position, and we start out and try to put another man 
 up in his place. 
 
 And there is the third grade of citizens that will need 
 looking after by the young men of America. They are 
 the people who seemingly care nothing about the condi- 
 tion of public affairs. If you have not gone into the sta- 
 tistics, let me tell you that there were more legal voters 
 who did not cast their ballot for anybody in the election 
 of 1912 than there were voters who cast their ballots for 
 Woodrow Wilson. Now you may think that that is not a 
 startling condition of affairs in American life. But when 
 more than one-fourth of the voters of this Republic have 
 
so little interest in their political affairs, care so little as to 
 policies or officials, as to remain away from the polls, I 
 beg the young men and the young women of America to 
 give candid, careful, and earnest consideration as to the 
 state and condition of the elector in America. 
 
 Now among all these classes, the three of them, — the 
 blind worshipper, the iconoclast, the thoughtless and in- 
 different, there is a tendency, as it seems to an old man, 
 that this government of ours and its affairs is to be a 
 matter of impulse rather than a matter of principle about 
 which it is possible for a brave man, if he will follow it to 
 the end, to find the truth. I am fearful that in American 
 life today, if Patrick Henry were to arise and attempt 
 to make his famous oration over he would not say to the 
 American people that he had but one lamp by which his 
 feet were guided, and that is the lamp of experience, but 
 quite the contrary, if he met almost the common view in 
 public life today, and I speak from no political standpoint, 
 because we find there are so many good Republicans who 
 are Democrats and so many bad Democrats who are Re- 
 publicans that I am slightly mixed. I say, it is this idea 
 in American life that there is nothing in the past that is 
 worth anything, and if Patrick Henry were to make his 
 speech again he would say the lamp of experience proves 
 everything that was bad, and therefore I advise you to 
 try something new, not because the lamp of experience 
 has taught that the new things which I advise you to take 
 are logically provable, but upon the theory of patent med- 
 icine — if it doesn't do you any good it will not do you any 
 harm. 
 
 I do not believe in the unrestrained will of the majority. 
 I was a Democrat, voting the Democratic ticket too long 
 
to believe in the unrestrained will of the majority. And 
 I am not so sure that we are going to stay in so long that 
 I will ever be inocculated with the virus of the unrestrained 
 will of the majority. I do not believe that there is any better 
 system of government than the old government in America. 
 I believe in the checks and balances of the old system of 
 government. While I believe in a democracy with a little 
 d, I beg the young men and young women who are going 
 to take charge of the national life very soon to remember 
 that the unrestrained will of a majority is as liable to lead 
 to evil as it is to good. 
 
 I could not believe in the great principle of "life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness," if I should yield that assent 
 to the unrestrained will of the majority. I have myself 
 certain inalienable rights given me by God that may not 
 be taken away from me by written constitutions ; yes, of 
 which I may not be deprived by the determination of all 
 the judicial tribunals in America; yea, more than that, 
 which I myself have no right to cede away as against the 
 rights of posterity. So that this is another problem for 
 the young man and the young woman of America to con- 
 sider, that there must not be, if this republic of ours is to 
 endure, there must not be an unrestrained will of the 
 majority. You can see with a moment's thought to what 
 it might lead. 
 
 It might lead to the legalizing of the wrong and it 
 might lead to the illegalizing of the right. And when we 
 attempt to put our national conduct and our public con- 
 science exclusively to the touchstone of a legislative enact- 
 ment, we are far in the decline of the republic. Let no 
 one forget the story of Ben Butler, when a young man 
 asked him to approve his admission to the Bar of Massa- 
 
chusetts. Butler said to him, "What do you know of the 
 law ?" He said to him, "General, I know everything there 
 is in the statutes of the state of Massachusetts." The 
 general said, " I can't approve your admission, young 
 man." And he said " Why ?" "The difficulty is, young 
 man, the legislature may meet next winter and repeal all 
 you know." 
 
 Do not take this theory that the unrestrained will of a 
 wrong majority, which does not take into consideration 
 the inalienable right of the individual man and the inalien- 
 able right of a composite majority in America, will be the 
 right system of government. The senior senator from the 
 state of New York has given the finest difinition that I 
 know of our system of government. He has said that a 
 republican form of government is organized self-control. 
 That is the finest definition that I have ever heard of our 
 system of government — organized self-control. 
 
 I do not yield my assent to the doctrine that a man 
 gives up to society, when society is formed, some of his 
 individual rights. I do not believe it, because I do not 
 believe that God ever made any one man who has a right 
 to ride roughshod over the rights and the feelings and 
 sensibilities of any other man. And so I do not believe that 
 any organized society, in spite of the statement of all the 
 law writers I know of and everybody else upon the sub- 
 ject — that men give up of their rights to society when 
 they organize it. I do not believe they give up anything 
 of their own when they organize society. It is simply as 
 the senior senator from New York has said, organized 
 self-control. 
 
 And the individual man knows that there can be no 
 very great success for himself unless he has self-control, 
 
unless he knows when to curb his passion, when to strike 
 and when to run, when to speak and when to keep silent. 
 And so society complies, and these self-controlled men are 
 a body of organized self -controllers, of men who, banded 
 together for the common good, know that there is a vast 
 difference between right and power ; that there is a vast 
 difference between what a man wants to do and what a 
 man ought to do in this world. 
 
 There can be no organized self-control if we are to have 
 the unrestrained will of a majority without regard to the 
 rights of a minority. If there be a single evil today — and 
 I beg you to remember that I am expressing no opinion — 
 a man at sixty has no right to have an opinion in this 
 age; the only thing he has a right to do is to just call to 
 the attention of the on-coming generation certain things, 
 and as they want to settle them I am perfectly willing 
 they shall settle them — tell them what they are and say 
 to them in the language of the street, "Boys, go to it" — 
 so that these are not opinions that I am expressing — be- 
 tween campaigns I express no opinion, and now and then 
 I wish I hadn't expressed some in campaigns. Between 
 campaigns there are certain things that a man sees, and I 
 think properly may be called to the attention of other 
 people, and then call upon them to settle it. 
 
 But I want it understood that I am expressing no opin- 
 ion, because I went down to New York a year ago or a 
 little over and I announced that the American people could 
 repeal the law with reference to the statute of descents 
 and the law with reference to the making of wills, and 
 could deprive them of a lot of their money down there. 
 And do you know, I had to sit up at night keeping the 
 papers that were bombarding me away from my door. 
 
 8 
 
The statement was absolutely true, it is the law, always 
 has been the law and always will be the law, but I was 
 expressing no opinion upon the subject. Now I beg you 
 to understand once again that there are no opinions ex- 
 pressed upon this occasion. 
 
 The difficulty with the present view of affairs is that 
 if you can pass a majority of these laws, then you know 
 things are all right. Why, in the villages of America 
 when your neighbor's chickens get over into your yard, 
 you do not go to your neighbor and say that you wish 
 they would keep their chickens at home, you go to the 
 common council and have them pass an ordinance provid- 
 ing that chickens shall not run at large, and make it the 
 duty of the chief of police and the patrolmen in the town 
 to arrest and impound the neighbor's chickens that are 
 found beyond the limit. I do not suppose that twenty-four 
 hours will go by and the discussion of any subject arises 
 that seems to impinge on the best interests of the people 
 of Maine but what somebody would say that there ought 
 to be a law about it. I suppose, your Excellency, that the 
 office of the Governor of Maine would be a delight if it 
 were not for just two things ; the people who want them 
 to get their friends out of the penitentiary and the people 
 who want laws passed preventing their friends from 
 getting into the penitentiary. 
 
 In the native state of Dr. Aley and myself last year — 
 early in this year — they had an awful strike and riot, and 
 straightway the newspapers in this country which are of 
 the progressive faith began to announce, look at poor old 
 Indiana. She has no initiative, referendum, or recall, and 
 look at what a condition of affairs Indiana is in. If she 
 had the right kind of law, this trouble between capital 
 
and labor would not have been possible at all and there 
 would have been no strike in the state of Indiana. 
 
 Then there was the strike out in Colorado, the most awful 
 scene of rapine, carnage, and murder that there has been 
 in the Republic since the war between the states, and they 
 discovered that in Colorado they had the initiative, refer- 
 endum, and recall of judges, and recall of judicial decis- 
 ions, and that great panacea for human ills for twenty-one 
 years, women's suffrage. 
 
 I brought with me, but I am not going to weary you by 
 reading it I left it in my grip — I have the constitution 
 of the Republic of Mexico, and I am willing to leave 
 it to any of the law professors of the University of Maine 
 if it is not a document of equal literary and legal power 
 and acumen with the constitution of the United States. 
 It is every bit as good a document. 
 
 Now I am not discussing women's sufferage, initiative, 
 referendum, or recall, none of these theories. I simply 
 call your attention to what took place in the old state of 
 Indiana. The state knew that it had solid ground upon 
 which to place its feet, even if the state of Colorado has 
 never failed to enact into law anything that anybody said 
 would be good for anything they needed ; and the republic 
 of Mexico in 57 years had 50 different rulers. I beg of 
 the young men of America who are going to take charge 
 of public affairs to understand and to have the intellectual 
 bravery to trace all of these problems to their logical con- 
 clusion, and to find out for themselves what I think they 
 will find out, that no law, nor ordinance, nor statute will 
 make people what people ought to be who do not con- 
 trol themselves. Organized self control of the American 
 people has hitherto kept them safe. 
 
 10 
 
There is another thing that the young man is coming 
 to witness in America. It is an irresistible conflict be- 
 tween capital and labor in this country, and it will be 
 irresistible until it is settled in the fit and proper manner 
 in which men should settle such questions. Take this 
 same state of Colorado. The conflict which culminated 
 a few months ago has been going on for 30 years, and it 
 has been a conflict between capital on the one hand, con- 
 trolled by the legislature of the State of Colorado, and 
 labor upon the other hand, controlled by the same legis- 
 lature. Sometimes one side would be in control and later 
 the other side would be in control. They have tried for 
 30 years to solve the problem in Colorado by legislative 
 enactment, and the solution has been found to be a failure. 
 It does not accomplish its purpose, so that if we should 
 have the unrestrained will of the majority in this republic 
 and be ruled by legislative enactment when the mind of 
 the people is to live, we can not help having irresistible 
 conflict between capital and labor that will never, never 
 end. My sympathy has always been with labor. 
 
 I do not think that a man is a tramp because he wants 
 to be a tramp, but I think he is a tramp because has not 
 decent clothes, and because he is dirty, and because he 
 has no friends. The Salvation Army has proven conclu- 
 sively that there is a great deal of connection between 
 cleanliness and Godliness, because the first thing they do 
 is to sober a man, wash him, and give him clean clothes 
 before they seek for his soul, so that he is the average 
 man in this republic between those capitalists with millions 
 on one hand and comparative poverty on the other. 
 
 It is charged that the union was responsible for the 
 strike in the State of Colorado. Now out of 14,000 of 
 
 11 
 
these strikers, there were only 800 union men among them. 
 You must not believe all that you read in the newspapers. 
 That problem goes far deeper than the union. It goes 
 far deeper than the immigration question, because 
 there are 12,000 of them who cannot speak a word of 
 English, and yet who can go to the ballot box if they 
 choose to and kill the votes of every one of these young 
 men, and all the friends of these young men, in the man- 
 agement and control of affairs in this republic, and yet 
 there are people who say that the unrestrained will of the 
 majority is the thing that shall shape young American life. 
 Now some here think that labor is right and some think 
 that capital is right and we think that we know all about 
 it, and we all have opinions on the subject. Now let me 
 tell you that there are very few opinions in America at the 
 present time. I will not mention his name, but there was 
 a United States senator, when I had the honor to preside 
 over that august body, who rose and said that he knew 
 nothing about the subject, but that he desired to express 
 an opinion about it, and he talked thirty minutes. It 
 would be impertinent of me to say that neither his talk 
 nor his opinion amounted to anything. We think we have 
 opinions when as a matter of fact we have only predju- 
 dices. The paper that speaks well of me is a great moulder 
 of public opinion, but the paper that rips me up the back 
 and throws salt in is a yellow journal. We take up a 
 paper and read the headlines in the different papers and 
 we say that we have an opinion. Two or three years ago 
 there was a lady doctor found dead in her bed in Indian- 
 apolis. I took up a morning paper and read that Dr. Helen 
 Knabe was murdered. Other papers said that she had 
 committed suicide. One local man reviewed the facts in 
 
 12 
 
the Helen Knabe case for the newspapers and he wound up 
 his statement in this way : "Thus we see from the facts 
 in this case that Dr. Helen Knabe was either murdered 
 or committed suicide/' 
 
 We have laws against usury in many of the states and 
 in many cases these laws are favored by the usurers as it 
 means the protection of the man who has money to lend. 
 They claim it is a safeguard against temptation. It is 
 like the law of prohibition in the state of Maine. It is a 
 safeguard against temptation. 
 
 Now let me give a few figures in regard to labor. In 
 1850, the proportion between labor and capital in America 
 at that time was one-fourth to labor and three-fourths to 
 capital. Now read your history of the times and find out 
 whether or not this is so. In 1850 we had a peaceful, 
 contented, happy people. There were no disturbances be- 
 tween the rich man and the laboring man and there was 
 no millionaire. He came in with the boll weavil and the 
 gypsy moth. He was an evolution. Now take 1910. In 
 sixty years capital gets more than four-fifths on every- 
 thing that is made in America, but the laborer gets less 
 than one-fifth. I am not expressing any opinion on the 
 subject. 
 
 If you read the testimony before the industrial com- 
 mission given by the head of the I. W. W. less than 
 three weeks ago in the city of New York, you know that 
 he said if it were necessary to destroy a factory in order 
 to accomplish their purpose, well and good, that if it was 
 necessary to kill and murder to accomplish their purpose, 
 well and good. A hundred thousand of them, young gen- 
 tlemen, were going to take charge of the public affairs in 
 America. One hundred thousand were growing every 
 
 13 
 
year. This is a problem that deserves your honest and 
 active consideration and a problem that you must face 
 and properly settle. 
 
 Now there is another question that confronts you 
 young men, that of state's rights. We all believe in 
 state's rights; that is, we all believe in state's rights 
 whenever somebody wants to do something that we do 
 not want done. I doubt whether there is a public man 
 in America today who will back the principle and in the 
 face of every condition stand by that principle. I am not 
 saying that I would. 
 
 We object to the centralization of everything in Wash- 
 ington theoretically, but when we want a portion of the 
 agricultural appropriation in order to teach the young 
 men how to farm we call on the national treasury to get 
 the money. 
 
 I have known four men. I do not mean that I have not 
 known more than four men, but I have known four men 
 and there is a vast deal of difference between knowing 
 men and knowing about them. It is not as troublesome 
 to know about a man, but it is a difficult thing to know 
 him. One of these was a young man. He weighs 225 
 pounds. He is a fine specimen of physical manhood. He 
 is the greatest football player that I know of in America, 
 but he has never made the team I am going to tell you 
 what he said about it. He said he would not play be- 
 cause he was afraid that with his great strength he would 
 hurt somebody. 
 
 The second man I know was of the tribe of Judah. He 
 brought his green trunk across the gang plank at Castle 
 Garden about 1825 and went into the wilds of Indiana ; 
 carried a pack on his back from place to place ; later, he 
 became a storekeeper, and finally a banker. For a while 
 
 14 
 
I was his confidential attorney in the closing up of his 
 business transactions. One day a man told him that his 
 agent had misrepresented the facts to him in closing a 
 deal. There was no defense. There was $5,000 profit in 
 it for my Hebrew friend. I told him there was no defense 
 of a contract. He said : "Write a release. I have lived 
 60 years in this community and I do not know of a man 
 who ever begrudged me my money or whoever accused 
 me of getting a dollar that did not belong to me." He is 
 dead now. I wrote his children a letter of condolence, 
 but it had nothing to do with his wealth ; it had to do 
 with the white soul that has gone to God. 
 
 The third man that I knew was an office holder. He 
 discovered that certain fees to the state it had been the 
 custom of his predecessors to use for political purposes. 
 There was no law against such a use and there was no 
 law stating the funds should go into the state treasury. 
 He turned the money into the state treasury. 
 
 The fourth man that I knew was a manufacturer. He 
 reached the conclusion, not being of my Presbyterian faith, 
 that "in Adam's fall, we sinned all," and that "the grapes 
 which the fathers eat set the children's teeth on edge." 
 He reached the conclusion that it did not seem right that 
 one man should receive a reward for the fortunate enter- 
 prise of his flock and another should be punished for the 
 poverty of his flock. He was one who had been rewarded 
 for his fortune. He then went into a profit sharing pro- 
 position with his employes. They have no strikes and 
 the business is carried on with peace and harmony. These 
 four men I have named are worthy of honor. 
 
 May God help the University of Maine to keep from its 
 rolls of alumni any man who is not brave enough to do 
 right. 
 
 15 
 
CLASS OF 1914 
 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 BACHELOR OF SCIENCE 
 
 Arthur Wakren Abbott (Horticulture) Portland 
 
 Harold Purington Adams (Dairy Husbandry) Bowdoinham 
 
 Charl.es Raymond Atwood (Forestry) Rumford 
 
 Lewis John Brown (Agronomy) Gorham, N. H. 
 
 Chauncey Wallace Lord Chapman (Forestry) Old Town 
 
 Ralph Thompson Coffey (Horticulture) South Brewer 
 
 Richard Foster Crocker (Biology) Belfast 
 
 John Whittemore Gowen (Agronomy) Arlington, Mass. 
 
 Howe Wiggin Hall (Horticulture) Rockland 
 
 James Russell Hudson (Animal Husbandry) Winthrop 
 
 Henry Augustus King (Horticulture) Peabody, Mass. 
 
 Charles Raymond McKenney (Horticulture) Orono 
 
 Leon Stanley McLauchlan (Agronomy) Fort Fairfield 
 
 Preston Hussey Martin (Horticulture) Fort Fairfield 
 
 William Collins Monahan (Agronomy) South Framingham, Mass. 
 
 Paul Wheeler Monohon (Agronomy) Biddeford 
 
 Wilson Montgomery Morse (Animal Husbandry) Waterf ord 
 
 Sidney Winfield Patterson (Dairy Husbandry) Winslow 
 
 Roy William Peaslee (Agronomy) Randolph 
 
 Woodbury Freeman Pride (Horticulture) Auburn 
 
 Eugenia Rodick (Home Economics) Bar Harbor 
 
 Neil Carpenter Sherwood (Animal Husbandry) Cherryfield 
 
 Leon Campbell Smith (Forestry) Topsham 
 
 Roland Earle Stevens (Biology) Belfast 
 
 William Raymond Thompson (Biology) Bangor 
 
 Wayland Dean Towner (Forestry) Maiden, Mass. 
 
 COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES 
 
 BACHELOR OF ARTS 
 
 Louise Bartlett (Latin) Orono 
 
 Estelle Beaupre (Romance Languages) Bangor 
 
 Marion Stephanie Buzzell (Romance Languages) Old Town 
 
 Charles Arthur Chase (Biology) Sebec Station 
 
 Harold Vernon Cobb (Economics) Livermore Falls 
 
 Mary Longfellow Cousins (Latin) Brewer 
 
 16 
 
Zu Chi Dage (Chemistry) Soo Chow, China 
 
 Albert Felton (Chemistry) Parsons, W. Va. 
 
 Albert Barnett Ferguson (Biology) New York, N. Y. 
 
 Norman Richards French (Physics) Fort Fairfield 
 
 Everett Burton Harvey (English) Bar Harbor 
 
 Theodore Winthrop Haskell (Economics) Westbrook 
 
 Oswald Burnett Higgins (Physics) Sewaren, N. J. 
 
 Aileene Browne Hobart (English) Milford 
 
 Laura Pearl Hodgins (Latin) Calais 
 
 Carrol Clair Jones (Economics) Solon 
 
 Marion Luella Jordan (Latin) Old Town 
 
 Albert Lincoln King (Economics) South Paris 
 
 Warren Stanhope Lucas (Mathematics) Auburn 
 
 Esca Allen Maines (Education) Norway 
 
 Frank Albert Morris (English) Old Town 
 
 George Burgess Newman (Biology) Fryeburg 
 
 Anna Belle Perkins (Romance Languages) North Brooksville 
 
 Arthur Amos St. Onge (Romance Languages) Dover 
 
 Allan Frank Sawyer (Economics) Milbridge 
 
 George Edward Sinkinson (Economics) Somersworth, N. H. 
 
 Carolyn Imogen Wormwood (English) Bangor 
 
 George James York (History) Yarmouthville 
 
 COLLEGE OF LAW 
 
 BACHELOR OF LAWS 
 
 Charles Drummond Barllett Bangor 
 
 Carl Adams Blackington Rockland 
 
 Samuel Cohen Bangor 
 
 Frank Gerald Driscoll Concord, N. H. 
 
 Maurice Sylvester Gerrish Melrose, Mass. 
 
 Ralph Rigby Glass (Graduate, U. S. Military Academy, 1904) Bangor. 
 
 Edward Isaac Gleszer Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Ernest Leroy Goodspeed (A. B., Bowdoin College, 1909) Randolph 
 
 Clypton Hewes Saco 
 
 Charles Edward Leonard Haverhill, Mass. 
 
 Frank Milton Libby Portland 
 
 James Barry Mountaine Bangor 
 
 Gladys Madeline Niles Bangor 
 
 James Gorman O'Connor Taunton, Mass. 
 
 Arthur Willis Patterson Castine 
 
 Harvey Roscoe Pease Cornish 
 
 Fred Wakefield Small Steep Falls 
 
 Frank Elwyn Southard (B. A., University of Maine, 1910) Auburn 
 
 James Robey Towle Montpelier, Vt. 
 
 Carl Alfred Weick Springfield 
 
 Ralph Kimball Wood Bangor 
 
COLLEGE OF TECHNOLOGY 
 
 BACHELOR OF SCIENCE 
 
 Archie Asbury Adams (Mechanical Engineering) Lagrange 
 
 Clifton Lowery Allen (Civil Engineering) Mount Vernon 
 
 Robert Wilbur Andrews (Civil Engineering) West Pembroke 
 
 Philip Hanson Bean (Civil Engineering) Saco 
 
 Ira Miller Bradbury (Civil Engineering) Gorham 
 
 Paul De Costa Bray (Chemistry) Turner 
 
 Dwight Stillman Chalmers (Electrical Engineering) Albion 
 
 Hermon Richard Clarke (Electrical Engineering) Townsend, Mass. 
 
 Fred Earle Dearborn (Chemistry) Penacook, N. H. 
 
 Harold Lee Dinsmore (Electrical Engineering) Hebron 
 
 Leon Albion Field (Mechanical Engineering) Biddef ord 
 
 David Albert Foster (Civil Engineering) Ellsworth Falls 
 
 Ernest Eugene Fowler (Mechanical Engineering) Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Harold Colby Gerrish (Electrical Engineering) Bangor 
 
 Edward Leonard Getchell (Electrical Engineering) Waterville 
 
 Alexander LeRoy Haggart (Civil Engineering) Franklin, Mass. 
 
 Alden Burgess Hayes (Mechanical Engineering) Bangor 
 
 Thomas Carol Higgins (Civil Engineering) Bar Harbor 
 
 Frederick Sawtelle Jones (Electrical Engineering) Augusta 
 
 John Norman Junkins (Mechanical Engineering) Milford, N. H. 
 
 Charles Merrill Kelly, Jr., (Electrical Engineering) Ipswich, Mass. 
 
 William Earle Kimball (Civil Engineering) South Paris 
 
 Fred Justin Lewis (Civil Engineering) Springfield, Mass. 
 
 Arthur Clarence Libby (Civil Engineering) Scarboro 
 
 Edward Michael Loptus (Chemical Engineering) Bangor 
 
 Nicholas Philip Makanna (Civil Engineering) Bangor 
 
 Mario Martinelli (Chemistry) Wareham, Mass. 
 
 Paul Elmer Murray (Electrical Engineering) Skowhegan 
 
 Fernando Treat Norcross (Civil Engineering) Portland 
 
 Mark Pendleton (Electrical Engineering) Islesboro 
 
 Wilfred Brown Pickard (Civil Engineering) Hopedale, Mass. 
 
 Lester Lary Richardson (Civil Engineering) Old Orchard 
 
 Gerald Arlester Rounds (Civil Engineering) Portland 
 
 Herbert Nason Skolfield (Civil Engineering) Brunswick 
 
 Philip Webb Thomas (Civil Engineering) Portland 
 
 Charles Herbert Tipping (Mechanical Engineering) Claremont, N. H. 
 
 Guy Raymond Wescott (Civil Engineering) Rumford 
 
 Max Lincoln Wilder (Civil Engineering) Augusta 
 
 Sherwood Howe Willard (Electrical Engineering) Greenfield, Mass. 
 
 Frederick Shaw Youngs (Civil Engineering) Bangor 
 
PHARMACEUTICAL CHEMIST 
 
 Arthur George Baldwin Reading, Mass. 
 
 Francis Edward Fortier Orono 
 
 Thomas Augustine Lynch Bangor 
 
 Paul Ouillette Caribou 
 
 George Boss Paul Dover, N. H. 
 
 ADVANCED DEGREES 
 
 MASTER OF ARTS 
 
 Martin Andrew Nordgard [A. B., Saint Olaf College, 1904] (Mathematics) . Orono 
 Irving Osgood Scott, [B. S., Dartmouth College, 1910] (Education) Hinckley 
 
 MASTER SCIENCE 
 
 Clarence Wallace Barber, [B. S., University of Maine, 1912] (Biology) . . .Orono 
 
 MASTER OF LAWS 
 
 Mark Alton Barwise, [LL. B., University of Maine, 1913] Bangor 
 
 Arthur Jean Baptiste Cartier, [LL. B., University of Maine, 1909] .... Biddeford 
 Walter Herbert Foster, [LL. B., University of Maine, 1905] .... Boston, Mass. 
 Ernest Linwood Seavey, [LL. B., University of Maine, 1908] San Diego, Cal.' 
 
 CHEMICAL ENGINEER 
 
 Albert Davis Conley, [B. S., University of Maine, 1911] Passaic, N. J. 
 
 CIVIL ENGINEER 
 
 Raymond Earle Davis, [B. S., University of Maine, 1911] Urbana, 111. 
 
 ClarenceMcLellan Weston, [B. S., University of Maine, 1908]. New York, N. Y. 
 
 HONORARY DEGREES 
 
 DOCTOR OF LAWS 
 
 Thomas Riley Marshall, [A. B., Wabash College, 1873; A. M., 1876; LL.D., 
 1909; also LL. D., Notre Dame University, 1910; University of Penn- 
 sylvania, 1911] Vice President of the United States Washington, D. C. 
 
 Henry Clinton Morrison, [A. B., Dartmouth College, 1895; M. S., New 
 
 Hampshire College, State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Concord, N. H. 
 
CERTIFICATES 
 
 HOME ECONOMICS 
 
 Edith Flint Baldwin 
 
 Ethel, Elizabeth Harrigan . Bangor 
 
 Ruth Jackman Vanceboro 
 
 Mart Fret Leonard Lewieton 
 
 SCHOOL COURSE IN AGRICULTURE 
 
 Alden Western Bradford Sebec Station 
 
 John Carroll Hawkes South Windham 
 
 Joseph Henry Johnson Waltham, Mass. 
 
 Harold Joseph Shaw Sanf ord 
 
 Alfred Henry Sidelinger Nobleboro 
 
 Sylvanus Cobb Small Charleston 
 
 Jones Harold Talbot East Machias 
 
 Floyd Verrill Brunswick 
 
 Linton Bartlett Ward Shirley, Mass. 
 
 Carroll Eugene Wilcox Morgan, Vt. 
 
 Clyde Sumner Wilcox Morgan, Vt. 
 
 MESS OF 
 
 CM. CLASS * CO. 
 •AN60R, MAINE 
 
0112 105817040