DIGGING 
 
 into 
 
 HISTORY 
 
Explanation of Cover Design 
 
 Stone carving depicting sacred animal god and ear of corn 
 

 DESIGN FROM BOWL OF THE MIMBRES TYPE 
 
 Subject: three hunters following trail of a deer(?); hunters, probably 
 dressed in skin jackets, carry bows and arrows and possibly throwing 
 
 sticks. About a.d. 1100 to 1200. 
 
 Drawing taken from Figure 13, Archaeology of Mimbres Valley, by 
 
 J. Walter Fewkes, Smithsonian Misc. Collections, vol. 63, no. 10. 
 
Digging into History 
 
 A Brief Account of Fifteen Years of 
 Archaeological Work in New Mexico 
 
 BY 
 
 PAUL S. MARTIN 
 
 CHIEF CURATOR, DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 
 
 Drawings by GUSTAF DALSTROM 
 
 ARTIST, DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 
 
 CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM 
 
 POPULAR SERIES 
 
 Anthropology, Number 38 
 
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 BY CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM PRESS 
 
 Copyright 1959 by Chicago Natural History Museum 
 
 Second Printing 1963 
 
Pref 
 
 retace 
 
 The purpose of this book is to piece together all the bits of 
 the Mogollon Indian jigsaw puzzle that we discovered in New 
 Mexico in our fifteen years of digging there. We gleaned a lot 
 of odd facts and artifacts during that period, but they begin to 
 shape up a vast and exciting picture of five thousand years of 
 human history. My hope, here, is to connect these pieces in 
 an orderly manner, and yet to infuse them with at least some 
 of the dynamic overtones we all experienced during these years 
 of discoveries. 
 
 But when a specialist writes for a lay audience, he finds 
 himself in almost insurmountable difficulties of terminology. 
 In my profession — as in all others, I presume — there is much 
 jargon that is difficult to "translate." Sometimes it comes out 
 in bewildering circumlocution ! In a number of cases, there- 
 fore, I have retained relatively unfamiliar words, accompanied 
 by explanations. 
 
 Writing this brief book has, in itself, been an adventure, 
 and I hope the reader will be able to share it with me. 
 
 I wish to thank the Board of Trustees, Mr. Stanley Field, 
 Chairman of the Board, and Dr. Clifford C. Gregg, President 
 of the Board, for their generous financial support and per- 
 sonal interest in our archaeological research in the Southwest. 
 This book would not have been possible without their sus- 
 tained assistance. 
 
 Paul S. Martin 
 
PAGE 
 
 Contents 
 
 Prologue 7 
 
 Brief Sketches of Southwestern Culture 17 
 
 Purposes of Work in New Mexico 28 
 
 Divisions of Mogollon Culture and Chronology 47 
 
 The Time of Limited Wandering 58 
 
 Emergence of Small, Sedentary Communities 70 
 
 The Beginnings of Town Life 103 
 
 Summary and Conclusions 135 
 
 Value of Archaeology 145 
 
 Bibliography 151 
 
 Index 155 
 
 Headings and end'pieces represent pieces of pottery, stone 
 tools, a Katchina, a portion of a tablita, an animal effigy, 
 a "sun symbol/' and designs from pottery. 
 
Prologue 
 
 This book deals with the history of a "lost" tribe of Indians 
 who lived long ago in western New Mexico. It will attempt to 
 tell you what we have found out about the origin of these 
 Indians, their development, changes that took place over thou- 
 sands of years in their lives, the kinds of houses they built, and 
 the kinds of crops they grew. 
 
 Columbus usually receives the credit for discovering the 
 New World, but this honor should be given to migrants from 
 northeastern Asia, whom we call the American Indians. 
 
 Detailed studies of the physical (racial) aspects of the Amer- 
 ican Indians show that they are all essentially Mongoloids, 
 although there is some diversity among the various tribes of 
 North, Middle and South America. This may be due to the 
 fact that the American continent was interpenetrated (via 
 Bering Strait) by successive groups of Asiatic migrants. These 
 may have represented a composite of several racial strains, but 
 primarily they were Mongoloid. In other words, some of the 
 divergences of physical types, now observable in the Indians, 
 first appeared in Asia and were then preserved in the New 
 World. 
 
4 k*- 
 
 A Museum exhibit showing the way by 
 which the American Indian probably came 
 to the New World. The reconstructed 
 scene suggests the crowded condition of 
 men and animals in northeastern Asia after 
 the glaciers began to recede and emphasizes 
 the ease with which both men and animals 
 could journey across Bering Strait from Asia 
 to America. 
 
 Since no possible ancestral forms of modern man have ever 
 been found in the New World, we may be sure that man 
 did not originate here. Furthermore, since the American In- 
 dian may certainly be classed as belonging to the Mongoloid 
 branch that originated in the Old World, we may be confident 
 that he came from Asia. How he came and when and why 
 are fascinating questions about which we have some informa- 
 tion and some guesses. We guess that he entered by the easiest 
 and shortest route and that would have been by Bering Strait, 
 for here the distance between the Old and New Worlds is a 
 mere sixty miles at the present time. If man started drifting 
 into the New World about 25,000 years ago, it is safe to 
 assume that he walked from Asia to America on dry land, 
 for the two continents were connected by a land bridge. Even 
 in much later times, when the land connection between the 
 two continents was broken, man could have crossed by boat 
 or on ice for the strait was narrower and shallower then. 
 
 The date of the earliest migrations from Asia to America 
 cannot be exactly stated at present. It is safe to say, how- 
 ever, that man was present in the New World at least 25,000 
 years ago. 
 
 8 
 

 N^ 
 
 
 \ 
 
 A few migrants to the New World may have reached our 
 shores by boat from the Pacific Islands, but it is usually con- 
 ceded that such voyages were few in number and probably 
 came about as a matter of chance rather than by intention. 
 Furthermore, if such accidental voyagers lived to tell the tale, 
 they and most of their specialized knowledge, traits, and tech- 
 niques probably were largely, if not entirely, submerged by the 
 civilization of their hosts. 
 
 There are speculations concerning the origin of the Amer- 
 ican Indians — such fables as Atlantis; The Lost Continent of 
 Mu; the "lost" tribes of Israelites who were merely deported 
 about 725 b.c. to Assyria and who may be described as dis- 
 placed, enslaved and shuffled about, but not lost; and the like; 
 but all of these "hypotheses" may be labeled as fiction based 
 on fancies, opinions, and chance analogies. 
 
 The consensus of most anthropologists today is that the In- 
 dian is an Asiatic who wandered into the New World and here 
 independently developed an impressive series of cultures that 
 range from a modest set of attainments to higher civilization. 
 
 9 
 
EXAMPLES OF EARLIEST AMERICANS 
 
 There is little doubt that the Asian emigrants, hereafter 
 referred to as the American Indians, came unknowingly to the 
 New World in pursuit of big game — the cold-steppe bison, the 
 horse, the wooly mammoth, the musk-ox. These early hunters, 
 armed with elaborate projectile weapons and excellent projec- 
 tiles of flint, and aided by the cooperation and interest of the 
 whole tribe, were sensibly following the well-marked trails left 
 by these large, grazing animals. As would be expected, the 
 trails led to grassy glades, water, and salt-licks and, as Dr. 
 Loren Eisely (see Bibliography) points out, ran through moun- 
 tain passes or across the lowest divides of the mountain ranges. 
 The first comers were very smart to follow these trails. 
 
 This guess as to what kind of folk these earliest Americans 
 were fits in very well with our bits of knowledge of the first 
 Indians. It seems fairly certain from several well-explored 
 sites that man's tools, garbage, camp sites, and earliest hearths 
 (all spoken of as cultural remains) were associated with re- 
 mains of now extinct large game. 
 
 I shall mention briefly three of these finds (for more details 
 see the Bibliography: Luis Aveleyra, M. R. Harrington, 
 E. W. Haury). 
 
 (1) At and near Tule Springs, in southern Nevada, Dr. 
 M. R. Harrington, Mr. Fenley Hunter, and others discovered 
 the camp ground of some of the early Indians. There they 
 found bones of the mammoth, the American camel, the long- 
 horned bison, deer, and two extinct species of American horses. 
 Most of these bones had been split and charred, and in one 
 fire-pit were the remains of a camel that had been cooked. 
 Only two stone tools have been found associated with these 
 remains : a crudely chipped tool of obsidian and one roughly 
 made side-scraper. 
 
 The charcoal from the fire-pits was dated by the carbon 14 
 method as being 23,800 years old or perhaps more (see p. 53). 
 
 This is our earliest dated site up to the moment. 
 
 (2) Another example of a big animal that was successfully 
 hunted for food by early American Indians comes from near 
 Naco, in southern Arizona, southwest of Bisbee. Here Dr. 
 
 10 
 
Emil Haury and Mr. E. B. Sayles found the remains of a Co- 
 lumbian mammoth killed by hunters who hurled eight stone 
 spear-points into it. One of them, at least, pierced the ani- 
 mal's most vulnerable area — the spinal cord near the base of 
 the skull. The hunters apparently hacked off the much- 
 sought-after steaks and roasts and left the remainder of the 
 carcass and the eight projectile points; eventually they were 
 covered by sand and fill. The spear-points were of the type 
 called Clovis Fluted. 
 
 Geologists think that this kill took place more than 10,000 
 years ago. The exact date cannot be determined at present, 
 but one may guess that the ancient hunting party took place 
 12,000 to 20,000 years ago. 
 
 (3) An excellent account of a mammoth "find" in Mexico 
 accompanied by three artifacts of stone, two spear-points and 
 one knife, was described by Dr. Luis Aveleyra (see Bibli- 
 ography) . 
 
 AFFILIATIONS BETWEEN THESE EARLY HUNTERS 
 AND THE EARLIEST MOGOLLON PEOPLE 
 
 Our story starts with the Cochise Indians who settled in 
 southern Arizona about 6000 b.g. Their earliest history has 
 has been partly reconstructed by archaeologists and geologists 
 who have studied the ancient camp sites in which hearthstones, 
 charcoal, tools of stone, and bones of extinct animals were 
 found. Southern Arizona is now a desert, but it was cool and 
 moist at that time and there were hickory and other trees that 
 like relatively moist places. The region abounded in lakes 
 and streams that were probably dammed up by beavers. 
 Here the Cochise Indians hunted animals that are now ex- 
 tinct — the dire wolf, the American camel, the American horse, 
 and the mammoth. The people camped along streams and 
 lake shores and subsisted on nuts, seeds, berries, roots, and 
 edible plants, supplementing this diet by some animal foods. 
 Such a way of life is called a food-gathering economy because 
 emphasis was on plant foods rather than on hunting. Agri- 
 culture, architecture, and pottery-making were unknown to 
 these people. 
 
 11 
 
MAP OF PINE LAWN VALLEY AND ADJACENT AREAS 
 
 12 
 
For about 3,000 years the Cochise Indians went along in 
 more or less the same manner. Tools changed and improved, 
 but food-gathering plus some hunting remained the subsistence 
 pattern. Dwellings may have been skin tents. The climate 
 and environment were slowly changing, however. The con- 
 tinental glaciers were receding, lakes and streams were drying 
 up, and the area was slowly becoming a desert. The large 
 food animals were gradually becoming extinct. 
 
 It must have been plain to the Indians that their very exist- 
 ence was endangered, and this realization probably produced 
 an era of unrest, peril, insecurity, and apprehension. The 
 mental torture of the Cochise Indians must have been like our 
 feelings today in the atomic age. At any rate, they had to 
 move or perish, and some of them migrated northward, about 
 5,000 years ago (3000 B.C.) to Pine Lawn Valley in western 
 New Mexico. This move brought the first settlers into the 
 Valley. From their simple way of life grew a culture that 
 lasted thousands of years and had important effects on neigh- 
 boring peoples. 
 
 Once arrived, these Indians camped along a pleasant 
 streamlet that issued from a spring high up in the nearby 
 mountains. Living near a clear mountain stream must have 
 been refreshing: water was always at hand for domestic pur- 
 poses and for sustaining usable rushes and edible plants; water 
 in quiet pools provided drinking places for deer, wild pig, 
 bear, and other animals. The Indians resumed their old way 
 of life — gathering wild seeds, nuts and roots which they ground 
 up on stone slabs or milling stones; cleaning skins with roughly 
 formed scrapers of stone; and chopping brush and firewood 
 with heavy stone hand axes or choppers. 
 
 FIRST AGRICULTURE, HOUSES AND POTTERY 
 
 In the new homeland they also developed several new, 
 worth-while ideas and inventions. 
 
 The idea of planting seeds was probably not difficult for 
 the people to accept because for thousands of years they had 
 watched plants grow, had gathered in their yield of edible bits, 
 and may even have partly protected a few of their favorite 
 
 13 
 
and most succulent shoots and herbs. At any rate, about 
 3000 to 4000 B.C., when the revolutionary conception of plant- 
 ing, cultivating, and guarding seeds of a new and mysterious 
 plant-food that we call maize or corn was presented to the 
 Cochise, they were ready to accept such an idea. Thus was 
 agriculture established and a blessing it was, for with a more 
 assured food supply less time and less effort had to be spent 
 in searching for wild food plants. With less time expended on 
 food-gathering, leisure increased and life became less tenuous, 
 especially for the thrifty who put aside a surplus of the corn to 
 tide themselves and their families over a season of drought. 
 With leisure, they had a chance to develop arts and other skills; 
 and with a stable food supply, the population tended to in- 
 crease. Soon after the introduction of corn, which probably 
 came from Mexico and ultimately perhaps from South Amer- 
 ica, beans and squash also were adopted from more southern 
 peoples. By 2500 B.C., corn, beans, and squash were a part of 
 the Cochise food supply. 
 
 Also, from some unknown source came the knowledge that 
 men could live more comfortably in pit-houses. A pit-house 
 is a neatly excavated hole from 12 to 20 feet in diameter and 
 from 2 to 4 feet deep, over which a roof of poles, brush, and 
 sod can be constructed. 
 
 Soon thereafter (surely about 300 B.C.), the Cochise bor- 
 rowed from southerly neighbors the art of molding, polishing, 
 coloring, and firing selected clays into containers, such as 
 bowls and jars. 
 
 COCHISE CULTURE BECOMES MOGOLLON 
 
 Thus, shortly before the beginning of the Christian era — 
 not later than 300 B.C. — the Cochise culture had been greatly 
 modified and augmented. In aggregate these changes are so 
 pronounced and significant that we have decided to mark this 
 milepost of advance by bestowing another name on the new 
 total. The term "Mogollon" has been adopted to signify the 
 addition of agriculture, house-building, and pottery-making 
 (and other customs to be discussed later). This term connotes 
 one of the longest continuous cultural growths in North Amer- 
 ica, with roots reaching back to about 6000 b.c. and with 
 
 14 
 
trunk, limbs, and leaves reaching perhaps up to the present 
 time — a span of perhaps about 8,000 years. 
 
 It should be understood then, that the term "Mogollon" 
 as used in this book means an extension and a ramification of 
 the Cochise civilization. Cochise and Mogollon cultures may 
 be regarded as a more or less single and continuous develop- 
 ment. There is no break in our story at all, but there is a 
 transition. To restate briefly: the Mogollon civilization is 
 Cochise plus farming, pit-houses, pottery, a few new types of 
 stone tools and other additions to be discussed in later sections. 
 
 Now we come back to the question posed at the beginning 
 of this chapter : Are the early big-game hunters related to the 
 Cochise Indians? Or to reverse the question: Can we claim 
 the big-game hunters as ancestors of the Cochise and, in turn, 
 of the Mogollon Indians? The answer is that at present we 
 do not know. If the people at Naco, who killed the big mam- 
 moth, are the ancestors of the Cochise Indians, then we have 
 to assume that they later radically modified their way of life 
 to the extent of learning to place more dependence on the 
 gathering of wild plants for food usage and of relying less on 
 hunting. This change is theoretically possible; but actually 
 there is a hiatus in our knowledge of what was happening in 
 southern Arizona at 10,000 b.c. (the time of the Naco mam- 
 moth hunters) and 6000 b.c, the time of the earlier Cochise 
 people. 
 
 We think now that the big game hunters were more charac- 
 teristic of eastern, central, and northern North America. It 
 may be that the Cochise people represent a different Asiatic 
 group — one that had already "drifted" into a food-gathering 
 economy with but slight dependence on game for food before 
 coming to the New World. 
 
 The Cochise civilization is classified as belonging to a Des- 
 ert Culture which was well adapted to its distinctive environ- 
 ment and was better able to cope with changing conditions 
 than the early Indian big-game hunters. The Naco mammoth 
 find, then, is, at present, regarded as evidence of an example 
 of infrequent penetration by big-game hunters into the domain 
 of the Cochise peoples, who, in turn, developed into the pot- 
 tery-using, crop-growing Indians that we call Mogollon. 
 
 15 
 
The gulf between us and the Mogollon people is a large one 
 and difficult to span. It is not easy to write about people who 
 lived so many years ago and make them appear as human be- 
 ings. The characters of the cast are different from us and the 
 setting is an unusual one. But the story is a human record in 
 which we note large accomplishments by means of details. 
 As one man puts it, most people are commonplace, and their 
 lives, lived out in the prosaic middle register between saint 
 and sinner, make up the real meat and marrow of the world. 
 
 We do not know what these people called themselves but 
 we call them the Mogollon Indians (pronounced Mog-ee- 
 yown) and their very existence was not actually known until 
 about twenty years ago. It is interesting to note, however, 
 that about fifty years ago an archaeologist from the United 
 States National Museum suspected, on the basis of evidence 
 that he found in what we call the Upper Gila Valley, that is, 
 the area in which we have been digging in west central New 
 Mexico, that the material remains — the pottery, the houses, 
 the bone tools, the stone tools, and the like — were not the same 
 as those found in northern New Mexico and Arizona. He 
 thought that they were, perhaps, made by a different people 
 who came from or lived southward. We now know that the 
 guess was correct. 
 
 16 
 
Brief SKETCHES 
 
 of SOUTHWESTERN CULTURE 
 
 This story will be limited to a branch or subdivision of the 
 Southwestern Indians — the Mogollones. A little background 
 of the other Southwestern cultures will be given first. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Archaeological interest in the Southwestern part of the 
 United States — that is, Arizona, New Mexico, and parts of 
 Nevada, Utah and Colorado — began in 1875 or thereabouts. 
 At that time the country was being settled by cattlemen, sheep- 
 men, and farmers. The large standing ruins that were fairly 
 abundant in parts of Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado 
 naturally attracted the interest of lay workers as well as that 
 of archaeologists. From about 1880 to 1910 many famous 
 scientists visited the Southwest and described numerous sites 
 and the Indians they saw there. From about 1875 to 1925, 
 it was commonly believed by most laymen and most archaeol- 
 ogists that the entire area had been inhabited and developed 
 by one group, the so-called Pueblo people. The great cliff- 
 houses at Mesa Verde, the large, open, D-shaped villages in 
 Chaco Canyon, the famous villages in southwestern New Mex- 
 
 17 
 
ico that produced beautiful pottery, the great adobe houses 
 of southern Arizona, the canals in that area, and all the vil- 
 lages and pueblos and ruins of all kinds up and down the 
 Gila, the Salt, the Little Colorado, and the San Juan Rivers — 
 all of these were supposed to have been the work of the Pueblo 
 Indians. We now know that this was a very simplified picture 
 of what had actually occurred. At the present time archaeol- 
 ogists recognize four major subdivisions and four major sub- 
 cultures of the Southwest. Each of these major subdivisions 
 and sub-cultures had characteristics of its own and for some 
 time it was believed that each flourished independently. Re- 
 cent work has shown that each did have its own individual 
 characteristics, but that all of them are united in various 
 subtle but tangible ways. All these four sub-cultures seem to 
 have been motivated by similar impulses to change in more or 
 less the same directions at about the same time. And all 
 reached a climax about a.d. 1300. It is as if the area had 
 been washed over several times by waves of similar cultural 
 influences. 
 
 The names of the four major sub-cultures are: (1) Anasazi; 
 (2) Hohokam; (3) Mogollon; and (4) Patayan. 
 
 THE ANASAZI CULTURE 
 
 The word "Anasazi" — which is an Anglicized version of 
 the Navaho term meaning "old people" — is the name now 
 applied to Basketmakers, Cliff Dwellers, and Pueblo Indians. 
 Anasazi, then, is the inclusive term. 
 
 The territory in which the Anasazi Indians lived from 
 about the beginning of the Christian era is what is known 
 today as the "Four-Corners" region. This region may be 
 roughly described as northeastern Arizona, northwestern New 
 Mexico, southeastern Utah and southwestern Colorado. Ana- 
 sazi ruins are found from Flagstaff eastward to the Rio Grande 
 River, but the concentration is mostly in the "Four-Corners" 
 area. Even today there are remnants of the Anasazi people 
 living in or about the same area; for example, the Hopi 
 Indians live in northeastern Arizona, the Zuni Indians live 
 in towns close to the Arizona-New Mexico border, and the 
 
 18 
 
Rio Grande Indians live in and around Albuquerque and 
 Santa Fe. All of these present-day Indians have retained a 
 remarkable degree of their ancient culture, and the Zuni and 
 Hopi Indians are noted for their conservatism because they 
 have effectively resisted the encroachments of our European 
 civilization. 
 
 The Anasazi civilization which flourished on the Colorado 
 plateau of the Intermontane division has been more intensively 
 investigated and written about than any of the others. For 
 fifty years, reports, monographs, articles, and stories have been 
 pouring from the pens of various authors, and the literature is 
 very voluminous. Therefore, I shall condense what I have to 
 say about this cultur.e. Briefly, it may be summed up as 
 follows : 
 
 Taking Anasazi culture as a whole from beginning to end, 
 without differentiating the time factors, we may say that its 
 chief characteristics are (1) masonry; (2) agglomerations of 
 houses, often several stories high (roughly similar to our clus- 
 ters of rooms called apartment houses) ; (3) the kiva, or cere- 
 monial underground chamber; (4) altars; (5) sand paintings 
 (ritualistic scenes portrayed free-hand with sands of various 
 colors); (6) priestly offices; (7) elaborate rituals and symbo- 
 lisms, some of which were secret and celebrated in the sanc- 
 tuary (kiva) and many of which were held in the open for the 
 enjoyment and inspiration of the entire village; (8) special 
 public dances performed by katchinas or representatives of the 
 gods to re-enact the Hopi beliefs concerning the origin of the 
 tribe and to insure peace, prosperity, rainfall, good crops, 
 tribal fertility, and health, and to express thankfulness for past 
 favors; (9) probably mother-line descent; (10) textured or cor- 
 rugated grayish cooking pottery; (11) decorated pottery with 
 a gray or white background and designs in black paint; (12) 
 decorated pottery of a polychrome and glazed decorated type. 
 
 The Anasazi culture, like the other three sub-cultures, grew 
 by continuous transitions and additions and accretions from an 
 ancient and widespread culture called the Desert Culture of the 
 Great Basin (the Intermontane area). The Desert Culture 
 came into existence some 11,000 years ago and monopolized 
 most of the territory in the Great Basin — that is, from Oregon 
 
 19 
 
and Idaho southward through Nevada, Utah, and parts of 
 California and Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico — and 
 extended into the northern part of Mexico. The Great Basin 
 area lies mostly within the sagebrush-juniper-pinyon zone, al- 
 though there are good-sized regions of short desert grass and 
 of pines, hemlocks, and spruce in the higher mountains. Par- 
 enthetically, it is interesting to note that today most of the 
 area is occupied by peoples who speak dialects of the Uto- 
 Aztecan language, including the modern Hopis, Pimas, Utes, 
 Paiutes and Shoshones, and some of the Rio Grande Indians. 
 
 Most of the later and so-called higher developments of the 
 Anasazi came to them from the Hohokam and Mogollon 
 groups (see below), so that the climax that occurred about 
 a.d. 1100 may be regarded as an accumulation of southern 
 and possibly Mexican traits that were taken over by the Ana- 
 sazi bit by bit — by trade, by drift, perhaps by war — and re- 
 worked to fit their ideas and cultural layout. In fact, much 
 of the great efflorescence of culture that took place in the Hopi 
 and Zuni towns may be due to ideas conceived by the Mogol- 
 lon peoples who were beginning to move up into the Hopi- 
 Zuni country around 1200 to 1300. 
 
 THE HOHOKAM CULTURE 
 
 Now let us look briefly at the Hohokam culture. The 
 civilization of the Hohokam Indians (Hohokam is an angli- 
 cized version of the Pima Indian term meaning "that which 
 has perished"), like that of the Anasazi, was probably derived 
 from a desert culture that was established some 11,000 years 
 ago in the Intermontane region. The area of Hohokam spe- 
 cialization lay mostly along the Gila River and its tributaries 
 in the southern half of Arizona — that is, in the desert regions 
 of Phoenix and Tucson. Hohokam features and villages are 
 found, however, far beyond this limited area. Certainly 
 Hohokam traits spread as far north as the Flagstaff region 
 and as far south as the international border — perhaps even 
 farther. 
 
 As I stated above, the Gila-Salt River drainages, now 
 known to be the homeland of the Hohokam, were formerly 
 
 20 
 
considered a part of the Puebloan Southwest. Prior to 1920 
 every archaeological site in the Southwest was dubbed "cliff- 
 dweller" or "Pueblo." In short, the Southwest was "the 
 Pueblo area." A few imaginative archaeologists who heeded 
 the evidence thought otherwise. The great contrast between 
 the materials found in the Gila River desert ruins and those 
 from the Plateau sites made them think that perhaps it was a 
 bit "fishy" to lump together two obviously different groups. 
 The trouble is that they had no concrete evidence on which 
 to base sound deductions. 
 
 But, thanks to Gila Pueblo at Globe, Arizona (a privately 
 endowed research institution, supported and directed by Mr. 
 and Mrs. H. S. Gladwin, but now dissolved, alas), work was 
 carried on in the fall, winter, and spring seasons. Due entirely 
 to the dogged persistence of the Gladwins and their staff, the 
 Gila desert area and the territories surrounding it — east, west, 
 south, and north — were systematically explored. By 1928 or 
 1929, the staff of Gila Pueblo knew for certain that the Gila- 
 Salt River drainages and the desert area were not parts of the 
 Pueblo area and that the archaeological remains represented 
 a separate entity or sub-culture. Thus they discovered the 
 Hohokam civilization. The Pueblo "one world" was shat- 
 tered, and about 1930, or thereabouts, Southwestern archaeol- 
 ogists conceded that the Southwest geographical area em- 
 braced several prehistoric civilizations. The acceptance of 
 the Mogollon culture as another entity was delayed for several 
 years. Scientific explorations and excavations in Hohokam 
 sites has not yet been extensive, but each year sees more work 
 done in this interesting civilization. Enough is now known, 
 however, so that we can describe confidently the high lights 
 of the Hohokam sub-culture. The largest site, Snaketown, 
 was investigated for several seasons by the staff of Gila Pueblo. 
 
 If we take the Hohokam civilization from early to late 
 (from about the beginning of the Christian era to about 
 a.d. 1400) without regard to time periods, we may list its 
 traits as follows: (1) pit-houses — structures with the floor be- 
 low the surface of the ground, and the roof made of brush and 
 mud (note : storied clusters of houses were never built by the 
 Hohokam) ; (2) villages composed of scattered houses, but no 
 
 21 
 
towns; (3) compound walls around some of the later villages; 
 (4) irrigation ditches for taking water from the Gila and 
 its tributaries to the fields (without irrigation of some type 
 agriculture would have been impossible in this desert) ; (5) pot- 
 tery made by the paddle and anvil process instead of the coiling 
 process used by the Anasazi and Mogollon Indians, and manu- 
 factured in such a way as to produce a red ware or a buff type 
 with designs in red paint (red-on-buff ware) ; (6) etched shell 
 ornaments; (7) excellent stone carvings; (8) well-made pro- 
 jectile points; (9) stone axes of fine quality, the handles of 
 which were fastened to a three-quarter groove (a groove that 
 runs around three sides of the tool); (10) rituals that were 
 probably simpler than and different from the complex ones 
 of the Anasazi; (11) ball courts in which a kind of ceremonial 
 basketball game was played; (12) small kivas; (13) medicine 
 men rather than priests and a priesthood; (14) father-line 
 descent; (15) perhaps some aggressiveness or warlike expan- 
 sive traits. 
 
 What became of the Hohokam peoples after a.d. 1400? 
 Did they and their civilization perish from the face of the 
 earth? Several anthropologists have conjectured that the 
 modern Pima Indians who live in southern Arizona are 
 the cultural descendants of the Hohokam Indians, and recent 
 work by the Amerind Foundation of Arizona has strengthened 
 this hypothesis. If this is so, then we have an unbroken 
 continuity of the Hohokam culture from a desert base of about 
 11,000 years ago, through the Hohokam civilization itself, 
 which surely came into being by the beginning of the Christian 
 era, right down to the present Pima or related Indians. In 
 other words, the Hohokam civilization faltered and changed 
 its course and thereby lost much of its polish about a.d. 1400, 
 but it did not perish. 
 
 There are many differences between the traits of the Ana- 
 sazi and Hohokam Indians. Chief among these are : For the 
 Anasazi: masonry; storied houses with clustered rooms; 
 "towns;" the kiva; priests and altars; grayish plain or black- 
 on-white pottery and, later, black-on-yellow or orange wares 
 and glazed paint wares. For the Hohokam: lack of masonry; 
 pit-houses; small groups of houses; the compound; the ball 
 
 22 
 
court; shamans rather than a priesthood; and red-on-buff 
 pottery that cannot compare for general excellence with the 
 Anasazi ceramics. 
 
 The Mogollon culture, as noted above, was also discov- 
 ered by the staff of Gila Pueblo in 1934 or thereabouts. The 
 first excavations in a Mogollon site were made by Dr. Emil W. 
 Haury, whose publication is now a landmark in the archaeo- 
 logical works of the Southwest. But for a long time conserva- 
 tive archaeologists refused to accept the Mogollon civilization 
 as a separate entity. Now, however, this culture stands on its 
 own feet and has been accepted by archaeologists throughout 
 the world. No more at this point will be said about it. 
 
 THE PATAYAN CULTURE 
 
 The fourth sub-culture of the Southwest is called Patayan 
 (with accent on the second syllable). It is the least studied and 
 described of the four principal civilizations of the Southwest. 
 The name, Patayan, is taken from the Yuman language and 
 the word means "ancient people." The dates for this culture 
 are at the moment tentatively placed at a.d. 700 to 1100. 
 A few good excavations have been carried on in Patayan sites, 
 and from these studies, together with the vast amount of in- 
 formation gleaned from "surveys" carried on by the Museum 
 of Northern Arizona, we can derive some tentative conclu- 
 sions. 
 
 The Patayans are believed to be the cultural, physical and 
 linguistic ancestors of the present-day Havasupai, Walapai, or 
 Yuman tribes, who occupy much of the same territory on the 
 Colorado River plateau and in the canyons of that river as did 
 the ancient Patayan. In ancient times these Indians lived 
 not only along the Colorado River but also as far east as the 
 Verde River at Flagstaff and south approximately as far as 
 34° N. Lat. 
 
 The ancient economy of the Patayan Indians was probably 
 based on agriculture plus some hunting and food-gathering. 
 Thus it resembles the other three sub-cultures. Houses were 
 of several types and were probably occupied seasonally — pos- 
 sibly a snug type of earth-covered, dome-shaped house for 
 winter habitation, and a "shade" structure for summer usage. 
 
 23 
 
Villages as such did not exist; houses were scattered singly 
 over a general area. Stone tools such as the lower and upper 
 parts of corn-grinding stones (metates and manos), projectile 
 points, knives and scrapers occur but were not of noteworthy 
 workmanship. No religious structures or burials have been 
 found. 
 
 In general, one senses that the Patayans farmed sporadi- 
 cally and where they could; expressed little interest in manu- 
 facturing tools of bone and stone; made few or no ornaments; 
 and left behind no ceremonial structures of the type that is 
 usually regarded as evidence of a visible ritual, such as the 
 Anasazi possessed. This does not necessarily mean a lack of 
 religious ideas; perhaps their religion was expressed in other 
 ways. All in all, the Patayan culture shows some resemblances 
 to, or at least an indirect relationship with, the ancient and 
 widespread cultures of the Great Basin. Here again it resem- 
 bles the other three sub-cultures. There are also connections 
 with later Anasazi civilizations, but these are regarded as due 
 to borrowing. 
 
 This concludes the brief discussion of the four different 
 sub-cultures of the southwestern part of the United States. 
 I have stressed their differences in order to make clear to the 
 reader that each has reality and that each can be distinguished 
 from the other. Now I wish to point out the hypothesis that 
 these four sub-cultures are intimately related in one way or 
 another even though each has its own distinct flavor. That is 
 why I prefer the term "sub-culture" for each one, so that the 
 emphasis is placed on the fact that the Southwest is one large 
 "culture area." A culture area may be roughly defined as 
 a geographical region that embraces similar or related culture 
 traits or elements, similar patterns and drifts that must be 
 regarded as having depth in time. The Southwest culture 
 area appears, then, to comprise four related but consistently 
 distinctive culture types or sub-cultures. 
 
 Thus I believe that the Southwest can be regarded or char- 
 acterized as a natural culture area that is a distinctive one. 
 The four sub-cultures, considered collectively, certainly stand 
 in stark contrast to those of the west, north, and east. This 
 
 24 
 
concept emphasizes the similarities that exist among the four 
 local sub-cultures among which there has been an interchange 
 of cultural factors and ideas. By this concept we sweep aside 
 the artificial boundaries that archaeologists have thought up 
 between the various groups (Anasazi, Hohokam, and the like), 
 and point out that there probably was a large degree of mo- 
 bility and interchange of ideas throughout the entire South- 
 west in all times — that is, from about 11,000 years ago down 
 to the moment. That is what I mean by time depth. 
 
 INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE FOUR 
 SUB-CULTURES 
 
 This concept of interrelationships, sometimes called the 
 "area co-tradition," stresses the intimacy that existed between 
 tribes, groups, and villages. By creating this thing that might 
 be called a "cultural abstraction" — that is, an entity that is 
 more inclusive and on a higher plane of thinking than merely 
 looking at pottery, tools, baskets, and sandals from various 
 sub-cultures and stating that these are "different" and in- 
 dependently made — we are able to cut away the underbrush 
 of details and look at the Southwest as a homogeneous area 
 made up of traits many of which have a common origin. 
 
 On this homogeneous base, the four sub-cultures grew and 
 developed in various ways; but we can also see that the four 
 allied and more or less parallel developments were "different" 
 and yet attained a remarkable and uniform development 
 throughout the entire region. For example, the Southwest, 
 in contrast to the Plains area or the regions eastward toward 
 and beyond the Mississippi River, may be called a "painted 
 pottery" area. We can note a tendency for parallel develop- 
 ment of the sequences of pottery designs throughout the area 
 and through time. By this I mean that the designs on the 
 painted pottery for the four sub-groups gradually shift from 
 early to late — from large simple bowls with broad-lined de- 
 signs, to finer-lined, more complex layouts and designs. Thus 
 we can see in pottery, as well as in architecture, tools, baskets, 
 art forms and the like, a greater historical intimacy between 
 the four sub-cultures than between any or all of them and the 
 cultures of the Mississippi Valley. We can observe a general 
 
 25 
 
cultural drift in Southwestern cultures similar to that which 
 can be observed and corroborated in linguistics. 
 
 In language there is drift; that is, language is constantly, 
 though slowly, changing and shifting according to certain pat- 
 terns and in a consistent direction. No language is ever static. 
 The rules for governing drift in Indo-European languages are 
 not the same as those for Asiatic or American Indian languages. 
 Under primitive conditions, we can guess that political groups 
 are small, and thus dialects arise. In time, these dialects and 
 people, perhaps, drift apart so much that there is differentia- 
 tion. Then dialects split up into sub-dialects. To illustrate 
 from Sapir, the great American linguist, it is fairly certain 
 that languages so little resembling one another as modern Irish, 
 English, Italian, Greek, Russian, Armenian, Persian, and Ben- 
 gali are but end-points of drifts that converge to a meeting 
 point in the far past. A very simple example of the tendency 
 for language to change may be seen in the modern phrase, 
 "who did you see?" — instead of "whom did you see?" In a 
 few centuries or less "whom" will be as obsolete as "thou." 
 
 This is a very brief and simplified explanation of a com- 
 plex phenomenon. But the point is that culture and all parts 
 of culture — that is, architecture, pottery, basketry, art forms, 
 social organization and language — drift according to certain 
 patterns and in a consistent direction of which the individual 
 culture-bearer is unaware. 
 
 The four sub-cultures of the Southwest — Anasazi, Hoho- 
 kam, Mogollon, Patayan — probably sprang from a common 
 base, as explained earlier, and have drifted somewhat apart 
 so that each looks different or unique, if you will. But actu- 
 ally, all of them are interrelated, just as, very roughly, modern 
 English and Armenian languages are related. 
 
 Thus the cultures of the Southwest may be thought of as 
 one large unit which can best be compared with other sub- 
 stantial units of culture history elsewhere in the world. Cul- 
 tural changes can be examined and their causes sought. This 
 larger concept of interrelationships or the co-tradition may be 
 useful, although we must not let it deter us from seeking the 
 particulars of some local culture or from trying to understand 
 
 26 
 
the growth of culture in restricted areas; that is, one has to 
 have the detailed studies that contain many minutiae and 
 descriptions of bone and stone tools, pottery, basketry, houses, 
 and the like in order to form this wider concept. The com- 
 plete understanding of any culture — and here the Mogollon 
 in particular — requires that we use every available tool for 
 understanding human development; and we must travel every 
 pathway of exploration that we can find. 
 
 27 
 
PURPOSES of WORK 
 
 in NEW MEXICO 
 
 WHY AND HOW WE DUG IN NEW MEXICO 
 
 We have spoken briefly of the origin of the American In- 
 dians and of when they came over to this country or to this 
 New World; now let us pause briefly to tell you a little bit 
 about the physical aspects of our work. 
 
 We chose to work in west central New Mexico, or the 
 Upper Gila area, located near Reserve, the county seat of 
 Catron County — a county that is almost as large as the state 
 of Massachusetts — because the Mogollon Indians who had 
 lived there presented rather an alluring history. Although 
 remains of these Indians had been discovered some five years 
 before we went into western New Mexico, very little work 
 had been done on the sites they had occupied. We spent 
 twelve summers there digging in sites of various types and 
 sizes, and then spent the winters working over the material 
 that we had dug up — analyzing it, sifting it, washing it and 
 thinking about it. We have now finished working in the area 
 and we wish to bring together for you the results of some of 
 our work and to tell you about some of the guesses we have 
 made concerning the Mogollon civilization. 
 
 28 
 
HOW RUINS ARE FOUND 
 
 First let me tell you how our sites or villages are found, and 
 how we decide which ones should be chosen for digging. 
 
 When we move into a new area, the location of ancient 
 destroyed or collapsed villages is difficult for us to find. We 
 walk, we ride on horseback, we travel by car, we climb hills 
 and ridges, and descend into arroyos or gullies, and while we 
 are thus traversing the country up and down or horizontally 
 we are constantly examining the ground, looking for the evi- 
 dences of ancient villages. At first the Mogollon villages were 
 difficult for us to find, but after we had been there a little time 
 we learned that the early sites were usually up on almost un- 
 scalable mesas, or near springs that flowed high up in the 
 mountains, and that the later villages were usually lower 
 down, along ancient stream beds or near modern rivers. We 
 spent several seasons looking for sites, but we located some 
 185 ancient villages. For each one we made a record telling 
 of its location, so that we could go back to it again, and not- 
 ing the kind of pottery that was lying on the ground and the 
 kind of stone tools that were cast about. The earliest villages 
 or camp sites were the very hardest to find because they were 
 inhabited before pottery was made. Therefore, we had to 
 depend on other kinds of evidence for detecting these ancient 
 sites — broken stone tools of various kinds, an ancient hearth 
 or fireplace that had been exposed by recent erosion, or some- 
 times a shallow saucer-shaped depression from 12 to 18 feet 
 across. These saucer-shaped depressions were the remains of 
 pit-houses. The broken stone tools were milling stones (that is, 
 stones that were used for grinding up nuts, berries and corn) ; 
 pieces of spear points made of obsidian and quartz; large, 
 crudely flaked stones that were the axes or choppers of the 
 day; pestles; scrapers; and even mortars. But all these tools 
 were made of stone and all were necessary to a people who 
 were depending at that time more on wild plants than on ani- 
 mals for food. The later villages, usually located, as I said 
 earlier, near or on the floors of river valleys, can immediately 
 be spotted because they are piles of rocks in disorder. These 
 rocks represent compact villages of contiguous rooms, that is, 
 rooms that are wall to wall as they are in our modern apart- 
 
 29 
 
Archaeologists washing and classifying small pieces of pottery (potsherds) 
 found in the dig. 
 
 30 
 
ment buildings. There may be as few as three or four rooms in 
 the village or as many as 75 or 80. Scattered about these later 
 habitations we find pieces of pottery known to archaeologists 
 as potsherds, stone chips by the thousands strewn over several 
 acres, and many pieces of broken tools representing milling or 
 grinding tools, spear or arrow heads, choppers or axes, mor- 
 tars, pestles, knives, and drills. 
 
 These sites, both early and late, that I have described, lie 
 in the open, that is, right under the sky; but there is another 
 kind of site that is of equal interest to us. We devoted several 
 seasons to finding dry caves in which the Mogollon Indians 
 had lived at one time or another. I speak of dry caves because, 
 if a cave had been moist or wet at any time, all of the material 
 made of cloth, plants, or wood — baskets, sandals, throwing 
 sticks, bows and arrows, fur garments, or vegetable food re- 
 mains — would have disintegrated or rotted away. We were 
 lucky enough to find two dry caves and these we excavated. 
 A wealth of material came out of these caves ! Our major finds 
 consisted of tools of bone and antler, objects of leather, of 
 string, pieces of matting, baskets, sandals, cigarettes, bows, 
 arrows, and other articles of substances usually considered 
 perishable but which here, because of the extraordinary dry- 
 ness in the caves, had been well preserved. After several years 
 of intensive analysis of our materials, and with the help of 
 other experts, we determined that one of these caves had been 
 inhabited more or less continuously for 2,000 or more years. 
 
 HOW WE CHOOSE A SITE TO DIG 
 
 Now that I have told you how sites are found and how they 
 look before the digging begins, I should explain how we choose 
 which to dig; for of course we cannot dig all of the habitations 
 or villages that we find. 
 
 Accessibility is one of the main factors in making a decision 
 about an ancient site. If we are not able to drive reasonably 
 close to our dig or if we are unable to construct a rough road 
 that will bring us close to it, we usually do not attempt exten- 
 sive excavations, for the simple reason that we may have to 
 carry all of our tools, our water, our lunches, the camera, the 
 
 31 
 
Archaeologists mapping a great kiva with surveyors' instruments. 
 
 photographic tower, and the like anywhere from two to four 
 miles up and down hills. Thus, ease of approach is a factor. 
 We try to select a site or several sites that look promising 
 and that will reveal the history of the Mogollon people at vari- 
 ous periods in their development. I shall have to anticipate 
 my conclusions and my dating, but I think it is safe to say that 
 the Pine Lawn area in west central New Mexico, where we 
 
 32 
 
have been digging for the past fifteen years, was inhabited 
 somewhere between 4,000 and 5,000 years. It was abandoned 
 about a.d. 1350 or 1400. Since we knew from our survey and 
 our card-records of the sites that we had a long span of 
 human habitation in the area, we knew in advance that we 
 should have to spend at least eight to twelve years digging in 
 that area. We started with the earliest sites, and since they 
 were so strange and since such as these had never before been 
 excavated, we spent several seasons digging from 26 to 30 
 pit-houses. These pit-houses had been roofed over by means 
 of pine logs which in turn had been covered with earth and 
 sod ; thus a fairly comfortable house had been created, a house 
 that looked something like a gigantic ant hill. 
 
 Thus, in the twelve seasons we were there, we dug some 
 25 sites that represented from 4,000 to 5,000 years of history. 
 The earliest sites would date at around 3500 b.c. and the latest 
 at about a.d. 1350 to 1400. 
 
 Now, perhaps digging up "lost" civilizations may sound 
 romantic, and in some ways it is exciting; but it is also com- 
 posed mostly of hard work in dust, under a hot sun, amid 
 swarms of insects, or it is carried on during showers of rain. 
 Digging in a cave is even worse. Dust and heat are oppressive, 
 and the wearing of masks and goggles — an uncomfortable and 
 trying experience — is absolutely necessary to give the work- 
 men protection from toxic dust. 
 
 Added to these discomforts is another — inadequate ventila- 
 tion. The caves that we excavated in 1950 and in 1951 are 
 small — about 40 feet deep by 30 feet wide at the mouth and 
 6 feet or less high. At the end of the day the workers looked 
 as if they had been digging in a coal mine. 
 
 GAMP ROUTINE 
 
 Perhaps a word concerning our daily routine would be of 
 interest. We leave camp about seven o'clock in a truck loaded 
 with tools and workmen. The site may be as much as fifty miles 
 away. Digging proceeds through the day unless rains are so 
 violent that we cannot continue. At the end of the day the 
 materials found are brought back to camp in sacks, each care- 
 
 33 
 
fully marked with the exact location of the material it contains. 
 In an open site, as noted above, our finds consist mostly of 
 pottery or potsherds (if this site is late enough to produce 
 
 Archaeologists cataloging materials found in the dig. 
 
 pottery), tools of stone and bone, sometimes a skeleton or 
 two, and, rarely, a bit of treasure in the form of painted stones 
 used in ceremonies. 
 
 While work continues the next day at the dig, the specially 
 trained workers at the camp process the materials brought in 
 the preceding day. By "processing" I mean that all the pot- 
 tery and potsherds are washed, sorted, classified and counted 
 according to types. The stone and bone tools are also washed, 
 classified and catalogued. At the end of a day the previous 
 day's finds are completely taken care of. At the end of the 
 camp season, the sherds and the bone and stone tools are all 
 shipped back to the museum in Chicago. Then starts the long, 
 delicate task of studying these remains very carefully so that 
 we can come forth with conclusions about the life of these an- 
 
 34 
 
cient people. Our conclusions are based always on facts, and 
 from them we can make many guesses. Our historical recon- 
 structions are founded on thousands of small details and bits 
 of materials that were excavated and have been recorded with 
 care; on common sense interpretations (a sharp, pointed, 
 slender bone tool with an eye was probably used for sewing; 
 charcoal found in a scooped-out pocket in the floor of an an- 
 cient house probably means that fire was maintained there by 
 man for one or more purposes); and on some assumptions. 
 
 PUTTING THE PIECES TOGETHER 
 
 Thus we piece together our story — the history that I am 
 going to relate in this book. It is based on many long hours 
 of digging in dusty caves or in ruined houses that were built 
 in the open, and after that comes the patient analysis of the 
 meaning of all of these data. Since these people did not have 
 any writing, we must depend on the remains of animals and 
 plants, the architectural remains, bits of pottery, stone tools 
 and the like for our reconstructions. From such evidence we 
 can usually tell whether a given prehistoric people were hunters 
 and fishermen or whether they were farmers. Sometimes we 
 find that they hunted and gathered wild foods and farmed also. 
 
 The relationship of geography, climate and environment 
 to culture or to civilization is a very important one and one 
 that has to be studied with great care. One of the great advan- 
 tages of the research that we have undertaken — a study that 
 spans such a long period of time — is the opportunity it offers 
 us to examine the ways in which people worked out their 
 social needs and the ways in which they made a living. The 
 making of a living by the Mogollon Indians was a definite 
 adjustment to specific physical and biological conditions, based 
 on certain needs, capacities and values. The character of the 
 environment more or less influenced what these people could 
 do. The study of the relationship between man and his en- 
 vironment and the development of his civilization viewed from 
 these points gives us some idea of how much control man has 
 over forces external to himself. The economy of any com- 
 munity is necessarily the product of an adjustment between 
 
 35 
 
man and his environment. You cannot expect the Eskimo, 
 living in his Arctic environment, to build houses of palm 
 thatch; nor could you expect the Indians of the Southwest to 
 build their houses of blocks of snow. These are very simple 
 illustrations of what I mean. Let us look briefly at the en- 
 vironment and climate of the territory in which the Mogollon 
 Indians lived for such a long period of time. 
 
 THE MOGOLLON HOMELAND 
 
 About 4,500 to 5,000 years ago the climate in the Pine 
 Lawn area of west central New Mexico began slowly to change. 
 For some three or four thousand years the region had been 
 very warm and dry, but about 3000 to 2500 B.C. the climate 
 became relatively cool and moist. When I say relatively cool 
 and moist I mean compared to the previous period of some 
 three thousand years. Even today the region is not blessed 
 with a superabundance of moisture; for example, the rainfall 
 in the Pine Lawn valley today is about 14 inches per year, 
 whereas the average annual precipitation in the Chicago area 
 is about 33 inches per year. Nevertheless, in spite of this rela- 
 tively dry country, the Mogollon Indians flourished for a long 
 time. 
 
 About 4,500 years ago a band or two of these Indians left 
 their homes in the southern part of the area, which was grad- 
 ually drying up, and moved northward. We do not think the 
 early Mogollon nomads were given to straying here and there, 
 or that they were driven out by other stronger Indians, or that 
 they were filled with a desire to explore and seek new lands and 
 fortunes. They were probably forced to depart from their 
 homeland by the shrinking of the lakes and rivers near which 
 they and their ancestors had lived for thousands of years. 
 They may have dispersed in several directions, but certainly 
 a handful — perhaps a hundred or more — discovered Pine 
 Lawn valley. So far as we know, they were the first settlers 
 of the valley, and from their simple way of life grew a culture 
 that lasted many centuries and probably had important effects 
 on neighboring peoples. 
 
 Once arrived at this pleasant valley that hugs the Arizona 
 border in west central New Mexico, the Mogollon people 
 
 36 
 
Interior of Tularosa Cave, looking from the trench 
 toward the entrance 
 
 Excavating a "mummy" in Tularosa Cave 
 (about a.d. 500) 
 
 37 
 
camped along the banks of a streamlet that issued from a 
 spring high up in the nearby mountains. The spring still 
 flows. Living near a mountain stream must have been pleas- 
 ant in many ways because the water was always at hand for 
 domestic purposes, it sustained many usable rushes and edible 
 plants, and it provided drinking places for deer, wild pig, bear, 
 rabbits and other animals of the chase. 
 
 Geographically, the Mogollon homeland is among the 
 roughest, most mountainous countries of the Southwest. In 
 general, one might say that it lies south of the province of Colo- 
 rado plateaus and is situated in what geographers call the 
 Mexican Highlands section of the Basin and Range province. 
 In this area there are several great mountain ranges — the 
 White Mountains, the San Francisco Mountains, the Blue 
 Mountains, and the Tularosa Mountains. The Little Colo- 
 rado Plateau area, which lies north of this region, drains 
 northwestward toward the Little Colorado River. The 
 Mogollon area, which lies south of this, drains southwest 
 entirely, into the Gila-Salt River system of rivers. Briefly, 
 the terrain of the Mogollon country may be called the most 
 cut-up area in the Southwest. It is probably also the best 
 watered. Naturally, climate and vegetation and rainfall all 
 vary according to the range in elevation. Farther south of 
 the Mogollon area, in the desert, rainfall of course is very 
 scanty. On the higher elevations, anywhere from 6,000 to 
 8,000 feet, grasslands are abundant and on the mountains are 
 forests of pinyon, juniper, oak, pine, spruce, and Douglas fir. 
 In spite of its great natural beauty and rugged character, the 
 Mogollon area is not suitable for large-scale agriculture be- 
 cause the valleys are narrow and steep. The villages probably 
 were concentrated where these valleys open out into broader, 
 alluvial fiats. One other feature should be pointed out, and 
 that is that the valleys and canyons are somewhat cut off from 
 one another and therefore make for isolation and correspond- 
 ing development of sub-cultures within this area. We do not 
 expect to find uniformity of cultural development in such a 
 cut-up or dissected region. The people tended to move up 
 and down the narrow valleys or streams and were probably 
 shut off from contacts with other tribes by the high mountain 
 
 38 
 
masses. It might be of general interest to note that this unin- 
 habited and inhospitable territory was crossed in 1539 by a 
 Spanish leader, the Mareos de Nisa, and later by Coronado, 
 who discovered or was told about the village of Zuni, which 
 still exists. 
 
 Screening dirt from Tularosa Cave to recover household goods, tools, 
 
 clothing and food left by Mogollon Indians during 1500 to 2000 years 
 
 of occupation. 
 
 Geologically, the region is composed of igneous formations 
 of great variety. Cappings of extrusive basalt or lava that 
 flowed out of nearby volcanoes cover all the earlier, softer 
 rocks. On some of the plateaus large areas are covered with 
 soil that lies fairly deep because of constant additions from 
 what one might call temporary lakes. In the spring these 
 areas are marshes. If there were more rainfall, many of these 
 basins of the plateau country would be lakes. 
 
 CULTURAL ECOLOGY 
 
 The mineral resources of the area furnished a very abun- 
 dant supply of rocks which were useful to the Indians in 
 
 39 
 
making tools and building fireplaces and houses. Further- 
 more, iron ores such as hematite and limonite were fairly 
 abundant and these were used for paint in painting pottery, 
 perhaps painting the human body in dances, and certainly in 
 painting some ceremonial objects. Copper may be present, 
 although I do not know this. In all the years that we have 
 been digging and in all the thousands of cubic yards of dirt 
 that we have moved, we have found only two copper speci- 
 mens — a copper bell probably made in Mexico and imported 
 to our area, and a copper object that may represent an animal. 
 
 Vegetable material was extremely abundant. The ever- 
 green trees — pinyons and pines — furnished timber for building, 
 that is, for roof logs and for bows; the oaks furnished firewood, 
 and wood for clubs, for digging-sticks, and throwing-sticks; 
 and some of the softer woods, like cottonwood, may have been 
 used for making prayer-sticks. Shrubs and plants were 
 plentiful, and were used for making basketry, mats, and 
 sandals. Reeds were used for arrow-shafts, ceremonial offer- 
 ings and flutes. Later on, corn, beans, squash, and gourds 
 were grown, as well as cotton. Tobacco grew wild in the 
 area and was smoked. The wild plants furnished a large 
 proportion of the daily diet and in early times perhaps the 
 greater part — walnuts, pinyon nuts, acorns, seeds of grass, 
 yucca fruits, cactus fruits, wild gooseberries, wild grapes, and 
 juniper berries. The fleshy leaves of the agave furnished 
 a sweet nourishment. Numerous roots were also used for 
 food. Thus, the natural environment supplied the Mogollon 
 Indians with fibers for weaving textiles; with food; with 
 narcotics, perhaps, from the Datura (jimson weed), specimens 
 of which we have found in our early ruins; medicine; and 
 probably vegetable dyes. 
 
 Thus I hope that it will be clear to the reader that there is 
 a very direct relationship between geography, geology, cli- 
 mate and rainfall — environment, that is, mountains, canyons, 
 river valleys, and deserts — and culture or civilization. With- 
 out all the plants mentioned in the last paragraph, the early 
 dwellers in these areas would have had tough going. Nature, 
 however, kindly provided a fair amount of rainfall, some 
 permanent streams, narrow stream valleys or sometimes wider 
 
 40 
 
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alluvial plains, a moderate climate that was not too cold or 
 too hot, and an ample supply of wild game and natural 
 products. 
 
 LANGUAGE AND CULTURE 
 
 Up to this point we have emphasized tools of stone and 
 bone, typical remains, equipment of various kinds, houses, 
 caves, and the like; but we haven't said much about symbols, 
 patterns of conduct and organization of knowledge, and we 
 usually take for granted man's greatest invention — language. 
 Without it, no civilization would be possible. 
 
 It is now thought that language developed before man 
 began to make or shape tools. It is conjectured that man 
 must have developed a complex brain, symbols such as 
 language and art, and a fair degree of insight at an earlier 
 period than he developed tools. Unless man can talk he 
 cannot think; and unless he thought about these things, it is 
 probable that he could not have created inventions such as 
 agriculture, or improved his breeds of plants, pottery, house- 
 building, irrigation, and the like. This, then, is the big dif- 
 ference between man and the lower animals. 
 
 As has been pointed out by different writers, we must 
 realize that although technical skills and social organization 
 are important in man's development, the really "human" 
 traits are language and thought and man's capacity for making 
 use of his inventions — fire, tools, houses and the like — not 
 only for his daily comfort and existence but for the creation 
 of much greater things, such as art, religion, and necessary 
 abstractions, and for the creation of individuals who stand out 
 from the mass. One of man's greatest concerns, probably 
 from time immemorial, has been with life after death, religion, 
 the control of the supernatural — the control of forces greater 
 than himself. We cannot understand the great pyramids of 
 Mexico, the irrigation works of the ancient Hohokam Indians 
 in southern Arizona, or the long, exhausting rituals of the 
 Pueblo Indians without realizing that some of the greatest 
 efforts of man have been used for expressing his feelings 
 toward life and death. One might think that man would 
 have spent his greatest efforts in creating better baskets and 
 
 42 
 
Miscellaneous fragments of pottery. Left row: Development of design 
 called "lines and solids" from early red on buff ware (top, a.d. 700) to 
 late black on white ware (bottom, a.d. 1000). Right row: Development 
 of design called "opposed saw-tooth lines" to "negative lightning" (top, 
 a.d. 700; bottom, a.d. 1000). 
 
 43 
 
pots, but that does not seem to have been the case. Certainly, 
 his attitude was more spiritual and probably more realistic 
 than our own present philosophy. I spoke earlier of the fact 
 that sometimes archaeologists do not concentrate enough on 
 patterns of conduct, organization of knowledge and social 
 patterns of ancient peoples; and you may think that it is im- 
 possible to learn anything about these abstractions because 
 they seem to have vanished as completely as perishable ma- 
 terials such as sandals and baskets. But I shall have some 
 conjectures to make, even about these abstract subjects, later 
 on in this book. 
 
 But let us return for the moment to more concrete matters 
 and to our own excavations in New Mexico. What did we 
 know about the Mogollon Indians and what did we think of 
 them prior to our excavations? We knew practically nothing 
 about them. Their existence had been pointed out by an 
 archaeologist some five years before we started our work; but 
 aside from his two excellent reports we had very little to go on. 
 
 CAUSES OF CULTURE CHANGE 
 
 We did have some general theories on which we felt we 
 could depend and one of them is concerned with the ways in 
 which cultures probably change. A brief statement may be 
 of use. Cultures change, among other ways, by addition or 
 loss of traits or — perhaps better stated — by replacement of 
 traits. For example, the bow and arrow eventually replaced 
 the spear thrower. 
 
 Replacements come about by (1) internal changes in the 
 culture, that is, by "drift"; and (2) by contact and subsequent 
 borrowing. Further reference to "drift" will be found in the 
 last chapter, but here I may say that the term is taken over 
 from a concept in linguistics. In language one can find a 
 changing pattern that is brought about by invisible, imper- 
 sonal, non-conscious influences. Drift is part of the life of lan- 
 guage, a force that keeps it vital. In brief, language varies in 
 time and space. 
 
 We have reason to believe that customs, artifacts, and ar- 
 chitecture also change according to a non-conscious pattern. 
 
 44 
 
Even cultures that are locked up in pockets of mountains and 
 thus are remote and fairly isolated from contact with other 
 cultures change, albeit more slowly. But change they do and 
 according to a fairly well-established pattern. Thus without 
 outside stimuli and contacts with other cultures, drift will occur. 
 
 The second mode of acquiring new traits that may replace 
 well-established ones is by means of stimulations from the out- 
 side, by borrowing, by trade, and by wars. 
 
 In our own area we know that certain elements of culture, 
 or traits, existed at or about 3500 B.C. and that later other 
 changes could be recognized. After much digging and think- 
 ing we found out that a series of minor changes often added 
 up to something that was major and that would be discernible 
 in our records. Day-by-day changes, or even year-by-year 
 alterations in the lives of these ancient people would hardly 
 be discernible or recognizable in the dirt that we were throw- 
 ing out of the pit-houses and caves. But when, as we dug from 
 one level to another in a cave, we found that the people had 
 had a certain kind of implement called the spear-thrower and 
 that gradually it had been displaced by a bow and arrow, and 
 that there had been other changes such as differences in styles 
 of sandals, we had what might be called stimulations from 
 outside. We feel thoroughly sure that none of these things 
 were invented in our Pine Lawn area — that they were brought 
 in from the outside by trade, by contact, or by some other 
 means. Simply put, this means that we found definite changes 
 in the levels of our caves or in early houses when we compared 
 them with late ones; but we assumed that these were the re- 
 sults of gradual accumulations or cumulative episodes that 
 finally mounted up into a major change of some kind or an- 
 other. Certainly, when the people took up agriculture and 
 depended less on gathering wild foods, roots and nuts, and 
 less on hunting, there was a definite "culture change." It 
 seems fairly obvious that when agriculture was introduced and 
 accepted, other changes must have taken place in the culture 
 at about the same time. What would such changes have been? 
 First, probably, permanent villages would now have been pos- 
 sible and would have come into being, and, in fact, did so; 
 second, the peoples living in certain areas and growing crops 
 
 45 
 
would have felt vested rights — property rights — in certain fer- 
 tile, well-watered lands; and, third, some leisure time would 
 have been available. With the creation of more leisure, life 
 would have become easier and it would have been possible 
 now for certain people to spend time on pursuits other than 
 hunting for food; and thus we have the atmosphere ready for 
 the advent of inventors, for inventions cannot be created with- 
 out leisure time. 
 
 AGRICULTURE AND THE DIGGING STICK 
 
 We can hail the introduction of agriculture into the Mogol- 
 lon area as a great step forward because the domestication and 
 use of "tamed" plants is one of man's most important contribu- 
 tions and inventions. A great deal of cunning and devotion 
 went into domestication of plants, and perhaps the cultivation 
 of primitive domesticated corn was successful among the 
 Mogollon Indians because they possessed an understanding 
 of the biological processes of the wild plants that grew in the 
 area and had unwittingly made many observations concern- 
 ing them; and perhaps they even knew a little bit about 
 hybridization. This, it seems to me, is as important a dis- 
 covery as the digging stick, but archaeologists tend, in de- 
 scribing ancient cultures, to stress the digging stick and not 
 think much of its meaning. What stands back of a digging 
 stick? Centuries and centuries of observation and patient 
 nurturing of plants so that finally a plant such as maize or 
 corn (that comes from South America or Mexico) could be 
 domesticated. 
 
 You may well ask at this point, "What is the purpose of 
 archaeological work and of all this sweat and digging?" Far- 
 ther on in this book I shall devote a chapter to the goals and 
 aims of archaeology; but here let me briefly say that we hope 
 by studying the ancient civilizations that now are dead that 
 we may contribute to studies which will throw light on con- 
 temporary and future events in our own civilization. It may 
 well be that if we can learn enough about man's past and his 
 development we may make more vital advances and discov- 
 eries tomorrow than any that have yet been achieved. 
 
 46 
 
Divisions of Mogollon 
 
 CULTURE and CHR 
 
 Now I should like to tell you bit by bit and era by era, 
 something of the Mogollon civilization as it grew from very 
 lowly and primitive beginnings and moved on to other areas. 
 
 The Mogollon Culture has been arbitrarily divided into a 
 number of phases or periods. 
 
 Each phase or period of time indicates a more or less stable 
 continuum and an assemblage (collection or group) of traits 
 that remained comparatively the same from the beginning to 
 the end of the phase. For example, one might find in the 
 X Phase the following cluster of characteristics or traits: (1) 
 projectile points for spears; (2) tools for grinding nuts and 
 berries into a paste; (3) choppers or axes of stone that were 
 not hafted (handled) but were held in the hand — thus called 
 hand-choppers; (4) scrapers of stone for dressing hides; (5) 
 hearths, square or round; and (6) mortars and pestles. Note 
 that there is no mention of pottery, houses, or agricul- 
 ture in this list of traits. One would expect to find most or 
 
 47 
 
MOGOLLON COUNTRY NEAR PINE LAWN, NEW MEXICO 
 
 all of these traits in the X Phase wherever one encounters a 
 site of this phase within a limited area. 
 
 When one digs a site that contains those six items plus the 
 presence of pottery and pit-houses, then one arbitrarily creates 
 another phase — the T Phase, for example. 
 
 This arbitrary device of creating periods certainly corre- 
 sponds to nothing the Indians would have recognized, but it 
 does help the archaeologist to mark off changes and advances. 
 The names that are chosen for the phases are usually taken 
 from some local feature — the name of a ranch, a nearby moun- 
 tain peak, a river, or a modern town. 
 
 Changes or innovations such as pottery-making or farming 
 were probably adopted slowly, with no thought of the effects 
 the changes would have on the future of the individuals in 
 the group. In our own day, we have seen that automobiles 
 have replaced the horse and buggy, but I feel certain that our 
 immediate predecessors had no idea of the profound effects 
 that autos have produced fifty years later. 
 
 Hence we might speak of the horse and buggy, the automobile, 
 and the atomic energy phases. Such historical divisions as these 
 are arbitrary, but they are meaningful in that they help us 
 to differentiate one time in our history from another. They 
 
 48 
 
Animal pendant of stone 
 (about a.d. 200). 
 
 Storage basket woven of yucca leaves on foundations of bundles of grass; 
 found in earliest layers of Tularosa Cave (about 300 B.C.). 
 
 49 
 
help us classify and interpret great masses of unrelated 
 facts. 
 
 A phase, then, represents a stage in the development of 
 culture that occurs in a particular area at a specific period 
 of time. 
 
 To put the matter in another way, we might think of the 
 Cochise-Mogollon development as a long straight line that 
 represents a continuous history of about 4,000 years in length. 
 This line (or history) has been chopped up into a number of 
 segments that are determined by significant changes in the 
 assemblage of traits. Some are about a thousand years long 
 and some only one or two hundred years long. Each segment, 
 for convenience in classification, has been named. 
 
 The names of the various Cochise-Mogollon phases or 
 periods along with their approximate dates are given below. 
 
 Sulphur Springs Period (a Cochise manifestation not yet found in 
 Pine Lawn Valley, New Mexico), about 5000 to 2500 b.c. 
 
 Chiricahua Period (a Cochise complex that we did find in Pine Lawn 
 Valley), about 2500 to 300 b.c. 
 
 Pine Lawn Period, 300 B.C. to a.d. 500. 
 
 Georgetown Period, a.d. 500 to 700. 
 
 San Francisco Period, a.d. 700 to 900. 
 
 Three Circle Period, a.d. 900 to 1000. 
 
 Reserve Period, a.d. 1000 to 1100. 
 
 Tularosa Period, a.d. 1100 to 1200. 
 
 Foote Canyon Period, a.d. 1200 to 1350. 
 
 I shall not refer to these periods very often, nor shall I 
 describe the cultural assemblage of traits for each one! In 
 treating the growth and development of the culture of the 
 Mogollon Indians, I shall lump together the details of two or 
 three periods and make note only of major changes in the 
 culture. 
 
 To convert our archaeological information into culture 
 history, we must have a time perspective — a viewpoint that 
 will enable us to state which ruin or site is the oldest and 
 which the youngest. We may develop a chronology that is 
 only relative — a time reckoning that tells us the age of a par- 
 ticular site in relation to others; or we may, if fortunate, be 
 able to establish an absolute chronology that will give us a date 
 in terms of our calendar. 
 
 50 
 
It might be of interest, however, to state briefly how the 
 actual dates were assigned to the above periods. 
 
 There are several methods that are used for obtaining 
 these dates in the Southwest; and sometimes, with luck, one or 
 more methods may be combined. 
 
 One method of establishing relative chronology is by 
 means of stratigraphy, which is the study of the position and 
 
 Bracelets made from shell imported by trade from Gulf of California. 
 Left one, about a.d. 200; right one, about a.d. 1200. 
 
 order of the archaeological layers — rubbish, remains of build- 
 ings, or layers of occupation (p. 41). Generally speaking, we 
 may say the oldest remains are at the bottom of the debris, 
 and the youngest, the latest, on the top. If the remains of 
 cultures of different sorts are found in each of four separate 
 layers, it is then possible to establish a relative chronology for 
 the four cultures. 
 
 When we can establish a chronological correlation of 
 several ancient villages or camp sites or of two or more 
 
 51 
 
stratigraphic sequences in a restricted area we speak of this 
 as cross-dating. Cross-dating is accomplished by comparing 
 types of similar or nearly identical objects. To illustrate 
 cross-dating I may cite two examples: (1) If we find projectile 
 points and fragments of pottery of the same type in sites 
 A and B we assume that the two sites are contemporaneous 
 because we think that peoples of a restricted area would 
 probably share a number of distinctive traits. Even in our 
 own culture today a small town in Illinois is not very different 
 from its counterpart in Arizona. (2) We get more satisfactory 
 cross-dating if we find tools or ornaments from a dated site 
 in an undated site. Such objects are called trade pieces be- 
 cause we assume that they reached the undated site as a 
 result of trade. 
 
 Very ancient sites are sometimes dated by means of their 
 association with old lake beaches or alluvial deposits formed 
 during or shortly after the last glacial period; but climatic 
 changes yield only approximate dates and are obtained only 
 with the aid of competent geologists, paleontologists, and 
 paleobotanists. 
 
 Perhaps one of the most amazing methods of obtaining an 
 exact date for many of the ruins of the Southwest is by the 
 use of tree rings. This means of dating is called dendrochro- 
 nology. For details on this subject the reader is referred to 
 the Bibliography (Douglass, 1929). Briefly, tree-ring dat- 
 ing may be defined as a system of establishing an absolute 
 chronology by counting the rings found in the logs of trees, 
 especially those of pine, Douglas fir, and pinyon. The system 
 is based on the fact that trees are responsive to seasonal 
 changes, to rainfall, and to drought. In years of considerable 
 rainfall the rings are wide; in dry years they are narrow. In 
 counting and studying the rings, one finds certain patterns 
 of wet and dry years (wide and narrow rings) which are not 
 usually duplicated. One counts the rings and notes the 
 sequence thereof in an old living pine tree perhaps 500 years 
 old. Then if we find another log (from the roof of an early 
 Spanish mission or an early historic pueblo) we can correlate 
 the outer rings of this roof beam with the inner rings of the 
 living pine tree. Cross-dating is carried on from log to log 
 
 52 
 
until early prehistoric times have been reached. A graph of 
 the pattern of wet and dry years is then made up. It is based 
 on many tree records in order to exclude errors. This is used 
 for rendering the year in which the roof beams of a particular 
 village were cut. At present the tree-ring calendar extends 
 back to about 59 B.C. 
 
 An absolute chronology can also be established by using 
 the radiocarbon method of dating, which determines the age of 
 organic archaeological materials by measuring the amount 
 of carbon 14 they contain. All living matter contains radio- 
 active carbon (carbon 14). When a plant or an animal dies, 
 it ceases to absorb carbon 14, but the radioactive element 
 gradually decays at a constant and known rate. The number 
 of years that have elapsed since the death of the organism is 
 determined by measuring the degree to which the carbon 14 
 has decayed. At the present time, our limit of determination 
 of ancient specimens made of wood, bone, fibers, leather, or 
 other parts of animals or plants is about 40,000 years. 
 
 All of these methods have been used to establish Mogollon 
 chronology. Some of the dates are estimated and some are 
 fairly exact, but even the latter may be in error by a hundred 
 years or more. Even so, these dates are exact enough for our 
 purposes. Certainly, fifty years ago, such computation would 
 have been impossible because the various scientific tools had 
 not been created. 
 
 SOURCE OF SOME MOGOLLON TRAITS 
 
 Recent information concerning agriculture and pottery, 
 especially, and perhaps concerning other traits too, leads us 
 to believe that many Mogollon characteristics came from 
 Mexico. We shall be more certain of the verity of these 
 assumptions in a few years. At present, we can only state 
 that the various Southwestern civilizations referred to in an 
 earlier chapter — the Hohokam, the Anasazi, the Patayan, and 
 the Mogollon — were all interrelated. 
 
 Twenty-five years ago, we were impressed mostly with the 
 differences between the four cultures. Now, as a result of dig- 
 ging, comparing, studying, arguing, and dating, we can see 
 
 53 
 
the relationship. For example, as the result of a recent re- 
 search project at this Museum covering over 6,000 pottery 
 fragments and hundreds of whole pots, we can make fairly 
 definite statements about the designs on painted pottery in 
 the Southwest from about a.d. 500 to 1300. Although types 
 of pottery from various areas — Snaketown in southern Ari- 
 zona, Mesa Verde in southwestern Colorado, Chaco Canyon 
 in north central New Mexico, Flagstaff in Arizona, and the 
 Pine Lawn-Reserve area in west central New Mexico — can 
 easily be differentiated, similar designs occur in these areas at 
 about the same times and serve to tie the areas together de- 
 velopmentally. One finds on early painted pottery through- 
 out the Southwest in the same century, an abundance of sim- 
 ple geometric designs of lines and solid figures; in later times, 
 in the same century, the pottery shows a progression to more 
 complicated designs with hatched and solid figures and com- 
 binations of many elements. 
 
 Pottery designs showing such synchronous or simultaneous 
 changes throughout the Southwest are sometimes called "hori- 
 zon styles." This term implies the frequent use of a distinctive 
 design element such as simple geometric designs of broad lines 
 or the use of realistic portrayals of animals or human figures 
 at a given time period (for example, from a.d. 700 to 900) 
 throughout the Southwest. "Horizon" in this sense, then, re- 
 fers to a specific time period and to a wide horizon or area. 
 Thus, horizon styles help to interrelate regions and to link 
 together several cultures. The cultures may be and often are 
 diverse, but the same specific and distinctive designs on the 
 pots throughout the area may be the result of diffusion and 
 trade, the spread of a religious cult, or the actual intermixture 
 of peoples. 
 
 Out of the study that produced the knowledge of horizon 
 styles in the Southwest, and other related researches, we have 
 evolved another abstract idea that we call the "co-tradition" of 
 the Southwest. This unwieldy term simply means that the 
 various civilizations and traditions of the Southwest have par- 
 allel and allied developments and that all of them underwent 
 rather uniform growth and ultimately reached a similar stage 
 of development. That is to say that all of the Southwestern 
 
 54 
 
cultures at one time built pit-houses, practiced agriculture, 
 made distinctive pottery, and shared many other religious and 
 everyday features; but it does not imply that all of them pos- 
 sessed the total assemblage of Southwestern traits. The Hoho- 
 kam Indians, for example, lived in pit-houses, but, so far as we 
 now know, did not ever live in cellular or multi-roomed apart- 
 ment houses on top of the ground as did the Anasazi and the 
 Mogollon Indians. 
 
 What the co-tradition really means is that the Southwest 
 should be considered as a whole, a cultural sphere, composed 
 of many related parts. Each civilization within its borders is 
 not a unique expression of culture, but each is related to the 
 others in a greater or less degree. 
 
 A LONG UNBROKEN HISTORY 
 
 Before closing this chapter, I shall describe briefly the rela- 
 tionship of the Mogollon and other Southwestern cultures to 
 the greater Southwest or Desert cultures and touch briefly on 
 possible linguistic affiliations and time perspectives. 
 
 According to the most recent studies, the ancestors of the 
 founders of the Hohokam, Mogollon, Anasazi, and Patayan 
 civilizations shared a culture or a way of life with many other 
 Indians inhabiting the Intermontane area between the 
 Rockies and the Sierra Nevada mountain ranges. This ter- 
 ritory includes parts or all of the states of Washington, Oregon, 
 Montana, Idaho, California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Wyo- 
 ming, Arizona, and New Mexico, and western Texas and 
 much of northern Mexico. This great Desert Culture area 
 was probably one of the first to be inhabited by man, as the 
 Carbon 14 dates for some sites take us back at least to 10,000 
 b.c. Many of the Cochise and early Mogollon traits are sim- 
 ilar to if not identical with corresponding items in the Desert 
 Culture of Utah, Oregon, Wyoming, and the other desert 
 states. Thus, the local specializations of Cochise-Mogollon, 
 Hohokam, and Anasazi arose from this unique and basic 
 Desert Culture. 
 
 It is interesting to note that this geographical area was 
 inhabited not only by a people (perhaps all related) who 
 
 55 
 
shared a common culture, but in early historic times (Spanish 
 conquest, about a.d. 1600) was likewise the homeland of a 
 people who spoke from ten to twenty different dialects, all of 
 which are related and grouped under the heading of Uto- 
 Aztekan linguistic stock. 
 
 We may say then that most of the Intermontane area lying 
 between the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains was inhab- 
 ited (at about a.d. 1600) by Uto-Aztekan-speaking peoples. 
 
 I shall abridge the ideas set forth in a recent hypothesis 
 concerning the relationship of archaeology, ethnology, linguis- 
 tics, and physical anthropology of the Uto-Aztekan peoples 
 who were spread over the west from Idaho to Mexico City. 
 A few reasonable assumptions were made in this study. One 
 was that physical type, language, and general culture patterns 
 are generally more stable and enduring than are material 
 objects such as pottery or houses, for example. Another was 
 that the Intermontane area has been occupied by the Uto- 
 Aztekan-speaking peoples for at least 3000 years and perhaps 
 much longer. If the Intermontane area was not completely 
 peopled by Uto-Aztekan peoples, we can guess with more 
 certainty that a nucleus of them was concentrated in the up- 
 per Gila and upper Little Colorado rivers in New Mexico and 
 Arizona. This last guess is backed up by a preliminary study 
 of comparative linguistics, and from this a dating has been 
 arrived at by the study of the changes in basic vocabulary (see 
 in Bibliography, Dating by Words, by Martin, for explanation 
 of how this is done). The locale was established by the fact 
 that certain words, such as "pine tree" and "juniper tree," 
 indicate an intermediate altitude zone such as might be found 
 in mountainous areas of the upper Gila River drainage. 
 
 Thus, we see how the weight of careful research can bear 
 on particular problems and how some answers can be tenta- 
 tively reached or guessed at. 
 
 56 
 
Rope Snares. Upper corner: a bundle of six just as found. Remainder: 
 
 snares from a second bundle, opened to show size and workmanship. 
 
 From earliest level in Tularosa Cave (about 300 B.C. or earlier). 
 
 57 
 
The TIME of 
 
 Limited WANDERING 
 
 About 6000 b.c. to 500 b.c. 
 
 This section will describe various aspects of the daily life 
 of the Mogollon Indians from the earliest times to a.d. 1350, 
 at which time they abandoned forever a most attractive area. 
 
 In presenting my tale, I shall draw on materials from the 
 excavations that we have made and on modern counterparts 
 or similarities in the cultures of present-day Southwestern In- 
 dians. I shall also present some guesses, hypotheses, or inter- 
 pretations based on these data and I shall label them as con- 
 jectures or shall qualify their status by the use of such adverbs 
 as probably, likely, and presumably. 
 
 I shall gather together several millennia or centuries in my 
 descriptions and treat such parcels as units without going into 
 a mass of detail for every historical period that has been set 
 up. These parcels or groupings are chosen partly for conven- 
 ience and partly because each contains significant innovations 
 or shifts in the cultural pattern. 
 
 58 
 
MAKING A LIVING 
 
 The problem of obtaining food confronted the early Co- 
 chise-Mogollon Indians as it always has and always will 
 confront all peoples. 
 
 These Indians solved the problem more or less successfully 
 in a number of ways, but, so far as we can now tell, with little 
 or no aid from the practice of agriculture. The idea of plant- 
 ing and tending certain favorite seed-yielding plants was prob- 
 ably not novel to them. Corn, the plant that later became so 
 important in their lives, was probably introduced to the Mog- 
 ollon Indians between 4000 and 2000 B.C. At first, it may 
 have been regarded as a mere addition to their diet of seeds. 
 Apparently, it took some time for them to recognize the great 
 merit of corn-growing. 
 
 In the main, then, we regard this era as one in which col- 
 lecting wild edible foods was the principal way of making a 
 living, although the Indians also did some hunting. The foods 
 most commonly eaten were pinyon nuts, walnuts, acorns, grass 
 seeds, gourds, yucca fruits, cactus, gooseberries, and agave. 
 
 The population was probably not sedentary, but moved 
 about in a fairly restricted area from one gathering ground to 
 another, intensively exploiting the environment as thoroughly 
 as possible. Reliance was not placed on a crop or on any sin- 
 gle resource but was put rather on adapting their appetites to 
 all the local plants, insects, small mammals, and birds. The 
 seeds harvested were ground into flour and were cooked as 
 mush or were parched. Products of other plants were either 
 eaten raw or were boiled in baskets (no pottery); game may 
 have been roasted. There was probably no big-game hunt- 
 ing. 
 
 TOOLS 
 
 The tool inventory for this period (6000 to 500 b.c.) is 
 fairly extensive for a non-sedentary folk and consisted of flat 
 or basin-type milling-grinding stones; pestles; knives and chop- 
 pers made by the percussion method that produced large 
 flakes, cores, and spalls; the tumpline for carrying burdens; 
 
 59 
 
Earliest ceremonial room (Great Kiva) in Reserve-Pine Lawn area; fire 
 
 hearth and storage pits in center; purpose of groove in floor not known 
 
 (about 300 b.c. to a.d. 200). 
 
 Cross section of Mogollon pit-house shown on opposite page. 
 60 
 
Early Mogollon pit-house in process of excavation. Burial in left floor- 
 pit; storage floor-pits in foreground; tunnel entrance at top 
 (about 300 B.C. to a.d. 200). 
 
 61 
 
Earliest undecorated Mogollon pottery from pit-houses 
 (about 300 b.c. to a.d. 200). 
 
 Bone awls. Upper two, about a.d. 100; lower one, about a.d. 1200. 
 
 64 
 
basket. This manner of cooking food is sometimes known as 
 "stone boiling." If the boiling subsided and the food was not 
 done, the cool stones would be removed and hot ones sub- 
 stituted. 
 
 UTILIZATION AND PROCESSING OF RAW MATERIALS 
 
 Tools were manufactured principally from stone, wood, 
 and bone. The preferred kinds of stone were basalt, andesite, 
 and quartzite, all tough materials. From these were made 
 hand choppers, hammerstones, and rubbing and abrading 
 stones. There were no hafted axes at this time. Projectile 
 points, blades, knives, scrapers and other pressure-chipped 
 implements were produced from flint, chalcedony, and ob- 
 sidian. Milling stones (metates) and manos and mortars and 
 pestles were made from igneous rocks such as rhyolite and 
 trachyte. Various woods, such as oak, pine, willow, and 
 mountain mahogany, were utilized for making spear-throwers, 
 darts or spears, bunts, digging sticks, fire drills and hearths, 
 "trowels," scoops, ladles, awls, and weaving tools. Bows and 
 arrows were not known to these people at this time. 
 
 Awls, flakers, fleshers, wrenches and beads came from the 
 bones of deer and antelope. 
 
 Basketry is the sole container that has been preserved for 
 us from the period before the advent of pottery. If boxes or 
 bark buckets were known to these Indians, none have survived. 
 It seems safe to assume that basketry was an important item 
 in the household. A basket, if smeared with pitch, would have 
 served as a water container; if it had been partly filled with 
 water, red-hot stones and meat or ground-up seeds, it would 
 have served as a cooking vessel (a fireless cooker). Baskets 
 could also have been used for storing foods, for gathering 
 seeds, nuts, and berries, and for transporting loads. The ma- 
 terials for basket-making consisted of woody shoots, grasses, 
 yucca leaves, and sotol. 
 
 Blankets were made of rabbit fur cut up into strips and 
 woven together by twining. Wickerwork sandals were woven 
 from yucca leaves, and string aprons and sashes were made 
 from vegetable fibers or animal hair. We do not know that 
 
 65 
 
Earliest undecorated Mogollon pottery from pit-houses 
 (about 300 B.C. to a.d. 200). 
 
 Bone awls. Upper two, about a.d. 100; lower one, about a.d. 1200. 
 
 64 
 
basket. This manner of cooking food is sometimes known as 
 "stone boiling." If the boiling subsided and the food was not 
 done, the cool stones would be removed and hot ones sub- 
 stituted. 
 
 UTILIZATION AND PROCESSING OF RAW MATERIALS 
 
 Tools were manufactured principally from stone, wood, 
 and bone. The preferred kinds of stone were basalt, andesite, 
 and quartzite, all tough materials. From these were made 
 hand choppers, hammerstones, and rubbing and abrading 
 stones. There were no hafted axes at this time. Projectile 
 points, blades, knives, scrapers and other pressure-chipped 
 implements were produced from flint, chalcedony, and ob- 
 sidian. Milling stones (metates) and manos and mortars and 
 pestles were made from igneous rocks such as rhyolite and 
 trachyte. Various woods, such as oak, pine, willow, and 
 mountain mahogany, were utilized for making spear-throwers, 
 darts or spears, bunts, digging sticks, fire drills and hearths, 
 "trowels," scoops, ladles, awls, and weaving tools. Bows and 
 arrows were not known to these people at this time. 
 
 Awls, flakers, fleshers, wrenches and beads came from the 
 bones of deer and antelope. 
 
 Basketry is the sole container that has been preserved for 
 us from the period before the advent of pottery. If boxes or 
 bark buckets were known to these Indians, none have survived. 
 It seems safe to assume that basketry was an important item 
 in the household. A basket, if smeared with pitch, would have 
 served as a water container; if it had been partly filled with 
 water, red-hot stones and meat or ground-up seeds, it would 
 have served as a cooking vessel (a fireless cooker). Baskets 
 could also have been used for storing foods, for gathering 
 seeds, nuts, and berries, and for transporting loads. The ma- 
 terials for basket-making consisted of woody shoots, grasses, 
 yucca leaves, and sotol. 
 
 Blankets were made of rabbit fur cut up into strips and 
 woven together by twining. Wickerwork sandals were woven 
 from yucca leaves, and string aprons and sashes were made 
 from vegetable fibers or animal hair. We do not know that 
 
 65 
 
Projectile points. Two at left date from about a.d. 1000; two at right, 
 
 100 B.C. In center is modern hafted projectile point to illustrate method 
 
 probably used by Mogollon Indians to haft their points. 
 
 Choppers and tobacco pipe of stone. Left, chopper (about a.d. 1000); 
 right, chopper (about 300 B.C.); pipe, about a.d. 200. 
 
 66 
 
TULAROSA CAVE (MIDDLE FOREGROUND), NEW MEXICO 
 Photograph taken from across canyon 
 
 67 
 
cloth was woven at this time. Cradles or "nests" were 
 made from sotol leaves; matting, from yucca rushes; burden 
 straps, or tumplines, from bear grass and cords of hard vege- 
 table fibers. Cordage, carrying nets, and snares for catching 
 small mammals were spun and woven from vegetable fibers of 
 yucca or other plants. Shell bracelets were made from shells 
 obtained from the Gulf of California, probably by trade. 
 
 This brief summary will indicate how well adapted the 
 people were to their environment and how well they used 
 almost every plant for particular needs, and how well the ani- 
 mal bones and available rocks were used for making tools of 
 all sorts. 
 
 DIVISION OF LABOR 
 
 On the basis of our knowledge of modern Indians, we as- 
 sume that the women gathered the wild foods and plants, 
 fetched the water, prepared and cooked the meals, served the 
 food and did the sewing. The food was served in large wild 
 gourds split in half, or in baskets. The sewing was done with 
 sinew thread and bone needles. 
 
 The men hunted and set the snares, wove baskets, scraped 
 and prepared skins for clothing, and manufactured all tools 
 and ornaments. 
 
 HOUSES AND HOME LIFE 
 
 Actually very little can be said about this subject. Pres- 
 ent evidence indicates that houses were unknown during this 
 period or at least during the earliest part of it. 
 
 Caves, rock shelters, and overhangs were probably the 
 favorite locations for settlements. In these, along with the 
 tools and household goods, have been found bark or grass beds. 
 
 It is barely possible that skin shelters or tents were known 
 and used. It is also possible that crude windbreaks of twigs 
 and boughs were utilized for very cool or rainy weather, but 
 the perishable nature of such constructions precludes our find- 
 ing them now. Thus, evidence on this point may never be 
 found. 
 
 68 
 
We suspect that the social organization of these people was 
 similar to that of present day food-gathering tribes, in which 
 inheritance and descent are through both the father-line and 
 the mother-line. The mother, father and children of these 
 ancient people lived together and probably constituted a unit 
 that we call a nuclear family. 
 
 PREPARATIONS FOR RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES 
 
 Little can be said with certainty on this subject. We guess 
 that these Indians held some sort of religious beliefs, but proof 
 is lacking. Evidence for our guess comes from a few objects 
 that appear to have had no practical reason for existence and 
 resemble ceremonial objects of later stages. 
 
 These objects are incised sticks; prayer-sticks used perhaps 
 for wafting prayers heavenward to the gods; pieces of raw 
 mineral paint such as ochres; stones or palettes on which the 
 paint was ground to fine powder for possible use as body paint; 
 crystals possibly used in curing illness; and small toothpick- 
 like sticks on which were impaled juniper berries (called juni- 
 per-berry skewers). We have no idea what part in religious 
 or healing ceremonies these skewers played, but they served 
 no practical purpose that we can think of. They have been 
 found in cultural debris that dates as late as a.d. 900. 
 
 From an examination of the life and customs of the Ute 
 and Paiute Indians, who were formerly food-gatherers and 
 whose culture is assumed to have resembled that of the early 
 Cochise-Mogollon Indians, we can make one or two supposi- 
 tions concerning the ancient religion. It is assumed that the 
 Cochise-Mogollon Indians held certain religious beliefs in 
 which the relationship between human beings and super- 
 natural powers was largely a matter of individual concern. 
 Every person may have hoped to acquire a guardian spirit 
 who would assist him in hunting and in maintaining health. 
 Shamans or medicine men may have existed and their duties 
 would have been to heal the sick or wounded. Minor col- 
 lective or group ceremonies may have existed to help the tribe 
 in promoting general fertility and in finding foods. We do not 
 know whether they believed in a life in the hereafter. 
 
 69 
 
EMERGENCE of Small, Sedentary 
 COMMUNITIES 
 
 ABOUT 500 b.c. TO a.d. 1000 
 
 The periods covered in this chapter (500 b.c. to a.d. 1000) 
 include part of the Chiricahua period and all of the Pine Lawn, 
 Georgetown, San Francisco and Three Circle periods (see 
 p. 50). Information concerning this span of 1500 years is 
 somewhat fuller than that for the preceding period, because 
 of increasing population more intensive archaeological investi- 
 gation, and more abundant artifacts and better preservation 
 of them. We may, then, describe the life and activities of this 
 span with considerably more certainty. Furthermore, we shall 
 witness the beginnings of village life and the development of 
 certain traditions that lasted many centuries. 
 
 MAKING A LIVING 
 
 In the last chapter, I suggested that in earliest times the 
 Mogollon Indians subsisted principally on wild edible plants. 
 
 70 
 
Certainly they did some hunting, also. It is likewise probable 
 that by 2000 B.C. at least, maize was present in the Mogollon 
 area, but, as stated earlier, the basic Cochise-Mogollon pat- 
 tern was not much modified by the presence of this plant. It 
 would seem that the people regarded corn merely as an addi- 
 tion to the wild plants that were gathered and eaten. 
 
 But in this period (500 b.c. to a.d. 1000) we find an in- 
 creasing appreciation and use of corn as well as squash and 
 beans, both of which had put in an appearance by 1000 B.C. 
 The greater dependence on agriculture must have been due 
 in part to a realization that here was an excellent safeguard 
 against starvation, provided the group as a whole moved 
 toward the goal of more farming and less gathering, and pro- 
 vided the surplus could be safely stored and protected from 
 weather, rodents, enemies, and shiftless relatives. 
 
 Judging from our excavations in Tularosa and Cordova 
 Caves, some game was also taken and eaten and many wild 
 plants and seeds were still collected to supplement, enrich, and 
 vary the diet. But by 500 to 200 b.c. agriculture was really 
 flourishing and was by then the primary means of subsistence 
 for the Mogollon Indians. 
 
 We do not know exactly where corn originated. Recent 
 researches suggest, however, that the wild ancestor of corn 
 grew in favorable spots in the Amazonian jungles of South 
 America. From there, corn spread northward through Mex- 
 ico (where new types may have arisen) to North America, 
 reaching the Mogollon Indians in the form of a tropical flint 
 corn by 2000 b.c. or earlier. 
 
 Rudimentary farming knowledge and primitive farming 
 tools and techniques were already possessed by the Cochise 
 people, who shared the Desert Culture traits with all the other 
 Indians from Oregon to Mexico City and from the Rocky 
 Mountains to the Pacific Coast. Also present by 5000 to 
 2000 b.c. were digging sticks (almost exactly the same as 
 Southwestern Indian farmers use today), baskets used for col- 
 lecting and storing food, milling stones for reducing seeds to 
 flour, and a long tradition of parching seeds, cooking flour- 
 and-mush and preparing and cooking seed plants. 
 
 71 
 

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 73 
 
Therefore, it is no surprise that corn and, later, beans and 
 squash were readily adopted by these people, who, in a sense, 
 were predestined to become farmers and whose lives were 
 bound to have a memorable effect on 150 later generations 
 of Southwestern Indians. 
 
 HYBRIDIZATION OF CORN 
 
 During this era of 1500 years (500 b.c. to a.d. 1000) the 
 races and strains of maize were improved by hybridization 
 with corn brought from other areas, and the number of ker- 
 
 Early ear of corn (pod corn) of the type grown 
 about 1000 B.C. Reconstruction based on ear 
 excavated at Tularosa Cave, New Mexico; 
 drawing by Gustav Dalstrom, assisted by Dr. 
 Hugh C. Cutler. Length about 1 % inches. 
 
 nel-rows dropped from 16 to 14, 12, and 8. This meant more 
 "efficient" corn, as each kernel was bigger and juicier and 
 contained more nourishment. The introduced varieties were 
 vigorous types; hence, there was an advantage in growing the 
 hardier varieties and in cross-fertilizing the older local varie- 
 ties with new races. 
 
 Surplus supplies of corn, beans, and squash may have oc- 
 curred as time went on, and these may have been distributed 
 to friends and relatives in order that prestige and dignity might 
 accrue from such generous acts. Certainly with a more de- 
 pendable food supply there would have been leisure and with 
 it more progress in all ways of life. 
 
 USE OF GAME FOR FOOD 
 
 As I indicated above, hunting was never a very significant 
 item in Mogollon life, but it must be remembered that smaller 
 
 74 
 
game was probably always hunted to a certain extent. Evi- 
 dence for this statement comes from the bones of deer, turkeys, 
 dogs, pocket gophers, squirrels, coyotes, mountain sheep, lynx, 
 sage hens, rabbits, wolves, antelopes, and badgers, found in 
 the village middens, on house floors, and in cave refuse. The 
 most frequently hunted animal was apparently the white- 
 tailed deer. 
 
 Animals were bagged in various ways. Early in the period 
 spears and spear throwers (atlatls), snares, nets, and traps were 
 used. About or after the beginning of the Christian era, bows 
 and arrows were introduced and gradually replaced the atlatl 
 and the snares. By a.d. 900 the atlatl and the snares had 
 completely disappeared from the Mogollon inventory. Nets, 
 used especially on rabbit drives, were still employed. Crops 
 were planted and wild foods dug up by means of a 
 wooden digging stick (still used); and harvested crops and 
 wild foods were transported in large baskets by means of 
 tumplines. Corn was planted in hills, with squash and beans 
 interspersed. 
 
 PREPARATION OF FOODS 
 
 Methods of cooking probably did not change much. Meats 
 were broiled or stewed; corn and possibly other vegetables were 
 roasted, parched or baked in ashes or pits; seeds were parched 
 with live coals in shallow baskets; and corn was popped on the 
 cob. These were perhaps the chief methods of cooking. Corn, 
 beans, and squashes were frequently boiled or roasted and 
 combined in succotash. Hominy may also have been pre- 
 pared and eaten. Corn was reduced to flour on metates with 
 manos, the upper grinding stone, and some foods were crushed 
 up in mortars with pestles. Manos, metates, and perhaps 
 cooking pots were cleaned and scoured with yucca pods. 
 Foods to be held over were stored in sealed pits in the house 
 floors, in sealed caches in caves, in pottery jars, and perhaps 
 in baskets. 
 
 Pottery was introduced into the Pine Lawn area by 300 B.C. 
 and perhaps earlier. It gradually replaced baskets as cooking 
 
 75 
 
Bag of bison skin that had contained squash seeds shown in lower half of illustration 
 
 (about a.d. 600) 
 
 and storage receptacles. Gourd vessels made convenient ladles 
 and drinking cups. 
 
 The most common foods were maize, beans, squash, gourds, 
 yucca pods, cacti, black walnuts, acorns, grass seeds, desert 
 primrose leaves, and sunflower seeds. 
 
 Cooking was done, in the latter part of the era, more and 
 more inside the houses. 
 
 UTILIZATION AND PROCESSING OF RAW MATERIALS 
 
 Visitors to our archaeological excavations frequently ex- 
 press surprise at the energy, diligence, and enterprise of the 
 prehistoric Mogollon Indians and ask: "How did they make 
 this?" "What tools did they have?" "Did they have metal 
 tools?" 
 
 Our visitors are filled with wonderment when we tell them 
 that the Mogollones had a fairly complete stock of tools at 
 their disposal. But no metal tools were ever made or used by 
 
 76 
 
these peoples, although small copper tinklers (probably im- 
 ported from Mexico) have been found in some sites dated 
 after a. d. 1100. 
 
 It may be safely said that almost every available natural 
 resource was converted to man's needs and instrumentality. 
 The chief raw materials used for tools, weapons, dress, textiles, 
 
 Tools of stone. Left, hammerstone (about a.d. 200) ; right, scraper 
 (about a.d. 700) 
 
 amusement, and ceremonies were stone, plant fibers, wood, 
 bone, shell, and clay. 
 
 Let us examine briefly some of the objects made from these 
 materials. 
 
 STONE ARTIFACTS 
 
 Metates, manos and pestles were produced from volcanic 
 stone; door- and baking-slabs from sandstone; hand choppers, 
 hammerstones, grooved mauls, rubbing and abrading stones 
 from tough rocks such as basalt, andesite, and quartzite; pro- 
 jectile and spear points, blades, knives, scrapers, drills, gravers 
 and saws from flint; hoes from rhyolite; tobacco pipes from 
 volcanic rocks; pigments from iron ores, limonite, magnetite 
 and hematite; and divining stones from crystals. 
 
 77 
 
There are no fewer than nineteen major tool types, all 
 made of stone, and several sub-types. 
 
 USES OF PLANTS 
 
 From plants or plant fibers (not counting those of wood) 
 there are nineteen classes of artifacts, with many subdivisions. 
 I shall note some of the major and minor items, to exemplify 
 the astonishing range: Sandals of several types of weaves; 
 string aprons; sashes of twisted cord; snares; beds and cradles; 
 netted carrying bags; strap and tumplines used to carry bur- 
 dens; torches; brushes; needles of yucca spines; basketry of 
 three different weaves; matting; cloth of bast or cotton fiber; 
 cordage, bits of which were tied with seven different types of 
 knots (square, granny, overhand, single half hitch, clove hitch, 
 lark's head, and single bow); and netting. The more common 
 plants for these articles were cotton, bast fibers, yucca, and 
 rushes. Sometimes human and animal hair was spun, and 
 tanned animal skins were fashioned into sandals and robes. 
 
 WOODEN TOOLS 
 
 Twenty-eight different types of artifacts were fashioned 
 from wood. We have a fair guess as to the techniques used 
 by the Mogollon Indians in woodworking. The techniques 
 are recognizable from marks remaining on the specimens and 
 from unfinished pieces. The woodworking methods seem to 
 have included peeling the bark, breaking, whittling, splitting, 
 drilling, sawing, scraping, incising, smoothing, and polishing. 
 Tools used for fashioning artifacts were of stone, and they com- 
 prise choppers, scrapers, knives, drills, saws, files, and polish- 
 ing stones. 
 
 The plants from which wooden artifacts were made in- 
 clude oak, pine, willow, mountain mahogany, juniper, reed, 
 yucca, bear grass, and cliff rose. The artifacts made from 
 these materials represent a wide range of interest, skill, and 
 necessity. A glance at the following abbreviated inventory 
 will confirm this statement: the atlatl or spear thrower; atlatl 
 foreshafts and mainshafts; spears; bows and arrows; digging 
 sticks; trowels; scoops; fire-drills and hearths; spoons and 
 
 78 
 
ladles; knife handles; awls; weaving tools; seed-beaters; 
 torches; reed cigarettes that were filled with tobacco; carved 
 prayer-sticks; dice; and reed flutes. 
 
 BONE TOOLS 
 
 Animal bones (mostly deer bones) were skillfully converted 
 into awls of several types, punches, arrow-head flakers, weaving 
 tools, beads, pennants and dice. It is probable that the larger 
 bone tools such as awls and punches were made from animal 
 longbones that were split by sawing a groove with a stone saw 
 and then wedging the broken sections apart when the groove 
 was deep enough. The ends could then be cut, ground, and 
 polished to shape. Some tools were made from bone splinters 
 while others were fashioned from a whole bone in such a way 
 as to include the head of the bone as a handle. 
 
 ORNAMENTS 
 
 Bracelets, beads, and pendants were cut, sawed, or carved 
 from a bivalve shell that was imported by trade from the Gulf 
 of California. 
 
 USES OF CLAY 
 
 Local clays were extensively used for making pottery, and 
 some other artifacts were also turned out: figurines, animal 
 effigies, spindle whorls, clay balls (function unknown), and 
 tobacco pipes. 
 
 ORIGIN OF MOGOLLON POTTERY 
 
 The origin of Mogollon pottery is an interesting problem 
 to which there is no certain answer at present. Most archae- 
 ologists guess that the source may be Meso- American. Plain 
 brown and polished red pottery in simple bowls and jars occurs 
 in early Mexican cultures on the eastern slopes of the Sierra 
 Madre Occidental Mountains from Chihuahua to Zacatecas. 
 The earliest Mogollon ceramics are likewise plain brown and 
 polished red wares in bowl and jar forms. But our assumption 
 of a Mexican origin for Mogollon pottery is only the best one 
 
 79 
 
Red on brown jar, the earliest type 
 
 of painted pottery. Reconstructed 
 
 from potsherds (about a.d. 700). 
 
 Early Mogollon neck corrugated 
 jar (about a.d. 700). 
 
 that can be advanced at the present time. This idea is 
 strengthened somewhat by the assumption that agriculture was 
 probably derived from a Mexican source. If this be so, it may 
 be that pottery itself and the methods for making it were also 
 introduced and traded from a Meso-American source. 
 
 It should be remembered that the earliest Mogollon pot- 
 tery (dating from 300 B.C.) is not crude or primitive. It is sim- 
 ple but far advanced beyond the experimental and incipient 
 stages. It is well shaped and constructed by coiling, thinned 
 by scraping, smoothed by means of a polishing stone, and 
 
 80 
 
Ceremonial objects from Tularosa Cave. About a.d. 200-800. 
 Upper, juniper-berry skewers; lower, wooden dice. 
 
 well fired. No one at present, then, credits the Mogollon 
 Indians with the invention of pottery. We all agree that it 
 was a trait introduced from the south, as was agriculture. 
 
 The importance of pottery-making as an aid to house- 
 keeping can hardly be exaggerated. Pottery vessels are useful 
 for a variety of domestic purposes. 
 
 It is possible that creating pottery forms and then decora- 
 ting some of the vessels served as a vent for the expression of 
 aesthetic and religious feelings. From another point of view, 
 the art of pottery-making may serve as a rough gauge of the 
 progress a people has made on the road to "civilization." 
 
 At any rate, from any point of view, vessels of fired clay are 
 convenient. Pottery, when present, is one of the most useful 
 tools of the archaeologist for determining the relative age of 
 a site. By comparing the form, decoration, or material of the 
 pottery from many excavated sites, the archaeologist is able 
 
 81 
 
to work out the rise and fall in popularity of certain types. 
 In other words, he studies the "fashions" of pottery types and 
 is able to determine their sequence. This kind of comparison 
 is invaluable in setting up a comparative chronology in a 
 specific area. 
 
 C 
 
 Cigarettes made of reeds filled with tobacco (earliest reported use of tobacco 
 about a.d. 200-800). 
 
 HOW POTTERY WAS MADE 
 
 No living person has seen a Mogollon Indian make a pot; 
 but because contemporary Southwestern Indian pottery super- 
 ficially resembles Mogollon pottery, we assume that it may 
 have been made in the same way. Carefully chosen clay that 
 has been winnowed to remove twigs and gravel is mixed with 
 a "temper" or "grog" (sand or crushed rocks) and is then 
 wetted and kneaded. When ready for molding, the clay has 
 the consistency of putty. 
 
 The potter's wheel was unknown to the Mogollones; there- 
 fore molding and shaping were done by hand by what is 
 
 82 
 
known as the coil method. This method makes use of long 
 coils of clay. The potter forms the base of the future pot by 
 pressing it out of a lump of properly tempered clay or by 
 using the end of a roll of clay that has coiled on itself. The 
 base thus formed is then placed in a shallow basket in which 
 the growing vessel rests. The potter next builds up the walls 
 of the pot by the addition of coils of clay which are either long 
 enough to go around the walls more than once, producing a 
 spiral effect, or are just long enough to go around once. This 
 operation is repeated until the vessel has been completed. 
 
 If the coils are to be obliterated this task is done with a 
 piece of gourd or a polishing stone. If the vessel is to be 
 painted, this is done after the vessel has been dried in the air. 
 Pigments were made from hematite (red) and magnetite 
 (black). Designs, layouts, and color schemes require con- 
 siderable sophistication, artistic ability, and skill. The Mo- 
 gollon design and layouts are distinctive. They evolved over 
 the centuries from simple broad-line patterns to involved 
 arrangements of geometric forms such as squares, hatched 
 diagonal lines, interlocking scrolls, and triangles. 
 
 "TYPES" OF POTTERY 
 
 The "cooking" pottery was usually a plain brown ware or 
 unpainted type that is known as neck-banded, scored, or plain 
 corrugated. These types are classed as textured wares. Banding 
 and corrugations are merely the original coils that were not ob- 
 literated because it was the style to let them remain visible. 
 Scoring was done with a blunt tool by which the surface was 
 scratched. 
 
 EARLIEST POTTERY 
 
 The earliest Mogollon pottery was plain brown and plain 
 red ware and lacked any painted designs or surface treatment. 
 Cooking, storage, and serving of foods were all done in these 
 types, which may be dated at about 300 B.C. or possibly 
 earlier. These two types displayed a remarkable longevity, 
 since they continued to be utilized right up to the time the 
 
 83 
 
Mogollones moved out of the Pine Lawn Reserve area. In 
 other words, these two major wares were made for more than 
 1,500 years. 
 
 NEW UTILITY AND PAINTED WARES 
 
 At approximately a.d. 400 to 600 several new types 
 evolved: one that displayed neck-banding; another, scoring; 
 another, "punched" surfaces; and, most important of all, a 
 painted type with designs in red painted on a pink or brown 
 background. With these new types the old favorites (plain 
 brown and plain red wares) continued to be made and loved. 
 In fact, as one can observe, after pottery appeared at about 
 300 B.C. no new types were formulated for almost 800 or 900 
 years! (The same conservatism may also be observed in 
 architecture, in tools of stone, bone, and wood and in other 
 traits in varying degrees.) 
 
 SMUDGED AND NEW PAINTED TYPES 
 
 Several centuries later, these types still persisted; and one 
 finds, in addition, several variants of the textured wares and a 
 "smudged" type. This type, later to become fairly popular, 
 was usually confined to bowls, the insides of which are a pol- 
 ished black. The black was produced by permitting smoke or 
 carbon to be deposited on the interiors, thus producing a 
 smudged effect. The painted decorated pottery bore designs 
 similar to those on the earlier pottery, but they now were done 
 in red on a white background. A small bit of black on white 
 painted pottery appeared toward the end of this period. 
 
 It should be noted that the earliest Mogollon wares and all 
 the cooking types (whether banded, incised, punched, scored, 
 or indented) are brown or red or brown-reds. Formerly, this 
 predilection for browns and reds was assumed to be the result 
 of a special firing technique supposedly used by the Mogollon 
 Indians. This technique of firing is called the oxidizing atmos- 
 phere. We now feel that the brown and red colors of the 
 pottery-paste and of the surface of unpainted wares were more 
 likely produced by the clays that were available to the Mogol- 
 
 84 
 
Red on white pottery bowl 
 (about a.d. 800). 
 
 Black on white pottery 
 
 bowl from an early town 
 
 (about a.d. 1000). 
 
 Ion Indians. These clays were mostly volcanic or igneous in 
 origin and the iron content tended to cause the pottery to 
 become brown or red after it had been fired. 
 
 Briefly, Mogollon pottery in the incipient (300 B.C.) stages 
 was uniformly unpainted brown or slipped (coated) red. The 
 vessels were hand- or pebble-smoothed and manifest faintly 
 irregular surfaces. They are simple in form. Later ceramics 
 (a.d. 600-900) are marked by a continuation of earlier types, 
 with the addition of smudged types, textured types (surface 
 treatments such as scoring, incising, and corrugations or un- 
 obliterated coils), and types bearing painted designs in red 
 on backgrounds varying from brown through pink to white 
 
 85 
 
and with designs that increasingly reflect refinements, inno- 
 vations, and complexities. Continuity and change are observ- 
 able in this period of pottery-making (300 b.c. to a.d. 1000), 
 and it is probable that Mogollon potters directly or indirectly 
 influenced the potters of other, nearby areas. 
 
 The earliest shapes were bowls or jars. Later, other shapes, 
 such as ladles and pitchers, were developed. 
 
 HOUSES 
 
 In the preceding chapter I described a way of life that in- 
 volved a certain amount of wandering about in search of food. 
 This type of existence effectively prevented the establishment 
 of villages and a sedentary life. 
 
 However, some time before 1000 b.c. several important in- 
 novations were introduced into the area and these radically 
 changed the existence of the Cochise-Mogollon Indians. The 
 most important new element was agriculture. As was sug- 
 gested in the preceding chapter, corn was probably present 
 as early as 2000 to 4000 b.c, but until adequate storage facil- 
 ities could be provided so that some corn could be saved for 
 winter consumption and some for planting in the following 
 spring, one could not expect this people to depend completely 
 on an agricultural economy. On the other hand, storage facil- 
 ities to protect the corn from weather and rodents could not be 
 adequately provided without a sedentary type of life and fixed 
 villages. Therefore, these essentials had to come into being 
 more or less simultaneously. At least that is what we suppose, 
 and present evidence supports our view. 
 
 We know next to nothing about the houses or villages (if 
 they existed) in very early times. The earliest type of habita- 
 tion dates from about 500 b.c. This was a pit-house — a neatly 
 excavated hole, roundish, from ten to sixteen feet in diameter 
 and from two to five feet deep, over which a roof of poles, 
 brush and sod could be constructed. Wind, rain, and snow 
 were excluded by attaching to the main covering of the house 
 a long passage-entrance similar to those of Eskimo igloos. 
 Pit-houses have a long history, with possible connections be- 
 tween the Mogollon area, portions of Siberia, and parts of 
 Europe, where they may have been built 25,000 years ago. 
 
 86 
 

 Skeleton found under floor of pit-house. Near the skull lies a small cooking 
 pot; near the ribs are portions of a painted bowl. About a.d. 900. 
 
 87 
 
ment." And there were other house furnishings : beds of grass, 
 blankets made of rabbit fur or bird feathers, scouring pads 
 made of plant fibers for cleaning pots and metates, torches of 
 fibers, tongs, fire drills for making fire, and flexible cradles. 
 Food-storage pits became less common in the later pit-houses, 
 perhaps because pottery jars were more abundant and may 
 have been used for food containers. 
 
 VILLAGE PATTERNS 
 
 In the earliest villages these houses were grouped in a hap- 
 hazard way, without any particular plan. Usually, such vil- 
 lages were placed in isolated spots and often high up on a ridge 
 or mesa that could be defended. Forested, mountainous areas 
 well removed from streams were preferred spots. Some of the 
 early communities were sizable. One such excavated by us, 
 the SU site, contained at least 26 pit-houses. Nearness to 
 land suitable for farming may have been one factor in select- 
 ing a site for the village. In almost every village containing 
 more than 3 or 4 pit-houses there is a larger pit-house that 
 was probably used for ceremonies and religious rituals. 
 
 It is barely possible that the earliest towns were abandoned 
 seasonally, perhaps in the winter, although we do not know 
 where the inhabitants went. Certainly many of the early 
 houses lack hearths or evidence of any fire-area within the 
 house, although many houses have been found with hearths 
 outside. One would think that a pit-house without some fire 
 for warmth would be gloomy and cold in the winter, especially 
 in the mountains at an altitude of 6,500 feet. 
 
 If the Mogollon Indians were wont to disperse seasonally — 
 and this is only a guess — is it not possible that this habit may 
 have been conserved for a long time and may account for the 
 ease with which towns dated after a.d. 1000 were changed, 
 modified, broken up into new and separate units and moved 
 a short distance away? 
 
 Villages assigned to the later part of this emergent period 
 were built without any observable plan. Houses were placed 
 near one another wherever it was convenient to dig them. 
 
 90 
 
By- 
 
 FLEXIBLE CRADLE WITH GRASS BEDDING 
 About 300 b.c. 
 
 91 
 
The preferred location for the village was on a ridge or mesa, 
 although some communities have been found on lower ter- 
 races or near small streams. 
 
 No village or community as large as the SU site of 26 pit- 
 houses was observed for the later part of this epoch. Usually, 
 one finds that a village contained from 5 to 15 houses. 
 
 Pit structures (kivas) set aside for ritualistic purposes and 
 ceremonies are ordinarily found associated with each of the 
 larger villages. These special houses are larger and more care- 
 fully finished on the interior, and they usually have some other 
 features, such as foot drums, floor grooves, or large fire-pits, 
 that distinguish them from the secular houses. 
 
 Although each village was independent, the one possessing a 
 kiva was probably a "ceremonial center." It seems probable 
 that several villages united for special rituals and important 
 feast days. If their social and religious organization resembled 
 that of contemporary pueblos, it is likely that a small village 
 was not necessarily blessed with a full consistory of priests; 
 therefore, for special religious events, the services of priests of 
 several villages would have been required to perform a com- 
 plete service. 
 
 FAMILY LIFE 
 
 In the previous chapter, I explained briefly that the Mog- 
 ollon habit of food-collecting in a limited area probably made 
 permanent habitations and food-storage reservoirs more or less 
 impossible. Furthermore, the practice of food-collecting would 
 have effectively prevented the establishment of large family 
 groups and the formation of villages and of large communal 
 gatherings other than occasional ones. 
 
 Hence, it seemed to follow that the earlier Mogollones 
 (pre-500 B.C.) would have fallen into small simple bands, the 
 mother, father and children constituting a nuclear family. 
 I guess, on the basis of contemporary peoples in a similar 
 situation, that descent was reckoned through both sides of the 
 family, but that the women collected all the food and owned 
 the food patches and the houses. It is also probable that the 
 
 94 
 
Early type of footgear : a four warp 
 wickerwork sandal (about 300 b.c. 
 or earlier). The toe goes through 
 the loop, and the string ties around 
 the ankle. 
 
 <3« 
 
 Spear thrower (atlatl) and spear, showing method of casting. This type 
 of weapon was used in hunting small and large game and was the prin- 
 cipal weapon known to the Mogollon Indians from early times to about 
 a.d. 500. The bow and arrow were introduced at this time and the spear 
 thrower went completely out of style (about a.d. 900). 
 
 95 
 
fgi 
 
AN EARLY TOWN OR PUEBLO 
 
 Showing remains of lowest courses of masonry and cellular arrangement 
 of rooms that were probably one story in height (about a.d. 1000). 
 
 93 
 
The preferred location for the village was on a ridge or mesa, 
 although some communities have been found on lower ter- 
 races or near small streams. 
 
 No village or community as large as the SU site of 26 pit- 
 houses was observed for the later part of this epoch. Usually, 
 one finds that a village contained from 5 to 15 houses. 
 
 Pit structures (kivas) set aside for ritualistic purposes and 
 ceremonies are ordinarily found associated with each of the 
 larger villages. These special houses are larger and more care- 
 fully finished on the interior, and they usually have some other 
 features, such as foot drums, floor grooves, or large fire-pits, 
 that distinguish them from the secular houses. 
 
 Although each village was independent, the one possessing a 
 kiva was probably a "ceremonial center." It seems probable 
 that several villages united for special rituals and important 
 feast days. If their social and religious organization resembled 
 that of contemporary pueblos, it is likely that a small village 
 was not necessarily blessed with a full consistory of priests; 
 therefore, for special religious events, the services of priests of 
 several villages would have been required to perform a com- 
 plete service. 
 
 FAMILY LIFE 
 
 In the previous chapter, I explained briefly that the Mog- 
 ollon habit of food-collecting in a limited area probably made 
 permanent habitations and food-storage reservoirs more or less 
 impossible. Furthermore, the practice of food-collecting would 
 have effectively prevented the establishment of large family 
 groups and the formation of villages and of large communal 
 gatherings other than occasional ones. 
 
 Hence, it seemed to follow that the earlier Mogollones 
 (pre-500 b.c.) would have fallen into small simple bands, the 
 mother, father and children constituting a nuclear family. 
 I guess, on the basis of contemporary peoples in a similar 
 situation, that descent was reckoned through both sides of the 
 family, but that the women collected all the food and owned 
 the food patches and the houses. It is also probable that the 
 
 94 
 
Early type of footgear : a four warp 
 wickerwork sandal (about 300 b.c. 
 or earlier). The toe goes through 
 the loop, and the string ties around 
 the ankle. 
 
 <&■ 
 
 Spear thrower (atlatl) and spear, showing method of casting. This type 
 of weapon was used in hunting small and large game and was the prin- 
 cipal weapon known to the Mogollon Indians from early times to about 
 a.d. 500. The bow and arrow were introduced at this time and the spear 
 thrower went completely out of style (about a.d. 900). 
 
 95 
 
daughters of the household brought their husbands to live in 
 the mother's house. This is called "matrilocal residence." 
 
 But in this emergent period, during which houses had been 
 introduced and small towns or communities had sprung into 
 being, the composition of the family and of society would have 
 been somewhat more involved and complex. In this situation, 
 where person-to-person relations are prevalent, family rela- 
 tionships and kinship are a dominant factor. The people of 
 the community would have desired close and constant asso- 
 ciation with their kin, and a person who left his home folk 
 and drifted away would have been virtually unknown. There- 
 fore, we would expect a strengthening and intensifying of the 
 social factors that existed in the previous era and we assume 
 that the patterns of family organization would have tended 
 to follow the same general path of development with some 
 elaboration. 
 
 With the increase in importance of agriculture in this 
 period, matrilocal residence would have been intensified, giv- 
 ing rise to what is called matrilocal extended families: the 
 mother, the father, the unmarried daughters, the married 
 daughters and their husbands and children, and the brothers 
 of the mother. This group, the household, normally occupied 
 a large pit-house or a set of adjacent pit-houses or adjoining 
 rooms which it used in common. The father of the family 
 and the husbands of the married daughters would probably 
 have spent some time in their natal households. In matters 
 regarding rituals, they would have had little to say. 
 
 Further, reasoning partly by analogy and partly by knowl- 
 edge of contemporary families, we would expect that as a result 
 of a matrilocal household, definite descent and inheritance 
 through the mother-line only, would probably have developed 
 by this time. Inheritance of corn plots and of areas yielding 
 wild edible plants (both of these a major form of wealth) 
 would have strengthened the economic position of women and 
 would have favored matrilineal descent. The clans, a group 
 of people united through the female line, probably owned the 
 ceremonies or rituals, and the objects and apparatus used in 
 rituals. These were stored (when not used) in the home of 
 the head woman of the clan. 
 
 96 
 
After a.d. 500, we find villages built in any choice spot and 
 usually not on high, isolated, defendable ridges or mesas. We 
 assume that an era of good will, security, and peace had set in, 
 for the villages were situated in the open, near streams but 
 without an eye to defense. Presumably, lack of enemies per- 
 mitted the population to spread and perhaps a more stable 
 food supply allowed it to multiply. At any rate, we find an 
 increase in the number of villages in the period from a.d. 600 
 to 1000. 
 
 The change in milling stones (from a basin type to a 
 troughed type) implies that agriculture had largely supplanted 
 the gathering of wild food plants. Hunting may have become 
 more important — a conjecture based on an increase in the 
 ratio of projectile points to milling stones. 
 
 I guess that the continuity of the family organization would 
 have flowed on and in more or less the same channels as before; 
 that is, extended families, perhaps several to a village; a re- 
 quirement that married daughters bring their husbands to 
 live in the mother's house (matrilocal residence) ; descent reck- 
 oned through the mother-line as well as mother-line inherit- 
 ance; one or more clans (people united through the female 
 line) to a village; each village politically independent; no 
 slavery; no social classes, with the possible exception of an 
 elected head man; and monogamy. A weak inter- village con- 
 federation may have existed, on a consulting level only. 
 
 CEREMONIALISM; GODS AND SPIRITS 
 
 Earlier in this chapter, I mentioned that at the time when 
 houses and villages developed there were also special houses 
 (kivas) that may have been set aside for religious functions. 
 ("Kiva" is a Hopi Indian word that means "old house." The 
 term, in modern usage, means a separate and distinct chamber 
 set aside primarily for ceremonial purposes and secondarily as 
 a clubhouse and lounging place for males.) 
 
 The earliest kivas are merely large pit-houses. The fea- 
 tures which distinguish what we call kivas from the secular 
 houses are: greater size (they are several times larger than a 
 dwelling); greater depth; floor grooves shaped like half logs, 
 
 97 
 
the purpose of which is unknown; and a lack of domestic tools. 
 The floor grooves may have held hollow logs that served as 
 foot drums. 
 
 I must admit that these features may not convince one that 
 these large pit-houses were used for ceremonial purposes. I 
 can only say that it is my impression that they were kivas. 
 Most archaeologists agree on this tenuous point. I might add 
 that one can see an architectural connection between these 
 early kivas and later buildings that are certainly kivas. 
 
 MATERIALS USED IN CEREMONIES 
 
 From the early levels of Tularosa Cave we excavated 
 flutes, dice, body paint, paint-grinding stones, crystals, odd- 
 shaped stones, animal claws, juniper-berry skewers, animal 
 and human effigies, reed cigarettes, prayer-sticks, toy bows 
 and arrows, and stone tobacco pipes, all of which were prob- 
 ably used in ceremonies of various kinds. And if ceremonies 
 were in existence — even simple ones — they must have been 
 performed somewhere and probably in a special chamber set 
 aside for communal activities, family prayers, and varied re- 
 ligious services. Hence, we can imagine large pit-houses serv- 
 ing as kivas, especially when we find them lacking in everyday 
 household utensils, and in the burials which are often found 
 under the floors of ordinary houses. 
 
 CEREMONIES 
 
 If it be granted that the assumptions set forth in the previ- 
 ous paragraphs are reasonable and are based on some tangible 
 evidence, then we may properly make a few guesses concern- 
 ing the nature of these ceremonies. The guesses will be sup- 
 ported by the nature of the excavated ceremonial parapher- 
 nalia and their similarity to contemporary ritualistic objects, 
 and by comparison with contemporary ceremonial systems in 
 the Southwest. I might add here also a parenthetical word 
 about the materials that we label "ceremonial." Most of the 
 things that I listed in the preceding paragraph have no prac- 
 tical value or use, as far as we determine; for example, crystals, 
 odd-shaped stones, animal claws, phallic representations, 
 
 98 
 
skewers of wood on which juniper berries had been impaled, 
 zoomorphic effigies — none of these appears to be important 
 or necessary for actual existence and none would have been 
 useful in creating a house, planting a field, harvesting a crop, 
 or hunting. All activities of life could have been successfully 
 pursued without any of these articles. 
 
 Corrugated pottery jar used for storage of food or for cooking 
 (about a.d. 1000). 
 
 It is possible that a few objects that I call "ceremonial" 
 might have been used purely for amusement or in games: 
 flutes, dice, and toy bows and arrows. The chances are, how- 
 ever, that these, too, had religious uses. 
 
 Smoking tobacco, whether in a pipe or a cigarette, was a 
 sacred and solemn rite well-nigh throughout North America. 
 To have used tobacco, then, in any other context appears 
 most unlikely and unacceptable to me. Tobacco pipes were 
 more popular early, but after a.d. 700, reed cigarettes became 
 more fashionable. 
 
 99 
 
To paint parts of the human body, masks, tablitas (head 
 ornaments of wood) and other paraphernalia is routine prac- 
 tice today among many Southwestern Pueblo Indians (the 
 Hopi, especially). It does not seem amiss to me, therefore, to 
 conjecture that these practices have a long history and were 
 part of the cultural heritage handed down to modern Indians 
 by their ancestors, both near and remote. Therefore actual 
 raw pigments and small slabs on which the pigments were 
 reduced to powder would also be classed as ceremonial. 
 
 After this digression, I should now like to hazard a few 
 hints as to the ceremonialism of this period. I assume that 
 the religious and sacred rites would be reflected in a general 
 manner in the objects discussed above. 
 
 In the earlier part of this period, one would expect the 
 emphasis to be on ceremonies for curing the sick. As agricul- 
 ture grew in importance, rituals for bringing rain may have 
 been developed. The presence of miniature bows and arrows 
 suggests puberty rites to emphasize a boy's transition from 
 childhood to the adult group and perhaps to initiate the boy 
 into one or more religious societies. Group ceremonies and 
 dances may have been held in kivas featuring masked dancers 
 wearing tablitas and body paint. Such ritualistic dances may 
 have been a re-enactment of the myths of the Mogollones. 
 
 Such dramatic performances eventually may have involved 
 the marking of the summer and winter solstices (about June 21 
 and December 21); and they may have developed into cere- 
 monials for the promotion of precipitation, tribal fecundity, 
 planting and harvesting, and good crops. Emphasis was prob- 
 ably placed on curing and rain-making. Music produced by 
 means of flutes, singing, and drumming was perhaps important. 
 
 Psychosomatic medicine is suggested by the finding of a 
 "doctor's" bag containing obsidian flakes, crystals, curiously 
 shaped concretions, toes of a great horned owl, a horn of a 
 rhinoceros beetle, and herbs, including one known today as 
 "cough root." All of these objects — some fifty in all — were 
 tied up in a muskrat skin. This may have been the property 
 of a priest of the curing society. 
 
 100 
 
MEDICINE MAN'S POUCH 
 
 Pouch made of skin of muskrat (right) ; contents (left) includes flakes of 
 
 obsidian and quartz, concretions, toes of an owl, and vegetable matter. 
 
 About a.d. 1100. 
 
 101 
 
METHODS OF BURIAL 
 
 The dead were ordinarily buried in pits under the house 
 floors. After interment, the pits were floored over and the 
 family continued to occupy its home. The dead were prob- 
 ably wrapped in skins and mats, and with them were placed 
 mortuary offerings: pottery bowls and jars, jewelry, tools of 
 stone and bone, and perhaps food. From this evidence I sur- 
 mise that these people believed in the hereafter and in life 
 after death. 
 
 Thus, although we have no direct records of ceremonialism, 
 we have abundant, though indirect testimony that a rich and 
 devout religious life had been developed. These people were 
 close to nature — closer than we ever are or can be — and it is 
 probable that they were well versed in the movements of many 
 of the heavenly bodies; that from them they had worked out a 
 crude, seasonal calendar; and that they were well acquainted 
 with terrifying storms, floods, droughts, and other awesome 
 natural manifestations. The very lives they led and their 
 manner of living must have generated fear of nature as well 
 as respect for it, and a certain, indefinable purity and prag- 
 matic, contemplative philosophy. 
 
 102 
 
The BEGINNINGS 
 
 of TOWN LIFE 
 
 ABOUT a.d. 1000 TO a.d. 1350 
 
 The archaeological periods covered in this chapter are 
 known as the Reserve and Tularosa periods. As the reader 
 will have noted, the span of time is astonishingly brief — a 
 mere 300 to 400 years — as compared with a span of 1 500 years 
 for the previous stage. One may wonder why there is such a 
 contrast in time; why one period is long and the next, short. 
 
 This arrangement is partly an arbitrary and partly a nat- 
 ural one. This grouping seemed to "fit" the facts, because 
 the Reserve and Tularosa periods are essentially similar in 
 many characteristics. Furthermore, as a civilization becomes 
 more mature its "metabolic processes" appear to speed up. 
 All developments are faster; the old conservative ways are 
 swept away by the onrushing stream of events. Culture 
 changes are swifter, because there are more frequent and sig- 
 nificant alterations in life conditions. 
 
 103 
 
CEREMONIAL ROOM (GREAT KIVA) 
 
 In Reserve-Pine Lawn area (about a.d. 775). Fire hearth and storage 
 pits in center. Purpose of grooves in floor is not known. 
 
 In the previous chapter, I noted certain changes such as 
 the introduction of architecture and pottery-making and the 
 greater dependence on planted crops; but I am sure the reader 
 will sense that alterations and innovations were few and that 
 the way of life jogged along at a comfortable but slow pace. 
 
 METHODS OF CULTURAL CHANGE 
 
 It might be well to digress briefly to discuss some of the 
 methods by which cultures or civilizations change. 
 
 Innovations are frequently brought about when habitual 
 ways of doing things are discouraged and when a significant 
 event occurs that changes the situation to which a people have 
 become accustomed. Some such significant alterations of life 
 conditions may be: (1) an increase in population; (2) a change 
 in climate; (3) a migration into a new environment; (4) con- 
 tacts (by trade or war) with other people; (5) catastrophes, 
 
 104 
 
GREAT KIVA IN PROCESS OF EXCAVATION 
 
 Area about 1 ,300 square feet, not including 30-foot ramp. Holes in floor formerly held 
 gigantic upright posts (as suggested in drawing) that supported the massive timbcr- 
 
 and-sod roof. 
 
 RESTORATION OF GREAT KIVA SHOWN ABOVE 
 
 The feature that particularly distinguishes this type of Great Kiva is the roofed, wide 
 
 ramp entrance at right, through which six ceremonially dressed dancers could have 
 
 marched abreast in processions. About a.d. 1 175. Drawing based on photographs and 
 
 data obtained by Museum Expeditions. 
 
 105 
 
such as floods or droughts, crop failure epidemics, or wars; 
 6) discoveries of new techniques: and (7) the rise of a power- 
 ful leader. 
 
 But no matter how much or how lirtie pievious habitual 
 behavior may be modified, the cultural change will probably 
 not be socially acceptable and will not be taken over by an 
 impressive percentage of the population. Conditions must be 
 just right or an innovation will not "take." In our own society. 
 for example, we find resistance in tins country and in England 
 to the adoption of the metric system of linear measurement to 
 replace inches, feet, yards, and the like. Most of the world 
 has adopted this system, which is superior to oar irregular 
 Anglo-Saxon one. If we took over metrics, we would then be 
 in step with the international system of measurement and this 
 would make for greater convenience in the future, although 
 there might be confusion for perhaps a generation. I conld 
 also cite the attempts to reform our spelling and our calendar, 
 but these, too. have no appeal to our cuiture. 
 
 But cultural change is inevitable. If a culture becomes 
 stagnant and fossilized, it will probably die. In the case of 
 the Mogoilon culture, we are aware that innovations were 
 constantly seeping into the framework and that a goodly num- 
 ber appeared between a.d. 500 and 1000; but scone were not 
 totally accepted or integrated until about ajj. 1000 T when 
 new habits and ways of life were formed and became habitual 
 patterns of behavior. Xaturally. this did not happen over- 
 night or precisely at the year 1000. but at about tiris tune we 
 can detect significant differences and rharmr* in the archaeo- 
 logical picture and thus the eleventh ce n t ury appears to be an 
 important miiepost. 
 
 The previous span of 1500 years, treated in the preceding 
 chapter, seemed a reasonable one. for the innovations men- 
 tioned therein appeared to have been more slowly accepted 
 and the integrated society less disturbed- In other words the 
 situation was relatively more static and the elements that made 
 up that span of 1500 years, during winch small sedentary 
 communities evolved, seemed to have disrurbed less the pre- 
 existing patterns of behavior. I can think of the span 500 b.c 
 to ajj. 1000 as a unit and one that is more or less justifiable 
 
 106 
 
b 1 
 
 H II 3 
 
 > x 
 
 u „ 
 
 107 
 
for classification purposes of this sort, wherein one has to sort 
 the small grains from the larger masses lest the reader become 
 bogged down in a morass of details. 
 
 In general, then, this span of three or four centuries 
 (a.d. 1000 to 1350) is to be regarded as a climax in the his- 
 
 Mealing bins or built-in corn mills consisting of milling stones (coarse, 
 medium and fine), handstones, and pottery bowls placed so as to catch 
 the flour (about a.d. 1200). To obtain powdered flour, the corn was 
 ground successively on the three milling stones. Such mealing bins are 
 found in some Pueblo Indian rooms today. 
 
 tory of the Mogollon Indians in the Reserve-Pine Lawn area. 
 Several permanent towns were founded, each as an independ- 
 ent and self-sufficient community, and the population became 
 somewhat greater. If circumstances had not eventually forced 
 the inhabitants to abandon the area and to migrate north and 
 westward, we might have witnessed the growth of large towns 
 and the development of a more advanced civilization. 
 
 MAKING A LIVING 
 
 In this period, from the eleventh to the fourteenth century, 
 the means for making a living did not differ greatly from those 
 of the preceding centuries, but one would guess that agricul- 
 tural techniques had been well adapted to the environment so 
 as to make the most of the land. Favorable farm sites that 
 were well watered or adaptable to flood irrigation were prob- 
 ably selected. We also assume that cultivated plants became 
 
 108 
 
the primary food source, thus reducing the area needed per 
 person for subsistence and mere maintenance. Cultivated 
 plants also would have provided a dependable surplus, suffi- 
 cient to release time and energy that could have been expended 
 on leisure, meditation, ceremonies, and specialization in arts 
 and crafts and technological developments. As a result, an 
 incipient guild of artisans may have been evolving. 
 
 From an examination of the plant remains, we have dis- 
 covered that the last inhabitants of the Reserve-Pine Lawn 
 area were skillful farmers and must have depended primarily 
 on agriculture for subsistence. The corn they grew was good, 
 and the individual grains were plump and large. Several 
 different kinds of corn were cultivated and they resemble the 
 corn grown until recently by the Pima and Mohave Indians. 
 These types were probably introduced into the Mogollon area 
 some time during the preceding centuries and gradually re- 
 placed the earlier, more primitive, and therefore less desirable 
 types. The ears of this late Reserve-Tularosa corn displayed 
 relatively fewer numbers of rows of grain (a sign of more "effi- 
 cient" types) — perhaps 8 to 10 rows as compared with 12, 14, 
 and 16 rows in earlier times (about the time of Christ). In 
 addition to corn that produced a rich harvest, these people 
 grew kidney and tepary beans, two kinds of squashes, and the 
 bottle gourd. 
 
 This evidence warrants the guess that the Mogollon In- 
 dians of the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries were success- 
 ful farmers. There is no indication that the people were 
 undergoing a difficult, food-scarce time. The economy seems 
 healthy as we appraise it with the meager evidence at our 
 command. 
 
 Just as we supplement our diet with herbs and special 
 foods, so did the Mogollon Indians add to theirs by gather- 
 ing and eating wild seeds and greens: walnuts, pigweed, salt 
 brush seeds, wild gourds, pinyon nuts, mutton grass, grapes, 
 tansy mustard, prickly pear, and sunflower seeds. 
 
 Corn was undoubtedly planted by means of a digging stick, 
 baskets were utilized for gathering and storing foods, and 
 tumplines were used for transporting burdens of cornstalks 
 
 109 
 
and other loads. Deer, wild pigs, antelopes, rabbits, turkeys, 
 and mountain sheep were the more common game foods and 
 were hunted entirely with bows and arrows (the atlatl had 
 gone out of fashion by this time), snares, rabbit nets, and per- 
 haps spears. 
 
 PREPARATION OF FOODS 
 
 The preparation of foods probably differed little from that 
 of the previous stage. We conjecture that much, if not all, of 
 the cooking was done indoors, as we find hearths and firepits 
 in almost every room. Methods of cooking foods, wild or 
 domesticated, were probably similar to those of earlier periods 
 and to those used today by contemporary Hopi and Zufii In- 
 dians: broiling, boiling, roasting, baking in ashes, and parch- 
 ing corn and other seeds. 
 
 Boiled foods were prepared in pottery jars manufactured 
 especially for this purpose. These cooking pots are called 
 "corrugated" pots because the original coils of manufacture 
 were not obliterated. Food was also stored in corrugated pot- 
 tery and perhaps in painted bowls and pitchers. Food may 
 have been served in painted or "smudged" bowls, one bowl 
 to a family. Each person probably dipped a finger or a piece 
 of corn bread into the pot and abstracted a mouthful. Knives, 
 forks and spoons and other such refinements were unknown to 
 these people as they were to our ancestors of only a few cen- 
 turies back. Salt may have been extracted from salty soil 
 deposits or secured by means of trade from the salt lakes in the 
 vicinity of Zuhi. 
 
 UTILIZATION AND PROCESSING OF RAW MATERIALS 
 
 The remarks in the previous chapter concerning the utili- 
 zation and processing of raw materials would certainly hold 
 for this period. Many of the natural available resources were 
 seized upon for man's use. 
 
 TYPES OF TOOLS 
 
 All tools were better made and were sometimes reduced in 
 size. The workmanship was, on the whole, improved. Pro- 
 
 110 
 
Pottery bowl with 
 smudged interior and 
 fillet rim exterior and 
 white-line decoration 
 (about a.d 1250). 
 
 Red, black and white 
 
 (polychrome) glaze 
 
 bowl from late "town" 
 
 (about a.d. 1300). 
 
 Polychrome pottery 
 bowl (about a.d. 
 1200); colors, black 
 and white on red 
 background. Bear 
 paws on outside. 
 
 Ill 
 
jectile points were smaller and there were two principal types : 
 one had notches on the sides, ear-like barbs, and a concave 
 base; the other was a small triangular point with side notches 
 and saw-tooth edge. Large spear points were also made. 
 Metates were more precisely made and were open at both 
 
 HANDYMAN'S KIT 
 
 Top, a flaker of antler for chipping stone tools (about a.d. 1300). Middle, 
 
 a combination awl and wrench for straightening shafts of spindle whorls 
 
 (about a.d. 1200). Bottom, a bone chisel (about a.d. 1200). 
 
 ends. Scrapers, choppers and flake knives that occurred in 
 this era are practically indistinguishable from those found at 
 much earlier sites. A few new tool-types were made : beveled 
 manos, small triangular, side-notched arrow points, rectangu- 
 lar arrow-shaft tools and rectangular stone bowls. 
 
 Full-grooved and three-quarters grooved axes both occurred 
 in this period for the first time. It is believed at present that 
 the full-grooved type came from the north (the Anasazi coun- 
 try) and that the three-quarters grooved type came from the 
 south, possibly from Hohokam territory. 
 
 Drills, saws, abrading stones, paint palettes, worked slabs, 
 hammerstones, and grooved mauls — all of stone — comprised a 
 
 112 
 
partial inventory of the tool cabinet of the town dweller of 
 the day. 
 
 About twenty different types of stone tools have been tabu- 
 lated, including, of course, milling stones of several types, pes- 
 tles, mortars, polishing stones and stone hoes. Some of the 
 
 Milling stone used for grinding corn to flour. 
 About a.d. 1200. 
 
 most extraordinary items made of stone include a circular slab 
 bearing a "sun symbol" design in black, red, green, and yel- 
 low; a tubular pipe painted in stripes of the same colors; and 
 two animal effigies (possibly a bear and a mountain lion) 
 painted in rainbow arcs of the same colors. These important 
 and perhaps indescribably sacred objects were without any 
 doubt paraphernalia used in rituals. 
 
 Tough, resistant volcanic rock, such as basalt or rhyolite, 
 was used for making manos, pestles, metates, slabs, hammer- 
 stones and mauls. Chalcedony, flint, jasper and obsidian were 
 the rocks most commonly used in manufacturing projectile 
 
 113 
 
and spear points, saws, gravers, knives and other tools that 
 were produced and edged by means of chipping. The circu- 
 lar slab painted to represent the sun was made from sandstone; 
 the pipe and the two stone bowls, from tuff. 
 
 CARPENTER'S TOOLS OF STONE 
 
 Upper, smooth saw (about a.d. 1100); lower left, knife (about a.d. 1000); 
 center, toothed saw (about a.d. 1000); lower right, drill (about 300 B.C.). 
 
 CORDAGE, TEXTILES, BASKETS 
 
 While little in the way of cordage, textiles, knots, or cloth- 
 ing has been recovered from late sites (unless charred, these 
 objects decay without trace), we assume that the same classes 
 or kinds of materials were being made and used. Actually, a 
 few charred remains have been recovered and these yield a 
 few clues. 
 
 Four charred pieces of fiber cordage were found on the 
 floors of burned rooms. Two of these were made of hair fiber 
 and two of material too fragile to identify. These may have 
 been skeins of string, or they may have been parts of netting, 
 string aprons, or sashes. There were also fragments of cloth 
 
 114 
 
of plain weave, probably of cotton; of blankets of fur or feather 
 cloth; of several kinds of basketry; and of matting. 
 
 These fragile remains, together with the fragments that we 
 discovered in dry caves, lead me to believe that the inventory 
 of items manufactured from plants was as large as in the pre- 
 ceding period, if not larger. And I also assume that the same 
 materials were used, namely, cotton, bast fibers, hair fibers, 
 yucca, and rushes. 
 
 WOODEN TOOLS 
 
 We have no wooden artifacts from open sites, because such 
 tools would perish from dampness, but from caves we have 
 recovered enough to warrant the guess that wooden tools did 
 exist in towns out in the open and that they were well made 
 and abundant. 
 
 Probably most of the native woods were used — oak, pine, 
 willow, mountain mahogany, and juniper. 
 
 A glance around the rooms of a Mogollon village of about 
 a.d. 1300 would have revealed such tools as bows and arrows, 
 digging sticks, trowels, scoops, spoons, stone knives hafted with 
 wooden handles, wooden awls, lapboards, weaving tools and 
 perhaps wooden dice. 
 
 BONE TOOLS 
 
 Time is kinder to bone tools than to wooden or woven 
 things and thus we have a fair assemblage of bone tools to 
 study. Punches, arrowhead flakes, fleshers, weaving tools, 
 beads, pendants, gaming pieces and bone tubes were the 
 commonest items. Deer bones were mostly used, although 
 occasionally one notes bird, mountain sheep, antelope, and 
 bison bones. 
 
 JEWELRY 
 
 Bracelets were the favorite jewelry. These were cut and 
 carved from bivalve shells collected in the Gulf of California. 
 Some beads and pendants were also carved from these shells. 
 
 115 
 
Turquoise and lignite were brought into the area by trade 
 for use in ceremonies and in ornaments. 
 
 POTTERY TYPES AND MATERIALS 
 
 From the native clays a great variety of pottery was made. 
 Some new types came into existence and a few of the older 
 ones began to decline in fashionable usage. The plain brown 
 and plain red wares (Alma Plain and San Francisco Red) 
 occurred, but they were fading in popularity as were the neck 
 corrugated and the incised corrugated types. The indented 
 corrugated pottery was fast replacing some of the earlier tex- 
 tured wares. Another type that was becoming fashionable 
 was a pottery type consisting entirely of bowl forms with a 
 shiny black interior and a brown-black exterior, and embel- 
 lished with a few coils or fillets on the exterior of the rim 
 (Tularosa fillet rim). 
 
 The greatest change took place in the painted decorated 
 types. The red on white ware completely disappeared and in 
 its place we find a black on white pottery that was probably 
 locally made but inspired by Anasazi (or Pueblo Indian) art 
 styles. The paste or clay of the pots was white or gray instead 
 of brown or pink; the pots were covered by a wash of white 
 or gray clay; and the paint used for composing the designs 
 was made from iron-oxide mineral. 
 
 There was also a greater variety in shapes in the painted 
 ware. In addition to bowls, one finds pitchers, jars, and ladles, 
 and, in the latter part of this period, canteen-shaped jars, 
 effigy-vessels made to represent ducks and mountain sheep, 
 and a few so-called eccentric forms. The painted types are 
 called Reserve black on white and Tularosa black on white. 
 
 Traces of an extraordinarily beautiful pottery type known 
 as Mimbres black on white turned up in many of the sites of 
 this period. The great bulk of Mimbres black on white pot- 
 tery occurs in the Mimbres Valley in southern New Mexico. 
 The designs on this ware were derived from earlier Mogollon 
 pottery designs, but at and after a.d. 1000 the designs on the 
 Mimbres pottery became increasingly complex, better and 
 more delicately executed, and astonishingly handsome. Many 
 
 116 
 
of the designs depict animals, people, and realistic scenes. It 
 may safely be said that Mimbres pottery is among the finest 
 ever created by American Indians. 
 
 On the basis of present evidence we guess that the few 
 Mimbres pots that we found in the Pine Lawn-Reserve area 
 
 Stone saw being used to produce bone rings (about a.d. 1300). 
 
 were brought in by trade, although they may have been 
 locally made. 
 
 When the Anasazi-inspired black on white pottery seized 
 the fancy of the Mogollon Indians they almost ceased im- 
 porting the fine Mimbres pots and went all out for the new 
 craze — Reserve black on white and Tularosa black on white. 
 We are not surprised then to find little if any Mimbres in- 
 fluence on the later, Anasazi-style pots. 
 
 In villages that spanned the later part of the period un- 
 der discussion, we found a red ware decorated with black 
 paint (black on red ware). This is a pleasing type. After a 
 time, another color, white, was added to the designs on this 
 black on red ware. This type has been dubbed St. Johns 
 polychrome. This type became very popular and spread over 
 
 117 
 
many parts of the southwest during its life span of some 200 to 
 300 years. Whether this black on red ware was made locally 
 is not known, but certainly many of the designs are the same 
 as those on the contemporary, sister ware, Tularosa black on 
 white. 
 
 Just before the area was abandoned, glaze-paint poly- 
 chrome ware, derived directly from St. Johns polychrome, 
 was imported. 
 
 Instead of trying to describe the details of any of these pots 
 I shall rely on illustrations to make clear what I am talking 
 about. I think it is evident that the Mogollon peoples of the 
 thirteenth century possessed great dexterity in the manipula- 
 tion of clays and in the texturing, painting and firing of pot- 
 tery. These skills are partially reflected in the fact that 
 approximately twelve pottery types were made in the thir- 
 teenth century, about seven of which were utility or cooking- 
 pot types. 
 
 Judging by the soot on the pottery found, we think that 
 the favorite types used in cooking were the corrugated or tex- 
 tured jars and the smudged bowls. The favorite types used 
 mostly for storage and serving of food were the fillet-rim and 
 the textured or corrugated bowls. The eccentric and effigy 
 vessels may have been used primarily for ritualistic purposes 
 and they appear to have been the property of the female line, 
 as they are associated with female skeletons. 
 
 It should be noted that ladles were rare; mugs were wholly 
 absent; and jars were the commonest type. 
 
 HOUSES AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 
 
 The title of this chapter is The Beginnings of Town Life. 
 This seemed to be a likely name for this stage of Mogollon 
 development, because fairly large towns or centers of popu- 
 lation came into existence. These were self-supporting units 
 and may have encouraged the growth of smaller, satellite 
 hamlets. The larger towns usually included a Great Kiva or 
 ceremonial center that may have served nearby smaller towns 
 which could not or did not support such a center. 
 
 118 
 
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 119 
 
A Mogollon "town" was almost always erected near a 
 stream or a good spring; usually it was built on a flat plain 
 near a stream or on a terrace just above the flood plain or on 
 a knoll near the river or spring. Defense of these towns was 
 probably not necessary, as most of them lack walls, moats, or 
 steep approaches. There they were, out on a plain or a gentle 
 rise — and a sitting duck for an enemy host had there been one. 
 
 The town itself was a kind of cellular structure, composed 
 of a number of contiguous rooms, built on the surface of the 
 ground (as opposed to pit-houses); each apartment or set of 
 family rooms was furnished with a private entrance, as they 
 are in our apartment buildings. The whole mass of rooms, 
 varying in number from 30 to 50, was fairly well planned be- 
 fore construction, although additions and alterations were 
 frequently made. We guess that parts of the town were two 
 stories high, perhaps even three, and that the population was 
 perhaps from 100 to 500 people. The rooms ranged in size 
 from 6 by 6 feet to 15 by 16 feet. Some were nearly square, 
 while others were rectangular. Many of the larger towns 
 were built around a court or plaza that was roofed; some- 
 times a low retaining wall on one side enclosed a good-sized 
 area that formed a patio or plaza. 
 
 Situated close to the town was the Great Kiva, the center 
 of community worship and the scene of important festivals and 
 ceremonies. Entrance to the Kiva chamber was by means of 
 a ramp, 10 feet wide and 33 feet long. 
 
 CONSTRUCTION OF HOUSES 
 
 Earlier, I stated that rooms were built on top of the ground. 
 Surface construction implies the use of walls built up to the 
 desired height and composed of adobe, stone, brick, or logs. 
 The towns of this stage of Mogollon development were dif- 
 ferent from the clusters of pit-houses mentioned in an earlier 
 chapter. At first the walls of the buildings consisted of ma- 
 sonry made up of unshaped river cobbles; later they were 
 improved by including laminated slabs or rough, shaped 
 blocks of stone. Mud served as mortar. Such walls were 
 erected on the surface of the ground, sometimes on a special 
 
 120 
 

 
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 jg£$& 7 $ i 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 ^^>SbP j^^MMi 
 
 
 
 HLJk^ 
 
 
 
 
 BLACK-ON-WHITE POTTERY JAR AND STONE BOWLS 
 
 FROM A PUEBLO, AND SACRED, PAINTED STONES FROM A 
 
 GREAT KIVA. ABOUT a.d. 1175-1200 
 
 121 
 
footing or foundation, and were built or abutted one against 
 another or bonded one to another in such a way as to form 
 a series of outer walls and partition walls, thus creating a 
 "town" (a series of contiguous surface rooms). 
 
 MASONRY 
 
 It is probable that the Mogollon Indians did not devise 
 stone masonry. It seems likely that the notion of building 
 stone walls was borrowed from the Anasazi Indians to the 
 north. Hence, it is assumed that the idea of a cellular struc- 
 ture — a pueblo or town of contiguous rooms — was also bor- 
 rowed from Pueblo Indians. I should add that at the time 
 that these ideas concerning architecture were gaining vogue 
 the ideas of making black on white painted pottery and other 
 traits to be mentioned later were also adopted from the Anasazi. 
 
 GREAT KIVA AND THE PLAZA 
 
 Although we have noted the influx of new traits from the 
 north, it should be added that building around a court or a 
 plaza may have been a Mogollon contribution; certainly the 
 Great Kiva with ramp entrance was the result of Mogollon 
 inspiration. 
 
 PIT STRUCTURES 
 
 Curiously enough, in these large towns with contiguous 
 surface rooms of masonry, we find that pit structures were also 
 being contemporaneously built and used. These pits were 
 rectangular (about 10 by 12 feet, with the floor about 5 feet 
 below the surface), were roofed over, and were lined with 
 masonry walls. Floors were of adobe plaster and let into them 
 were stone-lined firepits. Ventilation was provided by fresh- 
 air ducts, the shafts of which ran up to the surface. When a 
 fire was lighted the smoke and warm air drifted up and out 
 through the hatchway in the roof. This upward motion drew 
 cool fresh air down the ventilator shaft and into the pit room. 
 Such ventilating devices were common in all Anasazi kivas 
 and earlier Anasazi pit-houses. Similar but less well-devel- 
 
 122 
 
Effigy of mountain sheep (?) made 
 
 of black-on-white pottery. 
 
 About a.d. 1200. 
 
 Black-on-white pottery pitcher. 
 About a.d. 1200. 
 
 Black-on-white pottery ladle. 
 About a.d. 1200. 
 
 123 
 
oped devices probably obtained in Mogollon pit-houses, in 
 which the lateral entryway served as a ventilator shaft. The 
 Anasazi probably deserve credit for perfecting this device and 
 making it neat and shipshape and finished in appearance. 
 
 On the floors of many of these pit structures one finds 
 corn-grinding mills or metate bins permanently affixed to the 
 floor, usually three in a set, separated from one another by 
 means of a thin stone partition. A very rough metate was 
 placed at one end to produce a coarse grind; a less rough one 
 in the middle for a medium-coarse grind; and a smoothly tex- 
 tured one at the opposite end for a very fine grind or a pow- 
 dered flour. Each metate was tilted the long way, and at the 
 lower end of each one and depressed slightly into the floor 
 was a pottery bowl, usually smudged ware, to catch the flour 
 as it was ground up by the mano or handstone that was vigor- 
 ously rubbed up and down on the metate (see figure, p. 108). 
 
 These built-in corn mills and flour-catching receptacles are 
 referred to in the archaeological "trade jargon" as mealing bins. 
 
 Thus, most of these late pit structures were provided with 
 firepits, ventilators, mealing bins, manos, and flour recepta- 
 cles. The function of these subterranean structures is not cer- 
 tainly known. In form, they resemble the pit-houses of the 
 previous centuries (rectangular shape). The ventilator appa- 
 ratus and the mealing bins may have been features introduced 
 from the Anasazi tribes to the north, although these points are 
 moot. At the present time it is assumed that the pit structures 
 were domiciles that served also as places for family worship or 
 lesser ceremonies. 
 
 It is not surprising to find that pit structures survived up 
 to the fourteenth century, for they have been found in the later 
 Anasazi villages also. Just what kind of social organization 
 the presence of surface as well as subterranean structures im- 
 plies I don't know. We have no contemporary examples to 
 draw on for explanation. Perhaps the conservatives lived in 
 the pit dwellings and the progressives in the surface pueblos; 
 perhaps the pit-houses served as winter dwellings; perhaps the 
 presence of pit-houses was an expression of a guild or priestly 
 division, with the general population living in the surface 
 
 124 
 
rooms and members of a guild or the priesthood living in the 
 pit-houses; perhaps the families that guarded the sacred cere- 
 monial objects felt obliged to live in an "old-time" type of 
 house and thus inhabited the pit structures; perhaps the dif- 
 ference in house types was due merely to individual preference 
 — with some people feeling warmer and snugger and less sub- 
 ject to attacks of rheumatism(!) in pit-houses. We really do 
 not know the answers at present. 
 
 HOUSE INTERIORS 
 
 Although the houses of this phase are "better" if judged 
 by our standards, it must be remembered that the interiors 
 probably represented the utmost in Spartan simplicity. The 
 interior and exterior walls were plastered with adobe. The 
 walls of some rooms may have been embellished with simple 
 painted decorations, similar to those found on pottery. The 
 household furnishings were of the simplest order : beds of grass 
 covered with skins or blankets of rabbit fur or feathers, pots, 
 scouring pads made of plant fibers, metates and manos or 
 mealing bins, torches of cedar bark, fire drills for making fire, 
 fire tongs, flexible cradles, baskets, perhaps a loom and per- 
 haps some ears of corn. Netted carrying bags, burden straps, 
 and flexible carrying baskets may have hung on wall pegs. 
 There was no furniture in our sense of the word. Certainly 
 there were no chairs of any kind. One squatted on one's heels 
 or sat cross-legged on a mat or skin on the floor. Even today, 
 the houses of Hopi and Zuni Indians are sparsely furnished, 
 although the more acculturated Indians own chairs, beds, 
 tables, and sewing machines. 
 
 PLAZAS OR COURTS 
 
 The larger and later towns, as mentioned above, looked 
 inward. The rooms faced a plaza or plazas. There were no 
 rows of houses, no streets. Each pueblo was a large block of 
 rooms. The Anasazi towns of this period tended to look out- 
 ward or have an outward-facing appearance. Their blocks of 
 rooms were often built in a semi-circle or in straight rows of 
 rooms with "streets" between the rows. 
 
 125 
 
The Mogollon type of village plan undoubtedly reflects 
 the mental attitudes of the people. Perhaps their mode of 
 existence and their ancient isolation in mountain valleys 
 tended to make them introspective and to shape their world 
 outlook. 
 
 THE FAMILY 
 
 The organization of the family and society was probably 
 the same as that described in some detail in the preceding 
 chapter. Indeed, we can see no cause for major shifts. I 
 should merely expect intensification of various features of kin- 
 ship, rules of residence, and clan organization. The emphasis 
 was matrilineal, and matrilocal residence was probably the 
 rule. The matrilineal household consisted of a woman and 
 her husband, her married daughters and their husbands, her 
 unmarried children, and the children of her married daugh- 
 ters. The women comprised the important part of the unit 
 because they owned the house, prepared and disbursed the 
 food, and cared for the religious paraphernalia. This extended 
 household probably occupied a series of adjacent rooms. 
 
 The clan — a group of people united or related through the 
 female line — probably grew in importance and may have as- 
 sumed more important functions. Each clan probably owned 
 certain lands for the use of its members. Control of particular 
 ceremonies was probably in the keeping of a particular clan. 
 
 PATTERNS OF COMMUNITY LIFE 
 
 I shall summarize here my conjectures concerning the pat- 
 terning of community life in the Reserve area between a.d. 1000 
 and 1350. 
 
 Each town was economically and politically independent, 
 but in times of danger several villages probably banded to- 
 gether for joint action. Discussion, visits, counseling and inter- 
 marriage between villages was probably common. 
 
 Each town was probably divided into a series of matrilineal 
 clans united and sharing a totemic animal. Each clan was 
 composed of one or more mother-lines. Matrilocal residence 
 
 126 
 
and extended families living in adjacent rooms were the rule. 
 There was probably some emphasis on village organization 
 along clan lines. In addition, there may have been kiva groups 
 and men's societies concerned with tribal initiation rights, win- 
 ter and summer solstice ceremonies, rain-making, and cere- 
 monies for war and for curing the sick. All rituals were prob- 
 ably organized in terms of a ceremonial calendar. Political 
 authority was probably in the hands of a council of priests with 
 one man acting as the head of the hierarchy. 
 
 The principal matters that came before the council prob- 
 ably related to appointments for secular offices; the choice of 
 impersonators of various deities or gods; the choice of a time 
 for tribal initiations; any proposed changes in the ceremonial 
 calendar; and general questions of tribal policy. 
 
 The whole welfare of the town was in the hands of this 
 council, which may or may not have concerned itself with 
 secular quarrels and problems, or with crimes. These latter 
 were probably dealt with directly by the family or families or 
 by a small unit of the clan. 
 
 Thus the pattern of family and social organization may 
 have given rise to that which obtains today among the western 
 Pueblo Indians. 
 
 CEREMONIALISM; GODS AND SPIRITS 
 
 Ceremonialism of a complex sort may be safely inferred for 
 this period because ceremonial objects and ceremonial rooms 
 or kivas have been discovered. Since these objects and build- 
 ings bear specific resemblances to those used in the sixteenth 
 century and in contemporary Hopi and Zuni Indian societies, 
 we are probably not far off in our surmises. In fact, we can 
 speak with a fair amount of accuracy, because the contem- 
 porary ceremonies, religious beliefs and practices of the Hopi 
 and Zuni Indians were not created today or yesterday; they 
 yield certain internal evidences of some antiquity. This being 
 so, it does not require too much imagination to conceptualize 
 these earlier rituals and beliefs. The ceremonialism and the 
 ritualistic organizations of the Mogollon Indians of a.d. 1200, 
 for example, are not far removed in time or space from those 
 
 127 
 
witnessed by the Spaniards in 1540 and afterward, and by 
 recent observers. It is probable that the rituals and beliefs 
 of the Roman Catholic religion have undergone few changes 
 in the last 500 years. And so, probably, have the principal 
 religious concepts of the Hopis and Zunis also remained largely 
 unchanged. 
 
 I assume, then, that the ceremonialism of the Mogollones 
 was highly developed and that religion or many aspects of it 
 pervaded all activities. It is also probable that ceremonialism 
 had rich and harmonious forms that were externalized in ritu- 
 als, prayers, and offerings. Ritual was mainly a device for 
 controlling the supernatural; and there was a strong feeling 
 against despoiling or taking advantage of the forests, streams, 
 fields, and animals — all considered manifestations of the super- 
 natural. 
 
 Many of the rituals were supposed to remind the super- 
 natural forces — the Sun, the Moon, the Katchinas (ancestral 
 spirits), the Rain Maker, the Beast Spirits and the War 
 "Gods" — that man is dependent upon their generosity. Offer- 
 ings such as food, tobacco, prayer meal (a coarsely ground 
 corn meal containing bits of shell and turquoise), prayer- 
 sticks, and sacrifices (animal and possibly human) were all 
 used to help influence the supernatural forces. Other acces- 
 sories such as fetishes, masks, altars, stone images of the Beast 
 Spirits, amulets, paint, sand paintings, embroidered white 
 cotton kilts, embroidered sashes (depicted on Mimbres and 
 Hopi pottery), fox tails, gourd rattles, copper bells worn as 
 anklets or wristlets, shell and turquoise necklaces, ceremonial 
 bows and arrows, feathered wands and staves, polished stone 
 implements, feather boxes, drums, and flutes, were venerated 
 in ceremonies and were also employed in controlling the super- 
 natural forces. 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF CALENDAR 
 
 A ceremonial calendar probably determined the dates for 
 the ceremonies. This calendar was one that had slowly evolved 
 during the previous centuries and had been handed down by 
 oral tradition from generation to generation. Being farmers, 
 
 128 
 
the Mogollon Indians must have observed the passing of the 
 seasons, the times of rain and snows, and the apparent move- 
 ment of the sun from north to south and then back again. 
 Apparently the winter and summer solstices were fairly impor- 
 tant to them and from these two fixed dates all other ceremonies 
 were dated. Just how the date of the solstice was calculated by 
 observation is not known. By noting the rising or setting posi- 
 
 A plaited sandal (about a.d. 1200). 
 
 tions of the sun with reference to certain landmarks, they may 
 have been able to determine, for example, whether the sun 
 was still moving southward or whether that journey had been 
 halted and the sun was starting to move northward again. 
 Thus the solstices could have been fixed with relative accuracy. 
 It is barely possible that the idea of reckoning time and 
 the methods for fixing certain important dates were diffused 
 to the Mogollon Indians from Meso- America, where, as we 
 well know, accurate calendars had been devised, eclipses fore- 
 told, and systems of counting the days evolved. And most of 
 these data had been written down! 
 
 We do not know, then, whether the Mogollones devised 
 their own calendar independently of their cousins in Meso- 
 America or whether they were helped by their cousins. But 
 an "oral" calendar probably existed. (Today, the position of 
 the sun at sunset time with reference to the San Francisco 
 Peaks, Flagstaff, Arizona, is carefully observed daily by a Hopi 
 
 129 
 
priest.) At any rate, the dates for planting, for rain-making 
 ceremonies, for giving thanks to the proper supernatural forces 
 for good crops, and for holding most ritualistic observances 
 were set by the tribal calendar. There could be no deviation. 
 
 Late ear of corn of the type grown about a.d. 1300-1400. 
 Length about 5 inches. 
 
 PURPOSES OF CEREMONIES 
 
 In many of the ceremonies, part of the community may 
 have served as audience. The elaborate public ceremonies, 
 which usually followed the esoteric rituals, were colorful, ex- 
 citing, dramatic events and were probably looked forward to 
 with boundless enthusiasm, just as today some of us enjoy 
 watching great spectacles: parades, Rose-Bowl games, base- 
 ball games, county and state fairs, and super-gigantic movies. 
 
 The ceremonies, both the secret and private portions and 
 the public displays and dances, were usually directed toward 
 community goals of recognized and accepted value such as 
 bringing rain or snow, producing abundant harvests, making 
 game and plant life more plentiful, increasing the fertility of 
 the tribe, curing sicknesses, assuring victory over enemies, com- 
 pelling the sun by magical methods to turn its course north- 
 ward or southward (the solstice ceremonies), and managing 
 the tribal initiation rites. The life crises ceremonies, such as 
 rituals concerned with birth, puberty, marriage and death, 
 tended to become less important. 
 
 Predominant in the ceremonial orthodoxy was the belief 
 that all natural objects possessed a soul (animistic doctrine) 
 and the worship of ancestors and individuals or classes of beings 
 
 130 
 
who influenced human affairs. These beings probably in- 
 cluded Katchinas (the spirits of the ancestors), the Sun, the 
 Earth, Corn, Preying Animals (the Mountain Lion, the Bear, 
 the Badger, the Gopher), and Spirits having to do with war. 
 At the root of the religion was a fervent worship of the spirits 
 of all the ancestors who were believed to visit the towns from 
 time to time and to take an interest in the welfare of their 
 descendants, and, if properly venerated, to help the earth 
 peoples in time of distress. 
 
 The religion, then, was not personal, as is ours, but con- 
 sisted of a series of participations in group rituals. It was a 
 matter for the whole town to be interested in. 
 
 Masks were undoubtedly worn (representations of masked 
 dances appear on pottery after a.d. 1100) and are worn today 
 in many Hopi and Zuni ceremonies. It may have been thought 
 that wearing a mask permitted an ordinary mortal to repre- 
 sent the corporeal substance of an ancestral spirit, and in 
 wearing it, the wearer, through a miracle akin to that of tran- 
 substantiation in many religions, became temporarily the an- 
 cestral spirit or Katchina. 
 
 The elaborate public ceremonies were probably held in the 
 roofed plaza, which was centrally located, or in a suitable place 
 nearby. The secret parts of the rituals, from which most of 
 the public were excluded, were probably held in the kivas. 
 
 The term "kiva" is reserved for a place that was set aside 
 for ceremonial use. The kiva was usually semi-subterranean 
 and was equipped with special features. Some of these, in 
 small house-kivas, were described in the last chapter. 
 
 STRUCTURE AND USES OF GREAT KIVAS 
 
 In this period of a.d. 1000 to 1350 we find not only the 
 smaller, subterranean house-kivas but also the Great Kiva. 
 Great Kivas possessed something rather magnificent in their 
 conception. We know they were large, but we can only guess 
 at the richness of their furnishings and embellishments. Not 
 every village was endowed with such extraordinary structures, 
 but apparently the large and wealthy(?) ones were. Such large 
 buildings indicate a pool of labor that could be drawn on for 
 
 131 
 
communal projects and a political organization and central 
 authority that could command these resources. Certainly, 
 planning and bossing a large crew would have been necessary. 
 
 Great Kivas of the Mogollon were rectangular and meas- 
 ured approximately 33 by 37 feet or roughly 1,300 square feet. 
 This size creates a room of noble proportions, especially when 
 one remembers that the ceiling, for Indian architecture, was 
 lofty, being from six to eight feet high, and massive. 
 
 Perhaps the most interesting feature of the building was 
 the ramp-entryway. As the term implies, this was a sloping 
 floor that led gendy downward from the outside ground level 
 to the floor of the ritual chamber. The ramps varied in width 
 and length from village to village, but they averaged about 
 8 feet wide and from 25 to 30 feet long. They faced eastward. 
 As far as I know, ramp-entryways are confined to Mogollon 
 Great Kivas. The Great Kivas of the Anasazi, borrowed from 
 the Mogollon culture, were circular and were entered by a 
 narrow set of steps. 
 
 Now, a ramp entrance of this kind is an interesting archi- 
 tectural feature, but from our point of view it has some disad- 
 vantages. One of these is that a considerable volume of water 
 could enter the kiva by this route during a heavy rain storm; 
 and the second is that it would be harder to shut out the 
 drafts of cold air that would blow down such an opening. 
 In other words, putting a door on such an opening would be 
 difficult. Therefore, either the Mogollon Indians used this 
 sacred structure only in warm, dry weather, or they did not 
 give a hoot about cold drafts, or they had devised some suit- 
 able means of effectively closing the entrance. 
 
 But why construct such a nuisance? The answer, I think, 
 lies in the fact that these long, wide entryways were especially 
 built to accommodate religious processions of priests that 
 marched into or out of these kivas. What a colorful and im- 
 pressive sight these must have been with priests and partici- 
 pants masked and brightly robed accompanied by musicians 
 playing on flutes, drums, and ratdes ! 
 
 Inside, in the floor, and adjacent to the four gigantic up- 
 right posts (from 3 to 4 feet in diameter) that supported the 
 flat timber, brush, and adobe roof, were two grooves or de- 
 
 132 
 
pressions. These, if covered with planks, may have served as 
 foot-drums. In the center, between the grooves, was a large 
 hearth. 
 
 The walls may have been plastered and lavishly decorated 
 with paintings of geometrical designs or possibly of mythical 
 beasts in imaginary scenes. 
 
 We assume that the nearby satellite villages were served by 
 the Great Kivas and in them were held rituals and possibly 
 sacrifices and feasts of extraordinary sanctity. Such rituals 
 would have required a full consistory of priests, some of whom 
 may have come from adjacent towns. It is barely possible that 
 toward the end of this era, a full consistory of priests might 
 have been lacking, as some of the towns might have been 
 abandoned, thereby creating a situation in which some major 
 ceremonies could not have been performed. This, in turn, 
 may have been another cause that hastened the evacuation 
 of the area, because without the proper ceremonies the people 
 would have felt that life could not be successful. 
 
 RITUALS OF BURIAL AND MOURNING 
 
 We are uncertain as to the relationship between death, 
 burial, and belief in the supernatural. Among present-day 
 Hopi Indians, the ritual of burial and the mourning for the 
 deceased are restrained and simple in character. Burial takes 
 place as soon as possible. Interred with the body are foods 
 and water for use in the spirit world. It is barely possible that 
 the rituals concerning death and burial were somewhat more 
 involved for the Mogollon Indians of the twelfth and thir- 
 teenth centuries. Among contemporary Hopi, the cemetery 
 is at the foot of the hill on which they live. Among the Mog- 
 ollones, burial took place under the floor of the house (an old 
 Mogollon custom) or in the nearby trash midden. The de- 
 ceased was wrapped in a deerskin robe, and mortuary offer- 
 ings such as pottery, jewelry, tools of stone or bone, and food 
 were placed in the grave. Sometimes as many as 22 pots were 
 buried with one individual. 
 
 From the fact that the burials were close to or inside of the 
 pueblo, I think that the ritual of burial must have been charged 
 
 133 
 
with some emotional elements and that the deceased was 
 longed for rather than put out of mind. Perhaps it was be- 
 lieved that the individual did not really die — that he returned 
 to the underworld whence he came and where he would carry 
 on specialized activities. It is possible that the quantity of 
 mortuary offerings depended on the status of the deceased. 
 In general, the pottery interred with children tended to be of 
 poor quality and was often miniature in size. 
 
 We can picture the towns of the thirteenth and fourteenth 
 centuries as forming a peaceful farming society that was some- 
 what isolated from other Southwestern tribes by geographic 
 features. Perhaps rainfall was never too abundant and agri- 
 culture could be successful only by means of great persever- 
 ance, collaboration, and teamwork. Abundant rains and a 
 good crop were of inordinate value and were the prime factors 
 in keeping this civilization alive. These two factors — rain and 
 crops — made the people realize how dependent they were on 
 nature and this dependence was probably the cause of the 
 people's religious attitude toward the forces of nature; hence, 
 prayers and ceremonies that concerned themselves primarily 
 with these essentials, and a religion that was directed towards 
 appeasing nature so that the rains would fall! 
 
 134 
 
SUMMARY and 
 
 CONCLUSIONS 
 
 In this book I have presented a brief history of a group of 
 Indians whom we call the Mogollon. I have tried to set forth 
 the major stages of their development as revealed by the exca- 
 vation and study of material objects and their associations. It 
 is prehistory, because I have given the details of the different 
 cultural traits as they occurred and the approximate dates at 
 which they appeared. In so doing, I was interested in seek- 
 ing explanations of why and how this particular culture or 
 civilization developed. In this latter aim, I can only suggest 
 a few explanations, as the significant causes still elude me. 
 But before dealing with this subject I should like briefly to 
 review the various levels of development — the evolutionary 
 stages, if you will. 
 
 135 
 
THE EARLIEST STAGE 
 
 The earliest level or era, some 10,000 years ago, was one in 
 which the ancestors of the Mogollon Indians along with others 
 of the Desert Area were eking out an existence by collecting 
 wild food plants and hunting small game. In a sense these 
 Mogollon ancestors moving about in the valleys and moun- 
 tains of the Southwest were destined to become farmers 
 because they were experienced in gathering wild foods and in 
 observing the ways of plant life, and because they depended 
 on a crop of wild foods — seeds, nuts, berries, and bulbs — for 
 subsistence. When they obtained, probably by contact, the 
 knowledge of planting maize, beans, and squash, they were 
 psychologically geared to accept this new but similar way of 
 obtaining their subsistence. They planted seeds now instead 
 of gathering them. 
 
 I called this earliest stage, before agriculture had become 
 established, The Time of Limited Wandering. In so far as I can 
 grasp the situation I should be inclined to call it a stable era, 
 one of essentially unchanging continuity. Before agriculture 
 was introduced, the minor changes that took place in the tra- 
 ditional cultural forms did not radically shift the general 
 "slant" of the culture. The old ways of doing things, the 
 traditional forms, persisted over a long period of time (several 
 thousand years perhaps) without great changes. 
 
 There were probably contacts with other peoples and cul- 
 tures, but it is somewhat difficult to document this statement. 
 Perhaps I can point to the beads made from shells which came 
 from the Pacific Ocean; to the distribution by trade of spe- 
 cial rocks such as jasper, chalcedony, and obsidian, to be used 
 for blades or projectile points; and to the wide distribution 
 of tubular pipes, to be used for smoking or for curing the 
 sick. I might also add to this list special weaving and wood- 
 working techniques that were widespread in the Desert Cul- 
 ture area and that probably indicate contacts with other 
 people and places. 
 
 A TIME OF COMING TOGETHER 
 
 The next era, which endured for about 1,500 years and 
 which commenced about 500 B.C., was called The Emergence 
 
 136 
 
of Small Sedentary Communities. During this time farming was 
 practiced. Maize, beans, and squash were planted regularly. 
 In addition, some wild foods such as yucca pods, cacti, black 
 walnuts, acorns, grass seeds, primrose leaves and sunflower 
 seeds were gathered and were used to supplement the farm 
 products. Architecture and pottery made their appearance 
 during this epoch and many changes resulted from these inno- 
 vations. These were introduced from without, by contacts. 
 
 In spite of the fact that many of the traditional forms, arti- 
 facts, and ways of life persisted, one can note tendencies toward 
 elaboration and divergence : alteration of the subsistence pat- 
 tern through agriculture; introduction of houses and changes 
 in their forms; production of some new artifact types (pottery 
 and metates, bows and arrows, axes); and elaboration of pot- 
 tery styles and designs, and of ceremonial life. 
 
 Contacts with outside groups are marked by the introduc- 
 tion by trade or other forms of social intercourse of many new 
 traits, some of which have been named: agriculture from 
 Mexico; shell bracelets and shell pendants from the Pacific 
 coast; new projectile point forms; reed cigarettes, probably 
 from Mexico; the bow and arrow, probably from Canada; 
 pottery and pottery designs from Mexico; different weaving 
 techniques from the Anasazi; and possibly the ventilator appa- 
 ratus for small kivas from the Anasazi. In general, during the 
 early part of this stage, contacts and culture change resulted 
 chiefly from trade or other relationships with people to the 
 south; but after about a.d. 500 more and more contacts were 
 made with the Anasazi, to the north. All of these additional 
 traits were fused with those already possessed by the Mogollon 
 Indians. Thus, a different-appearing Mogollon culture was 
 forged, with perhaps Cochise-Mogollon traits and peculiarities 
 dominating. 
 
 I should note here that the items I call "trade" are really 
 the results of contacts. From such objects and situations I 
 have made inferences (in the preceding chapters) concerning 
 the behavior of the people by trying to observe the results of 
 innovations on the culture as reflected in material objects and 
 their associations. I have been greatly aided, of course, by 
 
 137 
 
the study of similar situations recorded for contemporary 
 Southwestern Indian cultures, notably the Hopi, Zufii, Pima 
 and Papago. 
 
 With all of this fermentation taking place, was this era, 
 from 500 B.C. to a.d. 1000, one of upheaval? In general, 
 yes; I should think that it was unstable from time to time; but 
 I also think that after farming, architecture, and pottery-mak- 
 ing had been assimilated there would have been fairly stable 
 periods of several generations or so in length. Of course, the 
 terms "stable" and "unstable" are relative as I use them; they 
 express only difference in degree. In a stable period of a 
 healthy society I should expect some changes. 
 
 THE CLIMAX AT PINE LAWN 
 
 The last stage, which was very short (a.d. 1000 to 1300 or 
 1350), I called The Beginnings of Town Life. In this brief time, 
 and one that can be looked upon with some sadness, many inno- 
 vations were noted. Drastic changes in architecture and per- 
 haps in other non-material traditions took place. Many of 
 the contacts that can be observed by means of the material 
 objects and village remains were with the Anasazi Indians to 
 the north and the Hohokam Indians to the west and south. 
 
 Anasazi traditions that were taken over include surface 
 rooms arranged in cellular fashion and with masonry walls; 
 black on white pottery bearing Puerco-River-drainage designs; 
 cooking pottery with indented-corrugated necks; full-grooved 
 axes; flint saws; turquoise pendants; and the mealing-bin com- 
 plex. The traits that came as the result of contacts with peo- 
 ples to the south and west (Hohokam, probably) are tepary 
 beans, cotton, various "characteristics" of the corn, paint 
 palettes, carved and cut shell, the three quarters-grooved axe, 
 copper bells, and the style of stone carving. Thus there was 
 convergence of Hohokam and Anasazi traditions with those 
 of the Mogollon. 
 
 The balance achieved between man and nature permitted 
 a mildly dense population. People tended to cluster in towns 
 of modest size because town life appealed to them for cere- 
 monial and socializing reasons and because their farms could 
 
 138 
 
be managed easily enough from this vantage point. Some 
 form of chieftainship or town organization probably existed 
 because the towns were becoming sizable and therefore some 
 mild but central authority would have been needed. At least 
 it seems plausible to assume that common interests and the 
 common weal would have caused submission to a central au- 
 thority, especially in regard to community building-projects, 
 planting, harvesting, the calendar, and group rituals. 
 
 I believe that ideas or people or both peacefully penetrated 
 the Pine Lawn-Reserve and adjacent areas from the north 
 and perhaps from the south. We have no evidence that force 
 was employed to bring about the changes noted. There was 
 no sharp cleavage with the past except for the change in some 
 traditions and the addition of new ones. It should be remem- 
 bered that traits had been flowing out of and into the Mogollon 
 area for some time and hence there would have been no sharp 
 conflicts. 
 
 In spite of the new ways of life and the subsequent con- 
 vergence or hybridization, most of the older Mogollon tradi- 
 tions such as types of tools, culinary pottery, smudged pottery, 
 and pit-houses continued to thrive lustily. Even the "public" 
 buildings such as the kivas were essentially Mogollon. Hence 
 we have fusion but with a dominance of the older, local Mog- 
 ollon culture. The villages consisted of enclosed plazas with 
 rooms facing inward, in lieu of the earlier unorganized clus- 
 ters of rooms. 
 
 FATE OF MOGOLLON INDIANS 
 
 Here, then, is a long segment of culture history, the begin- 
 nings of which were, in pre-agricultural times, flowing through 
 various stages to a final flowering represented by the com- 
 mencement of town life, well-established agricultural practices, 
 many additions and comforts, and the beginnings of what we 
 can call "civilization." It would be difficult at present to find 
 anywhere in the world such a long-documented developmental 
 and continuous sequence; one that can be traced from a food- 
 gathering-wandering stage to one of established farming com- 
 munities, covering perhaps some ten to twelve thousand years 
 
 139 
 
of unbroken existence. We are fortunate in having this his- 
 tory for study. 
 
 The material results of all of this have been published, but 
 it will take a long time for the significance of these researches 
 to be thoroughly exploited and tied up to the story of the his- 
 tory of civilization. I have merely skimmed the surface; the 
 bulk is yet there to be digested and formulated in general laws 
 and in a philosophy concerning man and his will to progress, 
 no matter what obstacles are put in his path, and perhaps the 
 "spontaneous" development of civilization. 
 
 We can demonstrate by means of our data that we have 
 unearthed and pieced together a cultural continuum in which 
 man's development was slow, but steady and progressive. 
 Progress — an ill-used word — but progress, no matter what 
 definition is used, was attained. Man progressed by exerting 
 a small bit of control over natural forces. He controlled his 
 environment to a limited extent by selective breeding of races 
 of corn and by planting it and beans and squash and thus 
 assuring himself of a stable food supply. 
 
 If he had progressed, why did he not continue to do so? 
 What halted the Mogollon Indians and what became of them? 
 There are several answers to these questions. The matter is 
 not a simple one. 
 
 First of all, as far as we can make out, the Mogollon cul- 
 ture at about a.d. 1300 or 1400 had retained its Mogollon 
 "slant" and vigor and was still going strong when it ran head- 
 long into insurmountable obstacles. 
 
 The Mogollon Indians, even if they had remained in the 
 area I have been discussing, could probably not have attained 
 the degree of urbanization and civilization that the Mayas, 
 Toltecs, and Aztecs had reached, because the country and 
 the climate were marginal and were not suitable or favorable 
 for great concentrations of population. To have developed 
 much farther on the long road to civilization, a far denser 
 population would have been necessary. The Pine Lawn- 
 Reserve area could not have supported a dense population 
 because: (1) the rainfall was insufficient for big farming proj- 
 ects; (2) there were no water resources that could have been 
 
 140 
 
used for irrigation purposes; and (3) the topography was too 
 hilly and rocky to be economically exploited for agriculture 
 unless terracing had been employed. Even then, terraces 
 would have been ineffective without rain or irrigation. Hence, 
 I conclude that the Mogollon Indians had progressed about 
 as far as they ever could have gone. I grant, that if they had 
 not been forced to abandon the area, and if they had remained 
 there many more centuries, and if they had maintained con- 
 tacts and trade relations with the higher culture centers in 
 Mexico, they might have reached higher cultural plateaus. 
 But they would have had to develop more social co-ordina- 
 tion, more managerial authority, and more craft specialization. 
 Unfortunately, after a.d. 1350 or 1400, many of the Mexican 
 cultures had collapsed, and thus stimuli from this area would 
 not have been forthcoming. 
 
 But the Mogollon Indians did not remain in their home- 
 land. Drought, the beginnings of enemy (Apache?) raids, ex- 
 tinction of certain clans, making impossible the celebration of 
 certain ceremonies, or other as yet undiscovered reasons forced 
 a hegira. They gradually abandoned their homeland of many 
 centuries and moved out. By a.d. 1400 at the latest, they had 
 disappeared. Apache or other Indians may have camped in 
 the area from time to time, but not until the coming of the 
 white settlers in the mid-nineteenth century were there any 
 permanent settlers and farmers. At present, we are exploring 
 the trail of the Mogollones as they dispersed south, west, and 
 north. It is hoped that eventually we may discover where they 
 went. On the basis of present evidence, I guess that some of 
 them moved west and north. It is possible that descendants of 
 these Mogollones are living today at Zuni. 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF MOGOLLON CULTURE 
 
 Now I return to the statement, made at the outset of this 
 chapter, that I was interested in seeking explanations and 
 causes of how and why the Mogollon culture developed. I 
 stated then that the significant causes elude me. I have only 
 a few superficial explanations to set forth, some of which have 
 already been alluded to in this chapter. 
 
 141 
 
In their earliest stage we saw the Mogollon Indians or 
 their ancestors living a simple life that was devoted principally 
 to satisfying the basic biological needs for food, shelter, and 
 clothing. These needs were obtained by fundamental tech- 
 nologies such as tool-making, manufacture of weapons and 
 traps, weaving, and a knowledge of what plants were edible, 
 where they grew, and when their fruits were ripe. This stage 
 was reached by many peoples in various parts of the world at 
 a very early time. Some peoples never passed beyond this 
 stage, partly because they did not have the opportunity, partly 
 because they lacked the stimulation from others, and partly 
 because they were indifferent to other traditions and ways of 
 life. Sometimes a new idea will be rejected by people and the 
 exact reason for this is unknown. 
 
 In the next stage we noted great advances among the Mog- 
 ollones. The idea of planting and cultivating corn, squash, 
 and beans was borrowed from people to the south; or pos- 
 sibly they were stimulated by the visits of traders from Mex- 
 ico to adopt this brilliant idea of obtaining security in food 
 supplies by planting and cultivating crops. If the Mogol- 
 lon Indians had lived in a barren desert, agriculture would 
 not have been possible. Hence, they were fortunate in inhab- 
 iting a well-watered area that facilitated the adoption of the 
 idea; and they were fortunate in having developed food-gath- 
 ering habits that required them to pay great attention to plant 
 life and nurture. In gathering plants and preparing them for 
 flour-cookery the Mogollones had at hand digging sticks (for- 
 merly used for digging up plants, but now to be used in tilling 
 the ground for planting seeds), collecting baskets, and various 
 kinds of milling stones and mortars and pestles. Thus, at 
 hand were the necessary implements and techniques for prac- 
 ticing agriculture. 
 
 Then, by means of communications and contacts, other 
 traits were borrowed by the Mogollones, notably pit-houses and 
 pottery-making. The pattern of Mogollon culture took form 
 at this time and remained largely unchanged for many cen- 
 turies. We can probably visualize this stage as one in which 
 population increased; in which the culture of the peoples ex- 
 panded; in which there was little danger of wars; and in which 
 
 142 
 
many stimulations were received from other peoples, especially 
 those inhabiting Mexico. 
 
 The final stages of this culture were marked by efflorescence 
 of the traits at hand, and the appearance of several new ones. 
 There were no additions to the basic technologies and no in- 
 ventions. Population increased as agriculture became better 
 understood and was more efficiently practiced. An increase 
 in food supply permitted some people to have more leisure 
 for developing the arts and crafts and for enriching the intel- 
 lectual and ceremonial life. 
 
 WHAT BLOCKED FURTHER DEVELOPMENT 
 
 Thus Mogollon folk had reached an apogee for them, a 
 stage midway between a primitive pre-agricultural era and 
 civilization. It was fated that they could go no farther. The 
 reasons for this were suggested earlier in this section. To pro- 
 vide a deeper explanation of even their limited development 
 can not be done at the moment. Certainly some of the factors 
 were a semi-arid environment that facilitated the growth of 
 culture, and access to many stimuli from a region of several 
 diversified higher cultures (Mexico). If the Mogollon folk 
 had been cut off from contacts with various peoples possessing 
 higher cultures, it is doubtful if they would have progressed 
 as far as they did. 
 
 Various obstacles — terrain, rainfall, some isolation — pre- 
 vented the formation of large communities integrated through 
 control by a theocracy with centralized authority, the accu- 
 mulation of surpluses, and the development of intense special- 
 ization, metallurgy, large-scale trade, writing, mathematics, 
 irrigation, and a subsequent upsurge in population. All of 
 these factors appear to be necessary attributes and ingredients 
 of higher civilizations, and all were lacking in the Mogollon 
 culture. Since the creation and development of these condi- 
 tions were impossibilities, we have here one explanation for 
 the limited growth of this culture. 
 
 But the basic explanation of why peoples rise above "sav- 
 agery," and why they spontaneously develop even limited 
 civilization like the Mogollon, is yet to be discovered. 
 
 143 
 
We hope that the detailed knowledge of the Mogollon 
 culture and its rise and migration will contribute to a method- 
 ology that will suggest "laws" as to why particular cultures 
 develop, and that this in turn will throw light on contem- 
 porary as well as future events. 
 
 144 
 
VALUE of 
 
 ARCHAEOLOGY 
 
 MEANING AND USES OF ARCHAEOLOGY 
 
 Some newspaper articles have led the public to think that 
 archaeological excavations are conducted solely for the pur- 
 pose of removing valuable objects or treasures from the earth 
 by haphazard digging. Actually, archaeological work is an 
 effort to reconstruct the history and characteristics of a by- 
 gone period; to make reasonable conjectures that are inferred 
 from a small body of materials gathered by excavations; and 
 to guess about what is missing from what has survived. 
 
 Archaeology, then, gathers the material remnants of a past 
 civilization — tools, pottery, and cast-off objects — and makes 
 these things live again. Archaeologists collect and classify, 
 and then make speculations concerning the things classified so 
 
 145 
 
that this knowledge may be of help to us in understanding our 
 own times and our own problems. We learn from the past col- 
 lective experience of societies long dead; we build on the past. 
 
 The archaeologist digs carefully and observingly layer on 
 layer and brings everything except the dirt home to the lab- 
 oratory for analysis because he is unable in the field to judge 
 what is important and what is not. 
 
 The excavating is done carefully, because most of the his- 
 tory of the site is contained in the earth that lies over and on it. 
 The "history" is gleaned not from surviving written records — 
 for there are none in most instances — but from the painstaking 
 archaeological work. 
 
 To tear an object from its resting place without first gather- 
 ing all necessary data and without taking photographs is like 
 ripping a page from a valuable book. If the object is cleaned 
 and placed on a shelf without its genealogy it is useless and 
 mute. It can tell us little or nothing. The object is not im- 
 portant for itself but it becomes invaluable if we know its 
 "associates," that is, the conditions under which it was found 
 and the other things that were found with it. 
 
 We are forced to use only material objects because in most 
 instances nothing else remains for us to study. We try to in- 
 terpret the uses of these objects in the life of the people who 
 made them. How widely were they distributed and over how 
 long a period of time were they used? Can we trace the devel- 
 opment of different kinds of housing and tools? Can we dis- 
 cover the laws that govern the development of peoples in 
 similar climates of the world? We try to analyze and compare 
 the similarities and parallels in these developments because we 
 are seeking explanations for similarities and are trying to find 
 out if there are laws that govern the rise and fall of civilizations. 
 
 In striving to reach an explanation of the causes of these 
 similar developments and of their effects, we attempt to estab- 
 lish some general principles. For example, an increased popu- 
 lation must have an increased food supply, and in an arid 
 region this can be secured only by irrigation, which therefore 
 must be developed if the group is to grow or if it does not wish 
 to split and emigrate. 
 
 146 
 
Writing is an example of a similar and a parallel develop- 
 ment found in both the Old and the New World. Writing 
 appeared independently and spontaneously in the eastern and 
 western hemispheres after the people who had devised it had 
 developed similar basic technologies and irrigation. 
 
 But, as mentioned above, interpretation of our material is 
 often difficult, for we have only cast-off, broken objects to 
 work with, often few in number and strange in appearance. 
 Sometimes, if we are fortunate, we find a cave that has been 
 occupied for several thousand years and that has been bone 
 dry during all of that time. The dryness preserves all those 
 perishable objects — cloth, sandals, wooden objects, skins, agri- 
 cultural products — that would rot if left in an open site. Thus 
 we acquire important material that is valuable in attempting 
 to reconstruct the way of life of the inhabitants of the region. 
 
 As I have indicated, digging is usually done under adverse 
 conditions — dust, mud, rain, heat, insects. There is little 
 glamour involved. Nevertheless, there is a zest about dig- 
 ging, arduous though it is, or we would not do it. We may 
 dig for weeks without finding more than bits of charcoal or a 
 few broken pieces of pottery. 
 
 IMPORTANCE OF ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE 
 NEW WORLD 
 
 At this point, my reader may say : "Very well. The Greeks 
 and Romans contributed to our civilization; but what is the 
 good of investigating Indian cultures?" 
 
 My answer is twofold: The American Indians have con- 
 tributed to our way of life by giving us ideas in architecture 
 (Pueblo and Maya) and by giving us many valuable food 
 plants such as potatoes, tomatoes, peanuts, corn, beans, squash 
 (to name only a few). 
 
 The second part of my answer is slightly more involved. 
 We should be glad to investigate Indian civilizations, even if 
 we assumed that they had contributed nothing to ours, because 
 America and the Indians were pretty much cut off from the 
 Old World and the differing cultures were developed here 
 more or less independently, after the Indians (Mongoloid peo- 
 
 147 
 
pies) had emigrated here via Siberia. In short, the New 
 World constitutes a kind of gigantic test tube, a great labora- 
 tory where all sorts of events were taking place, with few or 
 only occasional influences seeping into the New from the Old 
 World. This is one of the few such "laboratories" that we 
 know of, since it is impossible to place societies in a test tube 
 and watch what happens. Most anthropologists believe that 
 the achievements of the Indians were independently developed 
 in the New World. These achievements rested on a few basic 
 traits that the Indians brought with them: pressure flaking; 
 grinding bone, horn and stone; hafting tools; weaving baskets, 
 mats, and fish weirs; making cordage; making fire; propelling 
 projectiles from a spear thrower; and using a domesticated 
 animal — the dog. In looking over this short list of the traits 
 brought with them and by comparing it with what the Indian 
 had accomplished up to 1492, we can see that remarkable 
 progress had been made. 
 
 If the major achievements were independently evolved — 
 and the weight of evidence appears on this side — and if we 
 can find parallels in achievements, similarities in develop- 
 ments, or any regularities of occurrences in both hemispheres 
 then we may be able to organize our information so that we 
 can begin to look for relationships between causes and effects. 
 In short, we may be able to discover why civilizations wax 
 and wane. 
 
 Many well-known achievements apparently developed in- 
 dependently in the Old and New Worlds: domestication of 
 plants and animals; irrigation; increase of population and 
 growth of towns and cities; elaborate social groupings into 
 priesthoods, states, and empires; development of pottery; pro- 
 duction of weaving and metal-working; invention of writing, 
 mathematics, and calendars; production of painting, sculp- 
 ture, temple palaces, pyramids, and tombs. These are a few 
 examples of similar and parallel developments, of "cultural 
 regularities." 
 
 In all the semi-arid early centers of civilization, man started 
 as a user of crude tools of stone and a hunter or a food-gatherer, 
 and from 4,000 to 9,000 years later he had become a "civi- 
 
 148 
 
lized" creature who had devised, discovered, invented, and 
 evolved all the basic traits and institutions that I have just 
 listed. 
 
 I am not saying that all men have passed through parallel, 
 unrelated stages; nor am I saying that there are necessarily 
 universal stages in development that apply to all cultures; nor 
 again, that the sequences of development are universal. But 
 I do say that undoubtedly there are a number of important 
 basic independent parallels that may be explained by the in- 
 dependent operation of identical causes, provided the com- 
 parisons are restricted to comparable groups. It would make 
 no sense to compare the Hottentots, the Eskimos, and the 
 Egyptians. 
 
 If a civilization is balanced and if all the elements of the 
 culture are in harmony — that is, the ratio, for example, of 
 agriculture to hunting and gathering, to artistic and religious 
 expressions — then the chances are that the civilization will be 
 a sound and happy one. If any one element or if any one 
 philosophy of the culture becomes more important or if em- 
 phases of the culture are shifted to a false evaluation (such as 
 dictators, racism, conquests), then that civilization may be 
 doomed. This may be one answer as to why several great 
 civilizations have perished in the past. I would hazard a guess 
 that our primitive Mogollon Indians, living in their caves, or 
 later in their pit-houses, or still later in their apartment dwell- 
 ings, probably lived a happier life and perhaps a somewhat 
 better one than did the Maya Indians with all their arts and 
 crafts, and all their skill in building and in mathematics, for 
 eventually something in the Maya civilization became un- 
 balanced. Of course you can come right back at me and say, 
 "Well what happened to the Mogollon Indians? Why didn't 
 their civilization continue if it was so well balanced and such 
 a happy one?" That is a fair question but I cannot answer it 
 specifically at this moment. In the preceding chapter of this 
 book I have tried to explain our theories or conjectures con- 
 cerning the apparent "disappearance" of the Mogollon civili- 
 zation and what probably happened to these people. 
 
 And so the value of archaeology lies in developing a new 
 way of looking at life, in searching for truth and beauty where 
 
 149 
 
it leads us, and in helping us understand our times and our 
 problems. We need to broaden our understanding of man's 
 hopes and desires and our knowledge of man's nature. Per- 
 haps if all of us put our heads together we can discover the 
 causes for the rise and decline of civilizations and perhaps save 
 our own from disappearing. 
 
 150 
 
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 1956. Second mammoth and associated artifacts at Santa Isabel Izto- 
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 Broecker, W. S., and Kulp, W. S. 
 
 1 956. Radiocarbon method of age determination. American Antiq- 
 uity, vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 1-11. 
 
 Carpenter, Rhys 
 
 1933. Humanistic value of archaeology. Harvard University Press. 
 
 Collier, Donald 
 
 1951 . New radiocarbon method for dating the past. Chicago Natural 
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 1951. The oldest corn in the world. Chicago Natural History Museum 
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 1929. The secret of the southwest solved by talkative tree rings. 
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 1940. Excavations in the Forestdale Valley, east-central Arizona. 
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 1953. Anthropology today. Editor and Chairman, A. L. Kroeber. 
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 La Farge, Oliver 
 
 1956. Pictorial history of the American Indian, pp. 11-25. Crown 
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 LlBBY, WlLLARD F. 
 
 1955. Radiocarbon dating. University of Chicago Press. 
 
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 1941. Southwestern archaeology. Dendrochronology, chap. 5. John 
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 152 
 
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 1949. New archaeological evidence on evolution in maize. Harvard 
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 154 
 
Ind 
 
 ex 
 
 Agave, 59 
 
 Agriculture and the digging stick, 46 
 
 Agriculture, first, 13 
 
 Amerind Foundation, 22 
 
 Anasazi, climax, 20; culture, 18; defini- 
 tion of, 19 
 
 Archaeology, aims of, 46; importance of 
 in the New World, 147; meaning and 
 uses of, 145 
 
 Area co-tradition, 25 
 
 Artifacts, stone, 77 
 
 Asia, 8; migrants from, 7 
 
 Assemblage, 47 
 
 Atlantis, 9 
 
 Atomic energy phases, 48 
 
 Automobile, 48 
 
 Aveleyra, Dr. Luis, 11 
 
 Baskets, 114 
 Basketry, 65 
 Bering Strait, 8 
 Bison, 10 
 Blankets, 65 
 Bracelets, shell, 68 
 Burial, 102; rituals, 133 
 
 Calendar, development of, 128 
 
 Camel, American, 11 
 
 Camp routine, 33 
 
 Carbon 14, 53 
 
 Catron County, 28 
 
 Caves, dry, 31 ; preservation of material 
 objects in, 31 
 
 Ceremonialism, 97, 100, 126 
 
 Ceremonies, 94; objects used in, 69; pur- 
 pose of, 130; religious, 69 
 
 Cigarettes, reed, 99 
 
 Chaco Canyon, 17 
 
 Chronology, absolute, 50; relative, 50, 51 
 
 Civilizations, lost, 33; development blocked, 
 143 
 
 Climate, relationship to civilization, 35, 
 36; changing, 13 
 
 Clovis fluted, 1 1 
 
 Cochise Indians, 11 
 
 Community, emergence of small, 70, 1 36, 
 
 137; patterns of, 126 
 Cooking, 76 
 Cooking, in basket, 63; flour cooking, 62; 
 
 stone boiling, 65 
 Copper tinklers, 77 
 Cordage, 114 
 
 Corn, 71, 74, 109; introduction of, 14 
 Co-tradition, 54 
 Crises, life, 130 
 Cross-dating, 52 
 Culture, change, cause of, 44; change, 
 
 methods, 104; remains, 10 
 
 Dendrochronology, 52 
 
 Desert culture, 15, 19, 55 
 
 Digging sticks, 71 
 
 Dire wolf, 1 1 
 
 Dog, 62 
 
 Drift, 44; cultural, 26 
 
 Ecology, cultural, 39 
 Eisely, Loren, 10 
 
 Family, 94, 126 
 
 Farm sites, 108 
 
 Flour-cookery, 62 
 
 "Four-Corners" region, 18 
 
 Food, 11, 59, 74; acorns, 59; beans, kid- 
 ney, 109, tepary, 109; cactus, 59; corn, 
 14, 71, 74, 109; gooseberries, 59; gourds, 
 59, 109; grass, 59; pinyon nuts, 59; 
 squash, 109; walnuts, 59; yucca fruit, 59 
 
 Food, common, 76 
 
 Food gathering, economy of, 11, 15 
 
 Food, preparation of, 62, 75 
 
 Garbage in ancient sites, 10 
 Geology of Mogollon area, 39 
 Gila Pueblo, 21 
 
 155 
 
Gladwin, Mr. and Mrs. H. S., 21 
 Great Basin, 1 9 
 
 Harrington, M. R., 10 
 
 Haury, Emil, 1 1 
 
 Havasupai, 23 
 
 Hohokam civilization, 21 ; culture, 20 
 
 Horizon styles, 54 
 
 Horse, American, 10, 11 
 
 House, 68, 86, 118; construction of, 120; 
 interiors, 125; kivas, 94, 97; pit-houses, 
 14, 86, 124, structure of, 122 
 
 Hunters, early, 10, 11, 15 
 
 Hunting, 71 
 
 Indians, Anasazi, 18; Cochise, 1 1 ; Mogol- 
 lon, 14; Pima, 22; Yuman, 23; Zuhi, 18 
 Inheritance, 96 
 Interrelationships, 25 
 Irrigation, 141, 146; by flood, 108 
 Israelites, 9 
 
 Jewelry, 115 
 
 Kivas, 94, 97 
 
 Kivas, Great, 118, 122, 131, 132 
 
 Labor, division of, among earlv Mogollon, 
 
 68 
 Land bridge from Asia, 8 
 Language and culture, 42 
 
 Mammoth, 11 
 
 Masks, 131 
 
 Masonry, 122 
 
 Matrilocal, extended families, 96; resi- 
 dence, 96, 126 
 
 Mealing bins, 124 
 
 Medicine, psychosomatic, 100; medicine 
 man's pouch, 101 
 
 Mesa Verde, 17 
 
 Mexico, 1 1 ; agriculture received from, 80; 
 corn received from, 71; culture traits 
 received from, 20; mammoth in, 1 1 
 
 Migrations, date of, 8 
 
 Mogollon Indians, 14, 28; civilization, 
 definition of, 15; culture development 
 of, 141; culture division of, 47; daily 
 life, 58; earliest people, 11; fate of, 139; 
 homeland, 36, 38; method of making a 
 living, 70, 108; pottery, 79; traits, source 
 of, 53; town, 120 
 
 Mongoloids, 7 
 
 Mu, Lost Continent of, 9 
 
 Musk-ox, 10 
 
 Naco, Arizona, 10; remains of mammoth 
 
 found in, 11, 15 
 Nevada, camp ground found in, 10 
 
 Objects, sacred, 113 
 Ornaments, 79 
 
 Pacific Islands, 9 
 
 Patayan sub-culture, 23 
 
 Peanuts, 147 
 
 Phases, 47, 48; Cochise-Mogollon, 50 
 
 Pima Indians, 22 
 
 Pine Lawn, climax, 138 
 
 Pine Lawn Valley, 13, 136 
 
 Pit-houses, 14, 86, 122, 124 
 
 Plants, use of, in artifacts, 78 
 
 Plazas, 125 
 
 Potatoes, 147 
 
 Pottery, 75; cooking, 83; making of, 82; 
 oxidizing atmosphere used, 84 
 
 Pottery types, 116; Alma Plain, 116; black 
 on white, 84; Mimbres black on white, 
 116; Mogollon, 85; new, painted, 84; 
 origin, Mogollon, 79; Reserve black on 
 white, 116; San Francisco Red, 116; 
 St. Johns Polychrome, 117; smudged, 
 84; textured wares, 83; Tularosa black, 
 116; Tularosa fillet rim, 116 
 
 Precipitation, in Pine Lawn Valley, 36 
 
 Processing of artifacts, 34 
 
 Projectile point, Clovis Fluted, 11 
 
 Radiocarbon-dating, 53 
 
 Ramp entrance, to kiva, 132 
 
 Raw materials used by Mogollon Indians, 
 
 65 
 Religion, 131 
 Rituals, 128 
 Reserve, New Mexico, 28 
 
 Salt, sources of, 110 
 
 Sandals, wickerwork, 65 
 
 Sapir, Edward, 26 
 
 Sayles, E. B., 11 
 
 Settlement patterns, 118 
 
 Sites, earliest, 10; digging of, 31; finding 
 
 of, 29; selection of, 31 
 Solstices, 100, 129 
 Stratigraphy, used to establish chronology, 
 
 51 
 Sub-cultures, Southwestern, 26 
 
 Textiles, 114 
 Throwing stick, 62 
 Tobacco, 99 
 Tomatoes, 147 
 
 Tools, axes, grooved, 112; bone, 79, 115; 
 drills, 112; saws, 112; wooden, 78, 79, 115 
 Town life, beginning of, 103, 138 
 Trade pieces, 52 
 Trails of wild animals, 10 
 Tree-ring calendar, 53 
 
 156 
 
Tree-ring dating, 52; see also Dendro- Walapai Indians, 23 
 
 chronology Wolf, dire, 1 1 
 
 Tularosa Cave, 37 Wooly mammoth, 10 
 
 Tule Springs, Nevada, 10 Work, purposes of, 28 
 
 Writing, development of, 147 
 Upper Gila area, 28 
 
 Yuman tribes, 23 
 Vegetable material, 40 
 Village, location of, 94; patterns, 90 Zufii Indians, 18 
 
 157