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THE TUDOR 
 
 TRANSLATIONS 
 
 EDITED BY 
 W. E. HENLEY 
 VIII 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PLUTARCH’S 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANS 
 
 ENGLISHED BY 
 
 SIR THOMAS NORTH 
 
 ANNO 1579 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 GEORGE WYNDHAM 
 
 SECOND VOLUME 
 
 LONDON 
 Published by DAVID NUTT 
 IN THE STRAND 
 
 1895 
 
» 
 
 Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty 
 
 I 
 
THE TABLE OF THE NOBLE 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 compared by PLUTARKE of CELERONEA 
 
 VOLUME II 
 
 PERICLES . 
 
 PAGE 1 ) 
 
 
 
 
 } compared 
 
 PAGE 86 
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS . 
 
 59 
 
 49) 
 
 
 ALCIBIADES 
 
 99 
 
 89) 
 
 
 
 
 f compared 
 
 „ 190 
 
 CORIOLANUS . 
 
 55 
 
 143) 
 
 
 PAULUS iEMILIU S . 
 
 99 
 
 196) 
 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 55 
 
 > compared 
 243) 
 
 „ 285 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 
 288) 
 
 
 
 
 [■ compared 
 
 „ 374 
 
 MARCELLUS 
 
 55 
 
 333) 
 
 
 ARISTIDES . 
 
 55 
 
 378 
 
 
THE LIFE OF PERICLES 
 
 JESAR seeing in Rome one daye certen 
 riche and wealthy straungers, having litle 
 dogges and munkeyes in their armes, and 
 that they made marvelous much of them, 
 he asked them if the women in their coun- 
 try had no children : wisely reproving 
 them by his question, for that they be- 
 stowed their naturall love and affection 
 upon brute beasts, which they should with all kindnes and 
 love bestowe upon creatures. Nature in like case also, having 
 planted in our minds a naturall desire to learne and under- 
 stand, we are in reason to reprove those that vainely abuse 
 this good desire, fondly disposing it to learne things vaine 
 and unprofitable : and to cast behinde them in the meane 
 season things honest and necessarie to be learned. For as 
 touching our outward sence, which with passion receaveth 
 impression of the thing it seeth, peradventure it wilbe neces- 
 sarie to consider indifferently the thing seene, whether it will 
 fall out beneficiall or hurtefull unto him : but so fareth it 
 not with our understanding, for every man maye at his plea- 
 sure turne and dispose that to the thinge he taketh delight 
 in, the reason whereof we must allwayes employe to the best Wit all- 
 parte, and that not only to consider and looke upon the wayes to be 
 thing, but also to reape the benefit and commoditie of the e ™ p J < thiii ^ 
 thing we see. For like as the eye is most delited with the g 
 lightest and freshest cullers : even so we must geve our 
 mindes unto those sightes, which by looking upon them 
 doe drawe profit and pleasure unto us. For such effects doth 
 vertue bring : that either to heare or reade them, they doc 
 2 : A 1 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Aiitisthenes 
 saying of a 
 flute player. 
 
 The power 
 of vertue. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 printe in our hartes an earnest love and desire to followe 
 them. But this followeth not in all other things we esteeme, 
 neither are we allwayes disposed to desire to doe the things 
 we see wel done : but contrary oftentimes, when we like the 
 worke, we mislike the worke man, as commonly in making 
 these perfumes and purple cullers. For both the one, and 
 the other doe please us well : but yet we take perfumers and 
 diers to be men of a meane occupation. Therefore Antis- 
 thenes aunswered one very wisely, that told him Ismenias 
 was an excellent player of the flute. But yet he is a naughtie 
 man, sayed he : otherwise he could not be so conning at the 
 flute as he is. Even so dyd Philippe king of Macedon saye to 
 his sonne Alexander the great on a time : that at a certen 
 feast had song passing sweetely, and like a master of musicke : 
 Art thou not ashamed, sonne, to singe so well ? It is enough 
 for a King to bestowe his leysure somtime to heare musitians 
 singe, and he doth much honour to the muses to heare the 
 masters of the science otherwhile, when one of them singeth 
 to excell another. But he that personally shall bestowe his 
 time, exercising any meane science : bringeth his paynes he 
 hath taken in matters unprofitable, a witnes against him 
 selfe, to prove that he hath bene negligent to learne things 
 honest and profitable. And there was never any young gentle- 
 man nobly borne, that seeing the image of Iupiter (which 
 is in the cittie of Pisa) desired to become Phidias : nor 
 Polycletus, for seeing of Iuno in the cittie of Argos : nor 
 that desired to be Anacreon, or Philemon, or Archilochus, 
 for that they tooke pleasure somtime to reade their workes. 
 For it followeth not of necessitie, that though the worke 
 delight, the workeman must needes be praysed. And so in 
 like case, such things doe not profit those which behold them, 
 bicause they doe not move affection in the hartes of the 
 beholders to followe them, neither doe stirre up affection to 
 resemble them, and much lesse to conforme our selves unto 
 them. But vertue hath this singular propertie in all her 
 actions : that she maketh the man that knoweth her to affect 
 her so, that straight he liketh all her doings, and desireth to 
 followe those that are vertuous. For, as for riches, we only 
 desire to have them in possession : but of vertue, we chiefly 
 2 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 love the deedes. Wherefore, we are contented to have goodes PERICLES 
 from other men : but good deedes we would other should 
 have from us. For vertue is of this power, that she allureth 
 a mans minde presently to use her, that wisely considereth of 
 her, and maketh him very desirous in his harte to followe 
 her : and doth not frame his manners that beholdeth her by 
 any imitation, but by the only understanding and knowledge 
 of vertuous deedes, which sodainely bringeth unto him a re- 
 solute desire to doe the like. And this is the reason, why me 
 thought I should continew still to write on the lives of noble 
 men, and why I made also this tenthe booke : in the which 
 are conteined the lives of Pericles, and Fabius Maximus, who 
 mainteined warres against Hanniball. For they were both 
 men very like together in many sundry vertues, and specially 
 in curtesie and justice : and for that they could paciently 
 beare the follies of their people, and companions that were 
 in charge of government with them, they were marvelous 
 profitable members for their countrie. But if we have sorted 
 them well together, comparing the one with the other: 
 you shall easely judge that reade our writings of their lives. 
 
 Pericles was of the tribe of the Acamantides, of the towne Pericles 
 of Cholargus, and of one of the best and most auncient stocke. 
 families of the cittie of Athens, both by his father and 
 mother. For Xanthippus his father (who overcame in battell 
 the lieutenants of the king of Persia in the jorney of Mycala) 
 maried Agariste that came of Clisthenes, he who drave out 
 of Athens Pisistratus ofspring, and valliantly overthrewe their 
 tyrannie. Afterwards he established lawes, and ordeined a 
 very grave forme of government, to mainteine his cittizens in 
 peace and concorde together. This Agariste dreamed one Pericles 
 night, that she was brought a bed of a lyon : and very mothers 
 shortely after she was delivered of Pericles, who was so well dreame * 
 proportioned in all the partes of his bodie, that nothing could 
 be mended, saving that his head was somwhat to long and Pericles had 
 out of proportion to the rest of his bodie. And this is the a l° n £ head, 
 only cause why all the statues and images of him almost, are 
 made with a helmet of his head : bicause the workemen as it 
 should seeme (and so it is most likely) were willing to hide 
 the bleamishe of his deformitie. But the Attican poets dyd 
 
 3 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 studies and 
 teachers. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 call him Schinocephalos, asmuch to saye, as headed like an 
 onyon. For those of Attica doe somtime name that which 
 is called in the vulgar tongue Scilla , that is to saye, an onyon 
 of barbarie : Schinos. And Cratinus the Comicall poet in 
 his comedie he intituled Chirones , sayed : 
 
 Olde Saturne he, and dreadfull dyre debate 
 begotten have, betwene them Carnally, 
 this tyranne here, this heavy jollting pate, 
 in courte of goddes so termed worthely. 
 
 And againe also in that which he nameth Nemesis, speaking 
 of him, he sayeth : 
 
 Come Iupiter, come Iupiter, 
 
 Come jollthead, and come inkeeper. 
 
 And Teleclides mocking him also, sayeth in a place : 
 
 Somtimes he standes, amazed when he perceyves, 
 that harde it were, sufficiently to knowe, 
 in what estate, his government he leaves. 
 
 And then will he* be seldome seene by lowe, 
 
 suche heavy heapes, within his braynes doe growe. 
 
 But yet somtimes, out of that monstruous pate 
 he thundreth fast, and threatneth every state. 
 
 And Eupolis in a comedie which he intituled Demi : being 
 very inquisitive, and asking particularly of every one of the 
 Orators (whom he fayned were returned out of hell) when 
 they named Pericles the last man unto him, he sayed : 
 
 Truely thou hast now brought, unto us here that dwell, 
 
 the chief of all the captaines, that come from darksome hell. 
 
 And as for musicke, the most authors write, that Damon 
 dyd teache him musicke, of whose name (as men saye) they 
 should pronounce the first syllable shorte. Howbeit Aristotle 
 sayeth, that he was taught musicke by Pythoclides. How- 
 soever it was, it is certaine that this Damon was a man of 
 deepe understanding, and subtill in matters of government : 
 for, to hide from the people his sufficiency therein, he gave 
 it out he was a musitian, and dyd resorte unto Pericles, as a 
 master wrestler, or fenser : but he taught him howe he should 
 4 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 deale in matters of state. Notwithstanding, in the ende he 
 could not so conningly convey this matter, but the people 
 sawe his harping and musicke, was only a viser to his other 
 practise : wherefore they dyd banish him Athens for five 
 yeres, as a man that busilie tooke upon him to chaunge 
 the state of things, and that favored tyrannie. And this 
 gave the Comicall poets matter to playe upon him finely : 
 among which Plato in a comedie of his, bringeth in a man 
 that asketh him : 
 
 O Chiron, tell me first : art thou in deede the man, 
 
 which dyd instruct Pericles thus ? make aunswer if thou can. 
 
 He was somtime also scholler to the philosopher Zenon, 
 who was borne in the cittie of Elea, and taught natural! 
 philosophic, as Parmenides dyd : but his profession was to 
 thwarte and contrary all men, and to alledge a world of 
 objections in his disputation, which were so intricate, that 
 his adversarie replying against him, knewe not howe to 
 aunswer him, nor to conclude his argument. The which 
 Timon Philiasius witnesseth in these wordes : 
 
 Zenon was subtill sure, and very eloquent, 
 
 and craftilie could winde a man, by waye of argument, 
 if so he were disposed, his cunning to descrie, 
 or showe the sharpenes of his witt, to practise pollicie. 
 
 But Anaxagoras Clazomenian was he that was most familliar 
 and conversaunt with him, and dyd put in him the majestie 
 and gravity he shewed in all his sayings, and doings, who 
 dyd farre excell the common course of ordinarie Orators that 
 pleaded before the people : and to be shorte, he it was 
 that dyd facion his manners, altogether to carie that grave 
 countenaunee which he dyd. For they called Anaxagoras in 
 his time, Nus, as much to saye, as understanding. Either 
 bicause they had his singular wit and capacitie in suche great 
 admiration, being growen to searche out the cause of naturall 
 things : or that he was the first man, who dyd ascribe the 
 disposition and government of this world, not unto fortune 
 or fatall necessitie, but unto a pure, simple, and understand- 
 ing minde, which doth separate at the first moving cause, the 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Zenon 
 
 Eleatean. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 manners and 
 behaviour. 
 
 Pericles 
 
 pacience.' 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 substaunce of suche like partes as are medled and compounded 
 of divers substaunces, in all other bodies through the world. 
 Pericles made marvelous muche of Anaxagoras, who had 
 fully instructed him in the knowledge of naturall things, and 
 of those specially that worke above in the ayer and firmament. 
 For he grewe not only to have a great minde and an eloquent 
 tongue, without any affectation, or grosse countrie termes : 
 but to a certen modest countenaunce that scantly smyled, 
 very sober in his gate, having a kynde of sounde in his voyce 
 that he never lost nor altered, and was of very honest behaviour, 
 never troubled in his talke for any thing that crossed him, 
 and many other suche like things, as all that sawe them in 
 him, and considered them, could but wonder at him. But 
 for proofe hereof, the reporte goeth, there was a naughty 
 busy fellowe on a time, that a whole daye together dyd 
 nothing but rayle upon Pericles in the market place, and 
 revile him to his face, with all the villanous wordes he could 
 use. But Pericles put all up quietly, and gave him not a 
 worde againe, dispatching in the meane time matters of 
 importaunce he had in hand, untill night came, that he went 
 softly home to his house, shewing no alteration nor sem- 
 blaunce of trouble at all, though this lewde varlet followed 
 him at the heeles, with wordes of open defamation. And as 
 he was ready to enter in at his owne doores, being darke 
 night, he commaunded one of his men to take a torche, and 
 to bring this man home to his house. Yet the poet Ion 
 sayeth, that Pericles was a very prowde man, and a stately, 
 and that with his gravity and noble minde, there was mingled 
 a certaine scorne and contempt of other : and contrarilie, he 
 greatly prayseth the civillitie, humanitie, and curtesie of 
 Cimon, bicause he could facion him selfe to all companies. 
 But letting passe that which the poet Ion sayed : who 
 would that vertue should be full of tragicall discipline, 
 bringing in with it, a certaine satyricall discourse to move 
 laughture. Nowe Zennon contrariwise dyd counsell all those, 
 that sayd Pericles gravity was a presumption, and arrogancie: 
 that they should also followe him in his presumption. For, 
 to counterfeate in that sorte things honest and vertuous, 
 doth secretly with time breede an affection and desire to love 
 6 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them, and afterwardes with custome even effectually to use PERICLES 
 
 and followe them. So Pericles by keeping Anaxagoras com- The benefit 
 
 pany, dyd not onely profit him selfe in these things, but he of naturall 
 
 learned besides to put awaye all superstitious feare, of philosophic. 
 
 celestiall signes and impressions seene in the ayer. For to 
 
 those that are ignoraunte of the causes thereof, suche sights 
 
 are terrible, and to the godly also feareful, as if they were 
 
 utterly undone : and all is, bicause they have no certaine 
 
 knowledge of the reason that naturall philosophy yeldeth, 
 
 which in steade of a fearefull superstition, would bring a true 
 
 religion accompanied with assured hope of goodnes. Some 
 
 saye a man brought Pericles one daye from his farme out of 
 
 the countrie, a rammes head that had but one home, and What was 
 
 that the prognosticator Lampon considering this head, that signified by 
 
 had but one strong home in the middest of his forehead, head^at h*ad 
 
 interpreted, that this was the signification thereof. That but one home, 
 
 being two tribes and severall factions in the cittie of Athens and was found 
 
 touching government, the one of Pericles, and the other of in Pericles 
 
 Thucydides : the power of both should be brought into one, g rounde - 
 
 and specially into his parte, in whose house this signe dyd 
 
 happen. Further, it is sayed that Anaxagoras being present, 
 
 dyd cause the rammes head to be cloven in two peces, and 
 
 shewed unto them that stoode by, that the brayne of this 
 
 ramme dyd not fill the panne of his naturall place, but 
 
 inclosed it selfe in all partes, being narrowe like the poynte 
 
 of an egge, in that parte where the home tooke his first 
 
 roote of budding out. So Anaxagoras was marvelously 
 
 esteemed at that present by all those that stoode by : but so 
 
 was Lampon, sone after that Thucydides was driven awaye, 
 
 and that the government of the whole common weale fell 
 
 into the handes of Pericles alone. And it is not to be 
 
 wondred at (in my opinion) that the naturall philosopher 
 
 and the prognosticator dyd rightly mete together in trothe : 
 
 the one directly telling the cause, and the other the ende of 
 
 the event as it fell out. For the profession of the one, is to 
 
 knowe howe it commeth : and of the other, wherefore it 
 
 commeth, and to foretell what it betokeneth. For where 
 
 some saye, that to shewe the cause, is to take awaye the 
 
 signification of the signe : they do not consider that in 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 likened to 
 Pisistratus.' 
 
 Pericles first 
 beginning to 
 deale in the 
 common 
 wealth. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 seeking to abolishe by this reason the wonderfull tokens and 
 signes in the ayer, they doe take awaye those also which are 
 done by arte. As the noyse of basons, the lightes of fyre by 
 the sea side, and the shadowes of nedles or pointes of dyalles 
 in the sunne : all which things are done by some cause and 
 handyworke, to be a signe and token of some thing. But 
 this argument peradventure maye serve better in another 
 booke. And nowe againe to Pericles. Whilest he was yet 
 but a young man, the people stoode in awe of him, bicause 
 he somwhat resembled Pisistratus in his countenaunce : and 
 the auncientest men of the cittie also were muche afeard of his 
 softe voyce, his eloquent tongue, and ready utteraunce, bicause 
 in those he was Pisistratus up and downe. Moreover he was 
 very riche and wealthy, and of one of the noblest families 
 of the cittie, and those were his friendes also that caried 
 the only swaye and authoritie in the state : whereupon, fear- 
 ing least they would banishe him with the banishement of 
 Ostracismon , he would not medle with government in any 
 case, although otherwise he shewed him selfe in warres very 
 valliant and forward, and feared not to venter his persone. 
 But after that Aristides was dead, that Themistocles was 
 driven awaye, and that Cimon being ever in service in the 
 warres as generall in forreine countries, was a long time out 
 of Grece : then he came to leane to the tribe of the poore 
 people, preferring the multitude of the poore communaltie, 
 above the small number of Nobilitie and riche men, the which 
 was directly against his nature. For of him selfe he was not 
 popular, nor meanely geven : but he dyd it (as it should 
 seeme) to avoyde suspition, that he should pretend to make 
 him selfe King. And bicause he sawe Cimon was inclined 
 also to take parte with the Nobilitie, and that he was singu- 
 larly beloved and liked of all the honester sorte : he to the 
 contrarie enclined to the common people, purchasing by this 
 meanes safety to him selfe, and authoritie against Cimon. So 
 he presently beganne a newe course of life, since he had taken 
 upon him to deale in matters of state : for they never sawe 
 him afterwardes at any time goe into the cittie, but to the 
 market place, or to the Senate house. He gave up going 
 to all feastes where he was bidden, and left the entertainment 
 8 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of his friendes, their company and familiaritie. So that in PERICLES 
 all his time wherein he governed the common weale, which To much 
 was a long time, he never went out to supper to any of familiaritie 
 his friendes, unles it were that he was once at a feast treedeth 
 at his nephew Euryptolemus mariage : and then he taried co ^ * 
 there no longer, but while the ceremonie was a doing, when 
 they offer wine to the goddes, and so he rose from the table. 
 
 For these friendly meetings at suche feastes, doe much abase 
 any counterfeate majestie or set countenaunce : and he shall 
 have much a doe to keepe gravity and reputation, shewing 
 familiaritie to every knowen friende in such open places. 
 
 For in perfect vertue, those things truely are ever most 
 excellent, which be most common : and in good and vertuous 
 men there is nothing more admirable unto straungers, then 
 their dayely conversation is to their friendes. Pericles nowe 
 to prevent that the people should not be glutted with seeing 
 him to ofte, nor that they should come much to him : they 
 dyd see him but at some times, and then he would not talke 
 in every matter, neither came muche abroade among them, 
 but reserved him selfe (as Critolaus sayed they kept the Sala- 
 minian galley at Athens) for matters of great importaunce. 
 
 And in the meane season, in other matters of small moment, 
 he delt by meanes of certaine orators his familliar friendes, 
 amongest whom Ephialtes (as they saye) was one : he who Ephialtes an 
 tooke awaye the authoritie and power from the courte of orator. 
 Areopagus, and dyd geve to muche libertie to the people, as 
 Plato sayed. Upon which occasion, as the Comicall poets 
 saye, he became so stowte and head strong, that they could 
 no more holde him backe, then a yomige unbrideled colte : 
 and tooke such a corage upon him, that he would obaye no 
 more, but invaded the lie of Euboea, and set upon the other 
 Ilandes. Pericles also bicause he would facion a phrase of 
 speache, with a kynde of style altogether agreable to the 
 manner of life and gravitie he had taken upon him : he gave 
 him selfe to all matters which he had learned of Anaxagoras, 
 shadowing his reasons of naturall philosophic, with artificial! 
 rethoricke. For having obteined a deepe understanding by 
 studying of philosophic, and a ready waye effectually to 
 ende any matter, he undertoke to prove (besides that nature 
 2 : B 9 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PERICLES had endued him with an excellent witte and capacitie, as the 
 divine Plato doth write, to bring any thing to serve his pur- 
 pose) he dyd so artificially compasse it with eloquence, that 
 he farre passed all the orators in his time. And for this cause 
 Why Pericles was he (as they saye) surnamed Olympius, as muche to saye, 
 was surnamed as heavenly or divine. But some are of opinion he had that 
 Olympius. surname, by reason of the common buildings and stately 
 workes he raysed up in the cittie of Athens, that dyd muche 
 set forth the same. Other thinke it was geven him for his 
 great authoritie and power he had in government, aswell in 
 warres, as in peace. But it is no marvaill that this glorie 
 was geven him, considering the many other qualities and 
 vertues that were in him. Howbeit the comedies the Poetes 
 caused to be played in those times (in which there were many 
 wordes spoken of him, some in earnest, some in sporte and 
 jeast) doe witnesse that he had that surname geven him, 
 chiefly for his eloquence. For it is reported, that he 
 thundered and lightened in his oration to the people, and 
 that his tongue was a terrible lightning. And touching this 
 matter, they tell of an aunswer Thucydides, Milesius sonne, 
 should pleasauntly make concerning the force of Pericles 
 eloquence. Thucydides was a noble man, and had long 
 time contended against Pericles in matters of the common 
 weale. Archidamus, king of Lacedaemon, asked Thucydides 
 on a time : whether he or Pericles wrestled best. Thu- 
 cydides made him aunswer: When I have geven him an 
 open fall before the face of the world, he can so excellently 
 deny it, that he maketh the people beleeve he had no fall at 
 •all, and persuadeth them the contrarie of that they sawe. 
 Notwithstanding he was ever very grave and wise in speaking. 
 For ever when he went up into the pulpit for orations to 
 speake to the people, he made his prayers unto the goddes, 
 that nothing might escape his mouthe, but that he might 
 consider before whether it would serve the purpose of his 
 matter he treated on : yet are there none of his workes 
 extant in writing, unles it be some fewe lawes he made, and 
 but very fewe of his notable sayings are brought to light, 
 Pericles save only these. He sayed on a time that they must take 
 sayings. awaye the cittie of J£gina, bicause it was a strawe lying in the 
 10 
 
 Thucydides, 
 
 Pericles 
 
 adversarie. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 eye of the haven Piraea. And another time, he sayed that 
 he saw the warres a farre of, comming from Peloponnesus. 
 Another time, as he tooke shippe with Sophocles (his com- 
 panion in commission with him as generall of the armie) who 
 commended a fayer young boye they met as they came to 
 the haven : Sophocles, sayed he, a governour must not only 
 have his handes, but also his eyes cleane. And Stesimbrotus 
 writeth, that in a funerall oration he made in the prayse of 
 those that were slaine in the warre of Samos : he sayed they 
 were immortall as the goddes. For we doe not see the 
 goddes (sayed he) as they be, but for the honour that is done 
 to them, and the great happines they enjoy e, we doe con- 
 jecture they are immortall : and the same things are in those 
 that dye in service, and defence of their countrie. Nowe 
 where Thucydides doth write the government of the common 
 weale under Pericles to be as a government of Nobilitie, and 
 yet had apparaunce of a popular state : it is true that in 
 effect it was a Kingdome, bicause one alone dyd rule and 
 go verne the whole state. And many other saye also, he was 
 the first that brought in the custome to devide the enemies 
 landes wonne by conquest among the people, and of the 
 common money to make the people see playes and pastimes, 
 and that appointed them rewarde for all things. But this 
 custome was ill brought up. For the common people that 
 before were contented with litle, and got their living payne- 
 fully with swet of their browes : became nowe to be very 
 vaine, sumptuous, and riotous, by reason of these things 
 brought up then. The cause of the alteration doth easely 
 appeare by those things. For Pericles at his first comming, 
 sought to winne the favour of the people, as we have sayed 
 before, only to get like reputation that Cimon had wonne. 
 But comming farre shorte of his wealthe and abilitie, to carie 
 out the porte and charge that Cimon dyd, entertaining the 
 poore, keeping open house to all commers, clothing poore 
 olde people, breaking open besides all inclosures and pales 
 through all his landes, that every one might with more 
 libertie come in, and take the fruites thereof at their 
 pleasure : and seeing him selfe by these great meanes out 
 gone farre in good will with the common people, by 
 
 11 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 
 common 
 
 wealthe. 
 
 The good 
 deedes of 
 Cimon. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles large 
 distribution 
 diminished 
 the Areopagit 
 authoritie. 
 
 Pericles 
 causeth 
 Cimon to be 
 banished 
 Athens. 
 
 The Ostra- 
 cismon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Demonides counsell and procurement (who was borne in the 
 He of Ios) he brought in this distribution of the common 
 money, as Aristotle writeth. And having wonne in a shorte 
 time the favour and good will of the common people, by 
 distribution of the common treasure, which he caused to be 
 devided among them, aswell to have place to see these playes, 
 as for that they had rewarde to be present at the judgementes, 
 and by other suche like corruptions : he with the peoples 
 helpe, dyd invey against the courte of the Areopagites, 
 wherof he never was any member. For it never came to be 
 his happe to be yerely governour, nor keeper of the lawes, 
 nor King of the sacrifices, nor master of the warres: all 
 which were offices chosen in auncient time by lot. And 
 further, those on whom the lot fell, if they had behaved 
 them selves well in their office, they were called forwards, and 
 raised to be of the bodie of this courte of the Areopa- 
 gites. Pericles nowe by these meanes having obteined great 
 credit and authoritie amongest the common people, he 
 troubled the Senate of the Areopagites in suche sorte, that he 
 pluckt many matters from their hearing, by Ephialtes helpe : 
 and in time made Cimon to be banished Athens, as one that 
 favored the Lacedaemonians, and contraried the common 
 weal the and authoritie of the people. Notwithstanding he 
 was the noblest and richest persone of all the cittie, and one 
 that had wonne so many glorious victories, and had so re- 
 plenished Athens with the conquered spoyles of their enemies, 
 as we have declared in his life : so great was the authoritie 
 of Pericles amongest the people. Nowe the banishment 
 wherewith he was punished (which they called Ostracismon ) 
 was limited by the lawe for tenne yeres. In which space the 
 Lacedaemonians being come downe with a great armie into 
 the countrie of Tanagra, the Athenians sent out their power 
 presently against them. There Cimon willing to shewe the 
 Athenians by his deedes, that they had falsely accused him 
 for favoring the Lacedaemonians : dyd arme him self, and 
 went on his country mens side, to fight in the companie of 
 his tribe. But Pericles friends gathered together, and forced 
 Cimon to departe thence as a banished man. And this was 
 the cause that Pericles fought that daye more valliantly then 
 12 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 ever he dyd, and he wanne the honour and name to have PERICLES 
 done more in the persone of him selfe that daye, then any 
 other of all the armie. At that battell also, all Cimons 
 friends, whom Pericles had burdened likewise to favour the 
 Lacedaemonians doings, dyed every man of them that daye. 
 
 Then the Athenians repented them much that they had 
 
 driven Cimon away, and wished he were restored, after they 
 
 had lost this battell upon the confines of the countrie of 
 
 Attica : bicause they feared sharpe warres would come upon 
 
 them againe at the next spring. Which thing when Pericles 
 
 perceyved, he sought also to further that the common people 
 
 desired : wherefore he straight caused a decree to be made, 
 
 that Cimon should be called home againe, which was done Pericles 
 
 accordingly. Now when Cimon was returned, he advised that jalleth Cimon 
 
 peace should be made betwene both citties : for the Lacedae- rom exi e * 
 
 monians dyd love Cimon very well, and contrarily they hated 
 
 Pericles, and all other govemours. Some notwithstanding 
 
 doe write, that Pericles dyd never passe his consent to call 
 
 him home againe, before suche time as they had made a 
 
 secret agreement amongest them selves (by meanes of Elpinice 
 
 Cimons sister) that Cimon should be sent out with an armie 
 
 of two hundred galleys, to make warres in the king of Persia 
 
 his dominions, and that Pericles should remaine at home with 
 
 the authoritie of government within the cittie. This Elpinice 
 
 (Cimons sister) had once before intreated Pericles for her 
 
 brother, at such time as he was accused before the judge of 
 
 treason. Por Pericles was one of the committees, to whom 
 
 this accusation was referred by the people. Elpinice went 
 
 unto him, and besought him not to doe his worst unto her 
 
 brother. Pericles aunswered her merilie : Thou art to old 
 
 Elpinice, thou art to olde, to goe through with these matters. 
 
 Yet when his matter came to judgement, and that his cause 
 was pleaded : he rose but once to speake against him (for his 
 owne discharge as it were) and went his waye when he had 
 sayed, doing lesse hurte to Cimon, then any other of his Pericles 
 accusers. How is Idomeneus to be credited nowe, who moderation 
 accuseth Pericles that he had caused the orator Ephialtes to unt0 imon ‘ 
 be slaine by treason (that was his friende, and dyd allwayes 
 counsell him, and take his parte in all kinde of government 
 
 13 
 
PERICLES 
 
 The murther 
 of Ephialtes. 
 
 Thucydides 
 Pericles ad- 
 versary in the 
 common 
 wealth. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of the common weale) only for the jealousie and envie he dyd 
 beare to his glorie ? I can but muse why Idomeneus should 
 speake so slaunderously against Pericles, unles it were that 
 his melancholy humour procured suche violent speache : who 
 though peradventure he was not altogether blameles, yet he 
 was ever nobly minded, and had a naturall desire of honour, 
 in which kinde of men such furious cruell passions are seldome 
 seene to breede. But this orator Ephialtes being cruell to 
 those that tooke parte with the Nobilitie, bicause he would 
 spare nor pardone no man for any offence whatsoever com- 
 mitted against the peoples authoritie, but dyd followe and 
 persecute them with all rigour to the uttermost : his enemies 
 layed waite for him by meanes of one Aristodicus Tanagrian, 
 and they killed him by treason, as Aristotle writeth. In the 
 meane time Cimon dyed in the He of Cyprus, being generall 
 of the armie of the Athenians by sea. Wherefore those that 
 tooke parte with the Nobilitie, seeing Pericles was nowe 
 growen very great, and that he went before all other cittizens 
 of Athens, thincking it good to have some one to sticke on 
 their side against him, and to lessen thereby somewhat his 
 authoritie, that he might not come to rule all as he would : 
 they raised up against him, one Thucydides, of the towne of 
 Alopecia, a grave wise man, and father in lawe to Cimon. 
 This Thucydides had lesse skill of warres then Cimon, but 
 understoode more in civill government then he, for that he 
 remained most parte of his time within the cittie : where 
 continually invaying against Pericles in his pulpit for ora- 
 tions to the people, in shorte time he had stirred up a like 
 companie against the faction of Pericles. For he kept the 
 gentlemen and richer sorte (which they call Nobilitie) from 
 mingling with the common people, as they were before, when 
 through the multitude of the commons their estate and 
 dignitie was abscured, and troden under foote. Moreover he 
 dyd separate them from the people, and dyd assemble them 
 all as it were into one bodie, who came to be of equall power 
 with the other faction, and dyd put (as a man will saye) a 
 counterpease into the bal lance. For at the beginning there 
 was but a litle secret grudge only betwene these two factions, 
 as an artificiall flower set in the blade of a sworde, which 
 14 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 made those shewe a title, that dyd leane unto the people : PERICLES 
 and the other also somwhat that favored the Nobilitie. But 
 the contention betwene these two persones, was as a deepe 
 cut, which devided the cittie wholy in two factions : of the 
 which the one was called the Nobilitie, and the other the 
 communaltie. Therefore Pericles geving yet more libertie 
 unto the people, dyd all things that might be to please them, 
 ordeining continuall playes and games in the cittie, many 
 feastes, banckets, and open pastimes to entertaine the com- 
 mons with suche honest pleasures and devises : and besides 
 all this, he sent yerely an armie of three score gallyes unto 
 the warres, into the which he put a great number of poore 
 cittizens that tooke paye of the state for nine moneths of the 
 yere, and thereby they dyd learne together, and practise to 
 be good sea men. Furthermore he sent into the countrie 
 of Cherronesus, a thousand free men of the cittie to dwell 
 there, and to devide the landes amongest them : five hundred 
 also into the He of Naxos : into the lie of Andros, two hun- 
 dred and fiftie : into Thracia, a thousand to dwell with the 
 Bisaltes : and other also into Italie, when the cittie of Sybaris 
 was built againe, which afterwardes was surnamed the cittie of 
 the Thurians. All this he dyd to ryd the cittie of a number A politicke 
 of idle people, who through idlenes beganne to be curious, care for idle 
 and to desire chaunge of things, as also to provide for the P ersones * 
 necessitie of the poore townes men that had nothing. For, 
 placing the naturall cittizens of Athens neere unto their sub- 
 jects and friendes, they served as a garrison to keepe them 
 under, and dyd suppresse them also from attempting any 
 alteration or chaunge. But that which deliteth most, and 
 is the greatest ornament unto the cittie of Athens, which 
 maketh straungers most to wonder, and which alone doth 
 bring sufficient testimonie, to confirme that which is reported 
 of the auncient power, riches, and great wealthe of Grece, 
 to be true and not false : are the stately and sumptuous Sumptuous 
 buildings, which Pericles made to be built in the cittie of buildings 
 Athens. For it is the only acte of all other Pericles dyd, erected by 
 and which made his enemies most to spight him, and which 1 enc es ‘ 
 they most accused him for, crying out upon him in all coun- 
 sailles and assemblies : that the people of Athens were openly 
 
 15 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PERICLES defamed, for carying awaye the ready money of all Grece, 
 which was left in the He of Delos to be safely kept there. 
 And although they could with good honestie have excused 
 this facte, saying that Pericles had taken it from them, for 
 feare of the Barbarous people, to the ende to laye it up in a 
 more stronger place, where it should be in better safetie : yet 
 was this to overgreat an injurie offered unto all the rest of 
 Grece, and to manifest a token of tyrannie also, to beholde 
 before their eyes, howe we doe employe the money, which they 
 were inforced to gather for the maintenaunce of the warres 
 against the barbarous people, in gilding, building, and setting 
 forth our cittie, like a glorious woman, all to be gawded with 
 golde and precious stones, and howe we doe make images, and 
 build up temples of wonderfull and infinite charge. Pericles 
 replied to the contrarie, and declared unto the Athenians 
 that they were not bounde to make any accompt of this money 
 unto their friendes and allies, considering that they fought 
 for their safety, and that they kept the barbarous people 
 farre from Grece, without troubling them to set out any one 
 man, horse, or shippe of theirs, the money only excepted, 
 which is no more theirs that payed it, then theirs that 
 receyved it, so they bestowe it to that use they receyved it 
 for. And their cittie being already very well furnished, 
 and provided of all things necessary for the warres, it was 
 good reason they should employe and bestowe the surplus of 
 the treasure in things, which in time to come (and being 
 throughly finished) would make their fame eternall. More- 
 over he sayed that whilest they continue building, they should 
 be presently riche, by reason of the diversitie of workes of 
 all sortes, and other things which they should have neede of : 
 and to compasse these things the better, and to set them in 
 hande, all manner of artificers and worke men (that would 
 labour) should be set a worke. So should all the townes 
 men, and inhabitants of the cittie, receyve paye and wages of 
 the common treasure : and the cittie by this meanes should be 
 greatly beawtified, and muche more able to mainteine it selfe. 
 For suche as were stronge, and able men of bodie, and of 
 yeres to carie weapon, had paye and entertainment of the 
 common wealthe, which were sent abroade unto the warres : 
 
 16 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and other that were not meete for warres, as craftes men, 
 and labourers : he would also they should have parte of the 
 common treasure, but not without they earned it, and by 
 doing somwhat. And this was his reason, and the cause 
 that made him occupie the common people with great build- 
 ings, and devises of works of divers occupations, which could 
 not be finished of long time : to the ende that the cittizens 
 remaining at home, might have a meane and waye to take 
 parte of the common treasure, and enriche them selves, 
 aswell as those that went to the warres, and served on the 
 sea, or els that laye in garrison to keepe any place or forte. 
 For some gayned by bringing stuffe : as stones, brasse, y vory, 
 gold, ebbany, and cypres. Other got, to worke and facion 
 it : as carpinters, gravers, fownders, casters of images, masons, 
 hewers of stone, dyers, goldsmithes, joyners working in 
 yvorie, painters, men that set in sundrie cullers of peces of 
 stone or wodde, and turners. Other gayned to bring stuffe, 
 and to furnishe them : as marchaunts, mariners, and shippe- 
 masters, for things they brought them by sea. And by 
 lande other got also : as carte makers, cariers, carters, corde 
 makers, sadlers, coller-makers, and pyoners to make wayes 
 plaine, and miners, and such like. Furthermore, every 
 science and crafte, as a captaine having souldiers, had also 
 their armie of the worke men that served them, labouring 
 truely for their living, who served as prentises and jorney 
 men under the workemasters : so the worke by this meanes 
 dyd disperse abroade a common gayne to all sortes of people 
 and ages, what occupation or trade soever they had. And 
 thus came the buildings to rise in greatnes and sumptuous- 
 nes, being of excellent workemanshippe, and for grace and 
 beawtie not comparable : bicause every workeman in his 
 science dyd strive what he could to excell others, to make 
 his worke appeare greatest in sight, and to be most worke- 
 manly done in showe. But the greatest thing to be woundred 
 at, was their speede and diligence. For where every man 
 thought those workes were not likely to be finished in many 
 mens lives and ages, and from man to man : they were all 
 done and finished, whilest one only govemour continued still 
 in credit and authoritie. And yet they saye, that in the 
 2:C 17 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Divers 
 artificers 
 at Athens. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PERICLES same time, as one Agatarchus boasted him self, that he 
 had quickly painted certen beastes : Zeuxis another painter 
 hearing him, aunswered : And I contrarilie doe rejoy ce, 
 that I am a long time in drawing of them. For commonly 
 slight and sodaine drawing of any thing, cannot take deepe 
 cullers, nor geve perfect beawty to the worke : but length of 
 time, adding to the painters diligence and labour in making 
 of the worke, maketh the cullers to continue for ever. For 
 this cause therefore the workes Pericles made, are more 
 wonderfull : bicause they were perfectly made in so shorte 
 a time, and have continued so long a season. For every 
 one of those which were finished up at that time, seemed 
 then to be very auncient touching the beawtie thereof : and 
 yet for the grace and continuance of the same, it looketh at 
 this daye as if it were but newly done and finished, there is 
 suche a certaine kynde of fiorishing freshnes in it, which 
 letteth that the injurie of time cannot impaire the sight 
 thereof : As if every one of those foresaid workes, had some 
 living spirite in it, to make it seeme young and freshe : and 
 a soule that lived ever, which kept them in their good con- 
 tinuing state. Now the chief survey our generall of all these 
 workes, was Phidias, albeit that there were many other ex- 
 cellent worke masters in every science and occupation. For 
 the temple of Pallas, which is called Parthenon (as a man 
 would saye, the temple of the virgine, and is surnamed 
 Hecatompedon, for that it is a hundred foote every waye) 
 was built by Ictinus, and Callicrates: and the chappell of 
 Eleusin (where the secret ceremonies of the mysteries were 
 made) was first founded by Coraebus, who raised up the first 
 pillers in order, standing beneath on the ground, and dyd 
 set them up unto the master chaptrells. But after he was 
 dead, Metagenes, borne in the towne of Xypeta, turned the 
 arches over, and then dyd set the pillers in order also which 
 are above : and Xenocles of the towne of Cholargea, was he 
 that made the lanterne or toppe of the steeple which covereth 
 the sanctuarie: but the long wall which Socrates heard 
 Pericles him selfe geve order for the building of it, was 
 done by Callicrates, who undertooke the worke. Cratinus 
 the Poet, in a comedie he made, laugheth at this worke, 
 18 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to see how slowly it went forward, and how long it was 
 a doing, saying : 
 
 Pericles long a goe, dyd ende this worke begonne : 
 and build it highe, with glorious wordes, if so it had bene done. 
 
 And as for deedes (in dede) he built nothing at all, 
 
 but let it stande : as yet it stands, much liker for to fall. 
 
 And as for the Theater or place appointed for musicke, 
 where they heare all musitians playe, and is called Odeon : 
 it is very well made within with divers seates and degrees, 
 and many ranges of pillers, but the toppe of the roofe is 
 altogether rounde, which is somwhat hanging downeward 
 round about of it selfe, comming together into one pointe. 
 And it is sayed that this was made after the patterne and 
 facion of king Xerxes royall pavilion, and that Pericles was 
 the first deviser and maker of it. Wherefore Cratinus in 
 another place of his comedie he maketh of the Thracians, 
 doth playe very pretily upon him, saying : 
 
 Pericles here doth come, Dan Iupiter surnamed, 
 
 (and onyons hed) which hath in his great noddell finely framed, 
 
 The plot of Odeon, when he delivered was 
 
 from banishment, and daungers deepe, wherein he long dyd passe. 
 
 Pericles was the first that made marvelous earnest labour 
 to the people that they would make an order, that on the 
 daye of the feast called Panathenaea, they would set up 
 games for musicke. And he him selfe being chosen ruler 
 of these games, as judge to rewarde the best deserver: 
 ordained the manner the musitians should ever after keepe 
 in their singing, playing on their flutes, or upon the citherne, 
 or other instruments of musicke. So the first games that 
 ever were for musicke, were kept within the Odeon : and 
 so were the other after them also, ever celebrated there. 
 The gate and entring into the castell was made and finished 
 within the space of five yeres, under the charge of Mnesicles, 
 that was master of the workes. And whilest these gates were 
 a building, there happened a wonderfull chaunce, which de- 
 clared very well that the goddesse Minerva dyd not mislike 
 the building, but that it pleased her marvelously. For one 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 The Odeon. 
 
 Pericles 
 erected games 
 for musicke. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 The Poets 
 raise up 
 slaunders 
 against 
 Pericles. 
 
 of the most painefullest workemen that wrought there, fell 
 by mischaunce from the height of the castell to the grounde, 
 which fall dyd so sore broose him, and he was so sicke with 
 all, that the phisitians and surgeons had no hope of his life. 
 Pericles being very sorie for his mischaunce, the goddesse 
 appeared to him in his sleepe in the night, and taught him 
 a medicine, with the which he dyd easely heale the poore 
 broosed man, and that in shorte time. And this was the 
 occasion why he caused the image of the goddesse Minerva 
 (otherwise called of healthe) to be cast in brasse, and set up 
 within the temple of the castell, neere unto the altar which 
 was there before, as they saye. But the golden image of 
 Minerva was made by Phidias, and graven round about the 
 base : Who had the charge in manner of all other workes, 
 and by reason of the good will Pericles bare him, he com- 
 maunded all the other workemen. And this made the one 
 to be greatly envied, and the other to be very ill spoken of. 
 For their enemies gave it out abroad, that Phidias receyved 
 the gentlewomen of the cittie into his house, under culler 
 to goe see his workes, and dyd convey them to Pericles. 
 Upon this brute, the Comicall poets taking occasion, dyd 
 cast out many slaunderous speaches against Pericles, accus- 
 ing him that he kept one Menippus wife, who was his friend 
 and lieutenante in the warres : and burdened him further, 
 that Pyrilampes, one of his familiar friends also, brought up 
 fowle, and specially peacoks, which he secretly sent unto the 
 women that Pericles kept. But we must not wonder at 
 these Satyres, that make profession to speake slaunderously 
 against all the worlde, as it were to sacrifice the injuries and 
 wronges they cast upon honorable and good men, to the 
 spight and envie of the people, as unto wicked spirites : 
 considering that Stesimbrotus Thasian durst falsely accuse 
 Pericles of detestable incest, and of abusing his owne 
 sonnes wife. And this is the reason, in my opinion, why 
 it is so hard a matter to come to the perfect knowledge 
 of the trothe of auncient things, by the monuments of 
 historiographers : considering long processe of time, doth 
 utterly obscure the trothe of matters, done in former 
 times. For every written historie speaking of men that are 
 20 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 alive, and of the time of things, whereof it maketh mention : PERICLES 
 somtime for hate and envie, somtime for favour or flatterie, 
 doth disguise and corrupt the trothe. But Pericles perceyv- 
 ing that the orators of Thucydides faction, in their common 
 orations dyd still crie out upon him, that he dyd vainely 
 waste and consume the common treasure, and that he be- 
 stowed upon the workes, all the whole revenue of the cittie : 
 one daye when the people were assembled together, before 
 them all he asked them, if they thought that the coste 
 bestowed were to muche. The people aunswered him : A 
 great deale to muche. Well, said he then, the charges shalbe The noble 
 mine (if you thinke good) and none of yours : provided that saying of 
 no mans name be written upon the workes, but mine onely. P eric l es - 
 When Pericles had sayed so, the people cried out alowde, 
 they would none of that (either bicause that they wondred 
 at the greatnes of his minde, or els for that they would not 
 geve him the only honour and prayse to have done so sump- 
 tuous and stately workes) but willed him that he should see 
 them ended at the common charges, without sparing for any 
 coste. But in the end, falling out openly with Thucydides, 
 and putting it to an adventure which of them should banishe 
 other, with the banishment of Ostracismon : Pericles got the 
 upper hand, and banished Thucydides out of the cittie, and Thucydides 
 therewithal! also overthrewe the contrarie faction against banished by 
 him. Now when he had rooted out all factions, and brought l enc es ' 
 the cittie againe to unitie and concorde, he founde then the 
 whole power of Athens in his handes, and all the Athenians Pericles 
 matters at his disposing. And having all the treasure, power, 
 armour, gallyes, the lies, and the sea, and a marvelous 
 seigniorie and Kingdome (that dyd enlarge it selfe partely 
 over the Grecians, and partely over the barbarous people) so 
 well fortified and strengthened with the obedience of nations 
 subject unto them, with the friendshippe of Kings, and with 
 the alliance of divers other Princes and mightie Lords : 
 then from that time forward he beganne to chaunge his 
 manners, and from that he was wont to be toward the Pericles som- 
 people, and not so easely to graunt to all the peoples willes what altereth 
 and desires, no more then as it were to contrarie windes. ttwconumm 
 Furthermore he altered his over gentle and popular manner 
 
PERICLES 
 
 The force of 
 eloquence. 
 
 Pericles 
 commended 
 for his good 
 life and 
 worthines. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of government which he used untill that time, as to delicate 
 and to effeminate an harmonie of musike, and dyd convert it 
 unto an imperious government, or rather to a kingly author- 
 ise: but yet held still a direct course, and kept him self 
 ever upright without fault, as one that dyd, sayed, and 
 counselled that, which was most expedient for the common 
 weale. He many times brought on the people by persuasions 
 and reasons, to be willing to graunt that he preferred unto 
 them : but many times also, he drave them to it by force, 
 and made them against their willes doe that, which was best 
 for them. Following therein the devise of a wise phisitian : 
 who in a long and chaungeable disease, doth graunt his 
 pacient somtime to take his pleasure of a thing he liketh, 
 but yet after a moderate sorte: and another time also he 
 doth geve him a sharpe or bitter medicine that doth vexe 
 him, though it heale him. For as it falleth out commonly 
 unto people that enjoye so great an empire : many times 
 misfortunes doe chaunce, that fill them full of sundrie 
 passions, the which Pericles alone could finely steere and 
 governe with two principall rudders, feare, and hope : bridel- 
 ing with the one, the fierce and insolent rashenes of the 
 common people in prosperitie, and with the other comforting 
 their grief and discoragement in adversitie. Wherein he 
 manifestly proved, that rethorike and eloquence (as Plato 
 sayeth) is an arte which quickeneth mens spirites at her 
 pleasure, and her chiefest skill is, to knowe howe to move 
 passions and affections throughly, which are as stoppes and 
 soundes of the soule, that would be played upon with a fine 
 fingered hand of a conning master. All which, not the force 
 of his eloquence only brought to passe, as Thucydides wit- 
 nesseth : but the reputation of his life, and the opinion and 
 confidence they had of his great worthines, bicause he would 
 not any waye be corrupted with gifts, neither had he any 
 covetousnes in him. For, when he had brought his cittie 
 not onely to be great, but exceeding great and wealthy, and 
 had in power and authoritie exceeded many Kings and 
 tyrannes, yea even those which by their willes and testa- 
 ments might have left great possessions to their children : he 
 never for all that increased his fathers goodes and patrimonie 
 22 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 left him, the value of a grote in silver. And yet the historio- 
 grapher Thucydides doth set forth plainely enough, the 
 greatnes of his power. And the Comicall poets also of that 
 time doe reporte it maliciously under covert words, calling 
 his familiar friends, the newe Pisistratides : saying, howe 
 they must make him sweare and protest he would never be 
 King, geving us thereby to understand, that his authoritie 
 was to exceeding great for a popular government. And 
 Teleclides (amongest other) sayeth that the Athenians had 
 put into his hands the revenue of the townes and citties 
 under their obedience, and the townes them selves, to binde 
 the one, and to lose the other, and to pull downe their 
 walles, or to build them againe at his pleasure. They gave 
 him power, to make peace and alliance : they gave all their 
 force, treasure, and authoritie, and all their goodes, wholy 
 into his handes. But this was not for a litle while, nor in a 
 geere of favour, that should continue for a time : but this 
 helde out fortie yeres together, he being allwayes the chief 
 of his cittie amongest the Ephialtes, the Leocrates, the 
 Mironides, the Cimons, the Tolmides, and the Thucydides. 
 For after he had prevailed against Thucydides, and had 
 banished him : he yet remained chief above all other, the 
 space of fifteene yeres. Thus having atteined a regall 
 dignitie to commaunde all, which continued as aforesaid, 
 where no other captaines authoritie endured but one yere : 
 he ever kept him selfe upright from bribes and money, 
 though otherwise he was no ill husband, and could warely 
 looke to his owne. As for his landes and goodes left him by 
 his parents, that they miscaried not by negligence, nor that 
 they should trouble him much, in busying him self to reduce 
 them to a value : he dyd so husband them, as he thought 
 was his best and easiest waye. For he solde in grosse ever 
 the whole yeres profit and commoditie of his landes, and 
 afterwardes sent to the market daylie to buye the cates, and 
 other ordinarie provision of housholde. This dyd not like 
 his sonnes that were men growen, neither were his women 
 contented with it, who would have had him more liberall in 
 his house, for they complained of his overhard and straight 
 ordinarie, bicause in so noble and great a house as his, there 
 
 23 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Pericles free 
 from giftes 
 taking. 
 
 Pericles good 
 husbandrie. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Anaxagoras 
 a mathemati- 
 cian. 
 
 Great diver- 
 sitie betwext 
 contemplative 
 and civill life. 
 
 Anaxagoras 
 determined 
 to famish him 
 self to death. 
 
 Anaxagoras 
 saying to 
 Pericles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 was never any great remaine left of meate, but all things 
 receyved into the house, ranne under accompt, and were 
 delivered out by proportion. All this good husbandrie of 
 his, was kept upright in this good order, by one Evangelus, 
 Steward of his house, a man very honest and skillfull in 
 ordering his householde provision : and whether Pericles had 
 brought him up to it, or that he had it by nature, it was 
 not knowen. But these things were farre contrarie to Anaxa- 
 goras wisedome. For he despising the world, and casting 
 his affection on heavenly things : dyd willingly forsake his 
 house, and suffered all his lande to ronne to layes and to 
 pasture. But (in my opinion) great is the diversitie betwene 
 a contemplative life, and a civill life. For the one em- 
 ployeth all his time upon the speculation of good and honest 
 things : and to attaine to that, he thinketh he hath no neede 
 of any exteriour helpe or instrument. The other applying 
 all his time upon vertue, to the common profit and benefit 
 of men : he thinketh that he needeth riches, as an instru- 
 ment not only necessarie, but also honest. As, looke upon 
 the example of Pericles : who dyd relieve many poore people. 
 And Anaxagoras specially among other : of whom it is re- 
 ported, that Pericles being occupied about matters of state 
 at that time, having no leysure to thinke upon Anaxagoras, 
 he seeing him selfe old and forsaken of the world, layed him 
 downe, and covered his head close, determining to starve 
 him selfe to death with hunger. Pericles understanding 
 this, ranne presently to him as a man halfe cast awaye, and 
 prayed him as earnestly as he could, that he would dispose 
 him selfe to live, being not only sorie for him, but for him 
 selfe also, that he should lose so faithfull and wise a coun- 
 seller, in matters of state and government. Then Anaxa- 
 goras shewed his face, and tolde him : O Pericles, those that 
 will see by the light of a lampe, must put oyle to it, to make 
 the light bume. Now beganne the Lacedaemonians to growe 
 jealous, of the greatnes of the Athenians, wherefore Pericles 
 to make the Athenians hartes greater, and to drawe their 
 mindes to great enterprises : set downe an order they should 
 send ambassadours, to persuade all the Grecians (in what 
 part soever they dwelt in Europe, or Asia, aswell the litle 
 24 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 as the great citties) to send their deputies unto Athens, to PERICLES 
 the generall assembly that should be holden there, to take Pericles 
 order for the temples of the goddes which the barbarous appointeth 
 people had burnt, and touching the sacrifices they had comicdl^o 
 vowed for the preservation of Grece, when they gave j, e h 0 i den 
 battell upon them : and touching sea matters also, that at Athens, 
 every man might sayle in safetie where he would, and that 
 all might live together in good peace and love, one with 
 another. To performe this commission, twenty persones 
 were sent of this embasiate, every one of them being fiftie 
 yeres of age and upward. Whereof five of them went to 
 the Dorians, dwelling in Asia, and to the inhabitants of the 
 lies, even unto the lies of Lesbos, and of the Rhodes. Five 
 other went through all the country of Hellespont, and of 
 Thracia, unto the cittie of Bizantium. Other five were 
 commaunded to goe into Boeotia, into Phocides, and 
 through all Peloponnesus, and from thence by the countrie 
 of the Locrians, into the uplande countrie adjoyning to 
 it, untill they came into the country of Acarnania, and of 
 Ambracia. And the other five went first into the He of 
 Euboea, and from thence unto the (Etaeians, and through 
 all the gulfe of Malea, unto the Phtiotes, unto the Achaians, 
 and the Thessalians : declaring to all the people where they 
 came, the Athenians commission, persuading them to send 
 unto Athens, and to be present at the councell which should 
 be holden there, for the pacification and union of all Grece. 
 
 But when all came to all, nothing was done, and the sayed 
 citties of Grece dyd not assemble, by practise of the Lace- 
 daemonians (as it is reported) who were altogether the let : 
 for the first refusall that was made of their summons, was at 
 Peloponnesus. This have I written to make Pericles noble 
 corage to be knowen, and howe profounde a wise man he 
 shewed him selfe unto the world. Furthermore, when he 
 was chosen generall in the warres, he was much esteemed, 
 bicause he ever tooke great regarde to the safetie of his Pericles loved 
 souldiers. For by his good will he would never hazard j^ e saft y. of 
 battell, which he sawe might fall out doubtfull, or in any w ^ n ^ n 111 
 thing daungerous : and moreover, he never praysed them 
 for good generalls, neither would he followe them that had 
 2 : D 25 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PERICLES obteined great victories by hazard, howsoever other dyd 
 esteeme or commend them. For he was wont to saye, that 
 if none but him self dyd leade them to the shambles, as much 
 as laye in him, they should be immortall. And when he 
 sawe Tolmides, the sonne of Tolmaeus (trusting to his former 
 victories, and the praise and commendation of his good 
 service) dyd prepare upon no occasion, and to no puroose, 
 to enter into the countrie of Boeotia, and had procured also 
 a thousand of the lustiest and most valliant men of the 
 cittie, to be contented to goe with him in that jomey, over 
 and above the rest of the armie he had leavied : he went 
 about to turne him from his purpose, and to keepe him at 
 home, by many persuasions he used to him before the peoples 
 face, and spake certen wordes at that time, that were remem- 
 bred long after, and these they were. That if he would not 
 Time, the best belecve Pericles counsell, yet that he would tarie time at the 
 counseller. least, which is the wisest counseller of men. These wordes 
 were pretilie liked at that present time. But 'with in fewe 
 dayes after, when newes was brought that Tolmides selfe was 
 slaine in a battell he had lost, neere unto the cittie of Coronea, 
 wherein perished also, many other honest and valliant men of 
 Athens : his wordes spoken before, dyd then greatly increase 
 Pericles reputation and good will with the common people, 
 bicause he was taken for a wise man, and one that loved his 
 cittizens. But of all his jorneis he made, being generall over 
 the armie of the Athenians : the jomey of Cherronesus was 
 best thought of and esteemed, bicause it fell out to the 
 great benefit and preservation of all the Grecians inhabiting 
 in that countrie. For besides that he brought thither a 
 thousand cittizens of Athens to dwell there (in which doing 
 he strengthened the citties with so many good men) he dyd 
 fortifie the barre also, which dyd let it from being of an He, 
 with a fortification he drue from one sea to another: for 
 that he defended the countrie against all the invasions and 
 piracies of the Thracians inhabiting thereabouts, and de- 
 livered it of extreme warre, with the which it was plagued 
 before, by the barbarous people their neighbours, or dwelling 
 amongest them, who only lived upon piracie, and robbing on 
 the seas. So was he likewise much honored and esteemed of 
 26 
 
 Tolmides 
 slaine in 
 the field. 
 
 Pericles 
 
 jorneyes 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 straungers, when he dyd environne all Peloponnesus, depart- 
 ing out of the haven of Peges, on the coast of Megara, with 
 a fleete of a hundred gaily es. For he dyd not only spoyle 
 the townes all alongest the sea side, as Tolmides had done 
 before him : but going up further into the mayne lande, 
 farre from the sea, with his souldiers he had in the gallyes, 
 he drave some of them to retire within their walles, he made 
 them so affrayed of him : and in the countrie of Nemea, he 
 overcame the Sicyonians in battell, that taried him in the 
 field, and dyd erect a piller for a notable marke of his victorie. 
 And imbarking in his shippes a newe supply of souldiers which 
 he tooke up in Achaia, being friends with the Athenians 
 at that time : he passed over to the firme lande that laye 
 directly against it. And pointing beyond the mouth of the 
 river of Achelous, he invaded the countrie of Acarnania, 
 where he shut up the (Eneades within their walles. And 
 after he had layed waste and destroyed all the champion 
 countrie, he returned home againe to Athens : having shewed 
 him selfe in this jorney, a dreadfull captaine to his enemies, 
 and very carefull for the safety of his souldiers. For there 
 fell out no manner of misfortune all this jorney (by chaunce 
 or otherwise) unto the souldiers under his charge. And 
 afterwardes, going with a great navie marvelous well ap- 
 pointed unto the realme of Pontus, he dyd there gentily 
 use and intreate the citties of Grece, and graunted them all 
 that they required of him : making the barbarous people 
 inhabiting thereabouts, and the Kings and Princes of the 
 same also, to know the great force and power of the 
 Athenians, who sailed without feare all about where they 
 thought good, keeping all the coastes of the sea under their 
 obedience. Furthermore, he left with the Sinopians thirteene 
 gallyes, with certen number of souldiers under captaine 
 Lamachus, to defend them against the tyranne Timesileus : 
 who being expulsed, and driven awaye, with those of his 
 faction, Pericles caused proclamation to be made at Athens, 
 that sixe hundred free men of the cittie, that had any desire 
 to goe, without compulsion, might goe dwell at Sinopa, where 
 they should have devided among them, the goodes and landes 
 of the tyranne and his followers. But he dyd not followe the 
 
 27 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Achelous fl. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 would not 
 followe the 
 covetousnes 
 of the people. 
 
 The enter- 
 prise of 
 Sicilia. 
 
 Pericles an 
 enemie to 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 foolishe vaine humours of his cittizens, nor would not yeld to 
 their unsatiable covetousnes, who being set on a jolitie to see 
 them selves so strong, and of suche a power, and besides, 
 to have good lucke, would needes once againe attempt to 
 conquer Egypt, and to revolte all the countries upon the 
 sea coastes, from the empire of the king of Persia : for there 
 were many of them whose mindes were marvelously bent to 
 attempt the unfortunate enterprise of entering Sicilia, which 
 Alcibiades afterwardes dyd muche pricke forward. And 
 some of them dreamed besides, of the conquest of Thuscan, 
 and the empire of Carthage. But this was not altogether 
 without some likelyhood, nor without occasion of hope, 
 considering the large boundes of their Kingdome, and the 
 fortunate estate of their affayres, which fell out according 
 to their owne desire. But Pericles dyd hinder this going 
 out, and cut of altogether their curious desire, employing 
 the most parte of their power and force, to keepe that they 
 had already gotten : judging it no small matter to keepe 
 downe the Lacedaemonians from growing greater. For he 
 was allwayes an enemie to the Lacedaemonians, as he shewed 
 him selfe in many things, but specially in the warre he made, 
 called the holy warre. For the Lacedaemonians having put 
 the Phocians from the charge of the temple of Apollo, in the 
 cittie of Delphes, which they had usurped, and having re- 
 stored the Delphians againe unto the same : so sone as they 
 were gone thence, Pericles went also with another armie, and 
 restored the Phocians in again. And where as the Lace- 
 daemonians had caused to be graven in the forehead of a 
 woulfe of brasse, the priviledge the Delphians had graunted 
 them, to be the first that should make their demaundes of 
 the oracle : he having atteined the like priviledge of the 
 Phocians, made his image also to be graven on the right 
 side of the same image, of the brasen woulfe. Nowe howe 
 wisely Pericles dyd governe Grece by the power of the 
 Athenians, his deedes doe plainely she we. For, first of 
 
 all, the countrie of Euboea dyd rebell, against whom he 
 brought the armie of the Athenians. And sodainely in 
 the necke of that, came newes from another coaste, that the 
 Megarians also were in armes against them ; and howe that 
 28 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they were already entered into the countrie of Attica with a 
 great armie, led by Plistonax, king of Lacedaemon. This 
 occasion drewe him homeward againe, and so he marched 
 backe with speede into his countrie, to make preparation to 
 encounter his enemies, that were already entered into the 
 territories of Attica. He durst not offer them battell, being 
 so great a number of valliant souldiers: but hearing that 
 king Plistonax was yet but a young man, and was ruled 
 altogether by Cleandrides counsell and direction (whom the 
 Ephores had placed about him to counsell and direct him) 
 he sought privilie to corrupt Cleandrides. When he had 
 wonne him sone with his money, he persuaded him to drawe 
 backe the Peloponnesians out of their countrie of Attica: 
 and so he dyd. But when the Lacedaemonians sawe their 
 armie cassed, and that the people were gone their waye, 
 every man to his owne cittie or towne : they were so 
 mad at it, that the King was condemned in a great 
 some. The King being unable to aunswer his fine, which 
 was so extreme great : he was driven to absent him self 
 from Lacedaemon. Cleandrides on the other side, if he 
 had not fled in time, even for spight had bene con- 
 demned to death. This Cleandrides was Gylippus father, 
 that afterwards overcame the Athenians in Sicilia, in whom 
 it seemed nature bred covetousnes, as a disease inheritable 
 by succession from father to the sonne. For he being 
 shamefully convicted also, for certen vile partes he had 
 played, was likewise banished from Sparta : as we have more 
 amply declared in the life of Lysander. And Pericles de- 
 livering up the accompt of his charge, and setting downe 
 an article of the expense of tenne talentes he had employed, 
 or should employe in needefull causes: the people allowed 
 them him, never asking question how, nor which waye, nor 
 whether it was true that they were bestowed. Now there 
 are certen writers (among whom the philosopher Theo- 
 phrastus is one) who write that Pericles sent yerely unto 
 Sparta tenne talents, with the which he entertained those 
 that were in authoritie there, bicause they should make no 
 warres with them : not to buye peace of them, but time, 
 that he might in the meane season, with better commoditie, 
 
 29 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Plistonax 
 king of 
 Lacedaemon. 
 
 Cleandrides 
 corrupted by 
 Pericles. 
 
 Gylippus 
 overcame the 
 Athenians at 
 Syracusa in 
 Sicile. 
 
 Gylippus 
 robbed parte 
 of the treasure 
 Lysander sent 
 him withall to 
 Sparta. 
 
 Pericles wise 
 pollicy in for- 
 rein enter- 
 tainement. 
 
PERICLES 
 Pericles acts 
 in Euboea. 
 
 Pericles 
 maketh warre 
 with the 
 Samians. 
 
 Aspasia a 
 passing wise 
 woman. 
 
 The de- 
 scription of 
 Aspasia. 
 
 Thargelia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 and that leysure, provide to mainteine the warres. After 
 that, as the armie of the Peloponnesians were out of the 
 countrie of Attica, he returned again against the rebels, and 
 passed into the lie of Euboea with fiftie sayle, and five 
 thousand footemen well armed : and there he overcame all 
 the citties that had taken armes against him, and drave 
 away the Hyppobotes, who were the most famous men of all 
 the Chalcidians, aswell for their riches, as for their valliantnes. 
 He drave awaye also all the Hestiaeians, whom he chased 
 cleane out of all the countrie, and placed in their cittie, only 
 the cittizens of Athens. Amd the cause why he delt so 
 rigorously with them was, bicause they having taken a galley 
 of the Athenians prisoner, had put all the men to death that 
 were in her. And peace being concluded afterwards betwene 
 the Athenians and Lacedaemonians for thirtie yeres : he pro- 
 claimed open warres against those of the lie of Samos, bur- 
 dening them, that they being commaunded by the Athenians, 
 to pacifie the quarrells which they had against the Milesians, 
 they would not obaye. But bicause some hold opinion, that 
 he tooke upon him this warre against Samos, for the love of 
 Aspasia : it shall be no great digression of our storie, to tell 
 you by the waye, what manner of woman she was, and what 
 a marvelous gifte and power she had, that she could entangle 
 with her love the chiefest rulers and govemours at that time 
 of the common weale, and that the philosophers them selves 
 dyd so largely speake and write of her. First of all, it is 
 certaine that she was borne in the cittie of Miletum, and was 
 the daughter of one Ajdochus: she following the steppes 
 and example of an olde curtisan of Ionia, called Thargelia, 
 gave her selfe only to entertaine the greatest persones and 
 chiefest rulers in her time. For this Thargelia being passing 
 fayer, and carying a comely grace with her, having a sharpe 
 wit and pleasaunt tongue : she had the acquaintaunce and 
 friendshippe of the greatest persones of all Grece, and wanne 
 all those that dyd haunte her company to be at the king of 
 Persiaes commaundement. So that she sowed through all 
 the citties of Grece, great beginnings of the faction of the 
 Medes: for they were the greatest men of power and 
 authoritie of everie cittie that were acquainted with her. 
 30 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 But as for Aspasia, some saye that Pericles resorted unto her, PERICLES 
 bicause she was a wise woman, and had great understanding 
 in matters of state and government. For Socrates him selfe 
 went to see her somtimes with his friends : and those that 
 used her company also, brought their wives many times with 
 them to heare her talke : though her traine about her were 
 to entertaine such as would warme them by their fire. 
 iEschines writeth, that Lysicles a grazier, being before but a 
 meane man, and of a clubbishe nature, came to be the chief 
 man of Athens, by frequenting the companie of Aspasia, 
 after the death of Pericles. And in Platoes booke intituled 
 Menexenus , although the beginning of it be but pleasauntly 
 written, yet in that, this storie is written truely : that this 
 Aspasia was repaired unto by divers of the Athenians, to 
 leame the arte of rethorike of her. Yet notwithstanding it 
 seemeth most likely that the affection Pericles dyd beare her, 
 grewe rather of love, then of any other cause. For he was 
 maried unto a kinsewoman of his owne, and that before was 
 Hipponicus wife, by whom she had Callias, surnamed the Calliasthe 
 riche : and had afterwards by Pericles, Xantippus and riche. 
 Paralus. But not liking her companie, he gave her with 
 her owne good will and consent unto another, and maried Pericles 
 Aspasia whom he dearely loved. For ever when he went inaried 
 abroad, and came home againe, he saluted her with a kisse. t he famous 
 Whereupon in the auncient comedies, she is called in many cur ti S an. 
 places, the newe Omphale, and somtimes Deianira, and som- 
 times Iuno. But Cratinus plainely calleth her whore in 
 these verses : 
 
 His Iuno she him brought, Aspasia by name, 
 which was in deede an open whore, and past all kynde of shame. 
 
 And it seemeth that he had a bastard : for Eupolis in a 
 comedie of his called Demosii , bringeth him in, asking 
 Pyronides thus : 
 
 I praye thee : is my bastard sonne yet alive ? 
 
 And then Pyronides aunswered him : 
 
 A perfect man long since, he surely had bene founde, 
 if that this lewde, and naughty whore his vertue had not drownde. 
 
 31 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pissuthnes 
 the Persian. 
 
 A good proofe 
 that Pericles 
 was not cove- 
 tous. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 To conclude, this Aspasia was so famous, that Cyrus (he 
 that fought against king Artaxerxes his brother, for the 
 empire of Persia) called Aspasia his best beloved of all his 
 concubines, which before was called Milto, and was borne in 
 Phocides, being Hermotimus daughter. And Cyrus being 
 slayne in the field, Aspasia was caried to the King his 
 brother, with whom afterwardes she was in great favour. 
 As I was writing this life, this storie came in my minde : 
 and me thought I should have delt hardly, if I should have 
 left it unwritten. But to our matter againe. Pericles was 
 charged that he made warres against the Samians, on the 
 behalfe of the Milesians, at the request of Aspasia : for 
 these two citties were at warres together, for the cittie of 
 Priena, but the Samians were the stronger. Now the 
 Athenians commaunded them to laye a side their armes, 
 and to come and pleade their matter before them, that the 
 right might be decided : but they refused it utterly. Where- 
 fore Pericles went thither and tooke awaye the government 
 of the small number of Nobilitie, taking for ostages, fiftie of 
 the chiefest men of the cittie, and so many children besides, 
 which he left to be kept in the He of Lemnos. Some saye 
 every one of these ostages offered to geve him a talent : and 
 besides those, many other offered him the like, suche as 
 would not have the soveraine authoritie put into the handes 
 of the people. Moreover Pissuthnes the Persian, lieutenant 
 to the king of Persia, for the good will he bare those of 
 Samos, dyd send Pericles tenne thousand crownes to release 
 the ostages. But Pericles never tooke pennie : and having 
 done that he determined at Samos, and established a popular 
 government, he returned againe to Athens. Notwithstand- 
 ing, the Samians rebelled immediately after, having recovered 
 their ostages againe by meanes of this Pissuthnes that stale 
 them awaye, and dyd furnishe them also with all their 
 munition of warre. Whereupon Pericles returning against 
 them once more, he founde them not idle, nor amazed at his 
 coming, but resolutely determined to receyve him, and to 
 fight for the seigniorie by sea. So there was a great battell 
 fought betwene them, neere the lie of Tracia. And Pericles 
 wanne the battell : having with foure and fortie sayle only 
 32 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 nobly overcome his enemies, which were three score and 
 tenne in number, wherof twenty of them were shippes of 
 warre. And so following his victorie forthwith, he wanne 
 also the porte of Samos, and kept the Samians besieged 
 within their owne cittie : where they were yet so bolde, as 
 they would make salies out many times, and fight before the 
 walles of the cittie. But when there arrived a newe supplie 
 of shippes bringing a greater ayde unto Pericles : then were 
 they shut up of all sides. Pericles then taking three score 
 gallyes with him, lanched out into the sea, with intent (as 
 some saye) to goe mete certen shippes of the Phoenicians 
 (that came to ayde the Samians) as farre from Samos as he 
 could : or as Stesimbrotus sayeth, to goe into Cyprus, which 
 me thinketh is not true. But whatsoever was his intent, he 
 committed a foule fault. For Melissus (the sonne of Itha- 
 genes, a great philosopher) being at that time generall of the 
 Samians : perceyving that fewe shippes were left behinde at 
 the siege of the cittie, and that the captaines also that had 
 charge of them were no very expert men of warre, persuaded 
 his cittizens to make a salye upon them. Whereupon they 
 fought a battell, and the Samians overcame : the Athenians 
 were taken prisoners, and they suncke many of their shippes. 
 No we they being lordes againe of the sea, dyd furnishe their 
 cittie with all manner of munition for warres, whereof before 
 they had great want. Yet Aristotle writeth that Pericles 
 selfe was once overcome in a battell by sea by Melissus. 
 Furthermore the Samians, to be even with the Athenians 
 for the injurie they had receyved of them before: dyd 
 brande them in the forehead with the stampe of an owle, 
 the owle being then the stampe of their coyne at Athens, 
 even as the Athenians had branded the Samian pri- 
 soners before with the stampe of Samaena. This Samaena 
 is a kynde of shippe amongest the Samians, lowe afore, 
 and well layed out in the midde shippe, so that it is ex- 
 cellent good to rise with the waves of the sea, and is 
 very swifte under sayle : and it was so called, bicause the 
 first shippe that was made of this facion, was made 
 in the lie of Samos, by the tyranne Polycrates. It is 
 sayed that the poet Aristophanes, covertly conveying the 
 2 : E 33 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Pericles vic- 
 torie againe of 
 the Samians. 
 
 Melissus a 
 philosopher, 
 generall of the 
 Samians. 
 
 The owle, the 
 stampe of the 
 coyne at 
 Athens. 
 
 Samaena a 
 kinde of a 
 shippe. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 The wittie 
 saying of Aris- 
 tophanes of 
 the Samians. 
 
 Artemon 
 Periphoretos 
 a timerous 
 man. 
 
 The Samians 
 doe yeld to 
 Pericles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 stampe of the Samians, speaking merylie in a place of his 
 comedies sayeth : 
 
 The Samians are great learned men. 
 
 Pericles being advertised of the overthrowe of his armie, 
 returned presently to the rescue. Melissus went to mete 
 him, and gave him battell : but he was overthrowen, and 
 driven backe into his cittie, where Pericles walled them in 
 round about the cittie, desiring victorie rather by time and 
 charge, than by daunger, and losse of his souldiers. But 
 when he sawe that they were wearie with tract of time, and 
 that they would bring it to hazard of battell, and that he 
 could by no meanes withholde them : he then devided his 
 armie into eight companies, whom he made to drawe lots, 
 and that companie that lighted on the white beane, they 
 should be quiet and make good cheere, while the other seven 
 fought. And they saye that from thence it came, that when any 
 have made good cheere, and taken pleasure abroade, they doe 
 yet call it a white daye, bicause of the white beane. Ephorus 
 the historiographer writeth, that it was there, where first of 
 all they beganne to use engines of warre to plucke down great 
 walles, and that Pericles used first this wonderfull invention : 
 and that Artemon an enginer was the first deviser of them. 
 He was caried up and downe in a chayer, to set forward these 
 workes, bicause he had a lame legge : and for this cause he 
 was called Periphoretos. But Heraclides Ponticus confuteth 
 Ephorus therein, by the verses of Anacreon, in the which 
 Artemon is called Periphoretos, many yeres before this warre 
 of Samos beganne : and sayeth that this Periphoretos was a 
 marvelous tender man, and so foolishly afeard of his owne 
 shadowe, that the most parte of his time he sturred not out 
 of his house, and did sit all way es having two of his men by 
 him, that held a copper target over his head, for feare least 
 any thing should fall upon him. And if upon any occasion 
 he were driven, to goe abroade out of his house : he would 
 be caried in a litle bed hanging neere the grounde, and for 
 this cause he was surnamed Periphoretos. At the last, at 
 nine moneths ende the Samians were compelled to yeld. 
 So Pericles tooke the cittie, and rased their walles to the 
 34 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 grounde : he brought their shippes awaye, and made them 
 paye a marvelous great tribute, whereof parte he recey ved in 
 hande, and the rest payable at a certen time, taking ostages 
 with him for assurance of payment. But Duris the Samian 
 dilateth these matters marvelous pittiefully, burdening the 
 Athenians, and Pericles self with unnaturall crueltie : where- 
 of neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor Aristotle him selfe 
 maketh mention. And suer I cannot beleeve it is true that 
 is written. That he brought the captaines of the gallyes, 
 and the souldiers them selves of Sarnia, into the market place 
 of the cittie of Miletum : where he made them to be bound 
 fast unto bordes for the space of tenne dayes, and at the ende 
 of the same, the poore men halfe dead, were beaten downe 
 with clubbes, and their heads passhed in peces : and after- 
 wards they threw out their bodies to the crowes, and would 
 not burie them. So Duris being accustomed to overreach, 
 and to lye many times in things nothing touching him : 
 seemeth in this place out of all reason to aggravate the 
 calamities of his countrie, only to accuse the Athenians, and 
 to make them odious to the world. Pericles having wonne 
 the cittie of Samos, he returned againe to Athens, where he 
 dyd honorably burie the bones of his slaine cittizens in this 
 warre : and him self (according to their manner and custome) 
 made the funerall oration, for the which he was marvelously 
 esteemed. In suche sorte, that after he came downe from 
 the pulpit where he made his oration : the ladies and gentle- 
 women of the cittie came to salute him, and brought him 
 garlands to put upon his head, as they doe to noble con- 
 querers when they returne from games, where they have 
 wonne the price. But Elpinice coming to him, sayed : Surely 
 Pericles, thy good service done, deserveth garlands of 
 triumphe : for thou hast lost us many a good and valliant 
 cittizen, not fighting with the Medes, the Phoenicians, and 
 with the barbarous people as my brother Cimon dyd, but for 
 destroying a cittie of our owne nation and kynred. Pericles 
 to these wordes, softely aunswered Elpinice, with Archilocus 
 verse, smyling : 
 
 When thou art olde, painte not thy selfe. 
 
 35 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 Elpinice. 
 
 Pericles 
 taunte to an 
 olde woman. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Cimons 
 
 sonnes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 But Ion writeth, that he greatly gloried, and stoode muche 
 in his own conceipt, after he had subdued the Samians, saying: 
 Agamemnon was tenne yeres taking of a cittie of the bar- 
 barous people : and he in nine moneths only had wonne the 
 strongest cittie of the whole nation of Ionia. In deede he 
 had good cause to glorie in his victorie : for truely (if Thucy- 
 dides reporte be true) his conquest was no lesse doubtfull, 
 then he founde it daungerous. For the Samians had almost 
 bene lordes of the sea, and taken the seigniorie thereof from 
 the Athenians. After this, the warres of Peloponnesus being 
 whotte againe, the Corinthians invading thilanders of Corphu : 
 Pericles dyd persuade the Athenians to send ayde unto the 
 Corphians, and to joyne in league with that Hand, which was 
 of great power by sea, saying : that the Peloponnesians 
 (before it were long) would have warre with them. The 
 Athenians consented to his motion, to ayde those of Corphu. 
 Whereupon they sent thither Lacedaemonius (Cimons sonne) 
 with tenne gaily es only for a mockery : for all Cimons familie 
 and friendes, were wholy at the Lacedaemonians devotion. 
 Therefore dyd Pericles cause Lacedaemonius to have so fewe 
 shippes delivered him, and further, sent him thither against 
 his will, to the ende that if he dyd so notable exploite in 
 this service, that then they might the more justly suspect his 
 good will to the Lacedaemonians. Moreover whilst he lived, 
 he dyd ever what he could, to keepe Cimons children backe 
 from rysing : bicause that by their names they were no 
 naturall borne Athenians, but straungers. For the one was 
 called Lacedaemonius, the other Thessalus, and the third 
 Elius : and the mother to all them three, was an Arcadian 
 woman borne. But Pericles being blamed for that he sent 
 but tenne gallyes only, which was but a slender ayde for 
 those that had requested them, and a great matter to them 
 that spake ill of them : he sent thither afterwardes a great 
 number of other gallyes, which came when the battell was 
 fought. But the Corinthians were marvelous angrie, and 
 went and complained to the counsell of the Lacedaemonians, 
 where they layed open many grievous complaints and accu- 
 sations against the Athenians, and so dyd the Megarians 
 also : alledging that the Athenians had forbidden them their 
 36 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 havens, their staples, and all trafficke of marchaundise in the 
 territories under their obedience, which was directly against 
 the common lawes, and articles of peace, agreed upon by othe 
 among all the Grecians. Moreover the iEginetes finding 
 them selves very ill and cruelly handled, dyd send secretly to 
 make their mone and complaintes to the Lacedaemonians, 
 being afeard openly to complaine of the Athenians. While 
 these things were a doing, the cittie of Potidaea, subject at 
 that time unto the Athenians (and was built in olde time 
 by the Corinthians) did rebell, and was besieged by the 
 Athenians, which did hasten on the warres. Notwithstand- 
 ing this, ambassadours were first sent unto Athens upon these 
 complaints, and Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, 
 did all that he could to pacifie the most parte of these 
 quarrells and complaints, intreating their friendes and allies. 
 So as the Athenians had had no warres at all, for any other 
 matters wherewith they were burdened, if they would have 
 graunted to have revoked the decree they had made against 
 the Megarians. Whereupon, Pericles, that above all other 
 stood most against the revocation of that decree, and that 
 did sturre up the people, and made them to stand to that 
 they had once decreed, and ordered, against the Megarians : 
 was thought the only original cause and author of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian warres. For it is sayed that the Lacedaemonians 
 sent ambassadours unto Athens for that matter only. And 
 when Pericles alledged a lawe, that dyd forbid them to take 
 away the table, whereupon before time had bene written any 
 common law or edict : Polyarces, one of the Lacedaemon 
 ambassadours, sayed unto him : Well, said he, take it not 
 awaye then, but turne the table onely : your lawe I am suer 
 forbiddeth not that. This was pleasauntly spoken of the 
 ambassadour, but Pericles could never be brought to it 
 for all that. And therefore it seemeth he had some secret 
 occasion of grudge against the Megarians : yet as one that 
 would finely convey it under the common cause and cloke, 
 he tooke from them the holy lands they were breaking up. 
 For to bring this to passe, he made an order, that they 
 should send an herauld to summone the Megarians to let 
 the land alone, and that the same herauld should goe also 
 
 37 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 The Athen- 
 ians accused 
 at Lace- 
 daemon. 
 
 Pericles, 
 author of 
 the warres 
 against Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 
 
 Pericles 
 malice 
 against the 
 Megarians. 
 
PERICLES 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 unto the Lacedaemonians to accuse the Megarians unto 
 them. It is true that this ordinance was made by Pericles 
 meanes, as also it was most just and reasonable : but it 
 fortuned so, that the messenger they sent thither dyed 
 and not without suspition that the Megarians made him 
 awaye. Wherefore Charinus made a lawe presently against 
 the Megarians : that they should be proclaimed mortall 
 enemies to the Athenians for ever, without any hope of after 
 reconciliation. And also if any Megarian should once put 
 his foote within the territories of Attica, that he should 
 suffer the paynes of death. And moreover, that their 
 captaines taking yerely their ordinary othe, should sweare 
 among other articles, that twise in the yere they should goe 
 with their power, and destroy some parte of the Megarians 
 lande. And lastly, that the heraulde Anthemocritus should 
 be buried by the place called then the gates Thriasienes, and 
 nowe called, Dipylon. But the Megarians stowtely denying, 
 that they were any cause of the death of this Anthemocritus: 
 dyd altogether burden Aspasia and Pericles with the same, 
 alledging for proofe thereof, Aristophanes verses the Poet, 
 in his comedie he intituled the Acharnes , which are so 
 common, as every boye hath them at his tongues ende. 
 
 The young men of our lande (to dronken bybbing bent) 
 ranne out one daye unrulily, and towards Megara went. 
 
 From whence in their outrage, by force they tooke awaye, 
 Simaetha noble curtisan, as she dyd sporte and playe. 
 
 Wherewith enraged all (with pepper in the nose) 
 the prowde Megarians came to us, as to their mortall foes. 
 
 And tooke by stelthe awaye, of harlots eke a payer, 
 
 attending on Aspasia, which were both young and fayer. 
 
 But in very deede, to tell the originall cause of this warre, 
 and to deliver the trothe thereof, it is very harde. But all the 
 historiographers together agree, that Pericles was the chiefest 
 author of the warre : bicause the decree made against the 
 Megarians, was not revoked backe againe. Yet some holde 
 opinion, that Pericles dyd it of a noble minde and judgement, 
 to be constant in that he thought most expedient. For he 
 judged that this commaundement of the Lacedaemonians was 
 but a triall, to prove if the Athenians would graunte them : 
 38 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and if they yelded to them in that, then they manifestly PERICLES 
 shewed that they were the weaker. Other contrarilie saye, 
 that it was done of a selfe will and arrogancie, to shewe his 
 authoritie and power, and howe he dyd despise the Lacedae- 
 monians. But the shrowdest profe of all, that bringeth best 
 authoritie with it, is reported after this sorte. Phidias the Phidias the 
 image maker (as we have tolde you before) had undertaken to image maker, 
 make the image of Pallas : and being Pericles friende, was in 
 great estimation about him. But that procured him many 
 ill willers. Then they being desirous to heare by him what 
 the people would judge of Pericles : they intised Menon, one 
 of the worke men that wrought under Phidias, and made 
 him come into the market place to praye assurance of the 
 people that he might openly accuse Phidias, for a faulte he 
 had committed about Pallas image. The people receyved 
 his obedience, and his accusation was heard openly in the 
 market place, but no mention was made of any theft at all : 
 bicause that Phidias (through Pericles counsell and devise) 
 had from the beginning so layed on the gold upon the image, 
 that it might be taken of, and wayed every whitte. Where- 
 upon Pericles openly sayed unto his accusers, Take of the 
 golde and way it. The glorie of his works dyd purchase him 
 this envie. For he having graven upon the scutchion of the 
 goddesse, the battel of the Amazones, had cut out the 
 portraiture of him self marvelous lively, under the persone 
 of an olde balde man, lifting up a great stone with both his 
 handes. Further he had cut out Pericles image, excellently 
 wrought and artificially, seeming in manner to be Pericles 
 self, fighting with an Amazon in this sorte : The Amazones 
 head being lifte up highe, holdeth a darte before Pericles 
 face, so passing cunningly wrought, as it seemed to shadowe 
 the likenes and resemblaunce of Pericles : and yet notwith- 
 standing appeareth plainely to be Pericles self on either side 
 of the portraiture. So Phidias was clapt up in prisone, and 
 there dyed of a sickness, or els of a poyson (as some saye) 
 which his enemies had prepared for him : and all to bring 
 Pericles into further suspition, and to geve them the more 
 cause to accuse him. But howsoever it was, the people gave 
 Menon his freedome, and set him free for payment of all 
 
 39 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Aspasia 
 
 accused. 
 
 Prytani, 
 treasorers of 
 the common 
 fines. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 subsidies, following the order Glycon made, and gave the 
 captaines charge they should see him safely kept, and that 
 he tooke no hurte. And about the same time also Aspasia 
 was accused, that she dyd not beleeve in the goddes : and 
 her accuser was Hermippus, maker of the comedies. He 
 burdened her further, that she was a bawde to Pericles, and 
 receyved cittizens wives into her house, which Pericles kept. 
 And Diopithes at the same time made a decree, that they 
 should make searche and enquirie for heretickes that dyd not 
 beleeve in the goddes, and that taught certaine newe doctrine 
 and opinion touching the operations of things above in the 
 element, turning the suspition upon Pericles, bicause of 
 Anaxagoras. The people dyd receyve and confirme this 
 inquisition : and it was moved also then by Dracontides, that 
 Pericles should deliver an accompt of the money he had 
 spent, unto the handes of the Prytanes, who were treasorers 
 of the common fines and revenues, and that the judges 
 deputed to geve judgement, should geve sentence within the 
 cittie upon the altar. But Agnon put that worde out of 
 the decree, and placed in stead thereof, that the cause should 
 be judged by the fifteene hundred judges, as they thought 
 good, if any man brought this action for thefte, for batterie, 
 or for injustice. As for Aspasia, he saved her, even for the 
 verie pittie and compassion the judges tooke of him, for the 
 teares he shed in making his humble sute for her, all the 
 time he pleaded her case : as iEschines writeth. But for 
 Anaxagoras, fearing that he could not doe so muche for him : 
 he sent him out of the cittie, and him selfe dyd accompany 
 him. And furthermore, seeing he had incurred the ill will 
 of the people for Phidias facte, and for this cause fearing the 
 issue of the judgement : he set the warres a fyre againe, that 
 alwayes went backeward, and dyd but smoke a litle, hoping 
 by this meanes to weare out the accusations against him, and 
 to roote out the malice some dyd beare him. For the people 
 having waightie matters in hande, and very daungerous also: 
 he knewe they would put all into his handes alone, he having 
 wonne already suche great authoritie and reputation among 
 them. And these be the causes why he would not (as it is 
 sayed) suffer the Athenians to yeld unto the Lacedaemonians 
 ‘40 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 in any thing : howbeit the trothe cannot certenly be knowen. PERICLES 
 But the Lacedaemonians knowing well, that if they could 
 wede out Pericles, and overthrowe him, they might then 
 deale as they would with the Athenians : they commaunded 
 them they should purge their cittie of Cylons rebellion, 
 bicause they knew well enough that Pericles kynne by the 
 mothers side were to be touched withall, as Thucydides 
 declareth. But this practise fell out contrarie to their hope, 
 and expectation, that were sent to Athens for this purpose. 
 
 For, weening to have brought Pericles into further suspition 
 and displeasure, the cittizens honoured him the more, and 
 had a better affiaunce in him then before, bicause they sawe 
 his enemies dyd so much feare and hate him. Wherefore, 
 before king Archidamus entred with the armie of the 
 Peloponnesians into the countrie of Attica, he tolde the 
 Athenians, that if king Archidamus fortuned to waste and 
 destroye all the countrie about, and should spare his landes 
 and goodes for the olde love and familiaritie that was 
 betweene them, or rather to geve his enemies occasion falsely 
 to accuse him : that from thenceforth, he gave all the landes 
 and tenements he had in the countrie, unto the common 
 wealthe. So it fortuned, that the Lacedaemonians with all 
 their friends and confederates, brought a marvelous armie 
 into the countrie of Attica, under the leading of king Archi- The Lacedae- 
 damus : who burning and spoyling all the countries he came monians in- 
 alongest, they came unto the towne of Acharnes, were they va( * e Attica, 
 incamped, supposing the Athenians would never suffer them 
 approche so neere, but that they would give them battell for 
 the honour and defence of their countrie, and to shewe that 
 they were no cowardes. But Pericles wisely considered ho we 
 the daunger was to great to hazard battell, where the losse 
 of the cittie of Athens stoode in perill, seing they were three 
 score thousand footemen of the Peloponnesians, and of the 
 Boeotians together: for so many was their number in the 
 first voyage they made against the Athenians. And as for 
 those that were very desirous to fight, and to put them selves An excellent 
 to any hazard, being mad to see their countrie thus wasted toTtayeThe 
 and destroyed before their eyes, Pericles dyd comforte and souldiers de- 
 pacifie them with these wordes : That trees being cut and sier to fight. 
 2 : F 41 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Cleon accused 
 Pericles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 hewen downe, dyd spring againe in shorte time : but men 
 being once dead, by no possibility could be brought againe. 
 Therefore he never durst assemble the people in counsell, 
 fearing least he should be inforced by the multitude, to doe 
 some thing against his will. But as a wise man of a shippe, 
 when he seeth a storme coming on the sea, doth straight 
 geve order to make all things safe in the shippe, preparing 
 every thing readie to defende the storme, according to his 
 arte and skill, not harkening to the passengers fearefull cries 
 and pittiefull teares, who thinke them selves cast away: even 
 so dyd Pericles rule all things according to his wisedome, 
 having walled the cittie substantially about, and set good 
 watche in every corner : and passed not for those that were 
 angrie and offended with him, neither would be persuaded 
 by his friends earnest requests and intreaties, neither cared 
 for his enemies threates nor accusations against him, nor yet 
 reckoned of all their foolishe scoffing songes they songe of 
 him in the cittie, to his shame and reproche of government, 
 saying that he was a cowardly captaine, and that for dastard- 
 lines he let the enemies take all, and spoyle what they would. 
 Of which number Cleon was one that most defamed him, and 
 beganne to enter into some prety credit and favour with the 
 common people, for that they were angrie, and misliked 
 with Pericles : as appeareth by these slaunderous verses of 
 Hermippus, which were then abroade : 
 
 O King of Satyres, who with such manly speache 
 
 of bloudy warres and doughty dedes, dost daylie to us preache : 
 
 Why art thou now afrayed, to take thy launce in hande, 
 or with thy pike against thy foes, corageously to stande ? 
 
 Synce Cleon stowte and fierce, doth daylie thee provoke, 
 
 With biting wordes, with trenchaunt blades, and deadly daunt- 
 ing stroke. 
 
 All these notwithstanding, Pericles was never moved any 
 thing, but with silence dyd paciently beare all injuries and 
 scoffings of his enemies, and dyd send for all that a navie 
 of a hundred sayle unto Peloponnesus, whether he would 
 not go in person, but kept him self at home, to keep the 
 people in quiet : untill such time as the enemies had raised 
 their campe, and were gone awaye. And to entertaine the 
 42 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 common people that were offended and angrie at this warre : PERICLES 
 he comforted the poore people againe, with causing a certain Note Pericles 
 distribution to be made amongest them of the common pollicie to 
 treasure, and division also of the landes that were got by P aci ^ e 
 conquest. For after he had driven all the iEginetes out of P eo P esan g ei - 
 their countrie, he caused the whole He of iEgina to be 
 divided by lot amongest the cittizens of Athens. And then iEgina 
 it was a great comforte to them in this adversitie, to heare wonne by the 
 of their enemies hurte and losse in suche manner as it dyd Athenians, 
 fall out. For their armie that was sent by sea unto Pelo- 
 ponnesus, had wasted and destroyed a great parte of the 
 champion countrie there, and had sacked besides many small 
 citties and townes. Pericles selfe also entring into the 
 Megarians countrie by lande, did waste the whole countrie 
 all afore him. So the Peloponnesians receyving by sea as- 
 muche hurte and losse at the Athenians hands, as they be- 
 fore had done by lande unto the Athenians : they had not 
 holden out warres so long with the Athenians, but would 
 sone have geven over (as Pericles had tolde them before) had 
 not the goddes above secretly hindered mans reason and 
 pollicie. For first of all there came such a sore plague Plague at 
 among the Athenians, that it took awaye the flower of Athens. 
 Athens youth, and weakened the force of the whole cittie 
 besides. Furthermore the bodies of them that were left 
 alive being infected with this disease, their hartes also were 
 so sharpely bent against Pericles, that the sicknes having 
 troubled their braynes, they fell to flat rebellion against him, 
 as the pacient against his physitian, or children against 
 their father, even to the hurting of him, at the provocation 
 of his enemies. Who bruted abroade, that the plague came 
 of no cause els, but of the great multitude of the country 
 men that came into the cittie on heapes, one upon anothers 
 necke in the harte of the sommer, where they were com- Accusations 
 pelled to lye many together, smothred up in litle tentes against 
 and cabines, remaining there all daye long, cowring downe- F er i c ^ es * 
 wardes, and doing nothing, where before they lived in the 
 countrie in a freshe open ayer, and at libertie. And of all 
 this, saye they, Pericles is the only cause, who procuring 
 this warre, hathe pent and shrowded the country men 
 
 43 
 
PERICLES 
 
 An eclypse 
 of the sunne. 
 
 Pericles hard 
 fortune. 
 
 Pericles 
 deprived of 
 his charge. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 together within the walles of a cittie, employing them to no 
 manner of use nor service, but keeping them like sheepe in 
 a pinnefolde, maketh one to poyson another with the 
 infection of their plague sores ronning upon them, and 
 geving them no leave to chaunge ayer, that they might so 
 muche as take breathe abroade. Pericles to remedy this, 
 and to doe their enemies a litle mischief : armed a hundred 
 and fiftie shippes, and shipped into them a great number of 
 armed footemen and horsemen also. Hereby he put the 
 cittizens in good hope, and the enemies in great feare, seeing 
 so great a power. But when he had shipped all his men, 
 and was him self also in the admirall ready to hoyse sayle : 
 sodainely there was a great eclypse of the sunne, and the 
 daye was very darke, that all the armie was striken with a 
 marvelous feare, as of some daungerous and very ill token 
 towardes them. Pericles seeing the master of his gallye in a 
 maze withall, not knowing what to doe : cast his cloke over 
 the masters face, and hid his eyes, asking him whether he 
 thought that any hurte or no. The master aunswered him, 
 he thought it none. Then sayed Pericles againe to him : 
 There is no difference betwene this and that, saving that the 
 bodye which maketh the darknes is greater, then my cloke 
 which hideth thy eyes. These things are thus disputed of in 
 the schooles of the philosophers. But Pericles hoysing sayle 
 notwithstanding, dyd no notable or speciall service, aunswer- 
 able to so great an armie and preparation. For he laying 
 seige unto the holy cittie of Epidaurum, when every man 
 looked they should have taken it, was compelled to rayse his 
 seige for the plague that was so vehement : that it dyd not 
 only kill the Athenians them selves, but all other also (were 
 they never so fewe) that came to them, or neere their campe. 
 Wherefore perceyving the Athenians were marvelously 
 offended with him, he dyd what he could to comforte them, 
 and put them in harte againe : but all was in vaine, he could 
 not pacifie them. For by the most parte of voyces, they 
 deprived him of his charge of generall, and condemned him 
 in a marvelous great fine and summe of money, the which 
 those that tell the least doe write, that it was the summe of 
 fifteene talentes : and those that say more, speake of fiftie 
 44 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 talentes. The accuser subscribed in this condemnation, PERICLES 
 was Cleon, as Idomeneus, or Simmias saye, or as Theo- 
 phrastus writeth : yet Heraclides Ponticus sayeth, one 
 Lacratidas. Nowe his common grieves were sone bio wen 
 over : for the people dyd easely let fall their displeasures 
 towardes him, as the waspe leaveth her stinge behinde her 
 with them she hath stong. But his owne private affayers Pericles home 
 and household causes were in very ill case : both for that the troubles, 
 plague had taken awaye many of his friendes and kinsemen 
 from him, as also for that he and his house had continued a 
 long time in disgrace. For Xanthippus (Pericles sonne and 
 heire) being a man of a very ill disposition and nature, and 
 having married a young woman very prodigall and lavishe of 
 expence, the daughter of Isander, sonne of Epilycus : he 
 grudged much at his fathers hardnes, who scantly gave him 
 money, and but litle at a time. Whereupon he sent on a 
 time to one of his fathers friendes in Pericles name, to praye 
 him to lend him some money, who sent it unto him. But 
 afterwards when he came to demaunde it againe, Pericles 
 dyd not only refuse to paye it him, but further, he put him 
 in sute. But this made the young man Xanthippus so 
 angrie with his father, that he spake very ill of him in every 
 place where he came : and in mockery reported howe his 
 father spent his time when he was at home, and the talke 
 he had with the Sophisters, and the master rethoritians. 
 
 For a mischaunce fortuning on a time, at the game of throwing 
 the darte, who should throw best, that he that threwe, dyd 
 unfortunately kill one Epitimius a Thessalian : Xanthippus 
 went pratling up and downe the towne, that his father 
 Pericles was a whole daye disputing with Protagoras the 
 Rethoritian, to knowe which of the three by lawe and reason 
 should be condemned for this murther. The darte : he that 
 threwe the darte : or the deviser of that game. Moreover 
 Stesimbrotus writeth, that the brute that ranne abroade 
 through the cittie, howe Pericles dyd keepe his wife, was 
 sowen abroade by Xanthippus him self. But so it is, this 
 quarrell and hate betwext the father and the sonne con- 
 tinued without reconciliation unto the death. For Xan- 
 thippus dyed in the great plague, and Pericles own sister 
 
PERICLES 
 
 Pericles 
 
 constancy. 
 
 A lawe at 
 Athens for 
 base borne 
 children. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 also : moreover he lost at that time by the plague, the more 
 parte of all his friends and kinsefolkes, and those specially 
 that dyd him greatest pleasure in governing of the state. 
 But all this dyd never pull down his contenaunce, nor any- 
 thing abate the greatnes of his minde, what mis- 
 fortunes soever he had susteined. Neither sawe they him 
 weepe at any time, nor mourne at the funeralles of any 
 of his kinsemen or friendes, but at the death of Para- 
 lus, his younger and lawful begotten sonne : for, the losse 
 of him alone dyd only melt his harte. Yet he dyd 
 strive to showe his naturall constancie, and to keep his 
 accustomed modestie. But as he would have put a gar- 
 land of flowers upon his head, sorowe dyd so pierce his 
 harte when he sawe his face, that then he burst out in tears, 
 and cryed a mayne : which they never sawe him doe before, 
 all the dayes of his life. Furthermore the people having 
 proved other captaines and governours, and finding by 
 experience that there was no one of them of judgement and 
 authoritie sufficient, for so great a charge : In the ende, of 
 them selves they called him againe to the pulpit for orations 
 to heare their counsells, and to the state of a captaine also 
 to take charge of the state. But at that time he kept him 
 selfe close in his house, as one bewayling his late grievous 
 losse and sorowe. Howbeit Alcibiades, and other his 
 familiar friendes, persuaded him to shewe him selfe unto the 
 people, who dyd excuse them selves unto him, for their 
 ingratitude towardes him. Pericles then taking the govern- 
 ment againe upon him, the first matter he entred into was : 
 that he prayed them to revoke the statute he had made for 
 base borne children, fearing least his lawfull heires would 
 fayle, and so his house and name should fall to the grounde. 
 But as for that lawe, thus it stoode. Pericles when he was 
 in his best authoritie, caused a lawe to be made, that they 
 only should be computed cittizens of Athens, which were 
 naturall Athenians borne by father and mother. Not long 
 after, it fortuned that the king of Egypt having sent a gifte 
 unto the people of Athens, of forty thousand bushells of 
 corne, to be distributed among the cittizens there : many by 
 this lawe were accused to be base borne, and specially men 
 46 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of the baser sorte of people, which were not knowen before, PERICLES 
 or at the least had no reckoning made of them, and so some 
 of them were falsely and wrongfully condemned. Where- 
 upon so it fell out, that there were no lesse than five thou- 
 sand of them convicted and solde for slaves : and they that 
 remained as free men, and were judged to be naturall 
 cittizens, amownted to the number of fourteene thousand 
 and fortie persones. Now this was much misliked of the 
 people, that a lawe enacted, and that had bene of suche 
 force, should by the selfe maker and deviser of the same be 
 againe revoked and called in. Howbeit Pericles late calamitie 
 that fortuned to his house, dyd breake the peoples hardened 
 hartes against him. Who thincking these sorowes smarte, 
 to be punishment enough unto him for his former pryde, 
 and judging that by goddes divine justice and permission, 
 this plague and losse fell upon him, and that his request also 
 was tollerable : they suffered him to enrolle his base borne 
 sonne in the register of the lawfull cittizens of his familie, 
 geving him his owne name, Pericles. It is the self same 
 Pericles, who after he had overcome the Peloponnesians in a Pericles the 
 great battell by sea, neere unto the lies Arginuses, was put l )ase borne 
 to death by sentence of the people, with the other captaines P ut to ^ eatl1 - 
 his companions. Now was Pericles at that time infected Pericles 
 with the plague, but not so vehemently as other were, rather sicknes. 
 more temperatly : and by long space of time, with many 
 alterations and chaunges, that dyd by litle and litle decaye, 
 and consume the strength of his bodie, and overcame his 
 sences and noble minde. Therefore Theophrastus in his 
 moralles declareth, in a place where he disputeth, whether A philosophi- 
 mens manners doe chaunge with their misfortunes, and ca U question 
 whether corporall troubles and afflictions doe so alter men, ^an^of 
 that they forget vertue, and abandon reason : that Pericles mensmanners 
 in this sicknes shewed a friende of his that came to see him, by misfor- 
 I cannot tell what a preserving charme the women had tyed tunes. 
 
 (as a carkanet) about his necke, to let him understand he 
 was very ill, since he suffered them to apply suche a foolishe 
 bable to him. In the ende, Pericles drawing fast unto his 
 death, the Nobilitie of the cittie, and such his friendes as Pericles 
 were left alive, standing about his bed, beganne to speake of death. 
 
 47 
 
PERICLES 
 
 A notable 
 saying of 
 Pericles at 
 his death. 
 
 Pericles 
 
 deservedly 
 
 called 
 
 Olympius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 his vertue, and of the great authoritie he had borne, con- 
 sidering the greatnes of his noble actes, and counting the 
 number of the victories he had wonne (for he had wonne 
 nine foughten battells being generall of the Athenians, and 
 had set up so many tokens and triumphs in honour of his 
 countrie) they reckoned up among them selves all these 
 matters, as if he had not understoode them, imagining his 
 sences had bene gone. But he contrarilie being yet of per- 
 fect memorie, heard all what they had sayed, and thus he 
 beganne to speake unto them : That he marveled why they 
 had so highly praysed that in him, which was common to 
 many other captaines, and wherein fortune delt with them 
 in equalitie a like, and all this while they had forgotten to 
 speake of the best and most notable thing that was in him, 
 which was : that no Athenian had ever worne blacke gowne 
 through his occasion. And suer so was he a noble and 
 worthie persone. For he dyd not only shewe him selfe 
 mercifull and curteous, even in most weightie matters of 
 government, among so envious people and hatefull enemies : 
 but he had this judgement also to thincke, that the most 
 noble actes he dyd were these, that he never gave him selfe 
 unto hatred, envie, nor choller, to be revenged of his most 
 mortall enemie, without mercy shewed towardes him, though 
 he had committed unto him suche absolute power and sole 
 government among them. And this made his surname to 
 be Olympius (as to saye, divine or celestiall) which other- 
 wise for him had bene to prowde and arrogant a name, 
 bicause he was of so good and gentle a nature, and for that 
 in so great libertie he had kept cleane handes and undefiled : 
 even as w r e esteeme the goddes authors of all good, and 
 causers of no ill, and so worthy to governe and rule the 
 whole monarchic of the world. And not as Poets saye, 
 which doe confounde our wittes by their follies, and fonde 
 faynings, and are also contrarie to them selves, considering 
 that they call heaven (which conteineth the goddes) the 
 everlasting seate, which trembleth not, and is not driven nor 
 moved with windes, neither is darkened with clowdes, but is 
 allwayes bright and cleare, and at all times shyning equally 
 with a pure bright light, as being the only habitation and 
 48 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 mansion place of the eternall God, only happy and immortall. 
 And afterwardes they describe it them selves, full of dissen- 
 tions, of enmities, of anger and passions, which doe nothing 
 become wise and learned men. But this discourse perad- 
 venture would be better spoken of in some other booke. 
 Nowe, the troubles the Athenians felt immediatly after 
 Pericles death, made them then lament the losse of so noble 
 a member. For those who unpaciently dyd brooke his great 
 authoritie while he lived, bicause it drowned their owne : 
 when they came after his death to prove other speakers and 
 governours, they were compelled then to confesse, that no 
 mans nature living could be more moderate nor grave, with 
 lenitie and mercie, then his was. And that most hated 
 power, which in his life time they called monarchic, dyd 
 then most plainely appeare unto them, to have bene the 
 manifest ramper and bullwarke of the safetie of their 
 whole state and common weale : suche corruption and vice 
 in government of the state, dyd then spring up immediatly 
 after his death, which when he was alive, he dyd ever sup- 
 presse and keepe under in suche sorte, that either it dyd 
 not appeare at all, or at the least it came not to that 
 hed and liber tie, that suche faultes were committed, 
 as were impossible to be remedied. 
 
 THE ENDE OF PERICLES LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS 
 
 AVING already declared unto you such 
 things worthy memorie as we could col- 
 lect, and gather of the life of Pericles : it 
 is nowe good time we should proceede to 
 write also of the life of Fabius Maximus. 
 It is sayed the first Fabius, from whom 
 the house and familie of the Fabians dyd 
 descend (being the greatest and noblest 
 house of all other in Rome) was begotten by Hercules, 
 
 2 : G ‘49 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians lament- 
 ed the losse 
 of Pericles 
 being dead. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius Rullus 
 Maximus. 
 
 Fabius Maxi- 
 mus called 
 Verrucosus 
 and Ovicula. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 whom he gatte of a Nymphe (or as other saye, a woman of 
 the countrie) by the river of Tyber. And some saye, that 
 the first of this house, were called at the beginning Fodians, 
 bicause they dyd hunte wilde beastes, with pittefalles and 
 ditches. For unto this present the Romaines call ditches, 
 Fossae: and to digge Fodere. Since that time, the two 
 second letters have bene chaunged, and they have called 
 them Fabians. But howsoever it was, this is certaine, that 
 many noble men have come out of that house : and among 
 other, there was one of that house called Fabius Rullus, 
 whom the Romaines for his noble actes dyd surname Maximus, 
 very great. After him, Fabius Maximus, whose life we have 
 now in hande, was the fourth lineally descended of the same 
 line, and he was surnamed Verrucosus, bicause of a certen 
 birth marke he had upon one of his lippes, like a litle warte. 
 And he was also surnamed Ovicula, a litle lamme, for his 
 softnes, slownes, and gravity of his doings whilest he was a 
 childe. But bicause of nature he was dull, still, and very 
 silent, and that he was seldome seene to playe at any pas- 
 time among the boyes, and for that they sawe he was but of 
 slowe capacitie, and hard to learne and conceyve, and withall 
 that the boyes might doe to him what they would, he was 
 so lowly to his fellowes : this made men judge that looked 
 not into him, that he would prove a very foole and nigeot. 
 Yet other were of contrarie opinion of him : who consider- 
 ing more deepely the man, perceyved in his nature a certen 
 secret constancie and the majestie of a lyon. But Fabius 
 selfe when he was called to serve the common weale, dyd 
 quickely shewe to the world, that which they tooke for dullnes 
 in him, was his gravitie, which never altered for no cause or 
 respect: and that which other judged fearefullnes in him, 
 was very wisedome. And where he shewed him selfe not 
 hastie, nor sodaine in any thing : it was found in him an 
 assured and setled constancie. Wherefore when he came to 
 consider the great soveraintie of their common weale, and 
 the continuall warres it was in : he dyd use his bodie to all 
 hardnes, and brought up him selfe therewithall, that he 
 might be the better able to serve in the field : and he gave 
 him selfe much to eloquence also, as a necessary instrument 
 50 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to persuade souldiers unto reason. His tongue likewise dyd FABIUS 
 
 agree with his conditions, and manner of life. For he had MAXIMUS 
 
 no manner of affectation, nor counterfeate finenes in his 
 
 speach, but his words were ever very grave and profounde, 
 
 and his sentences even grafte in him by nature, and (as some 
 
 saye) were much like Thucydides sayings. As appeareth in 
 
 a funerall oration he made before the people in the praise of 
 
 his sonne, who dyed when he came out of his Consulshippe, 
 
 which is yet extant to be seene. Now as for him, having 
 
 bene five times chosen Consul, in his first yere of his Consul- Fabius five 
 
 shippe, he triumphed over the Ligurians (which be people of times Consul. 
 
 the mountaines, and upon the coast of Genua) who being 
 
 overthrowen by him in a great battell, where they had lost 
 
 many men, they were compelled to goe their waye, and to 
 
 take the Alpes for their succour, and durst no more appeare 
 
 upon the borders of Italie, whereupon they dyd confine. 
 
 Hannibal entring Italy afterwards with a great armie, and 
 having wonne the first battell neere unto the river of Trebia : 
 he passed further, and went through Thuscan, wasting and Hannibal 
 distroying all the countrie as he passed by. This made destroyeth 
 Rome quake for feare. Besides they sawe many signes and 
 tokens, some common unto them, as thundering, lightning, 
 and such other like : but other also more straunge, never 
 seene nor heard of before. For it was reported that certen 
 targets were waxen all bloudie of them selves, and that about Wonders, 
 the cittie of Antium they found wheate eares, which were 
 all bloudie when they were reaped : that there fell from 
 heaven, burning stones all in a flame of fire : and in the 
 countrie of the Phalerians how the element seemed to open, 
 and many litle written scrolles fell downe upon the ground, 
 in one of the which were written these wordes, worde for 
 worde : 4 Mars doth now handle his weapons.’ But all these 
 signes and wonders dyd nothing appawle nor daunte the 
 boldnes of Caius Flaminius, Consul then : who besides the Flaminius 
 naturall great corage, and aspiring minde he had to honour, rashenes. 
 yet was it beyond all reason increased in him, by the won- 
 derfull good successe he had before. For, notwithstanding 
 the Senate called him home againe, and that his fellowe 
 Consul stoode against his intent : he for all that dyd geve 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS battell to the Gaules, in despight of them all, and wanne 
 MAXIMUS the victorie. Likewise, though all these signes and wonders 
 in the ayer, dyd greatly trouble, and amaze multitudes of 
 people : yet did they nothing trouble Fabius, for he sawe 
 no apparant cause to be troubled withall. But he under- 
 standing the small number of his enemies, and the lacke of 
 Fabius wise money that was among them : gave counsell, and was of 
 
 counsell. opinion they should paciently forbeare a litle, and not to 
 
 hazard battell against a man, whose armie hadde bene long 
 trained in warres, and by many foughten fields was growen 
 valliant and expert. Moreover, he thought good they should 
 send ayde to their subjects, and other their allies and con- 
 federates, as neede required, to keepe their citties still under 
 their obedience : and in the meane season by tract of time, 
 to weare out Hanniballs force and power, which was like 
 strawe set a fire, that straight geveth forth a blase, and yet 
 hath no substaunce to holde fire long. When Fabius had 
 thus sayed enough to persuade Flaminius, yet it would not 
 sincke into Flaminius heade : for, sayeth he, I will not tarie 
 untill the warres come to Rome gates, neither will I be 
 brought to fight upon the walles of the cittie, to defend it, 
 and as Camillus dyd, that fought within the cittie selfe in 
 olde time. Whereupon he commaunded his captaines to 
 set out their bandes to the field, and he him selfe tooke his 
 horse backe : which upon the sodaine, without any cause was 
 so afeard, and tooke so on with him selfe, that he cast the 
 Consul to the grounde with his heade forward. For all this 
 fall he would not chaunge his minde, but helde on his jorney 
 toward Hannibal, and presented him battell in Thuscan, by 
 TheRomaines the lake called Thrasimena, which is the lake of Perusia. 
 slaine by the This battell was so fiercely fought on both sides, that not- 
 mena iaS1 " withstanding there was such a terrible earthquake there- 
 while, that some citties were overthrowen and turned topsi 
 turvey, some rivers had their streames turned against their 
 course, and the foote of the mountaines were torne in sonder, 
 and broken open : yet not one of them that were fighting, 
 Flaminius the heard any such thing at all. Flaminius the Consul selfe 
 Consul slaine. wa s slaine at that battell, after he had in his owne persone 
 done many a valliant acte, and many of the worthiest gentle- 
 52 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 men and valliantest souldiers of his armie laye dead about 
 him : the residue being fled, the slaughter was great, for the 
 bodies slaine were fifteene thousand, and so many prisoners 
 left alive. After this overthrowe, Hannibal made all the 
 searche he could possible to finde the ^odie of Flaminius, 
 to burie him honorably, bicause of his valliantnes : but he 
 could never be founde amongest the dead bodies, neither was 
 it ever hearde what became of it. Now as touching the first 
 overthrowe at Trebia, neither the generall that wrote it, nor 
 the post that brought the first newes to Rome, tolde the 
 trothe of it as it was, but fayned that the ende was doubt- 
 full, and that they could not tell who had the best. But of 
 this battell, so sone as the Praetor Pomponius had receyved 
 the newes, he called all the people to counsell, where with- 
 out disguising or dissembling at all, he playnely sayed thus 
 unto them : My Lordes, we have lost the battell, our army is 
 overthrowen, and the Consul him selfe is slaine in the field : 
 wherefore consider what you have to doe, and provide for 
 your safety. These wordes spoken to the people, as it had 
 bene a boysterous storme of weather that had fallen on them 
 from the sea, to put them in daunger, dyd so terrifie the 
 multitude, and trouble the whole citie for feare : that they 
 were all in a maze, and knewe not what to determine. Yet 
 in the ende they all agreed, that it stoode them upon to have 
 a chief magistrate, called in Latin Dictatura , that should be 
 a man of corage, and could stowtely use it without sparing 
 or fearing any persone. And for this, Fabius Maximus was 
 thought the only man mete to be chosen, as he, whose noble 
 corage and grave behaviour was aunswerable, to the dignitie 
 and soveraintie of the office : and moreover, that to his 
 gravity and wisedome there was joyned (by reasonable age) 
 strength of bodie, and valliantnes with experience. This 
 counsell being confirmed by them all, Fabius was chosen 
 Dictator, who named Lucius Minutius generall of the horse- 
 men. Then he first required the Senate, that they would 
 graunte him he might have his horse in the warres : the 
 which was not lawfull for the Dictator, but expressely for- 
 bidden by an auncient order. Either bicause they thought 
 the chiefest force of their armie dyd consist in their foote- 
 
 53 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius 
 
 Dictator. 
 
 The Dictator 
 might not ride 
 in the warres. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 The majestie 
 of Fabius the 
 Dictator. 
 
 Fabius 
 
 religion. 
 
 The Sibylles 
 bookes of 
 prophecies. 
 
 Fabius vowe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 men, which caused the making of this lawe : whereby the 
 generall should be amongest them in the daye of the battell, 
 and in no wise should forsake them. Or els bicause the 
 authoritie of this magistrate in all other things was so great, 
 that it was in manner after the state of a King : yet all 
 this notwithstanding, they were willing thereunto, and that 
 the Dictator should have absolute power over the people. 
 Fabius at his first comming, bicause he would shewe the 
 majestie and dignitie of his office, and that every man 
 should be the more obedient and readie at his commaunde- 
 ment: when he went abroade, he had foure and twentie 
 sergeants before him, carying the bundells of roddes, and 
 axes. And when one of the Consulls came to him, he sent 
 a sergeant to commaund his bundell of roddes that were 
 caried before him, to be put downe, and all other tokens of 
 dignitie to be layed a side : and that he should come and 
 speake with him, as a private man. And first to make a 
 good foundation, and to beginne with the service of the 
 goddes: he declared unto the people, that the losse they 
 had receyved, came through the rashenes and willfull negli- 
 gence of their captaine, who made no reckoning of the 
 goddes nor religion : and not through any defaulte and 
 cowardlines of the souldiers. And for this cause he dyd 
 persuade them not to be afrayed of their enemies, but to 
 appease the wrath of the goddes, and to serve and honour 
 them. Not that he made them hereby superstitious, but 
 dyd confirme their valiancy with true religion and godlines : 
 and besides dyd utterly take awaye and aswage their feare 
 of their enemies, by geving them certaine hope and assur- 
 aunce of the ayde of the goddes. Then were the holy bookes 
 of the Sibylles prophesies perused, which are kept very 
 secret : and therein they founde certaine auncient prophecies 
 and oracles, which spake of the present misfortunes of the 
 time. But what were conteined therein, it is not lawfull to 
 be uttered to any persone. Afterwards the Dictator, before 
 the open assembly of the people, made a solemne vowe unto 
 the goddes, that he would sacrifice all the profits and fruites 
 that should fall the next yere, of sheepe, of sowes, of milche 
 kyne, and of goates in all the mountaines, champion count rie, 
 54 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 rivers, or meadowes of Italie. And he would celebrate playes 
 of musike, and shewe other sightes in the honour of the 
 goddes, and would bestowe upon the same the summe of 
 three hundred three and thirtie Sestercians, and three 
 hundred three and thirtie Romaine pence, and a third 
 parte over. All which summe reduced into Graecian money, 
 amownteth to foure score three thousand, five hundred, and 
 foure score, and three silver drachmas, and two obolos. Now 
 it were a hard thing to tell the reason why he doth mention 
 this summe so precisely, and why he dyd devide it by three, 
 unles it were to extolle the power of the number of three : 
 bicause it is a perfect number by the nature, and is the first 
 of the odde numbers, which is the beginning of divers 
 numbers, and conteineth in it self the first differences, and 
 the first elements and principles of all the numbers united 
 and joyned together. So Fabius having brought the people 
 to hope, and trust to have the ayde and favour of the goddes : 
 made them in the ende the better disposed to live well after- 
 wardes. Then Fabius hoping after victorie, and that the 
 goddes would send good lucke and prosperitie unto men, 
 through their valliantnes and wisdome : dyd straight set 
 forwards unto Hannibal, not as minded to fight with him, 
 but fully resolved to weare out his strength and power, by 
 delayes and tract of time : and to increase his povertie by 
 the long spending of his owne money, and to consume the 
 small number of his people, with the great number of his 
 souldiers. Fabius camped allwayes in the strong and highe 
 places of the mountaines, out of all daunger of his enemies 
 horsemen, and coasted still after the enemie : so that when 
 Hannibal stayed in any place, Fabius also stayed: if Hannibal 
 removed, he followed him straight, and would be allwayes 
 neere him, but never forsooke the hilles, neither would he 
 come so neere him, as that he should be inforced to fight 
 against his will. Yet allwayes he followed the enemie at his 
 tayle, and made him ever afeard of him, thincking still that 
 he sought to get the vantage, to geve the charge upon him. 
 Thus by delaying, and prolonging the time in this sorte : he 
 became disliked of every bodye. For every man both in his 
 owne campe, and abroade, spake very ill of him openly : and 
 
 55 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius doings 
 
 against 
 
 Hannibal. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS as for his enemies, they tooke him for no better, then a 
 MAXIMUS rancke coward, Hannibal only excepted. But he perceyving 
 his great reache and policie, and foreseeing the manner of 
 fight, sawe there was no remedy, but by playne force or 
 slight to bring him to the fight : for otherwise his delaye 
 would overthrowe the Carthaginians, when they should not 
 come to handy strokes with him, wherein only consisted all 
 their hope and strength, and in the meane time his souldiers 
 should fall away, and dye, and his money was scante, and 
 him selfe should growe the weaker. Thereupon Hannibal 
 beganne to bethinke him, and devise all the stratageames 
 and policies of warre he could imagine : and like a cunning 
 wrestler, to seeke out all the trickes he could to geve his 
 adversarie the falle. For sodainely, he would goe and geve 
 alarom to his campe : by and by againe he would retire. 
 Another time he would remove his campe, from one place to 
 another, and geve him some advantage, to see if he could 
 plucke his lingring devise out of his head, and yet to hazard 
 nothing. But as for Fabius, he continued still resolute in 
 his first determination : that delaye of fight was the best 
 Minutius waye so to overthrowe him. Howbeit Minutius, generall 
 generallofthe of his horsemen, dyd trouble him muche. For he being 
 horsemen^dis- earnes tly bent to fight without discretion, and braving of 
 a lustie corage, crept into opinion with the souldiers, by his 
 whotte furie and desire to fight. Which wrought muche in 
 them, and so sturred up their corages, that they mocked 
 Fabius altogether : and called him Hanniballs schoole- 
 master : and contrariwise they commended Minutius, for 
 a valliant captaine, and worthie Romaine. This made 
 Minutius looke highe, and have a prowde opinion of him 
 selfe, mocking Fabius bicause he ever lodged on the hilles, 
 with saying, the Dictator would make them goodly sportes, 
 to see their enemies waste and burne Italy before their face. 
 Moreover, he asked Fabius friendes, whether he would in 
 the ende lodge his campe in the skye, that he dyd clyme up 
 so highe upon mountaines, mistrusting the earthe : or els 
 that he was so affrayed, his enemies would finde him out, 
 that he went to hyde him selfe in the clowdes. Fabius 
 friendes made reporte of these jeastes, and advised him 
 56 
 
 pised Fabius 
 counsell. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 rather to hazard battell, then to beare suche reproachefull 
 wordes as were spoken of him. But Fabius aunswered 
 them : If I should yeld to that you counsell me, I should 
 shewe my selfe a greater coward then I am taken for 
 now : by leaving my determination, for feare of their mockes 
 and spightfull wordes. For it is no shame for a man to 
 stand fearefull, and jealous, of the welfare and safetie 
 of his countrie: but otherwise to be afeard of the wagg- 
 ing of every strawe, or to regard every common prating, 
 it is not the parte of a worthie man of charge, but 
 rather of a base minded persone, to seeke to please those 
 whom he ought to commaunde and governe, bicause they 
 are but fooles. After this, Hannibal chaunced to fall 
 into a great errour. For intending to leave Fabius to 
 bring his armie into the playnes, where there was plentie of 
 vittells, and store of pasture to feede his horse and cattell : 
 he commaunded his guydes to bring him straight after supper, 
 into the playne of Casinum. They mistaking his wordes, 
 and not understanding well what he sayed, bicause his Italian 
 tongue was but meane : tooke one thing for another, and so 
 brought him and his armie to the ende of a feild neere the 
 cittie of Casilinum, through the middest of the which ronneth 
 a river, the Romaines call Vulturnus. Nowe the countrie 
 lying by it, was a valley compassed in with mountaines 
 round about, saving that the river went to the sea : where 
 leaving his owne banckes, it spreadeth abroade into the 
 marisses, and banckes of sande very deepe, and in the ende 
 fell into that parte of the sea which is most daungerous, and 
 there was neither succour nor covert. Hannibal being now 
 fallen as it were into the bottome of a sacke, Fabius that 
 knewe the countrie, and was very perfect in all the wayes 
 thereaboutes, followed him steppe by steppe, and stopped 
 his passage, where he should have come out of the valley, 
 with foure thousand footemen, which he planted there to 
 keepe the straight, and disposed the rest of his armie upon 
 the hanginges of the hilles, in the most apt and fit places 
 all about. Then with his light horse men he gave a charge, 
 upon the rereward of his enemies battell : which put all 
 Hannibals armie by and by out of order, and so there were 
 
 2 : H 57 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Hannibal fell 
 into great 
 errour. 
 
 Casilinum 
 a cittie. 
 
 Vulturnus ft 
 
 Hannibal 
 set upon by 
 Fabius. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS slaine eight hundred of his men. Whereupon Hannibal 
 MAXIMUS would have removed his campe thence immediatly, and 
 knowing then the faulte his guydes had made, taking one 
 place for another, and the daunger wherein they had brought 
 him : he roundely trussed them up, and honge them by the 
 neckes. Now to force his enemies to come downe from the 
 toppes of the hilles, and to winne them from their strength, 
 he sawe it was unpossible, and out of all hope. Wherefore, 
 perceyving his souldiers both afrayed and discouraged, for 
 that they sawe them selves hemmed in on all sides, without 
 Hannibals any order to escape: Hannibal determined to deceyve Fabius 
 stratageame. by a devise. He caused straight two thousand oxen to be 
 chosen out of the heard, which they had taken before in their 
 spoyles, and tyed to their homes light bundells of reedes, 
 and sallowe faggottes, or bunches of the dead cuttings of 
 vines : and commaunded the drovers that had the charge 
 of them, that when they sawe any signall or token lift up 
 in the ayer in the night, they should then straight set fire 
 on those bundels and bunches, and drive up the beastes to 
 the hilles, toward the wayes where the enemies laye. Whilest 
 these things were a preparing, he on the other side ranged 
 his armie in order of battell : and when night came, caused 
 them to marche fayer and softely. Now these beastes, whilest 
 the fyre was but litle that burnt upon their homes, went but 
 fayer and softly up the hill from the foote of the mountaines 
 from whence they were driven. In so muche as the heard 
 men that were on the toppe of the mountaines, wondred 
 marvelously to see suche flames and fires about the homes 
 of so many beastes, as if it had bene an armie marching 
 in order of battell with lightes and torches. But when their 
 homes came to be burnt to the stumpes, and that the force of 
 the fyre dyd frye their very fleshe : then beganne the oxen to 
 fight together, and to shake their heades, wherby they dyd 
 set one another a fyre. Then left they their softe pace, and 
 went no more in order as they dyd before, but for the ex- 
 treme payne they felt, beganne to runne here and there in 
 the mountaines, carying fyre still about their homes, and in 
 their tayles, and set fyre of all the boughes and coppesies 
 they passed by. This was a straunge sight to looke upon, 
 58 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and dyd muche amase the Romaines that kept the passages 
 of the mountaines, for they thought they had bene men that 
 ranne here and there with torches in their handes. Where- 
 upon they were in a marvelous feare and trouble, supposing 
 they had bene their enemies that ranne thus towards them, 
 to environne them of all sides : so as they durst no more 
 keepe the passages which they were commaunded, but for- 
 saking the straightes, beganne to flye towards their mayne 
 and great campe. Thereupon Hannibals light horse men 
 immediatly possessed the straights that were kept : by reason 
 whereof, all the rest of his armie marched out at their ease 
 and leysure, without feare or daunger, notwithstanding that 
 they were loden and troubled with marvelous great spoyles, 
 and of all kynde of sortes. Fabius then perceyved very well 
 the same night, that it was but a slight of Hannibal : for 
 some of the oxen that fled here and there fell upon his 
 armie. Whereupon fearing to fall upon some ambushe by 
 reason of the darke night, he kept his men in battell raye, 
 without sturring, or making any noise. The next morning 
 by breake of daye, he beganne to followe his enemie by the 
 tracke, and fell upon the tayle of the rereward, with whom he 
 skirmished within the straites of the mountaines : and so dyd 
 distresse somewhat Hannibals armie. Hannibal thereupon 
 sent out of his vauntgarde a certaine number of Spaniards 
 (very lusty and nymble fellowes, that were used to the moun- 
 taines, and acquainted with climing up upon them) who 
 comming downe, and setting upon the Romaines that were 
 heavy armed, slue a great number of them, and made Fabius 
 to retire. Thereupon they despised Fabius the more, and 
 thought worse of him then they dyd before : bicause his 
 pretence and determination was not to be brought to fight 
 with Hannibal, but by wisedome and policie to overthrowe 
 him, where as he him selfe by Hannibal was first finely 
 handled and deceyved. Hannibal then to bring Fabius 
 further in disliking and suspition with the Romaines, com- 
 maunded his souldiers when they came neere any of Fabius 
 landes, that they should burne and destroye all round about 
 them, but gave them in charge in no wise to medle with 
 Fabius landes, nor any thing of his, and dyd purposely 
 
 59 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Hannibals 
 
 craftines 
 
 against 
 
 Fabius. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius 
 chaungeth 
 prisoners with 
 Hannibal. 
 
 Fabius re- 
 demeth the 
 prisoners with 
 his money. 
 
 Fabius leaveth 
 Minutius his 
 lieftenant in 
 the field. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 appointe a garrison to see that nothing of Fabius should mis- 
 carie, nor yet take hurte. This was straight caried to Rome, 
 which dyd thereby the more incense the people against him. 
 And to helpe it forward, the Tribunes never ceased crying 
 out upon him in their orations to the people, and all by 
 Metellus speciall procurement and persuasion : who of him 
 selfe had no cause to mislike with Fabius, but only bicause 
 he was Minutius kinseman (generall of the horsemen) and 
 thought that the ill opinion they bare to Fabius, would 
 turne to the prayse and advauncement of Minutius. The 
 Senate also were muche offended with Fabius, for the com- 
 position he made with Hannibal, touching the prisoners 
 taken of either side. For it was articled betweene them, 
 that they should chaunge prisoners, delivering man for man, 
 or els two hundred and fiftie silver drachmas for a man, if 
 the one chaunced to have moe prisoners then the other. 
 When exchaunge was made betweene them, it appeared 
 that Hannibal had left in his handes of Romaine prisoners, 
 two hundred and fortie moe, then Fabius had to exchaunge 
 of his. The Senate commaunded there should be no money 
 sent to redeeme them, and greatly founde faulte with Fabius 
 for making this accorde : bicause it was neither honorable, 
 nor profitable for the common weale to redeeme men that 
 cowardly suffered them selves to be taken prisoners of their 
 enemies. Fabius understanding it, dyd paciently beare this 
 displeasure conceyved against him by the Senate. Howbeit 
 having no money, and meaning to keepe his worde, and not 
 to leave the poore cittizens prisoners behinde him : he sent 
 his sonne to Rome, with commission to sell his landes, and 
 to bring him money immediatly. The young man went his 
 waye to Rome, and sold his fathers farmes, and brought him 
 money forthwith to the campe : Fabius therewith redeemed 
 the prisoners, and sent their ransome unto Hannibal. Many 
 of the prisoners whom he had redeemed, offred to repaye him 
 their ransome : but he would never take any thing againe, 
 and gave them all their ransome freely. Afterwards being 
 called to Rome by the priestes to doe certaine solemne sacri- 
 fices, he left the armie in charge with Minutius, to governe 
 the same in his absence, with condition not to set upon the 
 60 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 enemie, nor to fight with him at all : the which not only by FABIUS 
 his authoritie he dyd expressely forbid him, but also as his MAXIMUS 
 very friende, he dyd warne and intreate him in no wise to 
 attempt. Howbeit Minutius litle regarding his commaunde- 
 mentes or requestes, so sone as Fabius backe was turned, 
 beganne to be somewhat lustie, and doing with his enemies. 
 
 So one daye amongest the rest, Minutius perceyving Hannibal 
 
 had sent a great parte of his armie abroade to forrage and 
 
 get vittells : came and set upon them that remained behinde, 
 
 and drave them into their campe, with great slaughter, and 
 
 dyd put them in a marvelous feare that were saved, as men 
 
 that looked for no lesse, but to have bene besieged in their 
 
 campe. Afterwardes also, when their whole armie came 
 
 together againe: he retired backe in spight of them all, 
 
 and lost not a man. This exploite set Minutius in a 
 
 pryde, and brought the souldiers to be more rashe then 
 
 they were before. The newes of this overthrowe went 
 
 with speede to Rome, and there they made it a great 
 
 deale more then it was. Fabius hearing of it, sayed : he 
 
 was more afeard of Minutius prosperitie, then of his owne Minutius 
 
 adversitie. But the common people rejoyced marvelosly, and rashenes. 
 
 made great shewe of joye up and downe the market place. 
 
 Whereupon Metellus one of the Tribunes going up into the Fabius 
 pulpit, made an oration unto the people, in the which he accused of 
 highely magnified Minutius, and commended his corage : and ' the 
 
 contrarily charged Fabius no more of cowardlines, but with Tribune 
 flat treason. Furthermore, he dyd accuse the Nobilitie and 
 greatest men of Rome, saying : that from the first beginning 
 they had layed a platte to drawe these warres out at length, 
 only to destroye the peoples power and authoritie, having 
 brought the whole common weale, to the state of a monarchy, 
 and into the handes of a private persone. Who by his re- 
 missenes and delayes, would geve Hannibal leysure to plante 
 him selfe in Italie, and by time geve open passage to the Car- 
 thaginians, at their pleasure to send Hannibal a second ayde 
 and armie, to make a full conquest of all Italie. Fabius 
 hearing these wordes, rose up straight, and spake to the 
 people, and taried not about the aunswering of the accusa- 
 tions the Tribune had burdened him withall, but prayed 
 
 61 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 The crueltie 
 of Manlius 
 Torquatus 
 to his sonne 
 after his 
 victorie. 
 
 The Dictator 
 and generall 
 of the horse- 
 men made 
 equall in 
 authoritie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 them they would dispatche these sacrifices and ceremonies of 
 the goddes, that he might spedilie returne againe to the 
 campe, to punishe Minutius, for breaking his commaunde- 
 ment, in fighting with the enemie. He had no soner spoken 
 these wordes, but there rose a marvelous tumulte and hurly 
 burley presently among the people, for the daunger Minutius 
 stoode in then : bicause the Dictator had absolute power and 
 authoritie to imprisone and put to death, whom he thought 
 good, without ordinary course of lawe or araynement. More- 
 over, they dyd judge, since Fabius had alate left his accus- 
 tomed mildnes and affabilitie, that he would growe to such 
 severitie in his anger, that it would be a hard thing to 
 appease him. Wherefore every man held their peace for 
 feare, saving only Metellus the Tribune. He having autho- 
 ritie by vertue of his office, to saye what he thought good, 
 and who only of all other kept still his place and authoritie, 
 when any Dictator was chosen : then all the officers that 
 were put down, instantly besought the people not to forsake 
 Minutius, nor to suffer the like to be done to him, as Manlius 
 Torquatus dyd alate to his sonne, who strake of his head, 
 after he had valliantly fought with his enemies and overcomed 
 them, for breaking his commaundement. And beganne to 
 persuade them further, to take this tyrannicall power of the 
 Dictatorshippe from Fabius : and to put their affayers into 
 the handes of him, that would and could tell howe to bring 
 them safely to passe. The people were tickled marvelously 
 with these seditious wordes, but yet they durst not force 
 Fabius to resigne his Dictatorshippe, though they bare him 
 great grudge, and were angrie with him in their hartes. How- 
 beit they ordeined that Minutius thenceforth should have 
 equall power and authoritie with the Dictator in the warres, 
 a thing that was never seene nor heard of before, and yet 
 the very same done in that sorte againe, after the battell of 
 Cannes. For Marcus Iunius being at that time Dictator in 
 the campe, they dyd choose another Dictator at Rome, which 
 was Fabius Buteo, to name and create newe Senators in the 
 place of those that were slaine in the battell. But after he 
 had named them, and restored the full number againe of the 
 counsell of the Senate : he discharged the selfe same daye the 
 62 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 sergeants that caried the axes before him, and sent awaye 
 the traine that waited upon him, and dyd so put him selfe 
 in prease of the people in the market place, and followed 
 his owne peculiar busines as a private persone. Nowe the 
 Romaines imagined, that when Fabius should see ho we they 
 had made Minutius equall in authoritie with him, it would 
 greve him to the harte for very anger : but they came shorte 
 to judge of his nature, for he dyd not thincke that their folly 
 should hurte or dishonour him at all. But as wise Diogenes 
 aunswered one that sayed unto him, Looke, they mocke thee: 
 Tushe (sayd he) they mocke not me. Meaning thereby, that 
 he tooke them to be mocked, that were offended with their 
 mockes. Thus Fabius tooke every thing quietly, that the 
 people offered him, and dyd comfort him selfe with the 
 philosophers rules and examples : who doe mainteine, that 
 an honest and wise man, can no waye be injured nor dis- 
 honoured. For all the displeasure he receyved by the peoples 
 follie, was in respect of the common wealth : bicause they had 
 put a sworde into a mad mans hande, in geving Minutius 
 authoritie to followe his rashe humour, and fonde ambition 
 in the warres. Wherefore, fearing least he being blinded with 
 vaine glorie, and presumptuous opinion of him selfe, should 
 rashely (and upon a head) hasten to doe some great hurte 
 before he came to the campe : he departed sodainely out of 
 Rome without any mans knowledge, to returne againe to the 
 campe, where he found Minutius so prowde and stowte, that 
 he was not to be delt with. For he would nedes have the 
 authoritie to commaund the whole armie when it came to his 
 turne. But Fabius would not consent to that, but devided 
 the one halfe of the armie betweene them : thincking it better 
 he should alone commaunde the one halfe, then the whole 
 army by turnes. So he chose for him selfe, the first and third 
 legion : and gave unto him, the seconde and fourth, and de- 
 vided also betwene them the ayde of their friends. And 
 when Minutius made his boaste, that the majestie of the 
 highest magistrate was brought lower for his sake : Fabius 
 tolde him that he might thincke, if he were wise, he had not 
 to fight with him, but with Hannibal : and if he would nedes 
 contend against his companion, yet he should have a speciall 
 
 63 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Diogenes 
 
 wordes. 
 
 Minutius 
 
 pride. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Haiinibal 
 layed ambush 
 for Minutius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 regard and consideration, that having wonne nowe the citti- 
 zens good willes, by whom he was so much honoured, he 
 should have no lesse care of their healthe and safety, then he 
 had, who was nowe troden under foote, and ill intreated by 
 them. Minutius tooke his lesson, for a counterfeate mocke, 
 after olde mens manners and facion : and so taking the one 
 half of the armie unto him, went and lodged alone by him 
 self. Hannibal hearing of their jarre and squaring together, 
 sought straight oportunitie to make their discord finely to 
 serve his turne. Nowe there was a hill betwene both their 
 campes not very harde to be wonne, and it was an excellent 
 place to lodge a campe safely in, and was very fitte and com- 
 modious for all things. The fields that were about it, dyd 
 seeme a farre of to be very playne and even ground, bicause 
 they had no covert of wodde to shadowe them, yet were there 
 many ditches and litle vallies in them : wherefore Hannibal 
 though he might easely have taken it at his pleasure if he 
 had listed, dyd let it alone in the middest betwene them, for 
 a bayte to drawe out his enemies to the battell. Nowe when 
 Hannibal sawe Eabius and Minutius lodged a sonder, he 
 placed certaine bandes in the night, among those ditches and 
 valleyes. Afterwardes the next morning by breake of daye, 
 he sent a small number of men openly to winne this hill : 
 hoping by this pollicie to traine Minutius out to the field, as 
 it fell out in deede. For first Minutius sent thither his light 
 horsemen, and afterwardes all his men at armes : and lastely 
 perceyving that Hannibal him selfe came to relieve his men 
 that were upon the hill, he him self marched forward also 
 with all the rest of his armie in order of battell, and gave a 
 whotte charge upon them that defended the hill, to drive 
 them thence. The fight continued equall a good space be- 
 twene them both, untill such time as Hannibal saw his enemie 
 come directly within his daunger, and shewed the rereward 
 of his battell naked unto his men, whom before he had layed 
 in ambushe : he straight raised the signall he had geven them. 
 They upon that discovered all together, and with great cries 
 dyd set upon the rereward of the Romaines, and slue a great 
 number of them at the first charge : and dyd put the reste in 
 suche a feare and disorder, as it is unpossible to expresse it. 
 64 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Then was Minutius rashe braverie and fonde boastes muche 
 cooled, when he looked first upon one captaine, then upon 
 another, and sawe in none of them any corage to tarie by it, 
 but rather that they were all readie to ronne away. Which 
 if they had done, they had bene cast awaye every man : for 
 the Numidians finding they were the stronger, dyd disperse 
 themselves all about the plaine, killing all stragglers that 
 fled. Minutius souldiers being brought to this daunger and 
 distresse, which Fabius foresawe they would fall into, and 
 having upon this occasion his armie readie ranged in order 
 of battell, to see what would be come of Minutius, not by 
 reporte of messengers, but with his owne eyes : he got him to 
 a litle hill before his campe, where when he sawe Minutius 
 and all his men compassed about on every side, and even 
 staggering and ready to flye, and heard besides their cries 
 not like men that had hartes to fight, but as men scared, and 
 ready to flye for feare to save them selves : he clapped his 
 hande on his thigh e, and fetched a great sighe, saying to 
 those that were about him : O goddes, howe Minutius is gone 
 to cast him selfe awaye, soner then I looked for, and later 
 then he desired ? But in speaking these wordes, he made his 
 ensignes marche on in haste, crying out alowde: O my friends, 
 we must dispatche with speede to succour Minutius : for he 
 is a valliant man of persone, and one that loveth the honour 
 of his countrie. And though with overmuch hardines he 
 hath ventred to farre, and made a faulte, thinking to have 
 put the enemies to flight : time serveth not now to accuse 
 him, we will tell him of it hereafter. So he presently brake 
 the Numides, and disparsed them, that laye waiting in the 
 fields for the Romaines, which they thought would have fled. 
 After wardes he went further, and dyd set upon them that 
 had geven charge upon the rereward of Minutius battell, 
 where he slue them that made head against him. The 
 residue, fearing least they should fall into the daunger they 
 had brought the Romaines unto : before they were environned 
 in of all sides, dyd turne taile straight to Fabius. Now 
 Hannibal seeing this chaunge, and considering howe Fabius 
 in persone, with more corage then his age required, dyd 
 make a lane in the middest of those that fought against the 
 2:1 65 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius fore- 
 sight in the 
 warre. 
 
 Fabius rescu- 
 eth Minutius, 
 generall of 
 the horsemen. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 The great 
 modestie of 
 Fabius. 
 
 Minutius 
 oration to his 
 souldiers. 
 
 The wisedom 
 of Minutius 
 acknowledg- 
 ing his fault. 
 
 side of the hill, to come to the place where Minutius was : 
 he made the battell to cease, and commaunded to sounde 
 the retreate, and so drue backe his men againe into his 
 campe, the Romaines being very glad also they might retire 
 with safetie. They saye Hannibal in his retiring, sayed 
 merylie to his friends : Have not I tolde you (Sirs) many a 
 time and ofte, of the hanging clowde we sawe on the toppe 
 of the mountaines, howe it would breake out in the ende 
 with a tempest that would fall upon us ? After this battell, 
 Fabius having stript those that were left dead in the field, 
 retired againe to his owne campe, and spake not an ill word 
 of Minutius his companion. Minutius then being come to 
 his campe, assembled his souldiers and spake thus to them : 
 4 My friends, not to erre at all, enterprising great matters, it 
 4 is a thing passing mans nature : but to take warning here- 
 4 after, by faultes that are paste and done, it is the parte of 
 4 a wise and valliant man. For my selfe, I acknowledge I 
 4 have no lesse occasion to prayse fortune, then I have also 
 4 cause to complaine of her. For that which long time could 
 4 never teach me, I have learned by experience in one litle 
 4 pece of a daye : and that is this. That I am not able to 
 4 commaunde, but am my selfe fitter to be governed and 
 4 commaunded by another : and that I am but a foole to 
 4 stande in mine owne conceipt, thinking to overcome those, 
 4 of whom it is more honour for me to confesse my selfe to be 
 4 overcome. Therefore I tell you, that the Dictator Fabius 
 4 henceforth shalbe he, who alone shall commaund you in all 
 4 things. And to let him knowe that we doe all acknowledge 
 4 the favour which we have presently receyved at his hands : I 
 4 will leade you to geve him thankes, and will my selfe be the 
 4 first man to offer to obey him in all that he shall commaund 
 4 me . 1 These wordes being spoken, he commaunded his ensigne 
 bearers to followe him, and he him selfe marched formest 
 towards Fabius campe. When he came thither, he went 
 directly to the Dictators tente : whereat every man wondered, 
 not knowing his intent. Fabius came out to mete him. 
 Minutius after he had set downe his ensignes at his feete, 
 sayed with a lowde voyce, O father : and his souldiers unto 
 Fabius souldiers, O masters, which name the bondemen that 
 66 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 are infranchesed, doe use to them that have manumised them. 
 Afterwards every man being silent, Minutius beganne alowde 
 to saye unto him : 4 My lorde Dictator, this daye you have 
 4 wonne two victories. The one of Hannibal, whom valliantly 
 4 you have overcome : the second, of my selfe your companion, 
 4 whom also your wisedome and goodnes hath vanquished. 
 4 By the one, you have saved our lives : and by the other, 
 4 you have wisely taught us. So have we also bene over- 
 4 come in two sortes : the one by Hannibal to our shame, 
 4 and the other by your selfe, to our honour and preserva- 
 6 tion. And therefore doe I nowe call you my father, 
 4 finding no other name more honorable to call you by, 
 4 wherewith I might honour you : acknowledging my selfe 
 4 more bounde unto you for the present grace and favour I 
 4 have receyved of you, then unto my naturall father that 
 4 begatte me. For by him only I was begotten : but by 
 4 you, mine, and all these honest cittizens lives have bene 
 4 saved.’ And having spoken these wordes, he embraced 
 Fabius : and so dyd the souldiers also, hartely embrace 
 together, and kisse one another. Thus the joye was great 
 through the whole campe, and one were so glad of another, 
 that the teares trickled downe their chekes for great joye. 
 Nowe when Fabius was afterwardes put out of his office of 
 Dictatorshippe, there were new Consuls chosen againe : the 
 two first followed directly Fabius former order he had 
 begonne. For they kept them selves from geving Hannibal 
 any battell, and dyd allway es send ayde to their subjects 
 and friends, to keepe them from rebellion : untill that 
 Terentius Varro (a man of meane birth, and knowen to be 
 very bold and rashe) by flattering of the people, wanne 
 credit among them to be made Consul. Then they thought 
 that he by his rashnes and lacke of experience, would incon- 
 tinently hazard battell : bicause he had cried out in all the 
 assemblies before, that this warre would be everlasting, so 
 long as the people dyd chuse any of the Fabians to be their 
 generalles, and vawnted him selfe openly, that the first daye 
 he came to see his enemies, he would overthrowe them. In 
 geving out these brave wordes, he assembled such a power, 
 that the Romaines never sawe so great a number together, 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Minutius 
 words to 
 Fabius. 
 
 The rashnes 
 of Terentius 
 Varro. 
 
 Terentius 
 Varro, Paulus 
 iEmilius 
 Consuls. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 TheRomaines 
 campe under 
 Terentius 
 Varro, 88000 
 men. 
 
 Fabius coun- 
 sell to Paulus 
 iEmilius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 against any enemie that ever they had : for he put into one 
 campe, foure score and eight thousand fighting men. This 
 made Fabius and the other Romaines, men of great wisedome 
 and j udgement, greatly affrayed : bicause they sawe no hope 
 for Rome to rise againe, if it fortuned that they should lose 
 so great a number of goodly youth. Therefore Fabius 
 talked with the other Consul, called Paulus dEmilius, a man 
 very skilfull and expert in warres, but ill beloved of the 
 common people, whose furie he yet feared, for that they had 
 condemned him a litle before to paye a great fine to the 
 treasurie : and after he had somewhat comforted him, he 
 beganne to persuade and encorage him to resist the fonde 
 rashnes of his companion, telling him, that he should have 
 asmuch to doe with Terentius Varro for the preservation and 
 safety of his countrie, as to fight with Hannibal for defence 
 of the same. For they were both Marshall men, and had a 
 like desire to fight : the one bicause he knewe not wherein 
 the vantage of his strength consisted, and the other bicause 
 he knewe very well his weaknes. You shall have reason to 
 beleeve me better, for matters touching Hannibal, then 
 Terentius Varro. For I dare warrant you, if you keepe 
 Hannibal from battel] but this yere : he shall of necessitie, 
 if he tarie, consume him self, or els for shame be driven 
 to flye with his armie. And the rather, bicause hetherto 
 (though he seeme to be lorde of the field) never one yet of 
 his enemies came to take his parte : and moreover bicause 
 there remaines at this daye in his campe not the third parte 
 of his armie, he brought with him out of his countrie. 
 Unto these persuasions, the Consul (as it is reported) 
 aunswered thus : When I looke into my selfe, my lorde 
 Fabius, me thinkes my best waye were rather to fall upon 
 the enemies pikes, then once againe to light into the hands 
 and voyces of our cittizens. Therefore, sith the estate of 
 the common wealth so requireth it, that it behoveth a man 
 to doe as you have sayed : I will doe my best indevour to 
 shewe my selfe a wise captaine, for your sake only, rather 
 then for all other that should advise me to the contrarie. 
 And so Paulus departed from Rome with this minde. But 
 Terentius his companion would in any case, they should 
 68 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 commaund the whole armie by turnes, eche his daye by him FABIUS 
 
 selfe : and went to encampe harde by Hannibal, by the river MAXIMUS 
 
 of Aufide, neere unto the village called Cannes. Nowe when Aufidius fl. 
 
 it came to his daye to commaund by turnes, early in the 
 
 mourning he caused the signall of battell to be set out, 
 
 which was a coate armour of skarlet in graine, that they 
 
 dyd laye out upon the pavilion of the generall : so that the 
 
 enemies at the first sight, beganne to be afeard, to see the 
 
 lustines of this newe come generall, and the great number of 
 
 souldiers he had also in his hoste, in comparison of them 
 
 that were not halfe so many. Yet Hannibal of a good 
 
 corage, commaunded every man to arme, and to put them 
 
 selves in order of battell : and him selfe in the meane time 
 
 taking his horse backe, followed with a fewe, gallopped up 
 
 to the toppe of a litle hill not very steepe, from whence he 
 
 might plainely discerne all the Romaines campe, and sawe 
 
 howe they dyd range their men in order of battell. Nowe 
 
 one Giscon (a man of like state and nobilitie as him selfe) 
 
 being with him at that time, tolde him, that the enemies 
 
 seemed a farre of to be a marvelous number. But Hannibal 
 
 rubbing his forehead, aunswered him : Yea, sayed he, but 
 
 there is another thing more to be wondered at then you 
 
 thinke of Giscon. Giscon straight asked him : What ? 
 
 Mary sayeth he this : that of all the great number of 
 souldiers you see yonder, there is not a man of them called 
 Giscon as you are. This mery aunswer delivered contrarie 
 to their expectation that were with him, looking for some 
 great waightie matter, made them all laughe a good. So 
 downe the hill they came laughing alowde, and tolde this 
 prety jeaste to all they met as they rode, which straight 
 from one to another ranne over all the campe, in so much 
 as Hannibal him selfe could not holde from laughing. The 
 Carthaginian souldiers perceyving this, beganne to be of a 
 good corage, imagining that their generall would not be so 
 merylie disposed as to fall a laughing, being so neere daunger, 
 if he had not perceyved him selfe a great deale to be the 
 stronger, and that he had good cause also to make no 
 reckoning of his enemies. Furthermore, he shewed two 
 policies of a skilfull captaine in the battell. The first was, 
 
 69 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Hannibals 
 stratagemes 
 at the battell 
 of Cannes. 
 
 Hannibals 
 order of 
 battell at 
 Cannes. 
 
 The slaughter 
 of the 
 
 Romanies at 
 the battell 
 of Cannes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the situation of the place, where he put his men in order of 
 battell, so as they had the winde on their backes : which 
 raging like a burning lightning, raised a sharpe dust out of 
 the open sandy valley, and passing over the Carthaginians 
 squadron, blewe full in the Romaines faces, with such a 
 violence, that they were compelled to turne their faces, and 
 to trouble their owne rankes. The seconde policie was, the 
 forme and order of his battell. For he placed on either side 
 of his winges, the best and valliantest souldiers he had in all 
 his armie : and dyd fill up the middest of his battell with 
 the worste of his men, which he made like a pointe, and was 
 farder out by a great deale, then the two winges of the fronte 
 of his battell. So he commaunded those of the winges, that 
 when the Romaines had broken his first fronte, and followed 
 those that gave backe, whereby the middest of his battell 
 should leave an hollowe place, and the enemies should come 
 in still increasing within the compasse of the two winges : 
 that then they should set upon them on both sides, and 
 charge their flanks immediatly, and so inclose them in 
 behind. And this was cause of a greater slaughter. For 
 when the midle battell beganne to geve backe, and to recey ve 
 the Romaines within it, who pursued the other very wholly, 
 Hannibals battell chaunged her forme : and where at the 
 beginning it was like a pointe, it became nowe in the middest 
 like a cressant or halfe moone. Then the captaines of the 
 chosen bandes that laye out in both the winges, made their 
 men to turne, some on the left hand, and some on the right, 
 and charged the Romaines on the flankes, and behinde, where 
 they were all naked : so they killed all those that could not 
 save them selves by flying, before they were environed. They 
 saye also, that there fell out another mischief by misfortune, 
 unto the horsemen of the Romaines, and by this occasion. 
 The horse of Paulus iEmilius the Consul being hurte, dyd 
 throwe his master on the grounde : whereupon those that 
 were next him, dyd light from their horse backs to helpe 
 him. The residue of the horsemen that were a great waye 
 behinde him, seeing them light, thought they had bene all 
 commaunded to light : hereupon every man forsooke their 
 horse, and fought it out a foote. Hannibal when he sawe 
 70 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that, sayed: Yea marie, I had rather have them so then 
 delivered me bounde hande and foote. But for those 
 matters, the historiographers doe dilate more at large. Fur- 
 thermore, of the two Consuls, Varro saved him selfe by his 
 horse, with a fewe following him, within the cittie of Venusa. 
 Paulus being in the middest of the throng of all the armie, 
 his bodie full of arrowes that stucke fast in his woundes, 
 and his harte sore loden with grievous sorowe and anguishe 
 to see the overthrowe of his men : was set downe by a rocke, 
 looking for some of his enemies, to come and ryd him out of 
 his payne. But fewe could knowe him, his head and face 
 was of such a gore bloude : insomuch as his friends and 
 servants also passed by him, and knewe him not. And 
 there was but one young gentleman of a noble house of the 
 Patricians, called Cornelius Lentulus, that knewe him, who 
 dyd his best endevour to save him. For he lighted a foote 
 presently, and brought him his horse, praying him to get up 
 upon him, to prove if he could save him selfe for the neces- 
 sity of his countrie, which nowe more then ever had neede 
 of a good and wise captaine. But he refused the gentlemans 
 offer and his intreatie, and compelled him to take his horse 
 backe againe, though the teares ranne downe his chekes for 
 pittie : and raising him selfe up to take him by the hande, 
 he sayed unto him : I pray you tell Fabius Maximus from 
 me, and witnesse with me, that Paulus JEmilius even to his 
 last hower hath followed his counsaill, and dyd never swarve 
 from the promise he made him : but that first he was forced 
 to it by Varro, and afterwardes by Hannibal. When he had 
 delivered these wordes, he bad Lentulus farewell : and ron- 
 ning againe into the furie of the slaughter, there he dyed 
 among his slaine companions. It is thought there were 
 slaine at this battell, fiftie thousand Romaines, and foure 
 thousand taken prisoners: and other tenne thousand that 
 were taken prisoners in two campes after the battell. When 
 this noble victorie was gotten, Hannibals friendes gave him 
 counsaill to followe his good fortune: and to enter Rome 
 after the scattered number that fled thither : so as within 
 fewe dayes following he might suppe in their capitoll. A 
 man cannot easely gesse what was the cause that stayed him, 
 
 71 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Paulus 
 iEmilius 
 slaine at 
 the battell 
 of Cannes. 
 
 50000 
 Romaines 
 slaine at 
 the battell 
 of Cannes. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 All Italy 
 revolted and 
 submitted 
 them selves 
 to Hannibal. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that he went not, unles it was (as I thinke) some good 
 fortune, or favourable God toward the Romanies that with- 
 stoode him, and made him afeard and glad to retire. Where- 
 upon they saye, that one Barca a Carthaginian, in his anger 
 sayed to Hannibal : Syr, you have the waye to overcome, 
 but you cannot use victorie. Notwithstanding, this victorie 
 made a marvelous chaunge for him. For hereupon, all Italy 
 in manner came in to submit them selves to him : where 
 before he had no towne at commaundement, nor any store- 
 house or porte through all Italie, yea he did marvelous 
 hardly, and with much a doe vittell his armie with that he 
 could daylie robbe and spoyle, having no certen place to 
 retire unto, nor grounded hope to entertain these warres, 
 but kept the field with his armie, removing from place to 
 place, as they had bene a great number of murderers and 
 theeves together. For the most parte of the countrie, dyd 
 yeld immediatly unto him : as the cittie of Capua, being the 
 chiefest and greatest cittie of all Italie but Rome, and dyd 
 receyve Hannibal, and were at his devotion. Thus we maye 
 plainely see, that as the poet Euripides sayeth : it is a great 
 mischief not onely to be driven to make triall of friendes, 
 but proofe also of captaines wisdom. For that which before 
 they accompted cowardlines and fainte harte in Fabius, 
 immediatly after the battell, they thought it more then 
 mans reason, and rather a heavenly wisdome and influence, 
 that so long foresawe the things to come, which the parties 
 selves that afterwards felt them, gave litle credit unto before. 
 Upon this occasion, Rome reposed incontinently all their 
 hope and trust in Fabius, and they repaired to him for 
 counsell, as they would have ronne unto some temple or altar 
 for sanctuarie. So as the first and chiefest cause of staying 
 the people together from dispersing them selves abroade, as 
 they dyd when Rome was taken by the Gaules : was the 
 only opinion and confidence they had in Fabius wisedome. 
 For where before he seemed to be a coward, and timerous, 
 when there was no daunger nor misfortune happened : then 
 when every man wept and cried out for sorrowe, which 
 could not helpe, and that all the world was so troubled that 
 there was no order taken for any thing, he contrarily went 
 72 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 alone up and downe the cittie very modestly, with a bold 
 constant countenaunce, speaking curteously to every one, 
 and dyd appease their womanishe cries and lamentations, and 
 dyd forbid the common assemblies and fonde ceremonies, of 
 lamenting the dead corse at their burialls. Then he per- 
 suaded the Senate to assemble in counsell, and dyd comforte 
 up those that were magistrates, and he alone was the only 
 force and power of the cittie : for there was not a man that 
 bare any office, but dyd cast his eye upon Fabius, to knowe 
 what he should doe. He it was that caused the gates of the 
 cittie straight to be warded, and to keepe those in for going 
 their waye, that would have forsaken the cittie. He more- 
 over dyd appointe the time and place of mourning, and dyd 
 commaund whosoever was disposed to mourne, that he should 
 doe it privately in his owne house, and to continue only but 
 thirtie dayes. Then he willed all mourning to be left of, 
 and that the cittie might be cleane from such uncleane 
 things. So the feast of Ceres falling about that time, he 
 thought it better to leave of the sacrifices and procession 
 they were wont to keepe on Ceres daye : then by their small 
 number that were left, and sorowe of those that remained, 
 to let their enemies understand their exceeding great losse. 
 For the goddes delite to be served with glad and rejoycing 
 hartes, and with those that are in prosperitie. But all this 
 notwithstanding, whatsoever the priestes would have done, 
 either to pacifie the wrath of the goddes, or to turne awaye 
 the threatnings of these sinister signes, it was forthwith 
 done. For they dyd sende to the oracle of Apollo, in the 
 cittie of Delphes, one of Fabius kinsemen surnamed Pictor. 
 And two of the Vestall Nunnes being deflowred : the one 
 was buried alive according to the lawe and custome, and the 
 other made her self awaye. But herein the great corage 
 and noble clemency of the Romaines, is marvelously to be 
 noted and regarded. For the Consul Terentius Varro return- 
 ing backe to Rome, with the shame of his extreme misfor- 
 tune and overthrowe, that he durste not looke upon any man : 
 the Senate notwithstanding, and all the people following 
 them, went to the gates of the cittie to meete him, and dyd 
 honorably receyve him. Nay furthermore, those that were 
 2 :K 73 
 
 FABIUS 
 MAXIMUS 
 Fabius con- 
 stancie after 
 the overthrow 
 at Cannes. 
 
 Fabius order 
 for mourning. 
 
 The magna- 
 nimitie of 
 the Romaines 
 after the over- 
 throwe at 
 Cannes. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius Maxi- 
 mus, and 
 Claudius 
 Marcellus 
 generalles. 
 
 Possidonius 
 wordes of 
 Fabius and 
 Marcellus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the chief magistrates and Senators, among whom Fabius 
 was one, when silence was made, they commended Varro 
 much : bicause he did not despaire of the preservation of the 
 common weale after so great a calamitie, but dyd returne 
 againe to the cittie, to helpe to reduce things to order, in 
 using the authoritie of the lawe, and the service of the 
 cittizens, as not being altogether under foote, but standing 
 yet in reasonable termes of good recovery. But when they 
 understoode that Hannibal after the battell was gone into 
 other partes of Italie : then they beganne to be of good 
 chere againe, and sent a newe armie and generalles to the 
 field, among which, the two chief generals were, Fabius 
 Maximus, and Claudius Marcellus, both which by contrary 
 meanes in manner, wanne a like glorie and reputation. 
 For Marcellus (as we have declared in his life) was a man 
 of speedy execution, of a quicke hande, of a valliant nature, 
 and a right martiall man, as Homer calleth them, that 
 valliantly put them selves in any daunger : by reason where- 
 of, having to deale with another captaine a like venturous 
 and valliant as him selfe, in all service and execution, he 
 shewed the selfe boldnes and corage that Hannibal dyd. 
 But Fabius persisting still upon his first determination, dyd 
 hope that though he dyd not fight with Hannibal, nor sturre 
 him at all, yet continuall warres would consume him and his 
 armie in the end, and bring them both to nought : as a 
 common wrestler that forceth his bodie above his naturall 
 strength, doth in the ende become a lame and broosed man. 
 Hereupon Possidonius writeth, that the one was called the 
 Romaines sworde, and the other their target. And that 
 Fabius constancie and resolutnes in warres to fight with 
 securitie, and to commit nothing to hazard and daunger, 
 being mingled with Marcellus heate and furie : was that 
 only, which preserved the Romaines empire. For Hannibal 
 meting allwayes in his waye the one that was furious, as a 
 strong ronning streame, founde that his army was continually 
 turmoyled and overharried : and the other thai was slowe as 
 a litle prety river, he founde that his army ranne softely 
 under him without any noyse, but yet continually by litle and 
 litle it dyd still consume and diminishe him, untill he sawe 
 74 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him selfe at the last brought to that passe, that he was weary 
 with fighting with Marcellus, and affrayed of Fabius bicause 
 he fought not. For during all the time of these warres, he 
 had ever these two captaines almost against him, which were 
 made either Praetors, Consuls, or Proconsuls : for either of 
 them both had bene five times before chosen Consul. Yet as 
 for Marcellus : Hannibal had layed an ambushe for him in 
 the fifte and last yere of his Consulshippe, where he set upon 
 him on a sodaine, and slue him. But as for Fabius, he layed 
 many baytes for him, and dyd what he could by all the skill 
 and reache he had, by ambushes, and other warlike policies 
 to entrappe him : but he could never drawe him within his 
 daunger. Howbeit at one time he put him to a litle trouble, 
 and was in good hope then to have made him falle upon his 
 ambushe he had layed for him : and by this policie. He had 
 counterfeated letters written and sent unto him from the 
 cittie of Metapont, to praye him to come to them, and they 
 would deliver their cittie into his handes : and withall, that 
 such as were privie to the contentes of the same, desired no 
 other thing but his repaire thither. These letters pretily 
 quickned Fabius, insomuch as he was determined one night 
 to have taken parte of his armie, and to have gone to them. 
 But bicause the signes of the birdes dyd promise him no good 
 successe, he left of his purpose. Sone after he understoode 
 they were counterfeate letters, made by Hannibals fine devise 
 to have drawen him out, and to have intrapped him, for 
 whom him selfe laye in persone in ambushe neere the cittie, 
 looking and waiting for his comming : but the goddes who 
 would have him saved, were only to be thanked for his happy 
 scape. Furthermore, concerning the revolte of the citties 
 that were subject unto them, and the rising of their allies 
 and friends against them : Fabius thought it farre better to 
 intreate them curteously, making them ashamed without 
 occasion to rebell against them, rather then openly to suspect 
 them, and to deale straightly with those that were so to be 
 suspected. Now for this matter, it is reported that Fabius 
 had a souldier in his campe that was a Marsian borne by 
 nation, a valliant man of his persone, and also of as noble a 
 house, as any that were of all the allies of the Romaines : 
 
 75 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 slaine by an 
 ambushe of 
 Hannibals. 
 
 Hannibals 
 ambush layed 
 for Fabius. 
 
 Fabius lenitie 
 in correcting 
 of faultes. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Note how 
 Fabius re- 
 claimed an 
 evill souldier. 
 
 Necessarie 
 rules for a 
 captaine. 
 
 who had practised with other his fellowes of the bande he 
 served in, to goe serve the enemie. Fabius hearing of this 
 practise he went about, gave him no ill countenaunce for it, 
 but calling him to him, he sayed : I must confesse there is 
 no reckoning made of you, as your good service doth deserve : 
 wherefore for this time (sayeth he) I blame the pety captaines 
 only, which in such sorte doe bestowe their good will and 
 favour at adventure, and not by deserte. But henceforth it 
 shalbe your owne faulte if you doe not declare your minde 
 unto me, and betweene you and me make me privie of your 
 lacke and necessitie. When he had spoken these wordes to 
 him, he gave him a very good horse for service, and dyd re- 
 warde him with other honorable giftes, as men of good ser- 
 vice and desert have commonly bestowed on them : and this 
 dyd so encorage the souldier thenceforth, that he became a 
 very faithfull and serviceable souldier to the Romaines. For 
 Fabius thought it more fit, that hunters, riders of horses, and 
 such like as take upon them to tame brute beastes, should 
 sonner make them leave their savage and churlishe nature, 
 by gentle usage and manning of them : then by beating, and 
 shackling of them. And so a governour of men, should rather 
 correct his souldier by pacience, gentlenes, and clemency : then 
 by rigour, violence, or severitie. Otherwise he should handle 
 them more rudely, and sharpely, then husbandmen doe figge 
 trees, olive trees, and wilde pomegarnets : who by diligent 
 pruning and good handling of them, doe alter their harde 
 and wilde nature, and cause them in the end to bring forth 
 good figges, olives and pomegarnets. Another time certaine 
 captaines of his brought him worde, that there was one of 
 their souldiers which would ever goe out of the campe, and 
 leave his ensigne. He asked them, what manner of man he 
 was. They aunswered him all together, that he was a very 
 good souldier, and that they could hardly finde out suche 
 another, in all their bandes as he : and therewithall they 
 tolde him, of some notable service they had seene him doe in 
 persone. Whereupon Fabius made a diligent enquierie to 
 know what the cause was, that made him goe so oft out of the 
 campe : in the end, he founde he was in love with a young 
 woman, and that to goe see her, was the cause he dyd so ofte 
 
 76 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 leave his ensigne, and dyd put his life in so great daunger, 
 for that she was so farre of. When Fabius understoode this, 
 he sent certaine souldiers (unknowing to the souldier) to bring 
 the woman awaye he loved, and willed them to hyde her in 
 his tente : and then called he the souldier to him, that was a 
 Lucanian borne, and taking him a side, sayed unto him thus : 
 My friend, it hath bene tolde me, how thou hast lyen many 
 nightes out of the campe, against the lawe of armes, and 
 order of the Romaines, but therewithall I understande also 
 that otherwise thou art an honest man, and therefore I par- 
 done thy faultes paste, in consideration of thy good service : 
 but from henceforth I will geve thee in custodie to such a 
 one, as shall make me accompt of thee. The souldier was 
 blancke, when he heard these wordes. Fabius with that, 
 caused the woman he was in love with, to be brought forth, 
 and delivered her into his hands, saying unto him : This 
 woman hereafter shall aunswer me thy bodie to be forth 
 comming in the campe amongest us : and from henceforth 
 thy deedes shall witnesse for the reste, that thy love unto 
 this woman, maye be no cloke of thy departing out of the 
 campe for any wicked practise or intent. Thus much we 
 finde written concerning this matter. Moreover, Fabius after 
 suche a sorte, recovered againe the cittie of Tarentum, and 
 brought it to the obedience of the Romaines, which they had 
 lost by treason. It fortuned there was a young man in his 
 campe, a Tarentine borne, that had a sister within Tarentum, 
 which was very faithfull to him, and loved him marvelous 
 dearely : now there was a captaine, a Brutian borne, that fell 
 in love with her, and was one of those to whom Hannibal had 
 committed the charge of the cittie of Tarentum. This gave 
 the young souldier the Tarentine, very good hope, and waye, 
 to bring his enterprise to good effect : whereupon he revealed 
 his intent to Fabius, and with his privitie fled from his campe, 
 and got into the cittie of Tarentum, geving it out in the 
 cittie, that he would altogether dwell with his sister. Now 
 for a fewe dayes at his first comming, the Brutian captaine 
 laye alone by him selfe, at the request of the mayde his sister, 
 who thought her brother had not knowen of her love : and 
 shortely after the young fellowe tooke his sister aside, and 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 How Fabius 
 wanne Taren- 
 tum againe. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Tarentum 
 wonne by a 
 womans 
 meanes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 sayed unto her : My good sister, there was a great speache 
 in the Romaines campe, that thou wert kept by one of the 
 chiefest captaines of the garrison : I praye thee if it be so, let 
 me knowe what he is. For so he be a good fellowe, and an 
 honest man (as they saye he is) I care not : for warres that 
 turneth all things topsi turvey, regardeth not of what place 
 or calling he is of, and still maketh vertue of necessitie, with- 
 out respect of shame. And it is a speciall good fortune, at 
 such time as neither right nor reason rules, to happen yet 
 into the handes of a good and gratious lorde. His sister 
 hearing him speake these wordes, sent for the Brutian 
 captaine to bring him acquainted with her brother, who 
 liked well of both their loves, and indevoured him self to 
 frame his sisters love in better sorte towards him, then it 
 was before : by reason whereof, the captaine also beganne 
 to trust him very muche. So this young Tarentine sawe 
 it was very easie, to winne and turne the minde of this 
 amarous and mercenarie man, with hope of great giftes 
 that were promised him, and Fabius should performe. 
 Thus doe the most parte of writers set downe this storie. 
 Howbeit some writers saye, that this woman who wanne the 
 Brutian captaine, was not a Tarentine, but a Brutian borne, 
 whom Fabius it is sayed, kept afterwards for his concubine : 
 and that she understanding the captaine of the Brutians 
 (who laye in garrison within the cittie of Tarentum) was 
 also a Brutian borne, and of her owne native countrie : 
 made Fabius privie to her intent, and with his consent, she 
 comming to the walles of the cittie, spake with this Brutian 
 captaine, whom she handled in such sorte, that she wanne 
 him. But whilest this geare was a brewing, Fabius, bicause 
 he would traine Hannibal out of those quarters, wrote unto 
 the souldiers of Rhegio : which belonged to the Romaines, 
 that they should enter the borders of the Brutians, and lave 
 seige to the cittie of Caulonia, and rase it to the grounde. 
 These Rhegian souldiers were about the number of eight 
 thousand, and the most of them traitours, and ronneagates, 
 from one campe to another : and the worst sorte of them, 
 and most defamed of life, were those that Marcellus brought 
 thither out of Sicile, so that in losing them all, the losse 
 78 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 were nothing to the common weale, and the sorrowe muche FABIUS 
 lesse. So Fabius thought, that putting these fellowes out MAXIMUS 
 for a praye to Hannibal (as a stale to drawe him from 
 those quarters) he should plucke him by this meanes from 
 Tarentum : and so it came to passe. For Hannibal incon- 
 tinently went thence with his armie to intrappe them : and 
 in the meane time Fabius went to laye seige to Tarentum, 
 where he had not lien six dayes before it, but the young 
 man (who together with his sister had drawen the Brutian 
 captaine to this treason) stale out one night to Fabius, to 
 enforme him of all, having taken very good markes of that 
 side of the walle the Brutian captaine had taken charge 
 of, who had promised him to keepe it secret, and to suffer 
 them to enter, that came to assaulte that side. Yet 
 Fabius would not ground e his hope altogether upon the 
 Brutians executing this treason, but went him self in per- 
 sone to vewe the place appointed, howbeit without attempt- 
 ing any thing for that time : and in the meane season, he 
 gave a generall assault to all partes of the cittie (aswell by 
 sea as by lande) with great showtes and cries. Then the 
 Brutian captaine seeing all the cittizens and garrison ronne 
 to that parte, where they percey ved the noyse to be greatest : 
 made a signall unto Fabius, that now was the time. Who Fabius tooke 
 then caused scaling ladders to be brought a pace, where- the cittie of 
 upon him selfe with his companie scaled the walles, and Tarentum. 
 so wanne the cittie. But it appeareth here, that ambition 
 overcame him. For first he commaunded they should kill Fabius ambi- 
 all the Brutians, bicause it should not be knowen he had tion cause of 
 wonne the cittie by treason. But this bloudie policie failed fowle murder - 
 him : for he missed not only of the glorie he looked for, but 
 most deservedly he had the reproche of crueltie and false- 
 hood. At the taking of this cittie, a marvelous number of 
 the Tarentines were slaine, besides there were solde thirtie 
 thousand of the chiefest of them, and all the cittie was 
 sacked : and of the spoyle thereof was caried to the common 
 store treasure at Rome, three thousand talents. It is re- 
 ported also, that when they dyd spoyle and carie awaye 
 all other spoyles lefte behinde, the recorder of the cittie 
 asked Fabius, what his pleasure was to doe with the goddes, 
 
 79 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius 
 
 second 
 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 meaning the tables, and their images: and to that Fabius 
 aunswered him : Let us leave the Tarentines their goddes 
 that be angrie with them. This notwithstanding, he caried 
 from thence Hercules statue, that was of a monstruous 
 bignes, and caused it to be set up in the Capitoll, and 
 withall dyd set up his owne image in brasse a horse backe 
 by him. But in that act he shewed him self farre harder 
 harted, then Marcellus had done, or to saye more truely, 
 thereby he made the world knowe how muche Marcellus 
 curtesie, clemencie, and bowntie was to be wondred at : 
 as we have written in his life. Newes being brought to 
 Hannibal, that Tarentum was besieged, he marched pre- 
 sently with all speede possible to raise the seige : and 
 they saye he had almost come in time, for he was with in 
 40 furlonges of the cittie when he understoode the trothe 
 of the taking of it. Then sayed he out alowd, Sure the 
 Romaines have their Hannibal to : for as we wanne Tarentum, 
 so have we lost it. But after that, to his friends he sayed 
 privately (and that was the first time they ever heard him 
 speake it) that he sawe long before, and now appeared 
 plainely, that they could not possibly with this small power 
 keepe Italie. Fabius made his triumphe and entrie into 
 Rome the seconde time, by reason of taking of this cittie : 
 and his seconde triumphe was muche more honorable then 
 the first, as of a valliant captaine that held out still with 
 Hannibal, and easely met with all his fine policies, muche 
 like the slight trickes of a cunning wrestler, which caried 
 not now the former roughenes and strength any more, 
 bicause that his armie was geven to take their ease, and 
 growen to delicacie, partely through the great riches they 
 had gotten, and partely also for that it was sore wasted 
 and diminished, through the sundrie foughten battells and 
 blowes they had bene at. Now there was one Marcus Livius 
 a Romaine, that was governour of Tarentum at that time, 
 when Hannibal tooke it, and nevertheles kept the castell 
 still out of Hannibals handes, and so held it untill the 
 cittie came againe into the handes of the Romaines. This 
 Livius spighted to see suche honour done to Fabius, so that 
 one daye in open Senate, being drowned with envie and 
 80 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 ambition, he burst out and sayed : that it was him selfe, not 
 Fabius, that was cause of taking of the cittie of Tarentum 
 againe. Fabius smiling to heare him, aunswered him openly : 
 in deede thou sayest true, for if thou haddest not lost it, I 
 had never wonne it againe. But the Romaines in all other 
 respects dyd greatly honour Fabius, and specially for that 
 they chose his sonne Consul. He having alreadie taken 
 possession of his office, as he was dispatching certen causes 
 touching the warres, his father (whether it was for debilitie 
 of his age, or to prove his sonne) tooke his horse to come 
 to him, and rode through the prease of people that thronged 
 about him, having busines with him. But his sonne seeing 
 him comming a farre of, would not suffer it, but sent an 
 officer of his unto him, to commaund him to light of his 
 horse, and to come a foote if he had any thing to doe with 
 the Consul. This commaundement misliked the people that 
 heard it, and they all looked upon Fabius, but sayed not a 
 worde : thinking with them selves, that the Consul dyd great 
 wronge to his fathers greatnes. So he lighted straight, and 
 went a good rounde pace to embrace his sonne, and sayed 
 unto him : You have reason sonne, and doe well to shewe 
 over whom you commaund, understanding the authoritie of 
 a Consul, which place you have received. For it is the 
 direct course, by the which we and our auncesters have 
 increased the Romaine empire : preferring ever the honour 
 and state of our countrie, above father, mother, or children. 
 And truely they saye, that Fabius great grandfather being 
 the greatest and most noble persone of Rome in his time, 
 having five times bene Consul, and had obteined many 
 triumphes, for divers honorable and sundrie victories he 
 had wonne : was contented after all these, to be his sonnes 
 lieutenaunt, and to goe to the warres with him, he being 
 chosen Consul. And last of all, the Consul his sonne re- 
 turning home to Rome a conquerour, in his triumphing 
 charret drawen with foure horses, he followed him a horse 
 backe also, in troupe with the rest : thinking it honour to 
 him, that having authoritie over his sonne in the right of 
 a father, and being also the noblest man of all the cittizens, 
 so taken and reputed, nevertheles he willingly submitted 
 2 : L 81 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Fabius wittie 
 aunswer. 
 
 A straunge 
 commaund- 
 ment of the 
 sonne to the 
 father. 
 
 The father 
 obeyeth his 
 sonnes autho- 
 ritie and com- 
 mendeth him. 
 
FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Scipio Consul. 
 
 Fabius was 
 against the 
 counsell 
 and devise 
 of Scipio 
 African. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 him selfe to the lawe and magistrate, who had authoritie 
 of him. Yet besides all this, he had farre more excellent 
 vertues to be had in admiration, then those already spoken 
 of. But it fortuned that this sonne of Fabius died before 
 him, whose death he tooke paciently, like a wise man, and 
 a good father. Now the custome being at that time, that 
 at the death of a noble man, their neerest kinseman should 
 make a funerall oration in their prayse at their obsequies : 
 he him selfe made the same oration in honour of his sonne, 
 and dyd openly speake it in the market place, and moreover 
 wrote it, and delivered it out abroade. About this time, 
 Cornelius Scipio was sent into Spayne, who drave out the 
 Carthaginians from thence, after he had overthrowen them 
 in many battells, and had conquered many great citties, and 
 greately advaunced the honour and estimation of the state 
 of Rome : for the which at his returne, he was asmuche, or 
 rather more honoured, beloved and esteemed, then any other 
 that was in the cittie of Rome. Hereupon Scipio being 
 made Consul, considered that the people of Rome looked 
 for some great matter at his handes, above all other. There- 
 fore he thought, to take upon him to fight against Hannibal 
 in Italie, he should but folio we the olde manner, and treade 
 to muche in the steppes of the olde man : whereupon he re- 
 solved immediately to make warres in Africke, and to burne 
 and destroye the countrie even unto Carthage gates, and so 
 to transferre the warres out of Italie into Libya, procuring by 
 all possible devise he could, to put it into the peoples heades, 
 and to make them like of it. But Fabius contrarilie, per- 
 suading him selfe that the enterprise this young rashe youthe 
 tooke in hande, was utterly to overthrowe the common weale, 
 or to put the state of Rome in great daunger : devised to 
 put Rome in the greatest feare he could possible, without 
 sparing speache or dede he thought might serve for his pur- 
 pose, to make the people chaunge from that minde. Now 
 he could so cunningly worke his purpose, what with speaking 
 and doing, that he had drawen all the Senate to his opinion. 
 But the people judged, it was the secret envie he bare to 
 Scipioes glorie, that drue him to encounter this devise, only 
 to bleamish Scipioes noble fortune, fearing, least if he should 
 82 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 happen to doe some honorable service (as to make an end 
 altogether of this warre, or otherwise to draw Hannibal out 
 of Italie) that then it would appeare to the world, he had 
 bene to softe, or to negligent, to drawe this warre out to 
 suche a length. For my parte, me thinkes the only matter 
 that moved Fabius from the beginning to be against Scipio, 
 was the great care he had of the safetie of the common weale, 
 by reason of the great daunger depending upon such a 
 resolution. And yet I doe thinke also, that afterwards he 
 went further then he should, contending to sore against him 
 (whether it was through ambition or obstinacie) seeking to 
 hinder and suppresse the greatnes of Scipio : considering also 
 he dyd his best to persuade Crassus, Scipioes companion in 
 the Consulshippe, that he should not graunte unto him the 
 leading of the armie, but if he thought good to goe into 
 Africke, to make warres upon the Carthaginians, that he 
 should rather goe him self. And moreover, he was the let 
 that they gave him no money for maintenaunce of these 
 warres. Scipio hereupon being turned over to his owne 
 credit, to furnish him selfe as he could : he leavied great 
 summes of money in the citties of Thuscan, who for the 
 great love they bare him, made contribution towardes his 
 jorney. And Crassus remained at home, both bicause he 
 was a softe, and no ambitious, nor contentious man of 
 nature : as also, bicause he was the chiefest Prelate and highe 
 bishoppe, who by the lawe of their religion, was constrained 
 to kepe Rome. Fabius seeing his labour lost that waye, 
 tooke againe another course to crosse Scipio, devising to 
 staye the young men at home, that had great desire to goe 
 this jorney with him. For he cried out with open mouth, 
 in all assemblies of the Senate and people, that Scipio was 
 not contented only to flye Hannibal, but that he would 
 carie with him besides the whole force of Italy that remained : 
 alluring the youthe with sweete baytes of vaine hope, and 
 persuading them to leave their wives, their fathers, mothers, 
 and their countrie, even now when their enemie knocked 
 at Rome gates, who dyd ever conquer, and was yet never 
 conquered. These wordes of Fabius dyd so dampe the 
 Romaines, that they appointed Scipio should furnishe his 
 
 83 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 Crassus, highe 
 bishoppe of 
 Rome. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 The famous 
 actes done 
 in Africke 
 by Scipio 
 Africanus. 
 
 jorney only with the armie that was in Sicilia, saving that he 
 might supply to them if he would, three hundred of the best 
 souldiers that had served him faithfully in Spayne. And so 
 it doth appeare even to this present, that Fabius both dyd 
 and sayed all things, according to his wonted manner, and 
 naturall disposition. Now Scipio was no sooner arrived in 
 Africke, but newes were brought to Rome incontinently, 
 of wonderfull exploytes, and noble service done beyond 
 measure : and of great spoyles taken by him, which argued 
 the trothe of the newes. As, the king of the Numidians 
 taken prisoner, two campes of the enemies burnt and 
 destroyed at a time, with losse of a great number of people, 
 armour, and horses, that were consumed in the same : letters 
 and postes for life ronning in the necke one of another from 
 Carthage to call Hannibal home, and to praye him to hunte 
 no longer after vayne hope that would never have ende, 
 hasting him selfe with all speede possible to come to the 
 rescue of his countrie. These wonderfull great fortunes of 
 Scipio, made him of suche renowme and fame within Rome, 
 that there was no talke but of Scipio. Fabius notwithstand- 
 ing desisted not to make a newe request, being of opinion 
 they should send him a successour, alledging no other cause 
 nor reason, but a common speache of every bodie : that it 
 was a daungerous thing to commit to the fortune of one 
 man alone, so great exceeding prosperitie and good successe, 
 bicause it is a rare matter to see one man happie in all things. 
 These wordes dyd so muche mislike the people, that they 
 thought him an envious and troublesome man, or els they 
 thought his age had made him fearefull : and that his corage 
 failed with his strength, fearing Hannibal more doubtfully 
 then he needed. For now though Hannibal was forced to 
 leave Italie, and to returne into Africke, yet Fabius would 
 not graunte, that the peoples joye and securitie they 
 thought they were in, was altogether cleare, and without 
 feare and mistruste : but gave it out that then they were in 
 greatest daunger, and that the common weale was breeding 
 more mischief now, then before. For when Hannibal (sayed 
 he) shall returne home into Africke, and come before Car- 
 thage walles, the Romaines shall be lesse able to abide him 
 84 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 there, then they have bene before : and Scipio moreover, 
 shall meete with an armie yet warme, and embrued with the 
 bloude of so many Praetors, Dictators, and Consuls of Rome, 
 which they have overcome, and put to the sword in Italie. 
 With these uncomfortable speaches, he still troubled and 
 disquieted the whole cittie, persuading them that notwith- 
 standing the warre was transferred out of Italie into Africke, 
 yet that the occasion of feare was no less neere unto Rome, 
 then it was ever before. But within shorte space after, 
 Scipio having overcome Hannibal in plaine battell in the 
 field, and troden under foote the glory and pryde of Car- 
 thage, he brought a greater joye to Rome, then they ever 
 looked for : and by this noble victorie of his, he shored up 
 again the declining state of the empire of Rome, which a 
 litle before was falling downe right. Howbeit Fabius lived 
 not to the ende of this warre, nor ever heard while he lived 
 the joy full newes of Hannibals happy overthrowe, neither 
 were his yeres prolonged to see the happy assured prosperitie 
 of his countrie : for about that time that Hannibal departed 
 out of Italie, a sicknes tooke him, whereof he dyed. The 
 stories declare, that the Thebans buried Epaminondas, at the 
 common charges of the people : bicause he dyed in so great 
 povertie, that when he was dead, they founde nothing in 
 the house but a litle iron spit. Now the Romaines buried 
 not Fabius so, at the common charge of the cittie, but every 
 man of benevolence gave towards his funerall charges, a pece 
 of coyne that caried the least value of their currant money : 
 not for that he lacked abillitie to bring him to the grounde, 
 but only to honour his memorie : in making his obsequies 
 at their charges, as of one that had bene their 
 common father. So had his vertuous life, an 
 honorable ende and buriall. 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 MAXIMUS 
 
 The death of 
 Fabius Max. 
 
 The funeralls 
 of Epaminon- 
 das. 
 
 85 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 PERICLES WITH FABIUS 
 
 ERE have you heard what is written, of 
 these two great persones. And forasmuche 
 as they have both left behinde them, 
 many noble examples of vertue, aswell in 
 martiall matters, as in civill government, 
 let us beginne to compare them together. 
 First of all, Pericles beganne to goveme the 
 common weale at what time the people of 
 Athens were in their chiefest prosperitie, and of greater 
 power and wealth, then ever they had bene of before or 
 since. The which might seeme to be a cause of the 
 continuall maintenance of the same in securitie without 
 daunger of falling, not so muche for their worthines, as 
 for their common power and felicitie : where contrari- 
 wise Fabius acts fell out in the most dishonorable and un- 
 fortunate time, that ever happened to his countrie, in the 
 which he dyd not only keepe the cittie in good state from 
 declining, but raised it up, and delivered it from calamitie, 
 and brought it to be better then he found it. Further- 
 more, Cimons great good fortune and successe, the victories 
 and triumphes of Myronides, and of Leocrates, and many 
 notable valliant dedes of armes of Tolmides, gave good 
 cause to Pericles, to entertaine his cittie in feastes, and 
 playes, whilest he dyd goveme the same : and he dyd not 
 finde it in such ill case and distresse, that he was driven to 
 defend it by force of armes, or to conquer that againe which 
 he had lost. But Fabius in contrary manner, when he sawe 
 before him many overthrowes, great flying awaye, muche 
 murder, great slaughters of the generalles of the Romaine 
 armies, the lakes, the playnes, the woddes filled with 
 scattered men, the people overcome, the flouds and rivers 
 ronning all a gore bloude (by reason of the great slaughter) 
 86 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and the streame carying downe the dead bodies to the mayne 
 sea : dyd take in hande the government of his countrie, and 
 a course farre contrarie to all other : so as he dyd under- 
 proppe and shore up the same, that he kept it from flat 
 falling to the grounde, amongest those ruines and over- 
 throwes other had brought it to, before him. Yet a man 
 maye saye also, that it is no great matter of diflicultie to 
 rule a cittie already brought lowe by adversitie, and which 
 compelled by necessitie, is contented to be governed by a 
 wise man : as it is to bridle and keepe under the insolencie 
 of a people, pufte up with pryde, and presumption of long 
 prosperitie, as Pericles founde it amongest the Athenians. 
 The great multitude also of so many grievous calamities, 
 as lighted on the Romaines neckes at that time, dyd playnely 
 shewe Fabius to be a grave and a constant man, which would 
 never geve waye unto the importunate cries of the common 
 people, nor could ever be removed from that he had at the 
 first determined. The winning and recovering againe of 
 Tarentum, maye well be compared to the taking of Samos, 
 which Pericles wanne by force : and the citties of Campania, 
 unto the He of Euboea : excepting the cittie of Capua, which 
 the Consuls Fulvius and Appius recovered againe. But it 
 seemeth that Fabius never wanne battell, save that only for 
 which he triumphed the first time : where Pericles set up 
 nine triumphes, of battels and victories he had wonne, aswell 
 by sea as by lande. And so also, they cannot alledge such 
 an acte done by Pericles, as Fabius dyd, when he rescued 
 Minutius out of the handes of Hannibal, and saved a whole 
 armie of the Romaines : which doubtles was a famous acte, 
 and proceeded of a noble minde, great wisdome, and an 
 honorable harte. But Pericles, againe dyd never commit 
 so grosse an errour as Fabius dyd when he was outreached, 
 and deceyved by Hannibals fine stratageame of his oxen : 
 who having founde his enemie by chaunce to have shut him 
 selfe up in the straight of a vallye, dyd suffer him to escape 
 in the night by a subtiltie, and in the daye by playne force. 
 For he was prevented by overmuch delaye, and fought with- 
 all by him he kept inclosed. Now if it be a requisite, a good 
 captaine doe not only use well that he hath in his handes, but 
 
 87 
 
 PERICLES 
 
 AND 
 
 FABIUS 
 
PERICLES 
 
 AND 
 
 FABIUS 
 
 The gifte of a 
 good generall. 
 
 The faultes of 
 generalles. 
 
 The compari- 
 son betwext 
 Pericles and 
 Fabius for 
 civill govern- 
 ment. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that he wisely judge also what will folio we after, then the 
 warres of the Athenians fell out in suche sorte, as Pericles 
 sayed they would come to passe : for with ambition to im- 
 brace to muche, they overthrewe their estate. But the 
 Romanies contrariwise, having sent Scipio into Africke to 
 make warres with the Carthaginians, wanne all that they 
 tooke in hande : where their generall dyd not overcome the 
 enemie by fortune, but by valliantnes. So that the wise- 
 dome of the one is witnessed, by the ruine of his countrie : 
 and the errour of the other testified, by the happy event of 
 that he would have let. Now the faulte is a like in a 
 generall, to fall into daunger, for lacke of forecaste : as for 
 cowardlines to let slippe a fit oportunitie offred, to doe any 
 notable pece of service. For like defaulte and lacke of ex- 
 perience, maketh the one to hardie, and the other to feare- 
 full. And thus muche touching the warres. Now for civill 
 government : it was a fowle blotte to Pericles, to be the 
 author of warres. For it is thought, that he alone was the 
 cause of the same, for that he would not have them yeld to 
 the Lacedaemonians in any respect. And yet me thinkes 
 Fabius Maximus also would no more geve place unto the 
 Carthaginians, but stood firme and bold in all daunger, to 
 mainteine thempire of his countrie against them. But the 
 goodnes and clemency Fabius shewed unto Minutius, doth 
 much condemne Pericles accusations and practises, against 
 Cimon and Thucydides : bothe of them being noble and good 
 men, and taking parte with the Nobilitie, whom he expulsed 
 out of Athens, and banished for a time. So was Pericles 
 power and authoritie in the common weale greater : by 
 reason whereof he dyd ever foresee, that no generall in all 
 his time dyd rashely attempt any thing hurteful unto the 
 common weale, except Tolmides onely : who fled from him, 
 and in despight of him went to fight with the Boeotians 
 where he was slaine. As for all other generals, they wholy 
 put themselves into his hands, and dyd obey him for the 
 greatnes of his authoritie. But Fabius, although for his 
 parte he never committed any faulte, and that he went 
 orderly to worke in all government : yet bicause he was 
 not of power to keepe other from doing ill, it seemeth in 
 88 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 this respect he was defective. For if Fabius had caried like PERICLES 
 authoritie in Rome, as Pericles dyd in Athens : the Romaines AND 
 had not fallen into so great miserie as they dyd. And for FABIUS 
 
 liberalitie : the one shewed it, in refusing the money offred 
 him : and the other, in geving unto those that needed, and 
 redeeming his poore captive contry men. And yet Fabius Fabius 
 might dispend no great revenue : for his whole receiptes revenue, 
 came only to sixe talents. But for Pericles, it is hard to 
 saye howe riche he was, who had comming in to him, great 
 presents by his authoritie, aswel of the subjects, as of the 
 friends and allies of the Athenians, as also of Kings and 
 straunge Princes : yet he never tooke bribe for all that, of 
 any persone living. And to conclude, as for the sumptuous The buildings 
 building of temples, the stately workes and common build- °f Pome 
 ings : put all the ornaments together that ever were in Rome, n ^ablf to” 1 
 before the times of the Caesars, they are not to be compared p e ricles 
 with those, wherewith Pericles dyd beawtifie and adorne workes. 
 the cittie of Athens. For neither in qualitie nor 
 quantitie was there any proportion or like com- 
 parison betweene the exceeding sumptuousnes 
 of the one, and of the other. 
 
 THE ENDE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES 
 
 LCIBIADES by his fathers side, was Alcibiades 
 aunciently descended of Eurysaces, that stocke. 
 was the sonne of Ajax, and by his 
 mothers side, of Alcmaeon : for his 
 mother Dinomacha, was the daughter 
 of Megacles. His father Clinias having 
 armed, and set forth a gallye, at his 
 owne proper costes and charges, dyd 
 winne great honour in the battell by sea, that was fought 
 alongest the coaste of Artemisium, and he was slaine after- 
 wardes in another battell fought at Coronea, against the 
 
 £ : M 89 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 tutours. 
 
 The mothers 
 of famous 
 men never 
 knowen what 
 they were. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 beawtie. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 lisped by 
 nature. 
 
 *The equivo- 
 cation of these 
 two Greeke 
 wordes Kopa 
 and KoAa, is 
 harde to be 
 expressed in 
 Inglishe, in 
 stead whereof 
 I have set 
 flatling 
 blowes, for 
 flattering 
 browes, ob- 
 serving the 
 grace of lisp- 
 ing, as neere 
 as I could, 
 like to the 
 Latin and 
 French trans- 
 lations, like- 
 wise Theolus 
 for Theorus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Boeotians. His sonne Alcibiades tutours, were Pericles, and 
 Ariphron Xanthippus sonnes : who were also his neere kinse- 
 men. They saye, and truely : that Socrates good will and 
 friendshippe dyd greatly further Alcibiades honour. For 
 it appeareth not, neither was it ever written, what were the 
 names of the mothers of Nicias, of Demosthenes, of Lema- 
 chus, of Phormion, of Thrasibulus, and of Theramenes : all 
 which were notable famous men in their time. And to the 
 contrarie, we finde the nource of Alcibiades, that she was a 
 Lacedaemonian borne, and was called Amicla, and that his 
 schoolemaster was called Zopyrus : of the which, Antisthenes 
 mentioneth the one, and Plato the other. Now for Alci- 
 biades beawtie, it made no matter if we speake not of it, 
 yet I will a litle touche it by the waye : for he was wonder- 
 full fayer, being a child, a boye, and a man, and that at all 
 times, which made him marvelous amiable, and beloved 
 of every man. For where Euripides sayeth, that of all the 
 fayer times of the .yere, the Autumne or latter season is the 
 fayrest : that commonly falleth not out true. And yet it 
 proved true in Alcibiades, though in fewe other : for he was 
 passing fayer even to his latter time, and of good tempera- 
 ture of bodie. They write of him also, that his tongue was 
 somewhat fatte, and it dyd not become him ill, but gave 
 him a certen naturall pleasaunt grace in his talke : which 
 Aristophanes mentioneth, mocking one Theorus that dyd 
 counterfeat a lisping grace with his tongue. 
 
 This Alcibiades, with his fat lisping tongue, 
 
 into mine eares, this trusty tale, and songe full often songe. 
 
 Looke upon Theolus (quoth he) lo there he bowes, 
 
 beholde his comely crowebright face with fat and *flatling blowes. 
 
 The sonne of Clinias, would lispe it thus somewhiles, 
 and sure he lisped never a lye, but rightly hyt his wiles. 
 
 And Archippus another poet also, mocking the sonne of 
 Alcibiades, sayeth thus : 
 
 Bicause he would be like his father everie waye 
 
 in his long trayling gowne he would goe jetting daye by daye. 
 
 And counterfeate his speache, his countenaunce and face : 
 
 as though dame nature had him geven, therein a perfect grace. 
 
 To lispe and looke aside, and holde his head awrye, 
 
 even as his father lookt and lispt, so would he prate and prye. 
 
 90 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 For his manners they altered and chaunged very oft with 
 time, which is not to be wondred at, seing his marvelous 
 great prosperitie, as also adversitie that followed him after- 
 wards. But of all the great desiers he had, and that by 
 nature he was most inclined to, was ambition, seeking to 
 have the upper hand in all things, and to be taken for the 
 best persone: as appeareth by certaine of his dedes, and 
 notable sayings in his youth e, extant in writing. One daye 
 wrestling with a companion of his, that handled him hardly, 
 and thereby was likely to have geven him the fall : he got 
 his fellowes arme in his mouth, and bit so harde, as he 
 would have eaten it of. The other feeling him bite so 
 harde, let goe his holde straight, and sayed unto him : What 
 Alcibiades, bitest thou like a woman ? No mary doe I not 
 (quoth he) but like a lyon. Another time being but a litle 
 boye, he played at skayles in the middest of the streete with 
 other of his companions, and when his turne came about 
 to thro we, there came a carte loden by chaunce that waye : 
 Alcibiades prayed the carter to staye a while, untill he had 
 played out his game, bicause the skailes were set right in 
 the high way where the carte should passe over. The carter 
 was a stubborne knave, and would not staye for any request 
 the boye could make, but drave his horse on still, in so much 
 as other boyes gave backe to let him goe on : but Alcibiades 
 fell flat to the grounde before the carte, and bad the carter 
 drive over and he durste. The carter being afeard, plucked 
 backe his horse to staye them : the neighbours flighted to 
 see the daunger, ranne to the boye in all hast crying out. 
 Afterwards when he was put to schoole to learne, he was 
 very obedient to all his masters that taught him any thing, 
 saving that he disdained to learne to playe of the flute or 
 recorder : saying, that it was no gentlemanly qualitie. For, 
 sayed he, to playe on the vyoll with a sticke, doth not alter 
 mans favour, nor disgraceth any gentleman : but otherwise, 
 to playe on the flute, his countenaunce altereth and chaungeth 
 so ofte, that his familliar friends can scant knowe him. More- 
 over, the harpe or vyoll doth not let him that playeth on 
 them, from speaking, or singing as he playeth : where he 
 that playeth on the flute, holdeth his mouth so harde to it, 
 
 91 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 ambitious. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 studies. 
 
 A vile thing 
 to playe of 
 a flute. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Socrates love 
 to Alcibiades. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that it taketh not only his wordes from him, but his voyce. 
 Therefore, sayed he, let the children of the Thebans playe 
 on the flute, that cannot tell howe to speake : as for us 
 Athenians, we have (as our forefathers tell us) for protectours 
 and patrones of our countrie, the goddesse Pallas, and the 
 god Apollo : of the which the one in olde time (as it is 
 sayed) brake the flute, and the other pulled his skinne over 
 his eares, that played upon the flute. Thus Alcibiades 
 alledging these reasons, partely in sporte, and partely in 
 good earnest : dyd not only him selfe leave to learne to 
 playe on the flute, but he turned his companions mindes also 
 quite from it. For these wordes of Alcibiades, ranne from 
 boye to boye incontinently : that Alcibiades had reason to 
 despise playing of the flute, and that he mocked all those 
 that learned to play of it. So afterwards, it fell out at 
 Athens, that teaching to playe of the flute, was put out of 
 the number of honest and liberall exercises, and the flute it 
 selfe was thought a vile instrument, and of no reputation. 
 Furthermore, in the accusations Antiphon wrote against 
 Alcibiades, it is declared : that when he was a boye, he fled 
 out of his tutours house, into the house of Democrates one of 
 his lovers, and howe Ariphron one of his tutours thought 
 to have made a beadle crie him through the cittie. But 
 Pericles would not suffer him, saying : that if he were dead, 
 they should knowe it but one daye sooner by crying of him : 
 and if he were alive, that it would be such a shame to him 
 while he lived, that he had bene better he had never bene 
 heard of againe. The same Antiphon accuseth him further, 
 that he had killed a servaunt of his that attended on him, in 
 the wrestling place of Sibyrtius, with a blowe of a staffe. 
 But there is no reason to credit his writing, who confesseth 
 he speaketh all the ill he can of him, for the ill will he dyd 
 beare him. Now straight there were many great and riche 
 men that made muche of Alcibiades, and were glad to get 
 his good will. But Socrates love unto him had another ende 
 and cause, which witnessed that Alcibiades had a naturall 
 inclination to vertue. Who perceyving that vertue dyd 
 appeare in him, and was joyned with the other beawtie of 
 his face and bodye, and fearing the corruption of riches, 
 92 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 dignitie and authoritie, and the great number of his com- 
 panions, aswell of the chiefest of the cittie, as of straungers, 
 seeking to entise him by flatterie, and by many other 
 pleasures : he tooke upon him to protect him from them all, 
 and not to suffer so goodly an ympe to lose the hope of the 
 good fruite of his youthe. For fortune doth never so 
 intangle nor snare a man without, with that which they 
 commonly call riches, as to let and hinder him so, that 
 philosophic should not take holde on him with her free, 
 severe, and quicke reasons. So Alcibiades was at the begin- 
 ning, assayed with all delightes, and shut up as it were in 
 their companie that feasted him with all pleasures, only to 
 turne him that he should not hearken to Socrates wordes, 
 who sought to bring him up at his charge, and to teach him. 
 But Alcibiades notwithstanding, having a good naturall wit, 
 knewe what Socrates was, and went to him, refusing the 
 companie of all his riche friendes and their flatteries, and 
 fell in a kinde of familliar friendshippe with Socrates. Whom 
 when he had heard speake, he noted his wordes very well, 
 that they were no persuasions of a man seeking his dis- 
 honesty, but one that gave him good counsell, and went 
 about to reforme his faultes and imperfections, and to plucke 
 downe the pride and presumption that was in him : then, as 
 the common proverbe sayeth, 
 
 Like to the craven cocke, he drowped downe his winges, 
 
 which cowardly doth ronne awaye, or from the pit out flinges. 
 
 And dyd thinke with selfe, that all Socrates love and 
 following of young men, was in dede a thing sent from the 
 goddes, and ordeined above for them, whom they would have 
 preserved, and put into the pathe waye of honour. There- 
 fore he beganne to despise him selfe, and greatly to rever- 
 ence Socrates, taking pleasure of his good using of him, and 
 much imbraced his vertue : so as he had (he wist not howe) 
 an image of love graven in his harte, or rather (as Plato 
 sayeth) a mutuall love, to wit, an holy and honest affection 
 towards Socrates. Insomuch as all the world wondred at 
 Alcibiades, to see him commonly at Socrates borde, to playe, 
 to wrestle, and to lodge in the warres with Socrates : and 
 
 93 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades in- 
 solencie unto 
 Anytus. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 liberall facte. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 contrarily to chide his other well willers, who could not so 
 much as have a good looke at his handes, and besides 
 became daungerous to some, as it is sayed he was unto 
 Anytus, the sonne of Anthemion, being one of those that 
 loved him well. Anytus making good cheere to certen 
 straungers his friendes that were come to see him, went and 
 prayed Alcibiades to come and make merie with them : but 
 he refused to goe. For he went to make merie with certen 
 of his companions at his own house, and after he had well 
 taken in his cuppes, he went to Anytus house to counter- 
 feate the foole amongest them, and staying at the halle 
 doore, and seeing Anytus table and cubberd full of plate of 
 silver and gold, he commaunded his servants to take awaye 
 half of it, and carie it home to his house. But when he had 
 thus taken his pleasure, he would come no neerer into the 
 house, but went his waye home. Anytus friendes and 
 guestes misliking this straunge parte of Alcibiades, sayed it 
 was shamefully and boldly done so to abuse Anytus. Nay, 
 gently done of him, sayed Anytus : for he hath left us some, 
 where he might have taken all. All other also that made 
 much of him, he served after that sorte. Saving a straunger 
 that came to dwell in Athens : who being but a poore man 
 as the voyce went, sold all that he had, whereof he made 
 about a hundred stateres which he brought unto Alcibiades, 
 and prayed him to take it at his handes. Alcibiades beganne 
 to be merie, and being very glad to understand his good 
 will towards him, tooke his honest offer, and prayed him to 
 come to supper to him : so he welcomed him very hartely, 
 and made him good cheere. When supper was done, he 
 gave him his money againe, and commaunded him not to 
 faile the next morning to meete him where the farmes and 
 landes of the cittie are wont to be let out to those that byd 
 most, and charged him he should out byd all. The poore 
 man would fayne have excused him self, saying, the farmes 
 were to great for him to hyre : but Alcibiades threatned to 
 whippe him, if he would not doe it. For besides the desire 
 he had to pleasure him, he bare a private grudge against 
 the ordinary farmers of the cittie. The next morning the 
 straunger was ready in the market place, where they dyd 
 94 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 crie out the letting of their farmes, and he raised one to a 
 talent more, then all other dyd offer. The other farmers 
 were as mad with him as they could be, that they all dyd 
 set upon him, crying out : Let him put in suertie straight, 
 supposing he could have founde none. The straunger was 
 marvelous blancke thereat, and beganne to shrincke backe. 
 Then cried Alcibiades out alowde to the officers that sate 
 there to take the best offers : I will be his suertie, sayeth he, 
 put me in the booke, for he is a friend of mine. The farmers 
 hearing him saye so, were at their wittes ende, and wiste not 
 what to doe. For they being allwayes accustomed to paye 
 their yerely rent as it went before, by the helpe of the rest 
 of the yeres that followed after : percey ving now that they 
 should not be able to paye the arrerages of the rentes due to 
 the common weale, and seeing no other remedie, they prayed 
 him to take a pece of money, and to leave the bargaine. 
 Then Alcibiades would in no wise he should take lesse then 
 a talent, which they gave him willingly. So Alcibiades 
 suffered the straunger then to departe, and made him gaine 
 by his devise. Now Socrates love which he bare him, though 
 it had many mightie and great adversaries, yet it dyd staye 
 much Alcibiades, somtime by his gentle nature, somtime by 
 his grave co unsell and advise : so as the reason thereof tooke 
 so deepe roote in him, and dyd so pearce his harte, that 
 many times the teares ranne downe his cheekes. Another 
 time also being caried awaye with the intisement of flatterers, 
 that held up his humour with all pleasure and delightes, he 
 stale awaye from Socrates, and made him ronne after him to 
 fetche him againe, as if he had bene a slave that had ronne 
 awaye from his masters house : for Alcibiades stoode in awe 
 of no man but of Socrates only, and in deede he dyd rever- 
 ence him, and dyd despise all other. And therefore Cleanthes 
 was wont to saye, that Alcibiades was held of Socrates by 
 the eares : but that he gave his other lovers holde, which 
 Socrates never sought for : for to saye truely, Alcibiades was 
 muche geven over to lust and pleasure. And peradventure 
 it was that Thucydides ment of him, when he wrote that he 
 was incontinent of bodie, and dissolute of life. Those that 
 marred Alcibiades quite, dyd still pricke forward his ambi- 
 
 95 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 ranne from 
 Socrates. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 geven to 
 pleasure. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 strake a 
 schoole- 
 master, 
 bicause he 
 had not 
 Homer in 
 his schoole. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 first souldier 
 fare with 
 Socrates. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 saved by 
 Socrates. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 tion and desire of honour, and dyd put him in the head to 
 thrust him selfe into great matters betimes, making him 
 beleeve that if he dyd but once beginne to shewe him selfe 
 to deale in matters of state, he would not only bleamishe 
 and deface all other governours, but farre excell Pericles, in 
 authoritie and power among the Grecians. For like as iron 
 by fire is made softe, to be wrought in to any forme, and by 
 colde also doth shut and harden in againe : even so Alcibiades 
 being puffed up with vanitie and opinion of him self, as ofte 
 as Socrates tooke him in hande, was made faste and firme 
 againe by his good persuasions, insomuch that when he sawe 
 his owne faulte and follie, and how farre wide he had strayed 
 from vertue, he became sodainely very humble and lowly 
 againe. Now on a time when he was growen to mans state, 
 he went into a grammer schoole, and asked the schoolemaster 
 for one of Homers bookes. The schoolemaster aunswered 
 him, he had none of them : Alcibiades up with his fiste, and 
 gave him a good boxe on the eare, and went his waye. 
 Another grammarian tolde him on a time he had Homer which 
 he had corrected. Alcibiades replied, Why what meanest 
 thou, to stand teaching litle children their abce, when thou 
 art able to correct Homer, and to teache young men, not 
 boyes ? Another time he came and knocked at Pericles gate, 
 desirous to speake with him : aunswer was made him, he 
 was not at leysure now, for that he was busilie occupied by 
 him self, thinking on his reckonings he had to make with the 
 Athenians. Why, sayed he, going his waye : it were better 
 he were occupied, thinking how to make no accompt at all. 
 Moreover, being but a young boye, he was at the jorney of 
 Potidaea, where he laye still with Socrates, who would never 
 let him be from him in all battells and skirmishes he was in : 
 among which there was one, very whotte and bloody, where 
 they both fought valliantly, and Alcibiades was hurte. But 
 Socrates stepped before him, and dyd defend him so valliantly 
 before them all, that he saved him and his weapon out of 
 the enemies handes. So the honour of this fight out of 
 doubt, in equitie and reason, was due unto Socrates : but yet 
 the captaines would faine have judged it on Alcibiades side, 
 bicause he was of a noble house. But Socrates, bicause he 
 
 96 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 would increase his desire of honour, and would pricke him ALCIBIA- 
 forward to honest and commendable things, was the very DES 
 first that witnessed Alcibiades had deserved it: and there- 
 fore prayed the captaines to judge him the crowne and 
 complet armour. Afterwards, in the battell of Delion, the 
 Athenians having receyved the overthrowe, Socrates retired 
 with a fewe other a foote. Alcibiades being a horse backe, Alcibiades 
 and overtaking him, would not goe from him, but kept him saved So- 
 company, and defended him against a troupe of his enemies ^er the* 6 
 that followed him, and slue many of his company. But that ove rthrow 
 was a prety while after, and before he gave a boxe of the at the battaill 
 eare unto Hipponicus, Callias father: who was one of the of Delion, 
 greatest men of power in the cittie, being a noble man 
 borne, and of great possessions, which was done upon a 
 bravery and certaine lustines, as having layed a wager with 
 his companions he would doe it, and for no malice or quarrell 
 that he bare the man. This light parte was straight over 
 all the cittie, and every one that heard it, sayed it was lewdly 
 done. But Alcibiades the next morning went to his house, 
 and knocking at his gate was let in : so he stripping him 
 selfe before him, delivered him his bodie to be whipped, and 
 punished at his pleasure. Hipponicus pardoned him, and 
 was friends with him, and gave him his daughter Hipparete 
 afterwards in mariage. Howbeit some saye, it was not Alcibiades 
 Hipponicus that gave her to him : but Callias sonne, with maried. 
 tenne talents of gold with her. Afterwards at the birth of 
 his first child he had by her, he asked tenne talents more, 
 saying : they were promised him upon the contract, if his wife 
 had children. But Callias fearing least this was an occasion 
 sought of him to lye in wayte to kill him for his goodes : 
 declared openly to the people, that he made him his heire 
 generall, if he dyed without heires speciall of his bodie. 
 
 This gentlewoman Hipparete, being an honest true wife to 
 Alcibiades, misliking her husband dyd so muche misuse her, 
 as to entertaine common light strumpets, aswell cittizens as 
 straungers : she went abroad one day to her brothers house, 
 and tolde him of it. Alcibiades passed not for it, and made 
 no further reckoning of the matter : but only bad his wife, 
 if she would, present her cause of divorse before the judge. 
 
 2 : N 97 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Hipparete 
 sueth to be 
 divorced from 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 great dogge. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 largesse. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 So she went thither her selfe, to sue the divorce betwene 
 them, according to the lawe: but Alcibiades being there 
 also, tooke her by the hande, and caried her through the 
 market place home to his house, and no man durst medle 
 betwene them, to take her from him. And so she continued 
 with him all the dayes of her life, which was not long after 
 for she died, when Alcibiades was in his jorney he made to 
 Ephesus. This force Alcibiades used, was not thought 
 altogether unlawfull, nor uncivill, bicause it seemeth that 
 the lawe was grounded upon this cause : that the wife which 
 would be divorced from her husband, should goe her selfe 
 openly before the judge to put up her complainte, to the 
 ende, that by this meanes, the husband might come to speake 
 with his wife, and seeke to staye her if he could. Alcibiades 
 had a marvelous fayer great dogge, that cost him three score 
 and tenne minas, and he cut of his taile that was his chief 
 beawtie. When his friendes reproved him, and tolde him 
 how every man blamed him for it : he fell a laughing, and 
 tolde them he had that he sought. For, sayeth he, I would 
 have the Athenians rather prate upon that, then they should 
 saye worse of me. Moreover, it is sayed, the first time that 
 Alcibiades spake openly in the common weale, and beganne 
 to deale in matters, was upon a gifte of money he gave to 
 the people, and not of any pretence, or former purpose he 
 had to doe it. One daye as he came through the market 
 place, hearing the people very lowde, he asked what the 
 matter was : they tolde him it was about money certen men 
 had geven to the people. Then Alcibiades went to them, 
 and gave them money out of his owne purse. The people 
 were so glad at that, as they fell to showting and clapping 
 of their handes, in token of thankfullnes : and him selfe was 
 so glad for companie, that he forgat a quayle he had under 
 his gowne, which was so afeard of the noyse, that she tooke 
 her flight away. The people seeing the quayle, made a 
 greater noyse then before, and many rose out of their places 
 to runne after her : so that in the ende, it was taken up by 
 a master of a shippe called Antiochus, who brought him the 
 quayle againe, and for that cause Alcibiades dyd love him 
 ever after. Now albeit the nobilitie of his house, his goodes, 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his worthines, and the great number of his kinsemen and ALCIBIA- 
 
 friends made his waye open to take upon him government in DES 
 
 the common weale. Yet the only waye he desired to winne Alcibiades 
 
 the favour of the common people by, was the grace of his comminginto 
 
 eloquence. To prove he was eloquent, all the Comicall poets the common 
 
 doe testifie it : and besides them, Demosthenes the prince of wea * ' 
 
 orators also doth saye, in an oration he made against Midias, 
 
 that Alcibiades above all other qualities he had, was most Alcibiades 
 
 eloquent. And if we maye beleeve Theophrastus, the greatest marvelous 
 
 searcher of antiquities, and best historiographer above any ®l 0( l^cnt. 
 
 other philosopher: he hath written, that Alcibiades had as witteantT 
 
 good a witte to devise and consider what he would saye, as imperfection. 
 
 any man that was in his time. Howbeit somtimes studying 
 
 what he should saye, as also to deliver good wordes, not 
 
 having them very readilie at his tongues ende : he many 
 
 times tooke breath by the waye, and paused in the middest 
 
 of his tale, not speaking a worde, untill he had called it to 
 
 minde, that he would saye. His charge was great, and muche 
 
 spoken of also, for keeping of ronning horses at games : not 
 
 only bicause they were the best and swiftest, but for the 
 
 number of coches he had besides. For never private persone, 
 
 no nor any prince, that ever sent seven so well appointed 
 
 coches, in all furniture, unto the games Olympicall, as he 
 
 dyd : nor that at one course hath borne awaye the first, the 
 
 second, and the fourth prise, as Thucydides sayeth: or as 
 
 Euripides reporteth, the third. For in that game, he excelled 
 
 all men in honour and name that ever strived for victorie 
 
 therein. For Euripides pronounced his praise, in a songe Alcibiades 
 
 he made of him, as fv lloweth : victorie at 
 
 the games 
 
 O sonne of Clinias, I will resounde thy praise : Olympicall. 
 
 for thou art bold in martiall dedes, and overcommest allwayes. 
 
 Thy victories therewith, doe farre exceede the rest, 
 
 that ever were in Greece ygot, therefore I compt them best. 
 
 For at thOlympike games, thou hast with chariots wonne, 
 the first price, seconde, thirde and all, which there in race were 
 ronne. 
 
 With praise and litle payne, thy head hath twise bene crownde, 
 with olive boughes for victorie, and twise by trumpets sounde. 
 
 The heraulds have proclaimed thee victor by thy name : 
 
 above all those, which ranne with thee, in hope to get the game. 
 
 99 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades a 
 breaker of 
 promise. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 adversaries in 
 the common 
 wealth when 
 he came to 
 pleade. 
 
 Phaeax lacked 
 eloquence. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Howbeit the good affection divers citties did beare him, 
 contending which should gratifie him best, dyd muche in- 
 crease his fame and honour. For the Ephesians dyd set up a 
 tente for him, very sumptuously and richely furnished. Those 
 of the cittie of Chio, furnished him with provinder for his 
 horse, and gave him muttons besides, and other beastes to 
 sacrifice withall. They of Lesbos also sent him in wine and 
 other provision for vittells, to helpe him to defraye the great 
 charges he was at in keeping open house, and feeding such a 
 number of mouthes day lie. Yet the spite they dyd beare 
 him, or rather his breache of promise which he often made, 
 with this magnificence and state he shewed, gave the people 
 more cause to speak of him then before. For they saye there 
 was one Diomedes at Athens, a friend of Alcibiades, and no 
 ill man, who desired once in his life to winne a game at the 
 playes Olympicall. This man being enformed that the Ar- 
 gives had a coche excellently furnished, belonging to their 
 common weale, and knowing that Alcibiades could doe very 
 much in the cittie of Argos, bicause he had many friends in 
 the same : he came to intreate Alcibiades to buye this coche 
 for him. Alcibiades thereupon bought it, but kept it to him 
 selfe, not regarding Diomedes request he had made. Dio- 
 medes seeing that fell starke mad for anger, and called the 
 goddes and men to witnesses, that Alcibiades did him open 
 wrong : and it seemeth, that there fell out sute in lawe upon 
 the same. For Isocrates wrote an oration, and drue a plea 
 in defence of Alcibiades, being yet but a childe, touching a 
 couple of horses : yet in this plea, his adversarie was called 
 Tisias, and not Diomedes. Furthermore, Alcibiades being 
 yet but a young man, when he came to practise and pleade 
 publikly, he put all other Oratours to silence, but only two 
 that were ever against him : the one was Phaeax the sonne of 
 Erasistratus, and the other Nicias, the sonne of Niceratus. 
 Of these two, Nicias was a man growen, and had wonne the 
 name and reputation of a good captaine. And Phaeax be- 
 ganne also to come forward as he dyd, being of a good and 
 honorable house : but he lacked many things, and among 
 other, eloquence specially. For, he could more properly talke 
 and discourse among his friends privately, then he had any 
 
 100 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 good grace to open a matter openly before the people. For ALCIBIA- 
 he had, as Eupolis sayeth : DES 
 
 Wordes enowe, but no eloquence. 
 
 There is a certen oration extant in writing, against Alci- 
 biades and Phaeax : where among other accusations is brought 
 in, howe Alcibiades was ordinarily served in his house, with 
 gold and silver plate that belonged to the common weale, and 
 which were used to be borne for state and magnificence, in 
 solemne processions before them, and how he used them as 
 boldly, as if they had bene his owne. Now there was one 
 Hyperbolus in Athens at that time borne in the village of Hyperbolus 
 Perithoide : of whom Thucydides maketh mencion, as of a banished for 
 naughty wicked man, whose tongue was a fit instrument to 10 y ears * 
 deliver matter to all the Comicall poets of that time, to 
 poore out all their tawnts and mockes against men. How- 
 beit he was so impudent a persone, and cared so litle what 
 men sayed of him, that he passed not though he were de- 
 famed, neither dyd any thing greve him, whatsoever they 
 reported of him : which some doe call boldnes, and corage, 
 being no better in deede then plaine impudencie, extreme 
 madnes, and desperate follie. He would never please any 
 man : and if the common people had any grudge to any 
 noble man or magistrate, whom they would any waye accuse, 
 
 Hyperbolus wicked tongue was their instrument to utter their 
 spyte. Now the people (by Hyperbolus procurement) being 
 assembled, were ready to proceede to the banishment of 
 Ostracismon by most voyces. The manner and custome of The manner 
 this kynde of banishment was for a time to banish out of of the punish- 
 their cittie such a one, as seemed to have to great authoritie ? f the 
 and credit in the cittie : and that was, rather to satisfie their 8 raclsmon - 
 envie, then for to remedy their feare. And bicause it was 
 manifest it would fall out to one of them three to be banished 
 (to wit, Alcibiades, Nicias, or Phaeax) Alcibiades found 
 meanes to joyne all their three factions in one, becomming 
 friends one to another : and having conferred with Nicias 
 about it, he made Hyperbolus self to be banished, who was 
 the chief instrument to prepare the waye of their banish- 
 ment. Howbeit other saye, he spake not with Nicias about 
 
 101 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Nicias peace. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 breaketh the 
 peace of the 
 Graecians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 it, but with Phaeax, and joyning his parte with Phaeax, he 
 caused Hyperbolus to be banished, who feared nothing lesse : 
 for it was never seene before, that a man of meane counten- 
 aunce, and of small authoritie, fell into the happe of this 
 banishment. As Plato the Comical poet testifieth, speaking 
 of Hyperbolus : 
 
 Although for his deserts, this payne to him is due, 
 
 or greater punishment prepard, the which might make him rue : 
 
 Y et since he was by birth, a persone meane and base, 
 such punishment therefore dyd seeme (for him) to great of grace. 
 
 Since Ostracismon was, not made at first to be, 
 
 nor yet devisde as punishment, for suche meane folke as he. 
 
 But of this matter, we have spoken more at large before : 
 and now to returne againe to Alcibiades. Nicias had great 
 reputation among straungers, and his enemies greved at it no 
 lesse, then at the honour the cittizens selves dyd unto him. 
 For his house was the common inne for all Lacedaemonians 
 when they came to Athens, and they ever laye with him : 
 moreover he had very well entertained the Lacadaemon pri- 
 soners that were taken at the forte of Pyle. And afterwards 
 when peace was concluded betweene Lacedaemon and Athens, 
 and their prisoners redelivered home againe by Nicias meanes 
 only and procurement : they loved him more then ever they 
 dyd before. This was blowen abroade through Greece, that 
 Pericles had kindled the warres amongest them, and Nicias 
 quenched it : so some called this peace Nicium, as one would 
 saye, Nicias worke. But Alcibiades stomaking this, and envy- 
 ing Nicias glorie, determined to breake the peace whatso- 
 ever came of it. Wherefore to compasse this matter, knowing 
 first of all that the Argives had no liking of the Lacedae- 
 monians, but were their mortall enemies, and that they dyd 
 but seeke matter to fall out with them : he secretly put them 
 in hope of peace and league with the Athenians. Moreover 
 he dyd persuade them to it, both by letters and worde of 
 mouthe, speaking with the magistrates, and suche as had 
 greatest authoritie and credit amongest the people : declaring 
 unto them, that they should not feare the Lacedaemonians, 
 nor yeld to them at all, but to sticke to the Athenians, who 
 would sone repent them of the peace they had made, and 
 
 102 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 breake it with them. Afterwardes when the Lacedaemonians 
 had made league with the Boeotians, and had redelivered the 
 cittie of Panactum to the Athenians, all defaced and spoyled, 
 contrarie to the league : Alcibiades perceyving how the people 
 were muche offended thereat, made them more earnest against 
 them, and therewithall brought Nicias in disgrace with the 
 people, and charged him with many matters of great likely- 
 hood. As at that time, when he was generall : that he would 
 never take any of the Lacedaemonians, when they were shut 
 up within the He of Sphacteria, and muche lesse distresse 
 them when he might : and moreover that when other had 
 taken them prisoners by force, that he had founde the meanes 
 to deliver them, and send them home againe, to gratifie the 
 Lacedaemonians. Furthermore, that being their friende, he 
 dyd not his duety to disswade the people from making of 
 league offensive, and defensive with the Boeotians and the 
 Corinthians : and againe also, if there were any people of 
 Greece that had a desire to become friendes and allies with 
 the Athenians, that he dyd the best he could to let them, if 
 the Lacedaemonians had no liking of the matter. Now as 
 Nicias was thus in disgrace with the people, for the causes 
 above sayd : in the middest of this sturre, ambassadours came 
 by chaunce from Lacedaemon to Athens, who at their com- 
 ming gave very good wordes, saying they had full power and 
 commission to compound all controversies, under reasonable 
 and equall conditions. The Senate heard them, and receaved 
 them very curteously, and the people the next daye should 
 assemble in counsell to geve them audience : which Alcibia- 
 des fearing muche, he went to labour the ambassadours, and 
 spake with them aparte in this sorte. What meane you, my 
 Lordes of Sparta : doe ye not knowe that the Senate hath all- 
 wayes accustomed to be gracious and favorable unto those 
 that sue unto them for any matter, and that the people con- 
 trarilie are of a prowde nature, and desirous to imbrace all 
 great matters P If therefore at the first sight, ye doe geve 
 them to understand that you are come hither with full power, 
 to treate freely with them in all manner of causes : doe you 
 not thinke that they make you stretche your authoritie farre, 
 to graunte them all that they will demaunde. Therefore, my 
 
 103 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 beguileth the 
 Lacedaemo- 
 nians. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 chosen 
 
 generall. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Lordes ambassadours, if you looke for indifferencie at the 
 Athenians handes, and that they shall not prease you to farre 
 against your willes, to graunte them any thing of advantage : 
 I would wishe you a litle to cover your full commission, and 
 in open manner to propound certen articles, and reasonable 
 capitulations of peace, not acquainting them otherwise with 
 your full power to agree in all things : and for my parte, I 
 will assure you of my good will in favour of the Lacedae- 
 monians. When he had tolde them this tale, he gave them 
 his faithfull promise, and vowed as it were to performe his 
 worde. Hereupon Alcibiades turned the Ambassadours from 
 the trust they reposed in Nicias, and wanne them on his side : 
 in so muche as they gave credit to no man but to him, won- 
 dering muche at his great wisedome and readye wit, and they 
 thought him a rare and notable man. The next morning the 
 people were assembled to geve the ambassadours audience. 
 They were sent for, and brought into the market place. 
 There Alcibiades gently asked them, what was the cause of 
 their comming. They aunswered : that they were come to 
 treate of peace, but they had no power to determine any 
 thing. Then beganne Alcibiades to be angrie with them, as 
 if they had done him wrong, and not he any to them : calling 
 them unfaithfull, unconstant, and fickle men, that were come 
 neither to doe, nor saye any thing worth the hearing. The 
 Senate also were offended with them, and the people rated 
 them very roughely : whereat Nicias was so ashamed and 
 amased withall, that he could not tell what to saye, to see so 
 sodaine a chaunge, knowing nothing of Alcibiades malice and 
 subtill practise with the ambassadours. So the ambassadours 
 of Lacedaemon were dispatched, without any thing done, 
 and Alcibiades chosen generall : who presently brought the 
 Argives, the Elians, and the Mantinians in league with the 
 Athenians. Though no man dyd commend this practise of 
 his, in working it after this sorte : yet was it a marvelous 
 thing of him to devise to put all Peloponnesus in armes, and 
 to procure such a number of souldiers against the Lacedae- 
 monians, as he dyd before the cittie of Mantinea, and to 
 shifte of the miseries of warre and hazard of battell, so farre 
 from Athens. Which if the Lacedaemonians dyd winne, could 
 104 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 not profit them muche : and if they lost it, they could hardely 
 save their cittie of Sparta. After this battell of Mantinea, 
 the thousand men whom the cittie by an auncient order dyd 
 keepe continually in paye, aswell in peace as in warre, within 
 the cittie of Argos, thinking now oportunitie served them 
 very trimly : attempted to take the soveraine authoritie from 
 the common people, and to make them selves Lords of the 
 cittie. And to bring this to passe, the Lacedaemonians com- 
 ming in the meane time, dyd ayde them in their purpose, 
 and so dyd put downe the government of the people : notwith- 
 standing, immediatly after the people tooke armes againe, 
 and became the stronger. Alcibiades comming thither even 
 at that time, dyd warrant them the victorie, and to set up 
 againe the authoritie of the people. Then he persuaded them 
 to make their walles longer to joyne their cittie to the sea, 
 to the ende they might more easely be ayded by sea, by the 
 Athenians. He brought them also from Athens, many car- 
 pinters, masons, stone hewers, and other workemen : and to 
 conclude, he shewed them by all the meanes and wayes he 
 could, that he dyd beare good will unto them, and thereby 
 wanne him selfe no lesse favour particularly emong them, 
 then generally he dyd good unto his countrie. He dyd per- 
 suade also the cittizens of Patras to joyne their towne to the 
 sea, by making long walles, which they built out even to the 
 clyffes of the sea. And when one sayed unto them, Alas, 
 poore people of Patras, what doe ye meane ? the Athenians 
 will eate you out. Alcibiades aunswered him, It maye well 
 be, but it shalbe by litle and litle, beginning first at the 
 feete : but the Lacedaemonians will devoure you all at once, 
 and beginne at the head. Now although Alcibiades dyd 
 make the cittie of Athens strong by sea, yet he dyd not leave 
 to persuade the Athenians also, to make them selves strong 
 by lande. For he dyd put the young men oftentimes in 
 minde of the othe they were made to sweare in Agraulos, and 
 dyd advise them to accomplishe it in deede. Which was, 
 that they should take all corne fields, vines, and olyve trees, 
 to be the borders and confines of Attica, whereby they were 
 taught to reckon all lande theirs, that was manured, and dyd 
 bring forth fruite. Yet with all these goodly dedes and fayer 
 2:0 ' 105 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The walles 
 brought to the 
 sea by the 
 Argives. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 ryot. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wordes of Alcibiades, and with this great corage and quicknes 
 of understanding, he had many great faultes and imperfec- 
 tions. For he was to daintie in his fare, wantonly geven unto 
 light women, riotous in bankets, vaine and womanishe in ap- 
 parell : he ware ever a long purple gowne that swept the 
 market place as he walked up and downe, it had suche a 
 traine, and was to riche and costely for him to weare. And 
 following these vaine pleasures and delightes, when he was in 
 his galley, he caused the planckes of the poope thereof to be 
 cutte and broken up, that he might lye the softer : for his 
 bed was not layed apon the overloppe, but laye upon girthes 
 strained over the hole, cut out and fastened to the sides, and 
 he caried to the warres with him a gilded scutchion, wherein 
 he had no cognizaunce nor ordinary devise of the Athenians, 
 but only had the image of Cupide in it, holding lightning in 
 his hande. The noble men, and best cittizens of Athens per- 
 ceyving this, they hated his facions and conditions, and were 
 muche offended at him, and w r ere afeard withall of his rashnes 
 and insolencie : he dyd so contemne the lawes and customes 
 of their countrie, being manifest tokens of a man that aspired 
 to be King, and would subvert and turne all over hand. And 
 as for the good will of the common people towards him, the 
 poet Aristophanes doth plainely expresse it in these wordes : 
 
 The people most desire, what most they hate to have : 
 
 and what their minde abhorres, even that they seeme to crave. 
 
 And in another place he sayed also, aggravating the suspi- 
 tion they had of him : 
 
 For state or common weale, muche better should it be, 
 to keepe within the countrie none suche lyons lookes as he. 
 
 But if they nedes will keepe, a lyon to their cost, 
 then must they nedes obeye his will, for he will rule the roste. 
 
 For to saye truely : his curtesies, his liberalises, and 
 noble expences to shewe the people so great pleasure and 
 pastime as nothing could be more : the glorious memorie of 
 his auncesters, the grace of his eloquence, the beawtie of his 
 persone, the strength and valliantnes of his bodie, joyned 
 together with his wisedome and experience in marshall 
 
 106 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 affayers : were the very causes that made them to beare with 
 him in all things, and that the Athenians dyd paciently endure 
 all his light partes, and dyd cover his faultes, with the best 
 wordes and termes they could, calling them youthfull, and 
 gentlemens sportes. As when he kept Agartharchus the 
 painter prisoner in his house by force, untill he had painted 
 all his walles within : and when he had done, dyd let him 
 goe, and rewarded him very honestly for his paines. Againe 
 when he gave a boxe of the eare to Taureas, who dyd paye 
 the whole charges of a companie of common players, in spite 
 of him, to carie awaye the honour of the games. Also when 
 he tooke awaye a young woman of Melia by his authoritie, 
 that was taken among certaine prisoners in the warres, and 
 kept her for his concubine : by whom he had a childe, which 
 he caused to be brought up. Which they called a worke 
 of charitie, albeit afterwards they burdened him, that he 
 was the only cause of murdering of the poore Melians, 
 saving the litle children, bicause he had favored and per- 
 suaded that unnaturall and wicked decree, which another 
 had propounded. Likewise where one Aristophon a painter, 
 had painted a curtisan named Nemea, holding Alcibiades in 
 her armes, and sitting in her lappe, which all the people 
 ranne to see, and tooke great pleasure to behold it: the 
 grave and auncient men, were angrie at these foolishe partes, 
 accompting them impudent things, and done against all civill 
 modestie and temperancie. Wherefore it seemed Archestratus 
 words were spoken to good purpose, when he sayed, that 
 Greece could not abide two Alcibiades at once. And on a 
 daye as he came from the counsaill and assembly of the cittie, 
 where he had made an excellent oration, to the great good 
 liking and acceptation of all the hearers, and by meanes there- 
 of had obteined the thing he desired, and was accompanied 
 with a great traine that followed him to his honour : Timon, 
 surnamed Misanthropus (as who would saye, Loup-garou, 
 or the manhater) meeting Alcibiades thus accompanied, dyd 
 not passe by him, nor gave him waye (as he was wont to doe 
 to all other men) but went straight to him, and tooke him 
 by the hande, and sayed : O, thou dost well my sonne, I can 
 thee thancke, that thou goest on, and climest up still : for if 
 
 107 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 dishonestie 
 and wanton- 
 nes. 
 
 Archestratus 
 
 saying. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades the 
 author of the 
 warres in 
 Sicilia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ever thou be in authoritie, woe be unto those that followe 
 thee, for they are utterly undone. When they had heard 
 these wordes, those that stoode by fell a laughing : other 
 reviled Timon, other againe marked well his wordes, and 
 thought of them many a time after, suche sundry opinions 
 they had of him for the unconstancie of his life, and way- 
 wardnes of his nature and conditions. Now for the taking 
 of Sicile, the Athenians dyd marvelosly covet it in Pericles 
 life, but yet they dyd not medle withall, untill after his 
 death : and then they dyd it at the first under culler of 
 friendshippe, as ayding those citties which were oppressed, 
 and spoyled by the Syracusans. This was in manner a 
 plaine bridge made, to passe afterwardes a greater power and 
 armie thither. Howbeit the only procurer of the Athenians, 
 and persuader of them, to send small companies thither no 
 more, but to enter with a great armie at once to con- 
 quer all the countrie together, was Alcibiades : who had so 
 allured the people with his pleasaunt tongue, that upon his 
 persuasion, they built castells in the ayer, and thought to 
 doe greater wonders, by winning only of Sicilia. For where 
 other dyd set their mindes apon the conquest of Sicile, being 
 that they only hoped after : it was to Alcibiades, but a be- 
 ginning of further enterprises. And where Nicias commonly 
 in all his persuasions, dyd turne the Athenians from their 
 purpose to make warres against the Syracusans, as being 
 to great a matter for them to take the cittie of Syracusa : 
 Alcibiades againe had a further reache in his head, to goe 
 conquer Libya, and Carthage, and that being conquered, to 
 passe from thence into Italie, and so to Peloponnesus : so 
 that Sicilia should serve but to furnishe them with vittells, 
 and to paye the souldiers for their conquestes which he had 
 imagined. Thus the young men were incontinently caried 
 awaye with a marvelous hope and opinion of this jorney, and 
 gave good eare to olde mens tales that tolde them wonders 
 of the countries : insomuche as there was no other pastime 
 nor exercise among the youth in their meetings, but com- 
 panies of men to set rounde together, drawe plattes of 
 Sicile, and describe the situation of Libya and Carthage. 
 And yet they saye, that neither Socrates the philosopher, 
 108 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 nor Meton the astronomer dyd ever hope to see any good ALCIBIA- 
 successe of this jorney. For the one by the revealing of EES 
 his familliar spirite, who tolde him all things to come, as was The divina- 
 thought, had no great opinion of it : and Meton, whether and” 
 
 it was for the feare of the successe of the jorney he had by Meton 
 reason, or that he knew by divination of his arte what would 
 followe, he counterfeated the mad man, and holding a burn- 
 ing torche in his hand, made as though he would have set 
 his house a fyer. Other saye, that he dyd not counter- 
 feate, but like a mad man in deede dyd set his house a fyre 
 one night, and that the next morning betimes he went into 
 the market place to praye the people, that in consideration 
 of his great losse and his grievous calamitie so late happened 
 him, it would please them to discharge his sonne for going 
 this voyage. So by this mad devise, he obteined his re- 
 quest of the people for his sonne, whom he abused much. 
 
 But Nicias against his will was chosen captaine, to take 
 charge of men in these warres : who misliked this jorney, 
 aswell for his companion and associate in the charge of these 
 warres, as for other misfortunes he foresawe therein. How- 
 beit the Athenians thought the warre would fall out well, if 
 they dyd not commit it wholy to Alcibiades rashnes and 
 hardines, but dyd joyne with him the wisedome of Nicias : 
 and appointed Lamachus also for their third captaine, whom 
 they sent thither, though he were waxen now somewhat olde, 
 as one that had shewed him selfe no lesse venturous and 
 hardie in some battells, then Alcibiades him selfe. Now 
 when they came to resolve of the number of souldiers, the 
 furniture and order of these warres, Nicias sought crookedly 
 to thwart this jorney, and to breake it of altogether: but 
 Alcibiades withstoode him, and gate the better hande of 
 him. There was an orator called Demostratus, who moved 
 the people also that the captaines whom they had chosen 
 for these warres, might have full power and authoritie to 
 leavy men at their discretion, and to make suche preparation 
 as they thought good : whereunto the people condescended, 
 and dyd authorise them. But when they were even readie 
 to goe their waye, many signes of ill successe lighted in the 
 necke one of another : and amongest the rest this was one. 
 
 109 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ALCIBIA- That they were commaunded to take shippe, on the daye of 
 DBS the celebration of the feast of Adonia, on the which the 
 custome is, that women doe set up in divers places of the 
 cittie, in the middest of the streates, images, like to dead 
 corses which they carie to buriall, and they represent the 
 mourning and lamentations made at the funeralles of the 
 dead, with blubbering, and beating them selves, in token of 
 the sorowe the goddesse Venus made, for the death of her 
 friend Adonis. Moreover, the Hermes (which are the images 
 of Mercurie, and were wont to be set up in every lane and 
 Images hewen streete) were found in a night all hacked and hewed, and 
 and mangled mangled specially in their faces : but this put divers in great 
 at Athens. f e are and trouble, yea even those that made no accompt of 
 suche toyes. Whereupon it was alledged that it might be 
 the Corinthians that dyd it, or procured that lewde acte to be 
 done, favoring the Syracusans, who were their neere kynse- 
 men, and had bene the first fownders of them, imagining 
 upon this ill token, it might be a cause to breake of the 
 enterprise, and to make the people repent them, that they 
 had taken this warre in hande. Nevertheles, the people would 
 not allow this excuse, neither hearken to their wordes that 
 sayed, they should not reckon of any such signes or tokens, and 
 that they were but some light brained youthes, that being 
 tippled, had played this shamefull parte in their braverie or 
 for sporte. But for all these reasons, they tooke these signes 
 very grevously, and were in deede not a litle afeard, as think- 
 ing undoutedly that no man durst have bene so bolde to 
 have done suche an abhominable facte, but that there was 
 some conspiracie in the matter. Hereupon, they looked 
 apon every suspition and conjecture that might be (how 
 litle or unlikely soever it were) and that very severely : 
 and both Senate and people also met in counsell upon it, 
 very ofte, and in a fewe dayes. Now whilest they were 
 busilie searching out the matter, Androcles a common 
 counseller, and orator in the common wealth, brought before 
 the counsell certaine slaves and straungers that dwelt in 
 Athens : who deposed that Alcibiades, and other of his 
 friends and companions, had hacked and mangled other 
 images after that sorte, and in a mockerie had counter- 
 110 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 feated also in a banket that he made, the ceremonies of the 
 holy mysteries, declaring these matters particularly. How 
 one Theodorus counterfeated the herauld, that is wonte to 
 make the proclamations : Polytion the torche bearer, and 
 Alcibiades the priest, who sheweth the holy signes and 
 mysteries : and that his other companions were the assist- 
 antes, as those that make sute to be receyved into their 
 religion and order, and into the brotherhood of their holy 
 mysteries, whom for this cause they call Mystes. These very 
 wordes are written in the accusation Thessalus (Cimons sonne) 
 made against Alcibiades, charging him that he had wickedly 
 mocked the two goddesses, Ceres, and Proserpina. Whereat 
 the people being marvelously moved and offended, and the 
 orator Androcles his mortall enemie aggravating and stir- 
 ring them up the more against him : Alcibiades a litle at 
 the first beganne to be amased at it. But afterwards, hear- 
 ing that the mariners which were prepared for the voyage 
 of Sicilia, and the souldiers also that were gathered, dyd 
 beare him great good will, and specially how the ayde, and 
 that bande that came from Argos, and Mantinea (being a 
 thousand footemen, well armed and appointed) dyd saye 
 openly, how it was for Alcibiades sake they dyd take upon 
 them so long a voyage beyond sea, and that if they went 
 about to doe him any hurte or wrong, they would presently 
 returne home againe from whence they came : he beganne 
 to be of a good corage againe, and determined with this 
 good favorable oportunitie of time, to come before the 
 counsell, to aunswer to all suche articles and accusations as 
 should be layed against him. Thereupon his enemies were 
 a litle cooled, fearing least the people in this judgement 
 would have shewed him more favour, bicause they stoode in 
 nede of him. Wherefore to prevent this daunger, they had 
 fed other Oratours who set a good face on the matter, as 
 they had bene Alcibiades friends, and yet bare him no lesse 
 good will, then the ranckest enemies he had. These fine 
 fellowes rose up in open assembly, and sayed : it was no 
 reason, that he that was now chosen one of the generalles 
 of so miffhtie 
 the 
 
 sayle and 
 
 and puissant an armie (being ready to hoyse 
 ayde also of their allies and friendes) should 
 
 111 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 accused for 
 prophaning 
 the holy 
 mysteries. 
 
 The crafte of 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 enemies. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 jorney into 
 Sicile. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 be driven to staye now, and to lose time and occasion of 
 well doing, whilest they should goe about to choose judges, 
 and appointe him his howres and time of aunswer. There- 
 fore, they sayed, it was fit he should take his jorney betimes, 
 and when warres were done, that he should present him selfe 
 to requier justice, and to purge him selfe of suche matters 
 as should be objected against him. But Alcibiades smelling 
 streight their fetche, and perceyving the practise, of his staye, 
 stept up, and declared how they dyd him great wrong, to 
 make him departe with the charge of a generall of so great 
 an armie, his minde being troubled with continuall feare of 
 so grievous curses, as he should leave apon him : and that 
 he deserved death, if he could not purge and justifie him 
 selfe, of all the unjust and surmised accusations against him. 
 And if he had once clered him selfe of all thinges, and had 
 published his innocencie: he should then have nothing in 
 his head to trouble him, nor to thinke upon, but to goe on 
 lustely to fight with his enemies, and to cast behinde him 
 the daunger of all his slaunderous detracters. But all this 
 could not persuade them. And so he was presently com- 
 maunded in the behalfe of the people, to imbarke, and shippe 
 awaye his men. Thus he was compelled to take the seas 
 with his other companions, having in their navie about a 
 hundred and forty gallyes, all having three owers to a 
 bancke : and five thousand one hundred footemen very well 
 armed and appointed, and throwers with slinges, archers, and 
 other light armed men to the number of thirteene hundred, 
 sufficiently furnished of all warlicke and necessarie munition. 
 Now after they were arrived on the coaste of Italie, they 
 landed in the cittie of Rhegio: where, holding counsell in 
 what sorte they should direct these warres, it was resolved 
 in the ende that they should goe straight unto Sicilia. This 
 opinion was followed, although Nicias dyd contrarie it, when 
 Lamachus gave his consent thereunto : and at his first com- 
 ming, he was the occasion of winning the cittie of Catana. 
 But he never after dyd any exployte, for he was called home 
 immediatly by the Athenians, to come and aunswer certaine 
 accusations layed to his charge. For as we tolde you before, 
 there was at the beginning, certaine light suspitions and ac- 
 112 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 cusations put up against him, by some slaves and straungers. 
 But afterwards when he was gone, his enemies enforced them, 
 and burdened him more cruelly, adding to his former faulte, 
 that he had broken the images of Mercurie : and had com- 
 mitted sacriledge in counterfeating in jeast and mockery the 
 holy ceremonies of the mysteries : and blue into the eares of 
 the people, that both the one and the other proceeded of 
 one set conspiracie, to chaunge and alter the government 
 of the state of the cittie. Upon these informations, the 
 people tooke it in so ill parte, that they committed all 
 to prisone, that were in any sorte accused or suspected 
 thereof, and would never let them come to their aunswer: 
 and moreover dyd much repent them that they had not 
 condemned Alcibiades, upon so great complaintes and in- 
 formations as were exhibited against him, while his offense 
 was in question before them. And the furie and hatred of 
 the people was such towards him, that if any of Alcibiades 
 friends and acquaintance came within their daunger, they 
 were the worse handled for his sake. Thucydides dyd not 
 name his accusers, but some other doe name Dioclides and 
 Teucer: amongest whom, Phrynicus the Comicall poet is 
 one, who discovereth it in his verses, by bringing in one 
 that speaketh thus to the image of Mercury : 
 
 My good friend Mercury, I praye thee take good heede, 
 that thou fall not, and breake thy necke : for so thou mightst 
 me breede, 
 
 both daunger and distrust, and though I giltles be, 
 some Dioclides falsely might accuse and trouble me. 
 
 Mercury aunswereth : 
 
 Take thou no thought for me, my selfe I shall well save : 
 
 and will foresee full well therewith that Teucer (that false 
 knave) 
 
 shall not the money get, which he by lawe hath wonne, 
 for his promowters bribing parte, and accusation. 
 
 And yet for all this, these tokens doe showe no certaintie 
 of any thing. For one of them being asked, howe he could 
 knowe them by their faces in the night, that had broken 
 and defaced these images? he aunswered, that he knewe 
 them well enough bv the brightnes of the moone. And 
 2 : P * 113 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Phrynicus 
 the Comicall 
 poet. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ALCIBIA- hereby it appeareth playnely that he was perjured, bicause 
 DES that the same night, on the which this fact was committed, 
 there was a conjunction of the moone. This dyd a litle 
 trouble and staye men of judgement: howbeit the common 
 sorte of people this notwithstanding, dyd not leave to be 
 as sharpe set, to receyve all accusations and informations, 
 that were brought in against him, as ever they were be- 
 fore. Now there was among the prisoners whose cause was 
 hanging before them, the orator Andocides (whom Hellanicus 
 Andocidesthe the historiographer describeth to descend of the race of 
 orator cast Ulysses) whom they tooke to be a man that hated the 
 
 into prison, government of the common people, and bent altogether 
 to favour the small number of the nobilitie. But one of 
 the chiefest occasions why he was subjected to be one of 
 them that had broken the images, was : for that hard by 
 his house there was a fayer great image set up in olde 
 time, by the familie or tribe of the iEgeides, and that 
 alone amongest all the rest of so many famous images, 
 was lefte whole and unbroken: whereupon it is called at 
 this daye, the Mercury of Andocides, and is so called gener- 
 ally of every bodye, albeit the inscription sheweth the con- 
 trarie. Andocides being in prisone, chaunced to fall in 
 acquaintaunce with one Timseus, with whom he was more 
 familliar then with all the rest, who was also prisoner 
 with him for the self cause. This Timaeus was a man not 
 so well knowen as he, but besides, a wise man, and very 
 hardie. He persuaded him, and put into his head, that 
 he should accuse him selfe, and certaine other with him : 
 for taking the matter upon him, and confessing it, he 
 should receyve grace and pardone, according to the course 
 and promise of the lawe. Where contrarilie, if he should 
 stande upon the curtesie of the judges sentence, he might 
 easely endaunger him self : bicause j udgements in such cases 
 are uncertaine to all people, and most to be doubted and 
 feared toward the riche. And therefore he told him it were 
 his best waye, if he looked into the matter wisely, by lying 
 to save his life, rather then to suffer death with shame, and 
 to be condemned upon this false accusation. Also he sayed 
 if he would have regarde to the common wealth, that it 
 114 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 should in like case be wisely done of him, to put in daunger 
 a fewe of those (which stood doubtfull whether in trothe 
 they were any of them or not) to save from the furie of 
 the people, and terrour of death, many honest men, who 
 in deede were innocent of this lewde fact. Timaeus wordes 
 and persuasions wrought such effect with Andocides, that 
 they made him yeld unto them, and brought him to accuse 
 him selfe, and certaine other with him : by meanes whereof 
 Alcibiades according to the lawe had his pardone. But all 
 suche as he named and accused, were every man put to 
 death, saving suche as saved them selves by ronning awaye. 
 Furthermore, to shadowe his accusation with some appar- 
 aunce of trothe, Andocides among those that were accused, 
 dyd accuse also certen of his owne servaunts. Now though 
 the people had no more occasion to occupie their busie 
 heades about the breakers of these images, yet was not their 
 malice thus appeased against Alcibiades, untill they sent the 
 galley called Salaminiana, commaunding those they sent by 
 a speciall commission to seeke him out, in no case to attempt 
 to take him by force, nor to laye holde on him by violence : 
 but to use him with all the good wordes and curteous 
 manner that they possibly could, and to will him only to 
 appeare in persone before the people, to aunswer to certaine 
 accusations put up against him. If otherwise they should 
 have used force, they feared muche least the armie would 
 have mutined on his behalfe within the countrie of their 
 enemies, and that there would have growen some sedition 
 amongest their souldiers. This might Alcibiades have easely 
 done, if he had bene disposed. For the souldiers were very 
 sorie to see him departe, perceyving that the warres should 
 be drawen out now in length, and be much prolonged under 
 Nicias, seeing Alcibiades was taken from them, who was the 
 only spurre that pricked Nicias forward to doe any service : 
 and that Lamachus also, though he were a valliant man of 
 his handes, yet he lacked honour and authoritie in the armie, 
 bicause he was but a meane man borne, and poore besides. 
 Now Alcibiades for a farewell, disapointed the Athenians 
 of winning the cittie of Messina : for they having intelli- 
 gence by certaine private persones within the cittie, that it 
 
 115 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 sent for to 
 aunswer to his 
 accusation. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 accusation. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 condemned 
 being absent. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 would yeld up into their handes, Alcibiades knowing them 
 very well by their names, bewrayed them unto those that 
 were the Syracusans friendes : whereupon all this practise 
 was broken utterly. Afterwards when he came to the cittie 
 of Thuries, so sone as he had landed, he went and hid him 
 selfe incontinently in suche sorte, that such as sought for him, 
 could not finde him. Yet there was one that knewe him 
 where he was, and sayed : Why, how now Alcibiades, darest 
 thou not trust the justice of thy countrie? Yes very well 
 (quoth he) and it were in another matter : but my life stand- 
 ing upon it, I would not trust mine own mother, fearing 
 least negligently she should put in the blacke beane, where 
 she should cast in the white. For by the first, condemna- 
 tion of death was signified : and by the other, pardone of 
 life. But afterwards, hearing that the Athenians for malice 
 had condemned him to death : Well, quoth he, they shall 
 knowe I am yet alive. Now the manner of his accusation 
 and inditement framed against him, was found written in 
 this sorte : Thessalus the sonne of Cimon, of the village of 
 Laciades, hath accused, and doth accuse Alcibiades, the 
 sonne of Clinias, of the village of Scambonides, to have 
 offended against the goddesses, Ceres and Proserpina, coun- 
 terfeating in mockery their holy mysteries, and shewing 
 them to his familliar friends in his house, him selfe appar- 
 relled and arrayed in a long vestement or cope, like unto the 
 vestement the priest weareth when he sheweth these holy 
 sacred mysteries : and naming him selfe the priest, Polytion 
 the torche bearer, and Theodorus of the village of Phygea 
 the verger, and the other lookers on, brethern, and fellowe 
 scomers with them, and all done in manifest contempt and 
 derision, of holy ceremonies and mysteries of the Eumolpides, 
 the religious priests and ministers of the sacred temple of 
 the cittie of Eleusin. So Alcibiades for his contempt and 
 not appearing, was condemned, and his goodes confiscate. 
 Besides this condemnation, they decreed also, that all the 
 religious piiestes and women should banne and accurse him. 
 But hereunto aunswered, one of the Nunnes called Theano, 
 the daughter of Menon, of the village of Agraula, saying : 
 that she was professed religious, to praye and to blesse, not 
 116 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to curse and banne. After this most grievous sentence and 
 condemnation passed against him, Alcibiades departed out 
 of the cittie of Thuries, and went into the countrie of Pelo- 
 ponnesus, where he continued a good season in the cittie of 
 Argos. But in the ende fearing his enemies, and having no 
 hope to returne againe to his owne countrie with any safety : 
 he sent unto Sparta to have safe conduct and licence of the 
 Lacedaemonians, that he might come and dwell in their 
 countrie, promising them he would doe them more good 
 being now their friend, then he ever dyd them hurte, while 
 he was their enemie. The Lacedaemonians graunted his 
 request, and recey ved him very willingly into their cittie : 
 where even upon his first comming, he dyd three things. 
 The first was : That the Lacedaemonians by his persuasion 
 and procurement, dyd determine speedily to send ayde to 
 the Syracusans, whom they had long before delayed : and 
 so they sent Gylippus their captaine, to overthrowe the 
 Athenians armie, which they had sent thither. The second 
 thing he did for them, was : That he made them of Greece 
 to beginne warre apon the Athenians. The third, and 
 greatest matter of importance, was : That he dyd counsell 
 them to fortifie the cittie of Decelea, which was within the 
 territories of Attica selfe: which consumed, and brought 
 the power of the Athenians lower, then any other thing 
 whatsoever he could have done. And if he were welcome, 
 and well esteemed in Sparta, for the service he dyd to the 
 common wealth : muche more he wanne the love and good 
 willes of private men, for that he lived after the Laconian 
 manner. So as they that sawe his skinne scraped to the 
 fleshe, and sawe him washe him selfe in cold water, and 
 howe he dyd eate browne bread, and suppe of their blacke 
 brothe : would have doubted (or to saye better, never have 
 beleeved) that suche a man had ever kept cooke in his house, 
 nor that he ever had seene so muche as a perfuming panne, 
 or had touched clothe of tissue made at Miletum. For 
 among other qualities and properties he had (wherof he was 
 full) this as they saye was one, whereby he most robbed mens 
 hartes : that he could frame altogether with their manners 
 and facions of life, transforming him selfe more easely to all 
 
 117 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 flyeth to 
 Sparta. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 more 
 
 chaungeable 
 then the 
 camelion. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 got Timaea, 
 kingAgis wife 
 with childe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 manner of shapes, then the Camelion. For it is reported, 
 that the Camelion cannot take white culler : but Alcibiades 
 could put apon him any manners, customes or facions, of 
 what nation soever, and could followe, exercise, and counter- 
 feate them when he would, aswell the good as the bad. For 
 in Sparta, he was very paynefull, and in continuall exercise : 
 he lived sparingly with litle, and led a straight life. In 
 Ionia, to the contrary : there he lived daintely and super- 
 fluously, and gave him self to all mirthe and pleasure. In 
 Thracia, he dranke ever, or was allwayes a horse backe. If 
 he came to Tissaphernes, lieutenaunt of the mightie king 
 of Persia : he farre exceeded the magnificence of Persia in 
 pompe and sumptuousnes. And these things notwithstand- 
 ing, never altered his naturall condition from one facion to 
 another, neither dyd his manners (to saye truely) receyve all 
 sortes of chaunges. But bicause peradventure, if he had 
 shewed his naturall disposition, he might in divers places 
 where he came, have offended those whose companie he kept, 
 he dyd with such a viser and cloke disguise him selfe, to fit 
 their manners, whom he companied with, by transforming him 
 selfe into their naturall countenaunce. As he that had seene 
 him when he was at Sparta, to have looked apon the outward 
 man, would have sayed as the common proverbe sayeth : 
 
 It is not the sonne of Achilles, but Achilles selfe : 
 
 Even so it is even he, whom Lycurgus brought up. But 
 he that had inwardly seene his naturall doings, and good 
 will in deede lye naked before him : would have sayed con- 
 trarilie, as they saye commonly in another language : 
 
 This woman is no chaungeling. 
 
 For he entertained Queene Timaea, King Agis wife of 
 Sparta, so well in his absence, he being abroade in the 
 warres : that he got her with childe, and she her selfe denied 
 it not. For she being brought a bed of a sonne, who was 
 named Leotychides, openly to the world called him by that 
 name : but when she was amongest her familliars and very 
 friends, she called him sofetly Alcibiades, she was so farre in love 
 with him. And Alcibiades j easting out the matter, sayed he 
 had done it for no hurte, nor for any lust of fleshe to satisfie 
 
 118 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his desire : but only to leave of his race ? to reigne amongest 
 the Lacedaemonians. This matter was brought by divers unto 
 king Agis eares, who at the length beleeved it : but specially 
 when he beganne to make a reckoning of the time, how long 
 it was sence he laye with his wife. For lying with his wife 
 one night when there was a terrible earthquake, he ranne out 
 of his chamber for feare the house would fall on his head : 
 so that it was tenne moneths after ere he laye again with her. 
 Whereupon, her sonne Leotychides being borne at the ende of 
 tenne moneths, he sayed he was none of his : and this was the 
 cause that Leotychides dyd not succede afterwards in the King- 
 dome, bicause he was not of the bloude royall. After the utter 
 overthrowe of the Athenians in Sicilia, those of the lies of Chio 
 and Lesbos, with the Cyzicenians, dyd send all about a tenne 
 ambassadoursto Sparta: to let the Lacedaemonians understand, 
 they had good will to leave the Athenians, so they would 
 send them ayde to defend them. The Boeotians favored those 
 of Lesbos : Pharnabazus, the king of Persiaes lieutenaunt, 
 favored the Cyzicenians. This notwithstanding, the Lace- 
 daemonians were better affected to helpe those of Chio first, by 
 the persuasion of Alcibiades, who tooke their matters in hande. 
 And he tooke sea him self and went into Asia, where he 
 almost turned the countrie of Ionia against the Athenians : 
 and keeping allwayes with the generalles of the Lacedae- 
 monians, he dyd muche hurte the Athenians. Yet not- 
 withstanding, king Agis dyd beare him ill will, partely for 
 the injurie he dyd him in dishonoring and defiling his wife, 
 and partely also, for that he envied his glorie : bicause the 
 rumour ranne about, that the most parte of the goodly 
 exploytes of these warres dyd happen well, by Alcibiades 
 meanes. Other also of the greatest authoritie among the 
 Spartans, that were most ambitious emong them, beganne 
 in their mindes to be angrie with Alcibiades, for the envie 
 they bare him : who were of so great power, that they 
 procured their governours to write their letters to their 
 captaines in the field, to kill him. Alcibiades hearing of 
 this, dyd no whit desist to doe all he could for the benefit 
 of the Lacedaemonians : yet he had an eye behind him, 
 flying all occasions to fall into their handes. So in the 
 
 119 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Leotychides 
 Alcibiades 
 bastard e. 
 
 The Lacede- 
 monians prac- 
 tise to kill 
 Alcibiades. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 flying the 
 Lacedaemo- 
 nians goeth to 
 Tisaphernes. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 called a plea- 
 saunt place 
 and goodly 
 prospect. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ende, for more suerty of his persone, he went unto Tisa- 
 phernes, one of the king of Persiaes lieutenantes, with 
 whom he wanne incontinently suche credit, that he was 
 the first and chiefest persone he had about him. For this 
 barbarous man being no simple persone, but rather mali- 
 cious, and subtill of nature, and that loved fine and crafty 
 men : dyd wonder how he could so easely turne from one 
 manner of living to another, and also at his quicke witte 
 and understanding. Moreover, his company and manner to 
 passe the time awaye, was commonly marvelous full of mirthe 
 and pleasure, and he had suche pleasaunt comely devises 
 with him, that no man was of so sullen a nature, but he 
 would make him merie, nor so churlishe, but he would make 
 him gentle. So that both those that feared him, and also 
 envied him : they were yet glad to see him, and it did them 
 good to be in his companie, and use talke with him. In so 
 muche as this Tisaphernes (that otherwise was a churlishe 
 man, and naturally hated the Grecians) dyd geve him selfe 
 so muche unto Alcibiades flatteries, and they pleased him 
 so well : that he him selfe dyd studie to flatter Alcibiades 
 againe, and make muche of him. For he called Alcibiades 
 his fayer house of pleasure, and goodly prospect : notwith- 
 standing he had many goodly gardens, sweete springes, grene 
 arbours and pleasaunt meadowes, and those in all royall and 
 magnificent manner. Alcibiades despairing utterly to finde 
 any safetie or friend shippe emong the Spartans, and fearing 
 on thother side king Agis also : he beganne to speake ill of 
 them, and to disgrace all that they dyd, to Tisaphernes. 
 By this practise he stayed Tisaphernes from ayding them so 
 friendly as he might : moreover, he dyd not utterly destroye 
 the Athenians. For he persuaded him that he should fur- 
 nishe the Lacedaemonians but with litle money, to let them 
 diminishe and consume by litle and litle : to the ende that 
 after one had troubled and weakned the other, they both at 
 the length should be the easier for the King to overcome. 
 This barbarous man dyd easely consent to this devise. All 
 the world then sawe he loved Alcibiades, and esteemed of 
 him very muche : in so muche as he was sought to, and 
 regarded of all handes of the Grecians. Then were the 
 120 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Athenians sorie, and repented them when they had receyved 
 so great losse and hurte, for that they had decreed so severely 
 against Alcibiades, who in like manner was very sorowfull, 
 to see them brought to so harde termes, fearing, if the cittie 
 of Athens came to destruction, that he him selfe should fall 
 in the ende into the handes of the Lacedaemonians, who 
 maliced him to the death. Now about that time, all the 
 power of the Athenians were almost in the He of Samos, 
 from whence with their armie by sea, they sought to sup- 
 presse the rebelles that were up against them, and to keepe 
 all that which yet remained. For they were yet pretily 
 strong to resist their enemies, at the least by sea : but they 
 stoode in great feare of the power of Tisaphernes, and of the 
 hundred and fiftie gallyes which were reported to be comming 
 out of the countrie of Phenicia, to the ayde of their enemies, 
 which if they had come, the cittie of Athens had bene utterly 
 spoyled, and for ever without hope of recovery. The which 
 Alcibiades understanding, sent secretly unto the chiefest men 
 that were in the armie of the Athenians at Samos, to geve 
 them hope he would make Tisaphernes their friende : howbeit 
 not of any desire he had to gratifie the people, nor that he 
 trusted to the communaltie of Athens, but only to the 
 honorable, and honest cittizens, and that conditionally so 
 as they had the harte and corage, to bridell a litle the 
 over licentiousnes and insolencie of the common people, 
 and that they would take upon them the authoritie to 
 governe, and to redresse their state, and to preserve the 
 cittie of Athens, from finall and utter destruction. Upon 
 this advertisement, all the heades and chief men dyd geve 
 very good eare unto it : saving only Phrynichus, one of 
 the captaines, and of the towne of Dirades. Who mis- 
 trusting (that was true in deede) that Alcibiades cared not 
 which ende went forward, nor who had the chief govern- 
 ment of Athens, the nobilitie, or the communaltie, and dyd 
 but seeke all the devises and wayes he could, to returne 
 againe if it might be possible, in any manner of sorte, and 
 that he dyd but currie favour with the Nobilitie, blaming 
 and accusing the people : he stoode altogether against the 
 motion, whereupon Alcibiades devise was not followed. 
 2 : Q 121 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The incon- 
 stancie of 
 the common 
 people. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ALCIBIA- And having now shewed him selfe open enemie to Alci- 
 DES biades, he dyd secretly advertise Astiochus then admirall 
 to the Lacedaemonians, of Alcibiades practise, and warned 
 him to take heede of him, and to laye him up safe, as a 
 double dealer, and one that had intelligence with both 
 sides : but he understoode not how it was but one traitour 
 to speake to another. For this Astiochus was a follower of 
 Tisaphernes for his private commoditie : and perceyving 
 Alcibiades in suche credit with him, he dyd discover to 
 Alcibiades all that Phrynichus had advertised him. Alci- 
 biades straight sent men of purpose to Samos, unto the 
 captains there, to accuse Phrynichus of the treason he had 
 revealed against them. Those of the counsaill there, receyv- 
 ing this intelligence : were highly offended with Phrynichus. 
 So, he seeing no better waye to save him selfe for making of 
 this faulte, went about to make amends with committing a 
 worse faulte. Thereupon he sent againe to Astiochus, com- 
 plaining muche he had disclosed him : and yet nevertheles he 
 promised him, if he would keepe his counsaill, that he would 
 deliver the whole fleete and armie of the Athenians into 
 his handes. Howbeit this treason of Phrynichus dyd the 
 Athenians no hurte at all, by reason of Astiochus counter 
 treason : for he dyd let Alcibiades againe understand what 
 offer Phrynichus had made him. Phrynichus looking to be 
 charged with this againe, the second time before the counsell, 
 by meanes of Alcibiades : dyd first advertise the chief of the 
 armie of the Athenians : That their enemies would come 
 and set upon them, and where, and howe : and gave them 
 therefore warning to keepe neere their shippes, to make a 
 strong watche, and to fortifie them selves with all speede, 
 the which forthwith they dyd. And as they were about it, 
 there came other letters from Alcibiades, by the which he 
 dyd warne them againe to take heede of Phrynichus, bicause 
 he had practised againe with their enemies, to deliver the 
 whole armie of Athens into their handes. But they gave no 
 credit to his second letters : for they thought that he know- 
 ing the preparations and mindes of the enemies, would serve 
 his own turne with the false accusing of Phrynichus. Not- 
 withstanding this, there was some falsehood in fellowshippe : 
 
 122 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 for one Hermon, openly in the market place, stabbed Phry- 
 nichus in with a dagger, and killed him. The facte being 
 pleaded in lawe, and throughly considered of : the dead 
 bodie by the sentence of the people was condemned for a 
 traitour : and Hermon the murtherer, and his fellowes, 
 were crowned in recompence of their facte they had done 
 to kill a traitour to the common wealth. Wherefore 
 those that were Alcibiades friends, being at that time the 
 stronger, and greatest men of the counsell in the armie 
 at Samos : they sent one Pisander to Athens, to attempt 
 to alter the government, and to encorage the noble men 
 to take upon them the authoritie, and to plucke it from 
 the people : assuring them that Tisaphernes would give them 
 ayde to doe it, by meanes of Alcibiades, who would make 
 him their friende. This was the culler and cloke wherewith 
 they served their turnes, that dyd chaunge the government 
 of Athens, and that brought it into the handes of a small 
 number of nobilitie : for they were in all but foure hundred, 
 and yet they called them selves five thousand. But so sone 
 as they felt them selves strong, and that they had the whole 
 authoritie of government, without contradiction in their 
 handes : they made then no more reckoning of Alcibiades, 
 and so they made warres more coldly and slackly then before. 
 Partely bicause they mistrusted their cittizens, who founde 
 the chaunge of government very strange : and partely also 
 bicause they were of opinion that the Lacedaemonians (who 
 at all times dyd most favour the government of Nobilitie) 
 would be better inclined to make peace with them. Now the 
 common people that remained still in the cittie, sturred not, 
 but were quiet against their willes, for feare of daunger, 
 bicause there were many of them slaine, that boldely tooke 
 apon them in open presence to resist these foure hundred. 
 But those that were in the campe, in the He of Samos, hear- 
 ing these newes, were so grievously offended : that they re- 
 solved to returne incontinently againe, unto the haven of 
 Piraea. First of all, they sent for Alcibiades, whom they 
 chose their captaine : then they commaunded him straightly 
 to leade them against these tyrantes, who had usurped the 
 libertie of the people of Athens. But nevertheles he dyd 
 
 123 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The murder 
 of Phrynichus 
 and his con- 
 demnation. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 called home 
 from exile. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Thrasibulus 
 a man of the 
 biggest voyce 
 of all the 
 Athenians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 not therein, as another would have done in this case, seeing 
 him selfe so sodainely crept againe in favour with the common 
 people : for he dyd not thinke he should incontinently please 
 and gratifie them in all things, though they had made him 
 now their generall over all their shippes and so great an 
 armie, being before but a banished man, a vacabond, and a 
 fugitive. But to the contrarie, as it became a generall worthie 
 of suche a charge, he considered with him selfe, that it was 
 his parte wisely to staye those, who would in a rage and furie 
 carelesly cast them selves awaye, and not suffer them to doe 
 it. And truely Alcibiades was the cause of the preserving of 
 the cittie of Athens at that time, from utter destruction. 
 For if they had sodainly (according to their determination) 
 departed from Samos to goe to Athens : the enemies finding 
 no man to let them, might easely have wonne all the countrie 
 of Ionia, of Hellespont, and of all the other lies without 
 stroke striking, whilest the Athenians were busie fighting one 
 against another in civill warres, and within the compasse of 
 their owne walles. This Alcibiades alone, and no other, dyd 
 prevent, not only by persuading the whole armie, and declar- 
 ing the inconvenience thereof, which would fall out apon 
 their sodaine departure : but also by intreating some parti- 
 cularly aparte, and keeping a number backe by very force. 
 To bring this about, one Thrasibulus of the towne of Stira, 
 dyd helpe him muche : who went through the armie, and 
 cried out apon them that were bent to enterprise this jomey. 
 For he had the biggest and lowdest voyce as they saye, of 
 any man that was in all the cittie of Athens. This was a 
 notable acte, and a great pece of service done by Alcibiades : 
 that he promised five hundred saile of the Phenicians (which 
 the Lacedaemonians assuredly looked for, in their ayde from 
 the king of Persia) should not come at all, or els if they 
 came, it should be in the favour of the Athenians. For he 
 departed immediatly, and went with great speede to Tisa- 
 phernes : whom he handled in suche sorte, that he brought 
 not the shippes that laye at rode before the cittie of Aspenda, 
 and so he brake promise with the Lacedaemonians. There- 
 fore Alcibiades was marvelously blamed and accused, both of 
 the one and the other side, to have altered Tisaphemes minde, 
 124 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 but chiefly of the Lacedaemonians : who sayed that he had 
 persuaded this barbarous captaine, he should neither ayde the 
 one nor the other, but rather to suffer them one to devoure 
 and destroye eache other. For it had bene out of doubt, if 
 this great fleete and navy of the Kings had come, to joyne 
 their force with either partie : that they had taken from 
 the one of them, the signiorie and domination of the sea. 
 Shortely after, the foure hundred noble men that had usurped 
 the authoritie and government of Athens, were utterly driven 
 awaye and overthrowen, by meanes of the friendly ayde, and 
 assistaunce that Alcibiades friends gave those that tooke the 
 peoples parte. So the cittizens were very well pleased with 
 Alcibiades, in so muche as they sent for him to returne when 
 he thought good. But he judging with him selfe it would be 
 no honour nor grace unto him to returne without some well 
 deserving, and before he had done some greater exployte, as 
 only upon the peoples favour and good will, whereas other- 
 wise his returne might be both glorious and triumphant : de- 
 parted first from Samos with a small number of gallyes, and 
 went sailing up and downe the lies of Cos and of Gnidos. There 
 he was advertised, that Mindarus, the admirall of the Lace- 
 daemonians, was gone with all his fleete unto the straight of 
 Hellespont, and that the captaines of the Athenians gave 
 chase unto him. Thereupon he went also and sayled thither 
 with speede, to ayde the Athenians : and by very good for- 
 tune came with eighteene gallyes even at the very instant, 
 when they were both in the middest of their fight, with all 
 their shippes before the cittie of Abydos. The battell was 
 cruelly foughten betwene them from morning till night, both 
 the one and the other having the better in one parte of the 
 battell, and the worst in another place. Now at the first 
 discoverie of Alcibiades comming, both partes had in deede 
 contrarie imaginations of him. For the enemies tooke harte 
 unto them : and the Athenians beganne to be afeard. But 
 Alcibiades set up straight his flagge in the toppe of the 
 galley of his admirall, to shewe what he was. Wherewithal!, 
 he set upon the Peloponnesians that had the better, and had 
 certen gallyes of the Athenians in chase : whereupon the 
 Peloponnesians gave over their chase, and fled. But Alci- 
 
 125 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The cittizens 
 of Athens sent 
 for Alcibiades 
 to return. 
 
 Battell by sea 
 before the 
 cittie of Aby- 
 dos, betweene 
 the Athe- 
 nians and 
 Lacedemo- 
 nians. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 victorie of 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians by 
 sea. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 taken pri- 
 soner at 
 Sardis, flyeth 
 from Tisa- 
 ph ernes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 biades followed them so lustely, that he ranne divers of them 
 a ground, and brake their shippes, and slue a great number 
 of men that lept into the sea, in hope to save them selves 
 by swimming a lande. So notwithstanding that Pharnabazus 
 was come thither to ayde the Lacedaemonians, and dyd his 
 best indevour to save their gallyes by the sea shore : yet the 
 Athenians in the end wanne thirtie gallyes of their enemies, 
 and saved all their owne, and so dyd set up certaine flagges 
 of triumphe and victorie. Alcibiades having now happely 
 gotten this glorious victorie, would nedes goe shewe him 
 selfe in triumphe unto Tisaphernes. So having prepared to 
 present him with goodly riche presents, and appointed also 
 a convenient traine and number of sayle mete for a generall, 
 he tooke his course directly to him. But he found not that 
 entertainment he hoped for. For Tisaphernes standing in 
 great hazard of displeasure, and feare of punishment at the 
 Kings handes, having long time before bene defamed by the 
 Lacedaemonians, who had complained of him, that he dyd 
 not fulfill the Kings commaundement, thought that Alci- 
 biades was arrived in very happy hower : whereupon he kept 
 him prisoner in the cittie of Sardis, supposing the wrong he 
 had done, would by this meanes easely discharge, and purge 
 him to the King. Yet at the ende of thirtie dayes, Alcibiades 
 by fortune got a horse, and stealing from his keepers, fled 
 unto the cittie of Clazomenes : and this dyd more increase 
 the suspition they had of Tisaphernes, bicause they thought 
 that under hand he had wrought his libertie. Alcibiades 
 toke then sea again, and went to seeke out the armie of the 
 Athenians. Which when he had founde, and heard newes 
 that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together in the cittie 
 of Cizicum : he made an oration to his souldiers, and declared 
 unto them how it was very requisite they should fight with 
 their enemies, both by sea and by lande, and moreover that 
 they should assault them within their fortes and castells, 
 bicause otherwise they could have no money to defraye their 
 charges. His oration ended, he made them immediatly 
 hoyse sayle, and so to goe lye at anker in the He of Proco- 
 nesus : where he tooke order that they should keepe in all the 
 pinnases and brigantines emong the shippes of warre, that the 
 126 
 
'GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 enemie might have no manner of intelligence of his comming. 
 The great showers of rayne also, with thunder and darke 
 weather that fell out sodainely upon it, dyd greatly further 
 him in his attempt and enterprise : in so muche as not only 
 his enemies, but the Athenians that were there before, knewe 
 nothing of his comming. So some made their reckoning, 
 that they could doe litle or nothing all that daye : yet he 
 made them sodainely imbarke, and hoyse sayle. They were 
 no sooner in the mayne sea, but they discried a farre of the 
 gallyes of their enemies, which laye at rode before the haven 
 of Cyzicum. And fearing least the great number of his fleete 
 would make them flye, and take lande before he could come 
 to them : he commaunded certaine captaines to staye be- 
 hinde, and to rowe softely after him, and him selfe with 
 fortie gallyes with him, went towards the enemies to provoke 
 them to fight. The enemies supposing there had bene no 
 more shippes, then those that were in sight : dyd set out pre- 
 sently to fight with them. They were no sooner joyned to- 
 gether, but Alcibiades shippes that came behinde, were also 
 descried : the enemies were so afeard thereat, that they cast 
 about, and fled straight. Alcibiades leaving his fleete, fol- 
 lowed the chase with twentie of the best gallyes he had, and 
 drave them a lande. Thereupon he landed also, and pursued 
 them so corageously at their heeles, that he slue a great 
 number of them on the mayne lande, who thought by flying to 
 have saved them selves. Moreover, Mindarus, and Pharna- 
 bazus, being come out of the cittie to rescue their people, 
 were overthrowen both. He slue Mindarus in the field, 
 fighting valliantly : as for Pharnabazus, he cowardly fled 
 away. So the Athenians spoyled the dead bodies (which 
 were a great number) of a great deale of armour and riches, 
 and tooke besides all their enemies shippes. After they 
 tooke the cittie of Cizycum, Pharnabazus having left it. 
 Then the Peloponnesians being slaine, they had not only the 
 possession of the whole countrie of Hellespont, which they 
 kept : but they drave their enemies by force, out of all partes 
 of the sea. There were at that time certaine letters inter- 
 cepted, whereby a secretarie gave advertissement unto the 
 Ephori at Sparta, of the overthrowe in this sorte : All is 
 
 127 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 victorie at 
 Cyzicum. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ALCIBIA- lost, Mindarus is slaine, our people dye for hunger, and we 
 DES knowe not what to doe. Now the souldiers of Athens that 
 had bene at this jorney and overthrowe, grewe to suche a 
 pryde and reputation of them selves, that they would not, 
 and disdained also to serve with the other souldiers that had 
 bene beaten many times, and went away with the worse. 
 Where they to the contrarie had never bene overcome, as a 
 litle before it happened, that the captaine Thrasyllus had 
 bene overthrowen by the cittie of Ephesus. And for this 
 overthrowe, the Ephesians had set up a triumphe, and token 
 of brasse, to the utter shame and ignominie of the Athenians. 
 For the which Alcibiades souldiers did very muche rebuke 
 Thrasyllus men, and dyd exceedingly extoll their captaine 
 and them selves, and would neither encampe with them, 
 neither have to doe with them, nor yet keepe them com- 
 panie. Untill suche time as Pharnabazus came with a great 
 armie against them, aswell of footemen as horsemen, when 
 they ranne a foraging upon the Abydenians : and then 
 Alcibiades went to the rescue of them, and gave Pharna- 
 bazus battell, and overthrewe him once againe, and dyd 
 together with Thrasyllus chase him even untill darke night. 
 Then both Alcibiades and Thrasyllus souldiers dyd companie 
 together, one rejoy cing with another : and so returned all 
 with great joye into one campe. The next morning Alci- 
 biades set up a triumphe for the victorie he had the daye 
 before, and then went to spoyle and destroye Pharnabazus 
 countrie, where he was governour, and no man durst once 
 come out to meete him. In this rode there were taken 
 prisoners, certaine priestes and Nunnes of the comitrie : but 
 Alcibiades freely delivered them afterwards without ransome. 
 And preparing to make warres against the Chalcedonians, 
 who were revolted from the Athenians, and had receyved a 
 garrison and governour of the Lacedaemonians into their 
 cittie : he was advertissed that they had brought in all their 
 goods and cattells out of the fieldes, and had delivered them 
 to the safe custodie of the Bithynians, who were their neigh- 
 bours and friends. Hereupon he led his armie into their 
 borders, and sent a herauld before to summone the Bithy- 
 nians, to make amends for the wrong they had done the 
 128 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Athenians. The Bithynians fearing least Alcibiades would 
 set apon them, dyd straight deliver him the goodes they had 
 as afore in their custodie, and moreover, made a league with 
 the Athenians besides. That done, he went and layed seige 
 to the cittie of Chalcedon, the which he environned all about 
 from the one side of the sea to the other. Pharnabazus 
 came thither, thincking to have raised the seige. And 
 Hippocrates, a captain of the Lacedaemonians, that was gover- 
 nour of the cittie, assembled all the force he was able to 
 make within the same, and made a salye out also upon the 
 Athenians at the very same time. Whereupon Alcibiades 
 putting his men in order of battell, so as they might geve a 
 charge upon them both at one instant : he fought so valli- 
 antly, that he forced Pharnabazus to runne his waye with 
 shame enough, and slue Hippocrates in the field, with a 
 great number of his men. Then tooke he the seas againe, 
 to goe towardes the countrie of Hellespont, to get some 
 money, where upon the sodaine he did take the cittie of 
 Selybrea : bicause he valliantly put him selfe in hazard 
 before the time appointed him. For certain of his friends 
 within, with whom he had secret practise, had geven him a 
 token, that when time served, they would shewe a burning 
 torche in the ayer at midnight : but they were compelled to 
 shew this fyer in the ayer before they were readie, for feare 
 least one of their confederacie would bewraye the matter, 
 who sodainly repented him. Now this torche burning in the 
 ayer, was set up before Alcibiades was readie with his com- 
 panie. But he perceyving the signe set, tooke about thirtie 
 men with him in his companie, and ranne with them to the 
 walles of the cittie, having commaunded the rest of his armie 
 to followe him with all speede possible. The gate was 
 opened to him, and to his thirtie men : besides them there 
 followed twentie other light armed men. Howbeit they 
 were no soner entered the cittie, but they heard the cittizens 
 armed come against them : so that there was no hope to 
 scape, if he dyd tarie their comming. Nevertheles, consider- 
 ing that untill that present time he was never overcome in 
 battell, where he had taken charge, it greved him very 
 muche to flye : wherefore it straight came in his head t 
 2 : R 129 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 victorie at 
 Chalcedonia. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 tooke the 
 cittie of 
 Selybrea. 
 
 The present 
 wit of Alci- 
 biades. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The Chalce- 
 donians re- 
 ceyve the 
 Athenians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 make silence by sound of trumpet, and after silence made, 
 he caused one of them that were about him to make pro- 
 clamation with a lowde voyce, that the Selybrianians should 
 not take armes against the Athenians. This cooled them a 
 litle that would fayne have bene doing, bicause they supposed 
 that all the armie of the Athenians had bene already in the 
 cittie : the other on the contrarie side, were very glad to 
 talke of peace, without any further daunger. And as they 
 beganne to parle upon composition, the rest of Alcibiades 
 armie was come on. Now he thincking in deede (which was 
 true) that the Selybrianians sought nothing but peace, and 
 fearing least the Thracians which were many in number 
 (and came w r ith good will to serve him in that jomey) would 
 sacke and spoyle the cittie, he made them all to goe out 
 againe : and so concluding peace with the chiefe of the 
 Selybrianians, he dyd them no more hurte, apon their 
 humble submission, but made them paye him a summe of 
 money, and so leaving a garrison of the Athenians within 
 the cittie, he departed thence. Whilest Alcibiades was in 
 treatie with the Selybrianians, the other Athenian captaines 
 that laye at the siege of Chalcedon, made an agreement with 
 Pharnabazus, that he should geve them a summe of money, 
 and give up the towne into the Athenians handes, to enjoye 
 it as they had before. And with expresse condition also, 
 that the Athenians should make no rodes into Pharnabazus 
 dominions, to hurte or spoyle any of his : and likewise should 
 be bounde to geve good safe conduyte unto the ambassadours 
 of the Athenians, to goe and come safe from time to time, 
 to the king of Persia. The other captaines being sworn to 
 this peace, Pharnabazus conditioned also, that Alcibiades at 
 his returne should likewise be sworne to the peace and con- 
 ditions thereof. But Alcibiades sayed, he would not be 
 sworne at all, unles Pharnabazus were first sworne for his 
 parte. Thus when othes were taken of either side, Alci- 
 biades went also against those of Byzantium, who in like 
 case had rebelled against the Athenians. At his first 
 comming thither, he environned the cittie round about with 
 a walle. Afterwards he practised with two secret friends of 
 his, Anaxilaus, and Lycurgus, and certen other within the 
 130 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 cittie, who promised him to deliver it into his handes, so 
 they might be assured he would doe them no hurte. To 
 culler this practise, he gave it out, that he must nedes leave 
 the siege, and departe with speede, for certain newes that 
 were come out of Ionia : and thereupon he imbarked pre- 
 sently, and went out of the haven at none dayes with all his 
 shippes, howbeit he returned again the same night. And 
 going a lande with the choycest and best armed men he had, 
 he approched the walles of the cittie, without any manner of 
 noyse, having left order with them that remained in the 
 shippes, that in the meane season they should rowe with all 
 force into the haven, with as great cries and showtes as 
 might be, to feare and trouble the enemies : partely to feare 
 the Bizantines the more with their sodaine comming among 
 them, and partely that his confederates within the cittie, 
 might with better oportunitie receyve him and his com- 
 panie, into the towne with the more assured safety, whilest 
 every man ranne to the haven, to resist them that were upon 
 the gaily es. Nevertheles they went not away unfought with. 
 For those that laye in garrison within the cittie, some of 
 them Peloponnesians, other Boeotians, and other Megarians, 
 dyd so valliantly repulse them that came out of their gallyes, 
 that they drave them to retire abord againe. Afterwardes 
 hearing how the Athenians were entred : the cittie on 
 thother side, they put them selves in battell raye, and went 
 to mete them. The battell was terrible of both partes : but 
 Alcibiades in the ende obtained victorie, leading the right 
 winge of his battell, and Theramenes the lefte. The victorie 
 being gotten, he tooke 300 of his enemies prisoners, who had 
 escaped the furie of the battell. But after the battell, there 
 was not a Byzantine put to death, neither banished, nor his 
 good confiscated : bicause it was capitulated by Alcibiades with 
 his confederats, that neither he, nor his, should hurt any of the 
 Bizantines either in persone or goodes, nor any way should rifle 
 them. And Anaxilaus being afterwards accused of treason in 
 Lacedaemon, for this practise : he aunswered, and justified 
 him self in suche sorte, that they could not finde he had 
 committed the faulte layed unto his charge. For he sayed, 
 that he was no Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine : and that 
 
 131 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 DES 
 Alcibiades 
 stratageame 
 at Bizantium, 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 winneth 
 
 Bizantium. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 honorable 
 returne into 
 his countrie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 he sawe not Lacedaemon in daunger, but Byzantium, which 
 the enemies had compassed about with a walle they had 
 built, that it was unpossible to bring any thing into the 
 cittie. Moreover he alleaged, that they having very smal 
 store of corne within the cittie (as was true in dede) the 
 Peloponnesians, and Boeotians, that laye there in garrison 
 dyd eate it up, while the poore Byzantines them selves, their 
 wives and children, dyed for very hunger. Therefore it 
 could not be sayed of him, that he had betrayed his countrie, 
 but rather that he had delivered it from the miseries and 
 calamities the warres brought upon it : wherein he had 
 followed the example of the honestest men of Lacedaemon, 
 who dyd acknowledge nothing honest and juste, but that 
 which was necessarie and profitable for their countrie. The 
 Lacedaemonians hearing his reasons he alleaged for his pur- 
 gation, were ashamed to condemne him, and therefore they 
 let him goe. Now Alcibiades desirous in the ende to see his 
 native countrie againe (or to speake more truely, that his 
 con try men should see him) after he had so many times over- 
 throwen their enemies in battell : he hoysed saile, and directed 
 his course towardes Athens, bringing with him all the gallyes 
 of the Athenians richely furnished, and decked all about, 
 with skutchines and targettes, and other armour and weapon 
 gotten amongest the spoyles of his enemies. Moreover, he 
 brought with him many other shippes, which he had wonne 
 and broken in the warres, besides many ensignes and other 
 ornaments : all which being compted together one with the 
 other, made up the number of two hundred shippes. Further- 
 more, where Duris Samian writeth (who challengeth that he 
 came of his house) that at his returne one Chrysogonus, an 
 excellent player of the flute (that had wonne certaine of the 
 Pythian games) dyd playe suche a note, that at the sounde 
 thereof the galley slaves would keepe stroke with their owers, 
 and that Callipides another excellent player of tragedies, 
 playing the parte of a comedie, dyd sturre them to rowe, 
 being in suche players garments as every master of suche 
 science useth commonly to weare, presenting him selfe in 
 Theater or stage before the people to shewe his arte : and 
 that the admirall galley wherein him self was, entred the 
 132 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 haven with a purple saile, as if some maske had come into a 
 mans house after some great banket made : neither Ephorus, 
 nor Theopompus, nor Xenophon, make any mention of this 
 at all. Furthermore, me thinkes it should not be true, that 
 he returning from exile after so long a banishment, and 
 having passed over such sorowes and calamities as he had 
 susteined, would so prowdly and presumptuously shewe him 
 selfe unto the Athenians. But merely contrarie, it is most 
 certain, that he returned in great feare and doubt. For 
 when he was arrived in the haven of Piraea, he would not 
 set foote a lande, before he first sawe his nephewe Eury- 
 ptolemus, and divers other of his friendes from the hatches of 
 his shippe, standing apon the sandes in the haven mouthe. 
 Who were come thither to receyve and welcome him, and 
 tolde him that he might be bolde to lande, without feare of 
 any thing. He was no soner landed, but all the people ranne 
 out of every corner to see him, with so great love and affec- 
 tion, that they tooke no heede of the other captaines that 
 came with him, but clustred all to him only, and cried out 
 for joye to see him. Those that could come neere him, dyd 
 welcome and imbrace him : but all the people wholy followed 
 him. And some that came to him, put garlands of flowers 
 upon his head : and those that could not come neere him, 
 sawe him a farre of, and the olde folkes dyd pointe him out 
 to the yonger sorte. But this common joye was mingled 
 notwithstanding, with teares and sorowe, when they came to 
 thinke upon their former misfortunes and calamities, and to 
 compare them with their present prosperitie : waying with 
 them selves also how they had not lost Sicilia, nor their hope 
 in all things els had failed them, if they had delivered them 
 selves and the charge of their armie into Alcibiades hands, 
 when they sent for him to appeare in persone before them. 
 Considering also how he found the cittie of Athens in manner 
 put from their seigniorie and commandement on the sea, and 
 on the other side how their force by lande was brought 
 unto such extremitie, that Athens scantly could defend her 
 suburbes, the cittie self being so devided and turmoiled with 
 civill dissention : yet he gathered together those fewe, and 
 small force that remained, and had now not only restored 
 
 133 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 oration to 
 the people. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 chosen gene- 
 rail with 
 soveraine 
 authoritie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Athens to her former power and soveraintie on the sea, but 
 had made her also a conquerer by lande. Now the decree 
 for his repaire home againe, was past before by the people, 
 at the instant request of Callias, the sonne of Callaeschrus, 
 who dyd preferre it : as he him selfe dyd testifie in his elegies, 
 putting Alcibiades in remembraunce of the good turne he 
 had done him, saying : 
 
 I was the first that moved in open conference, 
 the peoples voyce to call thee home, when thou wert banisht hence. 
 
 So was I eke the first, which thereto gave consent, 
 and therefore maye I boldly saye, by truthe of suche intent : 
 
 I was the only meane, to call thee home againe, 
 
 by suche request so rightly made, to move the peoples vayne. 
 
 And this maye serve for pledge, what friendshippe I thee beare : 
 fast sealed with a faithfull tongue, as plainely shall appeare. 
 
 But notwithstanding, the people being assembled all in 
 counsaill, Alcibiades came before them, and made an oration : 
 wherein he first lamented all his mishappes, and founde him 
 selfe grieved a litle with the wronges they had offred him, 
 yet he imputed all in the ende to his cursed fortune, and 
 some spightfull god that envied his glorie and prosperitie. 
 Then he dilated at large the great hope their enemies had to 
 have advantage of them : and therewithall persuaded the 
 people to be of good corage, and afeard of nothing that was 
 to come. And to conclude, the people crowned him with 
 crownes of golde, and chose him generall againe of Athens, 
 with soveraine power and authoritie both by lande as by sea. 
 And at that very instant it was decreed by the people, that 
 he should be restored againe to all his goodes, and that the 
 priestes Eumolpides should absolve him of all their curses, 
 and that the herauldes should with open proclamation revoke 
 the execrations and cursinges they had thundered out against 
 him before, by commaundement of the people. Whereto 
 they all agreed, and were very willing, saving Theodorus the 
 bishoppe, who sayed : I dyd neither excommunicate him, nor 
 curse him, if he hath done no hurte to the common wealth. 
 Now Alcibiades florished in his chiefest prosperitie, yet were 
 there some notwithstanding that misliked very muche the 
 time of his landing : saying it was very unluckie and unfor- 
 134 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tunate. For the very daye of his returne and arrivall, fell 
 out by chaunce on the feast which they call Plynteria, as 
 you would saye, the washing daye, which they celebrate in 
 honour of Minerva: on the which daye, the priestes that 
 they call Praxiergides, doe make certen secret and hidden 
 sacrifices and ceremonies, being the five and twenty daye of 
 the moneth of September, and doe take from the image of 
 this goddesse, all her rayment and juells, and keepe the 
 image close covered over. Hereupon the Athenians doe 
 ascribe that daye, for a most unfortunate daye, and are very 
 circumspect to doe any matter of importance on it. More- 
 over, it was commonly scanned abroade of every bodye, that 
 it seemed the goddesse was not content, nor glad of Alci- 
 biades returne : and that she dyd hide her selfe, bicause she 
 would not see him, nor have him come neere her. Notwith- 
 standing all these toyes and ceremonies, when Alcibiades 
 found every thing fall out well at his returne, and as he 
 would have wished it : he armed a hundred gallyes presently, 
 to returne againe to the warres. Howbeit he wisely regarded 
 the time and solemnitie of celebration of these mysteries, 
 and considerately stayed untill they had finished all. And 
 it fell out, that after the Lacedaemonians had taken and 
 fortified the cittie of Decelea, within the territorie of Attica, 
 and that the enemies being the stronger in the field, dyd 
 keepe the waye going from Athens to Eleusin, so as by no 
 possible meanes they could make their solemne procession by 
 lande, with suche honour and devotion as they were before 
 accustomed to doe : and thereby all the sacrifices, dawnces, 
 and many other holy devowte ceremonies they were wonte 
 to doe by the waye, in singing the holy songe of Iacchus, 
 came of very necessitie to be left of, and cleane layed a side. 
 Then Alcibiades thought he should doe a meritorious dede 
 to the godds, and an acceptable to men, to bring the olde 
 ceremonies up againe upon the said feast : and thereupon 
 purposed to accompanie the procession, and defend it by 
 power, against all invasion and disturbaunce by the enemies. 
 As one that foresawe one of those two things would come to 
 passe. Either that Agis king of the Lacedaemonians would 
 not sturre at all against the sacred ceremonies, and by this 
 
 135 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Plynteria 
 
 Alcibiades 
 restored the 
 olde cere- 
 monies. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 meanes should much imbase and diminishe his reputation 
 and glorie : or if he dyd come out to the field, that he 
 would make the battell very gratefull to the goddes, 
 considering it should be in defence of their most holy 
 feast and worshippe, and in the sight of his countrie, where 
 the people should see and witnesse both, his valliantnes, 
 and also his corage. Alcibiades being fully resolved upon 
 this procession, went and made the priestes Eumolpides, 
 their vergers, and other their ministers and officers of these 
 mysteries, privie to his determination. Then he sent out 
 skowtes to watche on the side of the hilles thereabouts, and 
 to viewe the waye of their perambulation. The next morn- 
 ing very early he sent out light horsemen also to scowre the 
 countrie. Then he made the priestes, the professed, and all 
 the ministers of religion, goe in procession, together with 
 those that followed the same : and he him selfe compassed 
 them about with his armie on every side, marching in battell 
 raye, and very good order, and with great silence. This was 
 an honorable and devoute leading of an armie, and suche as 
 if his greatest enemies would confesse a trothe, they could 
 not but saye, Alcibiades had as muche shewed the office of 
 a highe bishoppe, as of a noble souldier and good captaine. 
 So he ended this procession, returning to Athens in all safe 
 order againe, and not an enemie that durst once looke out 
 into the field to set upon him. Now this dyd more increase 
 the greatnes of his minde, and therewith the peoples good 
 opinion of his sufficiencie, and wise conduction of an armie : 
 in so much as they thought him unvincible, having the 
 soveraine power and authoritie of a generall. Further- 
 more, he spake so fayer to the poore people, and meaner 
 sorte, that they chiefly wished and desired he would take 
 upon him like a King : yea, and many went to him to per- 
 suade him in it, as though he should thereby withstand all 
 envie, and drive awaye the lawes and customes of trying 
 of matters by the voyces of the people, and all suche fond 
 devises, as dyd destroy e the state of the common weale. 
 And furthermore, they sayed it was very needefull that he 
 alone should take upon him the whole rule and government 
 of the cittie, that he might dispose all things according to 
 136 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his will, and not stande in feare of slaunderous and wicked 
 tongues. Now, whether Alcibiades ever had any minde to 
 usurpe the Kingdome, the matter is somewhat doubtfull. 
 But this is certaine, the greatest men of the cittie, fearing 
 least in deede he ment some suche thing, dyd hasten his 
 departure as sone as they could possible, doing all other 
 things according to his minde : and dyd assigne him suche 
 associates in his charge of generall, as he him selfe best liked. 
 So in the ende, he departed with a fleete of a hundred 
 gallyes, and first of all he fell with the He of Andros, 
 where he overcame by fight, the inhabitantes of the said 
 lie, and certaine Lacedaemonians that were amongest them : 
 but he tooke not the cittie, which was one of the first 
 matters his enemies dyd accuse him for. For if ever man 
 was overthrowen and envied, for the estimation they had 
 of his vallure and sufficiency, truely Alcibiades was the man. 
 For the notable and sundry services he had done, wanne him 
 suche estimation of wisedome and valliantnes, that where he 
 slacked in any service whatsoever, he was presently suspected, 
 judging the ill successe not in that he could not, but for 
 that he would not : and that where he undertooke any enter- 
 prise, nothing could withstand or lye in his waye. Here- 
 upon the people persuading them selves, that immediatly 
 after his departure, they should heare that the lie of Chio 
 was taken, with all the countrie of Ionia : they were angrie 
 they could have no newes so sodainely from him as they 
 looked for. Moreover, they dyd not consider the lacke of 
 money he had, and specially making warre with suche 
 enemies, as were ever relieved with the great king of Persiaes 
 ayde, and that for necessities sake he was sundrie times 
 driven to leave his campe, to seeke money where he could 
 get it, to paye his souldiers, and to mainteine his armie. 
 Now for testimony hereof, the last accusation that was 
 against him, was only for this matter. Lysander being 
 sent by the Lacedaemonians for admirall and generall of 
 their armie by sea, used suche policie with Cyrus, the king 
 of Persiaes brother, that he got into his handes a great some 
 of money : by meanes whereof he gave unto his mariners 
 foure oboles a daye for their wages, where before they were 
 2 : S 137 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 second 
 
 jorney. 
 
 Lacke of 
 money, the 
 occasion of 
 the over- 
 throwe of 
 the Athenians 
 armie by sea. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Antiochus 
 rashnes, pro- 
 cured his 
 owne death, 
 and the over- 
 throwe of the 
 Athenians 
 armie. 
 
 Lysander 
 beinggenerall 
 of the Lace- 
 daemonians, 
 overcame the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 accused again 
 by Thrasy- 
 bulus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wont to have but three, and yet Alcibiades had muche a doe 
 to furnishe his with three only a daye. For this cause, to 
 get money, Alcibiades sailed into Caria. But in the meane 
 time Antiochus, whom Alcibiades had left his lieutenaunt 
 behind him, and had geven him charge of all the shippes 
 in his absence, being a very skilfull sea man, but otherwise 
 a hastie harebraynd foole, and of small capacitie : he being 
 expressely commaunded by Alcibiades not to fight in any 
 case, though the enemies offred him battell, was so foolishe 
 rashe, and made so litle reckoning of his straight com- 
 maundement, that he armed his owne gallye, whereof him 
 selfe was captaine, and another besides, and went to the 
 cittie of Ephesus, passing all alonge his enemies gallyes, 
 reviling and offering villany to those that stoode apon the 
 hatches of their gallyes. Lysander being marvelously pro- 
 voked by those wordes, went and encountered him at the 
 first with a fewe shippes. The other captaines of the 
 gallyes of the Athenians, seeing Antiochus in daunger, 
 went to ayde him, one after another. Then Lysander of 
 his parte also set out all his whole fleete against him, and 
 in the end overcame them, Antiochus self was killed in 
 the conflict, and many gallyes and men were taken prisoners : 
 wherefore Lysander set up shewes of triumphe in token of 
 victorie. Alcibiades hearing these ill favored newes, re- 
 turned presently with all possible speede to Samos : and 
 when he came thither, he went with all the rest of his 
 fleete to offer Lysander battell. But Lysander quietly 
 contenting him selfe with his first victorie : went not out 
 against him. Now this victorie was no soner wonne, but 
 one Thrasybulus the sonne of Thrason, Alcibiades enemie, 
 went incontinently from the campe, and got him to Athens, 
 to accuse Alcibiades to the people : whom he informed how 
 all went to wracke, and that he had lost many shippes, for 
 that he regarded not his charge, carelesly putting men in 
 truste, whom he gave to great credit to, bicause they were 
 good fellowes, and would drincke droncke with him, and 
 were full of mariners mockes and knavishe jeastes, such as 
 they use commonly amongest them selves. And that he 
 in the meane time tooke his pleasure abroade, here, and 
 138 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 there, scraping money together where he could come by it, 
 keeping good cheere, and feasting of the Abydenian and Ionian 
 courtisans, when the enemies armie was so neere theirs as it 
 was. Moreover, they layed to his charge, that he dyd fortifie 
 a castell in the countrie of Thracia, neere unto the cittie of 
 Bisanthe, for a place to retire him selfe unto, either bicause 
 he could not, or rather that he would not, live any lenger 
 in his owne countrie. Upon those accusations, the Athenians 
 geving over credit to the reporte : dyd immediatly choose 
 newe captaines, and thereby declared their misliking. Alci- 
 biades hearing of this, and fearing least they would doe him 
 some worse harme, dyd leave straight the Athenians campe, 
 and gathering a certaine number of straungers together, went 
 of him selfe to make warre apon certaine free people of the 
 Thracians, who were subject to no prince nor state : where he 
 got a marvelous masse of money together, by meanes whereof 
 he dyd assure the Graecians inhabiting those marches, from all 
 invasion of forreine enemies. Now Tydeus, Menander, and 
 Adimanthus the Athenians captaines, being afterwards in a 
 place commonly called the goates river, with all the gallyes 
 the cittie of Athens had at that time apon that coast : used 
 every morning commonly to goe to the sea, to offer battell 
 to Lysander, who rode at an ancker before the cittie of 
 Lampsacus, with all the Lacedaemonians armie by sea, and 
 commonly returned againe to the place from whence they 
 came, in very ill order, without either watche or warde, as 
 men that were careles of their enemies. Alcibiades being 
 on the lande not farre of, and finding their great faulte and 
 negligence : tooke his horse, and went to them, and told 
 them that they laye on an ill shore, where there was no 
 good rode, nor towne, and where they were driven to seeke 
 their vittells, as farre as to the cittie of Sestos, and that 
 they suffered their mariners to leave their shippes, and goe 
 a lande when they laye at ancker, straggling up and downe 
 the countrie as they would them selves, without regarde 
 that there laye a great armie of their enemies before 
 them, readie to be set out at their generalles commaunde- 
 ment : and therefore he advised them to remove thence, 
 and to goe cast ancker before the cittie of Sestos. How- 
 
 139 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Alcibiades 
 put from his 
 authoritie of 
 general!. 
 
 Lysander rode 
 at ancker 
 before Lamp- 
 sacus. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians re- 
 garded not 
 Alcibiades 
 good counsell. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The Athen- 
 ians over- 
 come by 
 Lysander. 
 
 Athens taken 
 by Lysander. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 flieth into the 
 countrie of 
 Bithynia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 beit the captaines would not be advised by him : and 
 that which was worst of all, Tydeus, one of the captaines, 
 stowtely commaunded him to get him awaye, as one that 
 had nothing to doe with the matter, and that other had 
 charge of the armie. Whereupon Alcibiades fearing they 
 would purpose some treason against him, dyd departe pre- 
 sently from them. And as he went his waye, he sayed to 
 some of his friendes which accompanied him out of the 
 campe at his returne : that if the captaines of the Athenians 
 had not bene so rounde with him, he would have forced the 
 Lacedaemonians to have come to the battell in despight of 
 their beardes, or els he would have driven them to forsake 
 their shippes. Some tooke this for a glorious bragge : other 
 thought he was like enough to have done it, bicause he could 
 have brought from lande a great number of Thracians, both 
 archers and horsemen, with whom he might have geven a 
 charge upon the Lacedaemonians, and done great mischief 
 unto their campe. But now, how wisely Alcibiades dyd 
 foresee the faultes he tolde the Athenians captaines of: their 
 great misfortune and losse that followed incontinently, did 
 to plainely witnesse it to the worlde. For Lysander came 
 so fiercely apon them on a sodaine, that of all the shippes 
 they had in their whole fleete, only eight gallyes were saved, 
 with whom Conon fled : and the other being not much lesse 
 then two hundred in number, were every one of them taken 
 and caried awaye, with three thousand prisoners whom 
 Lysander put to death. Shortely after, he tooke the cittie 
 self of Athens, and rased their long walles even to the 
 ground. After this great and notable victorie, Alcibiades 
 fearing sore the Lacedaemonians, who then without let or 
 interruption of any, were only Lords and Princes by sea and 
 by lande : he went into the countrie of Bithynia, and caused 
 great good to be brought after him, and tooke a marvelous 
 sum me of money with him, besides great riches he left also in 
 the castells of Thracia, where he dyd remaine before. How- 
 beit he lost much of his goodes in Bithynia, which certaine 
 Thracians dwelling in that countrie had robbed him of, and 
 taken from him. So he determined to repaire forthwith 
 unto king Artaxerxes, hoping that when the King had once 
 140 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 proved him, he should finde him a man of no lesse service, 
 then he had found Themistocles before him : besides that 
 the occasion of his going thither, should be muche juster then 
 his was. For he dyd not goe thither, to make warre against 
 the cittie of Athens and his countrie, as Themistocles did : 
 but of a contrarie intent, to make intercession to the King, 
 that it would please him to ayde them. Now Alcibiades 
 thinking he could use no better meane, then Phamabazus 
 helpe only, to see him safely conducted to the Kings courte : 
 he proposed his jorney to him, into the countrie of Phrygia, 
 where he abode a certaine time to attend upon him, and was 
 very honorably entertained and receyved of Pharnabazus. 
 All this while the Athenians founde them selves desolate, 
 and in miserable state to see their empire lost : but then 
 much more, when Lysander had taken all their liberties, and 
 dyd set thirtie governours over their cittie. Now to late, 
 after all was lost (where they might have recovered againe, 
 if they had been wise) they beganne together to bewaile and 
 lament their miseries and wretched state, looking backe apon 
 all their wilfull faultes and follies committed : emong which, 
 they dyd reckon their second time of falling out with 
 Alcibiades, was their greatest faulte. So they banished him 
 only of malice and displeasure, not for any offense him selfe in 
 persone had committed against them, saving that his lieuten- 
 aunt in his absence had shamefully lost a fewe of their 
 shippes : and they them selves more shamefully had driven 
 out of their cittie, the noblest souldier, and most skilfull 
 captaine that they had. And yet they had some litle poore 
 hope lefte, that they were not altogether cast awaye, so long 
 as Alcibiades lived, and had his health. For before, when 
 he was a forsaken man, and led a banished life : yet he 
 could not live idely, and doe nothing. Wherefore now much 
 more, sayed they to them selves : if there be any helpe at all, 
 he will not suffer out of doubt the insolencie and pryde of 
 the Lacedaemonians, nor yet abyde the cruelties and outrages 
 of these thirtie tyrauntes. And surely the common people 
 had some reason to have these thoughts in their heades, 
 considering that the thirtie governours them selves dyd 
 what they could possiblie to spye out Alcibiades doinges, and 
 
 141 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 Lysander ap- 
 pointed 30 
 tyrannes over 
 the cittizens 
 of Athens. 
 
 To late re- 
 pentaunce of 
 the Athen- 
 ians. 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES 
 
 The Lacedae- 
 monians will 
 Lysander to 
 kill Alcibia- 
 des. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 dreame in 
 Phrygia be- 
 fore his death. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 
 death. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 what he went about. In so muche as Critias at the last, 
 declared to Lysander, that so long the Lacedaemonians might 
 reckon them selves Lordes over all Greece, as they kept 
 from the common people the rule and authoritie of the 
 cittie of Athens. And further he added, that notwithstand- 
 ing the people of Athens could well awaye to live like 
 subjects under the government of a fewe : yet Alcibiades 
 whilest he lived, would never suffer them so to be reigned 
 over, but would attempt by all devise he could to bring a 
 chaunge and innovation emong them. Yet Lysander would 
 not credit these persuasions, before speciall commandement 
 was sent to him from the Senate of Lacedaemon, upon his 
 allegiaunce, that he should devise to kill Alcibiades by all 
 meanes he could procure : either bicause in trothe they 
 feared the subtiltie of his wit, and the greatnes of his corage, 
 to enterprise matters of great weight and daunger, or els 
 that they sought to gratifie king Agis by it. Lysander 
 being thus straightly commaunded, dyd send and practise 
 incontinently with Pharnabazus to execute the facte : who 
 gave his brother Magaeus, and his uncle Susamithres, com- 
 mission to attempt the matter. Now was Alcibiades in a 
 certen village of Phrygia, with a concubine of his called 
 Timandra. So he thought he dreamed one night that he 
 had put on his concubines apparell, and how she dandling 
 him in her armes, had dressed his head, friseling his heare, 
 and painted his face, as he had bene a woman. Other saye, 
 that he thought Magaeus strake his head, and made his bodie 
 to be burnt : and the voyce goeth, this vision was but a litle 
 before his death. Those that were sent to kill him, durst 
 not enter the house where he was, but set it a fire round 
 about. Alcibiades spying the fire, got suche apparell and 
 hanginges as he had, and threwe it on the fire, thincking to 
 have put it out : and so casting his cloke about his left arme, 
 tooke his naked sworde in his other hande, and ranne out of 
 the house, him selfe not once touched with fyer, saving his 
 clothes were a litle singed. These murderers so sone as they 
 spied him, drewe backe, and stoode a sonder, and durst not 
 one of them come neere him, to stande and fight with him : 
 but a farre of, they bestowed so many arrowes and dartes 
 142 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of him, that they killed him there. Now when they had ALCIBIA- 
 left him, Timandra went and tooke his bodie which she DES 
 wrapped up in the best linnen she had, and buried him as Timandra 
 honorably as she could possible, with suche things as she had, the curtisan 
 and could get together. Some holde opinion that Lais, the C1 ' 
 
 only famous curtisan, which they saye was of Corinthe 
 (though in deede she was borne in a litle towne of Sicilia, Lais a cur- 
 called Hyccara, where she was taken) was his doughter. Not- of 
 withstanding, touching the death of Alcibiades, there Corinthe. 
 are some that agree to all the rest I have written, 
 saving that they saye, it was neither Pharnabazus, nor 
 Lysander, nor the Lacedaemonians, which caused him 
 to be slaine : but that he keeping with him a young 
 gentlewoman of a noble house, whom he had stolen awaye, 
 and intised to follie ; her brethern to revenge this 
 injurie, went to set fire upon the house where he 
 was, and that they killed him as we have tolde 
 you, thinking to leape out of the fyre. 
 
 THE ENDE OF ALCIBIADES LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS 
 
 HE house of the Martians at Rome was 
 of the number of the Patricians, out of 
 the which hath sprong many noble per- 
 sonages : whereof Ancus Martius was one, 
 king Numaes daughters sonne, who was 
 king of Rome after Tullus Hostilius. Of 
 the same house were Publius, and Quintus, 
 who brought Rome their best water they 
 had by conducts. Censorinus also came of that familie, that 
 was so surnamed, bicause the people had chosen him Censor 
 twise. Through whose persuasion they made a lawe, that no 
 man from thenceforth might require, or enjoye the Censor- 
 shippe twise. Caius Martius, whose life we intend now to 
 
 143 
 
 The familie of 
 the Martians. 
 
 Publius and 
 Quintus Mar- 
 tius, brought 
 the water by 
 conducts to 
 Rome. 
 
 Censorinus 
 
 lawe. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 
 wit. 
 
 V 
 
 The benefit of 
 learning. 
 
 V 
 
 What this 
 worde Virtus 
 signifieth. 
 
 write, being left an orphan by his father, was brought up 
 under his mother a widowe, who taught us by experience, 
 that orphanage bringeth many discommodities to a childe, 
 but doth not hinder him to become an honest man, and to 
 excell in vertue above the common sorte : as they are meanely 
 borne, wrongfully doe complayne, that it is the occasion of 
 their casting awaye, for that no man in their youth taketh 
 any care of them to see them well brought up, and taught 
 that were meete. This man also is a good proofe to confirme 
 some mens opinions. That a rare and excellent witte un- 
 taught, doth bring forth many good and evill things to- 
 gether : like as a fat soile bringeth forth herbes and weedes 
 that lieth unmanured. For this Martius naturall wit and 
 great harte dyd marvelously sturre up his corage, to doe 
 and attempt notable actes. But on the other side for lacke 
 of education, he was so chollericke and impacient, that he 
 would yeld to no living creature : which made him churlishe, 
 uncivil!, and altogether unfit for any mans conversation. 
 Yet men marveling much at his constancy, that he was 
 never overcome with pleasure, nor money, and ho we he 
 would endure easely all manner of paynes and travailles : 
 thereupon they well liked and commended his stowtnes and 
 temperancie. But for all that, they could not be acquainted 
 wifhrhim, as one cittizen useth to be with another in the 
 cittie. His behaviour was so unpleasaunt to them, by reason 
 of a certaine insolent and sterne manner he had, which 
 bicause it was to'lpjcdly, was disliked. And to saye truely, 
 the greatest benefit that learning bringeth men unto, is this : 
 that it teacheth men that be rude and rough of nature, by 
 compasse and rule of reason, to be civill and curteous, and 
 to like better the meane state, then the higher. Now in 
 those dayes, valliantnes was honoured in Rome above all 
 other vertues: which they called Virtus , by the name of 
 vertue selfe, as including in that generall name, all other 
 speciall vertues besides. So that Virtus in the Latin, was 
 asmuche as valliantnes. But Martius being more inclined 
 to the warres, then any other gentleman of his time : be- 
 ganne from his Childehood to geve him self to handle 
 weapons, and day lie dyd exercise him selfe therein. And 
 144 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 outward he esteemed armour to no purpose, unles one were CORIO- 
 
 naturally armed within. Moreover he dyd so exercise his LANUS 
 
 bodie to hardnes, and all kynde of activitie, that he was very 
 
 swift in ronning, strong in wrestling, and mightie in griping, 
 
 so that no man could ever cast him. In so much as those 
 
 that would trye masteries with him for strength and nimble- 
 
 nes, would saye when they were overcome : that all was by 
 
 reason of his naturall strength, and hardnes of warde, that 
 
 never yelded to any payne or toyle he tooke apon him. The 
 
 first time he went to the warres, being but a strippling, was Coriolanus 
 
 when Tarquine surnamed the prowde (that had bene king fi * st g° in £? to 
 
 of Rome, and was driven out for his pride, after many ewarreb - 
 
 attemptes made by sundrie bat tells to come in again e, 
 
 wherein he was ever overcome) dyd come to Rome with all 
 
 the ayde of the Latines, and many other people of Italie : 
 
 even as it were to set up his whole rest apon a battell by 
 
 them, who with a great and mightie armie had undertaken 
 
 to put him into his Kingdome againe, not so much to pleasure 
 
 him, as to overthrowe the power of the Romaines, whose great- 
 
 nes they both feared and envied. In this battell, wherein 
 
 were many hotte and sharpe encounters of either partie, 
 
 Martius valliantly fought in the sight of the Dictator : and 
 
 a Romaine souldier being throwen to the ground even hard 
 
 by him, Martius straight bestrid him, and slue the enemie 
 
 with his owne handes that had before overthrowen the 
 
 Romaine. Hereupon, after the battell was wonne, the 
 
 Dictator dyd not forget so noble an acte, and therefore first 
 
 of all he crowned Martius with a garland of oken boughs, fcoriolanus 
 
 For whosoever saveth the life a Romaine, it is a manner, crowned with 
 
 among them, to honour him with such a garland. This 
 
 was, either bicause the lawe dyd this honour to the oke, in 0 ® 
 
 favour of the Arcadians, who by the oracle of Apollo were 
 
 in very olde time called eaters of akornes ; or els bicause 
 
 the souldiers might easely in every place come by oken 
 
 boughes : or lastely, bicause they thought it very necessarie 
 
 to geve him that had saved a cittizens life, a crowne of this 
 
 tree to honour him, being properly dedicated unto Iupiter, 
 
 the patron and protectour of their citties, and thought 
 
 amongest other wilde trees to bring forth a profitable fruite, 
 
 2 : T 145 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 The goodnes 
 of the oke. 
 
 To soden 
 honor in 
 youth killeth 
 further desier 
 of fame. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 noble endev 
 our to con- 
 tinue well 
 deserving. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 and of plantes to be the strongest. Moreover, men at the 
 first beginning dyd use akornes for their bread, and honie 
 for their drincke : and further, the oke dyd feede their 
 beastes, and geve them birdes, by taking glue from the 
 okes, with the which they made birdlime to catche seely 
 birdes. They saye that Castor, and Pollux, appeared in this 
 battell, and how incontinently after the battell, men sawe 
 them in the market place at Rome, all their horses being 
 on a white fome : and they were the first that brought newes 
 of the victorie, even in the same place, where remaineth at 
 this present a temple built in the honour of them neere unto 
 the fountaine. And this is the cause, why the daye of this 
 victorie (which was the fiftenth of Iulye) is consecrated yet 
 to this daye unto Castor and Pollux. Moreover it is daylie 
 seene, that honour and reputation lighting on young men 
 before their time, and before they have no great corage by 
 nature : the desire to winne more, dieth straight in them, 
 which easely happeneth, the same having no deepe roote 
 in them before. Where contrariwise, the first honour that 
 valliant mindes doe come unto, doth quicken up their 
 appetite, hasting them forward as with force of winde, to 
 enterprise things of highe /'deserving praise. For they 
 esteeme, not to receave reward for service done, but rather 
 take it for a remembraunce and encoragement, to make them 
 doe better in time to come : and be ashamed also to cast, 
 their honour at their heeles, not seeking to increase it still 
 by like deserte of worthie valliant dedes. This desire being 
 bred in Martius, he strained still to passe him selfe in man-' r 
 lines : and being desirous to shewe a daylie increase of his 
 valliantnes, his noble service dyd still advaunce his fame,* 
 bringing in spoyles apon spoyles from the enemie. Where- 
 upon, the captaines that came afterwards (for envie of them 
 that went before) dyd contend who should most honour him, 
 and who should beare most honorable testimonie of his 
 valliantnes. In so much the Romaines having many warres 
 and battells in those dayes, Coriolanus was at them all : 
 and there was not a battell fought, from whence he returned 
 not without some rewarde of honour. And as for other, 
 the only respect that made them valliant, was they hoped 
 146 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to have honour : but touching Marti us, the only thing that CORIO- 
 
 made him to love honour, was the joye he sawe his mother LANUS 
 
 dyd take of him. For he thought nothing made him so 
 happie and honorable, as that his mother might heare every 
 bodie praise and commend him, that she might allwayes see 
 him returne with a crowne upon his head, and that she 
 might still embrace him with teares ronning downe her 
 cheekes for joye. Which desire they saye Epaminondas dyd Coriolanus 
 avowe, and confesse to have bene in him : as to thinke him and Epami- 
 selfe a most happie and blessed man, that his father and 
 mother in their life time had seene the victorie he wanne in their desire 
 the plaine of Leuctres. Now as for Epaminondas, he had of honour 
 this good happe, to have his father and mother living, to alike, 
 be partakers of his joye and prosperitie. But Martius think-? — » 
 ing all due to his mother, that had bene also due to his The obedi- 
 father if he had lived : dyd not only content him selfe to ence Corio- 
 rejoyce and honour her, but at her desire tooke a wife also, his 
 
 by whom he hacLtwo children, and yet never left his mothers 
 house therefore. Now he being growen to great credit and 
 authoritie in Rome for his valliantnes, it fortuned there 
 grewe sedition in the cittie, bicause the Senate dyd favour . 
 the riche against the people, who dyd com plaine of the sore I 
 oppression of userers, of whom they borowed money. For Extremitie of 
 those that had litle, were yet spoyled of that litle they had userers com- 
 by their creditours, for lacke of abilitie to paye the userie : ^ ® ^ 
 
 who offered their goodes to be solde, to them that would p e0 pi e . 
 geve most. And suche as had nothing left, their bodies were 
 layed holde of, and they were made their bonde men, not- 
 withstanding all the woundes and cuttes they shewed, which 
 they had receyved in many battells, fighting for defence of 
 their countrie and common wealth : of the which, the last 
 warre they made, was against the Sabynes, wherein they 
 fought apon the promise the riche men had made them, 
 that from thenceforth they would intreate them more gently, Counsellers 
 and also upon the worde of Marcus Valerius chief of the 
 Senate, who by authoritie of the counsell, and in the behalfe va iii ant j n 
 of the riche, sayed they should performe that they had pro- hope of just 
 mised. But after that they had faithfully served in this performance, 
 last battell of all, where they overcame their enemies, seeing 
 
 147 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Ingratitude, 
 and good 
 service unre- 
 warded, pro- 
 voketh rebel- 
 lion. 
 
 Martius 
 Coriolanus 
 against 
 the people. 
 
 The people 
 leave the 
 cittie and doe 
 goe to the 
 holy hill. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they were never a whit the better, nor more gently intreated, 
 and that the Senate would geve no eare to them, but make 
 as though they had forgotten their former promise, and 
 suffered them to be made slaves and bonde men to their 
 creditours, and besides, to be turned out of all that ever 
 they had : they fell then even to flat rebellion and mutine, 
 and to sturre up daungerous tumultes within the cittie. The 
 Romaines enemies hearing of this rebellion, dyd straight 
 enter the territories of Rome with a marvelous great power, 
 spoyling and burning all as they came. Whereupon the 
 Senate immediatly made open proclamation by sounde of 
 trumpet, that all those which were of lawfull age to carie 
 weapon, should come and enter their names into the muster 
 masters booke, to goe to the warres : but no man obeyed 
 their commaundement. Whereupon their chief magistrates, 
 and many of the Senate, beganne to be of divers opinions 
 emong them selves. For some thought it was reason, they 
 should somewhat yeld to the poore peoples request, and 
 that they should a litle qualifie the severitie of the lawe. 
 Other held hard against that opinion, and that was Martius 
 for one. For he alleaged, that the creditours losing their 
 money they had lent, was not the worst thing that was 
 thereby: but that the lenitie that was favored, was a 
 beginning of disobedience, and that the prowde att empi>of 
 the communaltie, was to abolish lawe, and to bring all to 
 confusion. Therefore he sayed, if the Senate were wise, 
 they should betimes prevent, and quenche this ill favored 
 and worse ment beginning. The Senate met many dayes 
 in consultation about it : but in the end they concluded 
 nothing. The poore common people seeing no redresse, 
 gathered them selves one daye together, and one encorag- 
 ing another, they all forsooke the cittie, and encamped 
 them selves upon a hill, called at this daye the holy hill, 
 alongest the river of Tyber, offering no creature any hurte 
 or violence, or making any shewe of actuall rebellion : saving 
 that they cried as they went up and down, that the riche 
 men had driven them out of the cittie, and that all Italie 
 through they should finde ayer, water, and ground to burie 
 them in. Moreover, they sayed, to dwell at Rome was 
 148 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 nothing els but to be slaine, or hurte with continuall warres, 
 and fighting for defence of the riche mens goodes. The 
 Senate being afeard of their departure, dyd send unto them 
 certaine of the pleasauntest olde men, and the most accept- 
 able to the people among them. Of those, ]M[enenius 
 Agrippa was he, who was sent for chief man of the message 
 from the Senate. He, after many good persuasions and 
 gentle requestes made to the people, on the behalfe of the 
 Senate : knit up his oration in the ende, with a notable tale, 
 in this manner. That on a time all the members of mans 
 bodie, dyd rebell against the bellie, complaining of it, that 
 it only remained in the middest of the bodie, without doing 
 any thing, neither dyd beare any labour to the maintenaunce 
 of the rest : whereas all other partes and members dyd 
 labour paynefully, and was very carefull to satisfie the 
 appetites and desiers of the bodie. And so the bellie, all 
 this notwithstanding, laughed at their follie, and sayed : It 
 is true, I first receyve all meates that norishe mans bodie : 
 but afterwardes I send it againe to the norishement of other 
 partes of the same. Even so (quoth he) O you, my masters, 
 and cittizens of Rome : the reason is a like betweene the 
 Senate, and you. For matters being well digested, and their 
 counsells throughly examined, touching the benefit of the 
 common wealth : the Senatours are cause of the common 
 commoditie that commeth unto every one of you. These per- 
 suasions pacified the people, conditionally, that the Senate 
 would graunte there should be yerely chosen five magistrates, 
 which they now call Tribuni Plebis , whose office should be 
 to defend the poore people from violence and oppression. 
 So Iunius Brutus, and Sicinius Vellutus, were the first 
 Tribunes of the people that were chosen, who had only bene 
 the causers and procurers of this sedition. Hereupon the 
 cittie being growen againe to good quiet and unitie, the 
 people immediatly went to the warres, shewing that they 
 had a good will to doe better then ever they dyd, and to 
 be very willing to obey the magistrates in that they would 
 commaund, concerning the warres. Martius also, though 
 it liked him nothing to see the greatnes qf th e peop le thus 
 increased, considering it was to the prejudice, and imbasing 
 
 149 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 An excellent 
 tale tolde by 
 Menenius 
 Agrippa to 
 pacifie the 
 people. 
 
 The first be- 
 ginning of 
 Tribuni 
 plebis. 
 
 Iunius Bru- 
 tus, Sicinius 
 Vellutus, the 
 2 first tri- 
 bunes. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 V 
 
 The cittie of 
 Corioles be- 
 sieged by the 
 Consul Comi- 
 nius. 
 
 Titus Lartius, 
 a valiiant 
 Romaine. 
 
 The propertie 
 of a souldier. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of the nobilitie, and also sawe that other noble Patricians 
 were troubled as well as him selfe: he dyd persuade the 
 Patricians, to shew them selves no lesse forward and willing 
 to fight for their countrie, then the common people were : 
 and to let them knowe by their dedes and actes, that they 
 dyd not so muche passe the people in power and riches, as 
 they dyd exceede them in true nobilitie and valliantnes. In 
 the countrie of the Volsces, against whom the Romaines 
 made warre at that time, there was a principall cittie and 
 of most fame, that was called Corioles, before the which the 
 Consul Cominius dyd laye seige. Wherefore all the other 
 Volsces fearing least that cittie should be taken by assault, 
 they came from all partes of the countrie to save it, entend- 
 ing to geve the Romaines battell before the cittie, and 
 to geve an onset on them in two severall places. The 
 Consul Cominius understanding this, devided his armie also 
 in two partes, and taking the one parte with him selfe, he 
 marched towards them that were drawing to the cittie, out 
 of the countrie : and the other parte of his armie he left in 
 the campe with Titus Lartius (one of the valliantest men 
 the Romaines had at that time) to resist those that would 
 make any salye out of the cittie apon them. So the Corio- 
 lans making small accompt of them that laye in campe before 
 the cittie, made a salye out apon them, in the which at the 
 first the Coriolans had the better, and drave the Romaines 
 backe againe into the trenches of their campe. But Martius 
 being there at that time, ronning out of the campe with a 
 fewe men with him, he slue the first enemies he met withall, 
 and made the rest of them staye upon a sodaine, crying out 
 to the Romaines that had turned their backes, and calling 
 them againe to fight with a lowde voyce. For he was even 
 such another, as Cato would have a souldier and a captaine 
 to be : not only terrible, and fierce to laye about him, but 
 to make the enemie afeard with the sounde of his voyce, 
 and grimnes of his countenaunce. Then there flocked about 
 him immediatly, a great number of Romaines : whereat 
 the enemies were so afeard, that they gave backe presently. 
 But Martius not staying so, dyd chase and followe them to 
 their owne gates, that fled for life. And there, perceyving 
 150 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that the Romaines retired backe, for the great number of CORIO- 
 
 dartes and arrowes which flewe about their eares from the LANDS 
 
 walles of the cittie, and that there was not one man amongest 
 them that durst venter him selfe to followe the flying enemies 
 into the cittie, for that it was full of men of warre, very well 
 armed, and appointed : he dyd encorage his fellowes with 
 wordes and dedes, crying out to them, that fortune had 
 opened the gates of the cittie, more for the followers, then the 
 flyers. But all this notwithstanding, fewe had the hartes to 
 followe him. Howbeit Martius being in the throng emong 
 the enemies, thrust him selfe into the gates of the cittie, and 
 entred the same emong them that fled, without that any one 
 of them durst at the first turne their face upon him, or els 
 offer to staye him. But he looking about him, and seeing 
 he was entred the cittie with very fewe men to helpe himj 
 and perceyving he was environned by his enemies that 1 
 gathered round about to set apon him : dyd things then as ( 
 it is written, wonderfull and incredible, aswell for the force ^ 
 of his hande, as also for the agillitie of his bodie, and with a 
 wonderfull corage and valliantnes, he made a lan e thr ough 
 the middest of them, and overthrewe also those he layed at : 
 that some'he made ronne to the furthest parte of the cittie, 
 and other for feare he made yeld them selves, and to let fall 
 their weapons before him. By this meanes, Lartius that 
 was gotten out, had some leysure to bring the Romaines with 
 more safety into the cittie. The cittie being taken in this The cittie 
 sorte, the most parte of the souldiers beganne incontinently of Corioles 
 to spoyle, to carie awaye, and to looke up the bootie they ta ken. 
 had wonne. But Martius was marvelous angry with them, 
 and cried out on them, that it was no time now to looke 
 after spoyle, and to ronne straggling here and there to 
 enriche them selves, whilest the other Consul and their 
 fellowe cittizens peradventure were fighting with their 
 enemies : and howe that leaving the spoyle they should 
 seeke to winde them selves out of daunger and perill. How- 
 beit, crie, and saye to them what he could, very fewe of them 
 would hearken to him. Wherefore taking those that will- 
 ingly offered them selves to followe him, he went out of the 
 cittie, and tooke his waye towardes that parte, where he 
 
 151 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Souldiers 
 
 testaments. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 understoode the rest of the armie was : exhorting and 
 intreating them by the waye that followed him, not to be 
 fainte harted, and ofte holding up his handes to heaven, he 
 besought the goddes to be so gracious and favorable unto 
 him, that he might come in time to the battell, and in good 
 hower to hazarde his life in defence of his country men. 
 Now the Romaines when they were put in battell raye, and 
 ready to take their targettes on their armes, and to guirde 
 them upon their arming coates, had a custome to make their 
 Iwilles at that very instant, without any manner of writing, 
 naming him only whom they would make their heire, in the 
 presence of three or foure witnesses. Marti us came just to ; 
 that reckoning, whilest the souldiers were a doing after that 
 sorte, and that the enemies were approched so neere, as on ej 
 stoode in viewe of the other. When they sawe him at his first 
 comming, all bloody, and in a swet, and but with a fewe men 
 following him : some thereupon beganne to be afeard. But 
 sone after, when they sawe him ronne with a lively cheere to 
 the Consul and to take him by the hande, declaring howe he 
 had taken the cittie of Corioles, and that they sawe the Consul 
 Cominius also kisse and embrace him : then there was not a 
 man but tooke harte againe to him, and beganne to be of a 
 good corage, some hearing him reporte from poynte to poynte, 
 the happy successe of this exployte, and other also conjectur- 
 ing it by seeing their gestures a farre of. Then they all 
 beganne to call upon the Consul to marche forward, and 
 to delaye no lenger, but to geve charge upon the enemie. 
 Martius asked him howe the order of their enemies battell 
 was, and on which side they had placed their best fighting 
 ByCoriolanus men. The Consul made him aunswer, that he thought 
 meanes, the the bandes which were in the voward of their battell, 
 were those of the Antiates, whom they esteemed to be 
 the warlikest men, and which for valliant corage would 
 geve no place, to any of the hoste of their enemies. Then 
 prayed Martius, to be set directly against them. The 
 Consul graunted him, greatly praysing his corage. Then 
 Martius, when both armies came almost to joyne, advaunced 
 him selfe a good space before his companie, and went so 
 fiercely to geve charge on the voward that came right against 
 152 
 
 Volsci were 
 overcome in 
 battell. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him, that they could stande no lenger in his handes : he 
 made suche a lane through them, and opened a passage into 
 the battell of the enemies. But the two winges of either 
 side turned one to the other, to compasse him in betweene 
 them : which the Consul Cominius perceyving, he sent 
 thither straight of the best souldiers he had about him. So 
 the battell was marvelous bloudie about Martius, and in a 
 very shorte space many were slaine in the place. But in the 
 ende the Romaines were so strong, that they distressed the 
 enemies, and brake their arraye : and scattering them, made 
 them flye. Then they prayed Martius that he would retire 
 to the campe, bicause they sawe he was able to doe no more, 
 he was already so wearied with the great payne he had 
 taken, and so fainte with the great woundes he had apon, 
 him. But Martius aunswered them, that it was not for con- 
 querours to yeld, nor to be fainte harted : and thereupon 
 beganne a freshe to chase those that fled, untill suche time 
 as the armie of the enemies was utterly overthrowen, and 
 numbers of them slaine, and taken prisoners. The next 
 morning betimes, Martius went to the Consul, and the other 
 Romaines with him. There the Consul Cominius going up 
 to his chayer of state, in the presence of the whole armie, 
 gave thankes to the goddes for so great, glorious, and 
 prosperous a victorie : then he spake to Martius, whose 
 valliantnes he commended beyond the moone, both for that 
 he him selfe sawe him doe with his eyes, as also for that 
 Martius had reported unto him. So in the ende he willed 
 Martius, he should choose out of all the horses they had 
 taken of their enemies, and of all the goodes they had wonne 
 (whereof there was great store) tenne of every sorte which 
 he liked best, before any distribution should be made to 
 other. Besides this great honorable offer he had made him, 
 he gave him in testimonie that he had wonne that daye the 
 price of prowes above all other, a goodly horse with a 
 capparison, and all furniture to him : which the whole 
 armie beholding, dyd marvelously praise and commend. 
 But Martius stepping forth, tolde the Consul, he most 
 thanckefully accepted the gifte of his horse, and was a glad 
 man besides, that his service had deserved his generalls 
 2 : U 153 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 The tenth 
 parte of the 
 enemiesgoods 
 offered Marti- 
 us for rewarde 
 of his service, 
 by Cominius 
 the Consul. 
 
 Valiancie re- 
 warded with 
 honour in the 
 fielde. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Martius noble 
 aunswer and 
 refusall. 
 
 iX 
 
 y Martius sur- 
 named Corio- 
 lanus by the 
 Consul. 
 
 How the 
 Romaines 
 came to three 
 names. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 commendation : and as for his other offer, which was rather 
 a mercenary reward, then an honorable recompence, he would 
 none of it, but was contented to have his equall parte with 
 other souldiers. Only, this grace (sayed he) I crave, and 
 beseeche you to graunt me. Among the Volsces there is an 
 olde friende and. hoste of mine, an honest wealthie man, and 
 now a prisoner, who living before in great wealth in his owne 
 counbrie, liveth now a poore -prisoner 'in the handes of his 
 enemies : and yet notwithstanding all this his miserie and 
 misfortune, it would doe me great pleasure if I could save 
 him from this one daunger : to keepe him from being solde 
 as a slave. The souldiers hearing Martius wordes, made a 
 marvelous great showte among them : and they were moe 
 that wondred at his great contentation and abstinence, 
 when they sawe so litle covetousnes in him, then they were 
 that highely praised and extolled his valliantnes. For even 
 they them selves, that dyd somewhat malice and envie his 
 glorie, to see him thus honoured, and passingly praysed, dyd 
 thincke him so muche the more worthy of an honorable 
 recompence for his valliant service, as the more carelesly he 
 refused the great offer made him for his profit : and they 
 esteemed more the vertue that was in him, that made him 
 refuse suche rewards, then that which made them to be offred 
 him, as unto a worthie persone. For it is farre more 
 commendable, to use riches well, then to be valliant : and 
 yet it is better not to desire them, then to use them well. 
 After this showte and noyse of the assembly was somewhat 
 appeased, the Consul Cominius beganne to speake in this 
 sorte : We cannot compell Martius to take these giftes we 
 offer him, if he will not receave them : but we will geve him 
 suche a rewarde for the noble service he hath done, as he 
 cannot refuse. Therefore we doe order and decree, that 
 henceforth he be called Coriolanus, onles his valliant acts 
 have wonne him that name before our nomination. And 
 so ever since, he stil bare the third name of Coriolanus. 
 And thereby it appeareth, that the first name the Romaines 
 have, as Caius : was our Christian name now. The second, 
 as Martius : was the name of the house and familie they 
 came of. The third, was some addition geven, either for 
 154 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 some acte or notable service, or for some marke on their face, CORIO- 
 or of some shape of their bodie, or els for some speciall LANUS 
 vertue they had. Even so dyd the Graecians in olde time Why the 
 give additions to Princes, by reason of some notable acte Grecians 
 worthie memorie. As when they have called some, Soter, f^names^ 
 and Callinicos : as muche to saye, saviour and conquerour. 
 
 Or els for some notable apparaunt marke on ones face, or on 
 his bodie, they have called him Phiscon, and Grypos : as ye 
 would saye, gorebelley, and hooke nosed : or els for some 
 vertue, as Euergetes, and Phyladelphos : to wit, a Benefac- 
 tour, and lover of his brethern. Or otherwise for ones great 
 felicitie, as Eudaemon : as muche to saye, as fortunate. 
 
 For so was the second of the * Battes surnamed. And some * These were 
 Kings have had surnames of jeast and mockery. As one of the princes 
 the Antigones that was called Doson, to saye, the Gever : ^lt the 
 
 who was ever promising, and never geving. And one of the 0 y " 
 Ptolomees was called Lamyros : to saye, conceitive. The 
 Romaines use more then any other nation, to give names of 
 mockerie in this sorte. As there was one Metellus surnamed Names of 
 Diadematus, the banded : bicause he caried a bande about mockery 
 his heade of longe time, by reason of a sore he had in his ^ mon ? the 
 forehead. One other of his owne familie was called Celer : omanies - 
 the quicke flye. Bicause a fewe dayes after the death of 
 his father, he shewed the people the cruell fight of fensers 
 at unrebated swordes, which they founde wonderfull for the 
 shortnes of time. Other had their surnames derived of some 
 accident of their birthe. As to this daye they call him 
 Proculeius, that is borne, his father being in some farre 
 voyage : and him Posthumius, that is borne after the death e 
 of his father. And when of two brethern twinnes, the one 
 doth dye, and thother surviveth : they call the survivor, 
 
 Vopiscus. Somtimes also they geve surnames derived of 
 some marke or misfortune of the bodie. As Sylla, to saye, 
 crooked nosed : Niger, blacke : Rufus, red : Caecus, blinde : 
 
 Claudus, lame. They dyd wisely in this thing to accustome 
 men to thincke, that neither the losse of their sight, nor 
 other such misfortunes as maye chaunce to men, are any 
 shame or disgrace unto them, but the manner was to aunswer 
 boldly to suche names, as if they were called by their proper 
 
 155 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Sedition at 
 Rome, by 
 reason of 
 famine. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 names. Howbeit these matters would be better amplified 
 in other stories then this. Now when this warre was ended, 
 the flatterers of the people beganne to sturre up sedition 
 againe, without any newe occasion, or just matter offered of 
 complainte. For they dyd grounde this seconde insurrection 
 against the Nobilitie and Patricians, apon the peoples miserie 
 and misfortune, that could not but fall out, by reason of the 
 former discorde and sedition betweene them and the Nobilitie. 
 Bicause the most parte of the errable lande within the term 
 torie of Rome, was become heathie and barren for lacke of 
 plowing, for that they had no time nor meane to cause corne, 
 to be brought them out of other countries to sowe, by reason 
 of their warres which made the extreme dearth they had 
 emong them. Now those busie pratlers that sought the 
 peoples good will, by suche flattering wordes, perceyving 
 great scarsitie of corne to be within the cittie, and though 
 there had bene plenty enough, yet the common people had^ 
 no money to buye it : they spread abroad false tales and 
 rumours against the Nobilitie, that they in revenge of the 
 people, had practised and procured the extreme dearthe 
 emong them. Furthermore, in the middest of this sturrS; 
 there came ambassadours to Rome from the cittie of Velitres, 
 that offered up their cittie to the Romaines, and prayed 
 them they would send newe inhabitants to replenishe thei 
 same : bicause the plague had bene so extreme among them,** 
 and had killed such a number of them, as there was not left 
 alive the tenth persone of the people that had bene there 
 before. So the wise men of Rome beganne to thincke, that 
 the necessitie of the Velitrians fell out in a most happy\ 
 hower, and howe by this occasion it was very mete in so 
 great a scarsitie of vittailes, to disburden Rome of a great 
 number of cittizens : and by this meanes as well to take 
 awaye this newe sedition, and utterly to ryd it out of the 
 cittie, as also to cleare the same of many mutinous and 
 seditious persones, being the superfluous ill humours that 
 Velitres made grevously fedde this disease. Hereupon the Consuls prickt 
 a colonie to G ut all those by a bill, whom they intended to sende to 
 Velitres, to goe dwell there as in forme of a colonie : and 
 they leavied out of all the rest that remained in the cittie of 
 156 
 
 Rome. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 sedition in 
 Rome. 
 
 Rome, a great number to goe against the Volsces, hoping^by CORIO- 
 the meanes of forreine vvarre, to pacifie their sedition at LANUS 
 hbffler 'Moreover they imagined, when the poore with thefTwo practises 
 riche, and the meane sorte with the nobilitie, should bv this to remove the 
 
 / t # ' * # DArilTI All in 
 
 devise be abroad in the warres, and in one campe, and in 
 
 one service, and in one like daunger : that then they would 
 be more quiet and loving together. But Sicinius and Brutus, Sicinius and 
 two seditious Tribunes, spake against either of these devises, |* rutus Tri- 
 and cried out apon 'fhe noble men, that under the gentle J^people 
 name of a colonie, they would cloke and culler the most against both 
 cruell and unnaturall facte as might be : bicause they sent those devises, 
 their poore cittizens into a sore infected cittie and pestilent* 
 ayer, full of dead bodies unburied, and there also to dwell' 
 under the tuytion of a straunge god, that had so cruelly 
 persecuted his people. This were (said they) even as muche, 
 as if the Senate should hedlong cast downe the people into * 
 a most bottomles pyt. And are not yet contented to have . 
 famished some of the poore cittizens hertofore to death, and 
 to put other of them even to the mercie of the plague : but 
 a freshe, they have procured a voluntarie warre, to the ende 
 they would leave behind no kynde of miserie and ill, where- 
 with the poore syllie people should not be plagued, and only 
 bicause they are werie to serve the riche. The common 
 people being set on a broyle and braverie with these wordes, 
 would not ^ appeare when the Consuls called their names by 
 a bill, to prest them for the warres, neither would they be 
 sent out to this newe colonie : in so muche as the Senate 
 knewe not well what to saye, or doe in the matter. Martius 
 then, who was now growen to great credit, and a stowte 
 man besides, and of great reputation with the noblest men 
 of Rome^ rose up, and openly spake against these flattering 
 Tribunes. And for the replenishing of the cittie of Velitres, 
 h e dyd compell those that were chosen, . to goe thither, and 
 to departe* the cittie, apon great penalties to him that should 
 disobey : but to the warres, the people by no meanes would 
 be brought or constrained. So Martius taking his friendes Coriolanus 
 and followers with him, and such as he could by fayer wordes offendeth the 
 intreate to goe with him, dyd ronne certen forreyes into the peop e * 
 dominion of the Antiates, where he met with great plenty 
 
 157 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 invadeth the 
 Antiates, and 
 bringeth rich 
 spoyles home. 
 
 V 
 
 The manner 
 of suyng for 
 office at Rome. 
 
 Whereupon 
 this manner 
 of suyng was 
 so devised. 
 
 Offices geven 
 then by de- 
 sert, without 
 favour or cor- 
 ruption. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of corne, and had a marvelous great spoyle, aswell of cattell, 
 as of men he had taken prisoners, whom he brought awaye 
 with him, and reserved nothing for him selfe. Afterwardes 
 having brought backe againe all his men that went out with 
 him, safe and so unde to Rome, and every man riche and 
 loden with spoyle : then the hometarriers and housedoves 
 that kept Rome still, beganne to repent them that it was 
 not their happe to goe with him, and so envied both them 
 that had sped so well in this jorney, and also of malice to 
 Martius, they spited to see his credit and estimation increase 
 still more and more, bicause they accompted him to be a 
 great hinderer of the people. Shortely after this, Martius 
 stoode for the Consulshippe : and the common people 
 favored his sute, thinking it would be a shame to them to 
 denie, and refuse, the cfyiefest noble man of bloude, and 
 most worthie persone of JTomevand specially him that had 
 done so great service and good to the common wealth. For 
 the custome of Rome was at that time, that suche as dyd 
 sue for any office, should for certen dayes before be in the 
 market place, only with a poore gowne on their backes, and 
 without any coate underneath, to praye the cittizens to 
 remember them at the daye of election : which was thus 
 devised, either to move the people the more, by requesting 
 them in suche meane apparell, or els bicause they might 
 shewe them their woundes they had gotten in the warres in 
 the service of the common wealth, as manifest markes and 
 testimonie of their valliantnes. Now it is not to be thought 
 that the suters went thus lose in a simple gowne in the 
 market place, without any coate under it, for feare, and 
 suspition of the common people : for offices of dignitie in 
 the cittie were not then geven by favour or corruption. It 
 was but of late time, and long after this, that buying and 
 selling fell out in election of officers, and that the voyces of 
 the electours were bought for money. But after corruption 
 had once gotten waye into the election of offices, it hath 
 ronne from man to man, even to the very sentence of judges, 
 and also emong captaines in the warres : so as in the ende, 
 that only turned common wealthes into Kingdomes, by 
 armes subject to money. Therefore me thinckes he 
 158 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 had reason that sayed : He that first made banckets, and 
 gave money to the common people, was the first that tooke 
 awaye authoritie, and destroyed common wealth. But this 
 pestilence crept in by litle and litle, and dyd secretly winne 
 ground still, continuing a long time in Rome, before it was 
 openly knowen and discovered. For no man can tell who 
 was the first man that bought the peoples voyces for money, 
 nor that corrupted the sentence of the j udges. Howbeit at 
 Athens some holde opinion, that Anytus, the sonne of 
 Anthemion, was the first man that fedde the judges with 
 money, about the ende of the warres of Peloponnesus, being 
 accused of treason for yelding up the forte of Pyle, at that 
 time, when the golden and unfoiled age remained yet whole 
 in judgement at Rome. Now Martius following this custome, 
 shewed many woundes and cuttes apon his bodie, which he 
 had receyved in seventeene yeres service at the warres, and 
 in many sundrie battells, being ever the formest man that 
 dyd set out feete to fight. So that there was not a man 
 emong the people, but was ashamed of him selfe, to refuse 
 so valliant a man : and one of them sayed to another, We 
 must needes chuse him Consul, there is no remedie. But 
 when the daye of election was come, and that Martius came 
 to the market place with great pompe, accompanied with all 
 the Senate, and the whole Nobilitie of the cittie about him, 
 who sought to make him Consul, with the greatest instance 
 and intreatie they could, or ever attempted for any man 
 matter: then the love and good will of the common 
 
 CORIO 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Bankets and 
 money geven: 
 only destroy- 
 ers of common 
 wealth. 
 
 Anytus the 
 Athenian, the 
 first that with 
 money cor- 
 rupted the 
 sentence of 
 the judge, 
 and voyces of 
 the people. 
 
 or 
 
 people, turned straight to an hate and envie toward him, 
 fearing to put this office of soveraine authoritie into his 
 handes, being a man somewhat partiall toward the nobilitie, 
 and of great credit and authoritie amongest the Patricians, 
 and as one they might doubt would take away alltogether 
 the libertie from the people. Whereupon for these con- 
 siderations, they refused Martius in the ende, and made two 
 other that were suters, Consuls. The Senate being marvel- 
 ously offended with the people, dyd accompt the shame 
 of this refusall, rather to redownd to them selves, then to 
 Martius : but Martius tooke it in farre worse parte then the 
 Senate, and was out of all pacience. For he was a man to 
 
 159 
 
 See the fickle 
 mindes of 
 common 
 people. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- full of passion and choller, and to muche geven to over selfe 
 LANUS will and opinion, as one of a highe minde and great corage, 
 that lacked the gravity, and affabilitie that is gotten with 
 judgment of learning and jreason, which only is to be looked 
 for in a governour of state : and that remembred not how 
 wilfulnes is the thing of the world, which a governour of a 
 common wealth for pleasing should shonne, being that which 
 The fruites of Plato called solitarines. As in the ende, all men that are 
 selfe will and wilfully geven to a selfe opinion and obstinate minde, and s 
 obstinacie. w ho w jp never yeld to others reason, but to their pwne : j 
 remaine without companje, and forsaken of all men. For a 
 man that will live in the world, must nedes have patience, 
 which lus ty bToU'des make but a mocke at. So lViartius being 
 a stowte man of nature, that never yelded in any respect, as 
 one thincking that to overcome allwayes, and to have the 
 upper hande in all matters, was a token of magnanimitie, 
 and of no base and fainte corage, which spitteth out anger 
 from the most weake and passioned parte of the harte, much 
 like the matter of an impostume : went home to his house, 
 full fraighted with spite and malice against the people, being 
 accompanied with all the lustiest young gentlemen, whose 
 mindes were nobly bent, as those that came of noble race, 
 and commonly used for to followe and honour him. But 
 then specially they floct about him, and kept him companie, 
 to his muche harme : for they dyd but kyndle and inflame 
 his choller more and more, being sorie with him for the 
 injurie the people offred him, bicause he was their captaine 
 and leader to the warres, that taught them all marshall 
 discipline, and stirred up in them a noble emulation of 
 honour and valliantnes, and yet without envie, praising them 
 that deserved best. In the meane season, there came great 
 Great store of plenty of corne to Rome, that had bene bought, parte in 
 come brought Italie, and parte was sent out of Sicile, as geven by Gelon 
 the tyranne of Syracusa : so that many stoode in great hope, 
 that the dearthe of wlttells being holpen, the civill dissention 
 would also cease. The Senate sate in counsell upon it im- 
 mediatly, the common people stoode also about the palice 
 where the counsell was kept, gaping what resolution would 
 fall out : persuading them selves, that the corne they had 
 160 
 
 to Rome. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 bought should be solde good cheape, and that which was 
 geven, should be devided by the polle, without paying any 
 pennie, and the rather, bicause certaine of the Senatours 
 amongest them dyd so wishe and persuade the same. Buk 
 Martius standing u p on hi s feete, dyd somewhat sharpely 
 take'Up'those, who went about to gratifie the people therein : 
 and called them people pleasers, and traitours to the nobilitie. 
 
 6 Moreover he sayed they nourrished against them selves, the 
 4 naughty seede and cockle, of insolencie and sedition, which 
 6 had ben e sow ed and scattered abroade emongest the people, 
 
 4 whom they should Tiave cut of, if they had bene wise, and 
 4 have prevented their greatnes : and not to their owne de- 
 4 struction to have suffered the people, to stablishe a magis- 
 4 trate for them selves, of so great power and authoritie, as 
 4 that man had, to whom they had graunted it. Who was 
 4 also to be feared, bicause he obtained what he would, and 
 4 dyd nothing but what he listed, neither passed for any 
 4 obedience to the Consuls, but lived in all libertie, acknow- 
 6 ledging no superiour to commaund him, saving the only 
 4 heades and authours of their faction, whom he called his 
 4 magistrates. Therefore sayed he, they that gave counsell, 
 
 4 and persuaded that the corne should be geven out to the 
 4 common people gratis, as they used to ,dc?e in. citties of 
 4 Graece, where the people had more absolute power: dyd 
 4 but only nourishe their disobedience, which would breake 
 4 out in the ende, to the utter ruine and overthrowe of the 
 4 whole state. For they will not thincke it is done in re- 
 4 compense of their service past, sithence they know well 
 4 enough they have so ofte refused to goe_to the warres, 
 
 4 when they were commaunded : neither for their mutinies 
 4 when they went with us, whereby they have rebelled and 
 4 forsaken their countrie : neither for their accusations which 
 4 their flatterers have preferred unto them, and they have 
 4 receyved, and made good against the Senate : but they will 
 4 rather judge we geve and graunt them this, as abasing our 
 4 selves, and standing in feare of them, and glad to flatter 
 4 them every waye. By this meanes, their disobedience will 
 4 still growe worse and worse : and they will never leave to 
 4 practise newe sedition, and uprores. Therefore it were a 
 % : X 161 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 oration 
 against the 
 insolencie of 
 the people. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 w 
 
 Sedition at 
 Rome for 
 Coriolanus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 4 great follie for us, me thin ekes to doe it : yea, shall I saye 
 4 more ? we should if we were wise, take from them their 
 4 Tribuneshippe, which most manifestly is the embasing of 
 4 the Consulshippe, and the cause of the division of the 
 4 cittie. The state whereof as it standeth, is not now as it 
 4 was wont to be, but becommeth dismembred in two factions, 
 4 which mainteines allwayes civill dissention and discorde be- 
 4 twene us, and will never suffer us againe to be united into 
 4 one bodie.’ Martius dilating the matter with many such 
 like reasons, wanne all the young men, and almost all the 
 riche men to his opinion : in so much they range it out, that 
 he was the only man, and alone in the cittie, who stoode out 
 against the people, and never flattered them.' There were 
 only a fewe olde men that spake against him, fearing least 
 some mischief might fall out apon it, as in dede there 
 followed no great good afterward. For the Tribunes of 
 the people, being present at this consultation of the Senate, 
 when they sawe that the opinion of Martius was confirmed 
 with the more voyces, they left the Senate, and went downe 
 to the people, crying out for helpe, and that they would 
 assemble to save their Tribunes. Hereupon the people ranne 
 on head in tumult together, before whom the wordes that 
 Martius spake in the Senate were openly reported : which 
 the people so stomaked, that even in that furie they were 
 readie to flye apon the whole Senate. But the Tribunes 
 layed all the faulte and burden wholy upon Martius, and 
 sent their sergeantes forthwith to arrest him, presently to 
 appeare in persone before the people, to aunswer the wordes 
 he had spoken in the Senate, i Martius stowtely withstoode 
 these officers that came to arrest him. Then the Tribunes 
 in their owne persones, accompanied with the -/Ediles, went 
 to fetche him by force, and so layed violent hands upon him. 
 Howbeit the noble Patricians gathering together about him, 
 made the Tribunes geve backe, and layed it sore apon the 
 iEdiles : so for that time, the night parted them, and the 
 tumult appeased. The next morning betimes, the Consuls 
 seing the people in an uprore, ronning to the market place 
 out of all partes of the cittie, they were affrayed least all the 
 cittie would together by the eares ; wherefore assembling the 
 162 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Senate in all hast, they declared how it stoode them upon, CORIO- 
 
 to appease the furie of the people, with some gentle wordes, LANDS 
 
 or gratefull decrees in their favour : and moreover, like wise 
 men they should consider, it was now no time to stande at 
 defence and in contention, nor yet to fight for honour against 
 the communaltie: they being fallen to so great an extremitie, 
 and offering such imminent daunger. Wherefore they were 
 to consider temperately of things, and to deliver some present 
 and gentle pacification. The most parte of the Senatours 
 that were present at this counsaill, thought this opinion 
 best, and gave their consents unto it. Whereupon the Con- 
 suls rising out of counsaill, went to speake unto the people 
 as gently as they could, and they dyd pacifie their furie 
 and anger, purging the Senate of all the unjust accusations 
 layed upon them, and used great modestie in persuading 
 them, and also in reproving the faultes they had committed. 
 
 And as for the rest, that touched the sale of corne : they 
 promised there should be no disliking offred them in the 
 price. So the most parte of the people being pacified, and 
 appearing so plainely by the great silence and still that was 
 among them, as y elding to the Consuls, and liking well of 
 their wordes : the Tribunes then of the people rose out of 
 their seates, and sayed : Forasmuche as the Senate yelded 
 unto reason, the people also for their parte, as became them, 
 dyd likewise geve place unto them : but notwithstanding, 
 they would that Martius should come in persone to aunswer 
 to the articles they had devised. First, whether he had not Articles 
 solicited and procured the Senate to chaunge the present against Corio- 
 state of the common weale, and to take the soveraine au- tinus * 
 thoritie out of the peoples handes. Next, when he was sent 
 for by authoritie of their officers, why he dyd contemptuously 
 resist and disobey. Lastely, seeing he had driven and beaten 
 the ASdiles into the market place before all the worlde: if in 
 doing this, he had not done as muche as in him laye, to raise 
 civill warres, and to set one cittizen against another. All 
 this was spoken to one of these two endes, either that Martius 
 against his nature should be constrained to humble him selfe, 
 and to abase his hawty and fierce minde : or els if he con- 
 tinued still in his stowtnes, he should incurre the peoples 
 
 163 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 stowtnes in 
 defence of 
 him selfe. ' 
 
 Sicinius the 
 Tribune, pro- 
 nounceth sen- 
 tence of death 
 upon Martius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 displeasure and ill will so farre, that he should never possibly 
 winne them againe. Which they hoped would rather fall 
 out so, then otherwise : as in deede they gest unhappely, 
 considering Martius nature and disposition. So Martius 
 came, and presented him selfe, to aunswer their accusations 
 against him, and the people held their peace, and gave atten- 
 tive eare, to heare what he would saye. But where they 
 thought to have heard very humble and lowly wordes come 
 from him, he beganne not only to use his wonted boldnes of 
 speaking (which of it selfe was very rough and unpleasaunt, 
 and dyd more aggravate his accusation, then purge his in- 
 nocencie) but also gave him selfe in his wordes to thunder, 
 and looke therewithall so grimly, as though he made no 
 reckoning of the matter. This stirred coales emong the 
 people, who were in wonderfull furie at it, and their hate 
 and malice grewe so toward him, that they could holde no 
 lenger, beare, nor indure his bravery and careles boldnes. 
 Whereupon Sicinius, the cruellest and stowtest of the 
 Tribunes, after he -had whispered a litle with his com- 
 panions, dyd openly pronounce in the face of all the people, 
 Martius as condemned by the Tribunes to dye. Then 
 presently he commaunded the iEdiles to apprehend him, 
 and carie him straight to the rocke Tarpeian, and to cast 
 him hedlong downe the same. When the iEdiles came to 
 laye handes upon Martius to doe that they were com- 
 maunded, divers of the people them selves thought it to 
 cruell, and violent a dede. The noble men also being muche 
 troubled to see such force and rigour used, beganne to crie 
 alowde, Helpe Martius : so those that layed handes of him 
 being repulsed, they compassed him in rounde emong them 
 selves, and some of them holding up their handes to the 
 people, besought them not to handle him thus cruelly. But 
 neither their wordes, nor crying out could ought prevaile, 
 the tumulte and hurly burley was so great, untill suche time 
 as the Tribunes owne friendes and kinsemen weying with 
 them selves the impossiblenes to convey Martius to execution, 
 without great slaughter and murder of the nobilitie : dyd 
 persuade and advise not to proceede in so violent and extra- 
 ordinary a sorte, as to put such a man to death, without 
 164 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 lawfull processe in lawe, but that they should referre the 
 sentence of his death, to the free voyce of the people. 
 Then Sicinius bethinking him self a litle, dyd aske the 
 Patricians, for what cause they tooke Martius out of the 
 officers handes that went to doe execution ? The Patricians 
 asked him againe, why they would of them selves, so cruelly 
 and wickedly put to death, so noble and valliant a Romaine, 
 as Martius was, and that without lawe or justice? Well, 
 then sayed Sicinius, if that be the matter, let there be no 
 more quarrell or dissention against the people : for they doe 
 graunt your demaunde, that his cause shalbe heard accord- 
 ing to the law. Therfore sayed he to Martius, We doe m il 
 anct charge you to appeare before the people, the third daye 
 of our next sitting and assembly here, to make your purga- 
 tion for such articles as shalbe objected against you, that by 
 free voyce the people maye geve sentence apon you as shall 
 please them. The noble men were glad then of the adjorn- 
 ment, and were muche pleased they had gotten Martius out 
 of this daunger. In the meane space, before the third day 
 of their next cession came about, the same being kept every 
 nineth daye continually at Rome, whereupon they call it now 
 in Latin, Nundince : there fell out warre against the Antiates, 
 which gave some hope to the nobilitie, that this adjornment 
 would come to litle effect, thinking that this warre would 
 hold them so longe, as that the furie of the people against 
 him would be well swaged or utterly forgotten, by reason 
 of the trouble of the warres. But contrarie to expectation, 
 the peace was concluded presently with the Antiates, and 
 the people returned again to Rome. Then the Patricians 
 assembled oftentimes together, to consult how they might 
 stande to Martius, and keepe the Tribunes from occasion to 
 cause the people to mutine againe, and rise against the 
 nobilitie. And there Appius Clodius (one that was taken 
 ever as an heavy enemie to the people) dyd avowe and pro- 
 test, that they would utterly abase the authoritie of the 
 Senate, and destroye the common weale, if they would suffer 
 the common people to have authoritie by voyces to geve 
 judgment against the nobilitie. On thother side againe, 
 the most auncient Senatours, and suche as were geven to 
 
 165 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 hath daye 
 geven him to 
 aunswer the 
 people. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 accused that 
 he sought to 
 be King. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 favour the common people sayed : that when the people 
 should see they had authoritie of life and death in their 
 handes, they would not be so cruell and fierce, but gentle 
 and civill. More also, that it was not for contempt of 
 nobilitie or the Senate, that they sought to have the au- 
 thoritie of justice in their handes, as a preheminence and 
 prerogative of honour : but bicause they feared, that them 
 selves should be contemned and hated of the nobilitie. So 
 as they were persuaded, that so sone as they gave them 
 authoritie to j udge by voyces : so sone would they leave all 
 envie and malice to condemne anye. Martius seeing the 
 Senate in great doubt how to resolve, partely for the love 
 and good will the nobilitie dyd beare him, and partely for 
 the feare they stoode in of the people : asked alowde of the 
 Tribunes, what matter they would burden him with ? The 
 Tribunes aunswered him, that they would shewe howe he 
 dyd aspire to be King, and would prove that all his actions 
 tended to usurpe tyrannicall power over Rome. Martius 
 with that, rising up on his feete, sayed : that thereupon he 
 dyd willingly offer him self to the people, to be tried apon 
 that accusation. And that if it were proved by him, he had 
 so muche as once thought of any suche matter, that he would 
 then refuse no kinde of punishment they would offer him : 
 conditionally (quoth he) that you charge me with nothing els 
 besides, and that ye doe not also abuse the Senate. They 
 promised they would not. Under these conditions the judge- 
 ment was agreed upon, and the people assembled. And first 
 of all the Tribunes would in any case (whatsoever became of 
 it) that the people would proceede to geve their voyces by 
 Tribes, and not by hundreds : for by this meanes the multi- 
 tude of the poore needy people (and all suche rable as had 
 nothing to lose, and had lesse regard of honestie before their 
 eyes) came to be of greater force (bicause their voyces were 
 numbred by the polle) then the noble honest cittizens, whose 
 persones and purse dyd duetifully serve the common wealth 
 in their warres. And then when the Tribunes sawe they 
 could not prove he went about to make him self King : they 
 beganne to broache a freshe the former wordes that Martius 
 had spoken in the Senate, in hindering the distribution of 
 166 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the corne at meane price unto the common people, and per- CORIO- 
 suading also totake the office of Tribuneshippe from them. LANUS 
 And for the third, they charged him a newe, that he had not 
 made the common distribution of the spoyle he had gotten 
 in the invading the territories of the Antiates : but had of 
 his owne authoritie devided it among them, who were with 
 him in that jorney. But this matter was most straunge of 
 all to Martius, looking least to have bene burdened with 
 that, as with any matter of offence. Wherupon being bur- 
 dened on the sodaine, and having no ready excuse to make 
 even at that instant : he beganne to fall a praising of the 
 souldiers that had served with him in that jorney. But 
 those that were not with him, being the greater number, 
 cried out so lowde, and made suche a noyse, that he could 
 not be heard. To conclude, when they came to tell the 
 voyces of the Tribes, there were three voyces odde, which 
 condemned him to be banished for life. After declaration Coriolanus 
 of the sentence, the people made suche joye, as they never banished for 
 rejoy ced more for any battell they had wonne upon their llfe ’ 
 enemies, they were so brave and lively, and went home so 
 jocondly from the assembly, for triumphe of this sentence. 
 
 The Senate againe in contrary manner were as sad and heavie, 
 repenting them selves beyond measure, that they had not 
 rather determined to have done and suffered any thing what- 
 soever, before the common people should so arrogantly, and 
 out rageously have abused their authoritie. There needed 
 no difference of garments I warrant you, nor outward showes 
 to know a Plebeian from a Patrician, for they were easely 
 decerned by their lookes. For he that was on the peoples 
 side, looked cheerely on the matter : but he that was sad, 
 and honge downe his head, he was sure of the noble mens 
 side. Saving Martius alone, who neither in his countenaunce, 
 nor in his gate, dyd ever showe him selfe abashed, or once let u 
 fall his great corage : but he only of all other gentlemen that Coriolanus 
 were angrie at his fortune, dyd outwardly she we no manner constant 
 of passion, nor care at all of him selfe. Not that he dyd 
 paciently beare and temper his good happe, in respect of any 
 reason he had, or by his quiet condition : but bicause he was 
 so caried awaye with the vehemencie of anger, and desire of 
 
 167 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 The force of 
 anger. 
 
 Tullus Aufi- 
 dius, a greate 
 persone 
 emong the 
 Volsces. 
 
 V 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 revenge, that he had no sence nor feeling of the hard state 
 te-was in, which the common people judge, not to be sorow, 
 although in dede it be the very same. For when sorow (as 
 you would saye) is set a fyre, then it is converted into spite 
 and malice, and driveth awaye for that time all faintnes 
 of harte and naturall feare. And this is the cause why the 
 chollericke man is so altered, and mad in his actions, as a 
 man set a fyre with a burning agewe : for when a mans 
 harte is troubled within, his pulse will beate marvelous 
 strongely. Now that Marti us was even in that taking, 
 it appeared true sone after by his doinges. For when he 
 was come home to his house againe, and had taken his leave 
 of his mother and wife, finding them weeping, and shreeking 
 out for sorrowe, and had also comforted and persuaded them 
 to be content with his chaunce : he went immediatly to the 
 gate of the cittie, accompanied with a great number of 
 Patricians that brought him thither, from whence he went 
 on his waye with three or foure of his friendes only, taking 
 nothing with him, nor requesting any thing of any man. So 
 he remained a fewe dayes in the countrie at his houses, tur- 
 moyled with sundry sortes and kynde of thoughtes, suche as 
 the fyer of his choller dyd sturre up. In the ende, seeing 
 he could resolve no waye, to take a profitable or honorable 
 course, but only was pricked forward still to be revenged of 
 the Romaines : he thought to raise up some great warres 
 against them, by their neerest neighbours. Whereupon, he 
 thought it his best waye, first to stirre up the Volsces against 
 them, knowing they were yet able enough in strength and 
 riches to encounter them, notwithstanding their former losses 
 they had receyved not long before, and that their power was 
 not so muche impaired, as their malice and desire was in- 
 creased, to be revenged of the Romaines. Now in the cittie 
 of Antium, there was one called Tullus Aufidius, who for his 
 riches, as also for his nobilitie and valliantnes, was honoured 
 emong the Volsces as a King. Martius knewe very well, that 
 Tullus dyd more malice and envie him, then he dyd all the 
 Romaines besides : bicause that many times in battells where 
 they met, they were ever at the encounter one against 
 another, like lustie coragious youthes, striving in all emula- 
 168 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tion of honour, and had encountered many times together. 
 In so muche, as besides the common quarrell betweene them, 
 there was bred a marvelous private hate one against another. 
 Yet notwithstanding, considering that Tullus Aufidius was 
 a man of a great minde, and that he above all other of the 
 Volsces, most desired revenge of the Romanies, for the in- 
 j uries they had done unto them : he dyd an acte that confirmed 
 the true wordes of an auncient Poet, who sayed : 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 It is a thing- full harde, mans anger to withstand, 
 if it be stiffely bent to take an enterprise in hande. 
 
 For then most men will have, the thing that they desire, 
 although it cost their lives therefore, suche force hath wicked 
 ire. 
 
 And so dyd he. For he disguised him selfe in suche arraye 
 and attire, as he thought no man could ever have knowen 
 him for the persone he was, seeing him in that apparell he 
 had upon his backe : and as Homer sayed of Ulysses, 
 
 So dyd he enter into the enemies towne. 
 
 It was even twy light when he entred thecittie of Antium, Coriolanus ^ 
 and many people met him in the streetes, but no man knewe disguised, 
 him. So he went directly to Tullus Aufidius house, and ^^acittie 
 when he came thither, he got him up straight to the chimney 0 fthe Volsces. 
 harthe, and sat him downe, and spake not a worde to any 
 man, his face all muffled over. They of the house spying 
 him, wondered what he should be, and yet they durst not 
 byd him rise. For ill favoredly muffled and disguised as he 
 was, yet there appeared a certaine majestie in his countenance, 
 and in his silence : whereupon they went to Tullus who was 
 at supper, to tell him of the straunge disguising of this man. 
 
 Tullus rose presently from the borde, and comming towards 
 him, asked him what he was, and wherefore he came. Then 
 Martius unmuffled him selfe, and after he had paused a whil e^J 
 making no aunswer, he sayed unto him : 6 If thou knowest Coriolanus 
 4 me not yet, Tullus, and seeing me, dost not perhappes oration to 
 4 beleeve me to be the man I am in dede, I must of necessitie Aufidius 
 4 bewraye my selfe to be that I am. I am Caius Martius, who 
 4 hath done to thy self particularly, and to all the Volsces 
 4 generally, great hurte and mischief, which I cannot denie for 
 2 : Y 169 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 4 my surname of Coriolanus that I beare. For I never had 
 4 other benefit nor recompence, of all the true and paynefull 
 4 service I have done, and the extreme daungers I have bene 
 4 in, but this only surname : a good memorie and witnes, of 
 4 the malice and displeasure thou showldest beare me. In 
 4 deede the name only remaineth with me : for the rest, the 
 4 envie and crueltie of the people of Rome have taken from 
 4 me, by the sufferance of the dastardly nobilitie and magis- 
 4 trates, who have forsaken me, and let me be banished by the 
 4 people. This extremitie hath now driven me to come as a 
 4 poore suter, to take thy chimney harthe, not of any hope I 
 4 have to save my life thereby. For if I had feared death, I 
 4 would not have come hither to have put my life in hazard : 
 
 4 but prickt forward with spite and desire I have to be revenged 
 4 of them that thus have banished me, whom now I beginne to 
 4 be avenged on, putting my persone betweene thy enemies. 
 4 Wherefore, if thou hast any harte to be wrecked of the 
 4 injuries thy enemies have done thee, spede thee now, and let 
 4 my miserie serve thy turne, and so use it, as my service maye 
 4 be a benefit to the Volsces : promising thee, that I will fight 
 4 with better good will for all you, then ever I dyd when I 
 4 was against you, knowing that they fight more valliantly, 
 4 who knowe the force of their enemie, then such as have 
 4 never proved it. And if it be so that thou dare not, and 
 4 that thou art wearye to prove fortune any more : then am 
 4 I also weary to live any lenger. And it were no wisedome 
 4 in thee, to save the life of him, who hath bene heretofore 
 4 thy mortall enemie, and whose service now can nothing 
 4 helpe nor pleasure thee.’ Tullus hearing what he sayed, 
 was a marvelous glad man, and taking him by the hande, he 
 sayed unto him : Stande up, O Martius, and bee of good 
 chere, for in profering thy selfe unto us, thou dost us great 
 honour : and by this meanes thou mayest hope also of greater 
 things, at all the Volsces handes. So he feasted him for that 
 time, and entertained him in the honorablest manner he 
 could, talking with him in no other matters at that pre- 
 sent : but within fewe dayes after, they fell to consultation 
 together, in what sorte they should beginne their warres. 
 Now on thother side, the cittie of Rome was in marvelous 
 170 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 uprore, and discord, the iiobilitie against the communaltie, CORIO- 
 
 and chiefly for Martius condemnation and banishment. LANUS 
 
 Moreover the priestes, the Soothesayers, and private men Great dissen- 
 also, came and declared to the Senate certaine sightes and a t Rome 
 wonders in the ayer, which they had seene, and were to be banishment; 118 
 considered of: amongest the which, such a vision happened. 
 
 There was a cittizen of Rome called Titus Latinus, a man 
 of meane qualitie and condition, but otherwise an honest 
 sober man, geven to a quiet life, without superstition, and 
 much lesse to vanitie or lying. This man had a vision in 
 his dreame, in the which he thought that Iupiter appeared 
 unto him, and commaunded him to signifie to the Senate, 
 that they had caused a very vile lewde daunser to goe before 
 the procession : and sayed, the first time this vision had 
 appeared unto him, he made no reckoning of it : and 
 comming againe another time into his minde, he made not 
 muche more accompt of the matter then before. In the 
 ende, he sawe one of his sonnes dye, who had the best nature 
 and condition of all his brethern: and sodainely he him 
 selfe was so taken in all his limmes, that he became lame 
 and impotent. Hereupon he tolde the whole circumstance 
 of this vision before the Senate, sitting upon his litle couche 
 or bedde, whereon he was caried on mens armes : and he had 
 no sooner reported this vision to the Senate, but he presently 
 felt his bodie and limmes restored again, to their former 
 strength and use. So raising up him self upon his couche, 
 he got up on his feete at that instant, and walked home to 
 his house, without helpe of any man. The Senate being 
 amazed at this matter, made diligent enquierie to understand 
 the trothe : and in the ende they found there was such a 
 thing. There was one that had delivered a bondman of his 
 that had offended him, into the hands of other slaves and 
 bondemen, and had commanded them to whippe him up and 
 down the market place, and afterwards to kill him : and as 
 they had him in execution, whipping him cruelly, they dyd 
 so martyre the poore wretch, that for the cruell smarte and 
 payne he felt, he turned and writhed his bodie, in straunge 
 and pittiefull sorte. The procession by chaunce came by 
 even at the same time, and many that followed it, were 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 TheRomaines 
 manner of 
 punishing 
 their slaves. 
 
 Whereof 
 
 Furcifer 
 
 came. 
 
 A ceremonie 
 instituted by 
 king Numa, 
 touching re- 
 ligion. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 hartely moved and offended with the sight, saying : that 
 this was no good sight to behold, nor mete to be met in 
 procession time. But for all this, there was nothing done : 
 saving they blamed and rebuked him, that punished his slave 
 so cruelly. For the Romaines at that time, dyd use their 
 bondemen very gently, bicause they them selves dyd labour 
 with their owne hands, and lived with them, and emong them : 
 and therefore they dyd use them the more gently and 
 familliarly. For the greatest punishment they gave a slave 
 that had offended, was this. They made him carie a limmer 
 on his showlders that is fastened to the axeltree of a coche, 
 and compelled him to goe up and downe in that sorte 
 amongest all their neighbours. He that had once abidden 
 this punishement, and was seene in that manner, was pro- 
 claimed and cried in every market towne : so that no man 
 would ever trust him after, and they called him Furcifer, 
 bicause the Latines call the wodd that ronneth into the 
 axeltree of the coche, Furca , as muche to saye, as a forke. 
 Now when Latinus had made reporte to the Senate of the 
 vision that had happened to him, they were devising whom 
 this unpleasaunt daunser should be, that went before the 
 procession. Thereupon certain that stoode by, remembred 
 the poore slave that was so cruelly whipped through the 
 market place, whom they afterwardes put to death : and the 
 thing that made them remember it, was the straunge and 
 rare manner of his punishment. The priestes hereupon 
 were repaired unto for advise : they were wholy of opinion, 
 that it was the whipping of the slave. So they caused the 
 slaves master to be punished, and beganne againe a newe 
 procession, and all other showes and sightes in honour of 
 Iupiter. But hereby appeareth plainely, how king Numa 
 dyd wisely ordaine all other ceremonies concerning devotion 
 to the goddes, and specially this custome which he stablished, 
 to bring the people to religion. For when the magistrates, 
 bishoppes, priests, or other religious ministers goe about any 
 divine service, or matter of religion, an herauld ever goeth 
 before them, crying out alowde, Hoc age : as to saye, doe 
 this, or minde this. Hereby they are specially commaunded, 
 wholy to dispose them selves to serve God, leaving all other 
 172 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 busines and matters a side : knowing well enough, that 
 whatsoever most men doe, they doe it as in a manner con- 
 strained unto it. But the Romaines dyd ever use to beginne 
 againe their sacrifices, processions, playes, and suche like 
 showes done in honour of the goddes, not only upon suche 
 an occasion, but apon lighter causes then that. As when 
 they went a procession through the cittie, and dyd carie the 
 images of their goddes, and suche other like holy relikes 
 upon open hallowed coches or charrets, called in Latin 
 Thensce : one of the coche horses that drue them stoode still, 
 and would drawe no more : and bicause also the coche man 
 tooke the raynes of the bridle with the left hande, they 
 ordained that the procession should be begonne againe a 
 newe. Of later time also, they dyd renewe and beginne a 
 sacrifice thirtie times one after another, bicause they thought 
 still there fell out one faulte or other in the same, so holy 
 and devout were they to the goddes. Now Tullus and 
 Marti us had secret conference with the greatest personages 
 of the cittie of Antium, declaring unto them, that now they 
 had good time offered them to make warre with the Romaines, 
 while they were in dissention one with another. They aun- 
 swered them, they were ashamed to breake the league, con- 
 sidering that they were sworne to keepe peace for two yeres. 
 Howbeit shortely after, the Romaines gave them great 
 occasion to make warre with them. For on a holy daye 
 common playes being kept in Rome, apon some suspition, 
 or false reporte, they made proclamation by sound of trumpet, 
 that all the Volsces should avoyde out of Rome before sunne 
 set. Some thin eke this was a r.rafte and Receipt. of Martius, 
 who sent-one to Rome ta the . C onsuls, to accuse the Volsces 
 falsely, advertising them howe they had made a conspiracie 
 to set apon them, whilest they were busie in seeing these 
 games, and also to set their cittie a fyre. This open pro- 
 clamation made all the Volsces more offended with the 
 Romaines, then ever they were before : and Tullus agravating 
 the matter, dyd so inflame the Volsces against them, that in 
 the ende they sent their ambassadours to Rome, to summone 
 them to deliver their landes and townes againe, which they had 
 taken from them in times past, or to looke for present warres. 
 
 173 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 The supersti- 
 tion of the 
 Romaines. 
 
 Thensce . 
 
 The Romaines 
 gave the 
 Volsces occa- 
 sion of warres. 
 
 Martius 
 Coriolanus 
 craftie accusa- 
 tion of the 
 Volsces. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 chosen gener- 
 all of the Vol- 
 sces, with 
 Tullus Aufi- 
 dius against 
 theRomaines. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 invadeth the 
 territories 
 of the Ro- 
 manies. 
 
 A fine devise 
 to make the 
 communaltie 
 suspect the 
 nobilitie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 The Romaines hearing this, were marvelously netled : and 
 made no other aunswer but thus : If the Volsces be the first 
 that beginne warre : the Romaines will be the last that will 
 ende it. Incontinently upon returne of the Volsces am- 
 bassadours, and deliverie of the Romaines aunswer : Tullus 
 caused an assembly generall to be made of the Volsces, and 
 concluded to make warre apon the Romaines. This done, 
 Tullus dyd counsell them to take Martius into their service, 
 and not to mistrust him for the remembraunce of any thing 
 past, but boldely to trust him in any matter to come : for 
 he would doe them more service in fighting for them, then 
 ever he dyd them displeasure in fighting against them. So 
 Martius was called forth, who spake so excellently in the 
 presence of them all, that he was thought no lesse eloquent 
 in tongue, then warlike in showe : and declared him selfe 
 both expert in warres, and wise with valliantnes. Thus he 
 was joyned in commission with Tullus as generall of the 
 Volsces, having absolute authoritie betwene them to follow 
 and pursue the warres. But Martius fearing least tract of 
 time to bring this armie togither with all the munition and 
 furniture of the Volsces, would robbe him of the meane he 
 had to execute his purpose and intent : left order with the 
 rulers and chief of the cittie, to assemble the rest of their 
 power, and to prepare all necessary provision for the campe. 
 Then he with the lightest souldiers he had, and that were 
 willing to folio we him, stale awaye upon the sodaine, and 
 marched with all speede, and entred the territories of Rome, 
 before the Romaines heard any newes of his comming. In 
 so much the Volsces found such spoyle in the fields, as they 
 had more then they could spend in their campe, ,and were 
 wearie to drive and carie awaye that they had. / Howbeit 
 the gayne of the spoyle and the hurte they qyd to the 
 Romaines in this invasion, was the least parte of his intent. 
 For his chiefest purpose was, to increase still the malice and 
 dissention betweene the nobilitie, and the communaltie : and 
 to drawe that on, he was very carefull to keepe the noble 
 mens landes and goocls safe from harme and burning, but 
 spoyled all the whole countrie besides, and would suffer 
 no man to take or hurte any thing of the noble mens. This 
 174 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 made greater sturre and broyle betweene the nobilitie and CORIO- 
 
 people, then was before. For the noble men fell out with LANUS 
 
 the people, bicause they had so unjustly banished a man of Great harte 
 
 so great valure and power. The people on thother side, burning 
 
 accused the nobilitie, how they had procured Martius to ^obTutie^nd 
 
 make these warres, to be revenged of them : bicause it pleased people. 
 
 them to see their goodes burnt and spoyled before their 
 
 eyes, whilest them selves were well at ease, and dyd behold 
 
 the peoples losses and misfortunes, and knowing their owne 
 
 goodes safe and out of daunger : and howe the warre was not 
 
 made against the noble men, that had the enemie abroad, 
 
 to keepe that they had in safety. Now Martius having done 
 
 this first exploite (which made the Volsces bolder, and lesse 
 
 fearefull of the Romaines) brought home all the armie 
 
 againe, without losse of any man. After their whole armie 
 
 (which was marvelous great, and very forward to service) 
 
 was assembled in one campe : they agreed to leave parte of 
 
 it for garrison in the countrie about, and the other parte 
 
 should goe on, and make the warre apon the Romaines. 
 
 So Martius bad Tullus choose, and take which of the two 
 charges he liked best. Tullus made him aunswer, he knewe 
 by experience that Martius was no lesse valliant then him 
 selfe, and howe he ever had better fortune and good happe 
 in all battells, then him selfe had. Therefore he thought it 
 best for him to have the leading of those that should make 
 the warres abroade : and him selfe would keepe home, to 
 provide for the safety of the citties and of his countrie, and 
 to furnishe the campe also of all necessary provision abroade. 
 
 So Martius being stronger then before, went first of all 
 unto the cittie of Circees, inhabited by the Romaines, who 
 willingly yelded them selves, and therefore had no hurte. 
 
 From thence, he entred the countrie of the Latines, imagin- 
 ing the Romaines would fight with him there, to defend the 
 Latines, who were their confederates, and had many times 
 sent unto the .Romaines for their ayde. But on the one 
 side, the people of Rome were very ill willing to goe : and on 
 the other side the Consuls being apon their going out of their 
 office, would not hazard them selves for so small a time : so 
 that the ambassadours of the Latines returned home againe, 
 
 175 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Lavinium 
 built by 
 iEneas. 
 
 and dyd no good. Then Martius dyd besiege their citties, 
 and having taken by force the townes of the Tolerinians, 
 Vicanians, Pedanians, and the Bolanians, who made resist- 
 ance : he sacked all t heir goodes* and tooke them prisoners. 
 Suche as d yd^ eld^tliem willingly unto him, he was 
 as carefull as possible might be to defend them fromJmrte : 
 and bicause they should recey ve no damage by his will, he 
 removed his campe as farre from their confines as he could. 
 Afterwards, he tooke the cittie of Boles by assault, being 
 about an hundred furlonge from Rome, where he had a mar- 
 velous great spoyle, and put every man to the sword that 
 was able to carie weapon. The other Volsces that were 
 appointed to remaine in garrison for defence of their countrie, 
 hearing this good newes, would tary no lenger at home, but 
 armed them selves, and ranne to Martius campe, saying they 
 dyd acknowledge no other captaine but him. Hereupon 
 his fame ranne through all Italie, and every one praised him 
 for a valliant captaine, for that by ch annge of ope map ^for 
 another, suche and so straunge events felloutj n the state. 
 In this while, all went still to wrackg_~at Rome. For, to 
 come mto the field to fight withThe enemie, they could not 
 abyde to heare of it, they were one so muche against another, 
 and full of seditious wordes, the nobilitie against the people, 
 and the people against the nobilitie. Untill they had 
 intelligence at the length that the enemies had layed seige 
 to the cittie of Lavinium, in the which were all the temples 
 and images of the goddes their protectours, and from whence 
 came first their auncient originall, for that iEneas at his first 
 arrivall into Italie dyd build that cittie. Then fell there 
 out a marvelous sodain chaunge ofjnundejGmpng the people, 
 and farreTnore straunge and contrarie in the nobilitie. For 
 the people thought good to repeals* the condemnation and 
 exile of Martius. The Senate assemble d upon it, would in 
 no case yeld to that. Who either dy3 it of a selfe will to 
 be contrarie to the peoples desire : or bicause Martius should 
 not returne through the grace and favour t)f the people. 
 Or els, bicause they were throughly angrie and offended 
 with him, that he would set apon the whole, being offended 
 but by a fewe, and in his doings would shewe him selfe an 
 176 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 open enemie besides unto his countrie : notwithstanding the 
 most parte of them tooke the wrong they had done him, in 
 marvelous ill parte, and as if the injurie had bene done unto 
 them selves. Reporte being made of the Senates resolution, 
 the people founde them selves in a straight: for they could 
 authorise and confirme nothing by their voyces, unles it 
 had bene first propounded and ordeined by the Senate. 
 But Martius hearing this sturre about him, was in a greater 
 rage with them then before : in so muche as he raised his 
 sei^ej^rjcon tin^ut' y before the cittie of Lavinium, and going 
 towardes~Rome, lodged his campe within fortie furlonge of 
 the cittie, at the ditches called Cluiliae. His incamping so 
 neere Rome, dyd put all the whole cittie in a wonderfull 
 feare : howbeit for the present time it appeased the sedition 
 and dissention betwext the Nobilitie and the people. For 
 there was no Consul, Senatour, nor Magistrate, that durst 
 once contrarie the opinion of the people, for the calling 
 home againe of Martius. When they sawe the women in 
 a marvelous feare, ronning up and downe the cittie : the 
 temples of the goddes full of olde people, weeping bitterly 
 in their prayers to the goddes : and finally, not a man either 
 wise or hardie to provide for their safetie : then they were 
 all of opinion, that the people had reason to call home 
 Martius againe, to reconcile them selves to him, and that 
 the Senate on the contrary parte, were in marvelous great 
 faulte to be angrie and in choller with him, when it stoode 
 them upon rather to have gone out and intreated him. So 
 they all agreed together to send ambassadours unto him, to 
 let him understand howe his countrymen dyd call him home 
 againe, and restored him to all his goodes, and besought 
 him to deliver them from this warre. The ambassadours 
 that were sent, were Martius familliar friendes, andacquaint- 
 auncep^hcrtooked Kt the least for a curteous welcome of 
 him, as of their familliar friende and kynseman. Howbeit 
 they founde nothing lesse. For at their comming, they 
 wer^brought through the campe, to the place where he 
 was set in his chayer of state, with a marvelous and an un- 
 speakable majestie, having the chiefest men of the Volsces 
 about him : so he commaunded them to declare openly the 
 2 : Z 177 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 v. 
 
 
 The Romanies 
 send ambas- 
 sadours to 
 Coriolanus to 
 treate of 
 peace. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- cause of their comming. Which they delivered in the most 
 LANUS humble and lowly wordes they possiblie could devise, and 
 dth all modest countenaunce and behaviour agreable for 
 the same. When they had done their message : for the 
 injurie they had done him, he aunswered them very ho ttel y, 
 and in great, cboller. But as general! of the Yolsces, he 
 willed them to restore unto the Volsces, all their landes and 
 citties they had taken from them in former warres : and 
 moreover, that they should geve them the likejionour and 
 freedome of Rome, as they had before geven to the Latines. 
 For otherwise they had no other meane to ende this warre, 
 if they dyd not graunte these honest and just conditions of 
 peace. Thereupon he gave them thirtie dayes respit to make 
 him aunswer. So the ambassadours returned straight to 
 Rome, and Martius forthwith departed with his armie out of 
 the territories of the Romaines. . This was the first matter 
 Thefirst occa- wherewith the Volsces (that most enviedHVIartius glorie and 
 sion of the authoritie) dyd charge Martius with. Among those* Tulhis 
 Volsces envy was . w } 10 though he had receyved no private injurie 
 or displeasure of Martius, yet the common faulte and im- 
 perfection of mans nature wrought In him, and it grieved 
 him to see his owne reputation bleamished, through Martius 
 great fame and honour, and so him selfejtcLbeJjesse esteemed 
 of the Volsces, then he was before. This fell out the more, 
 bicause every man honoured Martius, and thought he only 
 could doe all, and that all other governours and captaines 
 must be content with suche credit and authoritie, as he would 
 please to countenaunce them with. From hence they derived 
 all their first accusations and secret murmurings against 
 Martius. For private captaines conspiring against him, were 
 very angrie with him : and gave it out, that the removing 
 of the campe was a manifest treason, not of the townes, nor 
 fortes, nor of armes, but of time and occasion, which was a 
 losse of great importaunce, bicause it was that which in 
 treason might both lose and binde all, and preserve the 
 whole. Now Martius having geven the Romaines thirtie 
 dayes respit for their aunswer, and specially bicause the 
 warres have not accustomed to make any great chaunges, in 
 lesse space of time then that : he thought it good yet, not 
 178 
 
 1/ 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to lye a sleepe idle all the while, but went and destroyed the 
 landes of the enemies allies, and tooke seven citties of theirs 
 well inhabited, and the Romaines durst not once put them 
 selves into the field, to come to their ayde and helpe : they 
 were so fainte harted, so mistrustfull, and lothe besides to 
 make warres. In so muche as they properly ressembled the 
 bodyes paralyticke, and losed of their limmes and mem- 
 bers : as those which through the palsey have lost all their 
 sence and feeling. Wherefore, the time of peace expired, 
 
 Martius being returned into the dominions of the Romaines 
 againe with all his armie, they sent another ambassade unto Another am- 
 him, to praye peace, and the remove of the Volsces out of bassade sent 
 their countrie : that afterwardes they might with better to Cori °l anus * 
 leysure fall to suche agreementes together, as should be 
 thought most mete and necessarie. For the Romaines were 
 no men that would ever y eld fo r feare. But if he thought 
 ' the VolscesTTad any grounde to demaunde reasonable articles 
 and conditions, all that they would reasonably aske should 
 be graunted unto, by the Romaines, who of them selves 
 would willingly yeld to reason, conditionally, that they dyd 
 laye downe armes. Martius tp that aunswered : that as 
 generall of the Volsces he would replie nothing unto it. But 
 yet as a Romaine cittizen, he wou ld caunsgll them to let 
 fall their pride, and to be conformable to reason, if they 
 were wise : and that they should returne againe within 
 three dayes, delivering up the articles agreed upon, which 
 he had first delivered them. Or otherwise, that he would 
 no more geve them assuraunce or safe conduite to returne 
 againe into his campe, with suche vaine and frivolous mes- 
 sages. When the ambassadours were returned to Rome, 
 and had reported Martius aunswer to the Senate : their cittie 
 being in extreme daunger, and as it were in a terrible storme 
 or tempest, they threw out (as the common proverbe sayeth) 
 their holy ancker. For then they appointed all the bishoppes, The priestes 
 priestes, ministers of the goddes, and keepers of holy things, and soothe- 
 and all the augures or soothesayers, which foreshowe things t0 
 
 to come by observation of the flying of birdes (which is an 
 olde auncient kynde of prophecying and divination amongest 
 the Romaines) to goe to Martius apparelled, as when they 
 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CORIO- doe their sacrifices: and first to intreate him to leave of 
 
 LANUS warre, and then that he would speake to his contrymen, 
 
 and conclude peace with the Volsces. Martius suffered them 
 to come into his campe, but yet he graunted them nothing 
 the more, neither dyd he entertaine them or speake more 
 curteously to them, then he dyd the first time that they 
 came unto him, saving only that he willed them to take 
 the one of the two : either to accept peace under the first 
 conditions offered, or els to receyve warre. When all this 
 goodly rable of superstition and priestes were returned, it 
 was (determined in counsell that none should goe out of the 
 gates of the cittie, and that they should watche and warde 
 upon the walles, to repulse their enemies if they came to 
 assault them: referring them selves and all their hope to 
 time, and fortunes uncertaine favour, not knowing otherwise 
 howe to remedie the daunger. Now all the cittie was full 
 of tumult, feare, and marvelous doubt what would happen : 
 untill at length there fell out suche a like matter, as Homer 
 oftetimes sayed they would least have thought of. For in 
 great matters, that happen seldome, Homer sayeth, and 
 crieth out in this sorte, 
 
 The goddesse Pallas she, with her fayer glistering eyes, 
 
 dyd put into his minde suche thoughts, and made him so devise. 
 
 And in an other place : 
 
 But sure some god hath ta’ne, out of the peoples minde, 
 
 both wit and understanding eke, and have therewith assynde 
 
 some other simple spirite, in steede thereof to byde, 
 
 that so they might their doings all, for lacke of wit misguyde. 
 
 And in an other place : 
 
 The people of them selves, did either it consider, 
 
 or else some god instructed them, and so they joynde together. 
 
 Many reckon not of Homer, as referring matters unpos- 
 sible, and fables of no likelyhoode of trothe, unto mans 
 reason, free will, or j udgement : which in deede is not his 
 meaning. But things true and likely, he maketh to depend 
 of our owne free wil and reason. For he oft speaketh these 
 wordes : 
 
 I have thought it in my noble harte. 
 
 180 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 And in an other place : 
 
 Achilles angrie was, and sorie for to heare 
 him so to say, his heavy brest was fraught with pensive feare. 
 
 And againe in an other place : 
 
 Bellerophon (she) could not move with her fayer tongue, 
 so honest and so vertuous, he was the rest among. 
 
 But in wonderous and extraordinarie thinges, which are 
 done by secret inspirations and motions, he doth not say 
 that God taketh away, from man his choyce and freedom 
 of will, but that he doth move it: neither that he doth 
 worke desire in us, but objecteth to our mindes certaine 
 imaginations whereby we are lead to desire, and thereby 
 doth not make this our action forced, but openeth the way 
 to our will, and addeth thereto courage, and hope of suc- 
 cesse. For, either we must say, that the goddes meddle not 
 with the causes and beginninges of our actions : or else what 
 other meanes have they to helpe and further men ? It is 
 apparaunt that they handle not our bodies, nor move not 
 our feete and handes, when there is occasion to use them : 
 but that parte of our minde from which these motions pro- 
 ceede, is induced thereto, or caried away by such objectes 
 and reasons, as God offereth unto it. Now the Romaine 
 Ladies and gentlewomen did visite all the temples and 
 goddes of the same, to make their prayers unto them : but 
 the greatest Ladies (and more parte of them) were con- 
 tinuallie about the aulter of Jupiter Capitolin, emonge 
 which troupe by name, was Valeria, Publicolaes owne sister. 
 
 The selfe same Publicola, who did such notable service to 
 the Romaines, both in peace and warres : and was dead 
 also certaine y^ares before, as we have declared in his life. 
 
 His sister Valeria was greatly honoured and reverenced Valeria 
 amonge^allJdie Romaines : and did so modestlie and wiselie Publicolaes 
 behave her selfe, that she did not shame nor dishonour the slster - 
 house she came of. So she sodainely fell into suche a fansie, 
 as we have rehearsed before, and had (by some god as I 
 thinke) taken holde of a noble devise. Whereuppon she 
 rose, and thother Ladies with her, and they all together 
 
 181 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Volumnia, 
 
 Martius 
 
 mother. 
 
 The wordes 
 of Valeria, 
 unto Volum- 
 nia and 
 Virgilia. 
 
 The aunswere 
 of Volumnia 
 to the 
 Romaine 
 ladies. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 went straight to the house of Volumnia, Martius mother : 
 and comming into her, founde her, and Martius wife her 
 daughter in lawe set together, and havinge her husbande 
 Martius young children in her lappe. Now all the traine of 
 these Ladies sittinge in a ringe rounde about her : Valeria 
 first beganne to speake in this sorte unto her : ‘We Ladies, 
 ‘ are come to visite you Ladies (my Ladie Volumnia and 
 ‘ Virgilia) by no direction from the Senate, nor commaunde- 
 ‘ ment of other magistrate : but through the inspiration (as 
 ‘ I take it) of some god above. Who havinge taken com- 
 ‘ passion and pitie of our prayers, hath moved us to come 
 ‘ unto you, to intreate you in a matter, as well beneficiall 
 ‘ for us, as also for the whole citizens in generall : but to 
 ‘ your selves in especiall (if it please you to credit me) and 
 6 shall redounde to our more fame and glorie, then the 
 ‘ daughters of the Sabynes obteined in former age, when 
 ‘ they procured lovinge peace, in stead of hatefull warre, 
 ‘ betwene their fathers and their husbands. Come on good 
 ‘ ladies, and let us goe all together unto Martius, to intreate 
 ‘ him "to take pitie uppon us, and also to reporte the trothe 
 ‘ unto him, howe muche you are bounde unto the citizens : 
 ‘ who notwithstandinge they have susteined greate hurte 
 ‘ and losses by him, yet they have not hetherto sought re- 
 ‘ venge apon your persons by any discurteous usage, neither 
 ‘ ever conceyved any suche thought or intent against you*, 
 ‘ but doe deliver ye safe into his handes, though thereby 
 ‘ they looke for no better grace or clemency from him.’ 
 When Valeria had spoken this unto them, all thother 
 ladyes together with one voyce confirmed that she had 
 sayed. Then Volumnia in this sorte did aunswer her : 
 ‘ My good ladies, we are partakers with you of the common 
 ‘ miserie and calamitie of our countrie, and yet our griefe 
 ‘ exceedeth yours the more, by reason of our particular 
 ‘ misfortune : to feele the losse of my sonne Martius former 
 ‘ valiancie and glorie, and to see his persone environned 
 ‘ nowe with our enemies in armes, rather to see him foorth 
 ‘ comminge and safe kept, then of any love to defende his 
 ‘ persone. But yet the greatest griefe of our heaped mis- 
 ‘ happes is, to see our poore countrie brought to suche 
 182 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 4 extremitie, that all hope of the safetie and preservation 
 4 thereof, is nowe unfortunately cast uppon us simple women : 
 4 bicause we knowe not what accompt he will make of us, 
 4 sence he hath cast from him all care of his naturall countrie 
 4 and common weale, which heretofore he hath holden more 
 4 deere and precious, then either his mother, wife, or children. 
 4 Notwithstandinge, if ye thinke we can doe good, we will 
 4 willingly doe what you will have us : bringe us to him I 
 4 pray you. For if we can not prevaile, we maye yet dye 
 4 at his feete, as humble suters for the safetie of our countrie.’ 
 Her aunswere ended, she tooke her daughter in lawe, and 
 Martius children with her, and being accompanied with all 
 the^btheiTKomaine ladies, they went in troupe together unto 
 the Volsces campe : whome when they sawe, they of them 
 selves did both pitie and reverence her, and there was not a 
 man amonge them that once durst say a worde unto her. 
 Nowe was Martius set then in his chayer of state, with all 
 the honours of a generall, and when he had spied the women 
 comming a farre of, he marveled what the matter ment : 
 but afterwardes knowing his wife which came formest, he 
 determined at the first to persist in his obstinate and in- 
 flexible rancker. But overcomen in the ende with naturall 
 affection, and being altogether altered to see them : his 
 harte would not serve him to tarie their comming to his 
 chayer, but comming downe in hast, he went to meete them, 
 and first he kissed his mother, and imbraced her a pretie 
 while, then his wife and title children. And nature so 
 wrought with him, that the teares fell from his eyes, and 
 he coulde not keepe him selfe from making much of them, 
 but yeelded [ to ^ jie„ affection, of his bipod e, as if he had 
 bene violently caried with the furie of a most swift running 
 streame. After he had thus lovingly received them, and 
 perceivinge that his mother Volumnia would beginne to 
 speake to him, he called the chiefest of the counsell of the 
 Volsces to heare what she would say. Then she spake in 
 this sorte : 4 If we helde our peace (my sonne) and determined 
 4 not to speake, the state of our poore bodies, and present 
 4 sight of our rayment, would easely bewray to thee what 
 4 life we have led at home, since thy exile and abode abroad. 
 
 183 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 The oration 
 of Volumnia_, 
 unto her 
 sonne Corio- 
 lanus. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 * 
 
 ‘But thinke now with thy selfe, ho we much more unfor- 
 4 tunatly, then all the women livinge we are come hether, 
 4 considering that the sight which should be most pleasaunt 
 4 to all other to beholde, spitefull fortune hath made most 
 4 fearefull to us : making my selfe to see my sonne, and my 
 4 daughter here, her husband, besieging the walles of his 
 4 native countrie. So as that which is thonly comforte to 
 4 all other in their adversitie and miserie, to pray unto the 
 4 goddes, and to call to them for aide : is the onely thinge 
 4 which plongeth us into most deepe perplexitie. For we 
 4 can not (alas) together pray, both for victorie, for our 
 4 countrie, and for safety of thy life also : but a worlde of 
 4 grievous curses, yea more then any mortall enemie can heape 
 4 uppon us, are forcibly wrapt up in our prayers. For the 
 4 bitter soppe of most harde choyce is offered thy wife and 
 4 children, to forgoe the one of the two : either to lose the 
 4 persone of thy selfe, or the nurse of their native contrie. For 
 4 my selfe (my sonne) I am determined not to tarie, till fortune 
 4 in my life time doe make an ende of this warre. For if I 
 4 cannot persuade thee, rather to doe good unto both parties, 
 
 4 then to overthrowe and destroye the one, preferring love 
 4 and nature, before the malice and calamitie of warres : thou 
 4 shalt see, my sonne, and trust unto it, thou shalt no soner 
 4 marche forward to assault thy countrie, but thy foote shall 
 4 treade upon thy mothers wombe, that brought thee first 
 4 into this world. And I maye not deferre to see the daye, 
 
 4 either that my sonne be led prisoner in triumphe by his 
 4 naturall country men, or that he him selfe doe triumphe 
 4 of them, and of his naturall countrie. For if it were so, 
 
 4 that my request tended to save thy countrie, in destroying 
 4 the Volsces : I must confesse, thou wouldest hardly and 
 4 doubtfully resolve on that. For as to destroye thy naturall 
 4 countrie, it is altogether unmete and unlawfull : so were it 
 4 not just, and lesse honorable, to betraye those that put 
 4 their trust in thee. But my only demaunde consisteth, to 
 4 make a gayle deliverie of all evills, which delivereth equall 
 4 benefit and safety, both to the one and the other, but most 
 4 honorable for the Volsces. For it shall appeare, that having 
 4 victorie in their handes, they have of speciall favour graunted 
 184 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 4 us singular graces : peace, and amitie, albeit them selves have CORIO- 
 6 no lesse parte of both, then we. Of which good, if so it LANUS 
 6 came to passe, thy selfe is thonly authour, and so hast thou 
 4 thonly honour. But if it faile, and fall out contrarie : thy 
 6 selfe alone deservedly shall carie the shamefull reproche and 
 6 burden of either partie. So, though the ende of warre be 
 4 uncertaine, yet this notwithstanding is most certaine : that 
 4 if it be thy chaunce to conquer, this benefit shalt thou reape 
 4 of thy goodly conquest, to be chronicled the plague and 
 4 destroyer of thy countrie. And if fortune also overthrowe 
 4 thee, then the world will saye, that through desire to re- 
 4 venge thy private injuries, thou hast for ever undone thy 
 4 good friendes, who dyd most lovingly and curteously recgyve 
 4 thee.'* Martius gave good eare unto his mothers wordes, 
 without interrupting her speache at all : and after she had 
 sayed what she would, he held his peace a prety while, and 
 aunswered not a worde. Hereupon she beganne againe to 
 speake unto him, and sayed : 4 My sonne, why doest thou 
 4 not aunswer me ? doest th ou thin ke i t good alto gether to 
 4 geve place unto thy ch oiler and desire of revenge, and 
 4 thinkest thou it not honestie for thee to graunt thy 
 4 mothers request, in so weighty a cause ? doest thou take 
 4 it honorable for a noble man, to remember the wronges 
 4 and injuries done him: and doest not in like case thinke 
 4 it an honest noble mans parte, to be thankefull for the 
 4 goodnes that parents doe shewe to their children, acknow- 
 4 ledging the duety and reverence they ought to beare unto 
 4 them ? No man living is more bounde to shewe him selfe 
 4 thankefull in all partes and respects, then thy selfe : who 
 4 so unnaturally sheweth all ingratitude. Moreover (my 
 4 sonne) thou hast sorely taken of thy countrie, exacting 
 4 grievous payments apon them, in revenge of the injuries 
 4 offered thee : besides, thou hast not hitherto shewed thy 
 4 poore mother any curtesie. And therefore, it is not only 
 4 honest, but due unto me, that without compulsion I should 
 4 obtaine my so just and reasonable request of thee. But 
 4 since by reason I cannot persuade thee to it, to what pur- 
 4 pose doe I deferre my last hope ? ’ And with these wordes, 
 her selfe, his wife and children, fell downe upon their knees 
 2 : AA 185 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 compassion 
 his mother. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 withdraweth 
 his armie 
 from Rome. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 before him. Martius seeing that, could refraine no lenger, 
 but went straight and lifte her up, crying out : Oh mother, 
 what have you done to me ? And holding her hard by the 
 right hande, oil mother, sayed he, you have wonne a happy 
 victorie for your countrie, but mortall and unhappy for your 
 sonne : for I see my self vanquished by you alone. These 
 wordes being spoken openly, he spake a litle a parte with 
 his mother and wife, and then let them returne againe to 
 Rome, for so they dyd request him : and so remaining in 
 campe that night, the next morning he dislodged, and 
 marched homewardes into the Volsces countrie againe, who 
 were not all of one minde, nor all alike contented. For 
 some misliked him, and that he had done. Other being well 
 pleased that peace should be made, sayed : that neither the 
 one, nor the other, deserved blame nor reproche. Other, 
 though they misliked that was done, dyd not thincke him 
 an ill man for that he dyd, but sayed : he was not to be 
 blamed, though he yelded to suche a forcible extremitie. 
 Howbeit no man contraried his departure, but all obeyed 
 his commaundement, more for respect of his worthines and 
 valiancie, then for feare of his authoritie. Now the cittizens 
 of Rome plainely shewed, in what feare and daunger their 
 cittie stoode of this warre, when they were delivered. For 
 so sone as the watche upon the walles of the cittie perceyved 
 the Volsces campe to remove, there was not a temple in the 
 cittie but was presently set open, and full of men, wearing 
 garlands of flowers upon their heads, sacrificing to the goddes, 
 as they were wont to doe upon the newes of some great ob- 
 teined victorie. And this common joye was yet more mani- 
 festly shewed, by the honorable curtesies the whole Senate, 
 and people dyd bestowe on their ladyes. For they were all 
 throughly persuaded, and dyd certenly beleeve, that the 
 ladyes only were cause of the saving of the cittie, and de- 
 livering them selves from the instant daunger of the warre. 
 Whereupon the Senate ordeined, that the magistrates to 
 gratifie and honour these ladyes, should graunte them all 
 that they would require. And they only requested that 
 they would build a temple of Fortune of the women, for the 
 building whereof they offered them selves to defraye the 
 186 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 whole charge of the sacrifices, and other ceremonies belong- CORIO- 
 ing to the service of the goddes. Nevertheles, the Senate LANUS 
 commending their good will and forwardnes, ordeined, that The temple 
 the temple and image should be made at the common charge fortune 
 of the cittie. Notwithstanding that, the ladyes gathered the 
 
 money emong them, and made with the same a second image 
 of Fortune, which the Romaines saye dyd speake as they The image of 
 offred her up in the temple, and dyd set her in her place : Fortunespake 
 and they affirme, that she spake these wordes : Ladyes, ye ^ Rom^ 68 * 
 have devoutely offered me up. Moreover, that she spake 
 that twise together, making us to beleeve things that never 
 were, and are not to be credited. For to see images that 
 seeme to sweate or weepe, or to put forth any humour red 
 or blowdie, it is not a thing unpossible. For wodde and 
 stone doe commonly recey ve certaine moysture, whereof is Of the sweat- 
 ingendred an humour, which doe yeld of them selves, or doe ingandvoyces 
 take of the ayer, many sortes and kyndes of spottes and ofima & es - 
 cullers : by which signes and tokens it is not amisse we 
 thincke, that the goddes sometimes doe warne men of things 
 to come. And it is possible also, that these images and 
 statues doe somtimes put forth soundes, like unto sighes or 
 mourning, when in the middest or bottome of the same, 
 there is made some violent separation, or breaking a sonder 
 of things, blowen or devised therein : but that a bodie which 
 hath neither life nor soule, should have any direct or ex- 
 quisite worde formed in it by expresse voyce, that is alto- 
 gether unpossible. For the soule, nor god him selfe can 
 distinctly speake without a bodie, having necessarie organes 
 and instrumentes mete for the partes of the same, to forme 
 and utter distinct wordes. But where stories many times 
 doe force us to beleeve a thing reported to be true, by many 
 grave testimonies : there we must saye, that it is some pas- 
 sion contrarie to our five naturall sences, which being be- 
 gotten in the imaginative parte or understanding, draweth 
 an opinion unto it selfe, even as we doe in our sleeping. For 
 many times we thinke we heare, that we doe not heare : and 
 we imagine we see, that we see not. Yet notwithstanding, 
 such as are godly bent, and zealously geven to thinke apon 
 heavenly things, so as they can no waye be drawen from be- 
 
 187 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Of the omni- 
 potencie of 
 God. 
 
 1 / 
 
 Tullus Aufi- 
 dius seeketh 
 to kill Corio- 
 lanus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 leeving that which is spoken of them, they have this reason 
 to grounde the foundation of their beleefe upon. That is, 
 the omnipotencie of God which is wonderful!, and hath no 
 manner of resemblaunce or likelines of proportion unto ours, 
 But is altogether contrarie as touching our nature, our mov- 
 ing, our arte, and Our force: and therefore if he doe any 
 thing unpossible to us, or doe bring forth and devise things, 
 without mans common reache and understanding, we must 
 not therefore thinke it unpossible at all. For if in other 
 things he is farre contrarie to us, muche more in his workes 
 and secret operations, he farre passeth all the rest : but the 
 most parte of goddes doings, as Heraclitus say eth, for lacke 
 of faith, are hidden and unknowen unto us. Now when 
 Martius was returned againe into the cittie of Antium from 
 his voyage, Tullus that hated and could no lenger abide him 
 for the feare he had of his authoritie : sought divers meanes 
 to make him out of the waye, thinking that if he let slippe 
 that present time, he should never recover the like and fit 
 occasion againe. Wherefore Tullus having procured many 
 other of his confederacy, required Martius might be deposed 
 from his estate, to render up accompt to the Volsces of his 
 charge and government. Martius fearing to become a private 
 man againe under Tullus being generall (whose authoritie 
 was greater otherwise, then any other emong all the Volsces) 
 aunswered : he was willing to geve up his charge, and would 
 resigne it into the handes of the lordes of the Volsces, if they 
 dyd all commaund him, as by all their commaundement he 
 receyved it. And moreover, that he would not refuse even 
 at that present to geve up an accompt unto the people, if 
 they would tarie the hearing of it. The people hereupon 
 called a common counsaill, in which assembly there were 
 certen oratours appointed, that stirred up the common people 
 against him : and when they had tolde their tales, Martius 
 rose up to make them aunswer. Now, notwithstanding the 
 mutinous people made a marvelous great noyse, yet when 
 they sawe him, for the reverence they bare unto his valliant- 
 nes, they quieted them selves, and gave still audience to 
 alledge with leysure what he could for his purgation. More- 
 over, the honestest men of the Antiates, and who most re- 
 188 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 joyced in peace, shewed by their countenaunce that they would 
 heare him willingly, and judge also according to their con- 
 science. Whereupon Tullus fearing that if he dyd let him 
 speake, he wdutd'pfOveHhTs innocencie to the people, bicause 
 emongest other things he had an eloquent tongue, besides 
 that the first good service he had done to the people of the 
 Volsces, dyd winne him more favour, then these last accusa- 
 tions could purchase him displeasure : and furthermore, the 
 offence they layed to his charge, was a testimonie of the good 
 will they ought him, for they would never have thought he 
 had done them wrong for that they tooke not the cittie of 
 Rome, if they had not bene very neere taking of it, by meanes 
 of his approche and conduction. For these causes Tullus 
 thought he might no lenger delaye his pretence and enter- 
 prise, neither to tarie for the mutining and rising of the 
 common people against him : wherefore, those that were of 
 the conspiracie, beganne to crie out that he was not to be 
 heard, nor that they would not suffer a tray tour to usurpe 
 tyrannicall power over the tribe of the Volsces, who would 
 not yeld up his estate and authoritie. And in saying these 
 wordes, they all fell upon him, and killed him in tbe market 
 place, ftoiie ofthe people once offering to rescue him. How- 
 beit it is a clere case, that this murder was not generally 
 consented unto, of the most parte of the Volsces : for men 
 came out of all partes to honour his bodie, and dyd honor- 
 ably burie him, setting out his tombe with great store of 
 armour and spoyles, as the tombe of a worthie persone and 
 great captaine. The Romaines understanding of his death, 
 shewed no other honour or malice, saving that they graunted 
 the ladyes the request they made : that they might mourne 
 tenne moneths for him, and that was the fall time they used 
 to weare blackes for the death of their fathers, brethern, or 
 husbands, according to Numa Pompilius order, who stablished 
 the same, as we have enlarged more amplie in the description 
 of his life. Now Martius being dead, the whole state of the 
 Volsces hartely wished him alive againe. For first of all 
 they fell out with the iEques (who were their friendes and 
 confederates) touching preheminence and place : and this 
 quarrell grew on so farre bet wen e them, and frayes and 
 
 189 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Coriolanus 
 murdered in 
 the cittie of 
 Antium. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 
 funeralles. 
 
 The time of 
 mourning- 
 appointed 
 by Numa. 
 
CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 Tullus Aufi- 
 dius slaine 
 in battell. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 murders fell out apon it one with another. After that, the 
 Romaines overcame them in battell, in which Tullus was 
 slaine in the field, and the flower of all their force was put 
 to the sworde : so that they were compelled to accept most 
 shamefull conditions of peace, in yelding them selves 
 subject unto the conquerers, and promising to be 
 obedient at their commandement. 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES 
 WITH MARTIUS CORIOLANUS 
 
 The acts done that we have written all the dedes of 
 
 by both. ffl w vfSfsXi ® worthie memorie, done by either of them 
 
 both : we maye presently discerne, that in 
 matters of warre, the one hath not greatly 
 exceeded the other. For both of them in 
 their charge, were a like hardie and valliant 
 for their persones, as also wise and politike 
 in the warres : unles they will saye, that 
 Alcibiades was the better captaine, as he that had foughten 
 more battells with his enemies, both by sea and lande, then 
 ever Coriolanus had done, and had allwayes the victorie of 
 his enemies. For otherwise, in this they were much a like : 
 that where they were both present, and had charge and 
 power to commaund, all things prospered notably, and with 
 good successe on the parte they were of : and also when they 
 tooke the contrary side, they made the first have the worse 
 every waye. Now for matters of government, the noble men 
 / and honest^cittiz§ns dyd hate Alcibiades manner of rule in 
 the common weale, as of a man most dissolute, and geven to 
 flatterie : bicause he ever studied by_ all devise he could, to 
 currie favour with the common people. So dyd the Romaines 
 malice also Coriolanus government, for that it was to arro- 
 gant, prowde, and tyrannicall : whereby neither the one nor 
 the other was to be commended. Notwithstanding, he is 
 lesse to be blamed, that seeketh to please and gratifie his 
 190 
 
ALCIBIA 
 
 DES AND 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 common people : then he that despiseth and disdaineth them, 
 and therefore offereth them wrong and injurie, bicause he 
 would not seeme to flatter them, to winne the more authoritie. 
 
 For as it is an evill thing to flatter the common people to 
 winne credit : even so is it besides dishonesty, and inj ustice 
 also, to atteine to credit and authoritie, for one to make him 
 selfe terrible to the people, by offering them wrong and 
 violence. It is true that Martius was ever counted an honest 
 natured man, plaine and simple, without arte or cunning: 
 
 Howbeit Alcibiades merely contrarie, for he was fine, subtill, 
 
 and deceiptfull. And the greatest faulte they ever burdened 
 
 Alcibiades for, was his malice and deceipt, wherewith he 
 
 abused the ambassadours of the Lacedaemonians, and that 
 
 he was a let that peace was not concluded, as Thucydides 
 
 reporteth. Now, though by this acte he sodainly brought The manners 
 
 the cittie of Athens into warres, yet he brought it thereby of Alcibiades 
 
 to be of greater power, and more fearefull to the enemies, f^f u ^ orio " 
 
 by making alliance with the Mantinians and the Argives, 
 
 who by Alcibiades practise entred into league with the 
 
 Athenians. And Martins, as Dionysius the historiographer 
 
 writeth : dyd by craft and deceipt bring the Romaines into 
 
 warres against the Volsces, causing the Volsces maliciously, 
 
 and wrongfully to be suspected, that went to Rome to see 
 
 the games played. But the cause why he dyd it, made the 
 
 fact so much more fowle and wicked. For it was not done 
 
 for any civill dissention, nor for any jelouzy and contention 
 
 in matters of government, as Alcibiades dyd : but only 
 
 following his cholerike moode, that would be pleased with 
 
 no thing, as Dion sayed, he would needes trouble and 
 
 turmoile the most parte of Italie, and so beinge angrie with 
 
 his countrie, he destroyed many other townes and cities that 
 
 could not helpe it, nor doe with all. This is true also, that 
 
 Alcibiades spite and malice did worke great mischiefe and 
 
 miserie to his countrie : but when he saw they repented them 
 
 of the injurie they had done him, he came to him selfe, and 
 
 did withdrawe his armie. An other time also, when they 
 
 had banished Alcibiades, he would not yet suffer the captaines 
 
 of the Athenians to runne into great errours, neither would 
 
 he see them cast away, by followinge ill counsell which they 
 
 191 
 
ALCIBIA- 
 DES AND 
 CORIO- 
 LANUS 
 
 
 \ 
 
 Alcibiades 
 and Corio- 
 lanus manner 
 for money. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 tooke, neither would he forsake them in any daunger they 
 put them selves into. But he did the very same that 
 Aristides had done in olde time unto Themistocles, for which 
 he was then, and is yet so greatly praised. For he went unto 
 the captaines that had charge then of the armie of the 
 Athenians, although they were not his friendes, and tolde 
 them wherein they did amisse, and what they had further to 
 doe. Where Martius to the contrarie, did first great hurte 
 unto the whole citie of Rome, though all in Rome had not 
 generally offended him : yea, and when the best and chiefest 
 parte of the citie were grieved for his sake, and were very 
 sorie and angrie for the injurie done him. Furthermore, 
 the Romaines sought to appease one onely displeasure and 
 despite they had done him, by many ambassaaes, petitions 
 and requestes they made, whereunto he never yelded, while 
 his mother, wife, and children came, his harte was so hardned. 
 And hereby it appeared he was entred into this cruell warre 
 (when he would harken to no peace) of an intent utterly to 
 destroy and spoyle his countrie, and not as though he ment 
 to recover it, or to retume thither againe. Here was in 
 deede the difference betwene them : that spialls being layed 
 by the Lacedaemonians to kill Alcibiades, for the malice they 
 did beare him, as also for that they were affray ed of him, he 
 was compelled to returne home againe to Athens. Where 
 Martius contrariwise, having bene so honorably received and 
 entertained by the Volsces, he could not with honestie forsake 
 them, consideringe they had done him that honour, as to 
 choose him their generall, and trusted him so farre, as they 
 put all their whole armie and power into his handes : and 
 not as thother, whome the Lacedaemonians rather abused, 
 then used him, suffering him to goe up and downe their citie 
 (and afterwardes in the middest of their campe) without 
 honour or place at all. So that in the ende Alcibiades was 
 compelled to put him selfe into the handes of Tisaphernes : 
 unlesse they will say that he went thither of purpose to him, 
 with intent to save the citie of Athens from utter destruction, 
 for the desire he had to returne home againe. Moreover, 
 we read of Alcibiades, that he was a great taker, and would 
 be corrupted with money: and when he had it, he would 
 192 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 most licentiously and dishonestly spend it. Where Martius ALCIBIA- 
 in contrarie maner would not so much as accept giftes lawe- DES and 
 
 fully offered him by his Captaines, to honour him for his lANUS 
 
 valliantnesse. An d the caus e why the people did beare him 
 such ill will, fox the controversie they had with the Nobilitie 
 about clearing of dettes, grew : for that they knewe well 
 enough it was not for any gayne or benefit he had gotten 
 thereby, so much as it was for spite and displeasure he 
 thought to doe them. Antipater in a letter of his, writing 
 of the death of Aristotle the philosopher, doth not without 
 cause commend the singular giftes that were in Alcibiades, 
 and this inespecially : that he passed all other for winning 
 mens good willes. Wheras all Martius noble actes and 
 vertues, wanting that "affabilitie, became hatefull even to 
 those that received benefit by them, who could not abide his 
 severitie and selfe will : which causeth desolation (as Plato 
 sayeth) and men to be ill followed, or altogether forsaken. 
 Contrariwise, seeing Alcibiades had a trimme enterteinment, 
 and a very good grace with him, and could facion him selfe 
 in all companies : it was no marvell if his well doing were 
 gloriously commended, and him selfe much honoured and 
 beloved of the people, considering that some faultes he did, 
 were oftetimes taken for matters of sporte, and toyes of 
 pleasure. And this was the cause, that though many times 
 he did great hurte to the common wealth, yet they did ofte 
 make him their generall, and trusted him with the charge of 
 the whole citie. Where Martius suing for an office of 
 honour that was due to him, for the sundrie good services he 
 had done to the state, was notwithstanding repulsed, and 
 put by. Thus doe we see, that they to whome the one did 
 hurte, had no power to hate him : and thother that honoured 
 his vertue, had no liking to love his persone. Martius also Alcibiades 
 did never any great exployte, beinge generall of his contry and Corio- 
 men, but when he was gene rall of their enemie s.against his lanus 
 naturall contrie rwhereas Alcibiades, being both a private contrie^ 
 persone, and a generall, did notable service unto the 
 Athenians. By reason whereof, Alcibiades wheresoever he 
 was present, had the upper hande ever of his accusers, even 
 as he would him selfe, and their accusations tooke no place 
 2 : BB 193 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 
 DES AND 
 
 CORIO- 
 
 LANUS 
 
 //. 
 
 x 
 
 against him : onlesse it were in his abscence. Where 
 Martius being present, was condemned by the Romaines : 
 and in his person murdered, and slaine by the Volsces. But 
 here I can not say they have done well, nor justly, albeit him 
 selfe gave them some colour to doe it, when he openly denied 
 the Romaine Ambassadors peace, which after he priv acy 
 graunted, at the request of women. So by this dede of his, 
 he tooke not away the enmity that was betwerie botlypeople : 
 but leaving warre still Betwene them, lie made the Volsces 
 (of whome he was generall) to lose the oportunity of noble 
 victory. Where in deede he should (if he had done as he 
 ought) have withdrawen his armie with their counsaill and 
 consent, that had reposed so great affiance in him, in making 
 him their generall : if he had made that accompt of them, 
 as their good will towards him did in duety binde him. Or 
 else, if he did not care for the Volsces in the enterprise of 
 this warre, but had only procured it of intent to be revenged, 
 and afterwards to leave it of, when his anger was blowen 
 over : yet he had no reason for the .Xove of his mother to 
 pardone his contrie, but rather he should in pardoning his 
 contrie, have spared his mother, bicause his mother and wife 
 were members of the bodie of his contrie and city, which he 
 did besiege. For in that he uncurteously rejected all pub- 
 like petitions, requestes of Ambassadors, intreaties of the 
 bishoppes and priestes, to gratifie only the request of his 
 mother with his departure : that was no acte so much to 
 honour his mother with, as to dishonour his contrie by, the 
 which was preserved for the pitie and intercession of a woman, 
 and not for the love of it selfe, as if it had not bene worthie 
 of it. And so was this departure a grace, to say truly, very 
 odious and crtiell, and deserved no thankes of either partie, 
 to him that did it. For he withdrew his army, not at the 
 request of the Romaines, against whom he made warre : nor 
 with their consent, at whose charge the warre was made. 
 And of all his misfortune and ill happe, the austeritie of his 
 nature, and his hawtie obstinate minde, was the onely cause : 
 the which of it selfe being hatefull to the worlde, when it is 
 joyned with ambition, it groweth then much more churlish, 
 fierce, and intolerable. For men that have that fault in 
 194 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 nature, are not affable to the people, seeming thereby as 
 though they made no estimacion or regard of the people : 
 and yet on thother side, if the people should not geve them 
 honour and reverence, they would straight take it in scorne, 
 and litle care for the matter. For so did Metellus, Aristides, 
 and Epaminondas, all used this manner : not to seeke the 
 good will of the common people by flatterie and dissimula- 
 tion : which was in deede, bicause they despised that which 
 the people coulde geve or take awaye. Yet would they not 
 be offended with their citizens, when they were amerced, and 
 set at any fines, or that they banished them, or gave them 
 any other repulse : but they loved them as wel as they did 
 before, so soone as they shewed any token of repentaunce, 
 and that they were sorie for the wrong they had done them, 
 and were easely made frendes againe with them, after they 
 were restored from their banishment. For he that disdaineth 
 to make much of the people, and to have their favour, shoulde 
 much more scorne to seeke to be revenged, when he is 
 repulsed. For, to take a repulse and deniall of honour, so 
 inwardly to the hart : commeth of no other cause, but that 
 he did too earnestly desire it. Therefore Alcibiades did not 
 dissemble at all, that he was not very glad to see him selfe 
 honored, and sory to be rejected and denied any honour: 
 but also he sought all the meanes he could to make him selfe 
 beloved of those amongest whome he lived. Whereas 
 Martius stowtnes, and hawty stomake, did stay him from 
 making much of those, that might advaunce and honour 
 him : and yet his ambition made him gnawe him selfe for 
 spite and anger, when he sawe he was despised. And this is 
 all that reasonably may be reproved in him : for otherwise 
 he lacked no good commendable vertues and qualities. For 
 Kis temperaunce, and cleane handes from taking of bribes 
 and money, he Inay be compared with the most perfect, 
 vertuous, and honest men of all Grsece : but not with 
 Alcibiades, who was in that undoutedly alwayes 
 too licentious and losely geven, and had too 
 small regard of his credit and honestie. 
 
 THE END OF CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS LIFE 
 
 195 
 
 ALCIBIA- 
 DES AND 
 CORIO- 
 LANUS 
 
 l 
 
 Coriolanus 
 notable ab- 
 stinence from 
 bribes. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE LIFE OF PAULUS ^EMILIUS 
 
 HEN I first beganne to write these lines, 
 my intent was to profit other : but since, 
 continuing and going on, I have muche 
 profited my self by looking into these 
 histories, as if I looked into a glasse, to 
 frame and facion my life, to the mowld 
 and patterne of these vertuous noble men. 
 For ronning over their manners in this 
 sorte, and seeking also to describe their lives : me thinkes I 
 am still conversaunt and familliar with them, and doe as it 
 were lodge them with me, one after another. And when I 
 come to peruse their histories, and to waye the vertues and 
 qualities they have had, and what singularitie eche of them 
 possessed : and to choose and culle out the chiefest things 
 of note in them, and their best speaches and doings most 
 worthie of memorie : Then I crie out, 
 
 O godds, can there be more passing pleasure in the worlde ? 
 
 Or is there any thing of more force, to teach man civill 
 manners, and a ruled life, or to reforme the vice in man ? 
 Democritus the philosopher writeth, that we should praye 
 we might ever see happy images and sightes in the ayer, and 
 that the good which is meete and proper to our nature, maye 
 rather come to us, then that is evill and unfortunate : pre- 
 supposing a false opinion and doctrine in philosophic, which 
 allureth men to infinite superstitions. That there are good 
 and bad images flying in the ayer, which geve a good or ill 
 impression unto men, and incline men to vice, or to vertue. 
 But as for me, by continuall reading of auncient histories, 
 and gathering these lives together which now I leave before 
 you, and by keeping allwayes in minde the actes of the most 
 noble, vertuous, and best geven men of former age, and 
 worthie memorie : I doe teache and prepare my selfe to 
 shake of and banishe from me, all lewde and dishonest con- 
 196 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 dition, if by chaunce the companie and conversation of them 
 whose companie I keepe, and must of necessitie haunte, doe 
 acquainte me with some unhappie or ungratious touche. This 
 is easie unto me, that doe dispose my quiet minde, and not 
 troubled with any passion, unto the deepe consideration of so 
 many noble examples. As I doe present unto you now in 
 this volume, the lives of Timoleon the Corinthian, and of 
 Paulus ^Emilius the Romaine, who had not only a good and 
 an upright minde with them, but were also fortunate and 
 happie, in all the matters they both did take in hand. So 
 as you shall hardly judge, when you have red over their 
 lives, whether wisedome, or good fortune brought them to 
 atchieve to suche honorable actes and exploytes as they dyd. 
 Many (and the most parte of historiographers) doe write, 
 that the house and familie of the iEmilians in Rome, was 
 allwayes of the most auncient of the nobilitie, which they 
 call Patricians. Some writers affirme also, that the first of 
 the house that gave name to all the posteritie after, was 
 Marcus, the sonne of Pythagoras, the wise, whom king 
 Numa for the sweetnes and pleasaunt grace of his tongue, 
 surnamed Marcus ^Emilius : and those specially affirme it, 
 that saye king Numa was Pythagoras scholler. Howsoever it 
 was, the most parte of this familie that obteined honour and 
 estimation for their vertue, were ever fortunate also in all their 
 doings, saving Lucius Paulus only, who dyed in the battell 
 of Cannes. But his misfortune doth beare manifest testi- 
 monie of his wisedome and valliancy together. For he was 
 forced to fight against his will, when he sawe he could not 
 bridle the rashnes of his fellowe Consul that would nedes 
 joyne battell, and to doe as he dyd, saving that he fled 
 not as the other, who being first procurer of the battell, 
 was the first that ranne awaye: where he to the contrarie, 
 to his power dyd what he could to let him, and dyd sticke 
 by it, and fought it valliantly unto the last gaspe. This 
 iEmylius left a daughter behind him called JEmylia, which 
 was maried unto Scipio the great: and a sonne, Paulus 
 iEmylius, being the same man whose life we presently treate 
 of. His youth fortunately fell out in a florishing time of 
 glorie and honour, through the sundrie vertues of many 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The house of 
 the iEmylians 
 came of 
 Pythagoras 
 sonne. 
 
 Lucius Paulus 
 iEmylius 
 Consul, slaine 
 at the battell 
 of Cannes. 
 
 JEmylia, the 
 daughter of 
 Lucius i£my- 
 lius, maried 
 to Scipio the 
 great. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 2EMILIUS 
 
 The vertues 
 of Paulus 
 iEmylius. 
 
 Paulus iEmy- 
 lius made 
 iEdilis and 
 Augure. 
 
 The philo- 
 sophers 
 opinion of 
 religion. 
 
 Paulus dili- 
 gence in the 
 common 
 wealth, even 
 in trifles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 great and noble persones living in ithose dayes, emong 
 whom he made his name famous also : and it was not by 
 that ordinarie arte and course, which the best esteemed 
 young men of that age dyd take and followe. For he dyd 
 not use to pleade private mens causes in lawe, neither would 
 creepe into mens favour by fawning upon any of them : 
 though he sawe it a common practise, and policie of men, 
 to seeke the peoples favour and good willes by suche meanes. 
 Moreover, he refused not that common course which other 
 tooke, for that it was contrarie to his nature, or that he 
 could not frame with either of both, if he had bene so dis- 
 posed : but he rather sought to winne reputation by his 
 honestie, his valliantnes, and upright dealing, as choosing 
 that the better waye, then either of thother two, in so much 
 as in marvelous shorte time he passed all those that were of 
 his age. The first office of honour he sued for, was the 
 office of AEdilis, in which sute he was preferred before twelve 
 other that sued for the selfe same office : who were men of 
 no small qualitie, for they all came afterwardes to be Consuls. 
 After this, he was chosen to be one of the number of the 
 priestes, whom the Ptomaines call Augures : who have the 
 charge of all the divinations and soothesayings, in telling of 
 things to come by flying of byrdes, and signes in the ayer. 
 He was so carefull, and tooke suche paynes to understand 
 how the Romaines dyd use the same, and with suche dili- 
 gence sought the observation of the auncient religion of 
 Romaines in all holie matters : that where that priesthood 
 was before esteemed but a title of honour, and desired for 
 the name only : he brought it to passe, that it was the most 
 honorable science, and best reputed of in Rome. Wherein 
 he confirmed the philosophers opinion : that religion is the 
 knowledge how to serve God. For when he dyd any thing 
 belonging to his office of priesthood, he dyd it with great ex- 
 perience, judgment, and diligence, leaving all other thoughtes, 
 and without omitting any auncient ceremonie, or adding to 
 any newe, contending oftentimes with his companions, in 
 things which seemed light, and of small moment : declaring 
 unto them, that though we doe presume the goddes are easie 
 to be pacified, and that they readilie par done all faultes and 
 198 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 scapes committed by negligence, yet if it were no more but PAULUS 
 for respect of common wealths sake, they should not slightly, ASMILIUS 
 nor carelesly dissemble or passe over faultes committed in 
 those matters. For no man (sayeth he) at the first that 
 committeth any faulte, doth alone trouble the state of the 
 common wealth : but withall, we must thincke he leaveth 
 the groundes of civill government, that is not as carefull to 
 keepe the institutions of small matters, as also of the great. 
 
 So was he also a severe captaine, and strict observer of 
 all marshall discipline, not seeking to winne the souldiers The discipline 
 love by flatterie, when he was generall in the field, as ofwarres. 
 many dyd in that time : neither corrupting them for a 
 second charge, by shewing him selfe gentle and curteous in 
 the first, unto those that served under him : but him 
 selfe dyd orderly shewe them the very rules and preceptes 
 of the discipline of warres, even as a priest that should 
 expresse the names and ceremonies of some holy sacrifice 
 wherein were daunger to omit any parte or parcell. Howbeit, 
 being terrible to execute the lawe of armes apon rebellious 
 and disobedient souldiers, he kept up thereby the state of the 
 common weale the better : judging, to overcome the enemie 
 by force, was but an accessorie as a man maye terme it, in 
 respect of well training and ordering his cittizens by good 
 discipline. While the Romaines were in warres against king 
 Antiochus surnamed the great, in the South partes : all the 
 chiefest captaines of Rome being employed that wayes, there 
 fell out another in the necke of that, in the West partes to- 
 wardes Spayne, where they were all up in armes. Thither 
 they sent iEmylius Praetor, not with sixe axes as the other Paulus iEmy- 
 Praetors had borne before them, but with twelve : so that lius sent 
 under the name of Praetor, he had the authoritie and dignitie ^ raetor iuto 
 of a Consul. He twise overcame the barbarous people in b P a y ne * 
 mayne battell, and slue a thirtie thousand of them, and got 
 this victorie through his great skill and wisedome, in choosing iEmylius skil- 
 the advantage of place and time, to fight with 
 even as they passed over a river : which eas 
 souldiers the victorie. Moreover he tooke there, 
 and fiftie citties, all which dyd open, and gladly receyve him 
 in. So, leaving that countrie quiet and in good peace, and 
 
 199 
 
 his enemies, ful to choose 
 ely gave his place and 
 two hundred tlmetofight - 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Scipio the 
 seconde, and 
 Fabius Maxi- 
 mus, were the 
 sonnes of P. 
 JEmylius, by 
 Papyria his 
 first wife. 
 
 A prety tale 
 of a Romaine 
 that forsooke 
 his wife. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 having receaved their fealtie by othe made betweene his 
 handes, he returned againe to Rome, not enriched the value 
 of a Drachma more then before. For then he tooke litle 
 regard to his expences, he spent so franckly, neither was his 
 purse his master, though his revenue was not great to beare 
 it out : as it appeared to the world after his death, for all 
 that he had, was litle enough to satisfie his wifes joynter. 
 His first wife was Papyria, the daughter of a noble Consul 
 Papyrius Masso, and after they had lived a long time together, 
 he was divorsed from her, notwithstanding he had goodly 
 children by her. For by her he had that famous Scipio the 
 second, and Fabius Maximus. The just cause of the divorse 
 betweene them, appeareth not to us in writing : but me 
 thinckes the tale that is tolde concerning the separation of a 
 certaine mariage is true. That a certen Romaine having for- 
 saken his wife, her friendes fell out with him, and asked him : 
 What fault dost thou finde in her ? is she not honest of her 
 bo die ? is she not fayer ? doth she not bring thee goodly 
 children ? But he putting forth his foote, shewed them his 
 shooe, and aunswered them. Is not this a goodly shooe ? is 
 it not finely made ? and is it not newe ? yet I dare saye there 
 is never a one of you can tell where it wringeth me. For to 
 saye truely, great and open faultes are commonly occasions to 
 make husbands put awaye their wives : but yet oftentimes 
 household wordes ronne so betweene them (proceeding of 
 crooked conditions, or of diversitie of natures, which straungers 
 are not privie unto) that in processe of time they doe beget 
 suche a straunge alteration of love and mindes in them, as 
 one house can no lenger holde them. So AEmylius, having 
 put awaye Papyria his first wife, he maried another that 
 brought him two sonnes, which he brought up with him selfe 
 in his house, and gave his two first sonnes (to wit, Scipio the 
 second, and Fabius Maximus) in adoption, to two of the 
 noblest and richest families of the cittie of Rome. The 
 elder of the twaine, unto Fabius Maximus, he that was five 
 times Consul : and the younger unto the house of the Corne- 
 lians, whom the sonne of the great Scipio the African dyd 
 adopt, being his cosin germaine, and named him Scipio. 
 Concerning his daughters, the sonne of Cato maried the one, 
 200 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and iElius Tubero the other, who was a marvelous honest 
 man, and dyd more nobly mainteine him selfe in his povertie, 
 then any other Romaine : for they were sixteene persones all 
 of one name, and of the house of the iElians, very neere a 
 kynne one to the other, who had all but one litle house in 
 the cittie, and a small farme in the countrie, wherewith they 
 enterteined them selves, and lived all together in one house, 
 with their wives, and many litle children. Amongest their 
 wives, one of them was the daughter of Paulus iEmylius, after 
 he had bene twise Consul, and had triumphed twise, not being 
 ashamed of her husbands povertie, but wondering at his 
 vertue that made him poore. Whereas brethern and kynse- 
 men, as the world goeth now, if they dwell not farre a sonder, 
 and in other countries, not one neere another, and that rivers 
 parte them not, or walles devide their landes, leaving great 
 large wastes betweene them : they are never quiet, but still 
 in quarrell one with another. Goodly examples doth this 
 storie laye before the wise, and well advised readers, to learne 
 thereby howe to frame their life, and wisely to behave them 
 selves. Now iEmylius being chosen Consul, went to make 
 warre with the Ligurians, who dwelled in the Alpes, and 
 which otherwise are called Ligustines. These are very valliant 
 and warlike men, and were very good souldiers at that time, 
 by reason of their continual warres against the Romaines, 
 whose neere neighbours they were. For they dwelt in the 
 furdest parte of Italie, that bordereth upon the great Alpes, 
 and the rowe of Alpes, whereof the foote joyneth to the 
 Thuscan sea, and pointeth towards Africke, and are mingled 
 with the Gaules, and Spanyards, neighbours unto that sea 
 coast : who scowring all the Mediterranian sea at that time, 
 unto the straight of Hercules pillars, dyd with their litle light 
 pinnases of pirats, let all the trafficke and entercourse of mar- 
 chaundise. iEmylius being gone to seeke them in their 
 countrie, they taried his comming with an armie of forty 
 thousand men : nevertheles, though he had but eight thou- 
 sand men in all, and that they were five to one of his, yet he 
 gave the onset apon them, and overthrew them, and drave 
 them into their citties. Then he sent to offer them peace, 
 for the Romaines would not altogether destroye the Ligurians, 
 2 : CC 201 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The vertue of 
 iEliusTubero, 
 his povertie 
 and quiet life. 
 
 Innaturalitie 
 emongestkin- 
 red infamous. 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 Consul. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 overcommeth 
 the Ligurians. 
 
 The coward- 
 lines of the 
 Romaines 
 in Spayne. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 bicause their countrie was a rampeyr or bullwarke against the 
 invasion of the Gaules, who laye lurking for oportunitie and 
 occasion to invade Italie : whereupon these Ligurians yelded 
 them selves unto him, and put all their fortes and shippes 
 into his handes. JEmylius delivered unto them their holdes 
 againe, without other hurte done unto them, saving that he 
 rased the walles of their fortifications : howbeit he tooke all 
 their shippes from them, leaving them litle botes of three 
 owers only, and no greater, and set all the prisoners at libertie 
 they had taken, both by sea and by lande, aswell Romaines 
 as other, which were a marvelous number. These were all 
 the notable acts he dyd worthie memorie, in the first yere of 
 his Consulshippe. Afterwards, he oftentimes shewed him self 
 very desirous to be Consul againe, and dyd put forth him 
 selfe to sue for it : but when he was denied it, he never after 
 made sute for it againe, but gave him selfe only to studie 
 divine things, and to see his children vertuously brought up, 
 not only in the Romaine tongue which him selfe was taught, 
 but also a litle more curiously in the Grseke tongue. For he 
 dyd not only retaine Grammarians, Rethoricians, and Logi- 
 tians, but also painters, gravers of images, riders of horses, 
 and huntes of Graece about his children : and he him selfe also 
 (if no matters of common wealth troubled him) was ever with 
 them in the schoole when they were at their bookes, and also 
 when they otherwise dyd exercise them selves. For he loved 
 his children as much, or more, then any other Romaine. Now 
 concerning the state of the common wealth, the Romaines 
 were at warres with king Perseus, and they much blamed the 
 captaines they had sent thither before, for that for lacke of 
 skill and corage, they had so cowardly behaved them selves, 
 as their enemies laughed them to scorne : and they receyved 
 more hurte of them, then they dyd unto the King. For not 
 long before, they had driven king Antiochus beyound mount 
 Taurus, and had made him forsake the rest of Asia, and had 
 shut him up within the borders of Syria : who was glad that he 
 had bought that contrie with fifteene thousand talents, which 
 he payed for a fine. A litle before also, they had overcome 
 Philip, king of Macedon, in Thessaly, and had delivered the 
 Graecians from the bondage of the Macedonians. And more- 
 202 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 over, having overcome Hannibal (unto whom no Prince nor PAULUS 
 King that ever was in the worlde was comparable, either for AEMILIUS 
 his power or valliantnes) they thought this to great a dis- 
 honour to them, that this warre they had against king Perseus, 
 should hold so long of even hande with them, as if he had 
 bene an enemie equall with the people of Rome : considering 
 also that they fought not against them, but with the refuse 
 and scattered people of the overthrowen armie his father had 
 lost before, and knew not that Philip had left his armie 
 stronger, and more experte by reason of his overthrowe, then 
 it was before. As I will briefly reherse the storie from the 
 beginning. Antigonus, who was of the greatest power of The succes- 
 all the captaines and successours of Alexander the great, sion Anti- 
 having obteined for him self and his posteritie the title Macedo n^* 
 of a King, had a sonne called Demetrius, of whom came 
 Antigonus the second, that was surnamed Gonatas, whose 
 sonne was also called Demetrius, that raigned no long time, 
 but dyed, and left a young sonne called Philippe. By 
 reason whereof, the Princes and Nobilitie of Macedon, fear- 
 ing that the Realme should be left without heire : they pre- 
 ferred one Antigonus, cosin to the last deceased King, and 
 made him marie the mother of Philip the lesse, geving # 
 him the name at the first of the Kings protectour only, and 
 lieutenaunt generall of his majestie. But after, when they 
 had founde he was a good and wise prince, and a good husband 
 for the Realme, they then gave him the absolute name of a 
 King, and surnamed him Doson, to saye, the giver : for he Antigonus 
 promised muche, and gave litle. After him reigned Philip, Doson, king of 
 who in his grene youth gave more hope of him selfe, then 1 ace on ‘ 
 any other of the Kings before : in so much they thought 
 that one daye he would restore Macedon her auncient fame 
 and glorie, and that he alone would plucke downe the pride 
 and power of the Romaines, who rose against all the world. Philip king of 
 But after that he had lost a great battell, and was overthrowen Macedon was 
 by Titus Quintus Flaminius neere unto the cittie of Scotusa : overcome in 
 then he beganne to quake for feare, and to leave all to the ^^k 1 ^ ltus 
 mercie of the Romaines, thinking he escaped good cheape, FlamiiriulTat 8 
 for any light ransome or tribute the Romaines should im- the cittie of 
 pose apon him. Yet afterwards comming to understand Scotusa. 
 
 203 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Philips second 
 preparation 
 for warres in 
 Macedon. 
 
 Philips 
 
 armorie. 
 
 The death of 
 king Philip. 
 
 Perseus 
 
 extreme 
 
 covetous. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 him selfe, he grewe to disdaine it much, thinking that to 
 reigne through the favour of the Romaines, was but to 
 make him selfe a slave, to seeke to live in pleasure at his 
 ease, and not for a valliant and noble prince borne. Where- 
 upon he set all his minde, to studie the discipline of 
 warres, and made his preparations as wisely and closely, as 
 possiblie he could. For he left all his townes alongest the 
 sea coast, and standing upon any high wayes, without any 
 fortification at all, and in manner desolate without people, 
 to the ende there might appeare no occasion of doubt or 
 mistrust in him : and in the meane time, in the highe 
 countries of his Realme farre from great beaten wayes, he 
 leavied a great number of men of warre, and replenished his 
 townes and strong holdes that laye scatteringly abroad, with 
 armour and weapon, money, and men, providing for warre, 
 which he kept as secretly as he could. For he had provision 
 of armour in his armorie, to arme thirtie thousand men, and 
 eight million busshels of corne safely lokt up in his fortes 
 and stronger places, and ready money, as much as would 
 serve to entertaine tenne thousand straungers in paye, to 
 defend his countrie for the space of tenne yeres. But 
 before he could bring that to passe he had purposed, he 
 dyed for grief and sorowe, after he knewe he had unjustly 
 put Demetrius the best of his sonnes to death, apon the 
 false accusation of the worst, that was Perseus : who as he 
 dyd inherite the Kingdom of his father by succession, so 
 dyd he also inherite his fathers malice against the Romaines. 
 But he had no shoulders to beare so heavy a burden, and 
 especially being as he was, a man of so vile and wicked 
 nature : for among many lewde and naughty conditions he 
 had, he was extreme covetous and miserable. They saye 
 also, that he was not legitimate, bicause Philippes wife had 
 taken him from Gnathainia (a tailours wife borne at Argos) 
 immediatly after he was borne, and dyd adopt the child to 
 be hers. And some thinke that this was the chiefest cause 
 why he practised to put Demetrius to death, fearing least 
 this lawful sonne would seeke occasion to prove him a 
 bastard. Notwithstanding, simple though he was, and of 
 vile and base nature, he found the strength of his Kingdom 
 204 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 so great, that he was contented to take upon him to make PAULUS 
 warre against the Romaines, which he mainteined a long iEMILIUS 
 time, and fought against their Consuls, that were their King Perseus 
 generalles, and repulsed great armies of theirs both by sea maketh warre 
 and lande, and overcame some. As Publius Licinius among 
 other, the first that invaded Macedon, was overthrowen by 
 him in a battell of horsemen, where he slewe at that time Publius Lici- 
 two thousand five hundred good men of his, and tooke sixe nius Consul, 
 hundred prisoners. And their armie by sea, riding; at ancker overthrowen 
 before the cittie of Oreum, he dyd sodainly set apon, and y 
 tooke twenty great shippes of burden, and all that was in 
 them, and soncke the rest, which were all loden with corne : 
 and tooke of all sortes besides, about foure and fiftie foystes, 
 and galliots of fiftie owers a pece. The second Consul and 
 generall he fought with all, was Hostilius, whom he repulsed, Hostilius 
 attempting by force to invade Macedon, by waye of the Consul re- 
 cittie of Elumia. Another time again, when he entred in P}^ se ^ out of 
 by stelth upon the coast of Thessaly, he offred him battel, 1 ace on ' 
 but the other durst not abide it. Furthermore, as though 
 the warre troubled him nothing at all, and that he had cared 
 litle for the Romaines : he went and fought a battell in 
 the meane time with the Dardanians, where he slue tenne 
 thousand of those barbarous people, and brought a mar- 
 velous great spoyle awaye with him. Moreover he procured 
 the nation of the Gaules dwelling upon the river of Danubie, Bastarnae, the 
 which they call Bastarnse (men very warlike, and excellent Caules dwell- 
 good horsemen) and did practise with the Illyrians also by 
 meane of their king Gentius, to make them joyne with him D anu M e# 
 in these warres : so that there ranne a rumour all about, that 
 for money he had gotten these Gaules to come downe into 
 Italie, from the highe contrie of Gaule, all alongest the 
 Adriatick sea. The Romaines being advertised of these 
 newes, thought the time served not now to dispose their 
 offices in warres any more by grace and favour unto those 
 that sued for them : but contrariwise, that they should call 
 some noble man that were very skilfull, and a wise captaine, 
 and could discretly governe and performe things of great 
 charge. As Paulus ^Emylius, a man well stepped on in 
 yeres, being three score yere olde : and yet of good power, 
 
 205 
 
PAULUS 
 
 JEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 chosen Consul 
 the second 
 time, taketh 
 charge of the 
 warres of 
 Macedon. 
 
 Good lucke 
 pronounced 
 by Tertia, a 
 litle girle. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 by reason of the lusty young men his sonnes, and sonnes in 
 lawe, besides a great number of his friends and kinsefolke. 
 So all that bare great authoritie, dyd altogether with one 
 consent counsaill him to obey the people, which called him 
 to the Consulshippe. At the beginning, in deede he delayed 
 the people muche that came to importune him, and utterly 
 denied them : saying, he was no meete man neither to desire, 
 nor yet to take upon him any charge. Howbeit in the ende, 
 seeing the people dyd urge it apon him, by knocking con- 
 tinually at his gates, and calling him alowde in the streetes, 
 willing him to come into the market place, and perceyving 
 they were angrie with him, bicause he refused it : he was 
 content to be persuaded. And when he stoode among 
 them that sued for the Consulshippe, the people thought 
 straight that he stoode not there so muche for desire of the 
 office, as for that he put them in hope of assured victorie, 
 and happie successe of this begonne warre : so great was 
 their love towardes him, and the good hope they had of 
 him, that they chose him Consul againe the second time. 
 Wherefore so sone as he was chosen, they would not pro- 
 ceede to drawing of lottes according to their custome, which 
 of the two Consuls should happen to goe into Macedon : but 
 presently with a full and whole consent of them all, they gave 
 him the whole charge of the warres of Macedon. So being 
 Consul now, and appointed to make warre upon king Perseus, 
 all the people dyd honorably companie him home unto his 
 house : where a litle girle (a daughter of his) called Tertia, 
 being yet an infant, came weeping unto her father. He 
 making muche of her : asked her why she wept. The poore 
 girle aunswered, colling him about the necke, and kissing 
 him : Alas, father, wote you what ? our Perseus is dead. 
 She ment it by a litle whelpe so called, which was her playe 
 fellowe. In good hower, my girle, sayed he, I like the signe 
 well. Thus doth Cicero the orator reporte it in his booke 
 of divinations. The Romaines had a custome at that time, 
 that suche as were elected Consuls (after that they were 
 openly proclaimed) should make an oration of thanckes 
 unto the people, for the honour and favour they had shewed 
 him. The people then (according to the custome) being 
 206 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 gathered together to heare iEmylius speake, he made this 
 oration unto them : 4 That the first time he sued to be 
 4 Consul, was in respect of him selfe, standing at that time 
 4 in neede of suche honour : now he offred him selfe the 
 4 second time unto it, for the good love he bare unto them, 
 
 4 who stoode in nede of a generall, wherefore he thought him 
 4 selfe nothing bounde nor beholding unto them now. And 
 4 if they dyd thincke also this warre might be better followed 
 4 by any other, then by him selfe, he would presently with all 
 4 his harte resigne the place. Furthermore, if they had any 
 4 trust or confidence in him, that they thought him a man 
 4 sufficient to discharge it : then that they would not speake 
 4 nor medle in any matter that concerned his duetie, and the 
 4 office of a generall, saving only, that they would be diligent 
 4 (without any wordes) to doe whatsoever he commaunded, 
 
 4 and should be necessarie for the warre and service they 
 4 tooke in hand. For if every man would be a commaunder, 
 4 as they had bene heretofore, of those by whom they should 
 4 be commaunded : then the world would more laughe them 
 4 to scorne in this service, then ever before had bene accus- 
 4 tomed.’ These wordes made the Romaines very obedient 
 to him, and conceyved good hope to come, being all of them 
 very glad that they had refused those ambitious flatterers 
 that sued for the charge, and had geven it unto a man, 
 that durst boldly and franckly tell them the troth. Marke 
 how the Romaines by yelding unto reason and vertue, came 
 to command all other, and to make them selves the mightiest 
 people of the world. Now that Paulus dEmylius setting for- 
 ward to this warre, had winde at will, and fayer passage to 
 bring him at his jorneis ende : I impute it to good fortune, 
 that so quickly and safely conveyed him to his campe. But 
 for the rest of his exploy tes, he dyd in all this warre, 
 when parte of them were performed by his owne hardi- 
 nes, other by his wisedome and good counsell, other by 
 the diligence of his friendes in serving him with good 
 will, other by his owne resolute constancy and corage in 
 extremest daunger, and last, by his marvelous skill in deter- 
 mining at an instant what was to be done : I cannot attribute 
 any notable acte or worthy service unto this his good fortune, 
 
 207 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Paulus iEmy- 
 lius oration of 
 thanckes to 
 the Romaines 
 when he was 
 Consul, ob- 
 serving the 
 custome. 
 
 See what 
 fruite soul- 
 diers reape, 
 by obedience 
 and reason. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Perseus cove- 
 tousnes and 
 miserie, was 
 the destruc- 
 tion of him 
 selfe, and his 
 realme of 
 Macedon. 
 
 Bastarnae, a 
 
 mercenary 
 
 people. 
 
 Note, what 
 became of 
 Perseus 
 husbandry. 
 
 iEmylius 
 army against 
 Perseus, was 
 a hundred 
 thousand 
 men. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they talke of so much, as they maye doe in other captaines 
 doings. Onles they will saye peradventure, that Perseus 
 covetousnes and miserie was JEmilius good fortune : for his 
 miserable feare of spending money, was the only cause and 
 destruction of the whole realme of Macedon, which was in 
 good state and hope of continuing in prosperitie. For there 
 came downe into the countrie of Macedon at king Perseus 
 request, tenne thousand Bastarnae a horse backe, and as many 
 footemen to them, who all way es joyned with them in battell, 
 all mercenary souldiers, depending upon paye and entertein- 
 ment of warres, as men that could not plowe nor sowe, nor 
 trafficke marchandise by sea, nor skill of grasing to gaine 
 their living with : and to be shorte, that had no other occu- 
 pation or marchandise, but to serve in the warres, and to 
 overcome those with whom they fought. Furthermore, when 
 they came to incampe and lodge in the Medica, neere to the 
 Macedonians, who sawe them so goodly great men, and so 
 well trained and exercised in handling all kinde of weapons, 
 so brave and lustie in wordes and threates against their 
 enemies : they beganne to plucke up their hartes, and to 
 looke bigge, imagining that the Romaines would never abide 
 them, but would be afeard to looke them in the face, and 
 only to see their marche, it was so terrible and fearefull. 
 But Perseus, after he had incoraged his men in this sorte, 
 and had put them in suche a hope and jollitie, when this 
 barbarous supply came to aske him a thousand crownes in 
 hande for every captaine, he was so damped and troubled 
 withall in his minde, casting up the summe it came to, that 
 his only covetousnes and miserie made him returne them 
 backe, and refuse their service : not as one that ment to fight 
 with the Romaines, but rather to spare his treasure, and to 
 be a husband for them, as if he should have geven up a 
 straight accompt unto them of his charges in this warre, 
 against whom he made it. And notwithstanding also his 
 enemies dyd teache him what he had to doe, considering 
 that besides all other their warlike furniture and munition, 
 they had no lesse then a hundred thousand fighting men 
 lying in campe together, ready to execute the Consuls com- 
 maundement. Yet he taking upon him to resist so puissant 
 208 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 an armie, and to mainteine the warres, which forced his 
 enemies to be at extreme charge in enterteining such multi- 
 tudes of men, and more then needed : hardly would depart 
 with his gold and silver, but kept it safe locked up in his 
 treasurie, as if he had bene affrayed to touche it, and had 
 bene none of his. And he dyd not shewe that he came 
 of the noble race of these kings of Lydia, and of Phoenicia, 
 who gloried to be riche : but shewed howe by inheritaunce 
 of bloude he chalenged some parte of the vertue of Philip, 
 and of Alexander, who both bicause they esteemed to buye 
 victorie with money, not money with victorie, dyd many 
 notable things, and thereby conquered the world. Hereof 
 came the common saying in olde time, that it was not Philip, 
 but his gold and silver that wanne the citties of Greece. And 
 Alexander when he went to conquer the Indes, seeing the 
 Macedonians carie with them all the wealth of Persia, which 
 made his campe very heavie, and slowe to marche : he him 
 selfe first of all set fire of his owne cariage that conveyed all 
 his necessaries, and persuaded other to doe the like, that they 
 might marche more lightly, and easelier goe on the jorney. 
 But Perseus contrarilie would not spend any parte of his 
 goodes, to save him selfe, his children and Realme, but rather 
 yelded to be led prisoner in triumphe with a great ransome, 
 to shewe the Romaines howe good a husband he had bene 
 for them. For he dyd not only send away the Gaules with- 
 out geving them paye as he had promised, but moreover 
 having persuaded Gentius king of Illyria to take his parte 
 in these warres, for the summe of three hundred talents 
 which he had promised to furnish him with : he caused the 
 money to be told, and put up in bagges by those whom 
 Gentius sent to receive it. Whereupon Gentius thinking 
 him selfe sure of the money promised, committed a fond and 
 fowle parte : for he stayed the ambassadours the Romaines 
 sent unto him, and committed them to prisone. This parte 
 being come to Perseus eares, he thought now he needed not 
 hier him with money to be an enemie to the Romaines, con- 
 sidering he had waded so farre, as that he had already done, 
 was as a manifest signe of his ill will towards them, and that 
 it was to late to looke backe and repent him, now that his 
 2 : DD 209 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 JEMILIUS 
 
 Gentius king 
 of the Illy- 
 rians, ayded 
 Perseus. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Perseus 
 double deal- 
 ing with king 
 Gentius. 
 
 King Gentius 
 overcome by 
 Lucius Ani- 
 cius Praetor. 
 
 Perseus laye 
 at the foote 
 of the mount 
 Olympus, with 
 4000 horse- 
 men, and 
 40000 foote- 
 men. 
 
 iEmylius ad- 
 monition to 
 his souldiers. 
 
 Paulus iEmy- 
 lius would 
 have the 
 watch to have 
 no speares nor 
 pikes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 fowle parte had plonged him into certen warres, for an un- 
 certen hope. So dyd he abuse the unfortunate King, and 
 defrauded him of the three hundred talents he had promised 
 him. And worse then this, shortely after he suffered Lucius 
 Anicius the Romaine Praetor, whom they sent against him 
 with an armie, to plucke king Gentius, his wife, and children, 
 out of his Realme and Kingdome, and to carie them prisoners 
 with him. Now when iEmylius was arrived in Macedon, to 
 make warre against such an enemie : he made no manner of 
 reckoning of his persone, but of the great preparation and 
 power he had. For in one campe he had foure thousand 
 horsemen, and no lesse then forty thousand footemen, with 
 the which armie he had planted him selfe alongest the sea 
 side, by the foote of the mount Olympus, in a place unpos- 
 sible to be approched : and there he had so well fortified 
 all the straites and passages unto him with fortifications of 
 woode, that he thought him selfe to lye safe out of all 
 daunger, and imagined to dalie with ^Emylius, and by tract 
 of time to eate him out with charge. iEmylius in the meane 
 season laye not idle, but occupied his wittes throughly, and 
 left no meanes unattempted, to put some thing in proofe. 
 And perceyving that his souldiers by overmuche licentious 
 libertie (wherein by sufferaunce they lived before) were angrie 
 with delaying and lying still, and that they dyd busilie 
 occupie them selves in the generalles office, saying this, and 
 suche a thing would be done that is not done : he tooke them 
 up roundely, and commaunded them they should medle no 
 more to curiously in matters that perteined not to them, 
 and that they should take care for nothing els, but to see 
 their armour and weapon ready to serve valliantly, and to 
 use their swordes after the Romaines facion, when their 
 generall should appoint and commaund them. Wherefore, 
 to make them more carefull to looke to them selves, he com- 
 maunded those that watched should have no speares nor 
 pykes, bicause they should be more wakefull, having no long 
 weapon to resist the enemie, if they were assaulted. The 
 greatest trouble his army had, was lacke of freshe water, 
 bicause the water that ranne to the sea was very litle, and 
 marvelous fowle by the sea side. But iEmylius considering 
 210 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they were at the foote of the mount Olympus (which is of a PAULUS 
 
 marvelous height, and full of wodde withall) conjectured, *®MILIUS 
 
 seeing the trees so freshe and grene, that there should be 
 
 some litle pretie springes among them, which ranne under 
 
 the grounde. So he made them digge many holes and welles The originall 
 
 alongest the mountaine, which were straight filled with fayer °f springes. 
 
 water, being pent within ground before for lacke of breaking 
 
 open the heades, which then ranne downe in streames, and 
 
 met together in sundrie places. And yet some doe denie, 
 
 that there is any meeting of waters within the grounde, from 
 
 whence the springes doe come. For they saye, that ronning 
 
 out of the earth as they doe, it is not for that, that the water 
 
 breaketh out by any violence, or openeth in any place, as 
 
 meeting together in one place of long time : but that it in- 
 
 gendreth and riseth, at the same time and place where it 
 
 ronneth out, turning the substaunce into water, which is a 
 
 moist vapour, thickneth and waxeth cold by the coldnes of 
 
 the earth, and so becommeth a streame, and ronneth downe. 
 
 Even so, saye they, as womens brestes are not allwayes full Fountain es 
 
 of milke, as milke pannes are that continually keepe milke, 
 
 but doe of them selves convert the nutriment women take ^ rests 
 
 into milke, and after commeth forth at their nipples : the 
 
 very like are springes and watery places of the earth, from 
 
 whence the fountaines come, which have no meeting of hidden 
 
 waters, nor hollowe places capable, readily to deliver water 
 
 from them, as one would drawe it out of a pompe, or sesterne, 
 
 from so many great brookes, and deepe rivers. But by their 
 
 naturall coldnes and moisture, they waxe thicke, and put 
 
 forth the vapour and ayer so strong, that they turne it into 
 
 water. And this is the reason why the places where they 
 
 digge and open the earth, doe put forth more abundaunce of 
 
 water by opening the grounde : like as womens brestes doe 
 
 geve more milke, when they are most drawen and suckt, 
 
 bicause in a sorte they doe better feede the vapour within 
 
 them, and convert it thereby into a ronning humour. Where, 
 
 to the contrarie, those partes of the earth that are not digged, 
 
 nor have no vent outward, are the more unable, and lesse mete 
 
 to ingender water, having not that provocation and course 
 
 to ronne, that causeth the bringing forth of moisture. Yet 
 
 211 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Scipio Nasica, 
 and Fabius 
 Maximus, 
 offer them 
 selves to take 
 the straights. 
 
 such as mainteine this opinion, doe geve them occasion that 
 love argument, to contrarie them thus. Then we maye saye 
 by like reason also, that in the bodies of beastes there is no 
 bloud long before, and that it ingendreth upon a sodaine, 
 when they are hurte, by transferring of some spirite or fleshe 
 that readilie chaungeth into some ronning licoure. And 
 moreover, they are confuted by the common experience of 
 these mine men, that digge in the mines for mettell, or that 
 undermine castells to winne them : who when they digge any 
 great depth, doe many times meete in the bowells of the 
 earth with ronning rivers, the water whereof is not ingendred 
 by litle and litle, as of necessitie it should be, if it were true, 
 that upon the present opening of the ground, the humour 
 should immediatly be created, but it falleth vehemently all 
 at one time. And we see oftentimes that in cutting through 
 a mountaine or rocke, sodainely there ronneth out a great 
 quantitie of water. And thus much for this matter. Now 
 to returne to our historie againe. iEmylius laye there a 
 convenient time, and stirred not : and it is sayed there were 
 never seene two so great armies one so neere to the other, 
 and to be so quiet. In the ende, casting many things with 
 him selfe, and devising sundrie practises, he was enformed 
 of another waye to enter into Macedon, through the countrie 
 of Perraebia, over against the temple called Pythion, and the 
 rocke upon which it is built, where there laye no garrison : 
 which gave him better hope to passe that waye, for that it 
 was not kept, then that he feared the narrownes and hardnes 
 of the waye unto it. So, he brake the matter to his counsaill. 
 Thereupon Scipio called Nasica (the sonne adopted of that 
 great Scipio the African, who became afterwards a great 
 man, and was president of the Senate or counsell) was the 
 first man that offred him self to leade them, whom it would 
 please him to send to take that passage, and to assault their 
 enemies behind. The second was Fabius Maximus, the eldest 
 sonne of vEmylius, who being but a very young man, rose 
 notwithstanding, and offred him self very willingly. ^Emylius 
 was very glad of their offers, and gave them not so many men 
 as Polybius writeth, but so many as Nasica him self declare th, 
 in a letter of his he wrote to a King, where he reporteth all 
 212 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the storie of this jorney. There were 3000 Italians leavied 
 in Italie, by the confederats of the Romaines, who were not 
 of the Romaine legions, and in the left winge about 5000. 
 Besides those, Nasica tooke also 120 men at armes, and about 
 200 Cretans and Thracians mingled together, of those Har- 
 palus had sent thither. With this number Nasica departed 
 from the campe, and tooke his waye toward the sea side, and 
 lodged by the temple of Hercules, as if he had determined 
 to doe this feate by sea, to environne the campe of the enemies 
 behind. But when the souldiers had supped, and that it was 
 darke night, he made the captaines of every bande privie to 
 his enterprise, and so marched all night a contrary waye from 
 the sea, untill at the length they came under the temple of 
 Pythion, where he lodged to rest the souldiers that were 
 sore travelled all night. In this place, the mount Olympus 
 is above tenne furlonge highe, as appeareth in a place ingraven 
 by him that measured it. 
 
 Olympus mounte is just, by measure made with line, 
 
 twelve hundred seventie paces trodde, as measure can assigne. 
 
 The measure being made, right ore against the place, 
 
 whereas Apolloes temple stands, ybuilt with stately grace. 
 
 Even from the leavell plott, of that same countries plaine, 
 unto the toppe which all on highe, doth on the hill remaine. 
 
 And so Xenagoras the sonne of Eumelus, 
 
 in olden dayes by measure made, the same dyd finde for us. 
 
 And dyd engrave it here in writing for to see, 
 
 when as he tooke his latest leave (Apollo god) of thee. 
 
 Yet the Geometricians saye, that there is no mountaine 
 higher, nor sea deeper, then the length of tenne furlonges : 
 so that I thinke this Xenagoras (in my opinion) dyd not 
 take his measure at aventure, and by gesse, but by true 
 rules of the arte, and instrumentes Geometricall. There 
 Nasica rested all night. King Perseus perceyving in the 
 meane time that ^Emylius stirred not from the place where 
 he laye, mistrusted nothing his practise, and the comming 
 of Nasica who was at hande : untill such time as a traitour 
 of Creta (stealing from Nasica) dyd reveale unto him the 
 pretended practise, as also the Romaines compassing of him 
 about. He wondred muche at these newes, howbeit he 
 ^ 213 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 jEMILIUS 
 
 The height 
 of the mount 
 Olympus. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Nisica wanne 
 the straights 
 of Macedon. 
 
 Perseus 
 pitched his 
 campe before 
 the cittie of 
 Pydne. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 removed not his campe from the place he laye in, but 
 dispatched one of his captaines called Milon, with tenne 
 thousand straungers, and two thousand Macedonians : and 
 straightly commanded him with all the possible speede he 
 could, to get the toppe of the hill before them. Polybius 
 sayeth, that the Romaines came and gave them an alarom, 
 when they were sleeping. But Nasica writeth, that there 
 was a marv elous sharpe and terrible battell on the toppe of 
 the mountaine : and sayed plainely, that a Thracian souldier 
 comming towards him, he threwe his darte at him, and 
 hitting him right in the brest, slue him starke dead : and 
 having repulsed their enemies, Milon their captaine shame- 
 fully ronning awaye in his coate without armour or weapon, 
 he followed him without any daunger, and so went downe 
 to the valley, with the safety of all his companie. This 
 conflict fortuning thus, Perseus raised his campe in great 
 haste from the place where he was, and being disapointed 
 of his hope, he retired in great feare, as one at his wittes 
 ende, and not knowing ho we to determine. Yet was he 
 constrained either to staye, and incampe before the cittie 
 of Pydne, there to take the hazard of battell : or els to 
 devide his armie into his citties and strong holdes, and to 
 receyve the warres within his owne countrie, the which being 
 once crept in, could never be driven out againe, without 
 great murder and bloudeshed. Hereupon his friends dyd 
 counsell him, to choose rather the fortune of battell : alledg- 
 ing unto him, that he was the stronger in men a great 
 waye, and that the Macedonians would fight lustely with 
 all the corage they could, considering that they fought for 
 the safety of their wives and children, and also in the pre- 
 sence of their King, who should both see every mans doing, 
 and fight him selfe in persone also for them. The King 
 moved by these persuasions, determined to venter the 
 chaunce of battell. So he pitched his campe, and viewed 
 the situation of the places all about, and devided the com- 
 panies amongest his captaines, purposing to geve a whotte 
 charge upon the enemies when they should drawe nere. 
 The place and countrie was suche, as being all champion, 
 there was a goodly valley to raunge a battell of footemen 
 214 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 in, and litle prety hilles also one depending upon another, 
 which were very commodious for archers, naked men, and 
 such as were lightly armed, to retire them selves unto 
 being distressed, and also to environne their enemies behind. 
 There were two small rivers also, vEson and Leucus that 
 ranne through the same, the which though they were not 
 very deepe, being about the later ende of the sommer, yet 
 they would annoye the Romaines notwithstanding. Now 
 when iEmylius was joyned with Nasica, he marched on 
 straight in battell raye towards his enemies. But perceyv- 
 ing a farre of their battell marched in very good order, and 
 the great multitude of men placed in the same : he wondred 
 to behold it, and sodainly stayed his armie, considering with 
 him selfe what he had to doe. Then the young captaines 
 having charge under him, desirous to fight it out presently, 
 went unto him to praye him to geve the onset : but Nasica 
 specially above the rest, having good hope in the former 
 good lucke he had at his first encounter. ^Emylius smiling, 
 aunswered him : So would I doe, if I were as young as thou. 
 But the sundry victories I have wonne heretofore, having 
 taught me by experience the faultes the vanquished doe 
 commit : doe forbid me to goe so whottely to worke (before 
 my souldiers have rested, which dyd retume but now) to 
 assault an armie set in suche order of battell. When he had 
 aunswered him thus, he commaunded the first bands that 
 were now in vie we of the enemies, should imbattell them 
 selves, shewing a countenaunce to the enemie as though they 
 would fight : and that those in the rereward should lodge 
 in the meane time, and fortifie the campe. So, bringing the 
 foremost men to be hindemost, by chaunging from man to 
 man before the enemies were ware of it : he had broken his 
 battell by litle and litle, and lodged his men, fortified within 
 the campe without any tumult or noyse, and the enemies 
 never perceyving it. But when night came, and every man 
 had supped, as they were going to sleepe and take their rest : 
 the moone which was at the full, and of a great height, be- 
 ganne to darken, and to chaunge into many sortes of cullers, 
 losing her light, untill suche time as she vanished awaye, 
 and was eclipsed altogether. Then the Romaines beganne 
 
 215 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 jEMILIUS 
 
 The rivers of 
 jEson and 
 Leucus. 
 
 .Emylius 
 aunswer to 
 Scipio Nasica, 
 for geving 
 charge apon 
 the enemies. 
 
 The skill and 
 foresight of a 
 wise captaine. 
 
 The eclipse of 
 the moone. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The supersti- 
 tion of the 
 Romaines 
 when the 
 moone is 
 eclipsed. 
 
 The cause of 
 an eclipse of 
 the moone. 
 
 iEmylius 
 policie to 
 procure 
 skirmishe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 to make a noyse with basons and pannes, as their facion is 
 to doe in suche a chaunce, thinking by this sound to call 
 her againe, and to make her come to her light, lifting up 
 many torches lighted, and firebrands into the ayer. The 
 Macedonians on thother side dyd no suche matter within 
 their campe, but were all together striken with an horrible 
 feare: and there ranne straight a whispering rumour through 
 the people, that this signe in the element signified the eclipse 
 of the King. For iEmylius was not ignoraunt of the diver- 
 sities of the eclipses, and he had heard saye the cause is, by 
 reason that the moone making her ordinarie course about 
 the world (after certen revolutions of time) doth come to 
 enter into the round shadowe of the earth, within the which 
 she remaineth hidden : untill suche time as having past the 
 darke region of the shadow, she commeth afterwards to 
 recover her light which she taketh of the sunne. Never- 
 theles, he being a godly devout man, so sone as he perceyved 
 the moone had recovered her former brightnes againe, he 
 sacrificed eleven calves. And the next morning also by 
 the breake of daye, making sacrifice to Hercules, he could 
 never have any signes or tokens that promised him good 
 lucke, in sacrificing twenty oxen one after another : but 
 at the one and twenteth, he had signes that promised him 
 victorie, so he defended him self. Wherfore, after he had 
 vowed a solemne sacrifice of a hundred oxen to Hercules, 
 and also games of prices at the weapons, he commaunded 
 his captaines to put their men in readines to fight : and so 
 sought to winne time, tarying till the sunne came about in 
 the after noone towardes the West, to the ende that the 
 Romaines which were turned towardes the East, should not 
 have it in their faces when they were fighting. In the meane 
 time, he reposed him selfe in his tent, which was all open 
 behind towardes the side that looked into the valley, where 
 the campe of his enemies laye. When it grewe towards 
 night, to make the enemies set apon his men : some saye 
 he used this policie. He made a horse be driven towards 
 them without a bridell, and certen Romaines followed him, 
 as they would have taken him againe : and this was the 
 cause of procuring the skirmishe. Other saye, that the 
 216 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Thracians serving under the charge of captaine Alexander, 
 dyd set apon certen forragers of the Romaines, that brought 
 forage into the campe : out of the which, seven hundred of 
 the Ligurians ranne sodainly to the rescue, and relief com- 
 ming still from both armies, at the last the mayne battell 
 followed after. Wherefore iEmilius like a wise generall 
 foreseeing by the daunger of this skirmishe, and the stir- 
 ring of both campes, what the furie of the battell would 
 come to : came out of his tent, and passing by the bandes, 
 dyd encorage them, and prayed them to sticke to it like 
 men. In the meane time, Nasica thrusting him selfe into 
 the place where the skirmishe was whottest, perceyved the 
 army of the enemies marching in battell, ready to joyne. 
 The first that marched in the voward, were the Thracians, 
 who seemed terrible to looke apon, as he writeth him self: for 
 they were mightie made men, and caried marvelous bright 
 targets of steele before them, their legges were armed 
 with greaves, and their thighes with tases, their coates 
 were blacke, and marched shaking heavy halberds upon 
 their shoulders. Next unto these Thracians, there followed 
 them all the other straungers and souldiers whom the King 
 had hiered, diversely armed and set forth : for they were 
 people of sundrie nations gathered together, emong whom 
 the Paeonians were mingled. The third squadron was of 
 Macedonians, and all of them chosen men, aswell for the 
 flower of their youthe, as for the valliantnes of their per- 
 sones : and they were all in goodly gilt armours, and brave 
 purple cassocks apon them, spicke, and spanne newe. And 
 at their backes came after them, the olde bandes to shewe 
 them selves out of the campe, with targets of copper, that 
 made all the plaine to shine with the brightnes of their 
 steele and copper. And all the hilles and mountaines there- 
 abouts dyd ringe againe like an Eccho, with the crie and 
 noyse of so many fighting men, one incoraging another. In 
 this order they marched so fiercely, with so great harte burn- 
 ing, and such swiftnes : that the first which were slaine at 
 the incounter, fell dead two furlonges from the campe of 
 the Romaines. The charge being geven, and the battell 
 begonne, ^Emylius galloping to the voward of his battell, 
 2 : EE 217 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The army of 
 the Macedoni- 
 ans, marching 
 against the 
 Romaines 
 in battell. 
 
 The battell 
 hetwext 
 Perseus and 
 iEmylius. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 JEMILIUS 
 
 Perseus goeth 
 out of the 
 battell unto 
 Pydne. 
 
 Victorie 
 wonne by 
 labour, not 
 by slothe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 perceyved that the captaines of the Macedonians which were 
 in the first ranckes, had already thrust their pikes into the 
 Ptomaines targets, so as they could not come neere them 
 with their swordes : and that the other Macedonians cary- 
 ing their targets behinde them, had now plucked them before 
 them, and dyd base their pikes all at one time, and made 
 a violent thrust into the targets of the Romaines. Which 
 when he had considered, and of what strength and force 
 his walle and rancke of targets was, one joyning so neere 
 another, and what a terrour it was to see a fronte of a 
 battell with so many armed pikes and steele heades : he 
 was more afeard and amazed withall, then with any sight 
 he ever sawe before. Nevertheles he could wisely dissemble 
 it at that time. And so passing by the companies of his 
 horsemen, without either curaces or helmet upon his head, 
 he shewed a noble cherefull countenaunce unto them that 
 fought. But on the contrarie side, Perseus the king of 
 Macedon, as Polybius writeth, so sone as the battell was 
 begonne, withdrewe him self, and got into the cittie of 
 Pydne, under pretence to goe to doe sacrifice unto Hercules : 
 who doth not accept the fainte sacrifice of cowards, neither 
 doth receyve their prayers, bicause they be unreasonable. 
 For it is no reason, that he that shooteth not, should hyt 
 the white: nor that he should winne the victorie, that bideth 
 not the battell : neither that he should have any good, that 
 doeth nothing toward it : nor that a naughty man should 
 be fortunate, and prosper. The goddes dyd favour ^Emylius 
 prayers, bicause he prayed for victorie with his sworde in 
 his hande, and fighting dyd call to them for ayde. Howbeit 
 there is one Posidonius a writer, who sayeth he was in that 
 time, and moreover, that he was at the battell : and he hath 
 written an historie conteining many bookes of the actes of 
 king Perseus, where he sayeth that it was not for fainte 
 harte, nor under culler to sacrifice unto Hercules, that Perseus 
 went from the battell: but bicause he had a stripe of a horse 
 on the thighe the daye before. Who though he could not 
 very well helpe him self, and that all his friends sought to 
 persuade him not to goe to the battell : yet he caused one of 
 his horse to be brought to him notwithstanding (which he 
 218 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 commonly used to ryde up and downe on) and taking his 
 backe, rode into the battell unarmed, where an infinite 
 number of dartes were throwen at him from both sides. 
 And emong those, he had a blowe with a darte that hurte 
 him somwhat, but it was overthwart, and not with the 
 pointe, and dyd hit him on the left side glawnsing wise, 
 with suche a force, that it rent his coate, and rased his 
 skinne underneath, so as it left a marke behinde a long 
 time after. And this is all that Posidonius writeth to 
 defend and excuse Perseus. The Romaines having their 
 hands full, and being stayed by the battell of the Mace- 
 donians that they could make no breache into them : there 
 was a captaine of the Pelignians called Salius, who tooke 
 the ensigne of his band, and cast it among the prease of 
 his enemies. Then all the Pelignians brake in apon them, 
 with a marvelous force and furie into that place: for all 
 Italians thinke it to great a shame and dishonour for 
 souldiers, to lose, or forsake their ensigne. Thus was there 
 marvelous force of both sides used in that place : for the 
 Pelignians proved to cut the Macedonians pikes with their 
 swordes, or els to make them geve backe with their great 
 targets, or to make a breache into them, and to take the 
 pikes with their handes. But the Macedonians to the con- 
 trarie, holding their pikes fast with both hands, ranne them 
 thorow that came neere unto them : so that neither target 
 nor corselet could hold out the force and violence of the 
 pushe of their pikes, in so muche as they turned up the 
 heeles of the Pelignians and Terracinians, who like desperate 
 beastes without reason, shutting in them selves emong their 
 enemies, ranne wilfully upon their owne deathes, and their 
 first rancke were slaine every man of them. Thereupon 
 those that were behind, gave backe a litle, but fled not 
 turning their backes, and only retired geving backe, towardes 
 the mountaine Olocrus. iEmylius seeing that (as Posidonius 
 writeth) rent his arming coate from his backe for anger, 
 bicause that some of his men gave backe : other durst not 
 fronte the battell of the Macedonians, which was so strongly 
 imbattelled of every side, and so mured in with a wall of 
 pikes, presenting their armed heades on everie side a man 
 
 219 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Salius a cap- 
 taine of the 
 Pelignians 
 tooke the en- 
 signe, and 
 threwe it 
 among the 
 enemies. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 could come, that it was impossible to breake into them, no 
 not so muche as to come neere them only. Yet notwith- 
 standing, bicause the field was not altogether plaine and 
 even, the battell that was large in the front e, could not 
 allwayes keepe that walle, continuing their targets close 
 one to another, but they were driven of necessitie to breake 
 and open in many places, as it happeneth oft in great 
 battells, according to the great force of the souldiers : that 
 in one place they thrust forward, and in another they geve 
 backe, and leave a hole. Wherefore dEmylius sodainly taken 
 the vauntage of this occasion, devided his men into small 
 companies, and commaunded them they should quickly thrust 
 in betwene their enemies, and occupie the places they sawe 
 voyde in the fronte of their enemies, and that they should 
 set on them in that sorte, and not with one whole continuall 
 charge, but occupying them here and there with divers com- 
 panies, in sundry places, ^mylius gave this charge unto 
 the private captaines of every band and their lieutenaunts, 
 and the captaines also gave the like charge unto their 
 souldiers that could skilfully execute their commaundement. 
 For they went presently into those partes where they sawe 
 the places open, and being once entred in among them, some 
 gave charge upon the flanckes of the Macedonians, where they 
 were all naked and unarmed: other set upon them behind: so 
 that the strength of all the corpes of the battell (which con- 
 sisted in keeping close together) being opened in this sorte, 
 was straight overthrowen. Furthermore, when they came 
 to fight man for man, or a fewe against a fewe : the Mace- 
 donians with their litle shorte swordes, came to strike upon 
 the great sheldes of the Romaines, which were very strong, 
 and covered all their bodies downe to the foote. And they 
 to the contrarie, were driven of necessitie to receave the 
 blowes of the strong heavy swordes of the Romaines, upon 
 their litle weake targettes : so that what with their heavines, 
 and the vehement force wherewith the blowes lighted upon 
 them, there was no target nor corselet, but they passed it 
 through, and ranne them in. By reason whereof they could 
 make no long resistance, whereupon they turned their backes, 
 and ranne awaye. But when they came to the squadron of 
 22 0 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the olde beaten souldiers of the Macedonians, there was the 
 cruellest fight and most desperate service, where they saye 
 that Marcus Cato (sonne of great Cato, and sonne in lawe of 
 iEmylius) shewing all the valliantnes in his persone that a 
 noble minde could possibly performe, lost his sword which 
 fell out of his hande. But he like a young man of noble 
 corage, that had bene valliantly brought up in all discipline, 
 and knew how to follow the steppes of his father (the noblest 
 persone that ever man sawe) was to shewe then his value and 
 worthines : and thought it more honour for him there to 
 dye, then living to suffer his enemies to enjoye any spoyle of 
 his. So, by and by he ranne into the Romaine army, to 
 finde out some of his friendes, whom he tolde what had 
 befalled him, and prayed them to helpe him to recover his 
 sworde : whereto they agreed. And being a good company 
 of lusty valliant souldiers together, they rushed straight in 
 among their enemies, at the place where he brought them, 
 and so dyd set apon them with suche force and furie, that 
 they made a lane through the middest of them, and with 
 great slaughter and spilling of bloude, even by plaine force, 
 they cleared the waye still before them. Now when the 
 place was voyded, they sought for the sworde, and in the 
 ende founde it with great a doe, amongest a heape of other 
 swords and dead bodies, whereat they rejoy ced marvelously. 
 Then singing a songe of victorie, they went againe more 
 fiercely then before to geve a charge upon their enemies, 
 who were not yet broken a sonder : untill suche time as at 
 the length, the three thousand chosen Macedonians fighting 
 valliantly even to the last man, and never forsaking their 
 rancks, were all slaine in the place. After whose overthrowe, 
 there was a great slaughter of other also that fled : so that 
 all the valley and foote of the mountaines thereaboutes was 
 covered with dead bodies. The next daye after the battell, 
 when the Romaines dyd passe over the river of Leucus, they 
 founde it ronning all a bloude. For it is sayed there were 
 slaine at this field, of Perseus men, above five and twentie 
 thousand : and of the Romaines side, as Posidonius sayeth, 
 not above sixe score, or as Nasica writeth, but foure score 
 only. And for so great an overthrowe, it is reported it was 
 
 221 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The valliant- 
 nes of Marcus 
 Cato. 
 
 iEmilius 
 victorie of 
 Perseus. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The battell 
 fought and 
 wonne in 
 one hower. 
 
 The valliant- 
 nes of Scipio 
 the lesse. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wonderfull quickly done, and executed. For they beganne 
 to fight about three of the clocke in the after noone, and 
 had wonne the victorie before foure, and all the rest of the 
 daye they followed their enemies in chase, an hundred and 
 twenty furlonges from the place where the battell was fought : 
 so that it was very late, and farre forth night, before they 
 returned againe into the campe. So suche as returned, were 
 receyved with marvelous great joye of their pages that went 
 out with linckes and torches lighted, to bring their masters 
 into their tentes, where their men had made great bonfiers, 
 and decked them up with crownes and garlands of laurell, 
 saving the generalles tent only : who was very heavy, for that 
 of his two sonnes he brought with him to the warres, the 
 younger could not be founde, which he loved best of the 
 twaine, bicause he sawe he was of a better nature then the 
 rest of his brethern. For even then, being newe crept out of 
 the shell as it were, he was marvelous valliant and hardie, 
 and desired honour wonderfully. Now ^Emylius thought he 
 had bene cast awaye, fearing least for lacke of experience in 
 the warres, and through the rashnes of his youthe, he had 
 put him selfe to farre in fight amongest the prease of the 
 enemies. Hereupon the campe heard straight what sorowe 
 iEmylius was in, and how grievously he tooke it. The 
 Ptomaines being set at supper, rose from their meate, and 
 with torche light some ranne to iEmylius tent, other went 
 out of the campe to seeke him among the dead bodies, if 
 they might knowe him : so all the campe was full of sorowe 
 and mourning, the vallies and hilles all abouts dyd ringe 
 againe with the cries of those that called Scipio alowde. For 
 even from his childhood he had a naturall gift in him, of all 
 the rare and singular partes required in a captaine and wise 
 governour of the common weale above all the young men of 
 his time. At the last, when they were out of all hope of his 
 comming againe, he happely returned from the chase of the 
 enemies, with two or three of his familliars only, all bloudied 
 with new bloude (like a swift running greyhownde fleshed 
 with the bloude of the hare) having pursued very farre for 
 joye of the victorie. It is that Scipio which afterwards de- 
 stroyed both the citties of Carthage and Numantium, who 
 222 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 was the greatest man of warre, and valliantest captaine of 
 the Romaines in his time, and of the greatest authoritie and 
 reputation emong them. Thus fortune deferring till another 
 time the execution of her spite, which she dyd beare to so 
 noble an exployte, suffered ^Emylius for that time, to take 
 his ful pleasure of that noble victorie. And as for Perseus, 
 he fled first from the cittie of Pydne, unto the cittie of Pella, 
 with his horsemen, which were in manner all saved. Where- 
 upon the footemen that saved them selves by flying, meeting 
 them by the waye, called them traitours, cowards, and villanes: 
 and worse then that, they turned them of their horse backes, 
 and fought it out lustely with them. Perseus seeing that, 
 and fearing least this mutinie might turne to light on his 
 necke, he turned his horse out of the highe waye, and pulled 
 of his purple coate, and caried it before him, and tooke his 
 diademe, fearing least they should knowe him by these 
 tokens : and bicause he might more easely speake with his 
 friends by the waye, he lighted a foote, and led his horse in 
 his hande. But suche as were about him, one made as though 
 he would mende the latchet of his shooe, an other seemed to 
 water his horse, another as though he would drincke : so that 
 one dragging after another in this sorte, they all left him at 
 the last, and ranne their waye, not fearing the enemies furie 
 so muche, as their Kings crueltie: who being greved with 
 his misfortune, sought to laye the faulte of the overthrowe 
 upon all other, but him selfe. Now he being come into the 
 cittie of Pella by night, Euctus and Eudaeus, two of his 
 treasorers came unto him, and speaking boldly (but out of 
 time) presumed to tell him the great faulte he had committed, 
 and dyd counsell him also what he should doe. The King 
 was so moved with their presumption, that with his owne 
 handes he stabbed his dagger in them both, and slue them 
 outright. But after this facte, all his servauntes and friendes 
 refused him, and there only taried with him but Evander 
 Cretan, Archedamus JEtolian, and Neo Boeotian. And as 
 for the meane souldiers, there were none that followed him 
 but the Cretans, and yet it was not for the good will they 
 dyd beare him, but for the love of his golde and silver, as 
 bees that keepe their hives for love of the hony. For he 
 
 223 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Perseus fled 
 from Pydne 
 to Pella. 
 
 Time, and 
 dutie, to be 
 observed to 
 the Prince. 
 
 Death, the 
 indignation of 
 the Prince. 
 
 The covetous- 
 nes of the 
 Cretans. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Misers whine 
 for their 
 gooddes. 
 
 The Macedo- 
 nians submit 
 them selves 
 to iEmylius. 
 
 Wonders. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 caried with him a great treasure, and gave them leave to 
 spoyle certen plate and vessell of golde and silver, to the 
 value of fiftie talents. But first of all, when he was come 
 into the cittie of Amphipolis, and afterwards into the cittie 
 of Alepse, and that the feare was well blowen over: he 
 returned againe to his olde humour, which was borne and 
 bred with him, and that was, avarice and miserie. For he 
 made his complainte unto those that were about him, that 
 he had unwares geven to the souldiers of Creta, his plate 
 and vessell of gold to be spoyled, being those which in olde 
 time belonged unto Alexander the great : and prayed them 
 with teares in his eyes that had the plate, they would be 
 contented to chaunge it for ready money. Now suche as 
 knewe his nature, founde streight this was but a fraude and 
 a Cretan lye, to deceave the Cretans with : but those that 
 trusted him, and dyd restore againe the plate they had, dyd 
 loose it every jotte, for he never payed them pennie of it. 
 So he got of his friendes, the value of thirtie talents which 
 his enemies sone after dyd take from him. And with that 
 summe he went into the He of Samothracia, where he tooke 
 the sanctuarie and priviledge, of the temple of Castor and 
 Pollux. They saye, that the Macedonians of long continu- 
 aunce dyd naturally love their Kings : but then seeing all 
 their hope and expectation broken, their hartes failed them, 
 and broke withall. For they all came and submitted them 
 selves unto iEmylius, and made him lorde of the whole 
 Realme of Macedon in two dayes : and this doth seeme to 
 confirme their wordes, who impute all iEmilius doings unto 
 his good fortune. And surely, the marvelous fortune he 
 happened on in the cittie of Amphipolis, doth confirme it 
 muche, which a man cannot ascribe otherwise, but to the 
 speciall grace of the godds. For one daye beginning to doe 
 sacrifice, lightning fell from heaven, and set all the wodde 
 a fire apon the aulter, and sanctified the sacrifice. But 
 yet the miracle of his fame is more to be wondred at. For 
 foure dayes after Perseus had lost the battell, and that the 
 cittie of Pella was taken, as the people of Rome were at 
 the listes or showe place, seing horses ronne for games : 
 sodainly there rose a rumour at the entring into the listes 
 224 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Newes 
 brought to 
 Rome out of 
 Macedon in 
 4 dayes, of 
 JEmylius vic- 
 torie there : 
 and no man 
 knewe howe 
 they came. 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 where the games were, how ^Emylius had wonne a great 
 battell of king Perseus, and had conquered all Macedon. 
 
 This newes was rife straight in every mans mouthe, and 
 there followed upon it a marvelous joye and great cheere in 
 every corner, with showtes and clapping of handes, that con- 
 tinued all the daye through the cittie of Rome. After- 
 wards they made diligent enquierie, how this rumour first 
 came up, but no certaine authour could be knowen, and 
 every man sayed they heard it spoken : so as in the ende it 
 came to nothing, and passed awaye in that sorte for a time. 
 
 But shortely after, there came letters, and certen newes that 
 made them wonder more then before, from whence the 
 messenger came that reported the first newes of it : which 
 could be devised by no naturall meanes, and yet proved true 
 afterwards. We doe reade also of a battell that was fought 
 in Italie, nere unto the river of Sagra, wherof newes was 
 brought the very same daye unto Peloponnesus. And of an- 
 other also in like manner that was fought in Asia against the 
 Medes, before the cittie of Mycala : the newes whereof came 
 the same daye unto the campe of the Graecians, lying before 
 the cittie of Platoees. And in that great jorney where the 
 Romaines overt hrewe the Tarquines, and the armie of the 
 Latines : immediatly after the battell was wonne, they sawe 
 two goodly young men come newly from the campe, who 
 brought newes of the victorie to Rome, and they judged 
 they were Castor and Pollux. The first man that spake to 
 them in the market place before the fountaine, where they 
 watered their horse being all of a white fome, tolde them : 
 that he wondred howe they could so quickly bring these 
 newes. And they laughing came to him, and tooke him 
 softely by the beard with both their handes, and even in the 
 market place his heare being blacke before, was presently 
 turned yellowe. This miracle made them beleeve the reporte 
 the man made, who ever after was called iEnobarbus, as you iEnobarbus 
 would saye, bearded as yellowe as golde. Another like w ^y so called, 
 matter that happened in our time, maketh all suche newes 
 credible. For when Antonius rebelled against the emperour 
 Domitian, the cittie of Rome was in a marvelous perplexitie, 
 bicause they looked for great warres towards Germanie. But 
 2 : FF 225 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 Cn. Octavius, 
 iEmylius 
 lieutenaunt 
 by sea. 
 
 The miserable 
 state Perseus 
 was brought 
 unto, by the 
 craft and sub- 
 tletie of a 
 Cretan. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 in this feare, there grewe a sodaine rumour of victorie, and 
 it went currantly through Rome, that Antonius him selfe 
 was slaine, and all his armie overthrowen, and not a man 
 left a live. This rumour was so rife, that many of the 
 chiefest men of Rome beleeved it, and dyd sacrifice there- 
 upon unto the goddes, geving them thankes for the victorie. 
 But when the matter came to sifting, who was the first 
 authour of the rumour : no man could tell. For one put it 
 over still to another, and dyed so in the ende amongest the 
 people, as in a bottomles matter, for they could never boult 
 out any certen grounde of it : but even as it came flying 
 into Rome, so went it flying awaye againe, no man can tell 
 howe. Notwithstanding, Domitian holding on his jorney to 
 make this warre, met with postes that brought him letters 
 for the certen victorie : and remembring the rumour of the 
 victorie that ranne before in Rome, he founde it true, that it 
 was on the very same daye the victorie was gotten, and the 
 distaunce betweene Rome and the place where the field was 
 wonne, was above twenty thousand furlonges of. Every man 
 in our time knoweth this to be true. But againe to our 
 historie. Cn. Octavius, lieutenant of the armie of ASmylius 
 by sea, came to ancker under the He of Samothracia, where 
 he would not take Perseus by force out of the sanctuarie 
 where he was, for the reverence he dyd beare unto the 
 goddes Castor and Pollux : but he dyd besiege him in suche 
 sorte, as he could not scape him, nor flye by sea out of the 
 Ilande. Yet he had secretly practised with one Oroandes a 
 Cretan, that had a brigantine, and was at a prise with him 
 for a summe of money to convey him awaye by night : but 
 the Cretan served him a right Cretans tricke. For when he 
 had taken a borde by night into his vessell, all the Kings 
 treasure of golde and silver, he sent him worde that he 
 should not faile the next night following to come unto the 
 peere by the temple of Ceres, with his wife, his children and 
 servauntes, where in deede was no possibility to take shipping : 
 but the next night following he hoysed saile, and got him 
 awaye. It was a pittiefull thing that Perseus was driven to 
 doe and suffer at that time. For he came downe in the night 
 by ropes, out of a litle straight windowe upon the walles, 
 226 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and not only him self, but his wife and litle babes, who 
 never knewe before what flying and hardnes ment. And yet 
 he fetched a more grievous bitter sighe, when one tolde him 
 on the peere, that he sawe Oroandes the Cretan under saile 
 in the mayne seas. Then daye beginning to breake, and 
 seeing him selfe voyde of all hope, he ranne with his wife 
 for life to the wall, to recover the sanctuarie again, before 
 the Romaines that sawe him could overtake him. And as 
 for his children, he had geven them him selfe into the hands 
 of one Ion, whom before he had marvelously loved, and who 
 then dyd traiterously betraye him : for he delivered his 
 children unto the Romaines. Which parte was one of the 
 chiefest causes that drave him (as a beast that will folio we 
 her litle ones being taken from her) to yeld him selfe into 
 their hands that had his children. Now he had a speciall 
 confidence in Scipio Nasica, and therefore he asked for him 
 when he came to yeld him selfe : but it was aunswered him, 
 that he was not there. Then he beganne to lament his hard 
 and miserable fortune every waye. And in the ende, con- 
 sidering howe necessitie enforced him, he yelded him selfe 
 into the hands of Cneus Octavius, wherein he shewed plainely, 
 that he had another vice in him more unmanly and vile, then 
 avarice : that was, a fainte harte, and feare to dye. But 
 hereby he deprived him self of others pittie and compassion 
 towards him, being that only thing which fortune cannot 
 denie and take from the afflicted, and specially from them 
 that have a noble harte. For he made request they would 
 bring him unto the generall JEmylius, who rose from his 
 chayer when he sawe him come, and went to mete him with 
 his friends, the water standing in his eyes, to mete a great 
 King, by fortune of warre, and by the will of the goddes, 
 fallen into that most lamentable facte. But he to the 
 contrarie, unmanly, and shamefully behaved him selfe. For 
 he fell downe at his feete, and embraced his knees, and uttered 
 suche uncomely speache and vile requestes, as iEmylius selfe 
 could not abide to heare them : but knitting his browes 
 against him, being hartely offended, he spake thus unto him : 
 4 Alas poore man, why doest thou discharge fortune of this 
 4 faulte, where thou mightest justly charge and accuse her to 
 
 227 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 King Perseus 
 yeldeth him 
 self in Samo- 
 thracia, unto 
 Cneus Oc- 
 tavius. 
 
 Perseus un- 
 princely be- 
 haviour unto 
 iEmylius. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 oration unto 
 Perseus 
 prisoner. 
 
 iEmylius ora- 
 tion touching 
 fortune and 
 her uncon- 
 stancie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 4 thy discharge, doing things, for the which every one judgeth 
 4 thou hast deserved thy present miserie, and art unworthie 
 4 also of thy former honour ? why dost thou defame my 
 4 victorie, and blemish the glory of my doings, shewing thy 
 4 self so base a man, as my honour is not great, to overcome 
 4 so unworthie an enemie? The Romaines have ever esteemed 
 4 magnanimitie, even in their greatest enemies : but dastard- 
 4 lines, though it be fortunate, yet is it hated of every bodie.’ 
 Notwithstanding, he tooke him up, and taking him by the 
 hande, gave him into the custodie of iElius Tubero. Then 
 iEmylius went into his tent, and caried his sonnes, and 
 sonnes in law with him, and other men of qualitie, and 
 specially the younger sorte. And being set downe, he con- 
 tinued a great space very pensive with him self, not speak- 
 ing a word : in so much as all the standers by, wondered 
 much at the matter. In the ende, he beganne to enter into 
 discourse and talke of fortune, and the unconstancy of these 
 worldly things, and sayed unto them : 4 Is there any man 
 4 living, my friends, who having fortune at will, should there- 
 4 fore boast and glorie in the prosperitie of his doings, for 
 4 that he hath conquered a contrie, cittie, or Realme : and 
 4 not rather to feare the unconstancie of fortune ? who laying 
 4 before our eyes, and all those that professe armes at this 
 4 present, so notable an example of the common frayeltie of 
 4 men, doth plainely teache us to thincke, that there is nothing 
 4 constant or perdurable in this world. For when is it, that 
 4 men maye thinke them selves assured, considering that when 
 4 they have overcome others, then are they driven to mistrust 
 4 fortune most, and to mingle feare and mistrust, with joye of 
 4 victorie : if they will wisely consider the common course of 
 4 fatall destenie that altereth day lie, somtime favoring one, 
 4 other while throwing down another ? you see, that in an 
 4 howers space we have troden under our feete, the house of 
 4 Alexander the great : who hath bene the mightiest and most 
 4 redouted prince of the world. You see a King, that not 
 4 long since was folowed and accompanied, with many thousand 
 4 souldiers of horsemen and footemen : brought at this present 
 4 into such miserable extremitie, that he is inforced to receive 
 4 his meate and drinke daylie at the hands of his enemies. 
 
 228 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 4 Should we have any better hope then, that fortune will 
 ‘ all way es favour our doings, more then she doth his now, at 
 4 this present ? no out of doubt. Therefore digesting this 
 4 matter well, you young men I saye, be not to bragge nor 
 4 foolish prowde, of this conquest and noble victorie : but 
 4 thinke what maye happen hereafter, marking to what end 
 4 fortune will turne the envie of this our present prosperities 
 Such were iEmylius words to these young men, as it is reported, 
 bridling by these and such like persuasions, the lusty bravery of 
 this youth, even as with the bit and bridle of reason. After- 
 wardes he put his armie into garrisons to refreshe them : and 
 went him selfe in persone in the meane time to visite Graece, 
 making it an honorable progresse, and also a commendable. 
 For as he passed through their citties, he releved the people, 
 reformed the government of their state, and ever gave them 
 some gifte or present. Unto some he gave corne, which king 
 Perseus had gathered for the warres : and unto other he 
 gave oyles, meeting with so great store of provision, that he 
 rather lacked people to geve it unto, to receyve it at his 
 handes, then wanting to geve, there was so much. As he 
 passed by the cittie of Delphes, he sawe there a great piller, 
 foure square, of white stone, which they had set up, to put 
 king Perseus image of gold upon it. Whereupon he com- 
 maunded them to set up his in that place, saying: it was 
 reason the conquered should geve place unto the conquerours. 
 And being in the cittie of Olympia, visiting the temple of 
 Iupiter Olympian, he spake this openly, which ever since 
 hath bene remembred : that Phidias had rightly made 
 Iupiter, as Homer had described him. Afterwardes when 
 the tenne ambassadours were arrived that were sent from 
 Rome to establish with him the realme of Maced on, he 
 redelivered the Macedonians their countrie and townes 
 againe, to live at libertie, according to their lawes, paying 
 yerely to the Romaines for tribute, a hundred talents : 
 where before they were wont to paye unto their Kings tenne 
 times as muche. And he made playes and games of all 
 sortes, and dyd celebrate sumptuous sacrifices unto the 
 goddes. He kept open courte to all commers, and made 
 noble feastes, and defrayed the whole charge thereof, with 
 
 229 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 honorable 
 progresse 
 in Graece. 
 
 iEmylius 
 setteth Mace- 
 don at a staye. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 wordes about 
 the care and 
 good order 
 at feasts. 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 abstinence. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the treasure Perseus had gathered together, sparing for no 
 coste. But through his care and foresight there was suche a 
 speciall good order taken, every man so curteously receyved 
 and welcommed, and so orderly marshalled at the table 
 according to their estate and calling : that the Graecians 
 wondred to see him so carefull in matters of sporte and 
 pleasure : and that he tooke as great paynes in his owne 
 persone, to see that small matters should be ordered as they 
 ought : as he tooke great regard for discharge of more 
 weighty causes. But this was a marvelous pleasure to him, 
 to see that among such sumptuous sightes prepared to shewe 
 pleasure to the persones invited, no sight or stately shewe 
 dyd so delight them, as to enjoye the sight and company of 
 his persone. So he told them, that seemed to wonder at his 
 diligence and care in these matters : that to order a feast 
 well, required as great judgement and discretion, as to set a 
 battell : to make the one fearefull to the enemies, and the 
 other acceptable to his friendes. But men esteemed his 
 bountie and magnanimitie for his best vertue and qualitie. 
 For he dyd not only refuse to see the Kings wonderful 
 treasure of golde and silver, but caused it to be told, and 
 delivered to the custodie of the treasurers, to carie to the 
 coffers of store in Rome : and only suffered his sonnes that 
 were learned, to take the bookes of the Kings librarie. 
 When he dyd rewarde the souldiers for their valliant service 
 in this battell, he gave his sonne in lawe iEmylius Tubero a 
 cuppe, weying five talents. It is the same Tubero we tolde 
 you of before, who lived with sixteene other of his kynne all 
 in one house, and of the only revenue they had of a litle 
 farme in the countrie. Some saye, that cuppe was the first 
 pece of plate that ever came into the house of the iElians, 
 and yet it came for honour and reward of vertue : but before 
 that time, neither them selves, nor their wives, would ever 
 have, or weare, any gold or silver. After he had very well 
 ordered and disposed all things, at the last he tooke leave of 
 the Graecians, and counselled the Macedonians to remember 
 the libertie the Romaines had geven them, and that they 
 should be carefull to keepe it, by their good government and 
 concorde together. Then he departed from them, and tooke 
 230 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his jorney towardes the countrie of Epirus, having receyved PAULUS 
 
 commission from the Senate of Rome, to suffer his souldiers iEMILIUS 
 
 who had done service in the battell, and overthrowe of king 
 
 Perseus, to spoyle all the citties of that countrie. Wherefore 
 
 that he might surprise them on a sodaine, and that they 
 
 should mistrust nothing, he sent to all the citties that they 
 
 should send him by a certaine daye, tenne of the chiefest 
 
 men of every cittie. Who when they were come, he com- 
 
 maunded them to goe and bring him by suche a daye, all 
 
 the golde and silver they had within their citties, aswell in 
 
 their private houses, as in their temples and churches, and 
 
 gave unto everie one of them a captaine and garrison with 
 
 them, as if it had bene only to have receaved and searched 
 
 for the gold and silver he demaunded. But when the daye 
 
 appointed was come, the souldiers in divers places (and all at 
 
 one time) set upon their enemies, and dyd rifle and spoyle iEmylius 
 
 them of that they had, and made them also paye ransome cruell acte 
 
 every man : So as by this policie, there were taken and sp°y lm g of 
 
 made slaves in one daye, a hundred and fiftie thousand p 
 
 persones, and three score and tenne citties spoyled and sacked 
 
 every one. And yet when they came to devide the spoyle of 
 
 this generall destruction of a whole Realme by the polle, 
 
 it came not to every souldiers parte, above eleven silver 
 
 Drachmes a pece. Which made every one to wonder greatly, 
 
 and to feare also the terrour of the warres, to see the 
 
 wealthe and riches of so great a Realme, to amowunte to so 
 
 litle for every mans share. When iEmylius had done this 
 
 facte against his owne nature, which was very gentle and 
 
 curteous : he went unto the sea syde to the citty of Orica, iEmylius 
 
 and there imbarked with his armie bownde for Italie. tooke shippe 
 
 Where when he was arrived, he went up the river of Tyber Q r e ic C a ttie 
 
 against the streame, in king Perseus chief galley, which had an( j returned 
 
 sixteene owers on a side, richely set out with the armour of into Italie. 
 
 the prisoners, riche clothes of purple culler, and other suche 
 
 spoyles of the enemies : so that the Romaines ronning out of 
 
 Rome in multitudes of people to see this galley, and going 
 
 side by side by her as they rowed softely, iEmylius tooke as 
 
 great pleasure in it, as in any open games or feastes, or 
 
 triumphe that had bene shewed in deede. But when the 
 
 231 
 
PAULUS 
 
 jEMILIUS 
 
 The envie 
 of Servius 
 Galba unto 
 iEmylius. 
 
 Contention 
 
 about 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 souldiers sawe, that the golde and silver of king Perseus 
 treasure was not devided amongest them according unto 
 promise, and that they had a great deale lesse then they 
 looked for, they were marvelously offended, and inwardly 
 grudged iEmylius in their hartes. Nevertheles they durst 
 not speake it openly, but dyd accuse him, that he had bene 
 to straight unto them in this warre, and therefore they dyd 
 shewe no great desire, nor forwardnes, to procure him the 
 honour of triumphe. Which Servius Galba understanding, 
 that had bene an olde enemie of his, notwithstanding he 
 had the charge of a thousand men under him in this warre : 
 he like an envious viper tolde the people, howe iEmylius had 
 not deserved the honour of triumphe, and sowed seditious 
 wordes against him among the souldiers, to aggravate their 
 ill will the more against him. Moreover, he craved a daye 
 of the Tribunes of the people, to have respit to bring forth 
 suche matter as they determined to object against him : 
 saying the time then was farre spent, the sunne being 
 but foure howers highe, and that it would require lenger 
 time and leysure. The Tribunes made him aunswer, that 
 he should speake then what he had to saye against him, or 
 otherwise they would not graunte him audience. Hereupon 
 he beganne to make a long oration in his dispraise, full 
 of railing wordes, and spent all the rest of the daye in 
 that rayling oration. Afterwardes when night came on, the 
 Tribunes brake up the assembly, and the next morning the 
 souldiers being incoraged by Galbaes oration, and having 
 confedered together, dyd flocke about Galba, in the mount 
 of the Capitoll, where the Tribunes had geven warning they 
 would keepe their assembly. Now being broade daye, 
 iEmylius triumphe was referred to the most number of 
 voyces of the people, and the first tribe flattly dyd denie his 
 triumphe. The Senate, and the residue of the people hear- 
 ing that, were very sorie to see they dyd iEmylius so open 
 wrong and injurie. The common people sayed nothing to 
 it, but seemed to be very sorie, howbeit they sought no 
 redresse. The lordes of the Senate cried out apon them, 
 and sayd it was to much shame, and exhorted one another 
 to bridell the insolencie and boldnes of these souldiers, who 
 232 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 would growe in the ende to such tumulte and disorder, PAULUS 
 
 that they would commit all mischief and wickednes, if be- -®MILIUS 
 
 times they were not looked to, and prevented, seeing they 
 
 dyd so openly stand against their generall, seeking to deprive 
 
 him of the honour of his triumphe and victorie. So they 
 
 assembled a good company of them together, and went up 
 
 to the Capitoll, and prayed the Tribunes they would staye 
 
 to take the voyces of the people, untill they had acquainted 
 
 them with such needefull matter, as they had to open unto 
 
 them. The Tribunes graunted to it, and silence was made. 
 
 Then Marcus Servilius, who had bene Consul, and had fought Servilius 
 three and twenty combats of life and death in his owne oration for 
 persone, and had allwayes slaine as many of his enemies as aunce^f^ 
 chalenged him man for man : rose up, and spake in favour ^E m yii us 
 of JEmylius in this manner : 4 1 knowe now (sayed he) better triumphe. 
 
 4 then before, how noble and worthie a captaine Paulus 
 4 iEmylius is, who hath atchieved such glorie and honorable 
 4 victorie, with so dishonorable and disobedient souldiers. 
 
 4 And I can but wonder, that the people not long since 
 4 rejoy ced, and made great accompt, of the victories and 
 4 triumphes wonne apon the Illyrians and other nations of 
 4 Africke : and that now they should for spite envie his glorie 
 4 (doing what lyeth in them to hinder) to bring a Macedonian 
 4 king alive in a triumphe, and to shewe the glorie and great- 
 4 nes of king Philip and Alexander the great, subdued by the 
 4 Romaines force and power. What reason have ye, that not 
 4 long since, apon a flying rumour that JEmylius had wonne 
 4 the battell against Perseus, you straight made sacrifices to 
 4 the goddes with great joy e, praying them that you might be 
 4 witnesses of the trothe thereof : and now that the persone 
 4 him selfe whom you made generall is returned home, and 
 4 doth deliver you most assured victorie, you doe frustrate the 
 4 goddes most solemne thankes and honour due to them, and 
 4 doe deprive your selves also of your wonted glorie in such a 
 4 case ? as if you were afeard to see the greatnes of your pro- 
 4 speritie, or that you ment to pardone a King, your slave and 
 4 prisoner. And yet of the two, you have more reason to 
 4 hinder the triumphe, as pittying the King : then envying 
 4 your captaine. But the malice of the wicked, through your 
 2 : GG 233 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 A notable 
 description 
 of iEmylius 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 4 pacience is growen to suche an insolent audacitie and boldnes, 
 4 that we see men present here before us, which never went from 
 4 the smoke of the chimney, nor caried away any blowes in the 
 4 field, being crammed at home like women and housedowes : 
 4 and yet they are so impudent and shameles, as they dare 
 4 presume unreverently to your faces, to prate of the office and 
 4 duety of a generall of an armie, and of the desert of triumphe, 
 4 before you I saye, who by experience of many a sore cut and 
 4 wounde apon your bodies in the warres, have learned to 
 4 knowe a good and valliant captaine, from a vile and cowardly 
 4 persone.’ And speaking these wordes, he cast open his gowne, 
 and shewed before them all, the infinite scarres and cuttes he 
 had receyved upon his brest : and then turning him behinde, 
 shewed all suche places as were not fitte to be seene openly, 
 and so turned him againe to Galba, and sayed unto him : 
 4 Thou mockest me for that I shewe thee : but I rejoy ce before 
 4 my countrie men and cittizens : that for serving my contrie 
 4 night and daye a horse backe, I have these wounds apon me 
 4 which thou seest. Now get thee about thy busines, and re- 
 4 ceive their voyces: and I wil come after, noting them that are 
 4 naughtie and unthankfull cittizens, who like to be soothed 
 4 with flatterie, and not stowtely commaunded, as behoveth a 
 4 generall in the warre.’ These wordes so reined the harde 
 headed souldiers with the curbe of reason, that all the other 
 tribes agreed in one, and graunted JEmylius triumphe : the 
 order and solemnitie whereof was performed in this sorte. 
 First, the people having set up sundrie scaffoldes aswel in the 
 listes and field (called Circos by the Latines) where the games 
 and common running of horses and charrets are made, as also 
 about the market place, and in other streetes of the cittie, 
 through the which, the shewe of the triumphe should passe : 
 they all presented them selves in their best gownes to see 
 the magnificence and state thereof. All the temples of the 
 goddes also were set wide open, hanged full of garlands of 
 flowers, and all perfumed within : and there were set through 
 all the quarters of the cittie, numbers of sergeaunts and other 
 officers holding tipstaves in their hands, to order the stragling 
 people, and to keepe them up in corners and lanes endes, that 
 they should not pester the streetes, and hinder the triumphe. 
 234 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Furthermore, the sight of this triumphe was to continue 
 three dayes, whereof the first was scant sufficient to see the 
 passing by of the images, tables, and pictures, and statues of 
 wonderfull bignes, all wonne and gotten of their enemies, 
 and drawen in the showe, upon two hundred and fiftie 
 charrets. The second daye, there were caried upon a number 
 of cartes, all the fairest and richest armour of the Mace- 
 donians, aswell of copper, as also of iron and steele, all glis- 
 tering bright, being newly furbished, and arteficially layed 
 in order (and yet in such sorte, as if they had bene cast in 
 heapes one upon another, without taking any care otherwise 
 for the ordering and laying of them) fayer burganets upon tar- 
 gets : habergions, or brigantines and corselets, upon greaves : 
 rounde targets of the Cretans, and javelings of the Thracians, 
 and arrowes amongest the armed pykes : all this armour and 
 cariage, being bound one to another so trimly (neither being 
 to lose, nor to straight) that one hitting against another, as 
 they drue them upon the cartes through the cittie, they made 
 suche a sound and noyse, as it was fearefull to heare it : so 
 that the only sight of these spoyles of the captives being 
 overcome, made the sight so muche more terrible to behold it. 
 After these cartes loden with armour, there followed three 
 thousand men, which caried the ready money in seven hundred 
 and fiftie vessels, which wayed about three talents a pece, and 
 every one of them were caried by foure men : and there were 
 other that caried great bowles of silver, cuppes and goblets 
 facioned like homes, and other pottes to drinke in, goodly to 
 behold, aswel for their bignes, as for their great and singu- 
 lar imbossed workes about it. The third day early in the 
 morning, the trumpets beganne to sound and set forwardes, 
 sounding no marche nor swete note, to beawtifie triumphe 
 withall : but they blewe out the brave alarom they sounde at 
 an assault, to geve the souldiers corage for to fight. After 
 them followed sixe score goodly fat oxen, having all their 
 homes gylte, and garlands of flowers and nosegayes about 
 their heads, and there went by them certaine yong men, with 
 aprons of nedle worke, girt about their mi die, who led them 
 to the sacrifice, and young boyes with them also, that caried 
 goodly basons of gold and silver, to cast and sprinkle the 
 
 235 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PAULUS bloud of the sacrifices about. And after these, followed those 
 A5MILIUS that caried all coynes of gold devided by basons and vessels, 
 and every one of them waying three talents as they dyd 
 before, that caried the great holy cuppe, which iEmylius had 
 caused to be made of massi gold, set full of precious stones, 
 waying the weight of tenne talents, to make an offering unto 
 the godds. And next unto them went other that caried 
 plate, made and wrought after antike facion, and notable 
 cuppes of the auncient kings of Macedon : as the cuppe called 
 Antigonus, and another Seleucus : and to be shorte, all the 
 whole cubberd of plate of gold and silver of king Perseus. 
 And next them came the charret of his armour, in the which 
 was all king Perseus harnesse, and his royall bande (they call 
 a Diademe) upon his armour. And a litle space betweene 
 Perseus chil- them, followed next the Kings children, whom they led pri- 
 dren. soners, with the traine of their schoolemasters and other officers, 
 
 and their servaunts, weeping and lamenting: who held up 
 their hands unto the people that looked apon them, and 
 taught the Kings young children to doe the like, to aske 
 mercie and grace at the peoples hands. There were three 
 prety litle children, two sonnes and a daughter amongest 
 them, whose tender yeres and lacke of understanding, made 
 them (poore soules) they could not feele their present miserie, 
 which made the people so muche more to pittie them, when 
 they saw the poore litle infants, that they knew not the 
 chaunge of their hard fortune : so that for the compassion 
 they had of them, they almost let the father passe without 
 looking upon him. Many peoples harts did melt for very 
 pittie, that the teares ranne downe their cheekes, so as this 
 sight brought both pleasure and sorow, together to the 
 lookers on, untill they were past and gone a good way out of 
 King Perseus, sight. King Perseus the father, followed after his children 
 and their traine, and he was clothed in a blacke gowne, wear- 
 ing a payer of slippers on his feete after his contrie manner. 
 He shewed by his countenance his troubled minde, opprest 
 with sorow of his most miserable state and fortune. He was 
 followed with his kinsefolks, his familliar trends, his officers 
 and household servants, their faces disfigured by blubbering, 
 shewing to the world by their lamenting teares, and sorow- 
 
 236 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 full eyes cast apon their unfortunate master, how much they 
 sorowed and bewailed his most hard and cursed fortune, litle 
 accompting of their own miserie. The voice goeth, that 
 Perseus sent unto iEmylius to intreate him, that he should 
 not be led through the cittie in the showe and sight of the 
 triumphe. But ^Emylius mocking (as he deserved) his 
 cowardly faint hart, aunswered : as for that, it was before, 
 and is now in him, to doe if he wil. Meaning to let him 
 understand thereby, that he might rather chuse to dye, then 
 living to receive such open shame. Howbeit his hart would 
 not serve him, he was so cowardly, and made so effeminate, 
 by a certen vaine hope he knew not what, that he was con- 
 tented to make one among his own spoiles. After all this, 
 there followed 400 princely crownes of golde, which the 
 citties and townes of Graece had purposly sent by their am- 
 bassadours unto iEmylius, to honour his victorie : and next 
 unto them, he came him selfe in his charret triumphing, 
 which was passing sumptuously set forth and adorned. It 
 was a noble sight to behold : and yet the person of him self 
 only was worth the looking on, without all that great pompe 
 and magnificence. For he was apparelled in a purple 
 gowne branched with gold, and caried in his right hand a 
 lawrell boughe, as all his armie did besids : the which being 
 devided by bands and companies, followed the triumphing 
 charret of their captaine, some of the souldiers, singing 
 songes of victorie, which the Romaines use to singe in 
 like triumphes, mingling them with mery pleasant toyes, 
 rejoy cing at their captaine. Other of them also dyd singe 
 songs of triumphe, in the honour and praise of dEmylius 
 noble conquest and victorie. He was openly praised, blessed, 
 and honored of every body, and neither hated nor envied 
 of honest men. Saving the ordinary use of some god, 
 whose propertie is allwayes to lessen or cut of some part 
 of mans exceding prosperitie and felicitie, mingling with 
 mans life the sence and feeling of good and evill together : 
 bicause that no living persone should passe all his time of 
 life, without some adversitie or misfortune, but that such 
 (as Homer sayeth) should only thinke them selves happie, 
 to whom fortune hath equally sorted the good with the evill. 
 
 237 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 jEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 scorneth Per- 
 seus cowardli- 
 nes. 
 
 Foure hun- 
 dred crownes 
 of gold 
 sent unto 
 iEmylius by 
 the citties 
 of Graece. 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 adversitie. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius for- 
 titude in his 
 great adver- 
 sitie. 
 
 iEmylius 
 oration in his 
 trouble, for 
 the death of 
 his children. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 And this I speake, bicause iEmylius had 4 sonnes, two of 
 the which he gave in adoption unto the families of Scipio and 
 of Fabius, as we have sayed before : and two other which he 
 had by his second wife, he brought up with him in his owne 
 house, and were both yet very young. Of the which the one 
 dyed, being 14 yeres of age five dayes before his fathers 
 triumphe : and the other dyed also, 3 dayes after the pompe 
 of triumphe, at 12 yeres of age. When this sorowfull 
 chaunce had befallen him, every one in Rome did pittie 
 him in their hartes : but fortunes spite and crueltie did 
 more greve and feare them, to see her litle regard towards 
 him, to put into a house of triumphe (full of honour and 
 glorie, and of sacrifices and joye) such a pittiefull mourning, 
 and mingling of sorowes and lamentations of death, amongest 
 such songs of triumple and victorie. Notwithstanding this, 
 iEmylius taking things like a wise man, thought that he 
 was not only to use constancie and magnanimitie, against 
 the sword and pike of the enemie : but a like also against 
 all adversitie and enmitie of spiteful fortune. So, he 
 wisely wayed and considered his present misfortune, with 
 his former prosperitie : and finding his misfortune conter- 
 peased with felicitie, and his private grieves cut of with 
 common joye, he gave no place to his sorowes and mis- 
 chances, neither blemished any way the dignity of his 
 triumphe and victorie. For when he had buried the 
 eldest of his two last sonnes, he left not to make his 
 triumphant entrie, as you have heard before. And his 
 second sonne also being deceased after his triumphe, he 
 caused the people to assemble, and in face of the whole 
 cittie he made an oration, not like a discomforted man, but 
 like one rather that dyd comforte his sorowfull contrymen 
 for his mischance. 4 He told them, that concerning mens 
 4 matters, never any thing dyd feare him : but for things 
 4 above, he ever feared fortune, mistrusting her chaunge 
 4 and inconstancy, and specially in the last warre, doubting 
 4 for so great prosperitie as could be wished, to be payed 
 4 home with an after intolerable adversitie, and sinister 
 4 chaunce. For as I went (sayed he) I passed over the gulfe 
 4 of the Adriatike sea, from Brindes unto Corfu in one daye. 
 238 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 4 And from thence in five dayes after, I arrived in the cittie 
 4 of Delphes, where I dyd sacrifice unto Apollo. And 
 4 within five other dayes, I arrived in my campe, where I 
 4 found mine armie in Macedon. And after I had done 
 4 the sacrifice, and due ceremonies for purifying of the same, 
 4 I presently beganne to followe the purpose and cause of my 
 4 comming: so as in 15 dayes after, I made an honorable ende 
 4 of all those warres. But yet, mistrusting fortune allwayes, 
 4 seing the prosperous course of my affaires, and considering 
 4 that there were no other enemies, nor daungers I neded to 
 4 feare : I feared sorely she would chaunge at my returne, 
 4 when I should be upon the sea, bringing home so goodly 
 4 and victorious an armie, with so many spoiles and so many 
 4 Princes and Kings taken prisoners. And yet when I 
 4 was safely arrived in the haven, and seing all the cittie 
 4 at my returne full of joye, and of feastes and sacrifices : I 
 4 still suspected fortune, knowing her manner well enough, 
 4 that she useth not to gratifie men so franckly, nor to 
 4 graunt them so great things clearly, without some certen 
 4 sparke of envie waiting on them. Neither dyd my minde 
 4 being still occupied in feare of some thing to happen to 
 4 the common wealth, shake of this feare behind me : but 
 4 that I sawe, this home mishappe and miserie lighted upon 
 4 me, enforcing me with mine owne hands in these holy dayes 
 4 of my triumphe, to burie my two young sonnes one after 
 4 another, which I only brought up with me, for the succes- 
 4 sion of my name and house. Wherefore, me thinkes now 
 4 I may saye, I am out of all daunger, at the least touching 
 4 my chiefest and greatest misfortune : and doe beginne to 
 4 stablish my selfe with this assured hope, that this good 
 4 fortune henceforth shall remaine with us evermore, with- 
 4 out feare of other unlucky or sinister chaunce. For she 
 4 hath sufficiently contervailed the favorable victorie she 
 4 gave you, with the envious mishappe wherewith she hath 
 4 plagued both me and mine : shewing the conquerour and 
 4 triumpher, as noble an example of mans miserie and 
 4 weaknes, as the party conquered, that had bene led in 
 4 triumphe. Saving that Perseus yet, conquered as he is, 
 4 hath this comforte left him : to see his children living, and 
 
 239 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 The death of 
 king Perseus. 
 
 A straunge 
 kind of death. 
 
 The state of 
 
 Perseus 
 
 sonnes. 
 
 By iEmylius 
 victorie, the 
 people payed 
 no more sub- 
 sidie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 6 that the conquerour iEmylius hath lost his.’ And this was 
 the summe of JSmylius notable oration he made unto the 
 people of Rome, proceeding of a noble and honorable dis- 
 posed minde. And though it pittied him in his harte to see 
 the straunge chaunge of king Perseus fortune, and that he 
 hartely desired to helpe him, and to doe him good : yet he 
 could never obtaine other grace for him, but only to remove 
 him from the common prisone (which the Romaines call 
 Career ) into a more clenly and sweter house : where being 
 straitly garded and looked unto, he killed him selfe by ab- 
 stinence from meate, as the most parte of historiographers 
 doe write. Yet some writers tell a marvelous straunge tale, 
 and manner of his death. For they saye the souldiers that 
 garded him, kept him from sleepe, watching him straightly 
 when sleepe tooke him, and would not suffer him to shut his 
 eye liddes (only apon malice they dyd beare him, bicause 
 they could not otherwise hurte him) keeping him awake by 
 force, not suffering him to take rest : untill suche time as 
 nature being forced to geve over, he gave up the ghoste. 
 Two of his sonnes dyed also : but the third called Alex- 
 ander, became an excellent turner and joyner, and was 
 learned, and could speake the Romaine tongue very well, 
 and dyd write it so trimly, that afterwards he was chaun- 
 celour to the magistrates of Rome, and dyd wisely and dis- 
 cretly behave him selfe in his office. Furthermore, they 
 doe adde to this goodly conquest of the realme of Macedon, 
 that iEmylius conquered another speciall good thing, that 
 made him marvelously well liked of the common people : 
 that is, that he brought so muche gold and silver unto the 
 treasurie store of Rome, as the common people needed never 
 after to make contribution for any thing, untill the very time 
 and yere that Hircius and Pansa were Consuls, which was about 
 the beginning of the first warres of Augustus and Antonius. 
 And yet iEmylius had one singular good gift in him : that 
 though the people dyd greatly love and honour him, yet he 
 ever tooke parte with the Senate and nobilitie, and dyd never 
 by worde nor dede any thing in favour of the people, to 
 flatter or please them, but in matters concerning govern- 
 ment, he dyd ever leane to the nobilitie and good men. 
 
 240 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 And this dyd Appius afterwards cast in his sonnes teethe, 
 Scipio Africanus. For both of them being two of the 
 chiefest men of their time, and contending together for 
 the office of Censor : Appius had about him to favour his 
 sute, all the Senate and Nobilitie, as of auncient time the 
 familie of the Appians had ever held on their parte. And 
 Scipio Africanus, though he was a great man of him selfe, 
 yet he was in all times favoured and beloved of the common 
 people. Whereupon when Appius sawe him come into the 
 market place, followed with men of small qualitie and base 
 condition, that had bene slaves before, but otherwise could 
 skilfully handle suche practises, bring the people together, 
 and by oportunitie of cries and lowde voyces (if neede were) 
 obteine what they would in the assemblies of the cittie : he 
 spake out alowde, and sayed : 0 Paulus JEmylius, now hast 
 thou good cause to sighe, and mourne in thy grave where 
 thou lyest (if the dead doe know what we doe here on earth) 
 to see ^Emylius a common sergeant, and Licinius a pratling 
 fellowe, howe they bring thy sonne unto the dignitie of a 
 Censor. And as for Scipio, he was allwayes beloved of the 
 common people, bicause he dyd favour them in all things. 
 But iEmylius also, although he tooke ever the noble mens 
 parte, he was not therefore lesse beloved of the common 
 people, then those that allwayes flattered them, doing all 
 things as the people would, to please them : which the 
 common people did witnesse, aswell by other honours and 
 offices they offred him, as in the dignitie of the Censor 
 which they gave him. For it was the holiest office of all 
 other at that time, and of greatest power and authoritie, 
 specially for inquierie and reformation of every mans life 
 and manners. For he that was Censor, had authoritie to 
 put any Senatour of the counsell, and to disgrade him, if he 
 dyd not worthely behave him selfe according to his place 
 and calling : and might name and declare any one of the 
 Senate, whom he thought to be most honest, and fittest for 
 the place againe. Moreover, they might by their authoritie, 
 take from licentious young men, their horse which was kept 
 at the charge of the common weale. Furthermore, they be 
 the sessours of the people, and the muster masters, keping 
 2 : HH 241 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 chosen 
 
 Censor. 
 
 The office and 
 authoritie of 
 the Censor. 
 
PAULUS 
 
 iEMILIUS 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 sicknes. 
 
 iEmylius re- 
 moved from 
 Rome, and 
 dwelt in the 
 citty of Velia. 
 
 The death of 
 fEmylius in 
 Rome. 
 
 iEmylius 
 
 funeralles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 bookes of the number of persones at every mustering. 
 So there appeared numbred in the register booke iEmylius 
 made then of them, three hundred, seven and thirtie thou- 
 sand, foure hundred, and two and fiftie men, and Marcus 
 ^Emylius Lepidus named president of the Senate, who had 
 that honour foure times before, and dyd put of the coun- 
 sell three Senatours, that were but meane men. And the 
 like meane and moderation he and his companion, Martius 
 Philippus kept, upon viewe and muster taken of the Romaine 
 horsemen. And after he had ordered and disposed the greatest 
 matters of his charge and office, he fell sicke of a disease that 
 at the beginning seemed very daungerous, but in the ende 
 there was no other daunger, saving that it was a lingring 
 disease, and hard to cure. So, following the counsell of 
 phisitians, who willed him to goe to a cittie in Italy called 
 Velia, he tooke sea, and went thither, and continued there 
 a long time, dwelling in pleasaunt houses upon the sea 
 side, quietly and out of all noyse. But during this time 
 of his absence, the Romaines wished for him many a time 
 and ofte. And when they were gathered together in the 
 Theaters, to see the playes and sportes, they cried out divers 
 times for him : whereby they shewed that they had a great 
 desire to see him againe. Time being come about when they 
 used to make a solemne yerely sacrifice, and iEmylius finding 
 him selfe also in good perfect health : he returned againe to 
 Rome, where he made the sacrifice with the other priestes, 
 all the people of Rome gathering about him, rejoycing 
 muche to see him. The next daye after, he made another 
 particular sacrifice, to geve thankes unto the goddes for 
 recoverie of his healthe. After the sacrifice was ended, he 
 went home to his house, and sate him downe to dinner : he 
 sodainly fell into a raving (without any perseverance of sick- 
 nes spied in him before, or any chaunge or alteration in him) 
 and his wittes went from him in suche sorte, that he dyed 
 within three dayes after, lacking no necessarie thing that an 
 earthly man could have, to make him happy in this world. 
 For he was even honoured at his funeralles, and his vertue 
 was adorned with many goodly glorious ornaments, neither 
 with gold, silver, nor ivorie, nor with other suche sump- 
 242 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tuousnes or magnificence of apparell, but with the love and PAULUS 
 good will of the people, all of them confessing his vertue ^EMILIUS 
 and well doing : and this dyd not only his naturall country 
 men performe in memorie of him, but his very enemies also. 
 
 For all those that met in Rome by chaunce at that time, that 
 were either come out of Spayne, from Genua, or out of 
 Macedon, all those that were young and strong, dyd will- 
 ingly put them selves under the coffin where his bodie laye, 
 to helpe to carie him to the churche: and the olde men 
 followed his bodie to accompany the same, calling vEmylius 
 the benefactour, saviour, and father of their countrie. For 
 he dyd not only intreate them gently, and graciously, 
 whom he had subdued : but all his life time he was ever 
 ready to pleasure them, and to set forwardes their causes, 
 even as they had bene his confederates, very friends, and 
 neere kinsemen. The inventorie, of all his goodes after his AEmylius 
 death, dyd scant amownte unto the summe of three hundred, goodes what 
 three score, and tenne thousand silver Drachmes, which his * ie ^ came t0, 
 two sonnes dyd inherite. But Scipio being the younger, left 
 all his right unto his elder brother Fabius, bicause he was 
 adopted into a very riche house, which was the house 
 of the great Scipio Africanus. Suche they saye 
 was Paulus iEmylius conditions and life. 
 
 THE ENDE OF PAULUS jEMYLIUS LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF TIMOLEON 
 
 EFORE Timoleon was sent into Sicile, thus The state of 
 stoode the state of the Syracusans. After the Syra- 
 that Dion had driven out the tyranne cusans before 
 Dionysius, he him selfe alter was slaine 
 immediatly by treason: and those that 
 ayded him to restore the Syracusans to 
 
 comming’. 
 
 their libertie, fell out, and 
 
 sention 
 
 them selves. 
 
 were at dis- 
 By reason 
 
 among 
 
 whereof, the cittie of Syracusa chaunging continually newe 
 
 243 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 TIMOLEON tyrannes, was so troubled and turmoiled with all sorte of 
 evills, that it was left in manner desolate, and without 
 inhabitants. The rest of Sicile in like case was utterly 
 destroyed, and no citties in manner left standing, by reason 
 of the long warres : and those fewe that remained, were most 
 inhabited of forreine souldiers and straungers (a company of 
 lose men gathered together that tooke paye of no prince nor 
 cittie) all the dominions of the same being easely usurped, 
 and as easie to chaunge their lorde. In so muche, Dionysius 
 the tyranne, tenne yeres after Dion had driven him out of 
 Sicile, having gathered a certen number of souldiers together 
 againe, and through their helpe driven out Niseus, that 
 raigned at that time in Syracusa : he recovered the Realme 
 againe, and made him selfe King. So, if he was straungely 
 expulsed by a small power out of the greatest Kingdome 
 that ever was in the worlde : likewise he more straungely 
 recovered it againe, being banished and very poore, making 
 him selfe King over them, who before had driven him out. 
 Thus were the inhabitants of the cittie compelled, to serve 
 this tyranne : who besides that of his owne nature he was 
 never curteous nor civill, he was now growen to be farre 
 more dogged and cruell, by reason of the extreme miserie 
 and misfortune he had endured. But the noblest cittizens 
 Icetes, repaired unto Icetes, who at that time as lorde ruled the 
 
 tyranne of the cittie of the Leontines, and they chose him for their generall 
 Leontmes. * n these warres : not for that he was any thing better then 
 the open tyrannes, but bicause they had no other to repaire 
 unto at that time, and they trusted him best, for that he 
 was borne (as them selves) within the cittie of Syracusa, and 
 bicause also he had men of warre about him, to make head 
 against this tyranne. But in the meane time, the Cartha- 
 ginians came downe into Sicile with a great armie, and 
 invaded the countrie. The Syracusans being afrayed of 
 them, determined to send ambassadours into Graece unto the 
 Corinthians, to praye ayde of them against the barbarous 
 people, having better hope of them, then of any other of 
 the Graecians. And that not altogether bicause they were 
 lineally descended from them, and that they had receyved in 
 times past many pleasures at their handes : but also for that 
 244 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they knewe that Corinthe was a cittie, that in all ages and 
 times, dyd ever love libertie, and hate tyrannes, and that 
 had allwayes made their greatest warres, not for ambition of 
 Kingdomes, nor of covetous desire to conquer and rule, but 
 only to defend and mainteine the libertie of the Graecians. 
 But Icetes in another contrarie sorte, he tooke apon him to 
 be generall, with a minde to make him selfe king of Syracusa. 
 For he had secretly practised with the Carthaginians, and 
 openly notwithstanding, in words he commended the counsell 
 and determination of the Syracusans, and sent ambassadours 
 from him selfe also with theirs, unto Peloponnesus : not that 
 he was desirous any ayde should come from them to Syracusa, 
 but bicause he hoped if the Corinthians refused to send them 
 ayde (as it was very likely they would, for the warres and 
 troubles that were in Greece) that he might more easely 
 turne all over to the Carthaginians, and use them as his 
 friendes, to ayde him against the Syracusans, or the tyrante 
 Dionysius. And that this was his full purpose, and intent, 
 it appeared plainely sone after. Now when their ambassadours 
 arrived at Corinthe, and had delivered their message, the 
 Corinthians, who had ever bene carefull to defend such citties 
 as had sought unto them, and specially Syracusa : very will- 
 ingly determined in counsaill to send them ayde, and the 
 rather for that they were in good peace at that time, having 
 warres with none of the Graecians. So their only staye 
 rested, upon choosing of a generall to leade their armie. Now 
 as the magistrates and governours of the cittie were naming 
 suche cittizens, as willingly offred their service, desirous to 
 advaunce them selves : there stept up a meane commoner, 
 who named Timoleon, Timodemus sonne, a man that untill 
 that time was never called on for service, neither looked for 
 any suche prefarment. And truely it is to be thought it 
 was the secret working of the gods, that directed the thought 
 of this meane commoner to name Timoleon : whose election 
 fortune favored very much, and joyned to his valliantnes 
 and vertue, marvelous good successe in all his doings after- 
 wardes. This Timoleon was borne of noble parents, both by 
 father and mother : his father was called Timodemus, and 
 his mother Demareta. He was naturally inclined to love his 
 
 245 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 By what voice 
 Timoleon 
 came to be 
 generall. 
 
 Timoleons 
 parentage and 
 manners. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timophanes, 
 Timoleons 
 brother, what 
 he was. 
 
 Timoleon 
 saved his 
 brothers life. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 countrie and common weale: and was allwayes gentle and 
 curteous to all men, saving that he mortally hated tyrantes 
 and wicked men. Furthermore nature had framed his bodie 
 apt for warres and for paynes : he was wise in his grenest 
 youth in all things he tooke in hande, and in his age he 
 shewed him selfe very valliant. He had an elder brother 
 called Timophanes, who was nothing like to him in con- 
 dition : for he was a rashe harebraynd man, and had a 
 greedy desire to reigne, being put into his head by a com- 
 panie of meane men, that bare him in hande they were his 
 friendes, and by certen souldiers gathered together, which 
 he had allwayes about him. And bicause he was very hotte 
 and forward in warres, his cittizens tooke him for a noble 
 captaine, and a man of good service, and therefore often- 
 times they gave him charge of men. And therein Timoleon 
 dyd helpe him muche to hide his faulte he committed, 
 or at the least made them seeme lesse, and lighter then 
 they were, still increasing that small good gifte that nature 
 brought forth in him. As in a battell the Corinthians had 
 against the Argives and the Cleoneians, Timoleon served as 
 a private souldier amongest the footemen : and Timophanes 
 his brother, having charge of horsemen, was in great daunger 
 of being cast away, if present helpe had not bene. For his 
 horse being hurte, threwe him on the grounde in the middest 
 of his enemies. Whereupon parte of those that were about 
 him, were affray ed, and dispersed them selves here and there : 
 and those that remained with him, being fewe in number, 
 and having many enemies to fight withall, dyd hardly with- 
 stand their force and charge. But his brother Timoleon 
 seeing him in suche instant daunger a farre of, ranne with 
 all speede possible to helpe him, and clapping his target 
 before his brother Timophanes, that laye on the grounde, 
 receyving many woundes on his bodie with sworde and 
 arrowes, with great difficultie he repulsed the enemies, and 
 saved his owne and his brothers life. Now the Corinthians 
 fearing the like matter to come that before had happened 
 unto them, which was to lose their cittie through default 
 of their friends helpe : they resolved in counsell, to enter- 
 taine in paye continuallv foure hundred souldiers that were 
 246 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 straungers, whom they assigned over to Timophanes charge. TIMOLEON 
 Who, abandoning all honestie and regarde of the trust The Corinth- 
 reposed in him, dyd presently practise all the wayes he iansenter- 
 could to make him selfe lorde of the cittie : and having put t ® ined 400 
 divers of the chiefest cittizens to death without order of and^ade 8 * 
 lawe, in the ende, he openly proclaimed him selfe King. Timophanes 
 Timoleon being very sorie for this, and taking his brothers captaine of 
 wickednes would be the very highe waye to his fall and themtokeepe 
 destruction : sought first to winne him with all the good t eir Clttie ‘ 
 words and persuasion he could, to move him to leave his Timophanes 
 ambitious desire to reigne, and to salve (as neere as might ion of 
 
 be) his harde dealing with the cittizens. Timophanes set the kingdom, 
 light by his brothers persuasions, and would geve no eare 
 unto them. Thereupon Timoleon then went unto one 
 iEschylus his friend, and brother unto Timophanes wife, and 
 to one Satyrus a soothesayer (as Theopompus the historio- 
 grapher calleth him, and Ephorus calleth him Orthagoras) 
 with whom he came againe another time unto his brother : 
 and they three comming to him, instantly besought him to 
 beleeve good counsell, and to leave the Kingdome. Timo- 
 phanes at the first dyd but laughe them to scorne, and 
 sported at their persuasions : but afterwards he waxed 
 war me, and grew into great ch oiler with them. Timoleon 
 seeing that, went a litle a toside, and covering his face fell a 
 weeping : and in the meane season, the other two drawing 
 out their swordes, slue Timophanes in the place. This Timophanes 
 murder was straight bio wen abroade through the cittie, and slaine bis 
 the better sorte did greatly commend the noble minde and clement*™" 
 hate Timoleon bare against the tyrante : considering that 
 he being of a gentle nature, and loving to his kinne, dyd 
 notwithstanding regard the benefit of his countrie, before 
 the naturall affection to his brother, and preferred duety 
 and justice, before nature and kinred. For, before he had 
 saved his brothers life, fighting for defence of his countrie : 
 and now in seeking to make him selfe King, and to rule the 
 same, he made him to be slaine. Suche then as misliked 
 popular government and libertie, and allwayes followed the 
 Nobilitie: they set a good face of the matter, as though 
 they had bene glad of the tyrantes death. Yet still reprov- 
 
 m 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 TIMOLEON ing Timoleon for the horrible murder he had committed 
 against his brother, declaring howe detestable it was both to 
 the gods and men : they so handled him, that it grieved him 
 to the harte he had done it. But when it was told him that 
 his mother tooke it marvelous evill, and that she pronounced 
 horrible curses against him, and gave out terrible wordes 
 of him, he went unto her in hope to comfort her : howbeit 
 she could never abide to see him, but allwayes shut her 
 doore against him. Then he being wounded to the harte 
 with sorowe, tooke a conceit sodainly to kill him selfe by 
 absteining from meate : but his friends would never forsake 
 him in this despaire, and urged him so farre by intreaty and 
 persuasion, that they compelled him to eate. Thereupon he 
 resolved thenceforth to give him self over to a solitarie life 
 in the countrie, secluding him selfe from all companie and 
 dealings : so as at the beginning, he dyd not only refuse to 
 repaire unto the cittie, and all accesse of companie, but 
 wandring up and downe in most solitarie places, consumed 
 him selfe and his time with melancholie. And thus we see, 
 that counsells and judgements are lightly caried awaye (by 
 prayse or disprayse) if they be not shored up with rule of 
 reason, and philosophic, and rest confounded in them selves. 
 
 Our acts must And therefore it is very requisite and necessarie, that not 
 
 be honest, and only the acte be good and honest of it selfe, but that the 
 
 constant. resolution thereof be also constant, and not subject unto 
 chaunge: to the ende we maye doe all things consideratly. 
 Lest we be like unto likerous mowthed men, who as they 
 desire meates with a greedy appetite, and after are sone 
 weary, disliking the same : even so we do soddenly repent 
 our actions, grounded upon a weake imagination, of the 
 honestie that moved us thereunto. For repentaunce maketh 
 the acte, which before was good, naught. But determination, 
 grounded upon certaine knowledge and truthe of reason, 
 doth never chaunge, although the matter enterprised, have 
 not allwayes happy successe. And therefore Phocion the 
 Athenian having resisted (as muche as in him laye) certen 
 things which the generall Leosthenes dyd, and which con- 
 trarie to his minde tooke good effect: and perceyving the 
 Athenians dyd open sacrifice unto the goddes, to geve them 
 248 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 thankes for the same, and muche rejoy ce at the victorie they 
 had obteined. I would have rejoy ced to (sayed he) if I had 
 done this : but so would I not for any thing, but I had geven 
 the counsell. And after that sorte, but more sharpely dyd 
 Aristides Locrian (a very friend and companion of Platoes) 
 aunswer Dionysius the elder, tyrante of Syracusa : who asked 
 his goodwill to marye one of his daughters. I had rather see 
 my daughter deade (sayde he) then maried unto a tyranne. 
 And within a certayne tyme after, the tyranne put all his 
 sonnes to deathe : and then he asked him in derision, to 
 greeve him the more, if he were still of his former opinion 
 for the marying of his daughter. I am very sorye, (sayed 
 he) with all my harte, for that thou hast done : but yet I 
 doe not repent me of that I have sayed. That perad venture 
 proceeded of a more perfect vertue. But to returne againe 
 to Timoleon. Whether that inwarde sorowe strooke him to 
 the harte for the deathe of his brother, or that shame did so 
 abash him, as he durst not abide his mother : twenty yeares 
 after, he never did any notable or famous acte. And there- 
 fore, when he was named to be generall of the ayde that 
 shoulde be sent into Sicile, the people having willingly 
 chosen and accepted of him : Teleclides, who was chiefe 
 governor at that time in the citie of Corinthe, standing 
 uppon his feete before the people, spake unto Timoleon, and 
 did exhorte him to behave him selfe like an honest man, and 
 valiant Captaine in his charge. For, sayd he, if you handle 
 your selfe well, we will thinke you have killed a tyranne : 
 but if you doe order your selfe otherwise then well, we will 
 judge you have killed your brother. Nowe Timoleon being 
 busie in leavying of men, and preparing him selfe : letters 
 came to the Corinthians from Icetes, whereby plainely appeared, 
 that Icetes had caried two faces in one hoode, and that he 
 was become a traytor. For he had no sooner dispatched his 
 Ambassadors unto them, but he straight tooke the Carthagi- 
 nians parte, and dealt openly for them, intending to drive 
 out Dionysius, and to make him selfe king of Syracusa. But 
 fearing least the Corinthians would send ayde before he had 
 wrought his feate: he wrote againe unto the Corinthians, 
 sending them worde, that they shoulde not neede nowe to put 
 2:11 249 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Phocions 
 
 saying. 
 
 Aristides 
 grave saying. 
 
 Timoleon 
 chosen gene- 
 rall to go into 
 Sicile. 
 
 Icetes tyran 
 of the Leon- 
 tines, a 
 traytor. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 A signe 
 happened to 
 Timoleon. 
 
 Timoleon 
 tooke shippe 
 towards 
 Sicile. 
 
 A burning 
 torche ap- 
 peared in the 
 element unto 
 Timoleon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 them selves to any charge or daunger for comming into 
 Sicile, and specially, bicause the Carthaginians were very 
 angrie, and did also lye in wayte in the way as they should 
 come, with a great fleete of shippes to meete with their 
 armie : and that for him selfe, bicause he sawe they taried 
 long, he had made league and amitie with them, against the 
 tyranne Dionysius. When they had red his letters, if any 
 of the Corinthians were before but coldely affected to this 
 jorney, choller did then so warme them against Icetes, that 
 they franckly graunted Timoleon what he would aske, and 
 helpe to furnishe him to set him out. When the shippes 
 were ready rigged, and that the souldiers were furnished of 
 all thinges necessary for their departure, the Nunnes of the 
 goddesse Proserpina sayed, they sawe a vision in their dreame, 
 and that the goddesses Ceres and Proserpina did appeare 
 unto them, apparrelled like travellers to take a jorney : and 
 tolde them, that they woulde goe with Timoleon into Sicile. 
 Apon this speache onely, the Corinthians rigged a galley, 
 they called, the galley of Ceres and Proserpina : and Timo- 
 leon him selfe before he would take the seas, went into the 
 citie of Delphes, where he made sacrifice unto Apollo. And 
 as he entred within the Sanctuarie where the aunsweres of 
 the Oracle are made, there happened a wonderfull signe unto 
 him. For amongest the vowes and offerings that are hanged 
 uppe uppon the walles of the Sanctuarie, there fell a bande 
 directly uppon Timoleons heade, imbrodered all about with 
 crownes of victorie : so that it seemed Apollo sent him 
 already crowned, before he had set out one foote towardes 
 the jorney. He tooke shippe, and say led with seven gaily es 
 of Corinthe, two of Corphue, and tenne the Leucadians did 
 set out. When he was launched out in the mayne sea, 
 having a francke gale of winde and large, he thought in the 
 night that the element did open, and that out of the same 
 there came a marvelous great bright light over his shippe, 
 and it was much like to a torche burning, when they showe 
 the ceremonies of the holy mysteries. This torche did 
 accompanie and guide them all their voyage, and in the 
 ende it vanished away, and seemed to fall downe uppon the 
 coast of Italye, where the Shippemasters had determined to 
 250 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 arrive. The wise mens opinions being asked what this might 
 signifie : they aunswered : That this wonderfull sight did 
 betoken the dreame, the Nunnes of the goddesse Ceres 
 dreamed, and that the goddesses favoring this jorney, had 
 shewed them the waye, by sending of this light from heaven : 
 bicause that the He of Sicile is consecrated unto the goddesse 
 Proserpina, and specially for that they reporte her ravishe- 
 ment was in that lie, and that the whole realme was assigned 
 unto her for her joynter, at the day of her mariage. Thus 
 did this celestiall signe of the goddes bothe encorage those 
 that went this jorney, and deliver them also assured hope, 
 who sayled with all possible speede they coulde : untill such 
 time, as having crossed the seas, they arrived upon the coast 
 of Italie. But when they came thither, the newes they 
 understoode from Sicile put Timoleon in great perplexitie, 
 and did marvelously discourage the souldiers he brought 
 with him. For Icetes having overthrowen the battell of the 
 tyranne Dionysius, and possessed the greatest parte of the 
 citie of Syracusa : he did beseege him within the castell, and 
 within that parte of the citie which is called the lie, where 
 he had pent him up, and inclosed him in with walles rounde 
 about. And in the meane time he had prayed the Cartha- 
 ginians, that they would be carefull to keepe Timoleon from 
 landing in Sicile, to the ende that by preventing that ayde, 
 they might easily devide Sicile betwene them, and no man to let 
 them. The Carthaginians following his request, sent twenty 
 of their gallyes unto Rhegio, amonge which Icetes Ambassa- 
 dors were sent to Timoleon, with testimonie of his doinges : 
 for they were fayer flattering wordes, to cloke his wicked 
 intent he purposed. For they willed Timoleon he shoulde goe 
 him selfe alone (if he thought good) unto Icetes, to counsell 
 him, and to accompanie him in all his doinges, which were 
 nowe so farre onwardes in good towardnes, as he had almost 
 ended them all. Furthermore, they did also perswade him, 
 he shoulde send backe his shippes and souldiers to Corinthe 
 agayne, considering that the warre was nowe brought to 
 good passe, and that the Carthaginians woulde in no case 
 that his men should passe into Sicile, and that they were 
 determined to fight with them, if they made any force to 
 
 251 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Icetes beseeg- 
 eth Dionysius. 
 
 Icetes sendeth 
 Ambassadors 
 unto Timo- 
 leon, 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 craftier then 
 the Cartha- 
 ginians. 
 
 Rhegio a 
 citie of 
 Greece. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 enter. So the Corinthians at their arrivall into the citie of 
 Rhegio, finding there these Ambassadors, and seeing the fleete 
 of the Carthaginians shippes, which did ryde at ancker not 
 farre of from them : it spyted them on the one side to see 
 they were thus mocked and abused by Icetes. For every one 
 of them were marvelous angrye with him, and were greatly 
 afeard also for the poore Sicilians, whome to playnely they 
 sawe left a praye unto Icetes for rewarde of his treason, and 
 to the Carthaginians for recompence of the tyrannie, which 
 they suffered him to establish. So, on the other side they 
 thought it impossible to concquer the shippes of the Cartha- 
 ginians, which laye in wayte for them, and so neare unto 
 them : considering they were twyse as many in number as 
 they, and hard for them to subdue the armie also that was 
 in the handes of Icetes in Sicile, considering that they were 
 not come to him, but onely for the mayntenaunce of the 
 warres. Notwithstanding, Timoleon spake very curteously 
 unto those Ambassadors, and captaynes of the Carthaginians 
 shippes, letting them understande that he would doe as 
 much as they would have him: and to say truely, if he 
 woulde have done otherwise, he could have wonne nothing 
 by it. Nevertheles he desired for his discharge, they woulde 
 say that openly, in the presence of the people of Rhegio, 
 (being a citie of Greece, friend and common to both parties) 
 which they had spoken to him in secrete : and that done, he 
 would departe incontinently, alledging that it stoode him 
 very much uppon for the safetie of his discharge, and that 
 they them selves also should more faithfully keepe that they 
 promised unto him touching the Syracusans, when they had 
 agreed upon it, and promised it, before all the people of 
 Rhegio, who should be witnes of it. Now, all this was but a 
 fetche and policie delivered by him, to shadowe his departure, 
 which the Captaines and govemers of Rhegio did favor, 
 and seeme to helpe him in : bicause they wished Sicile should 
 fall into the handes of the Corinthians, and feared much 
 to have the barbarous people for their neighbours. For 
 this cause they commaunded a generall assembly of all the 
 people, during which tyme, they caused the gates of the citie 
 to be shut : geving it out, that it was bicause the Citizens 
 252 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 should not goe about any other matters in the meane time. 
 Then when all the people were assembled, they beganne to 
 make long orations without concluding any matter : the one 
 leaving alwayes to the other a like matter to talke of, to the 
 ende they might winne time, untill the gallyes of the Corin- 
 thians were departed. And staying the Carthaginians also 
 in this assemblye, they mistrusted nothing, bicause they sawe 
 Timoleon present: who made a countenaunce, as though 
 he woulde ryse to say some thing. But in the meane time, 
 some one did secretely advertise Timoleon, that the other 
 gallyes were under sayle, and gone their waye, and that 
 there was but one galley left, which taried for him in the 
 haven. Thereupon he sodainly stale away through the 
 prease, with the helpe of the Rhegians, being about the 
 chayer where the orations were made : and trudging quickly 
 to the haven, he imbarked incontinently, and hoysed saile 
 also. And when he had overtaken his fleete, they went all 
 safe together to lande at the citie of Tauromenion, which is 
 in Sicilie : there they were very well received by Andro- 
 machus, who long before had sent for them, for he governed 
 this citie, as if he had bene Lorde thereof. He was the 
 father of Timaeus the Historiographer, the honestest man of 
 all those that did beare rule at that time in all Sicile. For 
 he did rule his Citizens, in all justice and equitie, and did 
 alwaies shew him selfe an open enemy of tyrans. And fol- 
 lowing his affection therein, he lent his citie at that time 
 unto Timoleon, to gather people together, and perswaded his 
 Citizens to enter into league with the Corinthians, and to 
 ayde them, to deliver Sicile from bondage, and to restore it 
 againe to libertie. But the captaines of the Carthaginians 
 that were at Rhegio, when they knewe that Timoleon was 
 under sayle and gone, after the assemblie of the counsell was 
 broken uppe : they were ready to eate their fingers for spyte, 
 to see them selves thus finely mocked and deceived. The 
 Rhegians on the other side, were mery at the matter, to see 
 howe the Phenicians stormed at it, that they had such a fine 
 parte played them. Howbeit in the ende, they determined 
 to send an Ambassador unto Tauromenion, in one of their 
 gallyes. This Ambassador spake very boldely, and barbar- 
 
 253 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 landeth at 
 Tauromenion 
 in Sicile. 
 
 Andromachus 
 the father of 
 Timaeus the 
 Historio- 
 grapher, 
 governer of 
 the citie of 
 Tauromenion. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 The Cartha- 
 ginians Am- 
 bassador did 
 threaten to 
 destroy the 
 citie of Tauro- 
 menion, by 
 shewing 
 Andromachus 
 the palme and 
 backe of his 
 hand. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ously unto Andromachus, and in a choller : and last of all, 
 he shewed him first the palme of his hande, then the backe 
 of his hande, and did threaten him that his citie shoulde be 
 so turned over hand, if he did not quickly send away the 
 Corinthians. Andromachus fell a laughing at him, and did 
 turne his hande uppe and downe as the Ambassador had 
 done, and bad him that he shoulde get him going, and that 
 with speede out of his citie, if he would not see the keele of 
 his galley turned upward. Icetes nowe understanding of 
 Timoleons comming, and being affrayed, sent for a great 
 number of gallyes unto the Carthaginians. Then the Syra- 
 cusans beganne to despayre utterly, when they sawe their 
 haven full of the Carthaginians galleyes, the best parte of their 
 citie kept by Icetes, and the castell by the tyran Dionysius. 
 And on thother side, that Timoleon was not yet comen but 
 to a litle corner of Sicile, having no more but the litle citie 
 of Tauromenion, with a small power, and lesse hope : bicause 
 there was not above a thowsand footemen in all, to furnishe 
 these warres, neither provision of vittells, nor so much money 
 as woulde serve to entertayne and pay them. Besides also, 
 that the other cities of Sicile did nothing trust him. But by 
 reason of the violent extorcions they had alate suffered, they 
 hated all Captaines and leaders of men of warre to the deathe, 
 and specially for the tretcherie of Calippus and Pharax, 
 whereof the one was an Athenian, and the other a Lacedae- 
 monian. Both of them sayed they came to set Sicile at 
 libertie, and to drive out the tyrans : and yet nevertheles 
 they had done so much hurte unto the poore Sicilians, that 
 the miserie and calamitie which they had suffered under the 
 tyrans, seemed all to be golde unto them, in respect of that 
 which the Captaines had made them to abyde. And they 
 did not thinke them more happy, that had willingly sub- 
 mitted them selves unto the yoke of servitude : then those 
 which they sawe restored, and set at libertie. Therefore 
 perswading them selves, that this Corinthian woulde be no 
 better unto them, then the other had bene before, but sup- 
 posing they were the selfe same former craftes, and alluring 
 baytes of good hope and fayer wordes, which they had tasted 
 of before, to drawe them to accept newe tyrans : they did 
 254 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 sore suspect it, and rejected all the Corinthians perswasions. 
 Saving the Adranitans onely, whose litle citie being conse- 
 crated to the god Adranus, (and greatly honored and rever- 
 enced through all Sicile) was then in dissention one against 
 an other : in so muche as one parte of them tooke parte with 
 Icetes, and the Carthaginians, and an other side of them sent 
 unto Timoleon. So it fortuned, that bothe the one and the 
 other, making all the possible speede they coulde, who shoulde 
 come first : arrived bothe in manner at one selfe tyme. Icetes 
 had about five thowsande souldiers. Timoleon had not in 
 all, above twelve hundred men, with the which he departed 
 to goe towards the citie of Adranus, distant from Tauro- 
 menion, about three hundred and fortie furlonges. For the 
 first dayes jorney, he went no great way, but lodged betymes : 
 but the next morning he marched very hastely, and had mar- 
 velous ill way. When night was come, and day light shut in, 
 he had newes that Icetes did but newly arrive before Ad- 
 ranus, where he encamped. When the private captaines 
 understood this, they caused the voward to stay, to eate 
 and repose a litle, that they might be the lustier, and, the 
 stronger to fight. But Timoleon did set still forwards, and 
 prayed them not to stay, but to goe on with all the speede 
 they could possible, that they might take their enemies out 
 of order (as it was likely they should) being but newly arrived, 
 and troubled with making their cabbons, and preparing for 
 supper. Therewithall as he spake these wordes, he tooke his 
 target on his arme, and marched him selfe the formost man, 
 as bravely and coragiously as if he had gon to a most assured 
 victorie. The souldiers seeing him marche with that life, 
 they followed at his heeles with like corage. So they had 
 not passing thirty furlonges to goe, which when they had 
 overcomen, they straight set apon their enemies, whome they 
 found all out of order, and began to flye, so soone as they 
 saw they were upon their backes before they were aware. By 
 this meanes there were not above three hundred men slayne, 
 and twise as many moe taken prisoners, and so their whole 
 campe was possessed. Then the Adranitans opening their 
 gates, y elded unto Timoleon, declaring unto him with great 
 feare, and no lesse wonder, how at the very time when he 
 
 255 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 The god 
 Adranus. 
 
 Timoleon 
 overthrew 
 Icetes armie, 
 and made him 
 flye from 
 Adranus. 
 
 The Adrani- 
 tans yeld unto 
 Timoleon. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Mamercus 
 tyran of 
 Catana. 
 
 Dionysius the 
 tyran, yeldeth 
 him selfe and 
 the castell of 
 Syracusa,unto 
 Timoleon. 
 
 Dionysius the 
 tyran of Syra- 
 cusa sent to 
 Corinthe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 gave charge apon the enemies, the dores of the temple of 
 their god opened of them selves, and that the Javeling which 
 the Image of their god did hold in his hand, did shake at the 
 very ende where the iron head was, and how all his face was 
 seene to sweate. This (in my opinion) did not onely signifie 
 the victorie he had gotten at that time, but all the notable 
 exploytes he did afterwardes, unto the which, this first en- 
 counter gave a happye beginning. For immediatly after, 
 many cities sent unto Timoleon, to joyne in league with him. 
 And Mamercus, the tyran of Catana, a souldier, and very full 
 of money, did also seeke his friendship. Furthermore, Diony- 
 sius the tyran of Syracusa, being weary to follow hope any 
 longer, and finding him selfe in maner forced unto it by long 
 continuaunce of seige : made no more reckoning of Icetes, 
 when he knewe that he was so shamefully overthrowen. And 
 contrariwise, much esteeming Timoleons valiantnes, he sent 
 to advertise him, that he was contented to yelde him selfe and 
 the castell into the handes of the Corinthians. Timoleon 
 being glad of this good happe unlooked for, sent Euclides 
 and Telemachus, two Captaines of the Corinthians, to take 
 possession of the castell, with fowre hundred men, not all at 
 a tyme, nor openly (for it was unpossible, the enemies lying 
 in wayte in the haven) but by small companies, and by stelthe, 
 he conveyed them all into the castell. So the souldiers pos- 
 sessed the castell, and the tyrans pallace, with all the move- 
 ables and municion of warres within the same. There were 
 a great number of horse of service, great store of staves and 
 weapons offensive of all sortes, and engynes of batterie to 
 shoote farre of, and sundry other weapons of defence, that 
 had bene gathered together of long tyme, to arme threescore 
 and tenne thowsand men. Moreover, besides all this, there 
 were two thowsand souldiers, whome with all the other thinges 
 rehearsed, Dionysius delivered up into the handes of Timo- 
 leon : and he him selfe, with his money and a few of his 
 friendes, went his way by sea, Icetes not knowing it, and so 
 came to Timoleons campe. This was the first tyme that ever 
 they sawe Dionysius a private man, in base and meane estate. 
 And yet within fewe dayes after, Timoleon sent him from 
 thence unto Corinthe in a shippe, with litle store of money. 
 256 
 

 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Who was borne and brought up in the greatest and most TIMOLEON 
 
 famous tyrannie, and kingdome, conquered by force, that 
 
 ever was in the world : and which him selfe had kept by the 
 
 space of tenne yeares after the death of his father. Since 
 
 Dion drave him out, he had bene marvelously turmoyled in 
 
 warres, by the space of twelve yeares : in which time, although 
 
 he had done muche mischiefe, yet he had suffered also a great 
 
 deale more. For he sawe the death of his sonnes when they The miseries 
 
 were men growen, and able to serve and cary armor. He and calamities 
 
 saw his daughters ravished by force, and deflowred of their ° he ^ 10 ^ sms 
 
 virginitie. He saw his owne sister (who was also his wife) y 
 
 first of all shamed, and cruelly handled in her person, with 
 
 the greatest villanies and most vile partes done unto her, 
 
 that his enemies could devise : and afterwards horribly 
 
 murdered with his children, and their bodies in the end 
 
 throwen into the sea, as we have more amply declared in 
 
 the life of Dion. Now when Dionysius was arryved in the 
 
 cittie of Corinthe, every Graecian was wonderfull desirous Dionysius 
 
 to go see him, and to talke with him. And some went brought to 
 
 thither very glad of his overthrow, as if they had troden Corinthe. 
 
 him downe with their feete, whom fortune had overthrowen, 
 
 so bitterly did they hate him. Other pittiyng him in their 
 
 heartes, to see so great a chaunge, did behold him as it were 
 
 with a certaine compassion, considering what great power, 
 
 secret and divine causes have over mens weakenes and frailtie, 
 
 and those thinges that daily passeth over our heades. For 
 
 the world then, did never bring forth any worke of nature, or 
 
 of mans hand so wonderful, as was this of fortune. Who 
 
 made the world see a man, that before was in maner Lorde The Incon- 
 
 and Kinge of all Sicile, sit then commonly in the cittie of stancie of 
 
 Corinthe, talking with a vitailer, or sitting a whole day in fortune - 
 
 a perfumers shoppe, or commonly drinking in some celler or 
 
 taverne, or to brawle and scolde in the middest of the 
 
 streetes, with common whores in face of the world, or els to 
 
 teach common minstrels in every lane and alley, and to 
 
 dispute with them with the best reason he had, about the 
 
 harmony and musike, of the songs they sang in the Theaters. 
 
 Now some say he did this, bicause he knew not els how he 
 should drive the time away, for that in dede he was of a 
 
 2 : KK 257 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 TIMOLEON base mynde, and an effeminate person, given over to all 
 dishonest lusts and desires. Other are of opinion, he did 
 it to be the lesse regarded, for feare lest the Corinthians 
 should have him in gealouzy and suspicion, imagining that 
 he did take the chaunge and state of his lyfe in grievous 
 part, and that he should yet looke backe, hoping for a tyme 
 to recover his state againe : and that for this cause he did it, 
 and of purpose fained many thinges against his nature, 
 seeming to be a starke nideotte, to see him do those thinges 
 he did. Some notwithstanding have gathered together 
 certaine of his answers, which doe testifie that he did not all 
 these thinges of a base brutish mynde, but to fitte himselfe 
 onely to his present misery and misfortune. For when he 
 came to Leucades, an auncient cittie built by the Corin- 
 thians, as was also the citty of Syracusa: he told the 
 Notable inhabitants of the same, that he was like to yong boyes that 
 sayings of had done a fault. For as they flye from their fathers being 
 
 Dionysius ashamed to come in their sight, and are gladder to be with 
 
 Syracusan. their bret hren : even so is it with me, said he : for it would 
 please me better to dwell here with you, then to go to 
 Corinthe our head citty. Another tyme, being at Corinthe, 
 a stranger was very busie with him, (knowing how familiar 
 Dionysius was with learned men and Philosophers, while he 
 raigned in Syracusa) and asked him in the ende in derision : 
 what benefite he got by Platoes wisedome and knowledge ? 
 Thebenefiteof he answered him againe : How thinkest thou, hath it done 
 Philosophy. me no good, when thou seest me beare so paciently this 
 change of fortune? Aristoxenus a musitian, and other, 
 asking him what offence Plato had done unto him : he 
 answered : That tyrans state is ever unfortunate, and 
 subject to many evills : but yet no evill in their state was 
 comparable to this. That none of all those they take to 
 be their most familiars, dare once tell them truely any thing : 
 and that through their fault, he left Platoes company. 
 Another tyme there commeth a pleasaunt fellow to him, 
 and thinking to mocke him finely, as he entred into his 
 chamber, he shooke his gowne, as the manner is when they 
 or not to come come to tyrans, to shewe that they have no weapons under 
 nere them. their gownes. But Dionysius encountred him as pleasantly, 
 258 
 
 A tyranes 
 state un- 
 fortunate. 
 
 This agreeth 
 with JEsops 
 wordes to 
 Solon, who 
 wished him 
 comming to 
 princes, to 
 please them. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 saying to him : Do that when thou goest hence, to se if thou TIMOLEON 
 hast stollen nothing. And again, Philip King of Macedon, See Solons 
 at his table one day discending into talke of songs, verse, life, and his 
 and tragedies, which Dionysius his father had made, ^ swer to 
 making as though he wondred at them, how possibly he sop ‘ 
 could have leisure to do them : he answered him very trimly, 
 and to good purpose. He did them even at such tymes 
 (quod he) as you and I, and all other great Lordes whom 
 they recken happy, are disposed to be drunke, and play the 
 fooles. Now for Plato, he never saw Dionysius at Corinthe. 
 
 But Diogenes Sinopian, the first tyme that ever he met 
 with Dionysius, sayd unto him : O, how unworthy art thou Diogenes 
 of this state. Dionysius stayed sodainely, and replied : say m £ 
 Truly I thanke thee (Diogenes) that thou hast compassion the tyrane 
 of my misery. Why sayd Diogenes againe : Doest thou 
 thinke I pitty thee P Nay it spiteth me rather to see such 
 a slave as thou (worthy to dye in the wicked state of a 
 tyrant like thy father) to lyve in such securitie, and idle 
 lyfe, as thou leadest amongst us. When I came to com- 
 pare these wordes of Diogenes, with Philistus wordes the 
 Historiographer, bewailing the harde fortune of the daughters 
 of the Leptines, saying that they were brought from the 
 toppe of all worldly felicity, honor, and goodes, (whereof 
 tyrannicall state aboundeth) unto a base, private, and 
 humble life : me thinkes they are the proper lamentations of 
 a woman, that soroweth for the losse of her boxes of paint- 
 ing cullers, or for her purple gownes, or for other suche 
 prety fine trimmes of golde, as women use to weare. So, 
 me thinkes these things I have intermingled concerning 
 Dionysius, are not impartinent to the description of our 
 lives, neither are they troublesom nor unprofitable to the 
 hearers, oneles they have other hasty busines to let or 
 trouble them. But now if the tyraunt Dionysius wretched Timoleons 
 state seeme straunge, Timoleons prosperitie then was no prosperitie. 
 lesse wonderfull. For within fiftie dayes after he had set 
 foote in Sicile, he had the castel of Syracusa in his possession, 
 and sent Dionysius as an exile to Corinthe. This did set 
 the Corinthians in suche a jollitie, that they sent him a 
 supply of two thousand footemen, and two hundred horse- 
 
 259 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Icetes hiereth 
 two souldiers 
 to kill Timo- 
 leon at Adra- 
 nus. 
 
 The treason 
 discovered to 
 Timoleon by 
 one of the 
 souldiers. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 men, which were appointed to land in Italie, in the countrie 
 of the Thurians. And perceyving that they could not 
 possiblie goe from thence into Sicile, bicause the Cartha- 
 ginians kept the seas with a great navie of shippes, and 
 that thereby they were compelled to staye for better 
 oportunitie : in the meane time they bestowed their leysure 
 in doing a notable good acte. For the Thurians, being in 
 warres at that time with the Brutians, they dyd put their 
 cittie into their hands, which they kept very faithfully and 
 friendly, as it had bene their owne native countrie. Icetes all 
 this while dyd besiege the castell of Syracusa, preventing all 
 he could possible, that there should come no corne by sea 
 unto the Corinthians that kept within the castell : and 
 he had hiered two straunge souldiers, which he sent unto 
 the cittie of Adranus, to kill Timoleon by treason, who kept 
 no garde about his persone, and continued amongest the 
 Adranitans, mistrusting nothing in the world, for the trust 
 and confidence he had in the safegard of the god of the 
 Adranitans. These souldiers being sent to do this murther, 
 were by chaunce enformed that Timoleon should one day do 
 sacrifice unto this god. So apon this, they came into the 
 temple, having daggers under their gownes, and by litle and 
 litle thrust in through the prease, that they got at the 
 length hard to the aulter. But at the present time as one 
 encoraged another to dispatche the matter, a third persone 
 they thought not of, gave one of the two a great cut in the 
 head with his sworde, that he fell to the grounde. The man 
 that had hurte him thus, fled straight upon it, with his 
 sworde drawen in his hande, and recovered the toppe of a 
 highe rocke. The other souldier that came with him, and 
 that was not hurte, got holde of a corner of the aulter, and 
 besought pardone of Timoleon, and told him he would 
 discover the treason practised against him. Timoleon there- 
 upon pardoned him. Then he told him howe his companion 
 that was slaine, and him selfe, were both hiered, and sent to 
 kill him. In the meane time, they brought him also that 
 had taken the rocke, who cried out alowde, he had done 
 no more then he should doe : for he had killed him that had 
 slaine his owne father before, in the cittie of the Leontines. 
 
 260 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 And to justifie this to be true, certaine that stoode by dyd 
 affirme, it was so in deede. Whereat they wondred greatly 
 to consider the marvelous working of fortune, howe she 
 doth bring one thing to passe by meanes of another, and 
 gathereth all things together, howe farre a sonder soever 
 they be, and linketh them together, though they seeme to 
 be cleane contrary one to another, with no manner of like- 
 nes or conjunction betwene them, making the ende of the 
 one, to be the beginning of another. The Corinthians 
 examining this matter throughly, gave him that slue the 
 souldier with his sworde, a crowne of the value of tenne 
 minas, bicause that by meanes of his juste anger, he had done 
 good service to the God that had preserved Timoleon. And 
 furthermore, this good happe did not only serve the present 
 turne, but was to good purpose ever after. For those that 
 sawe it, were putte in better hope, and had thenceforth 
 more care and regard unto Timoleons persone, bicause he 
 was a holy man, one that loved the goddes, and that was 
 purposely sent to deliver Sicile from captivitie. But Icetes 
 having missed his first purpose, and seeing numbers daylie 
 drawen to Timoleons devotion : he was mad with him self, 
 that having so great an armie of the Carthaginians at hand 
 at his commaundement, he tooke but a fewe of them to serve 
 his turne, as if he had bene ashamed of his facte, and had 
 used their frendshippe by stelth. So he sent hereupon for 
 Mago their general!, with all his fleete. Mago at his 
 request brought an huge army to see to, of a hundred and 
 fiftie sayle, which occupied and covered all the haven : and 
 afterwards landed three score thousand men, whom he 
 lodged every man within the cittie of Syracusa. Then every 
 man imagined the time was now come, which olde men had 
 threatned Sicile with many yeres before, and that continually : 
 that one day it shoud be conquered, and inhabited by the 
 barbarous people. For in all the warres the Carthaginians 
 ever had before in the countrie of Sicile, they could never 
 come to take the cittie of Syracusa : and then through Icetes 
 treason, who had receyved them, they were seene encamped 
 there. On thother side, the Corinthians that were within 
 the castell, founde them selves in great distresse, bicause their 
 
 261 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 The wonder- 
 full worke of 
 fortune. 
 
 Icetes bring- 
 eth Mago a 
 Carthaginian 
 with a great 
 army to Syra- 
 cusa. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Leon captaine 
 of the Corin- 
 thians within 
 the castell. 
 
 Leon wanne 
 Acradina. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 vittells waxed scant, and the haven was so straightly kept. 
 Moreover, they were driven to be armed continually to de- 
 fend the walles, which the enemies battered, and assaulted 
 in sundry places, with all kyndes of engines of batterie, 
 and sundry sortes of devised instruments and inventions to 
 take citties : by reason whereof, they were compelled also 
 to devide them selves into many companies. Nevertheles, 
 Timoleon without, gave them all the ayde he could possible : 
 sending them corne from Catana, in litle fisher botes and 
 small crayers, which got into the castell many times, but 
 specially in storme and fowle weather, passing by the gallyes 
 of the barbarous people, that laye scatteringly one from 
 another, dispersed abroad by tempest, and great billowes 
 of the sea. But Mago and Icetes finding this, determined 
 to goe take the cittie of Catana, from whence those of the 
 castell of Syracusa were vittelled : and taking with them the 
 best souldiers of all their armie, they departed from Syracusa, 
 and sayled towardes Catana. Nowe in the meane space, 
 Leon Corinthian, captaine of all those that were within 
 the castell, perceyving the enemies within the cittie kept 
 but slender warde : made a sodaine salie out apon them, 
 and taking them un wares, slue a great number at the first 
 charge, and drave awaye the other. So by this occasion 
 he wanne a quarter of the cittie, which they call Acradina, 
 and was the best parte of the cittie, that had receyved least 
 hurte. For the cittie of Syracusa seemeth to be built of 
 many townes joyned together. So having found there great 
 plenty of corne, golde, and silver, he would not forsake that 
 quarter no more, nor retume againe into the castell : but 
 fortifying with all diligence the compasse and precinct of 
 the same, and joyning it unto the castell with certen forti- 
 fications he built up in haste, he determined to keepe both 
 the one and the other. Now were Mago and Icetes very 
 neere unto Catana, when a post overtooke them, purposely 
 sent from Syracusa unto them : who brought them newes, 
 that the Acradina was taken. Whereat they both wondred, 
 and returned backe againe with all speede possible (having 
 failed of their purpose they pretended) to keepe that they 
 had yet left in their handes. Now for that matter, it is yet 
 262 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 a question, whether we should impute it unto wisedome and 
 valliancie, or unto good fortune : but the thing I will tell 
 you now, in my opinion, is altogether to be ascribed unto 
 fortune. And this it is. The two thousand footemen and 
 two hundred horsemen of the Corinthians, that remained in 
 the cittie of the Thurians, partly for feare of the gallyes of 
 the Carthaginians that laye in wayte for them as they should 
 passe, Hanno being their admirall : and partly also for that 
 the sea was very rough and highe many dayes together, 
 and was allwayes in storme and tempest : in the ende, they 
 ventured to goe through the countrie of the Brutians. And 
 partly with their good will (but rather by force) they got 
 through, and recovered the cittie of Rhegio, the sea being 
 yet marvelous highe and rough. Hanno the admirall of 
 the Carthaginians, looking no more then for their passage, 
 thought with him selfe that he had devised a marvelous fine 
 policie, to deceyve the enemies. Thereuppon he willed all 
 his men to put garlands of flowers of triumphe upon their 
 heades, and therewithall also made them dresse up, and set 
 forth his gallyes, with targets, corselets, and brigantines 
 after the Graecians facion. So in this bravery he returned 
 backe againe, sailing towards Syracusa, and came in with 
 force of owers, rowing under the castells side of Syracusa, 
 with great laughing, and clapping of hands : crying out 
 alowde to them that were in the castell, that he had over- 
 throwen their ayde which came from Corinthe, as they thought 
 to passe by the coast of Italie into Sicile, flattering them 
 selves, that this dyd muche discorage those that were besieged. 
 But whilest he sported thus with his fonde devise, the two 
 thousand Corinthians being arrived through the countrie of 
 the Brutians in the citie of Rhegio, perceyving the coaste 
 cleare, and that the passage by sea was not kept, and that 
 the raging seas were by miracle (as it were) made of purpose 
 calme for them : they tooke seas forthwith in such fisher 
 boates and passengers as they found readie, in the which 
 they went into Sicile, in suche good safety, as they drue 
 their horse (holding them by the raynes) alongest their 
 boates with them. When they were all passed over, Timoleon 
 having received them, went immediatly to take Messina, and 
 
 263 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Contention of 
 fortune and 
 valliancie. 
 
 The strata- 
 geame of 
 Hanno the 
 admirall of 
 the Cartha- 
 ginians. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 marcheth to 
 Syracusa. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 marching thence in battell raye, tooke his way towards 
 Syracusa, trusting better to his good fortune, then to his 
 force he had : for his whole number in all, were not above 
 foure thowsand fighting men. Notwithstanding, Mago hear- 
 ing of his comming, quaked for feare, and dowted the more 
 upon this occasion. About Syracusa are certeyne marishes, 
 that receive great quantitie of sweete fresh water, aswell of 
 fountaynes and springes, as also of litle ronning brookes, 
 lakes, and rivers, which ronne that wayes towards the sea : 
 and therefore there are great store of eeles in that place, 
 and the fishing is great there at all tymes, but specially for 
 such as delite to take eeles. Whereuppon the Graecians that 
 tooke paye on both sides, when they had leysure, and that 
 all was quiet betwene them, they intended fishing. Now, 
 they being all contrey men, and of one language, had no 
 private quarrell one with an other: but when tyme was 
 to fight, they did their duties, and in tyme of peace also 
 frequented familiarly togither, and one spake with an other, 
 and specially when they were busie fishing for eeles : saying, 
 that they marvelled at the scituacion of the goodly places 
 thereabouts, and that they stoode so pleasauntly and com- 
 modious apon the sea side. So one of the souldiers that 
 served under the Corinthians, chaunced to say unto them : 
 Is it possible that you that be Graecians borne, and have 
 so goodly a citie of your owne, and full of so many goodly 
 commodities : that ye will give it uppe unto these barbarous 
 people, the vile Carthaginians, and most cruell murderers of 
 the worlde ? where you should rather wishe that there were 
 many Sicilies betwixt them and Greece. Have ye so litle con- 
 sideration or judgement to thinke, that they have assembled 
 an armie out of all Africke, unto Hercules pillers, and to 
 the sea Atlanticke, to come hether to fight to stablish Icetes 
 tyrannie ? who, if he had bene a wise and skilfull Captaine, 
 would not have cast out his auncestors and founders, to 
 bringe into his contrye the auncient enemies of the same : 
 but might have received such honor and authoritie of the 
 Corinthians and Timoleon, as he could reasonably have de- 
 sired, and that with all their favor and good wil. The 
 souldiers that heard this tale, reported it agayne in their 
 
 264 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 campe : Insomuch they made Mago suspect there was treason 
 in hand, and so sought some culler to be gon. But here- 
 uppon, notwithstanding that Icetes prayed him all he could 
 to tary, declaring unto him how much they were stronger 
 then their enemies, and that Timoleon did rather prevayle by 
 his hardines and good fortune, then exceede him in number 
 of men: yet he hoysed sayle, and returned with shame enough 
 into Africke, letting slyppe the conquest of all Sicile out of 
 his handes, without any sight of reason or cause at all. The 
 next day after he was gone, Timoleon presented battell 
 before the citie, when the Grecians and he understoode 
 that the Carthaginians were fled, and that they saw the 
 haven ryd of all the shippes : and then beganne to jeast 
 at Magoes cowardlines, and in derision proclaymed in the 
 citie, that they would give him a good reward that could 
 bringe them newes, whether the armie of the Carthaginians 
 were fled. But for all this, Icetes was bent to fight, and 
 woulde not leave the spoyle he had gotten, but defende 
 the quarters of the citie he had possessed, at the swordes 
 poynt, trusting to the strength and scituacion of the places, 
 which were hardly to be approached. Timoleon perceyving 
 that, devided his armie, and he with one parte thereof did 
 sett upon that side which was the hardest to approache, and 
 did stand upon the river of Anapus : then he appoynted an 
 other part of his armie to assault all at one time, the side 
 of Acradina, whereof Isias Corinthian had the leading. The 
 thirde parte of his armie that came last from Corinthe, which 
 Dinarchus and Demaratus led : he appoynted to assault the 
 quarter called Epipoles. Thus, assault being given on all 
 sides at one time, Icetes bandes of men were broken, and 
 ranne their way. Now that the citie was thus wonne by 
 assault, and come so sodaynely to the handes of Timoleon, 
 and the enemies being fled : it is good reason we ascribe it 
 to the valiantnes of the souldiers, and the captaines great 
 wisedom. But where there was not one Corinthian slayne, 
 nor hurt in this assault : sure me thinkes herein, it was 
 onely the worke and deede of fortune, that did favor and 
 protect Timoleon, to contende against his valiantnes. To 
 the ende that those which should hereafter heare of his 
 2 : LL 265 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Mago forsak- 
 eth Sicile 
 upon suspect 
 of treason. 
 
 Anapus fl. 
 
 Timoleon 
 wynneth the 
 citie of 
 Syracusa. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 overthroweth 
 the castell of 
 Syracusa. 
 
 Timoleon 
 made Syra- 
 cusa a popular 
 government. 
 
 The miserable 
 state of Sicile. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 doings, should have more occasion to wonder at his 
 good happe : then to prayse and commend his valiantnes. 
 For the fame of this great exployte, did in few dayes 
 not onely ronne through all Italye, but also through 
 all Greece. Insomuch as the Corinthians, (who could 
 scant beleeve their men were passed with safetie into 
 Sicile) understoode withall that they were safely arrived 
 there, and had gotten the victorie of their enemies : so 
 prosperous was their jorney, and fortune so spedely did 
 favor his noble actes. Timoleon having now the castell of 
 Syracusa in his hands, did not followe Dion. For he spared 
 not the castell for the beawtie and stately building thereof, 
 but avoyding the suspicion that caused Dion first to be 
 accused, and lastly to be slayne : he caused it to be pro- 
 claymed by trompett, that any Syracusan whatsoever, should 
 come with crowes of iron, and mattocks, to helpe to digge 
 downe and overthrow the forte of the tyrans. There was 
 not a man in all the citie of Syracusa, but went thither 
 straight, and thought that proclamacion and day to be a 
 most happy beginning, of the recoverie of their libertie. So 
 they did not onely overthrowe the castell, but the pallace 
 also, and the tombes : and generally all that served in 
 any respect for the memorie of any of the tyrans. And 
 having cleared the place in fewe dayes, and made all 
 playne : Timoleon at the sute of the Citizens, made coun- 
 sell halls, and places of justice to be built there : and did by 
 this meanes stablish a free state and popular government, 
 and did suppresse all tyrannicall power. Nowe, when he 
 sawe he had wonne a citie that had no inhabitants, which 
 warres before had consumed, and feare of tyrannie had 
 emptied, so as grasse grewe so highe and rancke in the great 
 markett place of Syracusa, as they grased their horses there, 
 and the horsekeepers laye downe by them on the grasse as 
 they fed : and that all the cities, a fewe excepted, were full of 
 redde deare and wilde bores, so that men geven to delite in 
 hunting, having leysure, might finde game many tymes within 
 the suburbes and towne dytches, hard by the walles : and 
 that such as dwelt in castells and stronge holdes in the 
 contrye, would not leave them, to come and dwell in cities, 
 266 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 by reason they were all growen so stowte, and did so hate TIMOLEON 
 and detest assemblies of counsell, orations, and order of 
 government, where so many tyrans had reigned. Timoleon 
 thereuppon seeing this desolacion, and also so fewe Syra- 
 cusans borne that had escaped, thought good, and all his 
 Captaines, to write to the Corinthians, to send people out 
 of Greece to inhabite the citie of Syracusa agayne. For 
 otherwise the contrye would growe barren and unprofitable, 
 if the grounde were not plowed. Besides, that they looked 
 also for great warres out of Africke : being advertised that 
 the Carthaginians had honge up the body of Mago their Mago slue 
 general upon a crosse (who had slayne him selfe for that he him selfe, 
 could not aunswere the dishonor layed to his charge) and ^^nswer** 
 that they did leavy another great mightie armie, to returne d e p arture 
 againe the next yere following, to make warres in Sicile. 0 ut of Sicile. 
 These letters of Timoleon being brought unto Corinthe, and 
 the Embassadors of Syracusa being arrived with them also, 
 who besought the people to take care and protection over 
 their poore citie, and that they would once againe be fown- 
 ders of the same : the Corinthians did not gredily desire to 
 be Lordes of so goodly and great a citie, but first pro- 
 claymed by the trompett in all the assemblies, solemne 
 feastes, and common playes of Greece, that the Corinthians 
 having destroyed the tirannie that was in the citie of Syra- 
 cusa, and driven out the tyrannes, did call the Syracusans 
 that were fugitives out of their contrye, home againe, and all 
 other Sicilians that liked to come and dwell there, to enjoy all 
 freedom and libertie, with promise to make just and equall 
 division of the landes among them, the one to have as much 
 as the other. Moreover they sent out postes and messengers 
 into Asia, and into all the Hands where they understoode 
 the banished Syracusans remayned : to perswade and in- 
 treat them to come to Corinthe, and that the Corinthians 
 would give them shippes, Captaines, and meanes to conduct 
 them safely unto Syracusa, at their owne proper costes and 
 charges. In recompence whereof, the citie of Corinthe re- 
 ceaved every mans most noble praise and blessing, aswell for 
 delivering Sicile in that sorte from the bondage of tyrannes : 
 as also for keeping it out of the handes of the barbarous 
 
 367 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 The Corinth- 
 ians replen- 
 ished the 
 citie of Syra- 
 cuse with 
 three score 
 thowsand in- 
 habitants. 
 
 Leptines, 
 tyran of Apol- 
 lonia, yelded 
 to Timoleon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 people, and restored the naturall Syracusans, and Sicilians, to 
 their home and contrye againe. Nevertheles, such Sicilians 
 as repayred to Corinthe apon this proclamacion (them selves 
 being but a small number to inhabite the contrye) besought 
 the Corinthians to joyne to them some other inhabitantes, 
 as well of Corinthe it selfe, as out of the rest of Greece : the 
 which was performed. For they gathered together about 
 tenne thowsand persons, whom they shipped, and sent to 
 Syracusa. Where there were already a great number of 
 other comen unto Timoleon, aswell out of Sicile it self, as 
 out of al Italie besides : so that the whole number (as Athanis 
 writeth) came to three score thowsand persons. Amongst 
 them he devided the whole contrye, and sold them houses of 
 the citie, unto the value of a thowsand talents. And bicause 
 he would leave the olde Syracusans able to recover their 
 owne, and make the poore people by this meanes to have 
 money in common, to defraye the common charges of the 
 citie, as also their expences in time of warres : the statues or 
 images were solde, and the people by most voyces did con- 
 demne them. For they were solemly indited, accused, and 
 arraigned, as if they had bene men alive to be condemned. 
 And it is reported that the Syracusans did reserve the 
 statue of Gelon, an auncient tyranne of their citie, honoring 
 his memorie, bicause ©f a great victorie he had wonne of 
 the Carthaginians, neare the citie of Himera : and con- 
 demned all the rest to be taken away out of every corner 
 of the citie, and to be sold. Thus beganne the citie of 
 Syracusa to replenishe againe, and by litle and litle to re- 
 cover it selfe, many people comming thither from all partes 
 to dwell there. Thereupon Timoleon thought to set all 
 other cities at libertie also, and utterly to roote out all the 
 tyrans of Sicile, and to obteyne his purpose, he went to 
 make warres with them at their owne dores. The first he 
 went against, was Icetes : whome he compelled to forsake 
 the league of the Carthaginians, and to promise also that 
 he would rase all the fortresses he kept, and to live like a 
 private man within the citie of the Leontines. Leptines 
 in like maner, that was tyran of the citie of Apollonia, and 
 of many other litle villages thereabouts : when he saw him 
 268 " 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 selfe in daunger to be taken by force, did yeld him selfe. TIMOLEON 
 Whereupon Timoleon saved his life, and sent him unto 
 Corinthe : thinking it honorable for his contrye, that the 
 other Graecians should see the tyrans of Sicile in their chiefe 
 citie of fame, living meanely and poorely like banished people. 
 
 When he had brought this to passe, he returned forthwith to 
 Syracusa about thestablishment of the common weale, assist- 
 ing Cephalus and Dionysius, two notable men sent from 
 Corinthe to reforme the lawes, and to helpe them to stab- 
 lishe the goodliest ordinaunces for their common weale. 
 
 And now in the meane time, bicause the souldiers had a 
 minde to get some thing of their enemies, and to avoyd 
 idlenes : he sent them out abroade to a contrye subject to 
 the Carthaginians, under the charge of Dimarchus, and 
 Demaratus. Where they made many litle townes rebell 
 against the barbarous people, and did not onely live in all 
 aboundance of wealth, but they gathered money together 
 also to mainteyne the warres. The Carthaginians on 
 thother side, while they were busy about the matters, came Thearmieand 
 downe into Lilybea, with an armie of three score and tenne shippes of the 
 thowsand men, two hundred gallyes, and a thowsand other ^ a ^n^Timo S 
 shippes and vessells that caried engines of batterie, cartes, Asdrubal 
 vittells, municion, and other necessary provision for a campe, an( i Amilcar 
 intending to make sporting warres no more, but at once to being gene- 
 drive all the Graecians againe quite out of Sicile. For in ra ^ s * 
 deede it was an able armie to overcome all the Sicilians, if they 
 had bene whole of them selves, and not divided. Now they 
 being advertised that the Sicilians had invaded their contrye, 
 they went towards them in great furie, led by Asdrubal and 
 Amilcar, generalls of the armie. This newes was straight 
 brought to Syracusa, and the inhabitants were so striken 
 with feare of the report of their armie : that being a mar- 
 velous great number of them within the citie, scant three 
 thowsand of them had the hartes to arme them selves, and 
 to goe to the fielde with Timoleon. Now the straungers that 
 tooke pay, were not above foure thowsand in all : and of 
 them, a thowsand of their hartes fayled, and left him in 
 midd way, and returned home againe. Saying, that Timo- 
 leon was out of his wittes, and more rashe then his yeares 
 
 269 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 went with 
 6000 men 
 against the 
 Cartha- 
 ginians. 
 
 Crimesus fl. 
 
 Smallage an 
 ill signe. 
 
 Proverbe. 
 
 Garlandes of 
 smallage. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 required, to undertake with five thowsand footemen, and a 
 thowsand horse, to goe against threescore and tenne thow- 
 sand men : and besides, to cary that small force he had to 
 defend him selfe withal, eight great dayes jorney from Syra- 
 cusa. So, that if it chaunced they were compelled to flye, 
 they had no place whether they might retyre them selves 
 unto with safetie, nor man that woulde take care to burye 
 them, when they were slayne. Nevertheles, Timoleon was 
 glad he had that proofe of them, before he came to battell. 
 Moreover, having incoraged those that remayned with him, 
 he made them marche with speed e towards the river of 
 Crimesus, where he understoode he should meete with the 
 Carthaginians. So getting up upon a litle hil, from whence 
 he might se the campe of the enemies on the other side : 
 by chaunce, certen moyles fell apon his armie loden with 
 smallage. The souldiers tooke a conceyt at the first apon 
 sight of it, and thought it was a token of ill lucke : bi- 
 cause it is a maner we use, to hange garlands of this erbe, 
 about the tombes of the dead. Hereof came the common 
 proverbe they use to speake, when one lyeth a passing in his 
 bed : he lacketh but smallage. Asmuch to say, he is but a 
 dead man. But Timoleon to draw them from this foolish 
 superstition, and discorage they tooke, stayed the armie. 
 And when he had used certen perswasions unto them, accord- 
 ing to the time, his leysure, and occasion : he told them that 
 the garland of it selfe came to offer them victorie before 
 hand. For, sayd he, the Corinthians doe crowne them that 
 winne the Istmian games (which are celebrated in their 
 contrye) with garlands of smallage. And at that time also 
 even in the solemne Istmian games, they used the garland of 
 smallage for reward and token of victorie : and at this present 
 it is also used in the games of Nemea. And it is but lately 
 taken up, that they have used braunches of pyne apple trees 
 in the Istmian games. Now Timoleon had thus incoraged 
 his men, as you have heard before : he first of all tooke of 
 this smallage, and made him selfe a garland, and put it on 
 his head. When they sawe that, the Captaines and all the 
 souldiers also tooke of the same, and made them selves the 
 like. The soothsayers in like maner at the verv same time, 
 270 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 perceyved two eagles flying towards them : the one of them 
 holding a snake in her talents, which she pearced through 
 and through, and the other as she flewe, gave a terrible cry. 
 So they shewed them both unto the souldiers, who did then 
 all together with one voyce call upon the gods for helpe. 
 Now this fortuned about the beginning of the sommer, and 
 towards the later ende of Maye, the sunne drawing towards 
 the solstyce of the sommer : when there rose a great myst 
 out of the river, that covered all the feilds over, so as they 
 could not see the enemies campe, but onely heard a marvel- 
 ous confused noyse of mens voyces, as it had come from a 
 great armie, and rising up to the toppe of the hil, they layed 
 their targets downe on the grownd to take a litle breathe : 
 and the sunne having drawen and sucked up all the moyst 
 vapours of the myste unto the toppe of the hills, the ayer 
 began to be so thicke, that the toppes of the mountaynes 
 were all covered over with clowdes, and contrarily, the valley 
 underneath was all cleare and fayer, that they might easily 
 see the river of Crimesus, and the enemies also, how they 
 passed it over in this sort. First, they had put their cartes 
 of warre foremost, which were very hotly armed and well 
 appoynted. Next unto them there followed tenne thowsand 
 footemen, armed with white targets upon their armes : whom 
 they seeing a farre of so well appoynted, they conjectured by 
 their stately marche and good order, that they were the 
 Carthaginians them selves. After them, divers other nations 
 followed confusedly one with an other, and so they thronged 
 over with great disorder. There Timoleon considering the 
 river gave him oportunity to take them before they were 
 halfe past over, and to set upon what number he would : after 
 he had shewed his men with his finger, how the battel of 
 their enemies was devided in two partes by meanes of the 
 river, some of them being already passed over, and the other 
 to passe : He commaunded Demaratus with his horsemen, to 
 geve a charge on the voward, to keepe them from putting 
 them selves in order of battell. And him selfe comming 
 downe the hill also with all his footemen into the valley, he 
 gave to the Sicilians the two winges of his battell, mingling 
 with them some straungers that served under him : and 
 
 271 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 The order of 
 the Carthagi- 
 nians armie. 
 
 Timoleon 
 geveth charge 
 apon the Car- 
 thaginians as 
 they came 
 over the river 
 of Crimesus. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 The service of 
 the armed 
 cartes. 
 
 Timoleons 
 marvelous 
 bigge voyce. 
 
 Timoleons 
 order and 
 fight. 
 
 A marvelous 
 tempest of 
 thunder, 
 lightning, 
 rayne, winde, 
 and hayle, 
 full in the 
 Carthaginians 
 faces as they 
 fought. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 placed with him selfe in the middest, the Syracusans, with 
 all the choyce and best liked straungers. So he taried not 
 long to joyne, when he saw the small good his horsemen did. 
 For he perceyved they could not come to geve a lusty charge 
 apon the battell of the Carthaginians, bicause they were 
 paled in with these armed cartes, that ranne here and there 
 before them : whereupon they were compelled to wheele about 
 continually, (onles they would have put them selves in 
 daunger to have bene utterly overthrowen) and in their re- 
 turnes to geve venture of charge, by turnes on their enemies. 
 Wherefore Timoleon taking his target on his arme, cried out 
 alowde to his footemen, to follow him coragiously, and to 
 feare nothing. Those that heard his voyce, thought it more 
 then the voyce of a man, whether the furie of his desire to 
 fight did so strayne it beyonde ordinary course, or that some 
 god (as many thought it then) did stretch his voyce to cry 
 out so lowde and sensibly. His souldiers aunswered him 
 againe with the like voyce : and prayed him to leade them 
 without lenger delay. Then he made his horsemen under- 
 stand, that they should draw on the toneside from the cartes, 
 and that they should charge the Carthaginians on the flan ekes : 
 and after he did set the formost rancke of his battell, target 
 to target against the enemies, commaunding the trumpets 
 withall to so wild. Thus with great furie he went to geve a 
 charge apon them, who valiantly receyved the first charge, 
 their bodies being armed with good iron corselets, and their 
 heades with fayer murrions of copper, besides the great tar- 
 getts they had also, which did easily receyve the force of 
 their dartes, and the thrust of the pyke. But when they 
 came to handle their swordes, where agilitie was more requi- 
 site then force : * a fearefull tempest of thunder, and flashing 
 lightning withall, came from the mountaynes. After that 
 came darke thicke clowdes also (gathered together from the 
 toppe of the hilles) and fell uppon the valley, where the 
 battell was fought, with a marvelous extreame shower of 
 rayne, fierce violent windes, and hayle withall. All this 
 tempest was upon the Graecians backes, and full before the 
 barbarous people, beating on their faces, and did blindefold 
 their eyes, and continually tormented them with the rayne 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that came full apon them with the winde, and the lightnings 
 so ofte flashing amongest them, that one understoode not 
 another of them. Which did marvelously trouble them, and 
 specially those that were but freshe water souldiers, by reason 
 of the terrible thunderclapps, and the noyse, the boysterous 
 winde and hayle made uppon their hames : for that made 
 them they could not heare the order of their Captaines. 
 Moreover, the durt did as much annoye the Carthaginians, 
 bicause they were not nimble in their armor, but heavely 
 armed as we have told you : and besides that also, when the 
 playtes of their coates were through wett with water, they 
 did lode and hinder them so muche the more, that they could 
 not fight with any ease. This stoode the Graecians to great 
 purpose, to throwe them downe the easier. Thus when they 
 were tombling in the durte with their heavy armor, up they 
 could rise no more. Furthermore, the river of Crimesus 
 being risen highe through the great rage of waters, and also 
 for the multitude of people that passed over it, did overflowe 
 the valley all about : which being full of ditches, many caves, 
 and hollow places, it was straight all drowned over, and filled 
 with many ronning streames, that ranne overthwart the 
 feild, without any certen channell. The Carthaginians being 
 compassed all about with these waters, they could hardly get 
 the way out of it. So as in the end they being overcome 
 with the storme that still did beate apon them, and the 
 Graecians having slayne of their men at the first onset, to 
 the number of foure hundred of their choycest men, who 
 made the first fronte of their battell : all the rest of their 
 armie turned their backes immediatly, and fled for life. In- 
 somuch, some of them being followed very neare, were put to 
 the sworde in the middest of the valley : other, holding one 
 another hard by the armes together, in the middest of the 
 river as they passed over, were caried downe the streame and 
 drowned, with the swiftnes and violence of the river. But 
 the greatest number did thinke by footemanship to recover 
 the hilles thereabouts, who were overtaken by them that were 
 light armed, and put to the sworde every man. They saye, 
 that of tenne thowsande which were slayne in this battell, 
 three thowsande of them were meere naturall citizens of 
 2 : MM 273 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleons 
 victorie of the 
 Carthagi- 
 nians. 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Carthage, which was a very sorowfull and greevous losse to 
 the city. For they were of the noblest, the richest, the lusti- 
 est, and valiantest men of all Carthage. For there is no 
 chronicle that mentioneth any former warres at any tyme 
 before, where there dyed so many of Carthage at one feild 
 and battell, as were slayne at that present tyme. For be- 
 fore that time, they did alwayes entertaine the Fibyans, the 
 Spanyards, and the Nomades, in all their warres : so as when 
 they lost any battell, the losse lighted not on them, but the 
 straungers payed for it. The men of accompt also that were 
 slayne, were easily knowen by their spoyles. For they that 
 spoyled them, stoode not trifling about getting of copper and 
 iron together, bicause they found gold and silver enoughe. 
 For the battell being wonne, the Grsecians passed over the 
 river, and tooke the campe of the barbarous people, with all 
 their cariages and bagage. And as for the prisoners, the 
 souldiers stole many of them away, and sent them going : 
 but of them that came to short to make common division of 
 the spoyle amonge them, they were about five thowsand men, 
 and two hundred cartes of warre that were taken besides. 
 Oh, it was a noble sight to behold the tent of Timoleon their 
 generall, how they envyroned it all about with heapes of spoyles 
 of every sorte : amongest which there were a thowsand brave 
 corselets guylt, and graven, with marvelous curious workes, 
 and brought thither with them also tenne thowsand targets. 
 So the conquerours being but a small number, to take the 
 spoile of a multitude that were slaine they filled their purses 
 even to the toppe. Yet were they three daies about it, and 
 in the end, the third day after the battel, they set up a 
 marke or token of their victorie. Then Timoleon sent unto 
 Corinthe, with the newes of this overthrow, the fairest armors 
 that were gotten in the spoyle : bicause he would make his 
 countrie and native citie spoken of and commended through 
 the world, above al the other cities of Greece. For that at 
 Corinth only, their chief temples were set forth and adorned, 
 not with spoiles of the Greecians, nor offerings gotten by 
 spilling the blood of their owne nation and contrie : (which 
 to say truely, are unpleasant memories) but with the spoiles 
 taken from the barbarous people their enemies, with inscrip- 
 274 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tions witnessing the valliancie and justice of those also, who TIMOLEON 
 by victorie had obteined them. That is to wit, that the 
 Corinthians and their captaine Timoleon, (having delivered 
 the Greecians dwelling in Sicile, from the bondage of the 
 Carthaginians) had geven those offerings unto the gods, to 
 geve thanks for their victory. That done, Timoleon leaving 
 the straungers he had in pay, in the contrie subject to the 
 Carthaginians, to spoile and destroy it : he retorned with the 
 rest of his army unto Syracusa. Where at his first comming 
 home, he banished the thowsand souldiers that had forsaken Timoleon 
 him in his jorney, with expresse charge that they should banisheththe 
 departe the cittie before sunne sette. So these thowsand thowsand 
 cowardly and mutinous souldiers passed over into Italie, soukiiersout 
 where, under promise of the countrie, they were al unfor- of Sicile. 
 tunately slayne by the Brutians : such was the justice of the 
 goddes to paie their juste rewarde of their treason. After- 
 wards, Mamercus the tyranne of Catana, Icetes (whether it 
 was for the envie they did beare to Timoleons famous dedes, 
 or for that they were affrayde of him) perceiving tyrannes 
 could looke for no peace at his handes : they made league 
 with the Carthaginians, and wrote unto them that they 
 should send another armie and captaine sodainely, if they 
 would not utterly be driven out of Sicile. The Carthaginians Gisco sent 
 sent Gisco thither with threescore and tenne saile, who at his from Car- 
 first comming tooke a certen number of Grecian souldiers 
 into pay, which were the first the Carthaginians ever retained gi c j] e 
 in their service: for they never gave them pay until that 
 present time, when they thought them to be men invincible, 
 and the best souldiers of the world. Moreover, the inhabi- 
 tantes of the territorie of Messina, having made a secret con- 
 spiracy amongest them selves, did slay foure hundred men Messina 
 that Timoleon had sent unto them : and in the territories riseth against 
 subject unto the Carthaginians, nere unto a place they call limoleon - 
 Hieres, there was another ambush layd for Euthimus 
 Leucadian, so as him self and al his souldiers were cut in 
 peces. Howbeit the losse of them made Timoleons doings 
 notwithstanding more fortunate : for they were even those 
 that had forcibly entred the temple of Apollo in the cittie 
 of Delphes, with Philodemus Phocian, and with Onomarchus, 
 
 275 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 TIMOLEON who were partakers of their sacriledge. Moreover, they were 
 lose people and abjectes, that were abhorred of everie body, 
 who vacabondlike wandred up and downe the contry of 
 Peloponnesus, when Timoleon for lacke of other was glad to 
 take them up. And when they came into Sicile, they alwaies 
 overcame in al battells they fought, whilest they were in his 
 company. But in the ende, when the furie of warres was 
 pacified, Timoleon sending them about some speciall service 
 to the ayde of some of his, they were cast away every man 
 of them : and not all together, but at divers times. So as 
 it seemed that Goddes justice, in favor of Timoleon, did 
 separate them from the rest, when he was determined to 
 plague them for their wicked desertes, fearing least good 
 men should suffer hurt by punishing of the evill. And so 
 was the grace and goodwill of the goddes wonderful towards 
 Timoleon, not onely in matters against him, but in those 
 things that prospered well with him. Notwithstanding, the 
 common people of Syracusa tooke the j easting wordes and 
 writings of the tyrans against them, in marvelous evill part. 
 For Mamercus amongest other, thinking well of him selfe, 
 bicause he could make verses and tragedies, having in certen 
 battels gotten the better hand of the straungers, which the 
 Syracusans gave pay unto, he gloried very much. And when 
 he offred up the targets he had gotten of them, in the 
 temples of the godds : he set up also these cutting verses, in 
 derision of them that were vanquished : 
 
 With bucklers pot 1yd like, which of no value were, 
 
 we have these goodly targets wonne, so richly trymmed here. 
 All gorgeously with golde, and eke with Ivorye, 
 with purple cullers finely wrought, and dect with Ebonye. 
 
 Mamercus 
 verses, 
 tyranne of 
 Catana. 
 
 Calauria, a 
 citie of Sicile. 
 
 These thinges done, Timoleon led his armie before the citie 
 of Calauria, and Icetes therewhile entred the confines of the 
 Syracusans with a maine army, and caried away a marvelous 
 great spoile. And after he had done great hurt, and spoiled 
 the contry, he returned backe againe, and came by Calauria, 
 to despite Timoleon, knowing wel enough he had at that 
 time but few men about him. Timoleon suffered him to 
 passe by, but folowed him afterwards with his horsemen and 
 lightest armed footemen. Icetes understanding that, passed 
 276 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 over the river called Damirias, and so staied on the other TIMOLEON 
 
 side as though he would fight, trusting to the swift ronning Damirias, fl. 
 
 of the river, and the height of the bankes on either side of 
 
 the same. Now the captaines of Timoleons bands fell out Strife among 
 
 marvelously amongest them selves, striving for honor of this Timoleons 
 
 service, which was cause of delaying the battel. For none p^ssing^ver 
 
 would willingly come behind, but every man desired to lead the river. 
 
 the voward, for honor to begin the charge : so as they could 
 
 not agree for their going over, one thrusting another to get 
 
 before his companion. Wherfore Timoleon fell to drawing Timoleons 
 
 of lots, which of them should passe over first, and tooke a devise to draw 
 
 ring of every one of them, and cast them all within the lappe 
 
 of his cloke : so rolling them together, by chaunce he pluckt 
 
 one at the first, wheron was graven the markes and tokens 
 
 of a triumph. The young Captaines seeing that, gave a 
 
 shoute of joy, and without tarying drawing of other lottes, 
 
 they began every man to passe the river as quickly as they 
 
 could, and to set apon the enemies as sodainely. But they 
 
 being not able to abide their force, ranne their wayes, and 
 
 were faine to cast their armor away to make more hast : 
 
 howbeit there were a thowsand of them lay dead in the 
 
 feilde. And within few daies after, Timoleon leading his 
 
 armie to the citie of the Leontines, tooke Icetes alive there, Timoleon 
 
 with his sonne Eupolemus, and the generall of his horsemen, taketh Icetes, 
 
 who were delivered into his hands by his owne souldiers. So hissonne 
 
 Icetes and his sonne were put to death, like the traitors and a ^ ve an( j ^id 
 
 tyrannes : and so was Euthydemus also, who though he was put them to 
 
 a valliant souldier, had no better mercie shewed him, then death. 
 
 the father and the sonne, bicause they did burden him with 
 
 certaine injurious words he spake against the Corinthians. 
 
 For they say, that when the Corinthians came first out of 
 their contrie into Sicile to make wars against the tyrannes : 
 that he making an oration before the Leontines, said amongest 
 other things : that they should not neede to be afraide, if 
 
 The women of Corinthe were come out of their contrie. 
 
 Thus we see, that men do rather suffer hurt, then put up 
 injurious words : and do pardone their enemies, though they 
 revenge by deds, bicause they can do no lesse. But as for 
 
 m 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Icetes wives 
 and children 
 put to death. 
 
 The crueltie 
 of Icetes to- 
 wards Dion 
 and his. 
 
 Mamercus 
 overcome in 
 battel. 
 
 Abolus fl. 
 
 Timoleon 
 maketh peace 
 with the Car- 
 thaginians. 
 
 Lycus fl. 
 
 Catana yelded 
 up unto Timo- 
 leon. 
 
 Hippon the 
 tyranne of 
 Messina. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 injurious words, they seme to proceed of a deadly hate, and of 
 a cancred malice. Furthermore, when Timoleon was returned 
 againe to Syracusa, the Syracusans arrained the wives of 
 Icetes, and his sonne, and their daughters : who being 
 arrained, were also condemned to die by the judgement of 
 the people. Of al the actes Timoleon did, this of al other 
 (in my opinion) was the fowlest dede : for if he had listed, 
 he might have saved the poore women from death. But he 
 passed not for them, and so left them to the wrath of the 
 cittizens, who would be revenged of them, for the injuries 
 that were done to Dion, after he had driven out the tyranne 
 Dionysius. For it was Icetes that caused Arete, the wife of 
 Dion, to be cast into the sea, his sister Aristomache, and his 
 sonne that was yet a sucking child, as we have written in 
 another place in the life of Dion. That done, he went to 
 Catana against Mamercus, who taried him by the river of 
 Abolus, where Mamercus was overthrowen in battel, and 
 above two thowsand men slaine, the greatest part wherof 
 were the Carthaginians, whom Gisco had sent for his reliefe. 
 Afterwards he graunted peace to the Carthaginians, upon 
 earnest sute made unto him, with condition, that they should 
 kepe on thother side of the river of Lycus, and that it should 
 be lawful for any of thinhabitants there that would, to come 
 and dwel in the territory of the Syracusans, and to bring 
 away with them their goodes, their wives and their children : 
 and furthermore, that from thenceforth the Carthaginians 
 should renounce al league, confederacy, and alliance with the 
 tyrannes. Wherupon Mamercus having no hope of good 
 successe in his doings, he would goe into Italye to stir up the 
 Lucanians against Timoleon, and the Syracusans. But they 
 that were in his company, returned backe againe with their 
 gallies in the myd way : and when they were returned into 
 Sicile, they delivered up the cittie of Catana into the handes 
 of Timoleon, so as Mamercus was constrained to save him 
 selfe, and to flye unto Messina, to Hippon the tyranne thereof. 
 But Timoleon followed him, and beseged the cittie both by 
 sea and by lande. Whereat Hippon quaked for feare, and 
 thought to flye by taking shippe, but he was taken startyng. 
 And the Messenians having him in their hands, made all the 
 278 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 children come from the schole to the Theater, to see one of TIMOLEON 
 the goodliest sightes that they could devise : to wit, to see 
 the tyran punished, who was openly whipped, and afterwards Hippon put 
 put to death. Now for Mamercus, he did yeld him self unto to death. 
 Timoleon, to be judged by the Syracusans, so that Timoleon 
 might not be his accuser. So he was brought unto Syracusa, 
 where he attempted to make an oration to the people, which 
 he had premeditated long before. But seeing that the 
 people cryed out, and made a great noyse, bicause they 
 would not heare him, and that there was no likelyhoode they 
 would pardone him : he ranne overthwart the Theater, and 
 knocked his head as hard as he could drive, upon one of 
 the degrees whereon they sate there to see the sportes, think- 
 ing to have dashed out his braynes, and have rid him self 
 sodainely out of his paine. But he was not happy to die so, Mamercus the 
 for he was taken straight being yet alive, and put to death tyranneputto 
 as theves and murderers are. Thus did Timoleon roote all dea * 
 tyrans out of Sicile, and make an end of all warres there. Timoleon 
 And wheras he found the whole ile, wilde, savage, and quieteth all 
 hated of the natural contry men and inhabitants of the felclle * 
 same, for the extreme calamities and miseries they suffred : 
 he brought it to be so civil, and so much desired of straungers, 
 that they came farre and neare to dwell there, where the 
 naturall inhabitants of the country selfe before, were glad to 
 flye and forsake it. For Agrigentum, and Gela, two great 
 cities, did witnesse this, which after the warres of the 
 Athenians, had bene utterly forsaken and destroyed by the 
 Carthaginians, and were then inhabited againe. The one, 
 by Magellus and Pheristus, two Captaines that came from 
 Elea : and the other by Gorgos, who came from the ile of 
 Ceo. And as nere as they could, they gathered againe 
 together the first auncient Citizens and inhabitants of the 
 same : whom Timoleon did not onely assure of peace and 
 safetie to live there, to settle them quietly together : but will- 
 ingly did helpe them besides, with all other thinges necessary, 
 to his uttermost meane and abilitie, for which they loued and 
 honored him as their father and founder. And this his good 
 love and favor, was common also to all other people of Sicile 
 whatsoever* So that in all Sicile there was no truce taken 
 
 279 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 Timoleon 
 compared 
 with the 
 famousest 
 men of Gaece. 
 
 Timoleon 
 attributeth 
 his good suc- 
 cesse unto 
 fortune. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 in warres, nor lawes established, nor landes devided, nor insti- 
 tucion of any policie or government thought good or avayle- 
 able, if Timoleons devise had not bene in it, as chiefe direc- 
 tor of such matters : which gave him a singular grace to be 
 acceptable to the goddes, and generally to be beloved of 
 al men. For in those dayes, there were other famous men in 
 Greece, that did marvelous great thinges : amongest whom 
 were these, Timotheus, Agesilaus, Pelopidas, and Epami- 
 nondas, which Epaminondas Timoleon sought to follow in 
 all thinges, as neare as he could, above any of them all. But 
 in all the actions of these other great Captaines, their glorie 
 was alway mingled with violence, payne, and labor : so as 
 some of them have bene touched with reproche, and other 
 with repentaunce. Whereas contrarywise, in all Timoleons 
 doinges (that onely excepted, which he was forced to doe to 
 his brother) there was nothing but they might with trothe 
 (as Timaeus sayd) proclayme the saying of Sophocles : 
 
 Oh mightie goddes of heaven, what Venus stately dame, 
 
 or Cupid, (god) have thus yput, their handes unto this same ? 
 
 And like as Antimachus verses, and Dionysius paynting, 
 both Colophonians, are ful of synewes and strength, and yet 
 at this present we se they are things greatly labored, and 
 travelled with much payne : and that contrariwise in Nico- 
 machus tables, and Homers verses, besides the passing work- 
 manship and singular grace in them, a man fmdeth at the 
 first sight, that they were easily made, and without great 
 payne. Even so in like manner, whosoever will compare the 
 paynefull bloudy warres and battels of Epaminondas, and 
 Agesilaus, with the warres of Timoleon, in the which, besides 
 equitie and justice, there is also great ease and quietnes : 
 he shall finde, waying things indifferently, that they have not 
 bene fortunes doings simply, but that they came of a most 
 noble and fortunat corage. Yet he him self doth wisely 
 impute it unto his good happe, and favorable fortune. 
 For in his letters he wrote unto his familiar frendes at 
 Corinthe, and in some other orations he made to the people 
 of Syracusa : he spake it many times, that he thanked the 
 almighty gods, that it had pleased them to save and deliver 
 
 280 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Sicile from bondage, by his meanes and service, and to geve TIMOLEON 
 him the honor and dignitie of the name. And having 
 builded a temple in his house, he did dedicate it unto 
 fortune, and furthermore did consecrate his whole house unto 
 her. For he dwelt in a house the Syracusans kept for him Timoleon 
 and gave him in recompence of the good service he had done dwelleth still 
 them in the warres, with a marvelous faire pleasaunt house cusaiis 16 
 in the contrie also, where he kept most when he was at 
 leisur. For he never after returned unto Corinthe againe, 
 but sent for his wife and children to come thither, and never 
 delt afterwards with those troubles that fell out amongest the 
 Greecians, nether did make him selfe to be envied of the 
 cittizens : (a mischiefe that most governors and captains do 
 fal into, through their unsatiable desire of honor and autho- 
 rise :) but lived al the rest of his life after in Sicile, rejoyc- 
 ing for the great good he had done, and specially to see so 
 many cities and thowsands of people happy by his meanes. 
 
 But bicause it is an ordinary matter, and of necessitie, (as 
 Simonides saith) that not only al larkes have a tuft upon Simonides 
 their heades, but also that in all citties there be accusers, saying, 
 where the people rule : there were two of those at Syracusa, Timoleons 
 that continually made orations to the people, who did accuse accusers. 
 Timoleon, the one called Laphystius, and the other Demae- 
 netus. So this Laphystius appointing Timoleon a certen 
 day to come and aunswere to his accusation before the 
 people, thinking to convince him : the cittizens began to 
 mutine, and wold not in any case suffer the day of adjorne- 
 ment to take place. But Timoleon did pacifie them, declar- 
 ing unto them, that he had taken all the extreame paines 
 and labor he had done, and had passed so many daungers, 
 bicause every cittizen and inhabitant of Syracusa, might 
 franckly use the libertie of their lawes. And another time 
 Demaenetus, in open assembly of the people, reproving many 
 thinges Timoleon did when he was general! : Timoleon 
 aunswered never a word, but onely said unto the people, 
 that he thanked the goddes they had graunted him the 
 thing he had so oft requested of them in his praiers, which 
 was, that he might once see the Syracusans have full power 
 and libertie to say what they would. Now Timoleon in all 
 2 : NN 281 
 
TIMOLEON 
 Timoleons 
 great praise. 
 
 Timoleon 
 in his age lost 
 his sight. 
 
 The great 
 honor the 
 Syracusans 
 did Timoleon 
 being blind. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 mens opinion, had done the noblest actes that ever Greecian 
 captaine did in his time, and had above deserved the fame 
 and glory of al the noble exploytes, whiche the rethoricians 
 with all their eloquent orations perswaded the Greecians 
 unto, in the open assemblies, and common feastes and plaies 
 of Greece, out of the which fortune delivered him safe and 
 sound before the trouble of the civill warres that folowed 
 sone after : and moreover he made a great proofe of his 
 valliancie and knowledge in warres, against the barbarous 
 people and tyrannes, and had shewed him selfe also a just 
 and merciful man unto al his frendes, and generally to al the 
 Greecians. And furthermore, seeing he wonne the most 
 part of all his victories and triumphes, with out the sheading 
 of any one teare of his men, or that any of them mourned by 
 his meanes, and also ryd all Sidle of all the miseries and 
 calamities raigning at that time, in lesse then eight yeeres 
 space : he beyng nowe growen olde, his sight first beginning 
 a litle to faile him, shortly after he lost it altogether. This 
 happened, not through any cause or occasion of sicknesse 
 that came unto him, nor that fortune had casually done him 
 that injurie : but it was in my opinion, a disease inheritable 
 to him by his parentes, which by time came to laie hold on 
 him also. For the voyce went, that many of his kin in like 
 case had also lost their sight, which by litle and litle with 
 age, was cleane taken from them. Howbeit Athanis the 
 Historiographer writeth, that during the warres he had 
 against Mamercus and Hippon, as he was in his campe at 
 Mylles, there came a white spott in his eyes, that dimmed 
 his sight somwhat : so that every man perceived that he 
 should lose his sight altogether. Notwithstanding that, he 
 did not raise his seige, but continued his enterprise, untill he 
 tooke both the tyrans at last : and so soone as he returned 
 to Syracusa againe, he did put him self out of his office of 
 general, praying the citizens to accept that he had already 
 done, the rather bicause things were brought to so good 
 passe, as they them selves could desire. Now, that he 
 paciently tooke this misfortune to be blind altogether, per- 
 adventure men may somewhat marvel at it : but this much 
 more is to be wondred at, that the Syracusans after he was 
 282 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 blind, did so much honor him, and acknowledge the good he TIMOLEON 
 
 had done them, that they went them selves to visite him oft, 
 
 and brought straungers (that were travellers) to his house in 
 
 the city, and also in the contry, to make them see their 
 
 benefactor, rejoy cing and thinking them selves happy, that 
 
 he had chosen to end his life with them, and that for this 
 
 cause he had despised the glorious retorne that was prepared 
 
 for him in Greece, for the great and happy victories he had 
 
 wonne in Sicile. But amongest many other thinges the A lawe made 
 
 Syracusans did, and ordeyned to honor him with, this of all to honor 
 
 other me thinketh was the chiefest : that they made a per- Timoleon. 
 
 petuall lawe, so oft as they should have warres agaynst 
 
 forreyne people, and not agaynst their owne contry men, 
 
 that they should ever choose a Corinthian for their generall. 
 
 It was a goodly thing also to see how they did honor him in 
 
 the assemblies of their councell. For if any trifling matter 
 
 fell in question among them, they dispatched it of them 
 
 selves : but if it were a thing that required great counsaill 
 
 and advise, they caused Timoleon to be sent for. So he was 
 
 brought through the market place in his litter, into the 
 
 Theater, where all the assembly of the people was, and 
 
 caryed in even so in his litter as he sate : and then the 
 
 people dyd all salute him with one voyce, and he them in 
 
 lyke case. And after he had pawsed a while to heare the 
 
 praises and blessinges the whole assembly gave him, they dyd 
 
 propounde the matter doubtfull to him, and he delivered his 
 
 opinion upon the same : which being passed by the voyces of 
 
 the people, his servauntes caryed him backe againe in his 
 
 litter through the Theater, and the citizens dyd wayte on 
 
 him a litle way with cryes of joye, and clapping of handes, 
 
 and that done, they dyd repayre to dispatche common causes 
 
 by them selves, as they dyd before. So his old age being 
 
 thus entertayned with suche honour, and with the love and 
 
 good wyll of every man, as of a common father to them al : 
 
 in the ende a sicknesse tooke him by the backe, whereof he The death of 
 
 dyed. So the Syracusans had a certen tyme appoynted them Timoleon. 
 
 to prepare for his funeralles, and their neighbours also ther- 
 
 abouts to come unto it. By reason wherof his funeral was Timoleons 
 
 so much more honorably performed in all thinges, and funeralles. 
 
 283 
 
TIMOLEON 
 
 An honorable 
 decree of the 
 Syracusans 
 for the 
 memorie of 
 Timoleon. 
 
 Timoleons 
 tombe built 
 in the market 
 place. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 specially for that the people apoynted the noblest younge 
 gentelmen of the citie to carrie his coffyn upon their shoulders, 
 rychely furnished and set forth, whereon his body laye, and so 
 dyd convey him through the place, where the Palyce and Castell 
 of the tyranne Dionysius had been, which then was rased to the 
 grounde. There accompanied his body also, many thowsandes 
 of people, all crowned with garlandes of flowers and apparreled 
 in their best apparell : so as it seemed it had been the proces- 
 sion of some solemne feast, and all their woordes were prais- 
 inges and blessinges of the dead, with teares ronnyng downe 
 their cheekes, which was a good testimonie they dyd not this 
 as men that were glad to be discharged of the honor they dyd 
 him, neither for that it was so ordayned : but for the just 
 sorowe and griefe they tooke for his death, and for very 
 hartie good love they dyd beare him. And lastly, the coffin 
 being put uppon the stacke of wod where it should be burnt, 
 Demetrius one of the heralds that had the lowdest voyce, 
 proclaymed the decree that was ordeined by the people, the 
 effect whereof was this : The people of Syracusa hath 
 ordained, that this present body of Timoleon Corinthian, 
 the sonne of Timodemus, should be buried at the charges of 
 the common weale, unto the summe of two hundred Minas, 
 and hath honored his memorie with playes and games of 
 musicke, with ronning of horses, and with other exercises of 
 the bodie, whiche shalbe celebrated yeerely on the day of 
 his death for evermore : and this, bicause he dyd drive the 
 tyrannes out of Sicile, for that he overcame the barbarous 
 people, and bicause he replenished many great cities with 
 inhabitantes againe, which the warres had left desolate and 
 unhabited : and lastly, for that he had restored the Sicilians 
 againe to their libertie, and to live after their owne lawes. 
 And afterwards, his tombe was built in the market place, 
 about the which a certen time after, they builded certen 
 cloysters and gallaries to exercise the youth in, with exercise 
 of their bodyes, and the places so walled in, was called Timo- 
 leontium : and so long as they dyd observe the lawes, and 
 civill policie he stablished amongest them, they lived 
 long tyme in great continuall prosperitie. 
 
 284 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 PAULUS A3MYLIUS WITH TIMOLEON 
 
 YTHE these two men were suche as the 
 Historiographers have described thera to 
 be : it is certayne, that comparing the one 
 with the other, we shall fynde no great 
 oddes nor difference betweene them. For 
 fyrst of all, the warres they made, have 
 been agaynst great and famous enemies: 
 the one against the Macedonians, and the 
 other agaynst the Carthaginians, and both their victories 
 very notable. For the one of them conquered the realme of 
 Macedon, whiche he tooke from the seventh kyng that raigned 
 by succession from the father to the sonne, since the tyme of 
 the great Antigonus : and the other drave al the tyrannes out 
 of Sicile, and restored the whole lie and Cities therin, unto 
 their former libertie. Unles some wil alledge perhappes that 
 there was this difference betweene them, that iEmylius fought 
 agaynst kyng Perseus, when he had all his power whole and 
 entier, and had fought with the Romans many tymes before, 
 and had the better of them in all conflictes : where Timoleon 
 set uppon Dionysius, when he was in greatest dispayre, and 
 in maner utterly cast away. On the contrarie syde, it may 
 be objected for Timoleon, that he overcame manie tyrannes, 
 and a myghtie great armie of the Carthaginians, with a verie 
 small number of men, and yet men of all sortes : not as 
 iEmylius with a great armie of well trayned and expert 
 souldiers in warres, but with men gathered togeather at 
 adventure of all sortes, being mercenarie hierlings, and fight- 
 ing men for paie, lose people, and men unruly in warres, 
 that woulde doo but what they listed. For where the goodly 
 deeds are like, and the meanes unequall : there we must con- 
 fesse that the praise is due unto the generall. Bothe the 
 one and the other kept their handes cleane from corruption, 
 
 285 
 
 The compari- 
 son of Timo- 
 leon and 
 Paulus 
 iEmylius for 
 the warres. 
 
PAULUS 
 iE MI LI US 
 
 AND 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 The wonder- 
 ful continen- 
 cie of iEmy- 
 lius from 
 bribes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 in the charge which they tooke upon them. But it seemeth 
 that ^Emylius came so facioned and prepared, by the good 
 civill lawe, and moral disciplyne of his countrie : and that 
 Timoleon came rawly thither, and afterwards facioned him 
 selfe to be that he was. And this is to be proved : for that 
 al the Romains in that time were so civilly brought up, 
 and exceeded al other in straight keeping the lawes of their 
 countrie. Where to the contrarie, there was not one of the 
 captaines of the Greecians that came then, or were sent into 
 Sicile, but fell straight to corruption, when he had put his 
 foote in Sicile, Dion onely excepted : and yet they had a 
 certaine suspicion of him, that he aspired to the kingdome, 
 and imagined in his head to stablishe a certaine Empire at 
 Siracusa, like unto that of Lacedaemon. Timaeus the His- 
 toriographer writeth, that the Siracusans sent Gilippus with 
 shame backe againe into his countrie, for his unsaciable 
 greedy covetousnes, and for his great theftes, and bribes 
 taken in his charge. Divers other have also written the 
 great treasons and falsehoddes Pharax Spartan, and Calippus 
 Athenian did commit, both of them seeking to make them 
 selves lordes of Siracusa : and yet what men were they, and 
 what meanes had they to have suche a foolishe vaine hope 
 and fancie in their heades ? Considering that the one dyd 
 folowe and serve Dionysius, after that he was driven out of 
 Siracusa : and the other also was but a private captaine of 
 a bande of footemen, of those that came in with Dion. 
 Timoleon in contrary maner was sent, to be generall of 
 the Siracusans, upon their great instance and sute. And 
 he having no neede to seeke or hunte after it, but onely 
 to keepe the power and authoritie they dyd willingly put 
 into his handes : so soone as he had destroyed and over- 
 throwen all suche as woulde unjustly usurpe the govern- 
 ment, he dyd immediately of his owne good wyll, franckly 
 resigne up his office and charge. And sure, so is this a 
 notable thyng to be commended, and estemed in Paulus 
 iEmylius : who having conquered so great and riche a realme, 
 he never increased his goodes the value of one farthing, nether 
 dyd see nor handle any mony at all, although he was very 
 liberall, and gave largely unto others. I meane not in speak- 
 286 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 ing this to upbrayde or detect Timoleon, for that he accepted 
 a fayre house the Siracusans gave him in the citie, and a 
 goodly mannor also in the countrie : for in such cases there 
 is no dishonesty in receiving, but so is it greater honesty 
 to refuse, then to take. But that vertue is most rare and 
 singuler, where we see they will receive nor take nothing, 
 though they have justly deserved it. And if it be so, that 
 the body is stronger and better compounded, which best 
 abideth chaunge of parching heate, and nipping cold : and 
 that the mynde is much more stronger and stable, that 
 swelleth not up with pride of prosperitie, nor drowpeth 
 for sorowe in adversitie. Then it appeareth, that iEmylius 
 vertue was so much more perfect, in that he shewed him 
 selfe of no lesse grave and constant a mynde, in the pacience 
 he endured for his losse and sorowe happened unto him : 
 (losyng at one tyme in manner, both his children) then he 
 had done before, in al his triumphe and greatest felicitie. 
 Where Timoleon to the contrarye, having done a worthie 
 act against his brother, could with no reasone suppresse 
 the griefe and sorowe he felt : but overcome with bitter 
 griefe and repentaunce, continued the space of twentie yeeres 
 togeather, and never durst once only shewe his face againe 
 in the market place, nor deale any more in matters of the 
 common weale. Truely, for a man to beware to doo evil, and 
 to shonne from evil, it is a verie good and comely thyng : 
 so also to be sorie, and a fearde of everye reproche, 
 and ill opinion of the worlde, it sheweth a simple- 
 nesse of nature, and a good and well disposed 
 minde, but no manly corage. 
 
 THE ENDE OF TIMOLEONS LIFE 
 
 PAULUS 
 
 jEMILIUS 
 
 AND 
 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 Not to take 
 giftes, com- 
 mended for 
 a singuler 
 vertue. 
 
 iEmylius 
 Constancie 
 far exceeded 
 Timoleons. 
 
 287 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 To be to bold 
 and venturous 
 is not good. 
 
 The aunswere 
 of a souldier 
 to king Anti- 
 gonus. 
 
 Divers 
 opinions of 
 life and death. 
 
 THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS 
 
 ATO the elder, aunswered certaine on a 
 time, that marvelously commended a bolde, 
 a venturous, and desperate man for the 
 warres: that there was great oddes, to 
 esteeme manhodde so muche, and lyfe so 
 litle. And surely it was wisely spoken 
 of him. The report goeth, that king 
 Antigonus gave paye to a souldier among 
 other, that was very hardie and venturous, but he had a 
 noughtie sickly bodye. The king asked him one day, what 
 he ayled to be so pale, and evill cullered? The souldier 
 told him, he had a secret disease upon him, that he might 
 not tell him with reverence. The king hearing him say so, 
 commaunded his Phisitions and Surgeons to looke to him, 
 and if he were curable, that they should heale him with all 
 possible speede : and so they dyd. After the souldier had his 
 health againe, he would venter no more so desperately in the 
 warres, as he dyd before. Insomuch, king Antigonus selfe 
 perceiving his slacknes, and drawing backe, rebuked him, and 
 said unto him : that he wondred to see so great a chaunge 
 and alteration in him. The souldier never shrinking at the 
 matter, told him the troth plainely. Your selfe, and it please 
 your majestie, is cause of my cowardlynes now, by healing 
 my disease, that made my life lothsome to me. Much like 
 were a Sibaritans wordes, towching the life and manner of 
 the Lacedaemonians, that it was no marvaill they had such 
 a desire to die in the warres, seeing they did it to ridde them 
 selves of their troubles, and most miserable and straight 
 life. But we must not wonder though the Sybaritans, being 
 womanish men, and altogeather geven to pleasure, did so 
 thinke: that those men hated their lives, who feared not 
 death, for the desire they had to doo good, and goodwill 
 they had to doo their duetie. Which was contrarie in 
 the Lacedaemonians. For they were of opinion, that to live 
 288 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and die willingly, was a vertue : as these funerall verses PELOPIDAS 
 doo witnesse : 
 
 The dead which here doe rest, did not in life esteeme, 
 
 that life or death were (of them selves) or good or bad to deme. 
 
 But even as life did end, or death was brought to passe, 
 so life or death, was good or bad, this their opinion was. 
 
 And in deede to flye death, is no shame, so it proceede not of 
 a cowardly hart : nether to desire death is commendable, if 
 it be with contempt and hate of life. This is the reason why 
 Homer saith, the valliantest men are ever best armed, when 
 they come to battaile. The lawe makers among the Greecians, Why the 
 doo ever punishe him that castes away his target, but never Greecians do 
 him that casteth away his sworde or lawnce. For every man Py^ isJl him 
 must first thinke to defende him selfe, before he seeke to awa y C hi s e 
 hurt his enimie, and specially such as have the whole state target, 
 of a realme in their handes, and be generalles of the feeld. 
 
 For if the comparison be true, that Iphicrates the Athenian Iphicrates 
 captaine made, that in an armie of men, the light horsemen comparison 
 resemble the handes, the men of armes the feete, the battaill ™ armie 
 of footemen the stomake and brest, the captaine, the head of 0 men ‘ 
 a mans body : it seemeth then, that the venturous captaine 
 putting him selfe in daunger with out cause, is not onely 
 careles of his owne life, but also of all theirs whose lives 
 depende upon his saftie. As contrarily, he being carefull of 
 his owne person, cannot but be carefull of his souldiers that 
 serve under him. Therefore Callicratidas a Lacedaemonian 
 captaine, and a woorthie man otherwise, did unwisely aun- 
 swere a soothsaier that bad him take hede to him selfe : for 
 the signes and tokens of the sacrifices did threaten his death. 
 
 Sparta, said he, standeth not upon one man alone. It is A lieuetenant 
 true, that to fight by sea or by land man for man, Callicra- an armie 
 tidas was but one man of him selfe: but as captaine or 
 lieuetenaunt generall, he had the whole power and force of se jf e 
 
 the armie in his person. For he was not a man alone, when 
 so manie mens lives were lost with his. Now olde Antigonus 
 was of a contrary minde. For he being redie to geve battell 
 by sea, about the He of Andros, made a better aunswer to 
 one that said unto him : his enemies had moe shippes then 
 2 : 00 289 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Timotheus 
 
 saying. 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Marcellus 
 lost both 
 their lives, 
 by to much 
 venturing. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 stock and 
 liberalitie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 him selfe. For how many shippes doest thou recken then my 
 selfe ? said he. Therein he did wisely to make great accompt 
 of the worthines of a generall, specially when it is joyned with 
 hardines, and experience. For the chiefest poynte of service, 
 is to save him, that saveth all other. For when Chares 
 on a time shewed the Athenians openly, the sundrie woundes 
 and cuttes he had received apon his body, and his target 
 also thrust through with many piks : Timotheus straight 
 said unto him, Chares, I am not of thy minde. For when I 
 did besege the citie of Samos, I was ashamed to see a darte 
 throwne from the walles, light hard by me, for that I shewed 
 my selfe a rashe young man, and more venturous then became 
 a generall of so great an armie. For when it standeth much 
 apon the whole armie, and that it is necessarie the generall 
 thereof doo put him selfe in daunger : then he should put 
 him selfe forwarde, and occupie both handes and body with- 
 out respect, not regarding their wordes that say, a good wise 
 captaine shoulde die for age, or at the least old. But where 
 there is smal honor to be woone by very good successe, and 
 contrariewise muche losse and distruction by great misfortune: 
 no man of wisedome or judgement would wish a generall, to 
 fight as a private souldier, to hazard the losse of a generall. 
 I thought good therefore to make this preface before the 
 lives of Pelopidas, and of Marcellus, both which were woorthie 
 men, and died otherwise then they shoulde. For they both 
 were valliant souldiers in the fielde, and did both of them 
 honor their contrie with famous victories, and specially 
 against great and dreadfull enemies. For the one was the 
 first (as they saie) that overthrewe Hanniball, who was never 
 overcome by any before. And the other also overcame the 
 Lacedaemonians in battell, that ruled al Greece at that 
 time both by sea and by land. Yet they both carelesly 
 lost their lives, by venturing to boldely : when their contrie 
 stoode in greatest neede of suche men and captaines, as they 
 were. This is the cause, why we folowing the resemblaunce 
 that was betweene them, have compared their lives together. 
 Pelopidas, the sonne of Hippoclus, came of one of the noblest 
 houses of the citie of Thebes, as Epaminondas did. He being 
 brought up in great wealth, his father left him heire of all 
 290 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his landes and goodes, being but a young man. So he straight PELOPIDAS 
 
 shewed him selfe willing to doo good with his monie, to 
 
 those that needed helpe, and were worthie : to let the worlde 
 
 see, that his monie was not his maister. For as Aristotle Aristotles 
 
 saith, of these rich men, the most part of them do not use saying of 
 
 their goods, for extreame covetousnes : other againe doo abuse r * cl1 men# 
 
 them, as being geven to overmuche pleasures. So riche men 
 
 became slaves all their life time, some to pleasure, other to 
 
 profit. Now, al Pelopidas other frendes woulde be beholding 
 
 to him, and take very thanckfully his curtesie and liberalitie 
 
 towardes them. But Epaminondas could never be brought 
 
 to any thing at his handes. Howbeit Pelopidas selfe folowed 
 
 Epaminondas maner : for he tooke a pride and pleasure to 
 
 goe simply appareled, to fare meanely, to labor willingly, 
 
 and to make warres openly as he did. He was even such 
 
 another, as Euripides the Poet described Capaneus to be : 
 
 when he said of him : 
 
 He rich and welthie was, yet was he therewithall, 
 no wight that purchast worldly hate, nor insolent at all. 
 
 For he would have been ashamed, that the poorest man of 
 the cittie of Thebes, shoulde have worne meaner apparell 
 apon his backe, then him selfe. As for Epaminondas, his 
 povertie was not daintie to him, bicause his parentes were 
 ever poore : and yet for all that he passed it over more easely, 
 by studie of Philosophic, which he gave him selfe unto, and 
 for that from his youth he liked to leade a spare life without 
 excesse. Where Pelopidas matched in a noble house, and 
 maryed highly, and had two children by his wife : neverthe- 
 lesse he had no minde to keepe or increase his goodes the 
 more for that, but gave him selfe altogeather to serve the 
 common weale as long as he lived. By reason whereof his 
 wealth decaied, and his best frendes grewe angrie with him, 
 telling him how he did not well to make no more reckoning 
 of a thing that was so necessarie, as to have goodes. And he 
 aunswered them : In dede they are necessarie, I doo confesse Pelopidas 
 it, but yet for suche a one, as this poore, lame, and blynd saying for 
 man that standeth by. They both were a like borne to all oTmonie 
 vertue, saving that Pelopidas tooke most pleasure in exercise 
 
 291 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 The perfit 
 frendshippe 
 betwixt Pelo- 
 pidas and 
 Epaminondas. 
 
 The true 
 cause of 
 frendshippe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of his body and strength, and Epaminondas in the exercise 
 of his wit and learning. So as the pastyme eche of them 
 tooke when they were at leasure, was, that the one delighted 
 to wrastle, and to hunte, and liked any kinde of exercise of 
 his body : and the other to heare, to studie, and alwaies to 
 learne some thing of Philosophic. But among all the excel- 
 lent giftes and good partes in either of them, and that most 
 wanne them honor and estimation in the world, they were 
 onely commended, and singulerly noted of wise men, for the 
 perfect love and frendshippe that was ever invyolably kept 
 betwene them, until their deathes : having been joyned to- 
 geather in so many battels, warres, charges of armies, and 
 otherwise in matters of state and government. For if a 
 man will consider, and looke into the doinges of Aristides, 
 Themistocles, and Cimon, of Pericles, Nicias, and Alcibiades, 
 how full of dissentions, envies, and suspicions they were one 
 against another in governing the common weale : and againe 
 will consider the love, honour, and kindnesse, that continued 
 alwaies betwext Pelopidas and Epaminondas : no doubt they 
 will saie these two are more worthie to be called brethren in 
 warre, (as they saie) and companions in government, then 
 any of them we have named before, whose care and studie 
 was alwaies rather to overcome one another, then to over- 
 come their enemies, and the onely cause thereof was their 
 vertue. For their actes shewed they did not seeke glorie, nor 
 riches for them selves (the covetousnes whereof doth allwaies 
 breede quarrelles and envy) but both of them from the begin- 
 ning fell one in love with an other, with a great kindenes and 
 estimation of them selves, to see their contrie florishe, and 
 growe to great honor through their service, and in their 
 time : and so they reckoned all the good exploytes both of 
 the one and the other, that tended to that ende, as their 
 owne. The most part of writers thinke, this great and earnest 
 love thone did beare to an other, did growe first betwene 
 them, in a jorney they made togeather unto Mantinia, to ayde 
 the Lacedaemonians, that were at that time confederates of 
 the Thebans. For they being both set in battell raye, one 
 hard by another among the footmen, against the Arcadians 
 that stoode before them : it fortuned that the point of the 
 292 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 battell of the Lacedaemonians in the which they were, gave 
 backe, and many of them ranne away. But they deter- 
 myning to die rather then to flye, stoode close together, and 
 fought with the enemies that came apon them : untyll such 
 time as Pelopidas being hurt in seven places before, fell downe 
 at the last upon a heape of dead bodies, aswell of their owne 
 souldiers, as of their enemies, even one apon an other. Then 
 Epaminondas thinking he had ben slaine, stept notwithstand- 
 ing before him to defend his body and armor, and he alone 
 fought against many, being willing to die, rather then to for- 
 sake Pelopidas lying amongest the dead bodies : untyl him 
 selfe being thrust into the brest with a pyke, and sore cut on 
 his arme with a swoorde, was even ready to geve over, when 
 Agesipolis (king of the Lacedaemonians,) came with the other 
 poynt of the battell in happie howre, who saved both their 
 lives past all hope. Now after this battell, the Lacedae- 
 monians both in wordes and deedes did curteously intreate 
 the Thebans, as their frendes, and confederates. Notwith- 
 standing, in troth they beganne to feare the power and great 
 corage of that cittie, and specially the faction and associates 
 Ismenias and Androclidas had set up, whereof Pelopidas 
 also was a companion : bicause they thought it was populer, 
 and inclined muche to desire libertie. Whereupon Archias, 
 Leontidas, and Philip, al three great welthie men of the 
 cittie of Thebes, and misliking to be equall with other 
 cittizens : did perswade Phoebidas, a captaine of the Lacedae- 
 monians, that going and comming through the contrie of 
 Bceotia with an armie, he would one day assaie to take the 
 castell of Thebes called Cadmea, and driving those out of the 
 cittie that would resist him, he would put the government 
 of the state into the hands of a fewe of the noblest persones, 
 who would be at the devotion of the Lacedaemonians, and 
 obey them in all thinges. Phoebidas brought it to passe, 
 and did worcke his feate before the Thebans mistrusted any 
 thing, apon a holy day called Thesmophoria. After he had 
 wonne the castell, he apprehended Ismenias, and sent him to 
 Lacedaemon, where shortly after they put him to death. 
 Pelopidas, Pherenicus, and Androclidas, with many other, 
 saved them selves by flying, and were banished Thebes by 
 
 293 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Agesipolis, 
 king of the 
 Lacedaemo- 
 nians. 
 
 Cadmea, the 
 castel of 
 Thebes, taken 
 by Phoebidas 
 captaine of 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 Ismenias 
 
 death. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas, 
 Pherenicus 
 and Andro- 
 clidas, banish- 
 ed from 
 Thebes. 
 
 Archias and 
 Leontidas, 
 governers of 
 Thebes, under 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 Androclidas 
 
 slayne. 
 
 The thanck- 
 fulnes of the 
 Athenians 
 unto the 
 Thebans. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 sounde of Trompet. Epaminondas taried stil in Thebes, 
 and no man tutched him, for they made small accompt of 
 him, bicause he was altogether geven to his booke : and 
 though his goodwill had served him to have done some feate, 
 his povertie made him unable to doo any thing. The Lace- 
 daemonians understanding of the taking of the castel, did 
 straight put Phoebidas out of his charge, and set a fine of a 
 hundred thowsand Drachmes apon his head : but yet they 
 kept still the castell of Cadmea in their handes with a great 
 garrison. All the other citties and people of Greece did 
 wonder much at it, that they should allowe the fact, and 
 punishe notwithstanding the doer. So the Thebans having 
 lost their auncient libertie, and being made subject by both 
 these, Archias, and Leontidas, so as all hope was taken from 
 them ever to winde out of this tyrannie, or at any time to 
 overthrowe it, seing it was maintained and defended by the 
 Lacedaemonians, and that they coulde not possibly take from 
 them all the seigniorie and dominion they had throughout 
 Greece, aswell by sea as by lande : Leontidas and his fol- 
 lowers notwithstanding, when they understoode that they 
 who were banished from Thebes, were very wel received and 
 entertained of the people at Athens, and much made of also 
 of the nobilitie, they sought secretly by treason to have them 
 kylled. To do this feate, they sent certaine men unknowen 
 unto Athens, who by treason slue Androclidas, howbeit they 
 missed the kylling of the other. Furthermore, the Lace- 
 daemonians wrote to the Athenians, that they should not 
 receive suche as were banished from Thebes, nor that they 
 shoulde favor them, but drive them out of their cittie, as 
 those which by their allyes were justly proclaimed common 
 enemies. The Athenians notwithstanding, being men alwaies 
 civilly geven, and inclined in nature to humanitie, as being 
 borne and bred up withall, and very desyrous besides to 
 requite the Thebans curtesy, who had bene the chiefest 
 meanes and doers in restoring againe the populer state and 
 government at Athens : they would by no meanes offer the 
 Thebans any such injurie, seing they had stablished a lawe 
 and decree, that if any Athenian passing to and fro through 
 the contrie of Boeotia, did beare armor against the thirtie 
 294 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tyrannes, that were governors and oppressors of the libcrtie 
 of Athens, there should no Boeotian seeme to see, or knowe 
 any thing therof. In the meane time Pelopidas, though he 
 were of the younger sort, did procure still every one that was 
 banished, to seeke the libertie of his contrie, and openly 
 made an oration to them all, declaring, that it were not onely 
 a cowardly part, but also a wicked offence to the goddes, 
 if they would suffer their contrie to remaine so in continuall 
 bondage, and straungers to inhabite it with a garrison, to 
 make them subject to the yoke: and they in the meane 
 time to be contented to save them selves, to live delicately 
 and idely at Athens, to studie to doe what shal please the 
 Athenians to commaund them, and to be affraide of the 
 orators, and those which through eloquence can perswade 
 the common people to doo what they lust. Therefore he 
 perswaded them that they should hazard all, being a matter 
 of so great weight, and take example of Thrasybulus noble 
 corage and hardynes : who departing from Thebes, did drive 
 out the tyrannes that did oppresse Athens : and even so, 
 we departing from Athens, should seeke to deliver Thebes 
 also from bondage. When he had by these perswasions 
 drawen them to his opinion, they secretely sent unto their 
 frendes that remayned still in Thebes, to let them under- 
 stand their minde and determination : who all lyked very 
 well of their purpose. Insomuche, Charon that was the 
 chiefest man among them, promised to lende them his house to 
 assemble in. Philidas also founde meanes to be secretarie to 
 Philip and Archias, who were governers and captaines of the 
 city at that time for the Lacedaemonians. Epaminondas 
 on thother side making no shewe of any thing, had of longe 
 time practised to styrre up the corage of the younge men 
 of Thebes. For when they were at any games or exercises of 
 bodye, he woulde ever procure them to wrastle with the 
 Lacedaemonians. And after he sawe them rejoy ce when they 
 had cast them, and that they were the stronger : he would 
 chide them, and tell them they might be ashamed, for lacke 
 of corage, to suffer the Lacedaemonians to hold their noses to 
 the gryndstone, that were nothing like to them in strength. 
 Now, the confederates appointed a day certen, to breake the 
 
 295 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 counsel for 
 the libertie of 
 the Thebans. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Conspiracie 
 against the 
 Lacedae- 
 monians, for 
 the libertie 
 of Thebes. 
 
 Charon kept 
 promise, with 
 daunger of 
 life. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ise of their pretended enterprise, and agreed that Pherenicus, 
 with other that were banished, shoulde tarie at the village of 
 Thriasium, and that they should sende the valliauntest and 
 lustest young men before, to geve the venter to enter the 
 cittie : adding this therewithal!, that if the enemies fortuned 
 to surprise them, all the other of the conspiracie joyntly 
 togeather, should be ready to geve order, that their fathers, 
 mothers, and children, should lacke nothing necessarie for 
 them. Pelopidas was the first man offered him selfe to under- 
 take the enterprise : and after him Melon, Damoclidas, and 
 Theopompus, all three, men of the greatest houses of Thebes, 
 who loved marvelously togeather, and for no respect would 
 ever offend one another, although from the beginning there 
 was ever emulation among them for honor and glory, by 
 striving who should exceede other in vertue and a valliantnes. 
 Now they were twelve of them, who taking leave of the rest, 
 sent a foote post before to Charon, to advertise him of their 
 comming : and they them selves went on their jorney cast- 
 ing litle short clokes apon them, and taking houndes with 
 them, and hunters staves in their handes, bicause their 
 enterprise should not be mistrusted by those that met them 
 on the way, and that they should thinke them hunters up 
 and downe the feildes for their pleasure. So, when their 
 messenger they sent came to the cittie, and had tolde Charon 
 that they were comming : he never shronke from his worde, 
 though the daunger towarde was great, but like a stowt and 
 honest man did abide by his promise he made, and tolde 
 him they should be most hartely welcom to his house. But 
 another man called Hipposthenidas, very honest otherwise, 
 and one that loved his contry and the preservation thereof, 
 and a good frend of those also that were banished : fainting 
 straight apon the sodaine report of these newes, and his 
 minde was troubled, and his hart fayled him so, as his nose 
 fell a bleeding, to thinke apon the greatnes of the instant 
 daunger he was like to fal into, having never cast before 
 with him selfe, how by this enterprise they shoulde put 
 all the empire of the Lacedaemonians in hazard of utter 
 destruction, and laye a plat besides to overthrowe all their 
 owne common weale and state, bv laying al their hope apon 
 296 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 a fewe banished men, hardly able to wade through with their 
 enterprise. Whereupon, so sone as he was come home, he 
 secretly dispatched a messenger, one of his familliar trends, 
 unto Melon and Pelopidas, to will them they should deferre 
 their enterprise for better oportunitie, and so to returne 
 backe again to Athens. Chlidon was the man he sent of 
 this message, who presently went home to his house : and 
 taking his horse out of the stable, bad his wife fetche him the 
 brydell quickly. The brydell not being readily to be founde, 
 she told him she had lent it out to one of their neighbours. 
 Then they fell a chiding together about it, and at length 
 brake out to fowle wordes, and lastely his wife fell a cursing 
 of him, and prayed the goddes he might have ill lucke in his 
 jorney, and those that sent him. Chlidon having spent the 
 most part of the day, chiding and brawling with his wife 
 about the brydell, and furthermore misliking the tokens 
 of his wives cursing and banning of him : he determined 
 not to goe a foote out of the dores of that arrant, and so 
 went about some other busines. Thus had this noble enter- 
 prise in manner bene altogeather dashed, before it was 
 fully begonne. Nowe those that were in Pelopidas com- 
 panie, chaunged apparell with the contrie men, bicause 
 they woulde not be knowen, and did devide them selves, 
 for that they would not come into the cittie all together, 
 but at divers gates, beinge day light. At that time it 
 was a mervelous winde and great snowe, and the weather 
 was so boysterous, that every man got him within dores : 
 which fell out happily for the conspirators, that they were 
 not knowen when they came into the cittie. So their 
 frendes and confederates within the citie receaved them as 
 they came, and brought them to Charons house : where were 
 assembled together, with those that were banished, eight 
 and forty persones only. Now for the tyrans, thus stoode 
 the matter with them. Philidas their secretary was of the 
 conspiracy, as we have told you before, and he knewe all the 
 practise. Wherefore he had longe before solemnely bidden 
 Archias and his companie, to supper to his house that verie 
 night, to be mery together, and had promised to entertaine 
 them with women to welcome them with all : of purpose, 
 2 : PP 297 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 commeth 
 into Thebes 
 disgised 
 in cloynes 
 apparel. 
 
 Philidas 
 secretary to 
 the tyrans. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PELOPIDAS that when they had in their full cuppes, and were in the 
 middest of all their pleasure, the conspirators might then 
 use them as they woulde. So they beinge sette at table, 
 before they were sped of their cuppes, one came to them, and 
 told them truely of the treason (not particularities, neither 
 as a thinge certaine, but of a rumor onely that ranne 
 abroade in the towne) howe the banished men were hidden 
 in Charons house. Philidas woulde have passed the matter 
 over. Howbeit Archias would nedes sende one of his garde 
 straight for Charon, to commaunde him to come to him 
 
 Pelopidas presently. It was within night, and Pelopidas and his 
 
 daunger. company prepared themselves to worke their feate, being 
 armed every man, and their swords in their hands, when 
 apon a sodaine they heard one knocke at the gate. And 
 one of the house runninge straight to the gate, came backe 
 againe afearde to tell them that it was one of Archias garde 
 that came for Charon, to come immediatly to the govemours. 
 Then were they in doubt that their practise was discovered, 
 and that they were all cast away, before they coulde make 
 any proofe of their valliantnes : notwithstanding, they were 
 all of opinion, that Charon should obey the message, and 
 that he should present himselfe before the governors, to take 
 away all suspition from them. Charon of him selfe was a 
 stout man, very constant, and resolute in daunger for his 
 owne persone : yet it greved him much at that time, for 
 feare the confederates shoulde suspect him he hadde be- 
 wrayed them, if so many honest citizens whom he had lent his 
 house unto, should unfortunately miscarie. Therefore before 
 he went out of his house, he went into his wives chamber to 
 fetch his sonne, that was a goodly boy, but strong as any 
 boy of his age could be : so he brought him to Pelopidas, 
 and prayed him, if he understoode that he had betrayed 
 them any way, or otherwise had sought their hurt, they 
 shoulde then use his sonne as an enemie without any com- 
 passion towardes him. When the confederates saw the 
 good zeale and true noble mind of Charon, they all fell a 
 weping, and were angrie with him, that he should thinke 
 any of them so faint harted, or timerous, for any daunger 
 coulde come to them, that they shoulde suspect or accuse 
 298 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him for any thinge : and therewith all they prayed him, not PELOPIDAS 
 to leave the boye with them, but rather to convey him into 
 some place out of the tyrans daunger, where he might be 
 brought up, that one day he might be revenged of the wrong 
 and injurie they had done to them, and to their contrie. 
 
 Charon aunswered them, he woulde not take him away, and 
 that he saw no life nor health more happy for him, then to 
 dye with his father without infamy, and with so many honest 
 men his trends. So after he had besought the goddes to 
 prosper them, and hadde encouraged and embraced everie 
 one of the confederators one after an other : He went to the 
 governors, and studied by the way so to frame his wordes 
 and countenance, as though he shoulde seeme to thinke of 
 any thinge else, then of that he purposed to do. When he 
 came to Philidas dore that made the feast, Archias and 
 Philidas him selfe came unto him, and asked him : Charon, 
 what are they (sayd they) that are come into the city, and 
 hidden in some house, with certaine citizens that do accom- 
 pany them ? Charon was somewhat abashed at the first, 
 and asked them againe : What men be they ? who are they 
 that hides them in the citie ? But when he perceived that 
 Archias coulde tell nothinge of certaintie, then he thought 
 straight that some man hadde informed them that was not 
 privie to the practise, but hadde hearde some thinge of it. 
 
 Thereupon he willed them to take heede it was no false 
 alarome, to make them afrayed: Neverthelesse (sayd he) I will 
 enquire further of it : for at all adventure it is good to be 
 circumspect in such a case to be sure. Philidas aunswered 
 him, he said truely : and so he brought Archias backe againe 
 into the hall, where he made him drinke deeper than before, 
 still entertaining the company with hope of the womens 
 comming. Charon returning home againe, found all the 
 confederats ready to attempt their enterprise, not as men that 
 reckened of their lives, nor that had any hope to prevaile : 
 but as those that were determined to dye valliantly, and to 
 sell their lives dearly. Now he truely tolde unto Pelopidas 
 onely, what was said unto him and the rest : he told that 
 Archias had sent for him to speake with him, of other 
 matters. The storme of the former daunger was scant 
 
 299 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Archias 
 Bishop of 
 Athens, be- 
 wraieth the 
 treason to 
 Archias in 
 a letter. 
 
 Waighty 
 matters to 
 morrow, Prov. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 killeth the 
 tyrans. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 blowen over, but fortune sent them an other. For im- 
 mediatly uppon talke had with Charon at the first, came 
 a messenger from Athens, that brought a letter to the same 
 Archias, written by the Bishop of Athens at that time, 
 called Archias also as him selfe, and was his old hoste and 
 frende: wherein he wrote not of simple conjecture, nor 
 surmised suspition, but the plaine conspiracy in every 
 degree, as afterwards it fell out. So the messenger was 
 brought to Archias that was dronke, and deliveringe him 
 the letter, he said unto him : Sir, he that sendeth you this 
 letter, straightly charged me to tel you, that you should 
 presently read the contents thereof, because it is a matter 
 of great importance. Archias laughing sayd unto him : 
 Waighty matters to morrow. So he tooke the letter and put 
 it up, and then fell againe to his tale he had begonne with 
 Philidas. But ever after, the Greecians made this a common 
 proverbe among them : Waighty matters to morrow. Now 
 when the conspirators spied their time to go about their 
 businesse, they devided them selves in two companies. 
 Pelopidas and Damoclidas went with one company, to sette 
 upon Leontidas and Hypates, because they dwelt nere to- 
 gether: Charon and Melon with the rest, went against 
 Archias and Philip, beinge disguised in womens apparell 
 they had put upon their privy cotes, and wearing garlands 
 of pyne apple and fyrre trees on their heads, that covered all 
 their faces. So when they came to shew them selves at the 
 hall dore where the bancket was made, they that were in 
 the hall at the first sight, thinking they had beene the 
 women they looked for, beganne to showte, and made great 
 noyse and joye. But when the conspirators cast their eyes 
 rounde about the hall to knowe those which were at the 
 table, they drew out their swordes, and set uppon Archias 
 and Philip overthwart the table : then they shewed them 
 selves what they were. Then Philidas bad his guestes he 
 hadde bidden to the bancket with them, that they shoulde 
 not stirre, for they shoulde have no hurt : so some of them 
 sate still. But the greatest nomber of them woulde needes 
 from the borde, to defende their governours. Howebeit 
 bicause they were so dronke that they knewe not what they 
 300 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 did, they were soone slaine with them. Now Pelopidas 
 enterprise was not so easie. For they went against Leontidas, 
 that was a sober discrete man, and withall, hardy of his 
 handes : and they found he was gone to bed, his dores were 
 shut up, and they knocked long before any man came to the 
 dore. At the length, one of his men that hearde them 
 rappe so hard, with much a do came to open the dore : but 
 he had no sooner thrust backe the bolt of the dore, and 
 beganne to open it, but they pushed it from them with 
 such a force apon him altogether, that they layed him 
 on the grounde, and went straight to his maisters chamber. 
 Leontidas hearinge the noyse of them that ranne uppe to 
 him in such hast, presently mistrusted the matter: and 
 leaping out of his bed, tooke his sworde in his hande, but 
 did forget to put out the lampes that burned in his chamber 
 all night, for if they hadde beene out, they might easily have 
 hurt one an other in the darke. But the lampes givinge 
 cleare light in the chamber, he went to the chamber dore, 
 and gave Cephisodorus, the first man that pressed to enter 
 apon him, such a blowe with his sword, that he dropped 
 downe dead at his feete. Havinge slaine the first man, he 
 dealt with the seconde that came after him, and that was 
 Pelopidas. The fight went hard betwene them two, bothe for 
 that the chamber dore was verie straight, as also for that 
 Cephisodorus body lying on the ground, did choke the com- 
 ming in at the chamber. Notwithstandinge, Pelopidas 
 overcame him in the ende, and slue him : and went from 
 thence with his companie, straight to Hypates house, where 
 they got in, as they did into Leontidas house before. But 
 Hypates knewe presently what it was, and thought to save 
 him selfe in his neighbours houses. Howbeit the conspirators 
 followed him so harde, that they cutte him of before he 
 coulde recover their houses. Then they gathered together, 
 and joyned with Melons company, and sent immediatly with 
 all possible speede to Athens, to the banished Thebans there, 
 and cried through the city, Liberty, liberty, arming those 
 citizens that came to them, with the armor and spoyles 
 of their enemies, that were hanged up in common vawtes, 
 and armorers shops about Charons house, which they brake 
 
 301 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 The liberty of 
 the Thebans 
 restored. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas re- 
 ceiveth the 
 Castell of 
 Cadmea by 
 Composition. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 open, or caused to be opened by force. On the other side, 
 Epaminondas, and Gorgidas, came to joyne with them, with 
 a company of young men and honest olde men well appointed, 
 whom they had gathered together. Hereupon, the whole citie 
 was straight in an uprore and tumult, and every house was 
 full of lights, one running to an other to know what the 
 matter was. Nevertheles the people did not yet assemble 
 together, but every one being amazed, musing at this stur, 
 not understanding the troth, staied untill day came on, that 
 they might call a counsell. But truely herein, me thinkes 
 the Captaines of the garrison of the Lacedaemonians were 
 greatly in fault, that they did not sturre betimes, and set 
 upon them incontinently : consideringe they were xv. hundred 
 souldiers, besides a great number of citizens that would have 
 come, one after an other to take their partes. But the great 
 noyse they heard, made them afeard, and to see lights in 
 every mans house, and the people running up and down the 
 streets in great multitudes to and fro : wherupon they stirred 
 not, but only kept them within the castel of Cadmea. The 
 next morninge by breake of day, came the other banished 
 Thebans from Athens very wel armed, and al the people of 
 Thebes drew together in counsail. Thither did Epaminondas 
 and Gorgidas bring Pelopidas, and his consorts, and pre- 
 sented them before the people, compassed about with priests 
 and the professed of the city, offering them crownes to put 
 upon their heads, and they praied the assembly of the 
 citizens, that they would help their gods, and their contrie. 
 Al the people that were present, when they saw them, rose 
 up, and stoode on their feete, and with great showtes and 
 clapping of hands received them, as their saviours, that had 
 delivered their contry from bondage, and restored them again 
 to liberty : and therupon, before them al, even in the market 
 place, by the whole voice and consent of the people, they 
 chose Pelopidas, Melon, and Charon, governors and captaines 
 of all Bceotia. Pelopidas then immediatly made them 
 besiege the castell of Cadmea about, with trenches, and force 
 of wod, doing al he could possible to winne it, and to expulse 
 the Lacedaemonians, before any supply and aide came to 
 them from Sparta. So he did, and prevented it so sodainly, 
 302 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that the garrison being departed out of the castel by com- 
 position, as they returned towards Lacedaemonia, they found 
 Cleombrotus king of Sparta in the contry of Megara, 
 comming towards them with a great army to help them. 
 Afterward, of the three captaines which had charge of their 
 garrison that lay at Thebes, the Spartans condemned two of 
 them to death : Hermippidas, and Arcissus, were presently 
 executed: and the third captaine, Dysaoridas, they set so 
 greevous a fyne on his head, that he went out of Pelo- 
 ponesus. This enterprise being attempted, and executed with 
 the like valiantnes, and the same daunger and trouble, that 
 Thrasybulus practise was, when he delivered Athens from 
 the slavery of the thirty governors and tyrans, and having 
 the like fortune, and happy ende : the Grecians termed it 
 cosyn german to Thrasybulus act. And in deede it were 
 a harde matter to find two other such, besides them two, 
 that with so few men overcame their enemies, being many moe 
 in nomber then them selves, or that with so small help did 
 overcome those that were of so great force, or that performed 
 their enterprise with their only valiantnes and wisedom, and 
 were cause besides of so great blessing and benefit to their 
 contry, as Pelopidas and Thrasybulus attempt was. But the 
 great chaunge and alteracion of the state afterwards, did 
 make their actes farre more noble and famous. For the 
 warre that overthrew the majestie of Sparta, and that tooke 
 away al the seigniorie and rule of the Lacedaemonians bothe 
 by sea and by land, beganne the very same night, when 
 Pelopidas him self making the twelvt person, and entring 
 into a private house, (taking nether citie, nor castel, nor 
 stronge hold) to tel truly by figurative speach, did breake 
 and cut in sonder the linkes and chaynes that lincked straight 
 together, and strengthened the Lacedaemonians whole empire 
 and monarchic over al Greece : who until that present time 
 were thought so strong, as no possibilitie could breake or 
 sonder them. Now the Lacedaemonians fortuning after- 
 wards to invade the contry of Boeotia with a mighty army : 
 the Athenians trembling for feare of their great power, did 
 utterly leave to protect them, and renownced the league and 
 alliance they had made before with them. And moreover, 
 
 303 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 overthrewe 
 the seigniorie 
 of the Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 policy to make 
 the Athenians 
 fall out 
 againe with 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they did straightly prosecute law against those, that were 
 accused to take part with the Boeotians : wherof some of 
 them were put to death, other were banished from Athens, 
 and the rest condemned in great summes of money. To be 
 short, every man sayd the Thebans were but undone, con- 
 sidering they had no help, and were beloved besides of none. 
 At that present time it fel out Pelopidas and Gorgidas were 
 generals over al Boeotia for that yere, who devising to throw 
 a bone betwixt the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 
 again, to make them square, they used this policie. There 
 was a captaine of the Lacedaemonians called Sphodrias, a 
 valliant man, but else of smal capacity, and vainly given, 
 having a certen fond ambition and humor, perswading him 
 selfe he had done some notable good service in his time. This 
 Sphodrias was left in the city of Thespies, with a great band 
 of souldiers, to receave and favor al the Boeotians, that had 
 a minde to revolte from the Thebans. Pelopidas of him selfe 
 sent a marchaunt, (a very frende of his) unto Sphodrias, with 
 a great some of money from him, and certaine perswasions 
 withall, which prevailed more then the money, wishinge 
 him to attempt some greater matter, and to seke to winne 
 the haven of Pirae : a thing soone wonne, if he came to 
 assault it on the sodaine, and the rather, for that the Athe- 
 nians mistruste nothinge, neither keepe watch nor ward 
 there. Moreover, that he might assure him selfe, nothinge 
 coulde be better welcome to the lords of Lacedaemonia, then 
 to make them lords of the city of Athens also. And againe, 
 that the Thebans, being at deadly foode with the Athenians, 
 for that they had betraied and forsaken them in their nede, 
 would not aide nor succor them in any respect. Sphodrias 
 giving to light eare to this vaine perswasion, tooke the 
 souldiers he had with him, and marching away by night, 
 entred the realme of Attica, and went on to the city of 
 Eleusin : but when he came thither, his souldiers were afeard, 
 and would go no further. So his purpose beinge discovered, 
 he was forced to returne backe to Thespies, having raised 
 such a warre to the Lacedaemonians, as fel out to be of no 
 small importance to them, nor easie to be pacified. For 
 after that time, the Athenians sought league and amity 
 304 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 againe with the Thebans, and did aide them very lovingly : 
 and moreover, putting them selves to sea, they sailed up and 
 downe, procuring and drawing to their league all such, as 
 were willing to rebell against the Lacedaemonians : and the 
 Thebans besides, had many prety skirmishes with the Lace- 
 daemonians in the meane time, in their own contry of Bceotia. 
 It is true they came to no great battels, but yet it was such 
 a great learning and continual training of them in marshall 
 discipline, as the Thebans stil increased in corage and 
 valliantnes, and waxed stronger and better souldiers : for by 
 those skirmishes they grewe not onely expert souldiers, but 
 waxed more skilfull in using their weapons, then before. As 
 we read, that Antalcidas a Spartan said one day to king 
 Agesilaus, comminge home sore hurt from Boeotia: Surely 
 the Thebans have given you a worthy reward, for teaching 
 them to be souldiours against their wils. But to say truly, 
 Agesilaus was not their maister to teache them to make wars, 
 but they were the good and wise leaders of the Thebans, who 
 like good wod men in choosing their game, could skilfully 
 choose both time and place to give their enemies battel, and 
 make them retire again with safety, after they had bin 
 fleshed, giving them a litle tast of the frutes and commodity 
 of victory : but among them, Pelopidas was he that deserved 
 most honor and glory. For, since the first time they gave 
 him charge of men of warre, they never failed, but chose him 
 continually every yeare, either Captaine of the holy bande, 
 or governor of Bceotia so long as he lived : so that Pelopidas 
 only did the most things in this warre. The Lacedaemonians 
 were overthrowen in sundry jorneis, that they were distressed 
 by the cities of Platees, and of Thespies, where Phoebidas 
 himselfe (that had before taken the castell of Cadmea) was 
 slaine amongst other. An other great power of theirs also 
 was overthrowen nere to the city of Tanagra, where Pan- 
 thoidas governor of the same, was also slaine. Now all these 
 victories, though they much encoraged the hearts of the con- 
 querors, and made them hardy : yet did they not therby 
 altogether conquer the mindes of the vanquished. For the 
 Lacedaemonians were not overcome in any pitched field, nor 
 set battel, where they had their whole army together : but 
 2 : QQ 305 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 The Thebans 
 exercise in 
 armes. 
 
 Antalcidas 
 saying to king 
 Agesilaus. 
 
 The victory of 
 the Thebans 
 against the 
 Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 victory of the 
 Lacedae- 
 monians at 
 the battaile 
 of Tegyra. 
 
 Melas fl. 
 
 Latona 
 brought to 
 bed betwene 
 two springes 
 called the 
 Palme, and 
 the Olive. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they were light rodes, and skirmishes properly laid of purpose, 
 where somtime flying, somtime driving them againe, they 
 bickered very oft, and put them to the worst. But the battell 
 of Tegyra, which was but a florish and profe to the journey of 
 Leuctres, wan Pelopidas great honor. For he had no com- 
 panion to chalenge any part of his glory and victory, neither 
 did he leave his enemies any lawful excuse, to shadow or 
 cover their overthrow. For he spied al occasion he might 
 possible, how to take the city of Orchomene, that tooke part 
 with the Lacedaemonians, and had received two ensignes of 
 footemen of theirs to kepe it. Pelopidas being advertised 
 one day, that the garrison of Orchomene was gone abroad to 
 make a rode into the contrey of the Locrides, hoping he 
 shuld finde Orchomene without garrison : he marched thither 
 with his holy band, and certaine number of horsemen. But 
 when he drew neere the city, he had intelligence there was 
 another garrison comming from Sparta, to supply the place of 
 the garrison that was abroad : wherupon he returned backe 
 againe by the city of Tegyra, for he could have passed no 
 other way, but to have turned down by the foote of the moun- 
 taine. For al the valley that lay betwen both, was drowned 
 with the overflowing of the river of Melas, which even from 
 his very hed carieth ever such bredth with it, as it maketh 
 the marishes navigable, so as it is unpassable for any shallow 
 it hath. Not far from these marishes, standeth the temple of 
 Apollo Tegyrian, where was an oracle in old time, but left of 
 at this day, and had never long continuance, but only untill 
 the time of the warres of the Medes, when Echecrates was 
 maister and chiefe priest there. And some holde opinion, 
 that Apollo was borne there : for they cal the next moun- 
 taine to it, Delos, at the foote wherof the marishes of the 
 river of Melas doo end, and behinde the temple are two 
 goodly springes, from whence commeth great abowndance of 
 good sweete water: whereof the one of them is called to 
 this day the Palme, and the other the Olive. And some 
 say also, that the goddesse Latona was not brought to bed 
 betwene two trees, but betwene these two springes. For 
 mownt Ptoum is hard by it also, from whence the wilde bore 
 came on a sodaine that flighted her. And the tale that is 
 306 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tolde of the serpent Pytho, and of the gyaunt Tityus, doo 
 both confirme it, that Apollo was borne in the same place. 
 I passe over manie other conjectures confirming the same, for 
 that we doo not beleve in oure contrie that Apollo is among 
 the nomber of those, who from mortall men have beene 
 translated to immortall goddes, as are Hercules and Bacchus, 
 that through the excellencie of their vertue, did put of 
 mortalitie, and tooke immortality apon them : but we 
 rather take him for one of those that never had beginninge 
 nor generation, at the least if those thinges be to be credited, 
 which so many grave and auncient writers have left in writ- 
 ing to us, touching so great and holy things. The Thebans 
 returning backe from Orchomene, and the Lacedaemonians 
 on the other side returning also from Locride, both at one 
 time, they fortuned both armies to mete about the citty 
 of Tegyra. Now, so sone as the Thebans had discovered 
 the Lacedaemonians passing the straite, one of them ranne 
 sodainely to Pelopidas, and tolde him : Sir, we are fallen 
 into the handes of the Lacedaemonians. Nay, are not they 
 rather fallen into ours, aunswered Pelopidas againe ? with 
 these wordes, he commaunded his horsemen that were in 
 the rereward, to come before, and sett apon them : and him 
 selfe in the meane time put his footemen immediately into 
 a pretie squadron close togeather, being in all, not above 
 three hundred men, hoping when he should come to geve 
 charge with his battell, he should make a lane through 
 the enemies, though they were the greater nomber. For 
 the Lacedaemonians devided them selves in two companies, 
 and every company, as Ephorus writeth, had five hundred 
 men : and as Callistenes sayed, seven hundred. Polybius, 
 and divers other authors saye, they were nyne hundred men. 
 So, Theopompus and Gorgoleon, the Captaynes of the Lace- 
 daemonians, lustely marched agaynst the Thebans : and it 
 fell out so, that the first charge was geven, where the 
 chiefetaynes or generalles were of either side, with great 
 furie on eyther parte, so as both the generalls of the 
 Lacedaemonians which sett uppon Pelopidas together, were 
 slayne. They being slayne, and all that were about them, 
 being either hurt or * killed in the fielde : the rest of the 
 
 307 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 victorie. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PELOPIDAS armie were so amased, that they devided in two, and made 
 a lane on either side, for the Thebans to passe through them 
 if they would. But when they saw Pelopidas ment not to 
 take the passage they offred him, and that he came on still 
 with his men to set apon those that were yet in battel raye, 
 and slue all them that stoode before him : then they turned 
 tayle, and tooke them to their legges. Howbeit the Thebans 
 did not chase them farre, fearing the Orchomenians who were 
 not farre from them, and the new garrison besides, that were 
 come from Lacedaemon not long before. And this was the 
 cause they were contented that they had overcomed them by 
 force, and had passed through their armie in despite of 
 them, and broken and overthrowen them. So when he had 
 set up markes of triumphe, and spoyled their slayne enemies, 
 they returned home againe, glad men for their obteyned 
 victorie. For in all the warres the Lacedaemonians ever 
 made, aswell with the Graecians, as with the barbarous 
 people also, there was never chronicle mencioned at any 
 tyme, that their enemies being so fewe, did overcome them 
 that were so many, nor that they were overcome also by 
 any number equall in battell. Whereuppon they grewe so 
 coragious and terrible, that no man durst once abyde them : 
 for their onely fame did so terrifie their enemies that came to 
 fight agaynst them, that they thought with no equall force 
 to be able to performe asmuche as they had done. But 
 this battell of Tegyra was the first that made both them 
 and the other Greecians knowe, that it was not the ryver 
 of Eurotas alone, nor the valley that lyeth betweene the 
 ryvers of Cnacion, and of Babyce, that breedeth the 
 valiant and hardy fighting men : but that it is in all 
 places else, where they learne young men to be ashamed 
 of dishonest and vyle thinges, and to venter their lives for 
 What enemies honest causes, fearing more dishonorable reproche, then 
 are moste ter- honorable daunger. These are the people most to be 
 b^e feared t0 f eare d? and are most terrible also to their enemies. And 
 for the holy band we mencioned before, it is saide, Gorgidas 
 The first insti- was the first erector of the same. They were three hundred 
 tution of the chosen men entertained by the state, and they alwaies kept 
 holie bande. w jthin the castell of Cadmea, and the bande was called the 
 308 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 townes bande : for at that time, and specially in that part 
 of Greece, they called the castels and great holdes in citties, 
 the townes. Other say it was a bande of footemen that 
 were in love one with another. And therefore Pammenes 
 pleasaunt wordes are noted, saying, that Nestor coulde no 
 skyll to set an armie in battell raye, seeing he gave the 
 Greecians counsell, in the Iliades of Homer, that they 
 should set them in battel raye, every countrie and tribe 
 by them selves : 
 
 That by affections force, and lynkes of kyndly love : 
 that one might alwaise helpe at hande, that other to behove. 
 
 For, saide he, one frende should rather be set by another 
 that loves togeather : bicause in daunger, men commonly do 
 litle regarde their contrie men, or suche as are of their tribe. 
 But men that doo love one another, can never be broken nor 
 overcome: for the passion of love that entertaineth eche 
 others affection, for affection sake, dothe kepe them from 
 forsaking one another. And those that are beloved, being 
 ashamed to doo any vyle or dishonest thing before those that 
 love them, for very love will sticke one by another to the 
 death. And sure the reason is good, if it be true that lovers 
 doo in deede more regard them they love, though they be 
 absent : then other that be present. As appeareth by the 
 example of hym, that being striken downe to the ground, 
 his enemie lifting up his swoorde to kyll him, he praied him 
 he woulde geve him his deathes wounde before, lest his 
 frende that loved him, seeing a wounde on his backe, 
 shoulde be ashamed of him. It is reported also, that 
 Iolaus being beloved of Hercules, did helpe and accompanie 
 him in all his labors and quarrels. Whereupon Aristotle 
 writeth, that unto his time, such as loved hartily togeather, 
 became sworne brethren one to another, apon Iolaus tombe. 
 
 -And therefore me thinkes it is likely, that this bande was 
 first called the holy bande, by the selfe same reason that 
 Plato calleth a lover, a divine frende by goddes appoint- 
 ment. It is written also, that this bande was never broken, 
 nor overthrowen, before the battel of Chaeronea : After that 
 battel, Philip taking vewe of the slaine bodies, he stayed in 
 
 309 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Men loving 
 together,fight 
 desperately 
 against their 
 enemies. 
 
 Hercules and 
 Iolaus love. 
 
 Platoes saying 
 of a lover. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PELOPIDAS that place where the foure hundred men of that bande laye 
 all dead on the grounde, one harde by another, and all of 
 them slayne and thrust through with pikes on their brestes, 
 whereat he wondred muche : and being tolde him that it was 
 the lovers bande, he fel a weeping for pittie, saying : Wo be 
 to them that thinke these men did, or suffered any evyll or 
 dishonest thing. And to be short, the misfortune of Laius, 
 that was slaine by his owne brother Oedipus, was not the 
 first originall cause of this custome, that the Thebans be- 
 ganne to be in love one with an other as the Poets write : 
 but they were their first lawmakers, who perceiving them to 
 be a stout and fierce nation of nature, they sought even from 
 their youthe to make them gentell and civill, and therefore 
 in all their actions both of sport and earnest, they con- 
 tinually acquainted them with playing of the flute, being 
 highly estemed of them in those dayes. They brought in 
 the use also to make love, in the middest of all their youthe- 
 full sportes and exercises of their bodies, to frame the young 
 mens manners, and to bring them to a civil lyfe. And ther- 
 
 The Goddesse f ore they had reason that gave the goddesse Harmonia to 
 
 Harmonia. ^he Thebans, for defender and patronesse of their cittie, 
 who was begotten (as they say) betwene Mars and Venus. 
 For that geveth us to under stande, that where force and 
 warlike corage is joyned with grace, to winne and perswade : 
 all thinges by this union and accorde are brought, to a 
 goodly, proffitable, and most perfect government. Now, to 
 returne againe to the matter of this holy bande of the 
 Thebans. Gorgidas deviding it in the former ranckes, and 
 placing it all alongest the fronte of the battell of the foote- 
 men, it did not appeare what they were able to doo of them 
 selves, for that he brought them not all into one body : so 
 as thereby they might see what service the whole companie 
 coulde doo, being togeather, considering that it was devided 
 and mingled amongest manie other, that were a great deale 
 of lesse value then them selves. But Pelopidas that had made 
 good proofe of their valliauntnes before, when they fought 
 about him of them selves, without others by them, at Tegyra : 
 would never after devide nor seperat them one from the other, 
 but keeping them together as one entier body that had al 
 310 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his members, he would alwaies beginne with them to geve a 
 charge, in his most daungerous battels. For, as we see in 
 running of coches at games, that horses being tyed all to- 
 gether in a fronte, doo runne faster and stronger, then they 
 doo when they are lose, and put to it alone : and not for that 
 they being many togeather doo breake through the ayer 
 better, but for that the contention and envy betweene them 
 to outronne one another doth in dede set their hartes and 
 stomakes a fyre. Even so he thought, that valliaunt men 
 geving one another a desire and envie to doo well, shoulde 
 have the more corage, and woulde be of greater force, when 
 they fought one in anothers sight. But the Lacedaemonians 
 afterwardes being at peace and league with all the other 
 Greecians, proclaymed open warres against the Thebans 
 onely : and kyng Cleombrotus went to invade them with an 
 army of tenne thowsande footemen, and a thowsande horse- 
 men. Wherupon, the Thebans were not only in the like 
 daunger they stoode in before to lose their libertie, but the 
 Lacedaemonians did openly threaten they would utterly de- 
 stroy them for ever : so that all the contrie of Bceotia stoode 
 in greater feare, then ever they did before. And one day as 
 Pelopidas went out of his house to goe to the warres, his wife 
 bringing him out of the doores to take her leave of him, 
 weeping, she praied him hartely to looke well to him selfe. 
 But he aunswered her againe : My good wife, it is for private 
 souldiers to be carefull of them selves, but not for captaines, 
 for they must have an eye to save others lives. And when 
 he came to the campe, he founde the captaines and the 
 Lieuetenantes of the armie, in sundrie opinions: and he was 
 the first that agreed with Epaminondas opinion, who thought 
 it best they shoulde geve battell to the enemies. Pelopidas 
 at that time was neither governor of Bceotia, nor general of 
 the armie, but onely captaine of the holy bande : notwith- 
 standing they had great affiance in him, and gave him great 
 authoritie in counsaile concerning their affaiers : such as be- 
 came a man that had made so good testimonie of his naturall 
 love and affection to his contrie, as he had done. Now, being 
 determined in counsaile that they shoulde geve the enemie 
 battell, they all mustred together in the valley of Leuctres, 
 
 311 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Cleombrotus 
 king of the 
 Lacede- 
 monians. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 princely 
 
 aunsweare. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Se what 
 plagues 
 folowe where 
 justice is 
 denied. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 dreame and 
 vision in the 
 fieldes of 
 Leuctres. 
 
 where he had a vision in his dreame, that troubled him verie 
 muche. In that valley there are the tombes of the daughters 
 of one Scedasus, whiche by reason of the place, they call the 
 Leuctrides, for that they were buried there, after they had 
 bene defyled and ravished, by certaine guestes of the Spartans 
 that laye in their house, travayling that way. This act being 
 so horrible and wicked, the poore father of these defiled 
 virgines, could e neither have justice, nor revenge of the 
 Lacedaemonians, and therefore after he had bande and cursed 
 the Lacedaemonians with most horrible and execrable rayl- 
 inges and curses as might be possible, he kylled him selfe upon 
 the graves of his daughters. The Lacedaemonians had many 
 sundrie oracles, prophecies and signes of the goddes to warne 
 them, to take heede of the wrathe of the Leuctrides : how- 
 beit everie man understoode not the signification of this pro- 
 phecie, but were deceived by the equivocation of the name. 
 For there was a litle towne in the contrie of Laconia, standing 
 apon the sea, called Leuctrum : and in Arcadia also by the 
 cittie of Megalipolis, there was another towne called by 
 the same name. This misfortune chaunced longe before the 
 battell of Leuctres : but then Pelopidas dreaming in his 
 tente, thought he sawe in a vision the daughters of Scedasus 
 weeping about their graves, and cursing the Lacedaemonians : 
 and that he sawe their father also, commaunding him to 
 sacrifice a red mayden to his daughters, if they woulde obtaine 
 the victorie. This commaundement at the first, seemed verie 
 cruel and wicked : whereuppon when he rose, he went to the 
 Prognosticators and generalles of the armie, and tolde them 
 his dreame. So, some of them saide, this was no matter to 
 be lightly passed over, but to be considered of, alledging 
 manie examples in the like cases. As of Menecius the sonne 
 of Creon in olde time, and of Macaria the daughter of Her- 
 cules. And yet of later memorie, the wise Pherecydes, 
 whome the Lacedaemonians slue, and whose skynne their 
 kynges doo keepe at this daye, by commaundement of an 
 oracle. And Leonidas, who following a prophecie of the 
 goddes, did as it were sacrifice him selfe, for the safetie of 
 Greece. And furthermore, the younge boyes which Themis- 
 tocles did sacrifice to Bacchus Omestes (to say, eating rawe 
 312 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 flesh) before the battell of Salamina. And all these sacrifices PELOPIDAS 
 were acceptable to the goddes, as the victories following did 
 plainely shewe. In contrarie manner also kinge Agesilaus, 
 comminge from those very places, from whence king Aga- 
 memnon came in the time of the warres of Troia, and going 
 also against the same enemies : dreamed one night in the Agesilaus 
 cittie of Aulide, he sawe the goddesse Diana, asking him his dreame. 
 daughter for sacrifice. But he tenderly loving her, would by 
 no meanes perfourme it: and thereupon was compelled to 
 breake of his jorney, before he had executed his enterprise, 
 and departed with small honor. Other to the contrarie 
 stoode to it stowtely, and saide it was not to be done. For, 
 so cruell, abhominable, and brutish a sacrifice, could not be 
 acceptable to any of the goddes, nor to any god, better or 
 mightier than ours : considering that they be no impressions 
 in the ayre, nor gyants that rule the world, but the one onely 
 mightie and eternall God father of gods and men. And, 
 to beleve that either goddes or demy goddes doo delite in 
 murder, or sheading of mans blood, it is a meere mockery and 
 folly. But admit it were so, they were no more to be re- 
 garded therein, then those that have no power at all : yet it 
 is a manifest token of a wicked spirite, when they have suche 
 damnable and horrible desires in them, and specially if they 
 abide styll with them. Now, the generalles and heads of the 
 armie of the Thebans being of sondry opinions, and Pelopidas 
 being more afraid then before, by reason of their disagree- 
 ment: a young mare colte, or fyllie, breaking by chaunce 
 from other mares, ronning and flynging through the campe, 
 came to staye right against them. Then every man beganne 
 to looke apon her, and to marke what a faire fyllie it was, 
 and red colored every where, and what a pride she tooke with 
 her selfe to heare her owne neying. Theocritus then the 
 soothesayer being amongest them, did beholde her, and knew 
 straight what the fyllie ment, and so cried out foorthwith : 
 
 O happie Pelopidas, loe here is the sacrifice thou lookest for, 
 seeke no other virgine for thy sacrifice, but take this that 
 God him selfe doth send thee. When Theocritus had saide 
 so, they tooke the fyllie, and laide her apon the tombe of 
 Scedasus dawghters, and put garlandes of flowers about her, 
 
 2 : RR 313 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 The battell at 
 Leuctres. 
 
 The cause of 
 the overthrow 
 of the Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Epaminondas 
 victorie, at 
 the battaile of 
 Leuctres. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 as they handled other sacrifices : and then after their praiers 
 made to the gods, they did sacrifice her with great joye, and 
 told Pelopidas vision in his dreame the night before through 
 all the campe, and the sacrifice they had made also according 
 to the signification thereof. Moreover, when they came to 
 joyne battell, Epaminondas being generall, drew all his army 
 on the left hande, bicause he woulde bring the right winge 
 of the enemies army (where they had [placed the naturall 
 Spartans) further from the other Greecians their frendes and 
 allyes, that were set in the other wing of their battell : that 
 he comming with his whole power together to geve a charge 
 uppon Cleombrotus their king (being in a corner by him 
 selfe) might be distressed or overthrowen. The enemies 
 fynding Pelopidas intent, beganne to chaunge their order, 
 and having men enowe, ment to thruste out their ryght 
 winge at length to compasse in Epaminondas. But Pelopidas 
 in the meane time sodainely prevented them, and ronning 
 with great furie with his squadron of three hundred men, he 
 set apon Cleombrotus before he coulde disorder his men to 
 put furth the right winge, and joyne them together againe. 
 And so he founde the Lacedaemonians not yet setled in 
 their rankes, and brake them in this disorder, thrusting one 
 in anothers place to put them selves againe in order : not- 
 withstanding the Lacedaemonians of all other men were the 
 only captaines, and most expert souldiers in marshal disci- 
 pline, as men so trained and practised, that no sodaine altering 
 of forme, or order in their rankes, coulde either trouble or 
 disorder them. For they were men so trained, that they 
 could turne head or side upon any sodaine occasion offered, 
 and coulde fight and order them selves in battell every way 
 alike. So Epaminondas going to geve thonset apon them 
 alone, with the whole force of his battaile togeather, not 
 tarrying for others : and Pelopidas also with an incredible 
 corage and readines, presenting him selfe in battell before 
 them, did put them into such a terrible feare, that they cleane 
 forgotte their skill in fightinge, and their wonted courage 
 fayled them. For they cowardly turned their backes, and there 
 were moe Lacedaemonians slaine that day, than ever were before 
 in any former battell. Pelopidas therefore, being neither 
 314 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 governor of Boeotia, nor general of all the army, but onely 
 captaine of the holy band : did notwithstanding winne as 
 muche honor and glorie of this victorie, as Epaminondas, that 
 was governor of Boeotia, and generall of all the armie. In 
 dede afterwardes they were both governors of Boeotia to- 
 gether, when they invaded the contrey of Peloponnesus : 
 where they made most parte of the cities and people rebell 
 against the Lacedaemonians, and take their parte. As the 
 Elians, the Argives, and all Arcadia, and the best parte of 
 Laconia selfe, notwithstandinge it was in the hart of winter, 
 and in the shortest dayes of the yeare, and towardes the latter 
 ende also of the last moneth of their yeares authority and 
 rule, having not many dayes to continew in office, being 
 forced to leave their authority, apon paine of death if they 
 did refuse, unto other officers new chosen, the beginning of 
 the next moneth following. Whereupon their other com- 
 panions, and governors also of the contrie of Boeotia, what 
 for feare to incurre the daunger of the lawe, as also to avoyde 
 the trouble to lye in campe in the sharpest of winter : they 
 did urge and perswade them to bring the armie backe againe 
 into their contrie. But Pelopidas was the first that yeelded 
 to Epaminondas opinion, and wanne the other Thebans also 
 to consent unto it, to be contented to be led by them, to 
 geve assault to the city selfe of Sparta. So, through their 
 perswasion they passed over the river of Eurotas, and tooke 
 many litle townes of the Lacedaemonians, and wasted and 
 destroyed all the contrie to the sea side, leading under their 
 ensignes an armie of threescore and ten thowsande fightinge 
 men, and all Greecians, the Thebans not making up the 
 twelvt parte of them. Now, the honor and great reputacion 
 of these two persones, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, brought 
 their frendes and confederates, that they followed them, with- 
 out any resolution of counsell or publike order, and never 
 opened their mouthes against them, but willingly marched 
 under their conduction. And in my opinion, truely me 
 thinkes it is the first and chiefest point in the lawe of 
 nature, that he that is weake, not able to defend himselfe, 
 should leane to one that is strong, and able to defende bothe. 
 Even much like to freshe water souldiers, and rawe sea men, 
 
 315 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Epaminondas 
 jorney into 
 Peloponesus, 
 being both 
 governors of 
 Boeotia. 
 
 A penall lawe 
 at Thebes, for 
 resigning up 
 of offices at 
 the yeers end. 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Epaminondas 
 went over the 
 river of Euro- 
 tas, with 70 
 thowsand 
 men. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 The ingrati- 
 tude of the 
 Thebans , to- 
 ward Pelopi- 
 das and Epa- 
 minondas. 
 
 The Lawe 
 Boucation. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that lying at sea in calme weather, and in safe harber, are 
 as lusty and bragge with the masters and boteswaines as 
 may be : and let a litle storme of weather come apon them 
 sodainely, and that they be in any daunger, then they looke 
 on the masters, hoping for no life but at their handes. And 
 even in like maner the Elians and Argives, who though in 
 all assemblies of counsel they woulde ever jarre and strive 
 with the Thebans, for honor and superioritie in the armie : 
 yet when any battell came to be fought, wherin they saw 
 there was daunger, then their pecockes braverie was gone, 
 and they were glad to obey their generalles commaunde- 
 ment. In this journey they brought all the cities of the 
 province of Arcadia to be in league with them, and tooke 
 all the contrie of Messenia from the Lacedaemonians, which 
 they peaceably enjoyed : and called home againe all the 
 auncient inhabitantes of the same, and restored them to 
 their contrie, and replenished the citie of Ithome : Then 
 returninge afterwardes into their contrie by the citie of 
 Cenchrees, they overthrew the Athenians that came to trouble 
 them, in entringe into the straight of Peloponnesus, suppos- 
 inge to have stopped their passage. Thus was the valliantnes 
 of these two worthy men greatly commended and honored 
 of every body, for so many notable exployts and victories 
 as they had wonne, and their marvelous good successe greatly 
 wondered at. But as their glory and renowne increased 
 abroade, so did their contrie mens malice and envie encrease 
 against them at home : who had prepared such a welcome 
 home for them, as was to bad and vile for so honorable 
 service as they had done. For Epaminondas and Pelopidas 
 bothe, at their returne, were accused of treason. For there 
 was a speciall law at Thebes, that commaunded all such as 
 should happen to be governors of Boeotia, to resigne their 
 office immediatly to the new officers elect, at the beginning 
 of the first moneth of the yeare, which in Boeotia they call 
 Boucation : and they had kept it foure whole moneths above 
 their tearme appointed, in which time they had done all that 
 we have spoken of before, as well in the province of Messenia 
 and of Arcadia, as also in the contrie of Laconia. Pelopidas 
 was the first of the two that was called in by processe, ther- 
 316 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 fore he stoode in the greater daunger : howbeit in the end, PELOPIDAS 
 they were both discharged again. As for Epaminondas, he 
 tooke his accusation and the attempt of his enemies (wherby Epaminondas 
 they sought to have cast them both away) quietly enough : patience, 
 judging, that pacience to those that deale in state and 
 government, is a great shew of force and magnanimitie. But 
 Pelopidas being of a hotter nature, and more chollericke, and 
 set on besides by some of his friendes, did take this occasion 
 to be revenged. Meneclidas the orator was one of those that Pelopidas 
 came into Charons house with Pelopidas, and Melon, but condemneth 
 notwithstandinge the Thebans did nothing honor him, as se ^^ U g as * a 
 they did the rest. He taking this ill at their handes, being ora t or and 
 marvelous eloquent of speeche, but vitiously geven other- accuser, 
 wayes, and a man of a vile and mischievous nature : did 
 fondly abuse his eloquence, falsely accusinge those that were 
 his betters, in honesty and credit. And not beinge contented 
 with this first accusation, he practised so commonly, that he 
 put Epaminondas one yeare from being governor of Boeotia, 
 which he sued for : and moreover he was ever against him in 
 all matters of state he tooke in hande. But he coulde never 
 bring Pelopidas out of favour with the people : and there- 
 fore he sought to make bate betwixt him and Charon. For The practise 
 it is the common tricke of all spitefull persones, when they °f spitefull 
 can not be thought so honest men as those whome they men * 
 envie : to go about to prove that they are not so honest 
 and meete men, as those whome they preferre and commende. 
 
 So, in all his orations he made to the people, he continually 
 extolled and commended Charons noble actes and victories, 
 and specially that victory above other, which the Thebans 
 wanne before the jorney of Leuctres, in a skirmish of horse- 
 men, that was before the city of Platees, he havinge charge 
 of the same : of the which he woulde leave this memory. 
 
 Androcydes a Cyzicenian and painter, was at a price with 
 the Thebans to painte them some other battell in a table, Our fore- 
 and he did drawe this worke in the citie selfe of Thebes : fathers did 
 but as he was in hand with all, the rebellion of the Thebans a ^ r set 
 fell out against the Lacedaemonians, and warre followed on battailes, 
 the necke of that, whereuppon the painter forsooke Thebes, 
 leavinge his worke in manner done and perfitte. The Thebans 
 
 317 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Alexander 
 the tyran of 
 Pheres. 
 
 Larissa, a 
 city. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 kept this table by them, and this Meneclidas moved the 
 people they woulde hange it up in some temple or publicke 
 place with an inscription apon it, sayinge thus : This was 
 Charons victorie, of purpose to deface and obscure the glorie 
 of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. To vaine and fond was his 
 ambition, to set before so many noble battells and victories, 
 one simple overthrowe of Charon, in the which Gerandas, 
 one of the meanest gentlemen of all Sparta was slayne, and 
 forty other with him : and this was all he did. Pelopidas 
 misliked Meneclidas motion, maintaining that it was directly 
 against the lawes of Thebes, which did expresly forbid that 
 no private person should be honored with the title of common 
 victorie, but willed the glory thereof should be attributed 
 to all the people generally. In dede Pelopidas in all his 
 orations did greatly praise and commend Charon, notwith- 
 standinge, he made open proofe, howe Meneclidas was an 
 envious and spitefull detractor, and a naughty wicked man, 
 oftentimes askinge the Thebans, if they them selves were 
 worthy of no honor ? so as in the end he caused Meneclidas 
 to be condemned in a great summe of money. But he find- 
 ing him selfe unable to pay it, beinge so great a summe : 
 practised afterwardes to alter the whole state and govern- 
 ment. I thought good to dilate this at large, bicause me 
 thinkes it doth somewhat declare Pelopidas nature, and 
 maners, what they were. Now about that time, Alexander, 
 the tyran of Pheres, was at open warres with many people 
 of Thessalie, and did use all policie he coulde, to bringe 
 them all to his obedience. Whereupon the free cities sent 
 their Ambassadors unto Thebes, to pray them to send them 
 a captaine, with an armie to aide them. Then Pelopidas 
 seeinge Epaminondas occupied about the warres of Pelopon- 
 nesus, did offer himselfe to the Thessalian Ambassadors, 
 beinge lothe to drowne his experience and sufficiency in 
 warres, with unprofitable and tedious idlenes, knowing that 
 in those partes where Epaminondas lay, there neded no 
 other captaine. Now when he came with his armie into 
 Thessalie the citie of Larissa yelded presently unto him : 
 where the tyran Alexander came to mete with him, and to 
 pray him to treate a peace betwixt him and the Thessalians. 
 318 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Pelopidas attempted to bring it to passe, seeking in steade 
 of a tyran, to make him a gentle, just, and lawefull governor 
 of Thessalie. But when he saw no perswasions could take 
 place with the tyran, and that he grewe more stubborne 
 and untractable, and woulde not heare reason : and more- 
 over that he heard many grevous complaintes of his great 
 cruelties, and how they accused him to be a marvelous dis- 
 solute and unruly person in all his doinges, and extreamely 
 covetous besides : then he beganne to speake roundly to 
 him, and to handle him roughly. But the tyran there- 
 upon stole away secretely from him, and fled with his 
 gard and souldiers about him. So Pelopidas leavinge the 
 Thessalians out of all feare and daunger of the tyran, 
 and furthermore in good peace and amity one with the 
 other, he went into Macedon : where Ptolomy made warre 
 at that time with Alexander, beinge kinge of Macedon, they 
 bothe having sent for him to heare and determine the quarrel 1 
 betwixt them, and also to helpe him that had the right, 
 against him that did the wrong. So when he came thither, 
 he pacified them bothe, and restored the banished men of 
 either side, to their landes and goodes againe. For assur- 
 ance of the peace, he tooke the kinges brother in ostage, 
 whose name was Philip, and thirtie other children of the 
 noblest mens sonnes of Macedon, whom he brought away 
 with him to Thebes, to let the Greecians see, that the repu- 
 tacion of the Thebans power stretched farre, and the renowne 
 also of their manner of government and justice. It is the 
 same Philip, that made warre afterwardes with the Greecians, 
 to take their libertie from them : howbeit being but a boy 
 at that time, he was brought up at Thebes in Pammenes 
 house. And this is the cause, why some thought Philip did 
 followe Epaminondas manner : and it might be paradventure, 
 he did learne of him to be quicke and ready in the warres, 
 which in deede was but a peece of Epaminondas vertue. But 
 as to the continency, justice, magnanimitie, and clemencie, 
 which were the speciall pointes that made Epaminondas of 
 great fame : Philip coulde neither by nature, education, nor 
 studie ever attaine unto. The Thessalians havinge sent after- 
 wardes to Thebes, to complaine of Alexander the tyran of 
 
 319 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Philip of 
 Macedon, 
 delivered for 
 ostage unto 
 Pelopidas. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 TELOPIDAS Pheres, that did againe molest and trouble the free cities of 
 Thessalie : Pelopidas was sent thither Ambassador with 
 Ismenias, carying no power with him from Thebes, litle 
 thinking he shoulde have needed to have made warres: 
 whereupon he was compelled to take men of the contrie 
 selfe, uppon the instant necessitie offered. At the very 
 same time also, all Macedon was up in armes. For Ptolomy 
 had slaine the king, and usurped the kingdom, and the ser- 
 vaunts and frendes of the dead king called upon Pelopidas 
 for aide : who desiring to come even uppon the fact, and 
 having brought no men of warre out of his owne contrie with 
 him, did presently leavie certaine men where he was, and so 
 marched forward with them against Ptolomy. No we Ptolomy 
 when bothe their powers met, did corrupt the souldiers 
 Pelopidas had brought with money, to take his parte. But 
 notwithstandinge this policy he had practised, yet he was 
 afeard of the name onely, and greatnes of Pelopidas repu- 
 tacion : wherefore he went unto Pelopidas, as to a better 
 man than him selfe, and making marvelous much of him, 
 and intreating of him, he made promise, and bounde it by 
 othe, that he would keepe the realme for the brethren of the 
 dead king, and that he woulde take all those for his frendes 
 or enemies, whom the Thebans did either love or hate. And 
 for assurance of his promise, he gave him his sonne Philoxenus 
 in ostage, and fifty other of his frendes, all the which Pelopidas 
 sent unto Thebes. But in the meane time, beinge marvelously 
 offended with the treason of the souldiers against him, under- 
 standinge that the most parte of their goodes, their wives 
 and children, were in the citie of Pharsale, he thought if he 
 coulde winne that, it were a marvelous good way for him to 
 be revenged of the trechery of the souldiers against him : 
 whereupon he leavied certaine Thessalians, and went to that 
 citie. Pelopidas was no sooner come thither, but Alexander 
 the tyran arrived also with his armie. Pelopidas supposing 
 he had come to justifie him selfe, clearing the complaintes of 
 the Thessalians made against him : went to him, though he 
 knew him to be a very wicked man, and one that delited in 
 murder and sheading of blood. Nevertheles, he hoped he 
 durst not have attempted any thing against him, for the 
 320 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 authority and seigniories sake of Thebes, by whom he was 
 sent thither, as also for his owne reputacion. But the tyran 
 seeing him slenderly accompanied, and without traine of 
 souldiers : tooke him prisoner, and wanne the city of Pharsale 
 at that present time. But this act of his put his subjects in 
 a great feare, who seeing him commit so shamefull a deede 
 against all equity, did thinke straight he ment to spare no 
 man, but w r ould use men, and all thinges else that came in 
 his handes, like a desperate man, and one that reckned him 
 self cast away. But when the Thebans understoode . this 
 newes, they were marvelous sorie, and straight sent an army 
 thither appointinge other Captaines then Epaminondas, 
 bicause then they had some misliking of him. Alexander 
 the tyran having brought Pelopidas in the meane time to 
 Pheres, did suffer any man that woulde, at the first to come 
 and see him, and speake with him : supposinge his imprison- 
 ment had killed his hart, and had made him very humble. 
 But when he was tolde the contrary, how Pelopidas did 
 comforte the citizens of Pheres, and willed them to be of 
 good cheare, tellinge them the hower was now come that the 
 tyran should smarte for al the mischiefes he had done : and 
 that he sent him word to his face, he had no reason to hang 
 and put his poore citizens daily to death as he did, with 
 sundry kindes of cruell torments, who had in nothing offended, 
 him, and did let him alone, knowinge that if ever he got out 
 of his hands, he would be revenged of him. The tyran won- 
 dering at this great stomake of his, and at his marvelous 
 constancy fearing nothing : asked what he ment to long for 
 hasty death ? Pelopidas beinge tolde what he sayd, aunswered 
 him againe : Mary, sayd he, bicause thow shouldest dye the 
 sooner, beinge more odious to the goddes and men, then yet 
 thou art. After this answere, the tyran would never suffer 
 any man to come and speake with him againe. But Thebe, 
 that was the daughter of the tyran Iason deceased, and wife 
 at that time of Alexander the tyran, hearinge reporte of 
 Pelopidas noble minde and corage by his keepers : she hadde 
 a mervelous desire to see him, and to speake with him. But 
 when she came to see him, like a woman she could not at 
 the first discerne the greatnesse of his noble heart, and 
 2 : SS 321 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 taken pri- 
 sonner by the 
 tyran Alex- 
 ander at 
 Pharsale. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 stoutnes. 
 
 Thebe the 
 wife of Alex- 
 ander the 
 tyran. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Epaminondas 
 sent into 
 Thessalie with 
 an army. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 excellent hidden vertue, findinge him in such misery : yet 
 conjecturing by exterior show, notinge his simple apparell, 
 his heares and beard growen very long, and how poorely he 
 was served, and worse entertained : she thought with her 
 selfe his case was to be pittied, and that he was in no state 
 mete for the glory of his name, wherewith she fell a weepinge 
 for compassion. Pelopidas that knewe not what she was, 
 beganne to muse at the first : but when it was tolde him she 
 was Iasons daughter, then he curteously saluted her for her 
 father Iasons sake, who while he lived was his very good 
 frend. So Thebe said unto him : My Lord Pelopidas, I 
 pittie thy poore Lady and wife. Truely so do I pitty thee, 
 quod Pelopidas againe to her : that thou beinge no prisoner, 
 canst abide such a wicked Alexander. This aunswere tickled 
 Thebe at the heart, who with great impacience did beare the 
 cruelty, violence, and villany of the tyran her husband : that 
 besides all other infamous actes of his detestable life, com- 
 mitted Sodomy with her youngest brother. So she oft 
 visitinge Pelopidas, and boldly makinge her mone to him, 
 telling him closely all the injuries her husbande offered her : 
 through Pelopidas talke with her, by litle and litle she grew 
 to abhorre him, and to conceive a hate in heart against him, 
 desiring revenge of him. But now the Captaines of the 
 Thebans that were sent to deliver Pelopidas, beinge entred 
 into Thessalie with their armie : (whether it was through 
 default of ignoraunce, or their mishap) they returned home 
 with shame, and did nothing. Whereupon the Thebans at 
 their retume home, condemned them everie man in the summe 
 of tenne thousande Drachmes, and sent Epaminondas thither 
 againe with an other armie : at whose comming, all Thessalie 
 rose incontinently, for the reputation of so great a captaine. 
 And his fortune was so good, that he had in a manner utterly 
 overthrowen all the whole state of the tyran : his frends and 
 captaines were so much afraid, and his subjectes on the other 
 side so well disposed to rebell, and marvelous glad for the 
 hope they had, quickely to see the tyran have his deserved 
 hyer, for all his former wicked deedes he had committed. 
 Notwithstanding, Epaminondas preferring the deliverie and 
 safety of Pelopidas, before the consideration of his owne 
 322 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 honor and glorie, and fearinge least Alexander seeinge him 
 selfe in daunger to be turned out of all he had, falling in 
 despayre like a bedlem beast, woulde bende all his despera- 
 tion and fury against Pelopidas : he drew these warres out 
 in length, compassinge him rounde about, but not fiercely 
 setting apon him, with culler to prepare his way the better 
 by delaying still, therby to soften the cruell minde of this 
 tyran, goinge on in this gentle sorte, and partely to cutte 
 his combe and extreme pride, but specially to preserve 
 Pelopidas, from the daunger and crueltie of his beastly rage. 
 For he knew right well he was a cruel man, and one that 
 neither regarded reason, nor justice in any sorte, consideringe 
 howe he made some man to be buried alive, and others to be 
 put in the skinnes of beares and wilde bores, and then to set 
 houndes apon them to teare them in peeces, or else him selfe 
 for his pastime would kill them, with shootinge or throwinge 
 of dartes at them. And in the cities of Melibaea and of 
 Scotusa, bothe of them beinge in league and frendshippe 
 with him, he spying a time one day when the citizens 
 were assembled in counsaill together, sodainely compassed 
 them in with his gard and souldiers, and put them every 
 one to the sword, even to the litle children. And he con- 
 secrated the darte also wherwith he had slaine his owne 
 uncle Polyphron, and having put garlandes apon it, he 
 did sacrifice to it, as to a god, and called it Tychon, as 
 one woulde say, happy killer. And an other time being 
 in a Theater, where the tragedy of Troades of Euripides was 
 played, he went out of the Theater, and sent word to the 
 players notwithstandinge, that they shoulde go on with their 
 playe, as if he had bene still amonge them : saying, that he 
 came not away for any misliking he had of them or of the 
 play, but bicause he was ashamed his people shoulde see him 
 weepe, to see the miseries of Hecuba and Andromacha 
 played, and that they never saw him pity the death of any 
 one man, of so many of his citizens as he had caused to be 
 slaine. The gilty conscience therefore of this cruell and 
 heathen tyran, did make him tremble at the only name and 
 reputacion of Epaminondas : and as the common proverbe 
 sayth : 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 The brutishe 
 cruelty of 
 Alexander 
 the tyran. 
 
 323 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Epaminondas 
 delivered 
 Pelopidas out 
 of prison. 
 
 Artaxerxes 
 king of 
 Persia. 
 
 Pelopidas sent 
 Ambassador 
 to the king 
 of Persia. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 greatly 
 honored of 
 the king of 
 Persia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 He lett his winges downe fall, not much unlike the cocke, 
 which doth refuse the pit preparde, and lyst not bide the shocke. 
 
 So he sent straight unto Epaminondas to excuse him selfe. 
 But Epaminondas woulde in no wise suffer the Thebans, 
 through his meanes, to make league with such an hell 
 hounde : only he yelded to abstinence of armes for thirty 
 daies, apon delivery of Pelopidas and Ismenias into his 
 handes, with whom he straight returned unto Thebes. Now 
 the Thebans being advertised that the Lacedaemonians and 
 the Athenians did sende Ambassadors to Artaxerxes the 
 mighty king of Persia, to make league with him : they sent 
 to him Pelopidas for them also, being wisely considered of 
 them to sende a man of such fame and reputacion. For 
 Pelopidas passing first through contries subject to the 
 kinge of Persia, his fame was such where he came, that the 
 peoples talke was onely of him. For the reporte of the 
 famous battells he had wonne of the Lacedaemonians, was 
 not only caried into the next regions and contries of Asia : 
 but since the first newes of the journey of Leuctres was 
 brought thither, Pelopidas havinge after that wonne victorie 
 apon victorie, his estimacion grewe so great, as it was blowen 
 abroade through the worlde, even to the highest and furthest 
 partes of the East contries. And when he came to the king 
 of Persiaes court, the princes, great Lordes, and captaines of 
 Persia that sawe him, had him in great admiration, sayinge : 
 loe this is he that conquered the Lacedaemonians, and tooke 
 all their seigniorie, and authority from them, bothe by sea 
 and by land, and drave the Spartans beyond the river of 
 Eurotas, and from mount Taugetum, who not longe before 
 made warres with the great kinge of Persia, beinge ledde 
 under their kinge Agesilaus, even to the middest of Asia, for 
 the realmes of Suse, and of Ecbatane. So king Artaxerxes 
 selfe was very glad of his comminge, and praised him above 
 them all, and made his estimacion greater then it was before, 
 by his great and honorable entertaininge of him, meaninge 
 thereby to returne the honor to him selfe againe : bicause 
 menne shoulde thinke that the most famous men of the 
 worlde came to honor him, and to see his court, as esteem- 
 inge bothe him, and his greatnesse, the onely happines of 
 324 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the worlde. But when he had seene his face, and heard him PELOPIDAS 
 
 speake, and perceived that his wordes were much graver then 
 
 the Athenians, and plainer then the Lacedaemonians : he 
 
 then was further in love with him then before, and without 
 
 disguising he did honor and favor him above all the other 
 
 Ambassadors, who found that he made more estimacion of 
 
 him, then of them all. Notwithstanding, he seemed to 
 
 beare greater good will unto Antalcidas Lacedaemonian, then 
 
 to any other of the Greecians : for that one day beinge at the 
 
 table, he tooke a garlande of flowers from his owne head, 
 
 and washed it in perfuming water, and sent it unto him. 
 
 In dede he did not use Pelopidas with that open familiaritie, 
 
 yet did he send him the goodliest and richest presentes he 
 
 could devise, and graunted him besides al his requestes he 
 
 made unto him : which were, that all the people of Greece 
 
 should be free : that the city and contrie of Messina, should 
 
 be inhabited againe: and that the citizens of Thebes by 
 
 their successors should be taken, as ancient frends and allyes 
 
 of the kings of Persia. So when he had receaved these Pelopidas 
 
 aunswers, he returned home againe, and would by no meanes refused the 
 
 accept any of the great presents the king had offred him : of the’kinge 
 
 which caused the other Ambassadors of the Greecians to be Artaxerxes. 
 
 so ill welcome home to their cities. For among other, 
 
 Timagoras was accused to the Athenians, and condemned Timagoras 
 to dye, and was executed : which if they did in respect of Ambassador 
 the great presents he had taken of the kinge, truely they n c j^ s e ^ ut 
 had reason, and it was worthily done of them. For he tooke death for tak- 
 not only gold and silver enough, as much as they would give ing great 
 him : but receaved a very rich bed also, and Persian chamber- giftes of the 
 lains to make and dresse it up, as if no Greecian servauntes of p^!^ 0 
 his could have served that turne. Moreover he receaved 
 foure score milche kine to the paile, and neateheards to 
 keepe them, having neede of cowes milke belike, to heale a 
 disease that fell upon him : and woulde needes be caried in a 
 litter apon mens armes from the kings court, unto the 
 Mediterranian sea, the king rewarding them for their paines 
 that caried him, with foure Talents. Yet it seemeth the 
 gifts he tooke £id not offende the Athenians so much, con- 
 sidering that Epicrates (a drudge or tanckerd bearer) did 
 
 325 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 second jorney 
 against the 
 tyran Alex- 
 ander of 
 Pheres. 
 
 The eclipse 
 of the sunne 
 made the 
 Thebans 
 afraid. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 not onely confesse before the people, howe he had taken giftes 
 of the king of Persia : but sayd furthermore, that he would 
 have a law made, that as they did yerely choose nine officers 
 to rule the whole city : so that they would choose nine of the 
 poorest and meanest citizens, and sende them Ambassadors 
 unto the king of Persia, that they might returne home rich 
 men with his giftes. The people laughed to heare him, but 
 yet were they very angry the Thebans had obtained all that 
 they demaunded : not considering that Pelopidas estimacion 
 and worthinesse did more prevaile, and take better effect, 
 then all the orations the other could make, and specially to 
 a Prince that sought alwaies to enterteine those Graecians, 
 which were of greatest force and power in the warres. This 
 Ambassade did greatly increase every mans love and good 
 will unto Pelopidas, bicause of the replenishinge againe of 
 Messina with inhabitants, and the infranchesing setting 
 at liberty of all the other Greecians. But the tyran Alex- 
 ander of Pheres, returning againe to his old accustomed 
 cruelty, and having destroied many cities of Thessalie, and 
 placed his garrisons through al the contry of the Phthiotes, 
 Achaians, and Magnesians : the cities being advertised of 
 Pelopidas returne againe to Thebes, they sent Ambassadors 
 immediatly to Thebes, to pray them to sende them an army, 
 and namely Pelopidas for Captaine, to deliver them from the 
 miserable bondage of the tyran. The Thebans willingly 
 graunted them, and put all things in readines very sodainely. 
 But Pelopidas being ready to set forward in his iorney, there 
 fel a sodain eclipse of the sunne, so as at none daies it was 
 very darke in Thebes. Pelopidas seing every man afraid of 
 this eclipse above, he would not compell the people to 
 depart with this feare, nor with so ill hope to hazard the 
 losse of seven thowsande Thebans, being all billed to go this 
 jorney : but notwithstanding, he put him selfe alone into the 
 Thessalians handes, with three hundred horsemen of straun- 
 gers, that were glad to serve with him, with whom he tooke 
 his jorney against the soothsayers mindes, and against the 
 good will of all his citizens, who thought this eclipse did 
 threaten the death of some great persone like him selfe. 
 But Pelopidas though he needed no spurre to be revenged 
 
 326 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 apon the tyran Alexander, being by nature hotte, and PELOPIDAS 
 desirous of him selfe to revenge the spite and villany he had 
 offred him : yet he had a further hope to finde the tyrans 
 house devided against himselfe, by the former talke he had 
 with his wife Thebe, in time of his imprisonment there. 
 
 Nevertheles, the fame and reputacion of the jorney under- 
 taken, did wonderfully increase his noble corage, and the 
 rather, bicause he was desirous (all he coulde) the Greecians 
 should see, that at the very same time when the Lacedaemonians 
 did sende governors and captaines to Dionysius, the tyran of 
 Sicile, to serve and aide him, and that the Athenians as 
 hyerlings tooke pay of the tyran Alexander of Pheres, in 
 whose honor they had set up a statue of brasse in their city, 
 as unto their savior : the Thebans only at the selfe same 
 time tooke armes against them, to deliver those whom the 
 tyrans oppressed, and sought to roote out all tyrannical 
 government over the Greecians. So, when he came to the 
 city of Pharsale, and had gathered his army together, he 
 went presently into the field to mete with the tyran, Alex- 
 ander, perceaving Pelopidas had very fewe Thebans about 
 him, and that he had twise as many moe Thessalians with 
 him, then the other had : he went to the temple of Thetis, 
 to mete with Pelopidas. There one telling Pelopidas, that 
 Alexander was comminge against him with a great power : Battaill geven 
 Pelopidas answered him straight, al the better, we shal kil by the temple 
 the more. Now, in the middest of the valley, there are cer- 
 taine round hils of a good prety height, which they com- tyran Alex- 
 monly call the dogges heads : they both strived which of ander. 
 their footemen should first get those hils. Pelopidas having 
 a great number of horsemen, and good men at armes in the 
 fielde, sent them before to give charge apon the enemies, that 
 preased to winne the vantage of the place : and having over- 
 throwen them, they followed the chase all the valley over. 
 
 But in the meane time, Alexander having his footemen 
 hard by, marched forwards, and got the hils, bicause 
 the Thessalians that were further of came to late : not- 
 withstandinge, when they came to the hilles, they sought 
 forcibly to clime them up, being very high and steepe. But 
 Alexander comming downe the hil, gave charge apon them 
 
 327 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 to their disadvantage, and slue the first that gave the attempt 
 to get up against the hil : and the residue beinge sore hurt, 
 retyred againe without their purpose. Pelopidas seeing that, 
 sounded the retreate for the horsemen that followed the 
 chase, to repayre to the standard, and commamided them 
 they should set apon the footemen of the enemies that were 
 in battell raye : and him selfe ranne to helpe those that 
 fought to winne the hilles. So he tooke his target on his 
 arme, and passing through the rereward, got to the formest 
 ranckes : to whome, the sight of his persone did so redouble 
 their force and corage, that the enemies them selves thought 
 it hadde beene a freshe supply of newe mens hartes and 
 other bodies, then theirs with whom they hadde fought before, 
 that came thus lustely to sette againe apon them. And yet 
 they did abide two or three onsettes. Howebeit in the elide, 
 perceiving those men did still more fiercely force to gette up 
 the hill, and moreover how their horsemen were come in 
 from the chase : they gave way, and left them the place 
 retyring backe by litle and litle. Then Pelopidas havinge 
 wonne the hilles, stayed on the top of them, viewinge the 
 army of his enemies, which were not yet returned from their 
 flying, but waved up and downe in great disorder. And 
 there he looked all about, to see if he coulde spye out Alex- 
 ander : and at the length he founde him out amongest others, 
 in the right winge of his battell, settinge his men againe in 
 order, and incoraging of them. After he had set eye on him, 
 it was no holding of him backe, his hart so rose against him 
 apon sight of him, that gevinge place to wrath, he neither 
 regarded his persone, nor the intent of his jorney, but 
 runninge farre before his men, he cried with a lowde voyce 
 to the tyran, and chalenged the combat of him. The tyran 
 woulde not abide him, nor come out to fight with him, but 
 fled, and hid him selfe amongest his souldiers. But for his 
 souldiers, the first that thought to set apon Pelopidas, were 
 slaine by him, and many left dead in the fielde. The 
 residue standing stowtly to it, and close together, did 
 passe his curaces through with their long pykes, and thrust 
 him into the brest. The Thessalians seeinge him thus sore 
 handled and distressed, for pities sake came runninge from 
 328 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the toppe of those hilles, to the place where Pelopidas was, 
 to helpe him. But even as they came, he fell downe deade 
 before them. Then did they together with their horsemen 
 so fiercely sette apon them, that they made the whole battell 
 of the enemies to flye : and followinge them in chase a great 
 waye from that place, they covered the valley with deade 
 bodies, for they slue above three thowsande men. It is no 
 marvell, if the Thebans that were at Pelopidas death, tooke 
 it very heavilie, and lamented bitterly : callinge him their 
 father, their saviour, and maister, as one that hadde taught 
 them the worthiest thinges that might be learned of any. 
 But the Thessalians and other frendes and confederates also 
 of the citie of Thebes, besides their excedinge in setting out 
 their common proclamations and edictes in prayse of his 
 memorie, and doing him all the honor that could be due to 
 the most rare and excellent persone that ever was : they did 
 yet more shewe their love and affection towardes him, by 
 their passinge great sorowe and mourning they made for him. 
 For it is sayed, that they that were at the battell, did not put 
 of their armor, nor unbridle their horses, nor woulde dresse 
 their woundes, hearinge tell of his death : before they went 
 first and sawe his body not yet colde with fightinge, laying 
 great heapes of the enemies spoyles about it, as if he coulde 
 have tolde what they had done, nor before they had clipped 
 of their owne heares, and the heare of their horses, in token 
 of sorowe. And many of them also, when they were come 
 into their tentes and pavilions, woulde neither have fier, eate, 
 nor drinke : and all the campe was full of sorowe and 
 mourninge, as if they hadde not wonne a notable victorie, but 
 hadde beene overthrowen and made subject by the tyranne. 
 Afterwardes when the newes of his deathe was spread through 
 all the con trie, the Magistrates of everie cittie through which 
 Pelopidas bodie was conveyed, went to receave it verie 
 honorablie, accompanied with all the younge menne, Priestes, 
 and children, caryinge tokens and crownes of triumphe, and 
 other ornamentes of golde. And when his funerall daye 
 came, that his bodie shoulde be caried to be buried, the 
 oldest and noblest persones of the Thessalians went to the 
 Thebans, and prayed them that they might have the bury- 
 2 : TT 329 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 slaine. 
 
 The great 
 lamentacion 
 and mourning 
 for Pelopidas 
 death. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 The oration 
 of the Thes- 
 salians to the 
 Thebans. 
 
 The strange 
 manner of 
 sorowe, of 
 Alexander 
 the great, for 
 the death of 
 Ephestion. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 inge of him : and one amonge them beinge the mowthe of 
 the reste, spake in this manner to the Thebans. 4 My Lordes 
 4 of Thebes, our good beloved frendes, and confederates, we 
 4 onely crave this good tume at your handes, wherin you 
 4 shal much honor us, and in our great calamity somwhat 
 4 also comfort us. For we shall never more accompany 
 4 Pelopidas alive, nor requite his honorable deserts to us, 
 
 4 that he shal ever know them. But if it please you to let 
 4 us handle his body with our handes, and that we may bury 
 4 him, and set forth his obsequies : we will imagine then at 
 4 the least that you doe thinke that, which we our selves do 
 4 certainly beleve : that we Thessalians, not you Thebans, 
 
 4 have received the greatest losse of both. For you have lost 
 4 in deede a worthy Captaine, and we have not only receaved 
 4 that like losse 'with you, but the hope also of recoveringe 
 4 of our liberty. For how dare we againe sende to you 
 4 for an other Captaine, when we can not redeliver you 
 4 Pelopidas ? 1 The Thebans hearing their peticion, graunted 
 their desire : and in mine opinion, no funeralles could be 
 done with greater pompe and honor, then the Thessalians 
 performed his : being men that recken not dignity, magni- 
 ficence, and pompe, to consist in ornaments of Ivory, nor of 
 purple. As Philistus doth set it out, who praiseth to the 
 moone the buryinge of Dionysius the tyran of Syracusa, which 
 was the ende of his tyranny, as a sumptuous conclusion of a 
 stately tragedy. Amd Alexander the great, at the death of 
 Ephestion, did not only clippe his horse heares and mules, 
 but plucked downe also the battellments of the wals of the 
 city : bicause it shoulde appeare, that the very walles them 
 selves did moume for his death, shewinge that deformitie, in 
 steede of their former beawtie. But all such thinges are 
 done only by force and compulsion, apon the Lordes com- 
 maundementes, which doe but raise up envy against their 
 memorie for whom they are done, and hatred of them that 
 are against their wdlles constrained to do the thing they 
 misliked : and are no just proofes of honor nor good will, 
 but rather vaine showes of barbarous pompe, and pride in 
 him, that disposeth his authority and plenty of goodes, in 
 trifling toyes not to be desired. Where contrariwise it 
 330 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 plainely appeareth, that a private man dying in a foreine 
 contry, by reason should be accompted most happy of all 
 other creatures, that having neither his wife, kinne, nor his 
 children by him, he should be conveyed to his funerals, 
 accompanied with such multitudes of crowned people and 
 number of cities, envying one an other who should most 
 honor the funerals, as being unrequested, and least of all 
 compelled. For saith Esope, the death of a happy man 
 is not grevous, but most blessed, seeing it bringeth all good 
 mens doinges to happines, and leaveth fortune to her fickle 
 chaunge, and sportinge pleasure. But in my judgement, a 
 Lacedaemonian spake better, when he sayd to Diagoras an 
 old man, that had him selfe in old time gotten victory in the 
 games Olympicall, and had sene besides, his own children, 
 and his childrens children (both sonnes and daughters) 
 crowned with victories also in the self same games : O 
 Diagoras, die presently, els thou shalt never come to heaven. 
 But these victories of the Olympicall and Pythian games, 
 whosoever should put them al together, are not to be com- 
 pared with one of the battels only, that Pelopidas hath 
 foughten and wonne : having spent the most parte of his 
 time in great calling and dignity, and lastly ended the same, 
 beinge governor of Boeotia the third time (which was the 
 highest office of state in all his contry) when he had distroied 
 the tyrans that kept the Thebans in bondage, and iwas also 
 slaine himselfe, valiantly fighting for the recovery of the 
 Thessalians liberty. But as Pelopidas death was grevous to 
 the Thebans frends and confederats : so fell it out very pro- 
 fitable for them. For the Thebans hearinge of Pelopidas 
 death, did not delay revenge, but sent an army forthwith of 
 seven thowsande footemen,and seven hundred horsemen, under 
 the conduct of Malcitas, and of Diogiton. They findinge 
 Alexanders army overthrowen, and that he had lost the most 
 parte of his strength, did compel him to geve up the Thessa- 
 lians townes he kept by force against them, and to set the 
 Magnesians, the Phthiotes, and the Achaians at liberty, with- 
 drawinge his garrisons he had placed in their strong holdes : 
 and therewithall to sweare, that from thence forth he would 
 marche under the Thebans, against any enemy they should 
 
 331 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 happines. 
 
 Esops say- 
 inge of the 
 happines of 
 the dead. 
 
 Death a 
 blessed thing. 
 
 The Thebans 
 revenged 
 Pelopidas 
 death. 
 
PELOPIDAS 
 
 Alexander 
 the tyran of 
 Pheres slaine 
 by his wife. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 leade him, or commaunde him to go against. So, the Thebans 
 were pacified apon these conditions. Now will I tell you 
 how the gods plagued him soone after for Pelopidas death, 
 who (as we have tolde you before) had pretily instructed 
 Thebe his wife, that she shoulde not feare the outward 
 appearance nor power of his tyranny, although she were 
 environed with souldiers of banished men, whom the 
 tyran enterteined to gard his person. Her self on the 
 other side, fearing his falshode, as also hating his cruelty, 
 conspired her husbands death with her three brethren, 
 Tisiphomus, Pytholaus, and Lycophron, and executed her 
 conspiracy after this sorte. The tyrans palice where he lay, 
 was straightly garded every where with souldiers, who nightly 
 watched his persone : but their bed chamber which they 
 commonly used to lie in, was in the top of al his palice, 
 where they kept a dog tyed at the chamber dore, to give 
 warninge, which was a terrible dog, and knewe none but the 
 tyran and his wife, and his keeper that gave him meate. 
 Nowe when Thebe purposed to worke her feate, she locked 
 up her three brethren a whole day neere unto their bed 
 chamber. So when night was come, and being bed time, she 
 went her selfe alone according to her maner, into Alexanders 
 chamber : and finding him a sleepe, she stale out straight 
 againe, and bad the keeper of the dogge to cary the dogge 
 away, for her husbande was disposed to take rest, and would 
 have no noyse. There was no way to get up to this chamber 
 but by a ladder, which she let downe : and fearing least her 
 brethren should make a noyse, she had covered the ladder 
 staves with wolle before she let it fall downe. When she 
 had gotten them up with their swordes, and had set them 
 before the dore, she went first her selfe into the chamber, 
 and tooke away the tyrans sword that hong at his beds head, 
 and showed it them, as a token geven them that he was a 
 sleepe. When it came to the pinche to do the deede, these 
 young men were afrayed, and their heartes beganne to faile 
 them. But she tooke on with them and called them cowardly 
 boyes, that would not stande to it, when it came to the 
 point, and with all, sware in her rage, that she woulde goe 
 wake the tyran, and open all the treason to him. So partely 
 332 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 for shame, and partely for feare, she compelled them to PELOPIDAS 
 come in, and to step to the bed, her selfe holding a lampe 
 to light them. Then one of them tooke him by the feete, 
 and bounde them hard : an other caught him by the heare 
 of his head, and pulled him backewards : and the third 
 thrust him through with his sword. So by chaunce he dyed Alexander 
 sooner then he should have done, and otherwise then his the tyran of 
 wicked life deserved, for the maner of his death. So Alex- Jj^^st^ran 
 ander was the first tyran that was ever slaine by the treason thatwasslaine 
 of his wife, whose body was most villanously and dispitefully by his wife, 
 used after his death. For when the townes men of 
 Pheres had drawen him through the city in myer 
 and durt, they cast him out at length to the 
 dogs to devoure. 
 
 THE ENDE OF PELOPIDAS LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF MARCELLUS 
 
 ARCUS CLAUDIUS that was five times 
 
 Consull at Rome, was the sonne (as they Marcellus 
 say) of an other Marcus: and as Posidonius kinred. 
 wryteth, he was the first of his house 
 surnamed Marcellus, as who would say, Marcellus 
 a marshall and warlike man by nature, condicions. 
 For he was cunninge at weapons, skilfull 
 in warres, stronge and lusty of body, 
 naturally geven to fight. Yet was he no 
 
 hardy, and 
 
 quarreller, nor shewed his great corage, but in warres against 
 the enemy : otherwise he was ever gentle, and fayer con- 
 dicioned. He loved learning, and delited in the Greeke 
 tongue, and much esteemed them that could speake it. For, 
 he him selfe was so troubled in matters of state, that he 
 could not study, and follow it, as he desired to have done. 
 For if God (as Homer sayth) did ever make men 
 
 To use their youth in warres, and battells fierce and fell, 
 till crooked age came creeping on, such feates for to expell : 
 
 333 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The Romanies 
 troubled with 
 warres. 
 
 Marcellus 
 saved his 
 brother 
 Octacilius. 
 
 Marcellus 
 chosen iEdilis 
 and Augure. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 accuseth 
 
 Capitolinus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 They were the noblest and chiefest men of Rome at that 
 time. For in their youth, they fought with the Carthaginians 
 in Sicile : in their middle age, against the Gaules, to kepe 
 them from the winning of all Italie : and againe in their 
 old age, against Hanniball and the Carthaginians. For 
 their age was no priviledge for them to be dispenced with, 
 in the service of their warres, as it was else for common 
 citizens : but they were bothe for their nobilitie, as also for 
 their valliantnes and experience in warres, driven to take 
 charge of the armies delivered them, by the Senate and 
 people. Now for Marcellus, there was no battell could 
 make him give grounde, beinge practised in all fightes : but 
 yet he was more valliant in private combate man for man, 
 then in any other fight. Therefore he never refused enemie 
 that did chalenge him, but slue all those in the fielde that 
 called him to the combat. In Sicile he saved his brother 
 Octacilius life, being overthrowen in a skirmishe : for with 
 his shielde he covered his brothers body, and slue them that 
 came to kill him. These valliant partes of him, being but 
 a young man, were rewarded by the generalles under whom 
 he served, with many crownes, and warlike honors, usually 
 bestowed apon valliant souldiers. Marcellus increasing still 
 his valliantnes and good service, was by the people chosen 
 iEdilis, as of the number of those that were the worthiest 
 men, and most honorable : and the Priestes did create him 
 Augure, which is a kinde of Priesthoode at Rome, having 
 authority by law, to consider and observe the flying of birds, 
 to divine and prognosticate thinges thereupon. But in the 
 yere of his office of Mdile, he was forced against his wil to 
 accuse Capitolinus, his brother in office with him. For he 
 being a rash, and dissolute man of life, fell in dishonest love 
 with his colleagues sonne Marcellus, that bare his owne 
 name : who beinge a goodly young gentleman, even freshly 
 come to mans state, was as well thought of, and taken of 
 every man for his manhoode and good qualities, as any way 
 for his beawty and personage. The first time Capitolinus 
 moved this dishonesty to him, he did of him selfe repulse 
 his shameles offer, without any others privitie : but when 
 he saw he came againe to tempt him the seconde time, he 
 334 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 straight revealed it to his father. Marcellus his father MARCEL- 
 beinge marvelously offended withall, (as he had good cause) hUS 
 went and accused Capitolinus before the Senate. Capitolinus 
 at the first, layed in many exceptions and fained excuses, to 
 kepe him from appearing, and in the end he appealed to the 
 Tribunes of the people : but they declared plainely they 
 would not receive his appeale, nor take any knowledge of 
 the matter. At the length he was forced to aunswere the 
 matter before the Senate, and denied flatly that he attempted 
 ever any such thinge, bicause there were no witnesses to 
 prove it against him. Whereupon the Senate thought good 
 to sende for young Marcellus who comminge before them, 
 bothe blushed, and wept together. The Senate seeinge 
 shamefastnesse in him, mingled with teares, and a malice 
 that coulde not be pacified without seeking other proofe : 
 they tooke it a cleare case, and so condemned Capitolinus 
 presently in a great summe of money, which Marcellus con- 
 verted into silver vessell, to serve at sacrifices, and so did 
 consecrate them to the service of the goddes. Now when The Romanies 
 the Romaines had ended their first warre against the Car- had warres 
 thaginians, which held them fully the space of two and tjj^in^ans^' 
 twenty yeares : Immediatly after that, they beganne a newe two and 
 warre against the Gaules. For the Insubrians, beinge a twenty yeres 
 people derived from the Gaules, and dwelling at the foote together, 
 of the mountaines of the Alpes on Italie side, being able to The warre of 
 make a good power of them selves, did notwithstanding Gaules, 
 pray aide of the other Gaules inhabiting on the other side 
 of the mountaines : and they caused the Gessates, a mer- Gessates 
 cenary people and hierlings to them that woulde give pay, mercenary 
 to bring great numbers with them. Truely me thinkes it Gaules ‘ 
 was a marvelous matter, and wonderfull good happe for the 
 Romaines, that this warre of the Gaules came not apon them, 
 while they were at wars with the Carthaginians : and that 
 the Gaules also had lien quiet all that while (as if they had 
 purposely sworne to set apon the conquerors) expecting still 
 an end betwene them, and then to set apon the conquerors, 
 when they had nothing to say to any other. Yet the 
 scituacion of their contry did trouble the Romaines much, 
 bicause they were so nere neighbours unto them, and had 
 
 335 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 A lawe to 
 exempt eccle- 
 siastical per- 
 sons from 
 the wars. 
 
 The Romanies 
 did feare the 
 warre of the 
 Gaules, 
 
 Men and 
 women buried 
 alive. 
 
 Flaminius and 
 P. Furius 
 Consulls. 
 
 Newes 
 brought to 
 Rome, of 
 strange 
 things seene 
 in Romania. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 warres as it were at their owne dores. And so did the 
 auncient reputacion of the Gaules somewhat appawle the 
 Romaines, who as it shoulde seeme they did feare more, then 
 any other nation whatsoever : bicause Rome had bene taken 
 before by the Gaules. Since which time, a law was made, 
 that Priestes and ecclesiasticall persones should be dispenced 
 with, from going to the warres, onles the Gaules did rise 
 against them. The preparacion they made for this warre at 
 that time, did plainly show the feare they had then of the 
 Gaules. For the world thinkes, that never before, nor since, 
 there were so many naturall Romaines assembled together 
 in fielde, as were then at that present. Moreover, the new 
 come cruelty they used in their sacrifices, doth recorde this 
 to be true. For before, they never used any straunge maner 
 in their sacrifice, or barbarous facion, but were favorable in 
 their opinions about the ceremonies of religion, and agree- 
 able to the Greecians, touching the service of the goddes. 
 But then, they were compelled to obey certaine oracles, and 
 auncient prophecies they found wrytten in Sibylles bookes : 
 and they buried two Greecians alive in the oxe market, a 
 man and a woman, and likewise two Gaules, a man and a 
 woman. Unto them they doe yet con tine w certaine secret 
 anniversaries in November, that are not to be sene of every 
 body. The Romaines in their first battels of this warre, 
 were often overcommen, and did overcome : but these battels 
 were to litle purpose, for ending of the warres. In the yere 
 that C. Quintius Flaminius, and P. Furius Philo were 
 Consuls, and sent with great armies to make warres apon 
 the Insubrians, people subject to the state of Milane : newes 
 were brought to Rome, that there was a river seene in the 
 contry of Romania, red as blood, and three moones also at 
 the very same time in the city of Rimini. Furthermore, 
 the Priestes and Soothsayers, that had observed and con- 
 sidered the tokens, and significations of birdes on that day, 
 when these two were chosen Consuls : they tolde plainly 
 there was error in their election, and that they were directly 
 chosen against all signes and tokens of the birdes. There- 
 upon the Senate wrote immediatly to the campe to them, 
 and willed them to come home to depose themselves of their 
 336 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Consulshippe, before they did attempt any thing as Consuls 
 against the enemies. The Consul Flaminius receaved the 
 letters in time : but bicause he was ready to give battell, 
 he woulde not open them, before he had first overthrowen 
 his enemies, and spoyled their contrie, as in dede he did. But 
 when he was come backe to Rome againe, and had brought 
 marvelous great spoyles with him, the people for all that 
 woulde not goe out to meete him, bicause he did not pre- 
 sently obey the letters they wrote unto him, nor returned 
 apon it as they commaunded him, but contemptuously, 
 without any regard of their displeasure, followed his owne 
 phantasie : whereupon they had almost flatly denied him 
 the honor of triumphe. For his triumphe was no sooner 
 ended, but they compelled him to give over his Consulship, 
 and made him a private man with his companion. The 
 Romaines therein were so religiously bent, as they would all 
 things shoulde be referred unto the gods good grace and 
 pleasure, and would suffer none to contemne the obser- 
 vations and prognosticatinge of the soothsayers, nor their 
 auncient uses and customes, for any prosperity and felicity 
 that could happen. For they thought it more necessary 
 and profitable for benefit of the common weale, that the 
 Senate and magistrates should reverence the ceremonies 
 and service of the goddes : then that they should overcome 
 their enemies in battell. As for example Tiberius Sem- 
 pronius, a man as much honored and esteemed of the 
 Romaines for his justice and valliantnes, as any other of 
 his time : beinge one yeare Consul, did nominate and elect 
 two other for Consuls the yeare following, Scipio Nasica, 
 and Caius Martius. These two being entred into their 
 Consulship, and sent from Rome also to their severall pro- 
 vinces appointed them by lot : Sempronius by chaunce tooke 
 certen litle bookes in his hande, where were briefly written 
 the rules appertaining to the ceremonies of publike sacrifice, 
 and reading in them, he found a certaine ordinaunce he 
 never heard before. And this it was. That if a magistrate 
 were set in any tent or hyred house without the citie, to 
 beholde and observe the prognostications of birdes, and that 
 upon any sodaine occasion he were driven to come againe 
 2 : UU SS7 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Flaminius 
 overcame the 
 Gaules in 
 battayle. 
 
 The great re- 
 ligion of the 
 Romaines. 
 
 An ordinance 
 for publike 
 sacrifice. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellas and 
 Cneus Corne- 
 lius Consulls. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 into the citie, before the birdes had given any certaine signes : 
 the second time when he returned againe to ende his obser- 
 vations, there was no remedy, but he must leave his tent or 
 first hyred house, and take an other, and beginne new obser- 
 vations againe. Tiberius utterly ignoraunt of this ordinaunce 
 before, had kept his observations twise in one selfe house, 
 and had chosen there, Nasica and Martius, Consulls to suc- 
 ceede him. But when he knew he had offended, he told 
 the Senate of it : who would not let slippe so litle a fault : 
 but wrote to the newe Consulls, and they straight left their 
 provinces, and returned againe to Rome, willingly resigninge 
 up their offices. That was a prety while after. Againe 
 also, about the very present time we write of nowe, there 
 were two Priestes of noble houses (and noble persones also) 
 the one called Cornelius, and the other Cethegus, bothe 
 which were disgraded of their Priesthoode, bicause they had 
 not given the intrayles of the sacrificed beast in order, as 
 they should have done. Quintus Sulpitius in like maner, 
 was disgraded of his Bishopricke, bicause his miter which 
 the Flamines doe weare, fell of his head in his sacrificing. 
 Minutius being Dictator also, and havinge chosen Caius 
 Plaminius generall of the horsemen : bicause they heard the 
 noyse of a ratte at the election of Flaminius, they were bothe 
 put out of their authoritie, and other chosen in their place. 
 Now, though they were thus precise even in trifles, it was 
 not by reason of any supersticion mingled with their religion : 
 but bicause they woulde not breake any jotte of the auncient 
 institucions and ceremonies of their contrie. But to our 
 storie againe. Flaminius beinge deprived of his Consull- 
 shippe, Marcellus was created Consull in his place, by the 
 regents at that time called Interreges. Marcellus being in- 
 vested in his office, chose Cneus Cornelius for his companion : 
 and they say, that the Gaules beinge inclined to peace, and 
 the Senate of Rome also willinge to harken to peace, Mar- 
 cellus did stirre up the people, and made them rather desire 
 warre. Notwithstandinge, they concluded peace at that time: 
 but the Gaules Gessates immediatly after renued the wars 
 againe. For there came over the mountaines of the Alpes, a 
 thirty thowsand of them, and they joyned with the Insubrians, 
 338 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 which were many moe in number then them selves. Now, they 
 being in a marvelous jolity, went incontinently to lay siege 
 to the city of Acerres, that standeth apon the river of Po : 
 and during the siege, king Britomarus taking ten thowsande 
 Gessates with him, went and destroyed all the countrie about 
 the Po. Marcellus hearing that, left with his companion 
 Cneus Cornelius, al the armed footemen, and the third parte of 
 the horsemen, in his campe by Acerres : and he him selfe with 
 the residue of the horsemen, and six hundred footemen light 
 armed, marched towards the enemy, travelling night and day, 
 until he met with the ten thowsand Gessates, nere unto a 
 village of Gaule on this side the mountaines, called Clastidium, 
 which was subject not long before to the Romaines. So he 
 had no leasure to take rest, nor to refresh his men a litle : 
 for the barbarous people knew straight he was come, and 
 tooke him for no better then by and by overcome, bicause 
 he had so fewe footemen. And for his horsemen, the Gaules 
 made no reckening of them : for besides themselves are 
 very good men at armes, and excell all other in that fight, 
 yet were their number of horsemen farre above Marcellus. 
 Therefore they straight marched towardes him in a marvelous 
 furie, and with thunderinge showtes, as if they would have 
 devowred them at their comminge. Britomarus their king, 
 advaunced him selfe before all his company. Marcellus fear- 
 ing to be compassed in behinde, being so small a number : 
 he put out the winges of his horsemen as much as he could, 
 to have the contrie at large, so that his two wings were very 
 slender, untill he came nere his enemies. And being ready 
 to gallop towardes the enemie, it fortuned his horse beinge 
 afraid with the noyse of his enemies, turned about, and 
 caried Marcellus backe againe in spite of his teeth. But he 
 fearing the Romaines supersticion, in taking this for an evill 
 token, and that they woulde take a conceite apon the same : 
 plucking the bridle with his left hande, turned his horse head 
 againe uppon the enemie, and then he worshipped the sunne, as 
 though he had not turned his horse by chaunce, but purposely 
 for that cause. For it is the Romaines manner to turne 
 about so, when they do honor their goddei 
 beganne to joyne battell, he made a vowe to 
 
 3. So when they 
 Iupiter Feretrian, 
 339 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The Gaules 
 Gessates make 
 warres with 
 Rome, and 
 come over 
 the Alpes. 
 Acerres, a 
 city apon the 
 river of Po. 
 
 Clastidium, 
 a village on 
 this side the 
 mountaines. 
 
 The maner of 
 the Romaines 
 when they 
 worship. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The combat 
 on horsebacke 
 betwixt Brito- 
 marus king 
 of the Gaules, 
 and Mar- 
 cellus. 
 
 Marcellus 
 slue king 
 Britomarus at 
 Clastidium. 
 
 Marcellus 
 prayer unto 
 Iupiter 
 Feretrian. 
 
 The Gaules 
 overcome by 
 Marcellus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 to offer him uppe the goodliest spoyles of his enemies, if he 
 did overcome. The kinge of the Gaules seeinge him at that 
 instant, imagined by the markes and tokens he saw, that he 
 should be the general of his enemies : So he set spurres to 
 his horse, and gallopped towardes him from all his company 
 geving him defiance, and chalenged him, shaking his staffe 
 in his hande. He was the goodliest persone and strongest 
 man of all the Gaules, and his armor was all guilt and silvered, 
 and so set foorth with sundry workes and colours, that it 
 shined as the sunne. Marcellus on the other side havinge 
 viewed all the army of his enemies through out, and per- 
 ceavinge none so richely armed as the king : thought straight 
 it was against him, that he had made his prayer and vowe 
 to Iupiter. Then he put his horse in full cariere against 
 him, and came with such a force and fury to him, that he 
 pearced his armor with his staffe, and overthrew him, but yet 
 he killed him not dead : wherupon he sodainly redoubled 
 two or three strokes besides apon him, and so slew him right 
 out. Then he lighted from his horse, and taking the dead 
 kinges armor in his hande, he lift up his eyes to heaven, and 
 said : O Iupiter Feretrian, thou that doest from heaven 
 beholde and direct, all marshall feates and Captaines deedes : 
 thy selfe I call to witnes, that I am the third Romaine 
 Captaine, that being generall of the army, have slaine with 
 my owne handes, the king and generall of the enemies : and 
 I promise here to thee, to offer thee up the richest spoyles 
 of mine enemies, so thy godheade will vowchesafe to graunt 
 us the like good fortune in all this warre besides. His prayer 
 ended, the men of armes of the Romaines ranne in among the 
 horsemen and footemen of the Gaules, one being unparted 
 from an other : and fortune did so favor them, that they 
 wanne a passing victory, in such a straunge and wonderfull 
 maner, as was incredible. For it was never seene before nor 
 since, that so fewe horsemen did overthrow, so great a 
 number of men of armes and footemen ranged together. 
 Now when Marcellus hadde slaine the greater number of 
 them, and had gotten their spoyles and all their baggage : 
 he returned againe to his companion Cneus Cornelius, whom 
 he founde makinge warres unfortunately with the Gaules, 
 340 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 before the greatest and most populous city they had, called 
 Millaine, which the Gaules on this side the mountaines take 
 for their chiefe city, and from whence all other had their 
 first originall. Whereupon they did all their possible ende- 
 vor to defende it, and did as straightly besiege the Consull 
 Cornelius, as he did them. Now, when Marcellus was come 
 to the campe againe, the Gessates understanding that their 
 king Britomarus was slaine in battel, returned backe againe 
 into their contry, and the city of Millaine was taken. 
 After that, all the other cities there about yelded of them 
 selves, without force of siege, and the Gaules wholly sub- 
 mitted them selves and all that they had, to the mercy of the 
 Romaines, who graunted them peace uppon easie condicions. 
 For these famous victories, the Senate of Rome gave all the 
 honor of triumphe unto Marcellus only, and that was as 
 wonderfull and worthy a sight, as any that ever past before 
 him : what for the infinite spoyles, and the numbers of great 
 men taken prisoners, and also for the exceeding sumptuous- 
 nes and stately shew thereof. But the goodliest sight of all 
 for the rarenes, was to behold Marcellus selfe, carying on his 
 shoulders the whole spoyle of the barbarous king, to offer up 
 to Iupiter Feretrian. For he had cut downe a goodly younge 
 oke of the mountaine, straight, and shut up very long, which 
 he had trimmed up in forme of triumphe, hanging all the 
 armed peces he had wonne of the king, very orderly rounde 
 about it. Then, when all the show of his triumphe was past, 
 he him selfe tooke the oke on his shoulders, and gotte up 
 upon his triumphing charet, and so marched through the 
 city, carying these signes thereupon : which was the noblest 
 sight, and honorablest show, of the whole triumphe. His 
 army followed after the charet, singing verses and songes of 
 victory, in praise of the goddes and their Captaine : and 
 when he had passed through the whole city, and was come 
 to the temple of Iupiter called Feretrian, there he set up 
 this young oke, and token of triumphe. This Marcellus is 
 the third and last Romaine Captaine, to whom happened 
 this honor in our age. For the first man that ever off red up 
 to Iupiter the spoyles of the general of their enemies, was 
 king Romulus, who wanne the like spoyles of Acron, king of 
 
 341 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 wanne the 
 city of 
 Millaine. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 triumphe. 
 
 Marcellus 
 offeringe up 
 of his rich 
 spoiles. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The three 
 persones that 
 offered up 
 Spolia opima 
 in Rome : 
 Romulus. 
 Cossus. 
 Marcellus. 
 
 Iupiter Fere- 
 trian why so 
 called. 
 
 Spolia opima 
 what they he. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the Casninians. The second was Cornelius^Cossus, who slue 
 Tolumnius, generall of the Thuscans. And the third was 
 Marcellus, who slue with his owne handes Britomarus, king 
 of the Gaules : and after him, no man ever since could 
 obtaine the like good fortune. The god to whom these 
 maner of spoyles are consecrated thus, is called Iupiter 
 Feretrian, so tearmed as some write, bicause they do cary 
 this token of triumphe to him, following the derivation of 
 this Greeke word, Ferin , which signifieth to cary : for in 
 those former times, many Greeke words were mingled with 
 the Latine. Other affirme it is one of the surnames of 
 Iupiter, signifying as much as lightening : for Ferire in the 
 Latine tonge, signifieth to strike. And some say also, in 
 warres it is properly to hurt or kill with his owne handes : 
 for the Romaines do use at this day when they geve a charge 
 apon their enemies in battell, or that they have them in 
 chase flying, to crie, incoraging one an other, Feri> Feri : 
 which is as much, as kill, kill. And the spoyles taken from 
 the enemies also, are generally called Spolia : but those 
 which Lieutenantes generall, or generalles, do take from the 
 generalles of their enemies, when they have slaine them, they 
 are called particularly Spolia opima. Yet some hold opinion, 
 that kinge Numa Pompilius mencioning the rich spoyles, 
 or Spolia opima in his commentaries, speaketh of the first, 
 the second, and the third : and commaundeth that the first 
 spoyles which are wonne, should be consecrated to Iupiter 
 Feretrian : the second unto Mars : and the third unto 
 Quirinus. And that they should give to him that had wonne 
 the first spoyles, three hundred Asses : the second, two 
 hundred : and the third a hundred. But notwithstanding, 
 the best opinion and usuall taking of Spolia opima , referreth 
 them to be the first spoyles wonne in a foughten field, and 
 those which the Lieutenant of an army, or a general, doth 
 take from the general of the enemies, after he hath slaine 
 him with his owne handes. And thus much for declaracion 
 of this matter. Furthermore, the Romaines were so joyfull 
 of this victory, and of their good successe in this warre, that 
 they caused a massie cuppe of golde to be made of the spoyle 
 they had gotten, weyinge a hundred pounde weight, which 
 34& 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they sent to offer up in the temple of Apollo Pythias, in the 
 city of Delphes, in token of thankes : and they made liberall 
 division besides of the spoyles unto their frendes and con- 
 federates, and sent a great parte of it unto Hieron king 
 of Syracusa, who was their confederate. Not long after, 
 Hanniball being entred Italie, Marcellus was sent with an 
 army by sea, into Sicile. And after the great overthrow was 
 given at the battel of Cannes, wherin there died so many 
 thowsande Romanies, and that very few of them saved them 
 selves by flyinge, into the city of Cannusium : they looked 
 that Hanniball havinge overcome the flower of all the 
 Romaines youth, and their greatest force, woulde not fayle 
 to come straight to Rome. Wherefore Marcellus first sent 
 fifteene hundred of his men by sea, to help to defende Rome : 
 and havinge afterwardes receaved commaundement from the 
 Senate, he came to Cannusium, where he tooke such as were 
 fled thither for succor after the battell, and so brought them 
 out to the fielde, to defende the contrie. Now the Romaines 
 having lost the most parte of all their best Captaines, in 
 diverse sundry battells before : of all those that remained, 
 Fabius Maximus was the onely able and reputed man for 
 commendacion of his honesty and wisedom, yet they misliked 
 of him notwithstanding, for a timerous man, and of no 
 corage, as a man to ful of doubts and consideracion, and 
 loth to put any thing in hazard : saying, he was a good 
 Captaine to defende, but not to offende the enemy. Where- 
 upon they thought good to joyne Marcellus lively youth 
 and corage, with Fabius feminine feare and wisedom : and 
 therefore some yeares they chose them both Consulls together, 
 or else they sent one of them as Consull, and the other as 
 Proconsull, eche in his turne, to the contrie where they hadde 
 warres. And for proofe hereof, Posidonius wryteth, that the 
 Romaines at that time called Fabius Maximus their target, 
 and Marcellus their sword. Therefore Hanniball him selfe 
 sayed, he feared Fabius Maximus as his governor, and 
 Marcellus as his enemy : bicause the one kept him from 
 hurting of others, and the other did hurt to him selfe. 
 Immediatly after this great victory at Cannes, Hannibals 
 souldiers became so bolde, so carelesse, and disordered, that 
 
 343 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 sent into 
 Sicile with 
 an army. 
 
 Posidonius 
 wordes of 
 Fabius and 
 Marcellus. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Lucius Ban- 
 dius, of Nola : 
 a valliant 
 man. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 gentlenes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they kept the fielde without feare of any thing, and dispersed 
 them selves farre from their campe : wherefore Marcellus 
 setting apon those stragglers, he slue them every man, and 
 so by litle and litle did still lessen the power and strength 
 of his enemy. Afterwardes he aided the cities of Bizantium 
 and of Nola, and stablished the true devotion and love of 
 the Bizantines towardes the Romaines : from thence he went 
 to Nola, and found great sedition there betwixt the Senate 
 and people, bicause the Senate coulde not keepe the people 
 in obedience, but they woulde needes take Hannibals parte. 
 The cause of the peoples stubbornnesse grewe, by occasion 
 of a gentleman of the city called Bandius, a noble gentleman 
 to the people, and a valliant man of his hands. This Bandius 
 having fought valliantly at the battell of Cannes, after he 
 hadde slaine many a Carthaginian, was him selfe in the ende 
 striken downe, and founde lyinge amonge deade bodies, sore 
 wounded and mangled : whereupon Hanniball greatly com- 
 mending his valliantnes, did not onely let him go without 
 ransome, but furthermore presented him, and made him his 
 hoste and frende. Hereupon Bandius at his comming home, 
 to requite Hannibals honor and curtesie, became one of those 
 that most favored Hannibal, and most pers waded the people 
 of Nola to take his parte. Notwithstandinge this, Marcellus 
 thinking it to great a sinne against the goddes, to put a man 
 to death that had made so great proofe of his valliantnes, 
 and had served with the Romaines in their greatest warres, 
 and extremest daunger, and who besides the goodnes of his 
 nature, hadde a marvelous gift also, to winne mens good wills 
 by his great curtesie : when this Bandius came one day to 
 do his duety to him, Marcellus of purpose asked him what 
 he was, though he had knowen him long before, only to take 
 occasion to talke with him. The other aunswered him, his 
 name was Lucius Bandius. Then Marcellus seeming to be 
 marvelous glad, and to wonder at him, sayed : And art thou 
 that Bandius they speake of so much at Rome, whom they 
 say did so notable service in persone at the battel of Cannes, 
 and never forsooke Paulus JEmilius the Consull, but receaved 
 so many woundes uppon thy body in defence of him ? 
 Bandius aunswered, that he was the man, and therewith 
 344 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 shewed him many woundes he had apon his body. Marcellus MARCEL- 
 
 then replyed : Alas, thou that cariest such notable markes hUS 
 
 of thy unfained love towards us, what diddest thou meane, 
 
 that thou earnest not straight againe unto us ? art thou 
 
 perswaded we are so miserable and unthankefull, that we 
 
 will not worthily reward the vertue and valliantnesse of our 
 
 frendes, whom our enemies selves do honor ? After Marcellus 
 
 had used this curteous speach unto him, and had imbraced 
 
 him, he gave him a goodly horse for service in the warres, 
 
 and five hundred Drachmes of silver besides. So after that Reward made 
 
 time, Bandius did ever take Marcellus parte, and alwayes Bandius a 
 
 followed him, being very faithfull to him, and shewed him true sub J ect - 
 
 selfe very seveare and earnest to accuse them, that tooke 
 
 Hannibals parte in the city : which were many in number, 
 
 and had conspired among them selves, that the first time the 
 
 Romaines should go into the fielde to skirmishe with the 
 
 enemies, they woulde shut the gates after them, and take 
 
 the spoyle of al their cariages. Marcellus being informed 
 
 of this treason, did set his men in battell raye within the 
 
 city, hard by the gates, and behind them he placed al the 
 
 sumpters and cariage in good order : besides that, he made 
 
 proclamation by trompet, that no citizen apon paine of 
 
 death shoulde approch the walles. This occasion drew 
 
 Hanniball to come hard to the city, seeinge no watche apon 
 
 the walles, and made him the bolder to come in disorder, 
 
 imagininge there had bene some mutinie or sedition within, 
 
 betwene the noble men and the people. But in the meane Marcellus 
 
 time, Marcellus set open the gates being hard by, and sayling vjetone of 
 
 out apon the sodaine with the best men of armes he had, he at a ^} a d 
 
 gave a charge upon Hanniball in the voward. Immediatly 
 
 after came out his footemen at an other gate, running 
 
 straight upon Hanniball, with a wonderfull crie and showte : 
 
 so as Hanniball to withstand them, was driven to devide his 
 
 men in two companies. But as he was devidinge of them, 
 
 sodainely a third gate opened apon them, from whence all 
 
 the residue of the Romaines issued out, who sette uppon the 
 
 Carthaginians on every side, they beinge marvelously amazed 
 
 to be so sodainely set on, which they looked not for : so 
 
 having their handes full with those that came first apon them, 
 
 2 : XX 345 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 proconsull. 
 
 beinge scant able to defende them selves against them, and 
 seeinge this newe and last charge also : they were forced to 
 retyre. This was the first time, that ever Hannibals souldiers 
 beganne to give place to the Romaines, who drave them 
 backe unto their campe, and slewe a great number of them, 
 and did hurt diverse of them besides. For some wryte, there 
 were slaine of the Carthaginians at that conflict, above five 
 thowsande : and of the Romaines there died not past five 
 hundred men. But Titus Livius doth not set out the over- 
 throw so great, and yet confesseth that Marcellus wanne 
 great honor by it, and that it made the Romaines marvelous 
 valliant againe, after so many and sundry battells as they 
 had lost one after an other : for then they were perswaded 
 that they fought not with an enemy altogether unvincible, 
 but that he might somtime also, as well as them selves, 
 receive both losse and hurt. Therefore, one of the Consulls 
 dyinge about that time, the people caused Marcellus to be 
 sent for, and placed him in his roome : and in spite of the 
 Senate they deferred all deputacion untill his returne from 
 the campe. Marcellus came no sooner to Rome, but he was 
 chosen Consull in the deade mans roome, by all the voyces 
 of the people. Notwithstandinge, when they went to choose 
 him, it thundered marvelously : which the Priestes and 
 Augures tooke for an ill token, but yet they durst not openly 
 speake against his election, bicause they feared the people. 
 Howbeit Marcellus of him selfe did willingly give up his 
 Consullshippe, and yet was it no exception to him for his 
 service in the warres : for they created him Proconsull, and 
 sent him againe to the campe at Nola, where he did severely 
 punishe such as tooke Hannibals parte. Who being adver- 
 tised thereof, came thither with all possible spede to helpe 
 them : and even at his first comming, he offered Marcellus 
 battell, which refused it at that time. Nevertheles, he tooke 
 his time, when Hanniball hadde sent the best parte of his 
 army to forrage, as meaning to fight no more battels : and 
 then he set apon him, having given his footemen long pykes, 
 such as they use in fight apon the sea, and taught them 
 also, howe to hurt the enemy a farre of, keping them still in 
 their handes. But the Carthaginians having no skill of their 
 346 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 pykes, and fighting with shorte javelings in their hands, did 
 strike downe right blowes : which was the cause, that they 
 being set apon by the Romaines, were driven to turne their 
 backes, and flee before them. So there were five thowsande 
 of the Carthaginians left dead in the field, foure elephants 
 slaine, and two taken alive : and furthermore, three dayes 
 after the battell, there came a three hundred horsemen, some 
 of them Spaniards, and other Numidians, that submitted 
 them selves to the Romaines. Never came there such a 
 misfortune before to Hanniball : who had of long time kept 
 together in great love and amity, an army assembled of 
 sundry barbarous nations and people. Howbeit these three 
 hundred continued ever after faithfull to the end, both to 
 Marcellus, and to all other Lieutenants and generals of the 
 Romaines. Shortely after, Marcellus beinge againe chosen 
 Consull the thirde time, went into Sicile. For Hannibals 
 prosperous successe and victories had so incoraged the 
 Carthaginians, as they sought againe to conquer this Ilande : 
 and specially bicause that after the death of Hieronimus the 
 tyran, there rose some tumult at Syracusa. Uppon which 
 occasion, the Romaines had sent an army thither before, 
 and a Praetor called Appius : at whose handes Marcellus 
 having received the army, a great number of the Romaines 
 became humble suters to him, to pray him to aide them in 
 their calamity, which was this. Of those that scaped from 
 the battell of Cannes, some saved them selves by flying, 
 other were taken prisoners, of which there were such a 
 number, as it appeared that Rome had not people enough 
 left onely to keepe the walles. Nevertheles, those few that 
 remained, their hartes were so great, that they woulde never 
 redeeme the prisoners, which Hannibal was contented to 
 deliver them uppon small ransome, but made a decree they 
 should not be redeemed : and so suffered some of them to be 
 killed, others to be solde for slaves out of Italie. And more- 
 over, those that saved them selves by flying, they sent straight 
 into Sicile : commaunding they should not once set foote 
 againe in Italie, whilest they had warres with Hanniball. 
 These were the men that came altogether, and fell downe at 
 Marcellus feete, so soone as he arrived in Sicile, and humbly 
 
 347 
 
 marcel- 
 
 lus; 
 
 Certaine 
 Spanyards 
 and Numi- 
 dians re- 
 volted from 
 Hanniball. 
 
 Marcellus the 
 third time 
 Consull, sent 
 into Sicile. 
 
 The severity 
 of the 
 
 Romaines to 
 
 cowardly 
 
 souldiers. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Cowardes de- 
 tested of the 
 Romaines. 
 
 Hippocrates 
 generall of 
 the Syra- 
 cusans. 
 
 Marcellus 
 wanne the 
 city of the 
 Leontines. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 besought him, to appoint them to serve under some ensigne, 
 that they might fight to do their contrie honor and service : 
 promising him with teares running downe their cheekes, that 
 their faithfull service then should witnesse for them, that 
 the overthrow they had at Cannes, fell apon them rather by 
 misfortune, then through lacke of corage. Whereupon 
 Marcellus having compassion on them, wrote to the Senate 
 in their favor, and prayed them that they would graunt him 
 licence to supply the bands of his army, as they diminished, 
 with those poore Romaines his contrymen. Many reasons 
 passed to, and fro, against this sute : nevertheles, it was 
 concluded in the ende by the Senate, that the common wealth 
 made no reckening of the service of faint harted men like 
 women : wherefore if Marcellus thought good of their service, 
 yet it shoulde not be lawfull for him to give them any 
 crownes or rewards of honor, for any notable service soever 
 they did, as all generalles are wont to give to honest men 
 that serve valliantly. This order of the Senate misliked 
 Marcellus very much, who at his returne home out of Sicile, 
 made his complaint in open Senate, and told them they did 
 him manifest wrong, to deny him that favor, that having 
 done his common wealth such faithful service diverse times, 
 as he had done, he might not restore so many poore Romaines 
 to their honor againe. Nowe, when Marcellus was in Sicile, 
 he received great hurtes and injuries by Hippocrates, generall 
 of the Syracusans : who, to pleasure the Carthaginians, and 
 by their meanes to make him selfe chiefe Lord of Syra- 
 cusa, did put many Romaine citizens to death. Wherupon 
 Marcellus went and layed siege to thq city of the Leontines, 
 and when he had taken it by assault, he hurt never a townes 
 man, nor naturall citizen of the same : but such traytors as 
 he founde there, and had fled from his campe, and yelded to 
 the enemies, them he caused to be whipped, and then hanged. 
 But notwithstanding, Hippocrates had before caused it to be 
 bruted at Syracusa, that Marcellus had put all the Leontines 
 to the sword, not sparing litle children : and afterwards 
 Hippocrates comming thither on the sodaine, in the feare 
 and garboyle of this false brute, he easily tooke the city. 
 Marcellus hearing Hippocrates had taken Syracusa, left forth- 
 348 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 with the Leontines, and went with his whole army, and 
 camped hard by Syracusa : and sent his Ambassadors to tell 
 the Syracusans truely, what he had done in the city of the 
 Leontines, and quite contrarie to that they were informed 
 of. Howbeit that prevailed not, for they beleved not Mar- 
 cell us, bicause Hippocrates being the stronger, had wonne 
 the city. Wherupon he beganne then to approch the walles, 
 and to assault in every quarter, as well by sea as by lande. 
 Appius tooke charge of them that gave assault by lande. 
 Marcellus him selfe, with three score galleyes of five owers 
 at every bancke, well armed, and full of all sortes of artillery 
 and fire works, did assault by sea, and rowed hard to the 
 walle, having made a great engine and devise of battery, 
 uppon eight galleyes chained together, to batter the walle : 
 trusting in the great multitude of his engines of battery, 
 and to all such other necessarie provision as he had for 
 warres, as also in his owne reputacion. But Archimedes 
 made light accompt of all his devises, as in deede they were 
 nothinge comparable to the engines him selfe had invented : 
 and yet were not his owne such, as him selfe did recken of, 
 to shew singularity of worke and devise. For those he had 
 made, were but his recreations of Geometry, and thinges 
 done to passe the time with, at the request of king Hieron : 
 who had prayed him to call to minde a litle, his geometricall 
 speculation, and to apply it to thinges corporall and sencible, 
 and to make the reason of it demonstrative, and plaine, to 
 the understanding of the common people by experiments, 
 and to the benefit and commodity of use. For this inventive 
 arte to frame instruments and engines, (which are called 
 mechanicall, or organicall, so highly commended and esteemed 
 of all sortes of people) were first set forth by Architas, and 
 by Eudoxus : partely to beawtifie a litle the science of 
 Geometry by this finenes, and partly to prove and confirme 
 by materiall examples and sencible instruments, certeine 
 Geometrical conclusions, wherof a man can not finde out the 
 conceiveable demonstrations, by enforced reasons and proofes. 
 As that conclusion which instructeth one to searche out two 
 lynes meane proportionall, which can not be proved by reason 
 demonstrative, and yet notwithstandinge is a principall and 
 
 349 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 besiegeth 
 
 Syracusa. 
 
 Archimedes 
 a notable 
 mathe- 
 matician. 
 
 Architas and 
 Eudoxus, 
 famous 
 Mathema- 
 ticians. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Why Plato 
 reproved 
 Eudoxus and 
 Architas. 
 
 Archimedes 
 with an engine 
 drew one of 
 the greatest 
 hulkesHieron 
 the king had 
 a shore. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 an accepted grounde, for many thinges which are conteined 
 in the arte of portraiture. Both of them have facioned it 
 to the workemanship of certeine instruments, called Meso- 
 labes or Mesographes, which serve to finde these meane lines 
 proportionall, by drawing certaine curve lines, and over- 
 thwart and oblike sextions. But after that, Plato was 
 offended with them, and mainteined against them, that they 
 did utterly corrupt and disgrace, the worthines and excel- 
 lency of Geometry, making it to discende from things not 
 comprehensible, and without body, unto things sencible and 
 materiall, and to bringe it to a palpable substance, where 
 the vile and base handie worke of man is to be employed : 
 since that time I say, handy craft, or the arte of engines, 
 came to be separated from Geometry, and being long time 
 despised by the Philosophers, it came to be one of the warlike 
 artes. But Archimedes havinge tolde king Hieron, his kinse- 
 man and very frende, that it was possible to remove as great 
 a weight as he would, with as litle strength as he listed to 
 put to it : and boasting him selfe thus (as they reporte of 
 him) and trusting to the force of his reasons, wherewith he 
 proved this conclusion, that if there were an other globe of 
 earth, he was able to remove this of ours, and passe it over 
 to the other : kinge Hieron wondering to heare him, required 
 him to put this devise in execution, and to make him see by 
 experience, some great or heavy weight removed, by litle 
 force. So Archimedes caught hold with a hooke of one of 
 the greatest carects, or hulkes of the king (that to draw it 
 to the shore out of the water, required a marvelous number 
 of people to go about it, and was hardly to be done so) and 
 put a great number of men more into her, than her ordinary 
 burden: and he himselfe sittinge alone at his ease farre of, 
 without any straining at all, drawing the ende of an engine 
 with many wheeles and pullyes, fayer and softly with his 
 hande, made it come as gently and smoothly to him, as it 
 had floted in the sea. The king wondering to see the sight, 
 and knowing by proofe the greatnes of his arte : he prayed 
 him to make him some engines, both to assault and defend, 
 in all maner of sieges and assaultes. So Archimedes made 
 him many engines, but kinge Hieron never occupied any of 
 350 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them, bicause he raigned the most parte of his time in peace, 
 without any warres. But this provision and munition of 
 engines, served the Syracusans turne marvelously at that 
 time : and not only the provision of the engines ready made, 
 but also the enginer and worke maister him selfe, that had 
 invented them. Now, the Syracusans seeing them selves 
 assaulted by the Romaines, both by sea and by land, were 
 marvelously perplexed, and could not tel what to say, they 
 were so afrayed : imagining it was impossible for them to 
 withstande so great an army. But when Archimedes fell to 
 handle his engines, and to set them at liberty, there flue in 
 the ayer infinite kindes of shot, and marvelous great stones, 
 with an uncredible noyse and force on the sodaine, apon the 
 footemen that came to assault the city by land, bearing downe, 
 and tearing in peeces all those, which came against them, or 
 in what place soever they lighted, no earthly body beinge 
 able to resist the violence of so heavy a weight : so that all 
 their ranckes were marvelously disordered. And as for the 
 gallies that gave assault by sea, some were soncke with long 
 peeces of timber like unto the yards of shippes, whereto 
 they fasten their sailes, which were sodainly blowen over the 
 walles with force of their engines into their gallies, and so 
 soncke them by their overgreat weight. Other being hoysed 
 up by the prooes with handes of Iron, and hookes made like 
 cranes billes, plonged their poupes into the sea. Other being 
 taken up with certaine engines fastened within, one contrary 
 to an other, made them turne in the ayer like a whirlegigge, 
 and so cast them apon the rockes by the towne walles, and 
 splitted them all to fitters, to the great spoyle and murder 
 of the persons that were within them. And sometimes 
 the shippes and gallies were lift cleane out of the water, 
 that it was a fearfull thing to see them hang and turne 
 in the ayer as they did : untill that casting their men 
 within them over the hatches, some here, some there, by 
 this terrible turning, they came in the end to be empty, 
 and to breake against the walls, or else to fall into the sea 
 againe, when their engines left their hold. Now for Mar- 
 cellus engine, which he brought against the walles, uppon 
 a bridge made of gallies joyned together : that was called 
 
 351 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The wonder- 
 ful force of 
 Archimedes 
 engines at 
 Marcellus 
 siege of 
 Syracusa. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 Sambuca. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Sambuca, by reason of the facion it had like to an instrument 
 of musicke of the same name, which is a harpe. The same 
 being yet a good prety way of from the walls, there fell a 
 great stone apon it sent from the walls, weying ten talents. 
 Then, a seconde after that, and a third one after that, the 
 which falling all into this engine with such a thunder and 
 terrible tempest, brake the fundacion of the engine, and tare 
 all the bridge of the gallies joyned together in peeces, that 
 susteined it. So that Marcellus being amazed with all, not 
 knowing well what it ment : was glad to retyre quickely, 
 and sent to make his trompet sound the retreate to those 
 that gave assault by land. Hereupon they sate in counsaille 
 to determine what was to be done, and they resolved, that 
 the next morninge before day they shoulde approche the 
 walles if it were possible : bicause that Archimedes engines, 
 which were very strong and hard wounde up, should by this 
 meanes sende all the force and furie of their stones and shot 
 over their heades, and that neere hande also he coulde do no 
 good with them, for that they had not the scope of their 
 leavel and cariage they should have. But Archimedes had 
 prevented this devise by long preparation before, having 
 made provision of engines for farre and neere, the leavell 
 and cariage whereof was proportioned for all distances : 
 their shot shorte, the arrowes not very long, many holes 
 and arches in the walles one harde by an other, where 
 there were store of crosbowes to kill neere hande, sette 
 in such places, as the enemies coulde not see them with- 
 out. Wherefore, when the Romaines thought to approche, 
 thinking they had bene safe and close, that no man saw 
 them : it amazed them all when they were receaved againe 
 with infinite shot, and striken to the ground with stones 
 that fell apon their heades like leade (for there was no 
 parte of all the walles, from whence they had not the 
 like shotte). Whereupon they were forced againe to 
 retyre from the walles. And yet when they were further 
 of from them, the arrowes, stones, and other kinde of 
 shotte that flue in every place amonge them, killed a great 
 nomber of them, scattered farre from thence: so that 
 many of them were slaine and sore wounded, and diverse of 
 352 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 their shippes splitted, and they not once able to be revenged, 
 nor to hurt their enemies, bicause Archimedes had placed 
 his engines very closely behinde the walles, and not apon 
 the walles in sight of the enemy. So that it appeared the 
 goddes fought against the Romaines, they were so slaine and 
 wounded, and yet they coulde not tell how, nor by whom. 
 Notwithstanding, Marcellus escaped with life, safe from 
 hurt, and mocking his workemaisters and enginers, he had 
 in his campe, he sayd unto them : What, shall we not 
 leave to make warres with this Briarian enginer and 
 Geometrician here ? who sitting still apon the wharfe, in 
 sporting manner hath with shame overthrowen our navy, 
 and exceeded all the fabulous hundred handes of the Gyants, 
 discharginge at one instant so many shot among us ? For 
 in deede, all the residue of the Syracusans were, as the body 
 and members of Archimedes preparacion : and he him selfe 
 was the only creature that moved and did all, all weapons 
 else being quiet, and his engines only occupied, to assault 
 and defend. At the length, Marcellus seeing his men thus 
 afeard, as if they did but see the ende of a rope, or any 
 peece of timber upon the walle, they ranne away, crying 
 out, that Archimedes was letting loose some of his engines 
 apon them : he would no more approche the walles, nor 
 geve assault, determininge to see if he coulde winne it by 
 longe siege. Notwithstanding, Archimedes had such a 
 great minde, and was so profoundly learned, having hidden 
 in him the onely treasure and secrets of Geometricall inven- 
 tions : as he would never set forth any booke how to make 
 all these warlicke engynes, which wanne him at that time 
 the fame and glory, not of mans knowledge, but rather of 
 divine wisedom. But he esteminge all kinde of handy craft 
 and invention to make engines, and generally all maner of 
 sciences bringing common commodity by the use of them, 
 to be but vyle, beggerly, and mercenary drosse : employed 
 his witte and study onely to write thinges, the beawty and 
 subtiltie whereof, were not mingled any thinge at all with 
 necessitie. For all that he hath written, are geometricall 
 proposicions, which are without comparison of any other 
 writings whatsoever : bicause the subject whereof they 
 2 : YY 353 
 
 MARCEL 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 wondred at 
 Archimedes 
 engynes. 
 
 Archimedes 
 profowndely ; 
 learned. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Archimedes 
 
 Siren. 
 
 Archimedes 
 demonstra- 
 cion of the 
 Cylinder. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 treate, doeth appeare by demonstracion, the matter giving 
 them the grace and the greatnes, and the demonstracion 
 proving it so exquisitely, with wonderfull reason and facilitie, 
 as it is not repugnable. For in all Geometry are not to be 
 founde more profounde and difficulte matters wrytten, in 
 more plaine and simple tearmes, and by more easie principles, 
 then those which he hath invented. Now some do impute 
 this, to the sharpnes of his wit and understanding, which 
 was a naturall gift in him : other do referre it to the ex- 
 treame paines he tooke, which made these things come so 
 easily from him, that they seemed as if they had bene no 
 trouble to him at all. For no man livinge of him selfe can 
 devise the demonstracion of his propositions, what paine 
 soever he take to seeke it : and yet straight so soone as he 
 commeth to declare and open it, every man then imagineth 
 with him selfe he could have found it out well enough, he 
 can then so plainly make demonstracion of the thing he 
 meaneth to shew. And therfore that me thinks is like 
 enough to be true, which they write of him : that he was 
 so ravished and dronke with the swete intysements of this 
 Sirene, which as it were lay continually with him, as he for- 
 gate his meate and drinke, and was careles otherwise of him 
 selfe, that oftentimes his servants got him against his will 
 to the bathes, to washe and annoynt him : and yet being 
 there, he would ever be drawing out of the Geometricall 
 figures, even in the very imbers of the chimney. And while 
 they were annointing of him with oyles and swete savors, 
 with his finger he did draw lines apon his naked body : so 
 farre was he taken from himself, and brought into an extasy 
 or traunse, with the delite he had in the study of Geometry, 
 and truely ravished with the love of the Muses. But 
 amongst many notable things he devised, it appeareth, that 
 he most estemed the demonstracion of the proportion betwene 
 the Cylinder (to wit, the round colomne) and the Sphaere or 
 globe conteined in the same : for he prayed his kinsemen 
 and frends, that after his death they would put a Cylinder 
 apon his tombe, conteining a massie Sphaere, with an inscrip- 
 tion of the proportion, whcrof the continent excedeth the 
 thing conteined. So Archimedes being as you have heard, 
 354 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 did asmuch as lay in him, both save him selfe and Syracusa MARCEL- 
 
 from taking. But now againe to Marcellus. Marcellus LUS 
 
 during the siege at Syracusa, wanne the city of Megares Marcellus 
 
 in Sicile, one of the auncientest cities in all the Ilande : victories in 
 
 and he tooke besides, the campe of Hippocrates, lying by Sicile. 
 
 Aciles, where he slue above eight thousand men, surprising 
 
 them apon the sodaine, even as they were preparing to lodge, 
 
 and to fortifie their campe. Then he overcame a great parte 
 
 of the champion contrie of Sicile, and made the cities to 
 
 rebel that tooke the Carthaginians parte : and in al the 
 
 battels he fought, he ever overcame them that durst bid 
 
 him battell. It chaunced afterwards, that he tooke a Lace- Danippus a 
 
 daemonian Captaine prisoner, called Danippus : even as he Lacedae- 
 
 came out of Syracusa by sea. The Syracusans desirous to monian Cap- 
 
 redeme him, sent to him to pray he might be ransommed. en 
 
 They made many parlees about his raunsome, and drew out ^ 
 
 this practise to diverse meetings : until Marcellus had taken 
 
 good markes of a certeine tower, that had no great watch 
 
 kept upon it, and into the which he might secretly convey 
 
 a certeine number of men, the walle of the city in that 
 
 place being no very hard thing to skale. Therefore when he 
 
 had geven a good gesse by estimacion at the height of that 
 
 tower, by often approching to it, having parled many a time 
 
 hard by it : he provided skaling ladders, and tooke the 
 
 oportunity of a feast which the Syracusans solemnised in 
 
 the honor of Diana, on which day they gave them selves to 
 
 al feasting, sporting, and playes. So he tooke not only the Marcellus 
 
 tower, but filled all the walls round about with armed men winneth 
 
 before day, and brake open the maine gate and entry of the Syracusa. 
 
 citie called Hexapyle. And as the Syracusans began to 
 
 stirre, perceiving the Romaines on the wals : Marcellus made 
 
 his men sound their trompets on every side. Whereupon 
 
 the Syracusans were so afraid and amazed, that they beganne 
 
 to flie, thinkinge all the city besides had bene taken, where 
 
 in deede the greatest and strongest quarter of the city 
 
 called Acradina, was not yet touched : bicause it is walled Acradina. 
 
 in rounde about, and separated from the rest of the citie, 
 
 which is devided into two other partes, the one called the 
 
 newe citie, and the other fortune. The two partes whereof 
 
 355 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 gentlenes. 
 
 Rich spoyles 
 at Syracusa. 
 
 Archimedes 
 mathemati- 
 cian slaine 
 in his study. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 beinge wonne, Marcellus by the breake of the daye forced 
 in by the gate or entrie of the Hexapyle. And when his 
 Captaynes tolde him he was happie, to winne so goodly a 
 citie, so easely : they say, that he lookinge about him, and 
 consideringe the greatnesse and statelinesse of the same, he 
 wept for verie pitie, foreseeinge whereto it shoulde come, 
 thinking with him selfe what a sodayne chaunge it shoulde 
 have, when his armie came to spoyle and sacke the same. 
 For there was not a Captaine that durst denie the souldiers 
 when they demaunded the spoyle, and yet were there many 
 that would nedes have it burnt and rased to the ground. 
 But Marcellus would not agree to that in any case, and 
 besides, it was sore against his minde to graunt them the 
 spoyle of the goodes and slaves : straightly commaunding 
 them notwithstanding, not to lay handes of any free man, 
 and not to kill, hurt, nor to make any Syracusan slave. 
 Wherein, though he shewed great favor and mercy, yet it 
 greved him to see so famous a citie, brought to that miser- 
 able state : and in the middest of all the joy he had for his 
 victorie, he could not refraine from weeping for pity to see 
 so rich and wealthie a citie, in the turning of a hand, 
 spoyled, and brought to nought. For it is sayd, that the 
 riches and goodes taken away at the sacke of Syracusa, were 
 nothinge inferior to the spoyles of Carthage, which was also 
 sacked not longe after that : for the other parte of the city 
 of Syracusa called Acradina, was soone after also taken by 
 treason, and spoyled against the Captaines willes, savinge 
 the kinges treasure, which was reserved to be caried to the 
 common treasure of Rome. Syracusa beinge taken, nothinge 
 greved Marcellus more, than the losse of Archimedes. Who 
 beinge in his studie when the citie was taken, busily seekinge 
 out by him selfe the demonstracion of some Geometricall 
 proposition which he hadde drawen in figure, and so earnestly 
 occupied therein, as he neither sawe nor hearde any noyse of 
 enemies that ranne uppe and downe the citie, and much 
 lesse knewe it was taken : He wondered when he sawe a 
 souldier by him, that bad him go with him to Marcellus. 
 Notwithstandinge, he spake to the souldier, and bad him 
 tary untill he had done his conclusion, and brought it to 
 356 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 demonstracion : but the souldier being angry with his 
 aunswer, drew out his sword, and killed him. Other say, 
 that the Romaine souldier when he came, offered the swords 
 poynt to him, to kill him : and that Archimedes when he 
 saw him, prayed him to hold his hand a litle, that he might 
 not leave the matter he looked for unperfect, without demon- 
 stracion. But the souldier makinge no reckening of his 
 speculation, killed him presently. It is reported a third 
 way also, sayinge, that certeine souldiers met him in the 
 streetes going to Marcellus, carying certeine Mathematicall 
 instrumentes in a litle pretie coffer, as dialles for the sunne, 
 Sphaeres and Angles, wherewith they measure the greatnesse 
 of the body of the sunne by viewe : and they supposing he 
 hadde caried some golde or silver, or other pretious Iuells in 
 that litle coffer, slue him for it. But it is most true, that 
 Marcellus was marvelous sorie for his death, and ever after 
 hated the villen that slue him, as a cursed and execrable 
 persone : and howe he made also marvelous much afterwards 
 of Archimedes kinsemen for his sake. The Romaines were 
 estemed of at that time by all nations, for marvelous expert 
 souldiers, and taken for verie vallyant and daungerous men 
 to be dealt with : but they never shewed any example of 
 their clemencie and curtesie, and least of all of any civill 
 manner to any straungers, untill Marcellus taught the way, 
 whose actes did shewe the Greecians then, that the Romaines 
 were more gratious and mercifull, then they. For he did 
 so curteouslie intreate those that hadde to do with him, 
 and shewed such favour to private persones, and also to 
 whole citties : that if there were any crueltie shewed in the 
 citties of Enna, or at Megares, or against the Syracusans, it 
 was rather through their owne fault and follie that were 
 hurt, then theirs that didde them the hurte. And for profe 
 hereof, I will recite you one example onely amongest many. 
 There is a citie in Sicile called Engyium, it is no great 
 thinge, but a verie auncient citie of name, by reason of the 
 trafficke thither, for that there are certeine goddesses to be 
 seene, whome they worship, called the mothers. Some say 
 the Cretans were the first builders and founders of the temple 
 there, where you shall see speares and helmets of copper, and 
 
 357 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Divers 
 opinions of 
 Archimedes 
 death. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 clemency. 
 
 Engyium a 
 city in Sicile. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Nicias craft. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 apon them are graven the name of Meriones : and apon 
 others, Ulysses name also, which are consecrated to these 
 goddesses. This citie stoode altogether at the devotion of 
 the Carthaginians : and Nicias beinge the chiefest man of the 
 same, was all he might against it, and perswaded them 
 openlie in all their counsailles to take parte with the 
 Romaines, provinge it by many reasons, that his enemies 
 counsaylinge the contrarie, were unprofitable members of 
 the common wealth. Whereuppon Nicias enemies fearinge 
 his greatnesse and authoritie, they did conspyre amonge 
 them selves to apprehende him, and to deliver him to the 
 Carthaginians. But Nicias hearinge of suche a matter, and 
 findinge that they laye in wayte to take him : used this 
 pollicie to prevent their treason. He gave out openlie very 
 ill speeches against the goddesses, and did many things in 
 derogation of their honor : and sayd the sight of them (which 
 was a matter of great credit) was but devise, and that there 
 was no credit to be geven to them. These words tickled 
 his enemies, imagining that the common people would lay 
 the mischiefe they pretended against him, to him selfe, as 
 the only causer of his owne hurt. So they havinge appointed 
 a day to apprehende him, by chaunce a common counsaill 
 was kept that day they hadde determined of: where Nicias 
 speaking to the people about matter of counsaill, in the 
 middest of his oration fell to the grounde, to the great 
 wonder of the whole assembly, as every man may conjecture. 
 Howbeit never a man sturred, and a prety while after he 
 beganne to lift uppe his head a litle, and to looke gastely 
 about him, with a faint trembling voyce, which he still 
 gathered higher and lowder by litle and litle, untill he sawe 
 all the people wonderously afrayed and amazed, that not one 
 of them durst speake. Then throwing his gowne from him, 
 and renting his coate, he got upon his feete halfe naked, 
 and ranne towardes the gate of the Theater, cryinge out 
 that the goddesses mothers did torment him : and not a man 
 durst once come neere him, nor offer to stoppe him, they 
 were so supersticious and foolishly afrayed of the goddesses, 
 imagining it was some divine punishment. But by this 
 meanes he easily got to the gates of the city, and fled from 
 358 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them all : and he was never seene after that time, to do, or 
 speake, like a madde man in any thing. His wife that was 
 made privy to his devise, and furthered his intent, went first 
 and fell downe on her knees before the goddesses mothers in 
 their temple, as she had hartily prayed unto them : and 
 faining afterwards she would go seeke her husbande, that 
 ranne up and downe the fieldes like a madde man, she went 
 out of the city with her litle children, and no body troubled 
 her. Thus did they escape without daunger, and went unto 
 Marcellus to Syracusa. The Engienians afterwards played 
 such insolent partes, that Marcellus in the ende went thither, 
 and caused them all to be taken and bounde, as though he 
 woulde have put them to execution. But Nicias came to 
 him with the teares in his eyes, and embracing his knees, 
 and kissinge his handes, besought him to take pitie of his 
 poore citizens, beginning first with those that were his 
 greatest enemies. This good nature of Nicias so pacified 
 Marcellus wrath, that he pardoned them all, and did no 
 hurt to the city, and gave Nicias certeine land, besides many 
 other rich giftes he bestowed apon him. Thus it is reported 
 in the history of Posidonius the Philosopher. Now Marcellus 
 being sent for home by the Romanes, bicause they had 
 warres in their owne contrie, and even at Rome gates : he 
 departed out of Sicile, returning towardes Rome, and caried 
 the goodliest tables, pictures, and statues, and other such 
 ornamentes as were in Syracusa, meaning first to beautifie 
 his triumphe with them, and to leave them afterwardes for 
 an ornament to Rome, which before that time never knewe 
 what such curious workes ment. For, this finenes, and 
 curious tables and imagery, never came into Rome before, 
 but was throughly set out with armor and weapons of bar- 
 barous people, and with bloody spoyles, and was also crowned 
 with monumentes of victories and triumphes of diverse 
 enemies, which were no pleasaunt, but rather fearefull sightes 
 to looke apon, farre unfitte for feminine eyes. But even as 
 Epaminondas did call the plaine of Boeotia, Mars scaffolde, 
 where he kept his games : and Xenophon also called the 
 city of Ephesus, the armorers shoppe : even so me thinkes 
 (as Pindarus said) they might rightly have tearmed Rome, 
 
 359 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 the first that 
 brought in 
 finenes and 
 curious tables 
 and pictures 
 into Rome, of 
 the spoyles of 
 Syracusa. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 entreth into 
 Rome with 
 Ovation 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the temple of Mars fighting. And this wanne the peoples 
 good willes much more to Marcellus, bicause he did so 
 passingly set foorth Rome, with such excellent fine toyes of 
 Greece. But Fabius Maximus on the other side, was better 
 beloved of the old men : bicause he brought no such toyes 
 with him from the city of Tarentum, when he wanne it. In 
 deede he brought away golde and ready coyne, and much 
 other goodes that were profitable : but for images and tables, 
 he left them standing in their places, speaking a thing of 
 great note. Let us leave the Tarentines their goddes 
 offended with them. And furthermore the noble men were 
 angry with Marcellus, saying, that by this act he had pur- 
 chased Rome great malice and hate. First, bicause he did 
 not onely leade men prisoners in his triumphe, but the gods 
 also : and secondly, bicause he had filled the people full of 
 pritle pratle, and idle curiosity, spending all the whole day 
 in gasinge, and wondering at the excellency of the worke- 
 men, and of their workes, where before they woulde fall to 
 their labor, or else they went to the warres, not being 
 acquainted with curiosity, nor idle life as Euripides sayd, 
 speaking of Hercules : 
 
 In wicked practises, he simple was to see, 
 
 but he excelld in vertuous dedes, and feates that worthy be. 
 
 Notwithstandinge, Marcellus did glory amongest the 
 Greecians them selves, sayinge : that he had taught the 
 Romaines to esteeme the wonderfull workes of Greece, which 
 they knewe not before. But at his returne out of Sicile, 
 his enemies procured, that his honor of triumphe was denied 
 him. So Marcellus knowing that he had yet left somewhat 
 to do in Sicile, and that the warre was not altogether 
 ended, and fearing besides least a third triumphe would 
 make him to much envied : he was contented with good will 
 to have the honor of the great triumphe, in the mountaine 
 of Alba only : and of the litle triumphe, in the city of 
 Rome. This maner of litle triumphe is called in Greeke, 
 Evan , and the Romaines call it Ovatio. And this difference 
 there is betwene them : that in the Ovation triumphe, the 
 party to whom it is graunted, doth not enter into the city 
 360 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 apon triumphing charet drawen with f'oure horses, nor doth 
 cary any lawrell apon his head in token of triumphe, nor 
 hath any trompettes or homes bio wen before him, but doth 
 marche a foote with a payer of slippers on his fete, having 
 flutes and howboyes playing before him, and wearing a gar- 
 lande of fyrre tree apon his heade : so as this maner of entry 
 is nothing warlike, and is rather a pleasaunt then fearefull 
 sight. And that reason doth flatly drawe me to beleve, that 
 these two kindes of entries they graunted to the Captaines, 
 returning from the warres with victorie: were devided in 
 the olde time, rather for the maner, then for the greatnes 
 of the doings. For such as had overcomen their enemies by 
 great slaughter and bloody battells, they did make their 
 entry with pompe of triumphe, that was altogether marshall 
 and terrible, followed with their souldiers armed, and crowned 
 with lawrell garlandes, as their custome was in musteringe 
 their campe in the warres. But they on the contrary side, 
 that without any exployte of armes returned home with 
 victorie, either by peaceable meanes, or by force of their 
 eloquence : the law graunted them the honor of Ovation 
 triumphe, which was quiet, and full of all joy and mirth. 
 For the flute is an instrument of pleasure belonginge to 
 peace, and the fyrre tree is a tree consecrated to Venus, 
 which goddesse, above all goddes and goddesses doth most 
 detest warres. This second kinde of entry was called Ovatio , 
 not as many Greecians have taken it, comming of this word 
 Evan , which is a voyce and song of joy, although they did 
 use also to accompanie the Captaines making their entry in 
 this sorte, crying and singing Evan : but there were certeine 
 Greecians that would have fetched the derivation of this 
 word, from an old common custome they had : and were of 
 opinion besides, that parte of this honor did apperteine to 
 god Bacchus, whose surname we cal Evius, and somtimes 
 Thriambus. Howbeit this is not the true derivation of the 
 name, but after this sorte. At the great triumphe and 
 entry made, the Captaine or generall that triumph eth as a 
 conqueror, did offer and sacrifice (by the old orders and 
 ancient customes of Rome) one, or divers oxen : where at 
 the seconde triumphe called the Ovation, he onely sacrificed 
 2 : ZZ 361 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 What the 
 Ovation 
 triumphe is. 
 
 Ovation 
 whereof it 
 is called. 
 
 The sacrifice 
 of the quiet 
 triumphe. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 The sacrifices 
 of the litle 
 triumphe 
 Ovation. 
 
 The differ- 
 ence betwixt 
 the Spartans 
 and Romaines 
 in their sacri- 
 fices for vic- 
 torie. 
 
 The Syracus- 
 ans accuse 
 Marcellus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 a mutton, which the Romaines call in their tongue Ovem , 
 and thereof was it called Ovation. And here by the way is 
 to be noted, the difference betwixt the lawe maker of the 
 Romaine lawes and customes, and the law maker of the 
 Lacedaemonians : how both of them were contrary to the 
 other, in appointinge their sacrifices for victorie. For at 
 Sparta, the Captaine or generall that had done his feate by 
 policy or frendshippe, the sacrifice he did offer uppe to the 
 goddes, was an oxe : and he that by force, and bloody battell 
 had obtained victory, only offred up a cocke for sacrifice. 
 For though they were very good souldiers, yet they thought 
 better of his service, that by his wisedom and wise perswasions 
 obteined victory : then of his, that wanne it by valliantnes, 
 and force of armes. Thus may you see which of these two 
 lawemakers hadde best reason in his ordinaunces. But no we 
 to Marcellus againe. He beinge chosen Consull the fourth 
 time, his enemies and evill willers did stirre uppe the Syra- 
 cusans against him, and perswaded them to complayne to the 
 Senate of him, that he had cruelly, and uncurteously used 
 them, contrary to the auncient league and allyances made 
 long time before with the Romaines. Marcellus beinge 
 sacrificinge one day in the Capitoll, while the Senate were 
 sette in counsaill : the Syracusans deputies came before them, 
 and kneeling downe, besought them to give them audience, 
 and that they would do them justice. The other Consull 
 that was present rebuked them, being angry they had so 
 maliciously spyed the occasion of Marcellus absence. But 
 when Marcellus hearde of it, he straight left of all, and came 
 to the Senate, and first satte him downe in his Consulls 
 chayer, where he gave audience as Consull, and dispatched 
 diverse causes : when he had done so, he rose out of his 
 chayer, and came downe among them, standinge as a private 
 persone to aunswere at the barre, as other offenders and men 
 accused, suffering the Syracusans to alleadge and say against 
 him what they would. Then were the Syracusans blancke, 
 when they saw the majesty of Marcellus, and his stayed 
 countenance in all thinges : so that having founde him before 
 a very valliant man in warres and unconquerable, they found 
 him then a man no lesse dreadful in his Consuls robe : that 
 362 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they hong downe their eyes, and durst not looke him in the 
 face. Notwithstanding, they being suborned by his enemies, 
 beganne at the length boldely to accuse him, and yet with 
 sorow and lamentacion, the effect whereof was this. That 
 they beinge the Romaines frendes and confederates, had 
 abidden such injuries at Marcellus handes, as all other 
 generalles never offred their very enemies. Whereto Mar- 
 cellus straight aunswered againe to the contrary. That for 
 many injuries the Romaines had received of them, they 
 suffred nothing but that, which was unpossible they should 
 not suffer, that resisted untill they were taken by force : and 
 yet they might thanke them selves for any thing they suffered, 
 bicause they would not obey nor consent, to reasonable capitu- 
 lacions and articles of peace, which he had oftentimes offered 
 them. And againe, they could not alleage for their excuse, 
 that the tyrans had compelled them to make warres : when 
 they to the contrary, bicause they would enter into warres, 
 were contented to be subject to a tyran. So, when both 
 parties hadde spoken their mindes, the Syracusans (as the 
 maner is) went out of the Senate house, and Marcellus also, 
 leavinge his fellowe Consull in his place in the Senate, and 
 taried without the dore, attending the sentence of the Senate, 
 never altering his countenaunce nor wonted looke, neither 
 for feare of sentence, nor for malice or anger against the 
 Syracusans, quietly looking for his judgement. Afterwards 
 when the Senators voyces were gathered together, and that 
 Marcellus was cleared by the most voyces : then the Syra- 
 cusans fell downe at his feete weeping, and besought him 
 not to wreake his anger apon them that were present, and 
 moreover that he would have compassion of the residue of 
 the citizens, who did acknowledge his great grace and favor 
 extended to them, and confessed them selves bound to him 
 for ever. Marcellus moved with pity by their intreaty, he 
 pardoned them, and ever after did all the Syracusans what 
 pleasure he coulde possible. For through his intreaty and 
 request, the Senate did confirme and ratifie his graunt unto 
 them, which was : that they might use the liberty and 
 benefit of their owne lawes, and quietly enjoy their goodes 
 also which were left them. To requite this special grace 
 
 363 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 being- Consull, 
 aunswered 
 the Syracus- 
 ans accusa- 
 tions as a 
 private man. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 constancy. 
 
 Marcellus 
 curtesie to 
 the Syracus- 
 ans. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 actes against 
 Hanniball in 
 his fourth 
 Consullship. 
 
 CneusFulvius 
 viceconsull 
 slaine in 
 Apulia by 
 Hannibail. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 procured them by Marcellus, the Syracusans gave him many 
 honors, and among others they made a law, that ever after, 
 as oft as any of Marcellus name or house came into Sicile, 
 the Syracusans should kepe a solemne feast, with garlands 
 on their heades, and should also sacrifice unto the goddes. 
 After this, Marcellus went against Hanniball. And where 
 all the other Consuls almost, and generalles, after the over- 
 throw at Cannes, had used this only policie with him, not to 
 come to battell : he tooke a contrarie course to them all, 
 thinkinge that tract of time, (whereby they thought to eate 
 out Hannibals force) was rather a direct consuming and de- 
 stroying of all Italie : and that Fabius Maximus standinge 
 to much upon safety, tooke not the way to cure the disease 
 and weakenes of the common weale of Rome, looking to ende 
 this warre, consuming by litle and litle the strength and 
 power of Rome, committing a fearefull phisitions fault and 
 error, being afraid to heale their pacient sodainly, imagining 
 that to bring them low, doth lessen the disease. So, first 
 of all he went to besiege certeine great cities of the Samnites, 
 which were revolted from obedience of the Romaines : and 
 those he wanne againe with a great provision of corne and 
 money he founde in them, besides three thousande souldiers 
 Hanniball left in garrison there, whome he tooke prisoners. 
 Hanniball after that, havinge slaine the viceconsul Cneus 
 Fulvius in Apulia, with eleven Tribunis militum (to wit, 
 Colonels, every one havinge charge of a thousande footemen) 
 and overthrowen the greatest parte of his armie : Marcellus 
 wrote letters to Rome, hoping to comforte the Senate and 
 people, telling he would go thither, and did warrant them 
 he woulde drive Hanniball out of Apulia. When the 
 Romaines had red his letters, they were nothing the more 
 comforted, but rather (as Livie writeth) more afraid and 
 discouraged : bi cause they doubted the daunger to come 
 woulde be greater, then the losse past, takinge Marcellus 
 to be a far re greater and better generall, then ever was 
 Fulvius. Neverthelesse, Marcellus performing the con- 
 tentes of his letters wrytten to Rome, drave Hanniball out 
 of Apulia, and made him retyre into Lucania. And Marcellus 
 finding him in that contry, by a city called Numistron, lodged 
 364 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 apon hilles, and in places of strength and advantage : he MARCEL- 
 camped hard by him in the valley, and the next morninge BUS 
 he was the first that presented his enemy battell. Hanniball Marcellus 
 on the other side, came downe into the valley, and they fought a 
 joyned battell: which was so cruelly fought, and so long jj^niball at 
 time, as it coulde not be discerned who had the better. For Numistron 
 the battell being begonne at nine of the clocke in the morn- in Apulia, 
 ing, it was darke night ere they gave over. The next 
 morning by pepe of day, Marcellus set his men againe in 
 battell raye, in the middest of all the dead bodies that lay 
 slaine in the fielde, and chalenged Hanniball, to prove who 
 should have the field. But Hanniball refused, and marched 
 his way thence : so as Marcellus thereby had good leasure 
 left him to strippe his slaine enemies, and also to bury his 
 owne souldiers. When he had finished that, he presently 
 followed his enemie by the foote, who layed many ambushes 
 for him, but he coulde never trappe him in any : and in every 
 encounter or skirmishe they had together, Marcellus hadde 
 ever the better, which wanne him great fame and credit. 
 
 Nowe time beinge commen about to choose newe Consults, 
 
 the Senate thought good to sende rather for the other 
 
 Consul that was in Sicile, then to remove Marcellus thence, 
 
 who had fought with Hanniball. So when the other Con- 
 
 sull was come to Rome, the Senate commaunded him to 
 
 name Quintus Fulvius Dictator, bicause the Dictator was The Dictator 
 
 neither chosen by the people, nor by the Senate : but one chosen by the 
 
 of the Consuls or Praetors, in open assembly of the people, 
 
 nameth such a one Dictator, as he liketh of. Wherefore it t h e people 
 
 seemeth, that this word Dictator, came apon that word nor Senate. 
 
 naming : for, Dicere in the Romaine tongue, signifieth to Whereof Dic- 
 
 name. Howebeit other holde opinion, that he was called tator com- 
 
 Dictator, bicause he commaundeth of him selfe what he will, meth. 
 
 without the counsell of the Senate, and the voyces of the 
 
 people: and this seemeth to be true, bicause the commaunde- 
 
 ments of the Senate of Rome are called Edicta , which we 
 
 Greecians call Diatagmata. Now the other Consull and 
 
 companion of Marcellus being come out of Sicile, he would 
 
 nedes name an other Dictator, then him whom the Senate 
 
 offred him : and bicause he would not be compelled to do 
 
 365 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Quintus Ful- 
 vius chosen 
 Dictator, by 
 the people. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 Proconsull. 
 
 Hannibals 
 oration to his 
 souldiers. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 stratageame. 
 
 Marcellus 
 overcome in 
 battell by 
 Hanniball. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that he was unwilling to do, he stale away one night, and 
 returned againe into Sicile. Hereupon the people did name 
 and appoint Quintus Fulvius Dictator, and the Senate wrote 
 their letters to Marcellus, to confirme him : which Marcellus 
 did, and authorised the peoples election. So he him selfe 
 was chosen againe Proconsul, for the next yeare following : 
 in the which he having conferred with Fabius Maximus 
 about the warres, they were agreed, that Fabius should 
 prove if he could winne the city of Tarentum againe : and 
 that Marcellus in the meane time shoulde keepe Hannibal 
 occupied, that he might not come to aide it. This resolu- 
 tion being taken betwene them, Marcellus went to meete 
 Hannibal by the city of Cannusium : who as he still chaunged 
 and shifted lodginge, bicause he woulde not come to the 
 battell against his will, found Marcellus ever in his eye 
 before him. Insomuch as Hannibal removinge thus his 
 campe, Marcellus plyed him so one day with continuall 
 alaroms and skirmishes, that he brought him to a battell 
 that held all day long till night, and compelled them both 
 to leave of til the next morning : where Marcellus shewed 
 againe in field by breake of the day, in battell ray. Whereat 
 Hannibal being in a marvelous rage, he called his souldiers 
 together, and made an oration to them, earnestly movinge 
 them once againe to fight with Marcellus, if ever they had 
 heretofore fought for his sake. You see, sayd he, that having 
 fought so many battells, and gotten such victories as we 
 have done, we can not yet take breath as we would, nor be 
 in quiet, how much soever we winne, if we drive not away 
 yonder fellow Marcellus. When Hannibal had ended his 
 oration to the Carthaginians, he led them on to the battell : 
 where Marcellus, to no purpose, and out of time, would nedes 
 shew Hanniball a stratageame of warre, that turned him selfe 
 to the worst. For Marcellus perceiving the right wing of 
 his army distressed, made one of his legyons that was set in 
 ray in the rereward of his hoste, to marche to the fronte of 
 his battell, to helpe those that needed ayde. But this re- 
 moving of the legyon, troubled them that fought, and gave 
 the enemies the victorie : who slue that day two thousand 
 seven hundred of the Romaines. So, when Marcellus was 
 366 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 come againe into his campe, he straight called his souldiers MARCEL- 
 before him, to whome he spake in this maner : that he saw LUS 
 a great deale of armor, and bodies of men, but he coulde see Marcellus 
 no Ptomaines. The Ptomaines hearing him say so, besought * iar( * wyrdes 
 him to pardon the fault they had committed. Marcellus 1S sou " 
 
 aunswered, he woulde never pardon them, so long as they 
 were overcome : but when they overcame againe, he was 
 content to remit all. So the next morning he agreed to 
 bringe them againe to fight with the enemy, that such as 
 were at Rome should rather heare newes of their victorie, 
 then of their running away. When he had sayed, he ap- 
 pointed they shoulde geve those bandes that first turned 
 their backes to Planniball, barley for wheate. So, as there 
 were many of them in great daunger of their lives, for the 
 sore woundes they hadde geven them in the battell : yet was 
 there not a man of them, but Marcellus words did more 
 greve them, then the grevous woundes they had. The next 
 morning betimes was set out of the generalles tent, the coate 
 armor died in skarlet, which is the ordinary signe of battell : 
 and the bandes that had received dishonor the day before, 
 were placed at their owne request in the fronte of the battell. 
 
 The other Captaines besides, that were not overthrowen : 
 did leade their bandes also to the fielde, and did set them 
 in battell raye. Planniball hearing of that, cried out : O Hannibals 
 gods, what a man is this, that can not be quiet, neither wordes of 
 with good nor ill fortune ? for he is the only odde man, that Marcellus. 
 never giveth rest to his enemy, when he hath overcommed 
 him : nor taketh any for him selfe, when he is overcome. 
 
 We shal never have done with him, for any thing that P see : 
 sith shame, whether he winne or loose, doth still provoke 
 him to be bolder and vallianter. After orations made of 
 bothe sides, bothe armies marched forwardes to joyne battell. Battell be- 
 The Romaines being as strong as the Carthaginians, PPanni- twixt Hanni- 
 ball put his Elephants in the voward and fronte of his ^ ar 
 
 battell, and commaunded his men to drive them apon the 
 Romaines : and so they did. Which in deede did somewhat ^ wor th 
 trouble and disorder the first ranckes of the Romaines : untill ac t^>fFlavms 
 such time as Flavius, Tribune of the souldiers, tooke an Tribunus mili- 
 ensigne in his hande, and marched before the beastes, and turn . 
 
 367 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 victory of 
 Hanniball. 
 
 Hanniball lay 
 in garrison in 
 the city of 
 Sinuesse in 
 Campania. 
 
 P. Bibulus 
 Tribune of 
 the people 
 accuseth 
 Marcellus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 gave the first of them such a thrust with the poynt of his 
 ensigne, that he made her turne backe. The first beast being 
 turned backe thus, ranne apon the seconde that followed her, 
 and the second made the third go backe also, and so from 
 one to an other, untill they all turned. Marcellus perceiving 
 that, commaunded his horsemen to set apon the enemies 
 with all the fury they coulde, in that place where he sawe 
 them, somewhat troubled with these beastes, that turned 
 backe againe upon them : and that they should drive them 
 further in amongest them. Which they did, and gave so 
 hotte a charge apon the Carthaginians, that they made them 
 turne their backes, and runne away, and they pursued them 
 still, killing them downe right, even to their campe side : 
 where was the greatest slaughter of all, by reason their 
 Elephants that were wounded, fell downe starke deade within 
 the gate of their campe. And they saye of the Carthaginians 
 there were slaine at this battell, above eight thowsande, and 
 of the Romaines, onely three thowsande : howbeit all the 
 rest of them for the most parte were very sore hurt. Which 
 fell out very well for Hanniball, that he might march away 
 at his pleasure, as he did that night, and got him away farre 
 of from Marcellus, as knowing he was not in state to follow 
 him oversodainely, bicause of his great number of hurt men 
 in his campe : and so by small jorneys he went into Campania, 
 where he lay in garrison all the sommer, in the city of 
 Sinuesse, to heale the woundes of his sore mangled souldiers. 
 Hanniball having now gotten him selfe at the length out of 
 Marcellus hands, and having his army free to serve him as 
 he thought good : he burned and destroyed all Italie where 
 he went and stoode no more in feare of any thing. This 
 made Marcellus ill spoken of at Rome, and caused his enemies 
 to take holde of such a matter against him : for they straight 
 raised Publius Bibulus Tribune, to accuse him, who was a 
 hotte harebrained man, but very eloquent, and coulde deliver 
 his minde very well. So this Bibulus called the people oft 
 to counsaill, and tolde them there, that they must nedes call 
 home Marcellus, and appoint some other to take charge of 
 the army : for as for him, sayd he, bicause he hath fought 
 a litle with Hanniball (and as a man might say, wrestled a litle 
 368 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 with him) he is now gotten to the bathes to solace him selfe. MARCEL- 
 But Marcellus hearing this, left his Lieutenantes in the campe, hUS 
 
 and went him selfe to Rome, to aunswer to the untrue accusa- 
 tions layd against him, and there he perceived at his comming, 
 how they intended to prosecute the matter against him apon 
 these informations. So a day of hearinge was appointed for 
 his matter, and the parties came before the people assembled 
 in counsaill, in the great listes or show place, called Circus Circus Fla- 
 Flaminius, to give judgement. There Publius Bibulus the numus. 
 Tribune, sitting in his chayer, layd open his accusation with 
 great circumstance : and Marcellus, when Bibulus had tolde 
 his tale, aunswered him in few wordes, and very discretely, 
 only touchinge his purgation. But the noble and chiefest 
 men of the citie, rose uppe, and spake on Marcellus behalfe, 
 telling the people plainely, that they did Marcellus wrong, 
 to recken worse of his valliantnes, then their enemy did : 
 and to judge of him as a coward, considering Hanniball only 
 fled from him, of all other Captaines, and would by no meanes 
 fight with him, never refusinge to fight with any other 
 whatsoever. These perswasions tooke such effect, as where 
 Marcellus accuser looked for his condemnation : Marcellus to 
 the contrary, was not only cleared of his accusation, but 
 furthermore they chose him Consull againe the fift time. Marcellus 
 So beinge entred into his office, he went first into Thuscan : chosen Con- 
 where visiting the good cities one after an other, and quiet- e 
 inge them, he pacified a great sedition in the contry, when 
 they were all ready to rise and rebell. Afterwards at his 
 returne, he thought to consecrate the temple of honor and The temples 
 vertue, which he had built with the spoyles he gotte in the °f honor 
 warres of Sicile. But the Priestes were against it, saying, ^?j t v ^ rtue 
 two goddes might not be in one church. Thereupon he Marcellus. 
 built an other temple, and joyned it to the first, being very 
 angry the Priestes denied so his consecration: and he did 
 take it for an evill token, besides diverse other signes in the 
 element that afterwards appeared, and troubled him much. 
 
 For there were many temples set a fire with lightening at one 
 time : and the rattes and mise did knawe the golde, that 
 was in the chappell of Iupiter Capitoline. And it is reported 
 also, that an oxe did speake : and a childe came out of the 
 2 : AAA 369 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Wonderfull 
 signes were 
 seene in 
 Rome unfor- 
 tunate to 
 Marcellus. 
 
 heade of an Elephant, and that the child was alive. Further- 
 more, the Priestes and Soothsayers sacrificing to the goddes, 
 to withdraw this evill from them these sinister tokens did 
 threaten : they could never finde any favorable signes in their 
 sacrifices. Whereuppon they sought to keepe Marcellus still 
 at Rome, who had a marvelous earnest desire to be gone with 
 speede to the warres : for never man longed for any thing so 
 much, as Marcellus did, to fight with Hanniball. Insomuch 
 he never dreamed other thing in the night, nor spake of any 
 matter els in the day to his frendes and companions, nor 
 prayed to the goddes for any other thinge, but that he might 
 fight with Hanniball in the fielde : and I thincke he woulde 
 willingliest have fought a private combat with him, in some 
 walled city or inclosed lystes for the combat. And had it 
 not bene that he had already wonne him selfe great fame, 
 and shewed him selfe to the worlde, (by sundry great proofes 
 and experience of his doings) a grave, skilful], and a valliant 
 Captaine as any man of his time : I would have said it had 
 bene a pange of youth, and a more ambitious desire, then be- 
 came a man of his age, who was three score yere old at that 
 time, when they made him Consull againe the fift time. Never- 
 iTi^echosen theles, after he had ended all his propitiatory sacrifices and 
 - - purifications, such as the Soothsayers had appointed: he 
 
 departed from Rome with his fellow Consul Quintus Crispinus 
 to the warres. He found Hanniball lying betwene the cities 
 of Bancia, and Venousa, and sought all the meanes he could 
 Hanniball lay to procure him to fight, but he could never get him to it. 
 
 Howbeit Hanniball being advertised by spyalles, that the 
 Consulls sent an army to besiege the city of the Locrians, 
 surnamed Epizephyrians : (as ye would say, the occidentals, 
 bicause the Greecians, in respect of the Italians, are called 
 the orientals :) he layd an ambush for them that went, under 
 the hill of Petelium, which was directly in their way, where 
 he slew about two thowsand five hundred Romaines. That 
 overthrow did sette Marcellus on fire, and made him more 
 desirous of battell : whereupon he removed his campe from 
 the place he lay in, and marched nearer to his enemy. 
 Betwene their two campes, there was a prety litle hill, strong 
 of scituacion, a wilde thing overgrowen with wod, and there 
 370 
 
 Marcellus 
 three score 
 
 Consull the 
 fift time. 
 
 Q. Crispinus 
 Consull. 
 
 betwixt the 
 cities of Ban- 
 cia and Ven- 
 
 Mons Pete- 
 lium. 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 were high hillocks. From whence they might discerne a MARCEL- 
 great way, both the one and the others campe, and at the LUS 
 foote of the same ranne prety springs : Insomuch as the 
 Romaines wondered, that Hannibal comminge thither first, 
 did not take that place, but had left it to his enemies. How- 
 beit Hannibal was crafty enough, leaving it of purpose : for 
 as it was commodious to lodge his campe in, so it served his 
 turne better for an ambush. So he filled the wodde, the An ambush 
 hollow places, and the valleys there about, with store of shot l a Y d b y 
 and spearemen, assuringe him selfe that the place woulde R annibal k 
 intyse the Romaines thither : and in deede he gessed rightly, 
 for so fell it out. Straight, there flew a rumor abroade in 
 the Romaines campe, that there was a passing place to lodge 
 in, and every man tooke apon him like a skilfull souldier, 
 to tell what vantage they should have apon their enemies, 
 by taking that place, and specially if they did lodge there, 
 or otherwise built a fort upon it. Whereupon Marcellus 
 determined to goe see the place him selfe, taking a few horse- 
 men with him. Notwithstanding, before he would take 
 horse, he called for his Soothsayer to sacrifice to the goddes. 
 
 The first beast that was sacrificed, the Soothsayer shewed 111 signes to 
 Marcellus the liver of it without a head. The second beast Marcellus. 
 sacrificed, had a fayer great head of a liver, and all the other 
 partes were also sounde, and very newe : that by them it 
 appeared al the feare of the first ill signes and tokens were 
 taken away. Yet the Soothsayers on the other side sayd, 
 it did make them worse afraid then before : for these so 
 favorable and lucky tokens of the sacrifice, followinge 
 immediatly after the first fowle and nawghty signes, made 
 them doubt them much by reason of so straunge and sodaine 
 an alteracion. But as the Poet Pindarus sayth, 
 
 Nor force of burning fire, nor wall of steele nor stone, 
 nor whatsoever other thing, is here this earth upon : 
 
 Can kepe abacke the course of fatall desteny, 
 nor yet resist the due decrees, which come from heaven on high. 
 
 So Marcellus tooke his horse, with Quintus Crispinus his Quintus Cris- 
 fellow Consull, and his sonne one of the Tribunes of the P inus fellowe 
 souldiers, having onely two hundred and twenty horsemen with M^eRus* 
 him, of the which there was not one Romaine among them, 
 
 371 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 slaine in an 
 ambush at 
 the hill of 
 Petelie. 
 
 The Consull 
 
 Crispinus 
 
 slaine. 
 
 but all were Thuscans, saving forty Fregellanians, who from 
 the beginning of these warres had alwayes shewed them 
 selves very faithfull and loving to Marcellus. The hill we 
 spake of before, being thicke covered with wodde and bushes, 
 the enemies hadde set a skowte to watche on the toppe of it, 
 to geve warning if they saw any comming towardes it. The 
 Romanies coulde not see him, and he on the other side might 
 see even into their campe, and perceive what was done, as he 
 did advertise those at that time that lay in ambushe for 
 Marcellus comminge: and they suffered him to passe on, 
 untill he came directly against them. Then they shewed 
 upon the sodaine, and compassing in Marcellus, they both 
 shot and strake at him, some following them that fled, and 
 other fighting with the forty Fregellanians which only stucke 
 to it : who came roundly in together (notwithstanding the 
 Thuscans were fled) apon the first crie they heard, to defend 
 the two Consulls, untill such time as the Consull Crispinus 
 havinge two woundes on his body with a dart, did turne his 
 horse to flie. And with that, one of the enemies gave 
 Marcellus such a sore blowe with a speare havinge a broade 
 iron head, that he ranne him quite through. The Fregel- 
 lanians that were left alive, beinge but a few in number, 
 seeinge Marcellus slaine, left him lyinge on the grounde, and 
 tooke his sonne away with them that was very sore hurt, and 
 by the swiftnes of their horses recovered their campe, and 
 saved them selves. At this overthrowe, there were not 
 slayne above fortie men, and five and twentie taken prisonners, 
 of which, five of them were the Consulls sergeauntes, and their 
 officers that caried axes before them, and the other were 
 all horsemen. Within few dayes after, the other Consull 
 Crispinus died also of his hurtes, which was such a misfortune, 
 as never came before to the Romaines, that both their 
 Consulls were slaine at one battell. Now Hanniball made 
 no great reckeninge of all that were slaine, or taken at this 
 fielde : but when he heard that Marcellus selfe was slaine at 
 this overthrow, he went him selfe straight to the place to 
 see him. So when he had viewed his body a great while, 
 standing hard by it, and considering his strength, his stature, 
 and countenance, having taken full view of all the partes of 
 
 372 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him, he spake no proude word against him, nor shewed any 
 glad countenance, as some other would have done, that had 
 slaine so valliant and daungerous an enemy : but wondering 
 how he came to be slaine so straungely there, he tooke of his 
 ring from one of his fingers that sealed his letters, and geving 
 his body buriall according to his estate, made it to be 
 honorably burnt, and then put all his bones and ashes into 
 a silver potte, on which he him selfe put a crowne of golde, 
 and sent it unto Marcellus sonne. It fortuned so, that 
 certaine light horsemen of the Numidians mette with them 
 that caried this silver pot, and would have taken it from 
 them by force : but they stood to it, and woulde not parte 
 withall, and so fightinge and striving together for it, the 
 bones and ashes were scattered all about. Hanniball hear- 
 inge this, sayed to them that were about him : See, howe 
 nothinge can be, which the goddes will not. So he punished 
 the Numidians, and cared no more to gette Marcellus bones 
 together, but perswaded him selfe it was the will of the 
 goddes he shoulde dye so straungely, and that his body 
 shoulde have no buriall. Cornelius Nepos and Valerius 
 Maximus wryte it thus : but Livie, and Augustus Caesar say, 
 that the pot was caried unto his sonne, and honorably buried. 
 Marcellus did consecrate many monumentes in diverse places, 
 besides those at Home. As at Catana in Sicile : a place for 
 young men to exercise them selves in. In the lie of Samo- 
 thracia, in the temples of the gods called Cabires : many 
 images and tables he brought from Syracusa. And in the 
 lie of Lindos, in the temple of Minerva, where among other, 
 there is a statue of his, and this epigramme graven under it, 
 as Posidonius the Philosopher wryteth. 
 
 O thou my frend (I say) which passest forth by me, 
 
 of Claudius Marcellus here, the image mayest thou see : 
 whose family at Rome, was of the noblest name. 
 
 Seven times he Consull chosen was, in which he overcame, 
 great numbers infinite, (in open fielde and fight) 
 of such as sought his contries spoyle, and put them all to flight. 
 
 The author of this epigramme reckeneth, the two times of 
 his being viceconsull, for two whole Consullshippes : but his 
 posteritie continued alwayes in great honor, unto Marcellus, 
 
 373 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Marcellus 
 funerall hon- 
 ored by 
 Hanniball. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 monuments. 
 
 Marcellus 
 
 posterity. 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Marcellus 
 actes in wars. 
 
 Marcellus 
 actes pre- 
 ferred before 
 Pelopidas. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the sonne of Octavia, (Augustus Caesars sister) and of Caius 
 Marcellus. He dyed a young man, being AEdilis of Rome, 
 and maried unto Iulia, Augustus daughter, with whom he 
 lived no long time. But to honor the memory of him, 
 Octavia his mother built the library, and Augustus 
 Caesar the Theater, which are called to this day, 
 Marcellus Theater and library. 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 MARCELLUS WITH PELOPIDAS 
 
 HESE are the greatest thinges and best 
 worthy of memory (in my opinion) of all 
 Pelopidas and Marcellus doinges : and for 
 their maners and naturall condicions other- 
 wise, they were all one, bicause they were 
 both valliant, painefull, and noble minded : 
 saving that this difference onely was 
 betwene them. That Marcellus in many 
 cities he tooke by assault, did cruelly murder them, and spilt 
 much bloode : where Epaminondas and Pelopidas contrarily 
 did never put any to the sword they overcame, neither did 
 they take away the libertie from any citie they tooke : and 
 it is thought the Thebans woulde not have handeled the 
 Orchomenians so cruelly as they did, if one, or both of them 
 had bene present. Nowe for their actes, it was a noble and 
 wonderfull peece of service that Marcellus did, with so small 
 a company of horsemen as he tooke with him, to overthrow 
 so great a number of horsemen and footemen both, of the 
 Gaules : a thinge that never Generali but him selfe did, and 
 specially that slewe with his owne handes in the fielde, the 
 Generali of his enemies. Which Pelopidas could never 
 attaine unto : for he seeking to kill Alexander the tyran of 
 Pheres, was slaine first him selfe, and suffered that, which he 
 desired to have done to an other. And yet for that service 
 may be objected, the battells of Leuctres, and of Tegyra, 
 374 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 which were both famous and notable. But to encounter MARCEL- 
 with those, there was no notable ambushe or secrete practise BUS and 
 done by Marcellus, that was any thing like comparable to PELOP DA 
 that Pelopidas did at his returne from exile, when he slew The maner of 
 the tyrans that kept Thebes in bondage. For that was as Marcellus 
 notable a policy and sodaine an enterprise stolen apon, as Jgedes ° ^ aS 
 none was ever greater, or more famous. It is true Marcellus 
 was yoked with Hanniball, who was a dreadfull and a violent 
 enemy : so were the Thebans also at that very time with 
 the Lacedaemonians, who notwithstanding were overcome 
 of Pelopidas, at the battells of Tegyra, and of Leuctres. 
 
 Wheras Marcellus did never so much as once overcome 
 Hanniball, as Polybius wryteth, but remained unconquered 
 alwayes, untill that Scipio overcame him in battell. Not- 
 withstandinge, we do geve best credit to the reportes of 
 Caesar, Livie, Cornelius Nepos, and of king Iuba among the 
 Greecians : who wryte, that Marcellus otherwhile did over- 
 throw certaine of Hanniballs companies, howebeit they were 
 never no great overthrowes to speake of, and it seemeth rather, 
 it was through some mockerie or deceite of that African, then 
 otherwise. Yet sure it was a great matter, and worthy much Marcellus 
 commendacion, that the Romaines were brought to that made the 
 corage, as they durst abide to fight with the Carthaginians, Romaines 
 having lost so many great overthrowes, and having so many 8 
 generalls of their armies slaine in battell, and having the 
 whole Empire of Rome in so great daunger of utter 
 destruction. For it was Marcellus only of all other generalls, 
 that put the Romaines in hart againe, after so great and 
 longe a feare thorowly rooted in them : and incoraged the 
 souldiers also to longe to fight with their enemy, and not 
 onely to hope, but to assure them selves of victory. For, 
 where by reason of their continuall losses and fearefull over- 
 throwes they hadde, they thought them selves happy men 
 to escape Hannibals handes by runninge away : he taught 
 them to be ashamed to flie like cowardes, to confesse they 
 were in distresse, to retyre, and leave the fielde, before they 
 had overcome their enemies. And where Pelopidas was 
 never overcome in battell beinge generall, and Marcellus did 
 overcome more then any generall in his time : it might seeme 
 
 375 
 
MARCEL- 
 
 LUS AND 
 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Rashnes in 
 a Captaine 
 deserveth 
 blame. 
 
 The valliant- 
 nes and obe- 
 dience of 
 Chrysantas 
 a souldier. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 therefore that the great number of the victories of the one, 
 should compare with the good happe of the other that was 
 never overcome. It is true that Marcellus tooke the city of 
 Syracusa, and Pelopidas failed of taking the city of Sparta : 
 but yet do I thinke, that it was more valliantly done of 
 Pelopidas, to come so neere Sparta as he did, and that he 
 was the first that passed the river of Eurotas with an army, 
 which never enemy did before him, than it was of Marcellus 
 to winne all Sicile. Unles some paradventure will say againe, 
 this was Epaminondas, not Pelopidas acte, as also in the 
 victorie of Leuctres : where no man living can pretend any 
 parte of glory to the doinges of Marcellus. For he tooke 
 Syracusa, being onely generall alone, and did overthrow the 
 Gaules without his fellow Consull, and fought with Hanniball, 
 without any mans helpe or incoragement : (for all other were 
 against it, and perswaded the contrary) and he was the first 
 that altered the maner of warres the Romaines used then, 
 and that trained his souldiers, that they durst fight with the 
 enemy. For their death, I neither commend the one nor the 
 other, and the straungenesse of either of their deathes doth 
 greve me marvelously : as I do greatly wonder also, how 
 Hanniball in so many battells as he fought (which are 
 innumerable) could alwayes scape unhurt. I can not but 
 greatly commende also the valliantnes of one Chrysantas, 
 whom Xenophon speaketh of in his booke of the institucion 
 of Cyrus, saying: that he having lift up his sword in his 
 hand ready to kill one of his enemies, and hearing the 
 trompet sound the retreate, he softly retyred, and would not 
 strike him. Howbeit it seemeth Pelopidas is more to be 
 excused : for beside that he was very hot and desirous of 
 battel, yet his anger was honorable and just, and moved him 
 to seeke revenge. For as the Poet Euripides sayth : 
 
 The best that may betyde, is when a captaine lives, 
 
 and doth survive the victories, which he with force achieves. 
 
 But if he needes must fall, then let him valliantly 
 
 even thrust amid the thickest throng, and there with honor dye. 
 
 For so becometh his death famous, and not dishonorable. 
 But now, besides Pelopidas j ust cause of anger, yet was there 
 an other respect that most pricked him forward, to do that 
 376 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 he did : for he saw his victorie ended, in the death of the 
 tyran. Otherwise he shoulde hardly have founde so noble 
 an occasion to have shewed his valliantnesse, as in that. 
 And Marcellus contrarily, without any instant necessity, and 
 havinge no cause of heate or choller, (which putteth all men 
 valliant in fight besides them selves, that they know not 
 what they do) did rashly, and unadvisedly thrust him selfe 
 into the middest of the daunger, where he dyed not as a 
 generall, but as a light horseman and skowt, (forsakinge his 
 three triumphes, his five Consullshippes, and his spoyles and 
 tokens of triumphe, which he had gotten of kinges with his 
 owne hands) among venturous Spaniards and Numidians, that 
 solde their blood and lives for pay unto the Carthaginians : 
 so that I imagine they were angry with them selves (as a man 
 would say) for so great and happy a victory, to have slaine 
 amongest Fregellanian skowtes, and light horsemen, the 
 noblest and worthiest person of the Romaines. I would no 
 man should thinke I speake this in reproch of the memory 
 of these two famous men, but as a griefe onely of them and 
 their valliantnes : which they imployed so, as they bleamished 
 all their other vertues, by the undiscrete hazarding of their 
 persones and lives without cause, as if they woulde and 
 shoulde have dyed for them selves, and not rather for their 
 contry and frendes. And also when they were dead, Pelo- 
 pidas was buried by the allies and confederats of the city of 
 Thebes, for whose cause he was slaine : and Marcellus in 
 like maner, by the enemies selves that hadde slaine him. 
 And sure the one is a happy thing, and to be wished for in 
 such a case : but the other is farre above it, and more to be 
 wondered at. That the enemy him selfe shoulde honor his 
 valliantnesse and worthinesse that hurt him, more then the 
 office of frendshippe performed by a thankefull frende. For 
 nothing moveth the enemy more to honor his deade enemy, 
 then the admiration of his worthines : and the frende 
 sheweth frendeship many times, rather for respect of 
 the benefit he hath received, then for the love 
 he beareth to his vertue. 
 
 THE ENDE OF MARCELLUS LIFE 
 
 2 : BBB 377 
 
 MARCEL- 
 
 LUS AND 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 Plutarch 
 excuseth his 
 free speech 
 and Judge- 
 ment of these 
 famous men. 
 
 Pelopidas and 
 Marcellus 
 funeralls 
 unlike. 
 
LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Aristides 
 
 wealth. 
 
 THE LIFE OF ARISTIDES 
 
 RISTIDES the sonne of Lysimachus, was 
 certeinly of the tribe of Antiochides, and 
 of the towne of Alopecia. But for his 
 goodes and wealth, they diversely write 
 of him. For some say, he lived poorely 
 all the daies of his life, and that he left 
 two daughters, which by reason of their 
 poverty, lived unmaried many yeres after 
 their fathers death. And many of the oldest writers do 
 confirme that for troth. Yet Demetrius Phalerius, in his 
 booke intituled Socrates , wryteth the contrary: that he 
 knew certeine landes Aristides had in the village of Phaleria, 
 which did yet beare the name of Aristides lands, in the 
 which his body is buried. And furthermore, to shew that 
 he was well to live, and that his house was rich and wealthy, 
 he bringeth foorth these proofes. First, that he was one 
 yeare mayer or provost of Athens, whom they called, Archon 
 Eponymos, bicause the yeare tooke the name of him that 
 hadde it yearely. And they say he came to it, by drawing 
 of the beane, according to the auncient use of the Athenians, 
 and their wonted manner of makinge their election of the 
 said office : In which election none were admitted to drawe 
 the beane, but such as were highest set in their subsidie 
 bookes, according to the value and rate of their goodes, 
 whom they called at Athens, Pentacosiomedimnes , as you 
 would say, those that might dispend five hundred bushels of 
 wheate by the yere, and upwards. Secondly, he alleageth 
 he was banished by the Ostracismon, which banisheth the 
 nobilitie and great rich men onely, whom the common 
 people envie, bicause of their greatnesse, and never dealeth 
 with poore men. The third and last reason he makes is, 
 that he left of his gift, three footed stooles in the temple of 
 Bacchus, which those do commonly offer up, as have won the 
 victory in comedies, tragedies, or other such like pastimes, 
 378 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 wherof they them selves had borne the charge. And those ARISTIDES 
 
 threefooted stooles remaine there yet, which they say were 
 
 geven by Aristides, and have this inscription uppon them : The 
 
 tribe of Antiochides wanne the victorie, Aristides defrayed 
 
 the charges of the games, and Archestratus the Poet taught 
 
 them to playe his comedies. This last reason, though it 
 
 seeme likeliest of them all, yet is it the weakest of the rest. 
 
 For Epaminondas (whome every man knoweth was poore 
 even from his birth, and alwayes lived in great povertie) and 
 Plato the Philosopher, tooke apon him to defraye the charges 
 of games that were of no small expence, the one having 
 borne the charges of flute players at Thebes, and the other 
 the dawnce of the children which dawnced in a rounde at 
 Athens : towards the furnishing of which charges, Dion the 
 Syracusan gave Plato money, and Pelopidas also gave Epa- 
 minondas money. Now, this is not spoken that vertuous 
 men should alwayes refuse the gifts of their frends, and that Good men 
 they might not in some sorte accept their frendes curtesie may take 
 offered them : but bicause they should thinke it uncomely 
 and dishonorable for them, to take any thing to enrich 
 them selves, or to spare and hourde up. Howebeit where 
 there is any honorable act to be done, or any publike show 
 to be made, not tending to their private benefit : in such a 
 case they should not refuse their frendes loving offer, and 
 goodwill towardes them. And where Demetrius saith the 
 three footed stoole was offered up in the temple of Bacchus, 
 
 Panastius declareth plainely, that Demetrius was deceaved 
 by the semblance of the name. For since the time of the 
 warres of the Medes, unto the beginninge of the warre of 
 Peloponnesus, in all the registers and recordes kept of the 
 defrayers of the charges of common playes, there were founde 
 but two men bearinge name of Aristides, that obteined 
 victory : and neither of them both was sonne unto Lysi- 
 machus, whom we wryte of at this present. For the one is 
 expresly named the sonne of Xenophilus, and the other was 
 long after the same Aristides we now speake of : as appeareth 
 easily by the wrytinge and orthographie, which is according 
 to the grammer rules, we have used in Greece ever since 
 Euclides time. Moreover it is easie to be knowen, by the 
 
 379 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Damon 
 banished 
 bicause he 
 was to wise. 
 
 Socrates was 
 not poore. 
 
 Aristocratia 
 what it sig- 
 nifieth. 
 
 Aristides and 
 Themistocles 
 enemies in 
 the common 
 wealth. 
 
 Themistocles 
 
 disposition. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 name of the Poet Archestratus that is adjoyned to it. For 
 there is no man that maketh mencion of a Poet of this name, 
 in all the warres of the Medes : but in the time of the warres 
 of Peloponnesus, many doe put him in for an author and 
 maker of rymes and songes that were song in common 
 daunces. Yet for all Panaetius objections, the matter is 
 to be better looked into, and considered of. But for the 
 Ostracismon banishment, it is true, that such as were great 
 men in estimacion above the common people, either in fame, 
 nobility, or eloquence, they onely were subject unto this 
 banishment. For Damon him selfe, beinge Pericles schoole- 
 maister, was banished: onely bicause the common people 
 thought him to wise. Moreover, Idomeneus wryteth, that 
 Aristides was their provost for a yeare, not by lot of beanes, 
 but by voyces of the Athenians that chose him. And if 
 he were provost since the jorney of Platees, as Demetrius 
 wryteth : it is likely enough that they didde him this 
 honor, for his great vertue and notable service, which other 
 were wont to obteine for their riches. But this Demetrius 
 doth not only defende Aristides, but also Socrates poverty, 
 as if it were a fowle vyce and reproche to be poore. For 
 he wryteth, that he had not only a house of his owne, but 
 also three score and ten Minas at usery, which Criton gave 
 him interest for. But now to our story againe. Aristides 
 was Clisthenes very frend, he that restored the government 
 at Athens after the expulsion of the thirty tyrannes, and 
 did reverence Lycurgus the Lawmaker of the Lacedaemonians 
 for his lawes, above all the men in his time : and therefore 
 he ever favored the state of Aristocratia, that is, where the 
 noble men rule, and have the soverainty. Howbeit he ever 
 had Themistocles (Neocles sonne) his continuall adversary, 
 as takinge parte with the contrary, and defending the 
 popular state of government. Some say, that being schollers, 
 and brought up together, they were ever contrary one to 
 an other in all their actions and doinges, were it in sporte, 
 or in matters of earnest : and ever after, men beganne to see 
 the naturall inclination of them both, by their contrary 
 affections. For Themistocles was quicke, nimble, adventur- 
 ous, and subtill, and would venter on any thing, apon light 
 380 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 occasion. Aristides contrariwise was very quiet, temperate, ARISTIDES 
 constant, and marvelous well stayed, who woulde for no Aristides 
 respect be drawen away from equity and justice, neither nature, 
 would lye, flatter, nor abuse any body, though it were but 
 in sporte. Notwithstanding, Aristus of Chio wryteth, that 
 their malice beganne first of light love, and that it grewe to 
 greatnesse by processe of time betwene them : for (sayeth 
 he) both the one and the other of them fell in love with 
 Stesileus, borne in the He of Ceos. This fond light love of 
 theirs, fell not easily from them, nor the envy they conceived 
 one against an other, but continued against eche other in 
 matters of state : such was their malice towardes one an 
 other. In which calling, Themistocles sought the way to 
 winne frendes, by whose meanes he came to great prefer- 
 ment in shorte time, and had made him selfe very strong by 
 them. Therefore, when a frende of his tolde him one day, 
 he was worthy to governe the city of Athens, and were very Themistocles 
 fitte for it, if he were indifferent, and not partiall. The saying for 
 goddes forbid (quod he) I should ever occupie the place of P artla ^ 
 a governour, where my frendes shoulde not finde more favor 
 then straungers, that doe me no pleasure. But Aristides 
 taking an other course by him selfe, would not stande apon Aristides 
 his frendes in government. First, bicause he woulde do no manner of 
 man wrong, with pleasuring his frendes : nor yet would anger common 
 them, by denying their requestes. Secondly, bicause he saw wea ith. 
 many rulers and men of authority bolde to do injustice, and 
 manifest wrong, bearinge them selves apon their frendes : but 
 he caried this opinion, that no honest man, or good citizen, 
 shoulde trust to any bolstring of frendes, but to his owne j ust 
 and upright doings. Notwithstanding, Aristides perceivinge 
 that Themistocles did rashly alter many thinges, and ever 
 encountered all his wayes, and hindered his doings : he was 
 enforced somtime to crosse Themistocles againe, and to speake 
 against that he preferred, partely to be even with him, but 
 most to hinder his credit and authority, which increased still 
 through the peoples favor and goodwilles towardes him : 
 thinking it better by contrarying him a litle to disapoint 
 sometime a thing that might have fallen out well for the 
 common wealth, rather then by geving him the head, to suffer 
 
 381 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Barathrum 
 a prison or 
 dungeon. 
 
 Aristides 
 
 constancy. 
 
 Aristides 
 
 justice. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 him to grow to great. To conclude, it fortuned on a time that 
 Themistocles having preferred a matter very profitable for the 
 common wealth, Aristides was so much against it, as Themis- 
 tocles purpose tooke no place. Moreover Aristides was so 
 earnest against him, that when the counsaill brake up after 
 Themistocles motion was rejected, he spake it openly before 
 them all : that the common wealth of Athens would never 
 prosper, untill they both were laid in Barathrum, which was a 
 prison or hole, wherein they put all theeves and condemned 
 men. An other time, Aristides moved a matter to the people, 
 which diverse were against, but yet it went with him. And 
 when the judge or president of the counsaill did put it to 
 the people, to knowe their allowance of it : Aristides per- 
 ceiving by the argumentes made against it, that the matter 
 he preferred was hurtfull to the common wealth, he gave 
 it over, and would not have it passe. Many times also 
 Aristides spake by other men, when he would have a thing 
 go forward, for feare least Themistocles spight towardes 
 him, woulde hinder the benefitte of the common wealth. 
 They founde him very constant and resolute in matters of 
 state, whatsoever happened : which wanne him great com- 
 mendacion. For he was never the prouder for any honor 
 they gave him, nor thought him selfe disgraced for any 
 overthrow he received : being alwayes of this minde, that it 
 was the duety of an honest citizen, to be ever ready to offer 
 his body and life to doe his contry service, without respect 
 and hope of reward of money, or for honor and glory. 
 Therefore when certeine verses were repeated in the Theater, 
 of one of the tragedies of iEschilus, made in commendacion 
 of the auncient Soothsayer Amphiaraus, to this effect : 
 
 He will not only seeme, a just man by his face, 
 
 but just indede he will be founde, and vertue still embrace : 
 
 With all his thought and soule, from whence there may procede, 
 grave counsells for to beawtifie, his contries crowne in dede. 
 
 All the people straight cast their eyes upon Aristides, as 
 uppon him, that in troth above all other most deserved the 
 praise of so great a vertue. For he was so stoute and 
 resolute, not only to resist favor and frendshippe : but to 
 382 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 reject hate and anger also. For in case of justice, neither 
 coulde frendshippe make him go away for his frendes sake : 
 nor envy coulde move him to do injustice, to his very 
 enemy. For proofe hereof it is wrytten, that he had an 
 enemie of his in sute of law, and did prosecute it to judge- 
 ment : insomuch as after the plaint was red, the judges were 
 so angrie with the offendor, that without any more hearinge 
 of him, they woulde have geven sentence against him. But 
 Aristides rising from his place, went and kneeled at the 
 judges feete with the offendor his enemy, and besought them 
 to geve him leave to speake, to justifie and defende his 
 cause, according to the course of the law. An other time 
 he being judge betwene two private men that pleaded 
 before him, one of them sayd unto him : Aristides, this 
 fellow mine adversary here, hath done you great injurie. 
 My frende (quod Aristides againe) I pray thee tell me onely 
 the injury he hath done thee, for I am judge here to do 
 thee right, and not my selfe. Moreover, he beinge chosen 
 high treasorer of all the revenues of Athens, did declare 
 that all the officers before him, and other his late pre- 
 decessors, hadde greatly robbed and spoyled the common 
 treasure, but specially Themistocles : who was a wise man, 
 and of great judgement, but yet somewhat light fingered. 
 Therefore when Aristides was to geve uppe his accompt, 
 Themistocles, and many other suborned by him, were 
 against him, and accused him for abusing his office, and 
 followed him so hard, that through their practise they con- 
 demned him, as Idomeneus wryteth. Yet the noblest citizens 
 seeing what injury they offered Aristides, tooke his cause in 
 hande, and founde meanes to procure the people not onely 
 to release the fine imposed upon him, but to restore him 
 againe to his office of high treasorer for the yeare following : 
 in the which he seemed to repent his former straightnes and 
 government the yere before, and so dealt more favorably 
 with those he hadde to do, and would not examine every 
 thing so straightly as he did before. Whereupon such as 
 were theeves and stealers of the treasure of the common 
 wealth, did marvelously praise and like him, and became 
 suters for him to continew in the office. But when the day 
 
 383 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 wise saying. 
 
 Aristides 
 
 chosen 
 
 treasorer. 
 
 Themistocles 
 
 covetously 
 
 geven. 
 
 Aristides 
 accused and 
 condemned, 
 for abusing 
 his office. 
 
 Aristides fine 
 released, and 
 he made 
 treasorer 
 againe. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 openly re- 
 proveth close 
 theeves in 
 the common 
 wealth, and 
 detesteth 
 their praise. 
 
 Miltiades 
 chiefe of the 
 ten Captaines 
 that went 
 against Dathis 
 the king of 
 Persiaes 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Miltiades 
 victory of the 
 Persians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of election came, that the Athenians woulde choose him 
 againe, Aristides selfe reproved them, and sayd : When I 
 faithfully discharged the duety of mine office committed to 
 me by you, I then received shame and reproche at your 
 handes : and now that I have dissembled, not seeminge to 
 see the theftes and robberies done apon your treasure, ye 
 claw me, and say I am an honest man, and a good citizen. 
 But I would you knew it, and I tell you plainely, I am more 
 ashamed of the honor you do me now, then I was of the fine 
 you did set apon me, when you condemned me the last yeare : 
 and I am sorie to speake it, that you shoulde thinke it more 
 commendation to pleasure the wicked, then to preserve the 
 common wealth. After he had spoken these words, and had 
 bewrayed the common theftes the officers of the city did 
 commit : he stopped the theeves mouthes that so highly 
 praised and commended him for so honest a man, but yet 
 of the noble and honest citizens he was much commended. 
 Furthermore, on a time when Dathis Lieutenant to Darius 
 king of Persia, was come with all his navy to go a lande 
 about Marathon, in the contrie of Attica, apon pretence (as 
 he sayd) to be revenged onely of the Athenians that had 
 burnt the city of Sardis, but in dede of minde to conquer all 
 Greece, and to destroy the whole contrie before him : the 
 Athenians chose tenne Captaines to go to the warres, amonge 
 whom Miltiades was the chiefest man of authority. But 
 Aristides drew very neere him in reputacion and creditte, 
 bicause he did very good service in obtaining the victorie, 
 specially when he agreed with Miltiades in counsaill, to geve 
 battell apon the barbarous people: and also when he willingly 
 gave Miltiades the whole rule and order of the army. For 
 every one of the tenne Captaines did by turnes leade the 
 whole army for one whole day : and when Aristides turne 
 came about, he gave his preferment thereof unto Miltiades, 
 teaching his other companions, that it was no shame, but 
 honor for them, to be ruled by the wisest. Thus by his 
 example, he appeased all strife that might have growen 
 amonge them, and perswaded them all to be contented to 
 follow his direction and counsaill, that had best experience 
 in warre. And so he did much advaunce Miltiades honor. 
 384 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 For, after that Aristides had once yelded his authority unto 
 him, every one of the rest did the like when it came to their 
 turne : and so they all submitted them selves unto his rule 
 and leading. But on the day of the battel, the place where 
 the Athenians were most combred, was in the middest of the 
 battell, where they had set the tribes of the Leontides, and 
 of Antiochides : for thither the barbarous people did bend 
 all their force, and made their greatest fight in that place. 
 By which occasion, Themistocles and Aristides fighting one 
 hard by an other, for that the one was of the tribe Leontides, 
 and the other of Antiochides, they valiantly fought it out 
 with the enemies, envying one an other : so as the barbarous 
 people at the last being overthrowen, they made them flie, 
 and drave them to their shippes. But when they were 
 imbarked and gone, the Captaines of the Athenians perceiv- 
 ing they made not towardes the lies which was their direct 
 course to returne into Asia, but that they were driven backe 
 by storm e of winde and pyrries of the sea, towardes the coast 
 of Attica, and the city of Athens, fearinge least they might 
 finde Athens unfurnished for defence, and might set apon 
 it : they thereupon sent away presently nine tribes that 
 marched thither with such speede, as they came to Athens 
 the very same day, and left Aristides in the campe at 
 Marathon, with his tribe and contry men, to looke to the 
 prisoners and spoyle they hadde wonne of the barbarous 
 people. Who nothing deceived the opinion they had of his 
 wisdom. For notwithstanding there was great store of golde 
 and silver, much apparell, moveables, and other infinite 
 goodes and riches in all their tentes and pavillions, and in 
 the shippes also they had taken of theirs : he was not so 
 covetous as once to touch them, nor to suffer any other to 
 medle with them, unlesse by stealth some provided for them 
 selves. As amongst other, there was one Callias, one of 
 Ceres Priestes, called Dadouchos, as you woulde saye the 
 torche bearer : (for in the secret sacrifices of Ceres, his office 
 was to holde the torche) whom when one of the barbarous 
 people saw, and how he ware a bande about his head, and 
 long heare, he toke him for some king, and falling on his 
 knees at his feete, kissed his hand, and shewed him great 
 2 : CCC 385 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 The wicked 
 parte of 
 Callias the 
 torche hearer. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 chosen 
 provost of 
 Athens. 
 
 Aristides 
 called the 
 lust. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 store of golde he hadde hidden and buried in a ditche. But 
 Callias, like a most cruell, and cowardly wretch of all other 
 on the earth, tooke away the gold, and killed the poore soule 
 that had shewed him the place, bicause he shoulde not tell 
 it to others. Hereof it commeth, that the comicall Poets 
 do call those that came of him in mockery, Laccoplutes, as 
 made rich by a ditch : bicause of the golde that Callias 
 founde in it. Immediatly after this battell, Aristides was 
 chosen provost of Athens for the yeare : albeit Demetrius 
 Phalerius writeth, that it was a litle before his death, after 
 thejorneyof Platees. For in their Chronicles, where they 
 set in order their provosts of Athens for the yere, since 
 Xanthippides time, there appeareth no one name of Aristides 
 in that yeare, that Mardonius the kinge of Persiaes Lieutenant 
 was overthrowen by Platees, which was many yeares after. 
 But contrariwise they finde Aristides enrolled amonge the 
 provostes immediatly after Phanippus, in the yeare the 
 battell was fought at Marathon. Now the people did most 
 commende Aristides justice, as of all other his vertues and 
 qualities : bicause that vertue is most common and in use in 
 our life, and delivereth most benefitte to men. Hereof it 
 came, that he beinge a meane man, obteined the worthiest 
 name that one coulde have, to be called by the whole city, a 
 just man. This surname was never desired of kinges, princes, 
 nor of tyrannes, but they alwayes delited to be surnamed, 
 some Poliorcetes, to say, conquerors of cities : other Cerauni, 
 to say, lightening or terrible : other Nicanores, to say, sub- 
 duers : and some other, Aeti and Hieraces, to say Eagles or 
 Fawcons, or such like birdes that praye : desiringe rather (as 
 it should appeare by those surnames) the praise and repu- 
 tacion growinge by force and power, then the commendacion 
 that riseth by vertue and goodnes. And notwithstanding, 
 God whom men desire most to be likened to, doth excell all 
 humaine nature in three speciall thinges : in immortality, in 
 power, and in vertue, of which three, vertue is the most 
 honorable and pretious thing. For as the naturall Philo- 
 sophers reason, all the foure elements and Vacuum, are 
 immortall and uncorruptible, and so are force and power, 
 earthquakes, lighteninge, terrible stormes, runninge rivers, 
 
 386 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and inundacions of waters : but as for justice and equity, no 
 man is partaker of them, save onely God, by meanes of 
 reason and understandinge. Therefore, bicause men com- 
 monly have three sundry honors to the gods : the first, that 
 they thinke them blessed : the second, that they feare them : 
 the third, that they reverence them : it appeareth then that 
 they thinke them blessed, for the eternitie and immortality 
 of their godhead : that they feare them, bicause of their 
 omnipotency and power : and that they love and worshippe 
 them, for their justice and equitie. And yet notwithstand- 
 ing, of those three, men do covet immortality, which no flesh 
 can attaine unto : and also power, which dependeth most 
 uppon fortune: and in the meane time they leave vertue 
 alone, whereof the goddes of their goodnes have made us 
 capable. But here they shewe them selves fooles. For 
 justice maketh the life of a noble man, and of one in great 
 authority, seeme divine and celestiall : where without justice, 
 and dealinge unjustly, his life is most beastly, and odious to 
 the worlde. But now againe to Aristides. This surname 
 of a just man at the beginning, made him beloved of all the 
 people : but afterwardes it turned him to great ill will, and 
 specially by Themistocles practise. Who gave it out every 
 where, that Aristides had overthrowen all justice, bicause by 
 consent of the parties he was ever chosen Arbitrator to ende 
 all controversies : and how by this meanes he secretly had 
 procured the absolute power of a kinge, not needing any 
 gard or souldiers about him. The people moreover beinge 
 growen very dissolute and licentious, by reason of the victorie 
 of Marathon, who sought that all thinges should passe by 
 them, and their authoritie : beganne nowe to mislike, and to 
 be greatly offended, that any private man should go before 
 the rest in good fame and reputacion. Whereupon, they 
 came out of all shyeres of Attica into the city of Athens, 
 and so banished Aristides with the Ostracismon : disguising 
 the envy they bare to his glory, with the name of feare 
 of tyranny. For this maner of banishment called Ostracismon, 
 or Exostracismon, was no ordinary punishment for any fault 
 or offence committed : but to geve it an honest cloke, they 
 sayd it was onely a pulling downe and tying shorte, of to 
 
 387 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 The praise of 
 justice. 
 
 Authority 
 would be 
 without cor- 
 ruption. 
 
 Themistocles 
 envieth Aris- 
 tides justice. 
 
 Aristides 
 banished with 
 the Ostra- 
 cismon. 
 
 The nature 
 of the Ostra- 
 cismon. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Hyperbolus 
 the last man 
 banished with 
 the Ostra- 
 cismon. 
 
 The cause of 
 
 Hyperbolus 
 
 banishment. 
 
 A description 
 of the Ostra- 
 cismon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 much greatnesse and authority, exceeding farre the maner 
 and countenance of a popular state. But to tell you truly, 
 it was none otherwise, then a gentle meane to qualify the 
 peoples envy against some private person : which envy bred 
 no malice to him whose greatnes did offende them, but onely 
 tended to the banishing of him for tenne yeares. But after- 
 wardes that by practise, this Ostracismon banishment was 
 layed apon meane men, and malefactors, as upon Hyperbolus 
 that was the last man so banished : they never after used it 
 any more at Athens. And by the way, it shall not be amisse 
 to tell you here, why, and wherfore this Hyperbolus was 
 banished. Alcibiades and Nicias were the chiefest men of 
 Athens at that time, and they both were ever at square 
 together, a common thing amongest great men. They 
 perceiving now by the peoples assembling, that they went 
 about to execute the Ostracismon, were marvelously afrayed 
 it was ment to banishe one of them : wherefore they spake 
 together, and made both their followers frends with eche 
 other, and joyned them in one tribe together, insomuch, 
 when the most voyces of the people were gathered to con- 
 demne him that should be banished, they founde it was 
 Hyperbolus. The people therewith were much offended, to 
 see the Ostracismon so embased and scorned, that they never 
 after woulde use it againe, and so left it of for ever. But 
 briefely to let you understande what the Ostracismon was, and 
 after what sorte they used it, ye are to know : that at a 
 certaine day appointed, every citizen caried a great shell in 
 his hande, whereupon he wrote the name of him he woulde 
 have banished, and brought it into a certeine place railed 
 about with wodden barres in the market place. Then, when 
 every man hadde brought in his shell : the magistrates, and 
 officers of the city, did count and tell the number of them. 
 For if there were lesse then sixe thowsand citizens, that had 
 thus brought these shels together : the Ostracismon was not 
 full and perfect. That done, they layd a parte every mans 
 name written in these shels : and whose name they founde 
 wrytten by most citizens, they proclaimed him by sounde of 
 hed man for tenne yeares, during which time 
 , the party did enjoy all his goodes. Now 
 
 trompet, a bams 
 notwithstanding 
 388 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 every man wryting thus his name in a shell, whom they would ARISTIDES 
 have banished : it is reported there was a plaine man of the A tale of a 
 contry (very simple) that coulde neither wryte, nor read, who plaine man 
 came to Aristides (being the first man he met with) and gave ^ristidesVith 
 him his shell, praying him to wryte Aristides name upon it. s h e u to 
 He beinge abashed withall, did aske the contrie man, if pray him to 
 Aristides had ever done him any displeasure. No, sayed the write Aris- 
 contrie man, he never did me hurt, nor I know him not : but name 
 it greeves me to heare every man call him a just man. 
 
 Aristides hearing him say so, gave him no aunswere, but 
 
 wrote his owne name upon the shell, and delivered it againe 
 
 to the contrie man. But as he went his way out of the citie, 
 
 he lift uppe his handes to heaven, and made a prayer contrary 
 
 to that of Achilles in Homer, besechinge the goddes that 
 
 the Athenians might never have such troubles in hande, as 
 
 they shoulde be compelled to call for Aristides againe. 
 
 Notwithstandinge, within three yeares after, when Xerxes 
 
 king of Persia came with his army through the contries of 
 
 Thessalie and Bceotia, and entred into the heart of the 
 
 contrie of Attica : the Athenians revoking the law of their 
 
 Ostracismon, called home againe all those they had banished, Aristides 
 
 and specially, bicause they were afrayd Aristides would take called from 
 
 parte with the barbarous people, and that his example should exi ^ e * 
 
 move many other to do the like, wherin they were greatly 
 
 deceived in the nature of the man. For before that he was 
 
 called home, he continually travelled up and downe, per- 
 
 swading and incoraginge the Greecians to mainteine and 
 
 defende their liberty. After that lawe was repealed, and 
 
 published, and that Themistocles was chosen the only 
 
 Lieutenant generall of Athens, he did alwayes faithfully aide 
 
 and assist him in all thinges, as well with his travell, as also 
 
 with his counsaill : and thereby wanne his enemy great 
 
 honor, bicause it stoode apon the safetie and preservation of 
 
 his contrie. For when Eurybiades, generall of the armie of 
 
 the Greecians, had determined to forsake the He of Salamina, 
 
 and that the gaily es of the barbarous people were come 
 
 into the middest of the seas, and had environned the lies all 
 
 about, and the mouth of the arme of the straight of Salamina, 
 
 before any man knew they were thus inclosed in : Aristides 
 
 389 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides acts 
 and councells 
 against kinge 
 Xerxes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 departing out of the lie of iEgina with a marvelous boldenes, 
 ventred through the middest of all the barbarous shippes 
 and fleete, and by good happe gotte in the night into 
 Themistocles tent, and calling him out, spake with him there 
 in this sorte : Themistocles, if we be both wise, it is high 
 time we shoulde nowe leave of this vaine envie and spite we 
 have longe time borne eche other, and that we should enter 
 into an other sorte of envy more honorable and profitable 
 for us both. I meane, which of us two should do his best 
 indevor to save Greece : you, by ruling and commaunding all 
 like Lieutenant generall : and I, by counselling you for the 
 best, and executing your commaundement : consideringe you 
 are the man alone that will roundliest come unto the point 
 that is best : which is in my opinion, that we shoulde hazard 
 battell by sea within the straight of Salamina, and that as 
 soone as might be possible. But if our frendes and con- 
 federates do let this to be put in execution, I do assure you, 
 your enemies do helpe it forward. For it is sayd, that the 
 sea, both before and behinde us, and rounde about us, is 
 covered all over with their shippes, so as they that would not 
 before, shall be now compelled of force, and in spite of their 
 heartes, to fight and besturre them like men : bicause they 
 are compassed in all about, and there is no passage left 
 open for them to escape, nor to flie. Whereunto Themistocles 
 aunswered : I am sory, Aristides, that herein your honesty 
 appeareth greater then mine : but since it is so, that you 
 have deserved the honor in beginning, and procuring such an 
 honorable and commendable strife betwene us, I will hence- 
 forth indevor my selfe to excede you in continuing this your 
 desire. After which aunswere, he told Aristides, how he 
 purposed to mocke the barbarous kinge, and prayed him to 
 intreate Eurybiades to yelde to his devise, and to perswade 
 him that there was no other way to save Greece, but to fight 
 by sea : for Eurybiades gave more creditte to Aristides per- 
 swasions, then he did to Themistocles wordes. For when all 
 the Captaines were called to counsell, to determine whether 
 they should geve battell or not : one Cleocritus Corinthian 
 sayd to Themistocles, that his counsell did not like Aristides 
 at all, as it seemed, bicause he spake never a worde to it 
 390 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 being present. Aristides answered him straight, that he 
 utterly mistooke him. For, quod he, if I did not thinke his 
 counsell good, I would not hold my peace as I do : but now 
 I am mute, not for any good will I beare him, but bicause I 
 finde his counsell wise and sounde. While the Captaines of 
 the Greecians were reasoning in this sorte, Aristides seeing 
 Psyttalea (a litle Ilande before Salamina within the straight) 
 full of men of warre of their enemies : imbarked immediatly 
 the valliantest and lustiest souldiers he hadde of all his contry 
 men, into the least foystes or pynnasies he had among all his 
 gaily es : and went with them, and landed in that lie, and 
 overthrewe all the barbarous people he founde there, and put 
 them to the sworde every man, taking the chiefest of them 
 only prisoners, among which, were three sonnes of Sandauce, 
 the kinges sister, whome he sent unto Themistocles. These 
 three Lordes were all slaine by the commaundement of 
 Euphrantidas the Soothsayer, and sacrificed to Bacchus 
 Omestes, as to say, the cruell Bacchus, and eater of raw flesh, 
 and all upon an oracle they had received. That done, 
 Aristides dispersed his souldiers about the He, to receive all 
 such as were by fortune of warre, or of the sea, cast into the 
 Ilande : to the end that no enemy of theirs should scape 
 their hands, nor any of his frendes should perish. For the 
 greatest fleete of all their shippes, and the sharpest encounter 
 of the whole bat tell, was about this litle Ilande : and there- 
 fore the tokens of triumphe were set there. After the 
 battell was wonne, Themistocles to feele Aristides opinion, 
 sayed unto him : We have done a good peece of service, but 
 yet there is an other behinde of greater importance, and that 
 is this : We must bringe all Asia into Europe, which we 
 may easily do, if we saile with all speede to the straight of 
 Hellespont, and go breake the bridge the king hath made 
 there. Then Aristides cried out, Stay there, never speake of 
 that : but I pray you let us rather seeke al the wayes we can, 
 how to drive this barbarous king out of Greece, least if we 
 kepe him in still with so great an army (and he shall see no 
 way before him to escape out) we drive him then to fight 
 like a desperate man, and perill our selves, we can not tell 
 to what. When Themistocles had hearde his opinion, he 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 Aristides 
 wordes of 
 Themistocles. 
 
 Aristides 
 victory at 
 Psyttalea. 
 
 Aristides wise 
 counsell for 
 Xerxes flying 
 out of Greece. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 A strata- 
 geame of 
 Themistocles. 
 
 Xerxes left 
 Mardonius 
 his Lieuten- 
 ant in Greece 
 with 300000 
 men. 
 
 / 
 
 The noble 
 minde of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 secretely sent the euenuke Arnaces his prisoner, unto kinge 
 Xerxes, to advertise him from him, that he had altered the 
 Greecians purpose, which was fully bent to have broken up 
 the bridge he hadde made at the straight of Hellespont, to 
 passe over his army : and that he was the willinger to let 
 him understande it, that he might the better provide for 
 the safety of his person. King Xerxes being netled with 
 this advertisement, tooke straight his jorney, and with all 
 speede went to recover the straight of Hellespont, and left 
 Mardonius his Lieutenant general in Greece, with three 
 hundred thowsand of the best souldiers of his army. This 
 Mardonius was marvelously dreaded of all the Greecians, for 
 the wonderfull great army he hadde by lande, and he did 
 threaten them also by his letters he wrote unto them. You 
 have, (sayed he) with your shippes by sea, overcome men 
 acquainted to fight by lande, and that never handeled ower : 
 but now, the plaines of Thessalie, or the fieldes of Bceotia, 
 are very fayer and large for horsemen and footemen to make 
 proofe of their valliantnes, if you will come to the battell in 
 the field. He wrote letters to the Athenians, by the kinge 
 his maisters commaundement, of other effect, and offered 
 them from him, to builde up their city againe, to geve them 
 a great pencion, and furthermore to make them Lordes of 
 all Greece, so they woulde geve over, and leave of these 
 warres. The Lacedaemonians beinge forthwith advertised 
 of his letters wrytten to the Athenians, and fearing least 
 they would have bene perswaded by them : sent their Ambas- 
 sadors with al speede to Athens, to pray them to send their 
 wives and children unto Sparta, and also to offer them 
 vittailles, to relieve their poore olde people, bicause of the 
 great scarcity that was at Athens, for that their city was 
 burnt and rased, and all their contry besides destroyed by 
 the barbarous people. The Athenians having heard the 
 offers of the Ambassadors of Lacedaemon, made them a 
 marvelous answer through Aristides counsell, and this it was. 
 That they bare with the barbarous people, though they 
 thought all thinges were to be sold for gold and silver, 
 bicause they esteemed nothing more pretious, nor better in 
 this world, then to be riche and wealthy : but on the other 
 392 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 side, they were greatly offended with the Lacedaemonians, ARISTIDES 
 that they only regarded the present poverty and necessity 
 of the Athenians, and did forget their vertue and noble 
 corage, thinking to make them fight more valliantly for the 
 preservacion of Greece, by offering them vittells to live 
 withall. The people approving this aunswere, Aristides then 
 caused the Ambassadors of Sparta to come to the assembly, 
 and commaunded them to tell the Lacedaemonians by worde 
 of mouth, that all the golde above, or under the grounde, 
 coulde not corrupt the Athenians, to make them take any 
 summe of money or reward, to leave the defence of the 
 liberty of Greece : and to the herauld that came from Mar- 
 donius, he shewed him the sunne, and sayd unto him : so 
 long as yonder sunne keepeth his course about the worlde, 
 so long will the Athenians be mortall enemies unto the 
 Persians, bicause they have spoyled and destroyed all their 
 contry, and have defiled and burnt the temples of their 
 goddes. Besides, he willed that the Priestes, by commaunde- 
 ment of the people, shoulde excommunicate and curse him 
 that woulde procure them to sende unto the Persians to 
 make peace with them, and to breake their league and 
 allyance with the other Greecians. Hereupon, when Mar- 
 donius came againe the seconde time to overrunne the contry 
 of Attica : the Athenians got them againe into the lie of 
 Salamina, and then they sent Aristides Ambassador unto the 
 Lacedaemonians. He sharpely tooke them up, and reproved 
 their sloth and negligence, bicause they had againe forsaken 
 Athens, and left it to the spoyle of the barbarous people : 
 and prayed them yet they woulde looke to save the rest of 
 Greece. The Ephori (which were certeine officers that ruled 
 all things within the city of Sparta) when they had hearde 
 Aristides perswasions : straight tooke order for ayde, though 
 it appeared they did nothing all day but play, and make 
 good cheere, keeping that day one of their solemne feastes 
 they called Hyacinthia. Howebeit the next night following, 
 they sent out five thowsande citizens borne in Sparta, into 
 the fielde, all proper men and valliant souldiers, every one of 
 them carying with him, seven Ilotes (which are the contry 
 men and slaves in the contrie of Lacedsemonia) not making 
 2 : DDD 393 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 Lieutenant 
 generall of 
 the Atheni- 
 ans against 
 Mardonius. 
 
 Pausanias 
 king of Lace- 
 daemon, gene- 
 rall of all 
 Greece. 
 
 Asopus flu. 
 
 Oracles of 
 the victory 
 of Plataees. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the Ambassadors of Athens privy to it at all. Wherefore 
 Aristides came againe an other time into their counsell, to 
 complaine of their negligence. But they fell a laughinge, 
 and sayd he dreamed, or else he mocked them : for their 
 army which they had sent against the straungers (for so they 
 called the Persians) was already at the city of Orestion in 
 Arcadia. Aristides hearing their aunswere, replyed, that 
 they were to blame to mocke them in that sorte, to sende 
 away their men so secretly, that they might not knowe of it : 
 and that it was no time for them now to go about to deceive 
 their frendes, but their enemies rather. Idomeneus in his 
 story reporteth the matter thus in every point. Notwith- 
 standing, in the decree that was made to sende Ambassadors 
 to Sparta, Aristides is not named for Ambassador, but there 
 are other appointed : as Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides. 
 Afterwardes Aristides was chosen by voyces of the people, 
 Lieutenant generall of the army of Athens, in this warre 
 against the Persians, and went unto the campe of the 
 Greecians by the citie of Plataees, with eight thousand e 
 footemen wel armed and appointed. There he found king 
 Pausanias the only general of all the whole power and army 
 of the Greecians, who brought with him the force of Sparta : 
 and there came daily into his campe one after an other, a 
 marvelous great multitude of other Greecians. Now touch- 
 ing the army of the barbarous people, they incamped all 
 alongest the river of Asopus : but bicause their campe 
 stretched out a marvelous way in length, they were not 
 intrenched at all, but had onely fortified a peece of grounde 
 foure square with a walle about, which was ten furlonges on 
 every side, to place all their cariage and chiefest thinges in. 
 And for the Greecians againe, the soothsayer Tisamenus, 
 borne in the city of Elide, had told Pausanias, and all the 
 Greecians together, that they should have the victory, so 
 they did not assault at all, but only defend. And Aristides, 
 that had sent to the oracle of Apollo at Delphes, in the 
 name of the Athenians, had aunswer : they should overcome 
 their enemies, so they did sacrifice and make speciall prayers, 
 unto Iupiter and Iuno of mount Cithaeron, unto Pan, and 
 unto the Nymphes Sphragitides, and also unto the demy 
 394 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 gods, Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, 
 Actseon, and Polyidus : and so that they did hazard battel 
 also within their owne territories, and in the plaine of Ceres 
 Eleusinian, and of Proserpina. This oracle troubled Aristides 
 marvelously, bicause the demy goddes whome they had com- 
 maundement to do sacrifice unto, were the fownders and 
 auncesters of the Plataeians : and the cave of the Nymphes 
 Sphragitides, is one of the toppes of mount Cithaeron, look- 
 ing towards the west, where the sunne setteth in sommer. 
 They say there was an oracle there in old time, whose spirit 
 possessed many inhabitants thereabouts, and bestraught 
 them of their wittes : whereupon, they called those so pos- 
 sessed, Nympholepty, as who would say, taken with the 
 Nymphes. And againe to tel the Athenians they shoulde 
 have the victory, so they did hazard battell in the plaine of 
 Ceres Eleusinian, and within their owne territorie : it was 
 even to sende them backe againe into the contry of Attica. 
 Aristides being thus perplexed, Arimnestus Captaine of the 
 Plataeians, hadde such a vision in the night in his sleepe. 
 Him thought that Iupiter the savior did appeare unto him, 
 and asked him what the Greecians intended to do ? and that 
 he answered : my Lord, we must to morrowe remove our 
 campe into the territories of Eleusin, and there we will fight 
 with the barbarous people, accordinge to the commaunde- 
 ment the oracle Apollo hath geven us. Then that Iupiter 
 replyed, that they were greatly deceaved : for all that Apollo 
 had declared by his oracle was ment within the territorie of 
 the Plataeians, and that they shoulde finde it true, if they 
 considered it well. Arimnestus havinge plainely seene this 
 vision in his sleepe, when he did awake in the morning, he 
 straight sent for the oldest citizens, and consideringe with 
 them where this place shoulde be, he founde at the length, 
 that at the foote of mount Cithaeron, by the city of Nysia, 
 there was an olde temple they called the temple of Ceres 
 Eleusinian, and of her daughter Proserpina. When he 
 hearde them say so, he went straight and tolde Aristides 
 of it, and founde that it was an excellent place to set an 
 army in battell raye, that hadde but fewe horsemen : for that 
 the foote of mount Cithaeron did lette the horsemen, they 
 
 395 ' 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 The Nymphes 
 Sphragitides. 
 
 Arymnestus 
 
 dreame. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 The magna- 
 nimity of the 
 Plataeians. 
 
 Alexander 
 the great doth 
 honor the 
 Plataeians for 
 their noble 
 mindes. 
 
 Strife betwene 
 the Athenians 
 and Tegeates. 
 
 Aristides 
 wisely paci- 
 fieth the 
 mutinie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 coulde not goe to the place where the temple stoode, and 
 where the playne and valley did ende : besides also, that the 
 chappell of Androcrates was even in that place, which was 
 all hidden with thicke wodde rounde about it. And bicause 
 they shoulde lacke nothing to hinder the expresse com- 
 maundement of the oracle for hope of victory : the Plataeians 
 (through Arimnestus counsell and advise) made a common 
 decree, that the confines of the city of Plataees should be 
 taken away towardes Athens side, and that the lande thereof 
 shoulde be geven clearely unto the Athenians, bicause they 
 shoulde fight with the barbarous people in their owne 
 lande, for the defence and preservation of Greece, accord- 
 inge to the commaundement of the oracle. This noble 
 gift and present of the Plataeians was so famous, as many 
 yeares after, king Alexander the great having conquered 
 the Empire of Asia, built up the walles againe of the 
 city of Plataees, and when he had done, made a heraulde 
 openly proclaime it at the games Olympicall: that Alex- 
 ander hadde done the Plataeians that honor and dignitie, 
 for a memoriall and honor of their magnanimity. Bicause 
 in the warre against the Persians, they had freely and liberally 
 geven away their lande unto the Athenians, for the safetie 
 of the Greecians : and had shewed them selves of a noble 
 corage also, and very willinge to defende the state of Greece. 
 Now when the army of the Greecians came to be sette in 
 order of battell, there fell a strife betwene the Athenians 
 and the Tegeates, bicause the Athenians would nedes (ac- 
 cording to their old custome) have the left wing of the 
 battell, if the Lacedaemonians had the right winge : and the 
 Tegeates on the contrary parte, woulde have the prehemin- 
 ence before the Athenians, alleaging the famous acts and 
 notable service of their auncesters in former warres, where- 
 upon the Athenians did mutine. But Aristides stept be- 
 twene them, and told them, that it was no time now to 
 contende with the Tegeates about their nobility and valliant- 
 nesse : and as for you, my Lords of Sparta, sayed he, and 
 you also my maisters of Greece : we tell you, that the place 
 neither geveth nor taketh vertue away, and we doe assure 
 you that wheresoever you place us, we will so defend and 
 396 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 kepe it, as we will not impayre nor blemish the honor we 
 have wonne in former foughten battells, and gotten victories. 
 For we are not come hither to quarell and fall out with our 
 trends, but to fight with our common enemies : nor to bragge 
 of our ancesters doings, but to show our selves valliant in 
 defence of al Greece. For this battail wil make good proofe 
 to all the Greecians, how much estimacion every city, every 
 Captaine, and particular person wil deserve for his parte. 
 When Aristides had spoken, the Captaines and all other of 
 the counsel concluded in favor of the Athenians, that they 
 should have one of the winges of the battell. But by this 
 meanes, all Greece stoode in marvelous garboyle at that 
 time, and the state of the Athenians specially in great 
 daunger. For a number of the noblest citizens of Athens. 
 And that brought great substance with them to the warres, 
 being now at low state, and in poverty, their goods being 
 spent and gone, and seeing them selves discountenanced, not 
 bearing that rule and authority in the common wealth they 
 were wont to do, bicause other were called to authority, and 
 preferred to the offices of the citie : they gathered together, 
 and met at a house in the city of Plataees, and there con- 
 spyred to overthrow the authority of the people at Athens : 
 and if they could not obtaine their purpose, then that they 
 would rather loose all, and betray their contry unto the 
 barbarous people. While these thinges were practised in 
 the campe, many beinge of the conspiracy, Aristides came 
 to an Incklinge of it, and was marvelously afrayed, bicause 
 of the time: wherefore he beganne to be carefull of the 
 matter, being of such importance as it was, and yet would 
 not be curious to understand the whole conspiracy, litle 
 knowing what a number might be drawen into this treason, 
 if it were narrowly looked into, but rather respected that 
 which was just, then what was profitable for the time. So 
 he caused eight person es only of the great number to be 
 apprehended, and of these eight, the two first whom they 
 would have indited as principalles, and were most to be 
 burdened for the conspiracy, iEschines of the towne of 
 Lampra, and Egesias of the towne of Acharna, they founde 
 meanes to flie out of the campe, and to save themselves. 
 
 397 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 The con- 
 spiracy of 
 the rich 
 noble men 
 of Athens. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Mount 
 
 Cithaeron. 
 
 Masistius 
 generall of 
 the horsemen 
 of the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 And for the other, Aristides set them at liberty, and gave 
 them occasion that were not discovered, to be bold, and to 
 repent them of their follies : saying, that the battell should 
 be their judge, where they should purge them selves of all 
 accusations layed against them, and show the world also, that 
 they never had any other intencion but honest, and good, 
 towards their contry. Mardonius, to prove the corage of 
 the Greecians, had sent all his horsemen, (wherein he was 
 farre stronger then the Greecians) to skirmish with them. 
 Who were lodged at the foote of mount Cithaeron, in strong 
 places and full of stones, saving the three thowsande Mega- 
 rians, that camped in the plaine : by reason whereof, they 
 were sore troubled and hurt, by the horsemen of the bar- 
 barous people that sette uppon them on every side, for they 
 might charge them where they woulde. Insomuch, in the 
 ende, perceivinge they alone could no longer resist the force 
 of so great a multitude of the barbarous people : they sent 
 with all speede possible to Pausanias, to pray him to send 
 them present aide. Pausanias hearing this newes, and see- 
 ing in his owne sight the campe of the Megarians almost 
 all covered with shot and dartes which the barbarous people 
 threw at them, and that they were compelled to stand close 
 together in a litle corner : he wist not what to do. For, to 
 go thither in person with the Lacedaemonians that were 
 footemen heavy armed, he thought that was no way to help 
 them. So he proved to put some ambitious desire and envy 
 of honor, among the private Captaines and generalls of the 
 army of the other Greecians, which were then about him : 
 to see if he coulde move any mans corage and desire, to offer 
 him selfe willingly to goe aide the Megarians. Howebeit 
 they had all deafe eares, but Aristides : who promised to go 
 in the name of the Athenians, and brought Olympiodorus 
 into the fielde, (one of the valliantest Captaines that served 
 under him) with his company of three hundred chosen men, 
 and certaine shot mingled amongest them. These souldiers 
 were ready in a moment, and marched straight in battell 
 ray, a great pace towards the barbarous people. Masistius, 
 that was generall of the horsemen of the Persians, a goodly 
 tall man, perceiving their comming towards him : turned his 
 398 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 horse, and gallopped to them. The Athenians taried him, ARISTIDES 
 
 and kept their ground, and the encounter was very hotte, 
 
 bicause both the one and the other side did the best they 
 
 could at this first onset to put the rest of the battell in 
 
 jeopardy: and they fought so long, that Masistius horse 
 
 was shot through the body with an arrow, that put him to 
 
 such paine, as he never lin flinging, till he cast his maister 
 
 on the ground, armed as he was at all peces. So being on 
 
 the ground, he could not rise againe, as well for the waight 
 
 of his armor, as for that the Athenians came so sodainely 
 
 upon him. And notwithstanding there were many about 
 
 him to hew him in peces, yet they could find no way how to 
 
 kill him, he was so throughly armed and loden with gold, 
 
 copper, and iron, not only uppon his body and his heade, 
 
 but also on his legges and armes : untill at the length there 
 
 was one that thrust the head of his dart through his bever, 
 
 and so killed him. The Persians perceiving that, fled im- Masistius 
 
 mediatly, and forsooke the body of their generall. Shortly s y J?'l Iie 
 
 after it appeared to the Greecians that they had sped well enians. 
 
 at this skirmishe, not bicause they had slaine many enemies, 
 
 but for the great lamentacion the barbarous people made 
 
 for the losse of Masistius. For his death did so greve them, 
 
 that they powled themselves, they clipped of their horse and 
 
 moyles heares, and filled besides all the field therabouts with 
 
 pitiefull cries and shreekes, as those that had lost the val- 
 
 liantest and chiefest man of authority of all their campe, 
 
 next unto Mardonius the kings Lieutenant. After this first 
 
 skirmish, both the one and the other side kept their campe, 
 
 and would not come into the field many dayes after : for the 
 
 Soothsayers did promise both sides the victory, as much the 
 
 Persians, as the Greecians, so they did but onely defend : 
 
 and contrarywise, they did threaten them to be overthrowen, 
 
 that did assault. But Mardonius finding vittells waxed 
 
 scant, and that they were stored but for few dayes, and 
 
 moreover how the Greecians daily grewe stronger by con- 
 
 tinuall repayre to their campe, the lenger he delayed : in 
 
 the end he resolved to tary no lenger, but to passe the river 
 
 of Asopus the next morning by breake of day, and sodainly 
 
 to set apon the Greecians. So he gave the Captaines warn- 
 
 399 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Alexander 
 kinge of Ma- 
 cedon, reveal - 
 eth the Per- 
 sians secrete 
 counsell unto 
 Aristides. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ing the night before what they should do, bicause every man 
 should be redy : but about midnight there came a horseman 
 without any noyse at all, so neere to the Greecians campe, 
 that he spake to the watch e, and told them he would speake 
 with Aristides, generall of the Athenians. Aristides was 
 called for straight, and when he came to him, the horseman 
 said unto Aristides : I am Alexander king of Macedon, who 
 for the love and great good will I beare you, have put my 
 self in the greatest daunger that may be, to come at this 
 present time to advertise you, that to morrow morning 
 Mardonius will give you battel : bicause your enemies sodaine 
 comming apon you, should not make you afrayd, being 
 sodainly charged, and should not hinder also your valliant 
 fightinge. For it is no new hope that is come to Mardonius, 
 that makes him to fight : but only scarcety of vittells that 
 forceth him to do it, considering that the prognosticators 
 are all against it that he should geve you battel, both by 
 reason of the il tokens of their sacrifices, as also by the 
 aunswers of their oracles, which hath put all the armie in a 
 marvelous feare, and stande in no good hope at all. Thus 
 he is forced to putte all at adventure, or else if he will 
 needes lye still, to be starved to death for very famine. 
 After king Alexander hadde imparted this secrete to Aris- 
 tides, he prayed him to keepe it to him selfe, and to re- 
 member it in time to come. Aristides aunswered him then, 
 that it was no reason he shoulde keepe a matter of so great 
 importance as that, from Pausanias, who was their Lieutenant 
 generall of the whole armie : notwithstandinge, he promised 
 him he woulde tell it no man else before the battell, and that if 
 the goddes gave the Greecians the victorie, he did assure him, 
 they should all acknowledge his great favor and good will 
 shewed unto them. After they hadde talked thus together, 
 kinge Alexander left him, and returned backe againe : and Aris- 
 tides also went immediatly to Pausanias tent, and tolde him 
 the talke kinge Alexander and he hadde together. Thereupon 
 the private Captaines were sent for straight to counsaill, and 
 there order was geven, that every manne shoulde have his 
 bandes ready, for they shoulde fight in the morninge. So 
 Pausanias at that time (as Herodotus wryteth) sayed unto 
 400 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Aristides, that he woulde remove the Athenians from the left ARISTIDES 
 to the right winge, bicause they shoulde have the Persians 
 them selves right before them, and that they shoulde fight 
 so much the lustier, both for that they were acquainted with 
 their fight, as also bicause they hadde overcommed them 
 before in the first encounter : and that him selfe would take 
 the left winge of the battell, where he shoulde encounter with 
 the Greecians that fought on the Persians side. But when 
 all the other private Captaines of the Athenians understoode 
 it, they were marvelous angrie with Pausanias, and sayed 
 he did them wronge, and hadde no reason to lette all the 
 other Grecians keepe their place where they were alwayes 
 appointed, and onely to remove them, as if they were slaves, 
 to be appointed at his pleasure, now of one side, then of the 
 other, and to sette them to fight with the valliantest souldiers 
 they had of all their enemies. Then sayed Aristides to 
 them, that they knewe not what they sayed, and how before 
 they misliked, and did strive with the Tegeates, onely for 
 havinge the left wing of the battell, and when it was 
 graunted, they thought them selves greatly honored that 
 they were preferred before them, by order of the Captaines : 
 and nowe where the Lacedaemonians were willing of them 
 selves to geve them the place of the right winge, and did 
 in maner offer them the preheminence of the whole armie : 
 they do not thankefully take the honor offered them, nor 
 yet doe recken of the vantage and benefitte geven them to 
 fight against the Persians selves, their auncient enemies, and 
 not against their natural contry men anciently discended of 
 them. When Aristides had used all these perswasions unto 
 them, they were very well contented to chaunge place with 
 the Lacedaemonians : and then all the talke amonge them 
 was to encorage one an other, and to tell them that the 
 Persians that came against them, had no better hartes nor 
 weapons, then those whom they before hadde overcome, in 
 the plaine of Marathon. For sayed they, they have the 
 same bowes, the same riche imbrodered gownes, the same 
 golden chaines and carcanettes of womanishe persones, hang- 
 ing on their cowardly bodies and faint hartes : where we have 
 also the same weapons and bodies we hadde, and our hartes 
 2 : EEE 401 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 The treason 
 of the The- 
 bans. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 more lively and coragious then before, through the sundrie 
 victories we have since gotten of them. Further, we have 
 this advantage more. That we doe not fight as our other 
 confederates the Greecians do, for our city and contry 
 onely, but also to continewe the fame and renowme of our 
 former noble service, which we wanne at the jomeys of 
 Marathon and of Salamina : to the ende the worlde shoulde 
 not thinke that the glory of these triumphes and victories 
 was due unto Miltiades onely, or unto fortune, but unto the 
 corage and worthinesse of the Athenians. Thus were the 
 Greecians throughly occupied to chaunge the order of their 
 battell in hast. The Thebans on the other side that tooke 
 parte with Mardonius, receiving intelligence of the alter- 
 inge of their battell, by traytors that ranne betwene both 
 campes : they straight tolde Mardonius of it. He thereupon 
 did sodainly also chaunge the order of his battell, and placed 
 the Persians from the right winge to the left winge of his 
 enemies : either bicause he was afrayed of the Athenians, or 
 else for greater glorie that he hadde a desire to fight with 
 the Lacedaemonians, and commaunded the Greecians that 
 tooke his parte, that they shoulde fight against the Athenians. 
 This alteracion was so openly done, that everie manne might 
 see it : whereuppon Pausanias removed the Lacedaemonians 
 againe, and sette them in the right winge. Mardonius see- 
 inge that, removed the Persians againe from the left winge, 
 and brought them to the right winge (where they were 
 before) against the Lacedaemonians : and thus they consumed 
 all that day in chaunginge their men to and fro. So the 
 Captaines of the Greecians sate in counsel at night, and 
 there they agreed, that they must nedes remove their campe, 
 and lodge in some other place where they might have water 
 at commaundement : bicause their enemies did continually 
 trouble and spoyle that water they had about them, with 
 their horses. Now when night came, the Captaines woulde 
 have marched away with their men, to go to the lodginge 
 they had appointed : but the people went very ill willinge 
 to it, and they hadde much a do to keepe them together. 
 For they were no sooner out of the trenches and fortifica- 
 tion of their campe, but the most parte of them ranne to 
 402 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the citie of Plataees, and were marvelously out of order, dis- 
 persing them selves here and there, and set up their tents 
 where they thought good, before the places were appointed 
 for them : and there were none that taried behinde, but 
 the Lacedaemonians onely, and that was against their willes. 
 For one of their Captaines called Amompharetus, a mar- 
 velous hardie man, that feared no daunger, and longed sore 
 for battell : he was in such a rage with these triflinge delayes, 
 that he cried it out in the campe, that this removinge was 
 a goodly runninge away, and sware he woulde not from 
 thence, but woulde there tary Mardonius comminge with his 
 companie. Pausanias went to him, and tolde him he must 
 doe that the other Greecians hadde consented to in counsell, 
 by most voyces. But Amompharetus tooke a great stone in 
 his handes, and threw it downe at Pausanias feete, and told 
 him there is the signe I geve to conclude battel, and I passe 
 not for all your cowardly conclusions. Amompharetus stub- 
 bornnesse did so amaze Pausanias, that he was at his wittes 
 ende. So he sent unto the Athenians that were onwardes 
 on their way, to pray them to tary for him, that they might 
 goe together : and therewithall made the rest of his menne 
 to marche towardes the citie of Plataees, supposinge thereby 
 to have drawen Amompharetus to have followed him, or else 
 he ment to remaine alone behinde. But in triflinge thus, 
 the day brake : and Mardonius understandinge that the 
 Greecians did forsake their first lodging, he made his army 
 presently marche in battell ray to sette apon the Lacedae- 
 monians. So the barbarous people made great showtes and 
 cries, not thinking to goe fight, but to goe sacke and spoyle 
 the Greecians flyinge away, as in deede they did litle better. 
 For, Pausanias seeinge the countenaunce of his enemies, made 
 his ensignes to stay, and commaunded every man to prepare 
 to fight : but he forgate to geve the Greecians the signall of 
 the battell, either for the anger he tooke against Amom- 
 pharetus, or for the sodayne onset of the enemies, which 
 made them that they came not in straight, nor altogether 
 to the battell after it was begonne, but stragglinge in small 
 companies, some here, and some there. In the meane time, 
 Pausanias was busie in sacrificinge to the goddes, and seeinge 
 
 403 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 The stubborn- 
 nes of Amom- 
 pharetus Cap- 
 taine of the 
 Lacedaemo- 
 nians. 
 
 The battell of 
 the Greecians, 
 with the Per- 
 sians, at the 
 city of Pla- 
 taees. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Callicrates 
 slaine with- 
 out fighting. 
 
 Note the obe- 
 dience of the 
 Spartan soul- 
 diers unto 
 death. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that the first sacrifices were not acceptable unto them, by 
 the Soothsayers observations they made : he commaunded 
 the Spartans to throwe their targettes at their feete, and 
 not to sturre out of their places, but onely to doe as he bad 
 them, without resistinge their enemies. When he hadde 
 geven this straight order, he went againe and did sacrifice, 
 when the horsemen of the enemies were at handey and that 
 their arrowes flewe amongest the thickest of the Lacedae- 
 monians, and did hurte diverse of them, and specially poore 
 Callicrates amonge the rest, that was one of the goodliest 
 menne in all the Greecians hoste and armie. He having his 
 deathes wounde with an arrow, before he gave uppe the 
 ghost, sayed his death did not greve him, bicause he came 
 out of his contrie to dye for the defence of Greece : but it 
 greved him to dye so cowardly, havinge geven the enemie 
 never a blowe. His death was marvelous lamentable, and 
 the constancy of the Spartans wonderfull : for they never 
 stirred out of their places, nor made any countenaunce to 
 defende them selves against their enemies that came apon 
 them, but suffred them selves to be thrust through with 
 arrowes, and slaine in the field, lookinge for the houre the 
 goddes would appoint them, and that their Captaine would 
 commaunde them to fight. Some wryte also, that as Pau- 
 sanias was at his prayers, and doing sacrifice unto the goddes 
 a litle behinde the battell, certeine of the Lydians came apon 
 him, and overthrew and tooke away all his sacrifice: and 
 how Pausanias, and those that were about him, (havinge 
 no other weapons in their handes) drave them awaye with 
 force of staves and whippes. In memorie whereof, they saye 
 there is a solemne procession kept at Sparta on that daye, 
 which they call the Lydians procession, where they whippe 
 and beate younge boyes about the aulter. Then was Pau- 
 sanias in great distresse, to see the Priestes offer sacrifice 
 uppon sacrifice, and that not one of them pleased the goddes : 
 at the last he turned his eyes to the temple of Iuno, and 
 wept, and holdinge up his handes, besought Iuno Cithaeron, 
 and all the other goddes, (patrones and protectors of the 
 contry of the Plataeians) that if it were not the will of the 
 goddes the Greecians shoulde have the victorie, yet that the 
 404 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 conquerors at the least should buie their deathes dearely, 
 and that they shoulde finde they fought against valliant 
 men and worthy souldiers. Pausanias had no sooner ended 
 his prayer, but the sacrifices fell out very favorable, insomuch 
 the Priestes and Soothsayers came to promise him victory. 
 Thereupon, he straight gave commaundement to march 
 toward the enemy, which flew from man to man incontinently 
 how they shoulde march. So as he that hadde seene the 
 Squadron of the Lacedaemonians, would have said it had 
 bene like the body of a fierce beast raising up his bristels, 
 preparing to fight. Then the barbarous people saw they 
 shoulde have a hotte battel, and that they should mete with 
 men that would fight it out to the death : wherefore they 
 covered their bodies with great targets after the Persian 
 facion, and bestowed their arrowes lustely apon the Lacedae- 
 monians. But they keeping close together, and coveringe 
 them selves with their shieldes, marched on stil apon them, 
 untill they came to joyne with the enemy so lustely, that 
 they made their targets flie out of their hands, with the 
 terrible thrustes and blowes of their pikes and speares apon 
 their breastes, and overthwart their faces, that they slew 
 many of them, and layed them on the grounde. For all 
 that, they dyed not cowardly, but tooke the Lacedaemonians 
 pikes and speares in their bare hands, and brake them in two 
 by strength of their armes : and then they quickely pluckt 
 out their cimeters and axes, and lustely layed about them, 
 and wrong the Lacedaemonians shields out of their hands by 
 force, and fought it out with them a great while hand to hand. 
 Now, whilest the Lacedaemonians were busily fighting with 
 the barbarous people, the Athenians stoode still imbattelled 
 farre of, and kept their ground. But when they saw the 
 Lacedaemonians tary so long, and that they came not, and 
 heard a marvelous noyse of men as though they were fighting, 
 and besides that there came a speedy messenger unto them 
 sent from Pausanias, to let them understand they were fighting : 
 then they marched with all speede they could to help them. 
 But as they were comming on a great pace over the playne, 
 unto that parte where they heard the noyse : the Greecians 
 that were on Mardonius side came against them. Aristides 
 
 405 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 Battaill be- 
 twixt the 
 Greecians and 
 Persians. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 TheGreecians 
 victorie of 
 the Persians 
 at Plataees. 
 
 Mardonius 
 slaine of 
 Arimnestus 
 a Spartan, 
 with a blow 
 of a stone. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 seeing them comming towards them, went a good way before 
 his company, and cried out as loude as he could for life, and 
 conjured the Greecians in the name of the gods, the pro- 
 tectors of Greece, to leave of these warres, and not to trouble 
 the Athenians that were going to helpe them that ventured 
 their lives, to defend the common wealth and safety of all 
 Greece. But when he saw they would nedes fight for any 
 request and conjuration he could use, and that they came 
 still apon him, bending them selves to give charge : then he 
 stayed his going to relieve the Lacedaemonians, and was com- 
 pelled to make head against those that set apon him and his 
 company, they beinge about fifty thousand men, of the 
 which, the most parte notwithstanding went their waies, and 
 left the army, specially when they understoode the Persians 
 were overthrowen and fled. The fury of the battell, and 
 cruellest fight (as they say) was where the Thebans were : 
 bicause the nobility and chiefest men of the contry fought 
 very earnestly for the Persians, but the people refused, being 
 led by a smal nomber of the nobility that commaunded 
 them. So they fought that day in two places, the Lacedae- 
 monians being the first that overthrew the Persians, and 
 made them flie : and they slue Mardonius the kings lieu- 
 tenant, with a blow of a stone one Arimnestus a Spartan gave 
 him apon his head, rightly as the oracle of Amphiaraus had 
 prophecied before unto him. For Mardonius before the battel 
 had sent thither a Lydian, and a Carian, unto the oracle of 
 Trophonius, of the which, the prophet made answere unto 
 the Carian, in the Carian tonge : and the man of Lydia lay 
 within the sanctuary of Amphiaraus, where he thought in his 
 dreame that one of the priestes of the temple willed him to 
 go out of the place he was in, and he denying it, the Priest 
 tooke up a great stone and threw it at his head, and so 
 thought he was slaine with the blow. And thus it is written. 
 And furthermore, the Lacedaemonians did chase the Persians 
 flying, into their fortification they had in a wodde : and the 
 Athenians also shortly after overthrew the Thebans wherof 
 they slue in the field, a three hundred of the noblest and 
 chiefest of them. For even as the Thebans began to turne 
 tayle, newes came unto the Athenians, that the Persians had 
 406 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 intrenched them selves within their forte and strength in the ARISTIDES 
 wodde, where the Lacedaemonians did besiege them. The 
 Athenians suffered the Greecians that fled to save them 
 selves, and they went to help the Lacedaemonians, to take 
 the forte of the barbarous people : who went before but 
 slenderly about it, bicause they had no experience to make 
 an assault, nor force upon a walle. But so soone as the 
 Athenians came into them, they straight tooke it by assault, 
 and made great slaughter of the Persians and barbarous 
 people. For of three hundred thowsand fighting men that Two hundred 
 Mardonius had in his campe, there were saved only but forty and three 
 thowsand led under Artabazus: and of the Greecians side, and Persians 
 there were not slaine above thirtene hundred and three score s i a i n . 
 in all, amongst which also there were two and fifty Athenians, A thowsande 
 all of the tribe of ^Eantides, the which had done more three hun- 
 valliantly that day, then any other tribe, as Clidemus threescore 
 writeth. And this is the cause why the iEantides made Greecians 
 a solemne sacrifice unto the Nymphes Sphragitides, at the slaine. 
 common charge, according to the order geven them by 
 the oracle of Apollo, to geve them thankes for this victorie. 
 
 Of the Lacedaemonians there dyed foure score and eleven : 
 and of the Tegeates, sixteene. But I marvell Herodotus 
 sayth, that none but these people onely fought in that jorney 
 against the barbarous nation, and no other Greecians besides : 
 for the number of the dead bodies, and their graves also do 
 shewe, that it was a generall victorie and exployte of all the 
 Greecians together. And moreover, if there had beene but 
 these three people onely that hadde fought against them, 
 and that all the rest had stoode and looked on, and done 
 nothinge : sure there had bene no such epigramme as this, 
 engraven apon the alter or tombe that was set up in the 
 place of the battell. 
 
 When the victorious Greekes, had driven out of their lande, 
 
 the Persians by force of armes, which long did them withstande, 
 
 they built to mighty love, this holy aulter here, 
 
 and made it commog for all Greece, as plainly may appeare. 
 
 in Guerdon of the good, which he did them restore, 
 
 in Guerdon of their liberty, which liked them evermore. 
 
 This battell was fought the fourth day of the moneth 
 
 407 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Strife betwixt 
 the Athenians 
 and Lacedae- 
 monians for 
 honor of the 
 victory. 
 
 Corinthe the 
 third city of 
 estimation in 
 Greece. 
 
 Sparta. 
 
 Athens. 
 
 Corinthe. 
 
 The Grecians 
 graunt the 
 honor of the 
 victory unto 
 the Plataeians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 which the Athenians call Boedromion, that is, about the 
 moneth of Iuly, or after the Boeotians accompt, the six 
 and twenty of the moneth, they call Panemus, on which 
 day there is yet kept a common assembly of the estates of 
 Greece, in the cities of Plataees, where the Plataeians make a 
 solemne sacrifice unto Iupiter, protector of their libertie, to 
 geve him thankes alwayes for this victorie. It is no marvaill 
 that there was such difference then betwixt the monethes 
 and dayes, consideringe that even nowe when astronomie is 
 more perfectly understanded, then it was then : some do yet 
 beginne and ende their monethes at one day, and some at an 
 other. After this great battel and overthrow of the bar- 
 barous people, there rose great strife betwixt the Athenians, 
 and the Lacedaemonians, touching the reward and honor 
 of the victorie. For the Athenians would not geve place 
 unto the Lacedaemonians, nor suffer them to set up any 
 tokens or signes of triumphe. Whereupon the Greecians 
 running to armes in mutinie together, by this occasion they 
 had almost spoyled one an other : had not Aristides through 
 his wisedom and wise perswasions, stayed, and quieted the 
 other Captaines his companions, and specially one Leocrates 
 and Myronides, whom he wanne with such discrete and 
 gentle words, that they were contented to referre it wholly 
 unto arbitrement and judgement of the other people of 
 Greece. So the Greecians met in the same place together, 
 purposely to decide their controversie. In this counsell 
 holden there, Theogiton a Captaine of the Megarians, sayd 
 for his opinion, that to avoide the civill warre might growe 
 betwene the Greecians apon this quarrell : he thought it 
 very requisite, to appoint over the reward and honor of this 
 victorie, unto some other city, then to any of the two that 
 fell out about it. After him rose up Cleocritus, Corinthian, 
 seeming to every man there that he woulde have requested 
 this honor for the cittie of Corinthe, beinge in deede the 
 thirde cittie in estimacion of all Greece, next unto Sparta and 
 Athens : howbeit he made an oration in commendacion of the 
 Plataeians, which was marvelously liked, and well thought of 
 of every man. For his opinion went flatly with the Plataeians, 
 that to ende this strife, they should geve the honor of this 
 408 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 victorie unto the citie of Plataees, and so woulde neither of ARISTIDES 
 both parties be angrie that they shoulde be honored. Apon 
 his wordes, Aristides first agreed on the Athenians behalfe, 
 and then Pausanias for the Lacedaemonians, that the Pla- 
 taeians should have the reward. Now they both beinge 
 agreed, before the spoyle was devided betwene them, they 
 sette aside foure score talentes that were geven to the 
 Plataeians, with the which they built a temple unto Minerva, 
 and gave her an image, and sett out all her temple with 
 pictures that remaine whole untill this day : and the Lace- 
 daemonians notwithstanding, did set up their tokens of 
 victorie by them selves, and the Athenians theirs also by 
 them selves. So, they sending unto the oracle of Apollo in 
 the city of Delphes, to know unto what gods, and how they 
 should do sacrifice : Apollo aunswered them that they shoulde 
 builde up an aulter unto Iupiter, protector of their libertie, 
 howbeit that they shoulde put no sacrifice upon it, untill 
 they had first put out all the fier through the whole contrie, 
 bicause it had bene polluted and defiled by the barbarous 
 people : and then, that they shoulde fetche pure and cleane 
 fyre at the common aulter, whereon they doe sacrifice unto 
 Apollo Pythias, in the city of Delphes. This aunswer being 
 delivered, the great Lords and officers of Greece went through 
 all the contrie, to put out the fyre every where. And there 
 was a man of the same city of Plataees at that time called 
 Euchidas, that came and offered him selfe, and promised The wonder- 
 he woulde bringe them fyre from the temple of Apollo ? Pf ede ° f 
 
 Pythias, with all possible speede that might be. So when pi^^iaif * e 
 he came to the city of Delphes, after he hadde sprinckled f 00 t e . 
 and purified his body with cleane water, he put a crowne of 
 lawrell apon his heade, and went in that manner to take fyre 
 from the aulter of Apollo. When he had done, he hyed 
 him againe as fast as he coulde ronne for life, unto the citie 
 of Plataees, and came thither before the sunne was set, 
 having commen and gone that day a thowsande furlonges. 
 
 But after he hadd saluted his citizens, and delivered them 
 the fyre he brought : he fell downe dead at their feete, and 
 gave up the ghost. The Plataeians lift him up starke deade, Diana 
 and buried him in the temple of Diana Euclia, to say, of Euclia. 
 
 2 : FFF 409 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Euchidas 
 
 death. 
 
 A generall 
 counsell 
 holden at 
 the city of 
 Plataees. 
 
 Solemne 
 sacrifices and 
 funeralls kept 
 by the Pla- 
 taeians yerely 
 for the Greec- 
 ians that 
 were slaine 
 at the battaill 
 of Plataees. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 good renowme : and caused afterwards this Epitaphe follow- 
 ing to be graven upon his tombe : 
 
 Engraved here doth lye, Euchidas speedy man, 
 
 who in one day both to and fro, to Delphes lightly ranne. 
 
 Even from this selfe same place, which thou doest here behold, 
 such hast, post hast, he swiftly made, thereof thou mayest 
 beholde. 
 
 Many thinke that this goddesse Euclia is Diana, and so 
 they call her. But other holde opinion she was the daughter 
 of Hercules, and of Myrto the Nymphe, Menaetius daughter, 
 and Patroclus sister, that dyed a virgine, and was honored 
 after wardes as a goddesse, of the Boeotians, and of the 
 Locrians. For in all their cities and townes in open places, 
 they finde an aulter and image dedicated unto her : and all 
 that are maried, doe sacrifice to her apon that aulter. After- 
 wards there was a generall counsell holden by all the 
 Greecians, in the which Aristides made a motion, that all 
 the cities of Greece shoulde yearely sende their deputies at a 
 certeine day appointed, unto the city of Plataees, there to 
 make their prayers and sacrifices unto the goddes : and that 
 from five yeares, to five yeares, they shoulde celebrate 
 common games, that should be called the games of liberty : 
 and that they should also leavy through all the provinces of 
 Greece, for maintenance of the warres against the Persians 
 and barbarous people, tenne thowsand footemen, a thowsand 
 horsemen, and a flete of a hundred sayle. Item that the 
 Plataeians thencefoorth should be taken also for devoute and 
 holy men, and that no man should so hardy hurt or offende 
 them, and that they shoulde onely tende the sacrifices unto 
 the goddes, for the health and prosperitie of Greece. All 
 which articles were enacted in forme and maner aforesayed, 
 and the Plataeians bounde them selves yearely to kepe 
 solemne sacrifices and anniversaries for the soules of the 
 Greecians that were slaine in their territories, fightinge for 
 defence of the libertie of the Greecians. And this they 
 observe yet unto this daye in this sorte. The sixteenth day 
 of the moneth of Maemacterion (which the Boeotians call 
 Alalcomenies, and is about the moneth of Ianuary) they goe 
 a procession, and before the procession there goeth a trom- 
 
 410 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 petor that soundeth the alarom. Then there follow certeine ARISTIDES 
 charrettes loden with braunches of fyrre tree, and with nose- 
 gayes and garlandes of triumphe : then a blacke bul, and 
 certeine yong gentlemen noble men sonnes, that cary great 
 cawdrons with two eares full of wine and milke, such as they 
 use to powre apon the graves of deade men for propiciatory 
 oblations, and other young boyes free borne, that cary oyles, 
 perfumes, and other sweete odours in vyoll glasses. For no 
 servaunt or bonde man may lawfully be admitted to have 
 any office about this mistery, for that they whose memory 
 they honor, dyed all fighting for defence of the liberty of 
 Greece. After all this shew, folio weth the provost of the 
 Plataeians for that time being, last of all : who may not all 
 the rest of the yeare besides so much as touch any iron, nor 
 weare any other coloured gowne but white. Howebeit then 
 he weareth on a purple coloured coate, and holdeth a funerall 
 potte in one of his handes, which he taketh in the towne 
 house, and a naked sworde in the other hande, and so goeth 
 through the cittie in this sorte after all the pompe aforesayed, 
 unto the church yarde where all their graves be that were 
 slaine at that battell. So when he commeth thither, he 
 draweth water out of a well that is there, and with the same 
 he washeth the fouresquare pillers and images that stand 
 apon those tombes, and then annointeth them with oyles and 
 sweete savors : afterwardes, he sacrificeth a bulle, and layeth 
 him apon a heape of wodde hard by him, as they do when 
 they burne the bodies of dead men, and making certaine 
 praiers and peticions unto Iupiter, and Mercurie, goddes of 
 the earth, he doth solemnely invite the soules of those valliant 
 men that dyed, fightinge for the liberty of Greece, unto the 
 feast of this funerall sacrifice. Then he taketh a cuppe full 
 of wine in his hande, and spilling it all upon their tombes, 
 he speaketh these wordes aloude : I drinke to the worthy and 
 valliant men, that dyed sometime in defence of the liberty 
 of Greece. This solemne ceremony and anniversarie, the 
 Plataeians doe duely observe unto this present day. Nowe 
 when the Athenians were returned to Athens, Aristides per- 
 ceiving the people were bent to stablish a populer state, 
 where the people might beare the whole rule and authoritie, 
 
 411 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides pre- 
 ferred the 
 popular state. 
 
 A wicked 
 devise of 
 Themistocles. 
 
 Aristides sen- 
 tence apon 
 Themistocles 
 devise. 
 
 The justice of 
 the Athen- 
 ians. 
 
 Aristides and 
 Cimon gene- 
 rails of the 
 Athenians 
 against the 
 barbarous 
 people. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 judginge them well worthy to be considered of, in respect of 
 their noble service and valiant courage they had shewed in 
 this warre : and considering also that they would hardly be 
 brought to like of any other government, being yet in armes, 
 and very stowte, by reason of the famous victories they had 
 obteyned : he caused a law to be made, that all authority of 
 government should runne in equality among the citizens, and 
 that thencefoorth all burgesses (as well poore as rich) should 
 be chosen by voyces of the people, and promoted to offices 
 within the city. And moreover, when Themistocles tolde in 
 open assembly, that he had a thing in his heade woulde be 
 greatly to the profit and commodity of the state, but yet it 
 was not to be spoken openly for diverse respects : the people 
 willed him to tell it unto Aristides onely, and to take his 
 advise in it, to knowe whether it was meete to be done or 
 not. Then Themistocles tolde him secretly betwene them, 
 that he thought to sette the arcenall afyre, where all the 
 Greecians ships lay : alleaging, that by this meanes the 
 Athenians should be the greatest men of power in all Greece. 
 Aristides hearinge that, without any more, came presently to 
 the people againe, and tolde the whole counsell openly : that 
 nothinge coulde be more profitable in deede for the whole 
 common wealth, and withal more wicked and unjust, then 
 that Themistocles thought good to do. When the people 
 heard Aristides aunswere, they willed Themistocles to lette 
 his devise alone whatsoever it were : so great j usticers were 
 the Athenians, and so much did they trust Aristides wisedom 
 and equitie besides. So they made Aristides afterwards 
 generall of the army of the Athenians together with Cimon, 
 and sent them to make warre against the barbarous people. 
 Aristides at his comming thither, seeing Pausanias, and the 
 other Captaines that were generals over the whole army, 
 dealinge hardly, and churlishely with people their confede- 
 rates : he on the contrary side, spake gently unto them, and 
 shewed him selfe as curteous and familiar to them as he 
 coulde possible, making his companion also familiar to all, 
 and j ust to every body, not oppressing one to ease other, in 
 defraying the charges of the warres. Aristides takinge this 
 course, it was not noted howe by litle and litle he cutte of 
 412 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the rule and authoritie of the Lacedaemonians in Greece, not ARISTIDES 
 by force of armes, nor by shippes, nor by numbers of horses, Aristides 
 but onely by his grave and wise government. For if the justice and 
 justice and vertue of Aristides, and the myldenes and curtesy fron^the 0 & 
 of Cimon made the government of the Athenians to be liked Lacedae- 
 of, and accepted of all the other people of Greece : the cove- monians all 
 tousnes, pride, and fiercenesse of Pausanias, made it much more their rule and 
 to be desired. For Pausanias never spake unto the other Cap- 
 taynes of the people, allyes, and confederates, but it was ever 
 in choller, and he was to sharp with them : and for the poore Pausanias 
 private souldiers, he woulde cause them to be cruelly whipped proude and 
 for every small offence, or else to make them stande a whole covetous, 
 day together on their feete, layinge a heavy iron ancker Pausanias 
 apon their shoulders. No man durst goe forrage, neither cruellpunish- 
 for strawe nor reedes to make them couches of, nor durst * n & ofhis 
 water their horse before the Spartans : for he had sette 
 skowtes for them to whippe them home, that went out 
 before them. And one day when Aristides thought to have 
 spoken to him, and to have tolde him some thinge : he 
 frowned apon him, and sayed he hadde no leasure to speake 
 with him now, and so would not heare him. Whereupon 
 the Captaines of the other Greecians, and specially those 
 of Chio, of Samos, and of Lesbos, did afterwardes follow 
 Aristides, and perswaded him to take apon him the charge 
 and authority to commaunde the other people of Greece, 
 and to take into his protection the allyes and confederats 
 of the same, who long sithence wished to revolt from the 
 government of the Lacedaemonians, and onely to submitte 
 them selves unto the Athenians. Aristides aunswered them 
 thus : that they had not only reason to doe that they sayd, 
 but that they were also constrained to do it. Notwithstand- 
 ing, bicause the Athenians might have good grounde and 
 assurance of their undoubted fidelitie and good service, they Aristides 
 shoulde deliver them manifest testimony and assurance there- fine tnal l °f 
 of, by some famous act attempted against the Lacedaemonians, tra y fcors - 
 whereby their people hereafter durst never fall from the ^fkellious 
 league of the Athenians. Vliades Samian, and Antagoras and°Anta^ ^ 
 of Chio hearing him say so, both Captaines of galleys con- g 0r as against 
 federed together : they went one day to set apon the Pausanias. 
 
 413 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 The temper- 
 ance of the 
 Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 Aristides did 
 sesse the 
 cities of 
 Greece. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 admirall galley of Pausanias, hard by Bizantium, the one 
 of the one side of her, and the other on the other side, as 
 she was rowing before all the fleete. Pausanias seeinge 
 them, stoode uppe straight in a marvelous rage against 
 them, and threatned them that before it were longe he 
 woulde make them knowe they had bene better to have 
 assaulted their owne naturall contrie, then to have set upon 
 him as they had done. But they aunswered him, and bad 
 him get him away quickely and he were wise, and let him 
 thanke fortune hardly, that graunted the Greecians victory 
 at the battell of Plataees under his leading : and that it was 
 nothing else but the onely reverence and respect of the same, 
 that had made the Greecians hold their hands till now, from 
 geving him that just punishment his pride and arrogancy 
 had deserved. So the end was, they left the Lacedaemonians, 
 and stacke unto the Athenians : wherin was easily discerned 
 the great corage, and wonderfull magnanimity of the Lacedae- 
 monians. For when they sawe their Captaines were marred 
 and corrupted, through the overgreat authority, and liberty 
 they had, they willingly gave up their commaundement over 
 the other Greecians, and did no more sende their Captaines 
 to be generalls of the whole army of Greece : thinking it 
 better for their citizens, that they should be obedient, and 
 in every point observe the discipline and law of their contrie, 
 then if they had bene otherwise the only rulers and Lords 
 over the whole contrie. Now at what time the Lacedae- 
 monians did commaunde all Greece, as Lordes : the cities 
 and people of Greece did pay a certeine summe of money, 
 towardes defrayinge of the charges of the warres against the 
 barbarous people. But after that their seigniorie and rule 
 was taken from them, the Greecians were contented a taxe 
 should be leavied, and that every city should be reasonably 
 sessed, accordinge to their wealth and abilitie : bicause every 
 citie might know what they shoulde pay. And for this pur- 
 pose, they prayed the Athenians they would appoint Aristides 
 to take order for it, unto whom they gave full power and 
 authoritie to taxe and sesse every citie indifferently, con- 
 sidering the greatnes of the territory, and the revenues of the 
 same, as every one was reasonably able to beare it. But if 
 414 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Aristides were poore when he entred into that great charge 
 and office of authoritie, wherein all Greece in manner did 
 referre them selves unto his discretion : he came out of that 
 office more poore, and had made this assessement and taxa- 
 tion not only justly and truely, but also so indifferently 
 accordinge unto every mans abilitie, that there was no man 
 coulde finde fault with his dolnges. And like as the auncient 
 men in olde time did celebrate, and sing out the blessednes 
 of those that lived under the raigne of Saturne, which they 
 called the golden age : even so did the people and confede- 
 rates of the Athenians afterwardes honor the assessement 
 made by Aristides, calling it the fortunate and blessed time 
 of Greece, and specially, when shortly after it did double, and 
 treble on the sodaine. For the taxe Aristides made, came 
 to about foure hundred and three score talents : and Pericles 
 raised it almost unto a third parte. For Thucydides wryteth, 
 that at the beginninge of the warres of Peloponnesus, the 
 Athenians leavied sixe hundred talentes yearely uppon their 
 confederates. And after the death of Pericles, the orators 
 and counsellers for matters of state did raise it up higher by 
 litle and litle, until it mounted unto the summe of thirteene 
 hundred talentes. And this was not, bicause the warres did 
 rise to so great a charge, by reason of the length of the same, 
 and of the losses the Athenians had received : but for that 
 they did accustome the people to make distributions of 
 money by hand unto every citizen, to make them set up 
 games, and make goodly images, and to builde sumptuous 
 temples. Thus was Aristides therefore justly honored, 
 praised, and esteemed above all other, for this just imposi- 
 tion of taxes, saving onely of Themistocles : who went up 
 and downe flering at the matter, sayinge it was no mete 
 praise for an honest man, but rather for a cofer well barred 
 with iron, where a man might safely lay up his gold and 
 silver. This he spake to be even with Aristides, which was 
 nothing like the sharpe girde Aristides gave him openly, 
 when Themistocles talking with him, tolde him it was an 
 excellent thing for a Captaine to be able to know, and to 
 prevent the counsells and doinges of the enemies : and so is 
 it, sayed Aristides againe, not onely a needefull, but an 
 
 415 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides a 
 true cesser. 
 
 Tauntes be- 
 twixt Themis- 
 tocles and 
 Aristides. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides pre- 
 ferred neces- 
 sity of time, 
 before law 
 and reason. 
 
 Aristides 
 gloried in his 
 poverty. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 honest thinge, and mete for a worthy generall of an army, 
 to be cleane fingered, without bribery or corruption. So 
 Aristides made all the other people of Greece to sweare, 
 that they woulde truely keepe the articles of the allyance, 
 and he him selfe as generall of the Athenians, did take their 
 othes in the name of the Athenians : and so pronouncing 
 execrations and curses against them that should breake the 
 league and othe taken, he threw iron wedges red hotte into 
 the sea, and prayed the gods to destroy them even so, that 
 did violate their vowed faith. Notwithstandinge, afterwardes 
 (in my opinion) when there fell out great alteracion in the 
 state, and that the Athenians were forced to rule more 
 straightly then before : Aristides then willed the Athenians 
 to let him beare the daunger and burden of perjury and 
 execration, and that they should not let for feare thereof 
 to do any thing whatsoever they thought mete or necessary. 
 To conclude, Theophrastus wryteth, that Aristides was not 
 only a perfect, an honest, and just man, in private matters 
 betwixt party and party : but in matters of state, and con- 
 cerning the common weale, he did many thinges oftentimes 
 accordinge to the necessitie of the time, and troubles of the 
 citie, wherein violence and injustice was to be used. As when 
 the question was asked in open counsell, to know whether 
 they might take away the gold and silver that was left in the 
 He of Delos safely layed up in the temple of Apollo to beare 
 out the charges of the warres against the barbarous people, 
 and to bring it from thence unto Athens, apon the motion 
 of the Samians, although it was directly against the articles 
 of the allyance, made and sworne amonge all the Greecians. 
 Aristides opinion beinge asked in the same, he aunswered : 
 it was not just, but yet profitable. Now, notwithstanding 
 Aristides had brought his citie, to rule and commaund many 
 thousandes of people : yet was he still poore for all that, and 
 untill his dying day he gloried rather to be praised for his 
 povertie, then for all the famous victories and battells he 
 had wonne : and that plainely appeareth thus. Callias 
 Ceres torche bearer, was his neere kinseman, who through 
 enemies came to be accused, and stoode in hazard of life : 
 so when the day came that his matter was to be heard 
 416 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 before the Iudges, his accusers very faintly, and to litle 
 purpose, uttered the offences whereof they accused him, and 
 running into other byematters, left the chiefest matter, and 
 spake thus to the Iudges : My Lords, you al know Aristides 
 the sonne of Lysimachus, and you are not ignoraunt also that 
 his vertue hath made him more esteemed, then any man else 
 is, or can be, in all Greece. Howe thinke ye doth he live at 
 home ? when you see him abroade uppe and downe the city, 
 in a threde bare gowne all to tattered ? Is it not likely, 
 trow ye, that he is ready to starve at home for lacke of 
 meate and reliefe, whom we all see quake for very colde, 
 beinge so ill arrayed and clothed ? And yet M. Callias here 
 his cosin germaine the richest citizen in all Athens, is so 
 miserable : that notwithstandinge Aristides hath done much 
 for him, by reason of his great credit and authoritie among 
 you, he suffereth him, and his poore wife and children readie 
 to begge, to starve for any helpe he geveth him. Callias 
 perceiving the Iudges more angryer with him for that, 
 then for any matter else he was accused of : he prayed 
 Aristides might be sent for, and willed him to tel truely 
 whether he had not offered him good rounde summes of 
 money, many a time and oft, and intreated him to 
 take it, which he ever refused, and aunswered him alwayes, 
 that he coulde better boast of his poverty, then him selfe 
 coulde of his riches : (which he sayd many did use ill, and 
 few coulde use them wel) and that it was a hard thing to 
 finde one man of a noble minde, that could away with 
 povertie, and that such onely might be ashamed of poverty, 
 as were poore against their willes. So Aristides confirmed all 
 he spake to be true : and every man that was at the hearinge 
 of this matter, went wholly away with this opinion, that he 
 had rather be poore as Aristides, then rich as Callias. This 
 tale is written thus by ^Eschines the Socratian Philosopher : 
 and Plato reporteth of him also, that notwithstandinge there 
 were many other famous and notable men of Athens, yet he 
 gave Aristides praise above them all. For others, sayd he, 
 (as Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles) have beautified the 
 citie with stately porches, and sumptuous buildinges of golde 
 and silver, and with stone of other fine superfluous devises : 
 2 : GGG 417 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 A hard thing 
 to away with 
 poverty. 
 
 Who may be 
 ashamed of 
 poverty. 
 
 Aristides 
 commended 
 of Plato. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 temperance 
 unto Themis- 
 tocles. 
 
 Aristides 
 
 death. 
 
 Aristides con- 
 demned for 
 extorcion. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 but Aristides was only he, that vertuously disposed him selfe 
 and all his doinges, to the furtherance of the state and 
 common weale. His justice and good nature appeared 
 plainely, in his doinges and behaviour towardes Themistocles. 
 For though Themistocles was ever against Aristides in all 
 things, and a continuall enemy of his, and that by his meanes 
 and practise he was banished from Athens : yet when Themis- 
 tocles was accused of treason to the state, having diverse 
 sharpe enemies against him : as Cimon, Alcmaeon, with di- 
 verse other : Aristides sought not revenge, when he had him 
 at his advantage. For he neither spake nor did any thinge 
 against him at that time to hurt him : neither did he rejoy ce 
 to see his enemie in misery, no more then if he had never 
 envied him in his prosperity. And touching Aristides death, 
 some write he dyed in the realme of Pontus, being sent 
 thither about matters of the state : and other thinke he dyed 
 an old man in the citie of Athens, greatly honored and 
 beloved of all the citizens. But Craterus the Macedonian 
 wryteth of his death in this sorte : After that Themistocles 
 (sayeth he) was fled, the people of Athens became very stub- 
 borne and insolent : whereupon, many lewde men grew to be 
 common appeachers and accusers of the noble men and chief- 
 est citizens, and to stirre up the malice and ill will of the 
 common people against them, who were waxen proude by 
 reason of their prosperity, and dominion that was enlarged. 
 Amonge the rest, Aristides was condemned for extorcion and 
 ill behaviour in the common wealth, apon one Diophantes 
 accusation, of the village of Amphitrope : who burdened 
 him, that he tooke money of the Ionians, to make the annuell 
 tribute cease which they payed unto Athens : and so Craterus 
 sayth, that bicause Aristides was not able to pay the fine 
 they set apon his heade (which was five Minas) he was driven 
 to forsake Athens, and to gette him into Ionia where he dyed. 
 Yet doth not Craterus bring foorth any probable matter to 
 prove this true he wryteth : as his pleadinge, his sentence 
 and condemnation, or any decree passed against him, although 
 he used great diligence else in collectinge all such matters, 
 and vowchinge his authors. Furthermore, all other wryters 
 that have specially noted the faultes and offences, committed 
 418 
 
GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 by the people of Athens in former times against their Cap- 
 taines and governors : they do declare Themistocles exile, 
 Miltiades captivity that dyed in prison, Pericles fine wherein 
 he was condemned, and Paches death that slue him selfe in 
 the pulpit for orations, when he sawe he was condemned : and 
 tell diverse such stories, addinge to also Aristides banish- 
 ment : but yet they make no maner of mencion of the con- 
 demnation which Craterus speaketh of. Moreover, Aristides 
 tombe is to be seene at this day apon the haven of Phalerus, 
 which was set up for him at the charge of the common 
 wealth, as it is reported, bicause he dyed so poore a manne, 
 as they founde nothing in his house to bury him with. Other 
 go further, and say that his daughters were maried by decree 
 of the people, at the charge of the common wealth, and that 
 the citie gave every one of them three thowsande Drachmas : 
 and his sonne Lysimachus, a hundred Minas of silver, and a 
 hundred Iugera, and at Alcibiades request, who was the 
 author of the decree, they gave him foure Drachmas a day 
 besides, of ordinarie allowance. Furthermore, when this Lysi- 
 machus dyed, he left alive one onely daughter called Poly- 
 crite, whom the people appointed, as Callisthenes wryteth, 
 as much provision to live withall, as they gave to any that 
 wanne the Olympian games. And sithence, Demetrius 
 Phalerian, Hieronymus Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musitian, 
 and Aristotle the Philosopher, at the least if the booke 
 intituled of Nobilitie be any of Aristotles workes : all these 
 agree together, that one Myrto, Aristides daughters daughter, 
 was maried to the wise Socrates, who tooke her to his wife 
 (having a wife already) bicause she was a poore widdow, and 
 could not be maried for her poverty, having much a do to 
 live. Yet Panaetius doth wryte against them, in his booke 
 of Socrates life. But Demetrius Phalerian wryteth in his 
 booke he intituled Socrates , that he could remember very 
 well he had seene one Lysimachus, Aristides sonnes sonne, or 
 his daughters sonne, that was very poore, and lived of that 
 he could get to interpret dreames, by certaine tables, wherin 
 was wrytten the arte to interpret the signification of dreames : 
 and that he kept commonly about the temple of Bacchus 
 called Iacchion, unto whom, together with his mother and 
 
 419 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 Aristides 
 
 tombe. 
 
 The Athen- 
 ians thanke- 
 fulnes unto 
 Aristides 
 children. 
 
 Myrto, 
 
 Aristides 
 
 daughters 
 
 daughter 
 
 maried unto 
 
 Socrates. 
 
ARISTIDES 
 
 The Athen- 
 ians com- 
 mended 
 for their 
 liberality. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 his sister, he sayd he had caused the people to geve them a 
 Triobolum a peece, every day towards their livinge. It is 
 very true that the selfe same Demetrius Phalerian, when he 
 reformed the state of Athens, ordained that his mother and 
 sister should have ech of them a Drachma by the day to 
 finde them withall, out of the common chamber of the city. 
 And it is no new, nor straunge thing, that the people of 
 Athens were so carefull to helpe, and to relieve, the women 
 that dwelt in the citie: considering that in times past, 
 Aristogiton having a litle daughter in the He of Lemnos, in 
 very hard and poore state, and that coulde not be bestowed 
 in mariage for her poverty, they caused her to be brought to 
 Athens, and maried her in one of the noblest houses of the 
 city, and made her a joynter besides in the village of Potamos. 
 
 Which great curtesy and humanity of theirs, hath ever 
 deserved great fame and commendacion, and yet con- 
 tinueth even until this day, in that noble city of 
 Athens, in the mouth of every man there. 
 
 THE END OF ARISTIDES LIFE 
 
 420 
 
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