i ■ ■ THE SHORT BALLOT The Key to Popular Government What It Is. What It Will Do. How To Get It In ST. LOUIS. WHERE POLITICIANS FIND SAFETY —From the Cle'Ueland Press The Long Ballot is the Politician’s Ballot. The Short Ballot is the People’s Ballot. ISSUED BY THE SHORT BALLOT COMMITTEE OF THE CIVIC LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS (Affiliated with the National Short Ballot Organization) 19 14 JUST A FEW QUESTIONS TO THE VOTER. Ten minutes after you left the polling place at the last election, could you have made a list of tlie officials you voted for? Could vou ( have remembered the names of half the men you voted for? Did it make any difference to you outside party politics, or perhaps a personal friend, who most of them were? Did you know anything at all about any of them except the very few most important offices? If there were only the few important offices on the ballot, would you not try to know about all of them? Would not a shorter ballot enable us all to vote more intelligently’^ I We have the short ballot in national elections, electing only presi¬ dent and legislators. It works all right. Why shouldn’t we have it in state and local government also? ♦ 0 Isn’t it a fact that we generally vote a list that is about 10 per cent of our own choosing and 90 per cent politician-made? Is that our * fault? No. The people of Missouri are not lazy or indifferent. It is the ballot that is to blame. The ballot is so long that it might well bear the words “For expert politicians only—not for the people!” If the ballot were short enough our ballots would be 100 per cent of our own make, instead of 90 per cent politician made. AYhere would the professional politicians be then? THE SHORT BALLOT PRINCIPLE, as officially defined by the National Short Ballot Organization, is: First, that only those offices should be elective which are impor¬ tant enough to attract (and deserve) public examination. Second, that very few offices should be filled by election at one time, so as to permit adequate and unconfused public examination of the candidates, and so as to facilitate the free and intelligent making of original tickets by any voter for himself, unaided by political specialists. 2 1 f) if 2^ ' y*4-S Is Obedience^ to this fundamental principle explains the compara¬ tive success’"of democratic government in the cities of Great Britain and other foreign democracies and in Galveston, Des Moines and other American cities that are governed by “commissions.” The application of this principle should be extended to all cities, counties and states. • THE EVILS OF THE LONG BALLOT. Have any of us a doubt that the workings of American political institutions are unsatisfactory? Analyzing their workings, the Na¬ tional Short Ballot Organization says: “The dangerously great power of politicians in our country is not due to any peculiar civic indifference of the people, but rests on the fact that we are living under a form of democracy that is so unwork¬ able as to constitute in practice a pseudo-democracy. It is unworkable because— First —It submits to popular election offices which are too unim¬ portant to attract (or deserve) public attention, and, Second —It submits to popular election so many offices at one time that many of them are inevitably crowded out from proper public attention, and. Third —It submits to popular election so many offices at one time as to make the business of ticket-making too intricate for popular participation, whereupon some sort of private political machine be¬ comes an indispensable instrument in electoral action. Many officials, therefore, are elected without adequate public scrutinjq and owe their selection not to the people, but to the makers of the party ticket, who thus acquire an influence that is capable of great abuse.” PURPOSE AND EFFECT OF THE SHORT BALLOT.. The purpose of the Short Ballot movement is to simplify politics; to make intelligent voting possible for the average voter. It aims to make politics more of a science and less of a game. The Short Ballot draws a sharp distinction between offices properly appointive and offices properly elective. It supports the sound theory that only those officials should be elected who have large discretionary 3 power, who reflect and carry into effect the will of the community they serve. The legislative office will, of course, always remain the chief elective office in a representative democracy. Under the Short Ballot principle, officials whose duties are purely administrative, such as recordor of deeds, treasurer, auditor, etc., would be appointed. The conduct of such offices is not determined by public policies and the duties are not discretionary. Their functions and powers are fixed and limited. The Short Ballot as a principle in government is the one political reform that is agreed upon by radicals and conservatives alike. It is endorsed by practically every recognized authority on government in the United States and by leaders of all parties. (See page 8 for ex- j)ressions of opinion from such different types of public men as Wilson, Roosevelt and Taft.) OBJECTION TO SHORT BALLOT. The chief objection urged against the Short Ballot is that as a political reform it is incomplete, because if the Short Ballot were the only reform the voters would still have no check on bad men or bad legislation. Whatever check is needed may be found in the growing move- ment for popular control through the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. The merit system of civil service furnishes the needed check in selecting appointive officers. Those safeguards may Avell go hand in hand with the movement for the Short Ballot. But even without them, the Short Ballot in itself will put into the hands of voters the power to vote informedly and with discrimination for officers in whom the}^ are really interested. And that would be a big step toward realizing the ideal of dem¬ ocracy, on which American political institutions are founded. Instead of having to check bad men through the initiative, referendum and recall, we would elect good men who would not need to be checked. 4 HOW SHALL WE GET IT IN ST. LOUIS? State Elections for Local Officials. Tlie St. Louis voter votes at the presidential election not only for 11 state and 3 federal officials^ but also for 10 local officials who corre¬ spond to county officers. At the biennial election, the St. Louis voter votes for 6 state of¬ ficials, one federal, and 15 local officials. In both elections this number is, of course, multiplied by as many tickets as there are in the field—so that in reality instead of selecting from 20 or 25 men, we select from 80 to 120. REGULAR STATE ELECTION. Present Long Ballot. The Short Ballot (retaining the same officers) — eludge Court of Appeals, Four Judges Circuit Court. Judge Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, Sheriff, Circuit Attorney, Coroner, Judge Court of Appeals, Four Judges Circuit Court, Judge Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, Sheriff, Circuit Attorney. Puhlic Administrator. 1 (Those in italics become appointive.) BIENNIAL ELECTION. Present Long Ballot — Four Judges Circuit Court, IT'obate Judge, Judge Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, Justice of the Peace, Prosecuting Attorney. Clerk Circuit Court, : Clerk Circuit Court for Crim- I inal Cases, j ) Clerk Prohate Court, Clerk Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, I Constable, Recorder of Deeds, \ License Collector. \ The Short Ballot — (Retaining the same officers) Four Judges Circuit Court, Probate Judge, Judge Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, •Justice of the Peace, •Prosecuting Attorney, (Those in italics become appointive.) * It is proposed to make these judicial officials part of a municipal court system, and combine the Prosecuting Attorney’s office with that of the Cir¬ cuit Attorney. 5 Municipal Elections in St. Louis. Municipal elections, every two years, are separate from all other elections in St. Louis. School officials are elected at the same time. At the mayoralty election the St. Louis voter votes for IS city of¬ ficers and 4 members' of the Board of Education, making '22 on the uiayoralty ballot (multiplied by at least 4, the usual number of tick¬ ets in the field). At the biennial municipal election, he votes for 7 city officers and 4 members of the Board of Education, a total of 11. ^fAYOKALTY Present Long Ballot. ELECTION. The Short Ballot {Retaining the same officers) Mavor, IT’esident City Council, Six members Citv Council, One member House of Dele¬ gates (28 wards). Four members of Board of Education, Comptroller , ' President Board of Public Im¬ provements, Treasurer, Auditor, President Board of Assessors Collector of the Revenue, Register, Mavor, President Citv Council, Six Members City Council, One member House of Dele¬ gates (28 wards). Four Members of the Board of Education. Marshal, Inspector of Weights and Meas- ures. (Those in italics become appointive.) BIENNIAL MUNICIPAL ELECTION. At the biennial municipal election only members of the City Council, House of Delegates and Board of Education are elected. Tlie Short Ballot principle Avould give us just the same officials and there would, therefore, be no change. We can get a Short BaUot in St. Louis any time at will. We have the right to make and amend our city charter, and to say what offi¬ cers shall be elected and what appointed,—except that the constitu^ tion, of course, requires us to elect the members of our legislative body. A Board of Freeholders is now engaged in drafting a new charter for St. Louis. The Short Ballot is one of the leading features in any modern form of progressive city government. It is one means of secur¬ ing the power of the people to rule. It is a big weapon in the fight against the rule of politicians and special interests. The St. Louis Voter and the Long Ballot. He votes for 11 officers at the Biennial Municipal Election tinner half circle above), and doubles the number at the Regular Municipal Election (outer half circle above)—a total of 33 municipal officers for every voter to pac s upon. At the Biennial State Election he votes for 22 federal, state and local officials, and at the “Presidential” election for 25 (including the Vice-President and counting presidential electors as one.) His grand total in all elections is 80. BIENNIAL MUNICIPAL ELEC- TION. (Inner Circle Above.) , 2, 3. 4—Members of the Board of Education. , 6, 7, 8, 9, 10—Members of the City- Council. 1—Member, House of Delegates, REGULAR MUNICIPAL ELEC¬ TION. (Outer Circle Above.) 1— Mayor. 2— President, City Council. 3, 4. 5, 6, 7, 8—Members of the City Council; 9—Member, House of Delegates. 0 —Comptroller. 1— Treasurer. 2— Auditor. 3— l^gister. 4^—^vlarshal. ii—Inspector of Weights and Meas- jiji^jres. ■jjWij esident. Board of Public Im- vements. 17— President, Board of Assessors. 18— Collector of the Revenue. 19, 20, 21, 22—Members of the Board of Education, BIENNIAL STATE ELECTION. (Inner Circle Below.) 1— Judge of the Supreme Court, 2— State Senator. 3, 4, 5—State Representatives, 6—State Superintendent of Schools. 7, 8, 9, 10—Judges of the Circuit Court. 11— Probate Judge. 12— Judge of the Court of Criminal Correction. 13— Prosecuting Attorney 14— Justice of the Peace. 15— Clerk, Circuit Court. 16— Clerk, Probate Court. 17— Clerk, Court for Criminal Causes. 18— Clerk, Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection. 19— Constable. 20— Recorder or Deeds. 21— License Collector. 22— Congressman (not sho-wn in cir¬ cle above). PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. (Outer Circle Below.) 1 — President (and Vice-President). 2— Senator. 3— Congressman. 4— Governor. 5— Lieutenant-Governor. 6— Secretary of State. 7— State Auditor. 8— Treasurer. 9— Attorney General. 10— Judge of the Supreme Court. 11— State Senator. 12, 13, 14—State Representatives. 15— Coroner. 16— Public Administrator. 17— Sheriff. 18 — Circuit Attorney. 19, 20, 21, 22 — Judges of the Circuit Court. 23 — Judge, Court of Appeals, 24 — Judge, Court of Criminal Cor¬ rection, 7 A ffcw of many notable endorsements: “I believe the short ballot is the key to the whole j)roblem of the restoration of pojjular government in this country.’’ —Woodrow Wilson. ^‘In the first place, I believe in the short ballot. You cannot get good service from the public servant if.you cannot see him, and there is no more effective way of hiding him than by mixing him up with a multitude of others so that they are none of them important enough to catch the eye of the average workaday citizen.” —Theodore Roosevelt. have the fullest sympathy with every reform in governmental and election machinery which shall facilitate the expression of the popular will, such as the Short Ballot and the reduction of elective offices.” —William H. Taft. stood flat-footed on a platform of constructive municipal so¬ cialism, which no one misapprehended and it seems to me that the short ballot did eliminate the confusing elements of the long ballot and precipitate a straight fight.” f^titt Wilson, (Member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party and former Socialist Mayor of Berkeley, Calif.) am in favor of as few elective offices as may be consistent with proper accountability to the people, and a Short Ballot.” — Chas. E. Hughes, (Justice of the United States Supreme Court.) am heartily in favor of the Short Ballot principle and look for its early and general adoption.” —John Mitchell, (Former Vice-President American Federation of Labor.) The National Short Ballot organization has its head(]uarters at 383 Fourth Avenue, New York. Any citizen will be put on its mailing list for Short Ballot literature free by making application to H. S. Gilbertson, Executive Secretary. Short Ballot Committee of the Civic League. Pei ’ey Werner, Chairman, Roland G. Usher, Vice-Chairman, Paul Bakewell, Jr., Roy F. Britton, E. M. Grossman, F. P. O’Hare, Breckenridge Long, Stratford L. Morton, Harry L. Wells, Rialto Building. Washington University. Fullerton Building. Third National Bank Building. Rialto Building. 411 Olive Street. 220 North Fourth Street. 30() Chemical Building. 71 (> Lucas Avenue. All communications in regard to the St. Louis movement should be addressed to Roger N. Baldwin, Secretary, 1)11 Locust street, St. I^uis, Mo. The Civic League is a citizens’ organization for the purpose of improving living conditions through better government. The Ivcague depends entirely for its suj)port upon the membershij) of interested citizens, and welcomes any man or woman to membership. < < (