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 JSTo. 3. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 Hon. G. M. Robeson, 
 
 OF NEW JERSEY, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 Saturday, April 10, 1880. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole, and having under consideration the bill 
 (H. It. No. 5523) making appropriations for the support of the Army for tlie fiscal year ending 
 June 30, 1S8J, and for other purposes— 
 
 Mr. ROBESON said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: I would be glad to have the amendment reported. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Sec. 2. That no money appropriated in this act is appropriated, or shall be paid, for the 
 subsistence, equipment, transportation, or compensation of any portion of the .Army of the 
 United States to be used as a police force to keep the peace at the polls at any election held 
 within in any State. 
 
 Mr. ROBESON. By a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
 the highest and ultimate tribunal of judicial judgment under the organization 
 of our Government, it has been declared, “ that the Government of the United 
 States may, by means of physical force exercised through its official agents, 
 execute on every foot of American soil, the powers and the functions which 
 belong to it. This necessarily involves the power to command obedience to 
 its laws, and hence the power to keep the peace to that extent.” This is the 
 inevitable, incontrovertible result of right reasoning from established princi¬ 
 ples. This declares the principle on this subject of the Constitution of our 
 country, (a principle which lies at the foundation of all Anglo-Saxon govern¬ 
 ment,) and these are the conclusions which follow inevitably from it. All 
 laws of Congress are, and must be held to be made, in the light of those prin¬ 
 ciples which have been settled, adjudicated, and declared by the highest tri¬ 
 bunal of the country ; and this law, if it becomes law, must mean and be un¬ 
 derstood to mean just what is permitted by this declaration ; otherwise, if not 
 unconstitutional, it is at least in defiance of constitutional command, and in 
 derogation of constitutional duty. 
 
 In the discussion of this question, Mr. Chairman, which, to my mind, lies 
 not only at the foundation of the power of the Government in this country, 
 but relates to the very principles upon which rests the superstructure of popu¬ 
 lar government—in the discussion of this important question, I shall deal in 
 no flowers of speech, nor indulge in the unsubstantial harmony of declamation. 
 I shall declare what I conceive to be undeniable principles, and shall endeavor 
 to follow them by unwavering logic down to irresistible conclusion ; and if I 
 fail to convince, the fault will not be with the truth which I declare, but must 
 rest either with the minds and temper of my auditors or in the want of power 
 ‘of the humble individual who has attempted their illustration. 
 
 This amendment looks to, and is meant to control, the execution of United 
 States law on election day. Need I pause to say to you, citizens, Representa¬ 
 tives, Americans, that if there be a day in the calendar when the laws should 
 have full sway; when that atmosphere of perfect peace and perfect liberty 
 which can only be found in the enjoyment of freedom under the perfect con- 
 
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 trol of law shall surround us and our action like the “all-incasing air,” that 
 day is the one day which is set apart by the laws of our country, on which the 
 freemen who are to govern this continent act in their individual capacity for 
 themselves, and set in motion, primarily, the political machinery of our Gov¬ 
 ernment. We are so familiar with their action on that day that we do not ap¬ 
 preciate its significance and force. The orderly gathering together on election 
 day of the free voters of a great republic, with a continent as an empire and 
 freedom as a heritage, and there exercising their political will under the pro¬ 
 tection of law, supreme, powerful, efficient, and all-pervading, to keep the 
 peace for the perfect exercise of that will, is as sublime a spectacle in govern¬ 
 ment as the world has ever seen. To accomplish that result' all the agencies 
 of political progress and civilization have culminated here on our shores. That 
 is the day of American freedom, that union of liberty and law which is our 
 heritage, not the day of its celebration, but the day of its exercise. That is 
 the time and there is the place when and where the American citizen impresses 
 for himself, and not through any representative, his will upon American pol¬ 
 icy and government. There and then he casts that vote, 
 
 A weapon that comes down as still 
 As sn®w-flakes fall upon the sod ; 
 
 But executes a freeman’s will. 
 
 As lightning does the will of God. 
 
 And if there be one day in the whole calendar of time when the laws 
 should not only exist, but when they should be powerful and effective, when 
 they should be able to command all the force of the government for the pres¬ 
 ervation of peace, this is that day. If there be such a day more than another, 
 when is it if this be not it! If the laws of the country are to be executed, 
 and for that purpose its peace preserved at all , will you make an exception of 
 election day ? Does the Democratic party of this country choose byitsaction 
 to say, “We will reluctantly execute the laws ; we will, for very shame, main¬ 
 tain peace; we will sustain the Government on every clay except on election 
 day, but upon that occasion, when the freemen of the country desire freely to 
 execute their will, and without let or hinderance to impress their power upon 
 the Government of the country, we cannot afford to keep the peace of the 
 United States!” 
 
 Let us look at this question as it is. What is government! Government 
 is an organization of civil society which governs; and for that purpose makes 
 and executes laws. If it does not make the laws, it is no government. If it 
 does not execute them, it does not govern. There can be no government, in 
 theory or in fact, which lias not the power to execute its laws. 
 
 Are these propositions fair ones ! Can anybody dispute them! Is any¬ 
 body bold enough to deny them ! 
 
 Next let us consider what are laws. Laws are those rules which a govern¬ 
 ment executes; and if they be not executed by government they are not laws. 
 How do governments execute their laws! By force. Who shall deny it! 
 Why are laws efficient and why do they govern the actions of men ! Because 
 they have the power of the government behind them. What is the power of 
 the government ! The physical force at its command. Laws, then, are those 
 rules which governments execute by physical force. Shrink not from that 
 proposition, for none can deny it. Society is organized in order to put the 
 whole power of the community into the form of laws and regulations, behind 
 which the whole strength of that organized community exists in the shape 
 and substance of what we call the civil power. Nothing is law, then, which 
 is not to be executed by the power of the government—that is, by physical 
 force. 
 
 Sir William Blackstone has defined municipal law to be “rules of civil 
 conduct prescribed by the supreme power of the State, commanding what is 
 right, and forbidding what is wrong.” The whole theory of law which I have 
 declared, is to be found in that exact and comprehensive language. It is a 
 rule prescribed by the supreme power of the State , by the government, which 
 carries with it not only the authority but the force to execute its will. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, by what means is this force to be applicable to the 
 execution of laws! In this country, under our constitutional system born of 
 the line of English precedents, traditions, and laws, and in the light of Eng¬ 
 lish history, and established in the atmosphere and operating according to the 
 principles of Anglo-Saxon common law, all laws are executed in time of peace 
 and under ordinary circumstances by the executive through the civil officers 
 of the government. I do not contend that in time of peace under ordinary 
 circumstances and without special authority of law, the civil laws are to be 
 
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 executed by tbe Army, under military control and acting directly under mili¬ 
 tary inspiration. Mark well the proposition as I have endeavored accurately 
 to state it. I yield nothing of the power of the Government necessary for its 
 preservation and safety. This is no question of direct, forcible attack upon 
 government. Then governments, like men, are driven to their reserved 
 forces, and have and must have and must exercise all their force for self-pres¬ 
 ervation, and are, if necessary, a law unto themselves for that purpose. Such 
 is not the proposition now, nor are we maintaining this power. 
 
 But we do now say that the Republican party is the party of civil govern¬ 
 ment ; and it believes that, to govern, the Government must have laws to 
 carry out its constitutional rights and duties, and that the failure to make 
 these laws is a failure of constitutional duty. And it believes that when 
 these laws are made, the Government, if it is a government, must execute 
 them; that if they are to be executed they are to be executed by the power of 
 the Government which is behind them; that if the power of the Government 
 is behind any law, it must be there every day in the year; and that if any part 
 of the power of the Government is behind any law, the whole power of the 
 Government must be there. Who shall deny tliis last proposition ? Who will 
 state and defend the monstrous anomaly that a part of the force of the Gov¬ 
 ernment is behind the law and not the whole; that the Government is bound 
 and its officers sworn to execute a law, and that it has reserved strength which 
 it will not use to execute it ? 
 
 No, sir; such is not the character of American law, nor the spirit of the 
 American people. If it be law, it must be executed to the very edge if neces¬ 
 sary, and all the power of the Government is and must be behind it. 
 
 To go a little more into detail, Mr. Chairman: under Anglo-Saxon govern¬ 
 ment the process of the execution of the law is this: The laws are made by 
 the legislative power in obedience to the constitutional duty and obligation 
 imposed by the commands of the Constitution. They are executed by the 
 executive power, through the civil officers of the Government, to whom in 
 time of peace is ordinarily intrusted the execution of these laws, and into 
 whose hands is given, for that purpose, the whole physical power of the Gov¬ 
 ernment and all the strength of the people. Is that a fair proposition ? Does 
 it command the assent of thoughtful minds, and will it have the affirmative 
 .assent of patriotic action ? 
 
 Now, how do the civil officers execute the laws in this country? They put 
 in motion primarily the machinery provided to carry them into execution. 
 They breathe the inspiration of life into the system and put it into working 
 order and effective operation on all persons anti things, so that the freemen of 
 the country may exercise their inalienable or guaranteed rights in its atmos¬ 
 phere and under its protection, and “in the peace of the United States.” And 
 if any man, by force or by fraud, by riot or by confusion, by wrong action or 
 by unjust command, seeks to interfere with that exercise, and break that 
 peace, they put down that interference and they keep the peace for that pur¬ 
 pose. 
 
 How do they keep that peace? First, by the majesty and respect of the 
 law itself. In what consists this majesty of the law, and whence comes its 
 respect? It consists in the strength of the Government, and comes from the 
 fact that the individual who represents it is clothed with the power and backed 
 by the force of the whole people. If the wrong-doers submit, nothing further 
 is required. If the}' do not submit, what then is to be done ? All the forces 
 of the civil power, as represented by its executive officers, are then called in 
 requisition. If this be not sufficient for the purpose, wliat then? The by¬ 
 standers may be called upon. If they be not sufficient, or if they be not proper 
 persons for any reason, or if they be the very people who are making the dis¬ 
 turbance and encouraging or enforcing the wrong, what then is to be done? 
 The peace must be kept by the whole force of the bailiwick, “theposse comi- 
 tatus ,” covering and including the whole power of the Government; includ¬ 
 ing every citizen who is under the protection of the laws, all the militia, 
 organized or unorganized, all the Army, wherever it may be, within read), 
 every man, citizen or soldier, militia or regular, that is or can be brought 
 within reach. 
 
 This, you will see, is not the Army moving with the “plumed troops” and 
 in the “big wars” which make military power! and primacy, but the Army 
 held in subjection by, and subordinate to, and acting as the instrument and 
 the weapon of, civil power. 
 
 Can this be denied ? Who dare deny it before the good sense of the Amer¬ 
 ican people? Who has the courage to stand up here in his place and say that 
 that is not the true theory of Anglo-Saxon government, upon which our Con- 
 
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 stitution is founded and upon which it rests; in striking at which you strike at 
 the very foundation-stone of its power, till the edifice, symmetrical and beau¬ 
 tiful as our fathers left it, may topple to its fall ? 
 
 These armed citizens come, not as warriors, but as the servants and con¬ 
 servators of peace, contributing only to her victories, no less important than 
 those of war. They are not armies surrounded by the “pomp and circum¬ 
 stance of glorious war,” excititg the imagination, swaying the feelings, and 
 trampling on the rights of the people; they come, arrayed not for the destruc¬ 
 tion of their Government, but for its safety, its maintenance, and its preser¬ 
 vation. As illustrative of this I will read a few lines from the speech of Lord 
 Mansfield in the British House of Lords, upon the Westminster riot cases, in 
 which lie puts this projiosition exactly: 
 
 The military have been called in- 
 
 Said lie—I read from Hansard’s Keports, volume 21: 
 
 The military have been called in, and very wisely called in, not as soldiers, but as citi¬ 
 zens ; no matter whether their coats are red or brown, they have been called— 
 
 Not to strike down, but— 
 
 in aid of the laws; not to subvert or overturn the Constitution, but to preserve both. 
 
 Is that right or is it wrong ? If there were riot in the city of Washington 
 on election day so violent, so uncontrollable that it threatened with its terrors 
 the destruction of your beautiful city and all that the country has done to 
 adorn its Capital, would it not be competent for the civil officers of the law, 
 acting under our Constitution and our laws, to call upon the organized force 
 of marines, which is quartered yonder within half a mile of this Chamber, 
 and bring them up as citizens of this country, under its laws subordinate to 
 its civil power, for the execution of the laws and the preservation of the peace 
 of the country ? 
 
 This, as I have said, is the very last and fullest subordination of the mili¬ 
 tary to the civil power. It is no exercise of military dictatorship. It lias no 
 element of Ctesarism. It is a splendid spectacle of peace, liberty, and law— 
 armed, organized military power marching under the banners of peace, armed, 
 with the weapons of civil liberty, carrying on their shoulders bayonets that 
 think, the very safeguards of American institutions, and following humbly 
 and simply, cheerfully and obediently, under the control of civil power. The 
 military shall be subordinate to civii power. Yes. That is its noblest atti¬ 
 tude, because it shows that it is the weapon of law, which may be used and 
 rightly used for the civil purposes of peace, and will not itself seek domina¬ 
 tion and command. 
 
 The military acting subordinate to the civil power. Why, if your amend¬ 
 ment does not mean that it shall so act, then it means to destroy this principle 
 and to say that the military shall not be subordinate to the civil power. Does 
 it not mean that? If you do not mean that, you must mean that when civil 
 laws are to be executed, and when peace is to be maintained by civil officers in 
 order that the freeman’s will may have full and free control, that at that time 
 and there the Army shall no longer be subordinate to civil power, shall not 
 come to its assistance when properly called upon, but shall refuse or be pow¬ 
 erless to act for civil purposes and under civil control, and shall stand idly by 
 to see peace destroyed and civil government overthrown, till quiet and orderly 
 citizens must either submit to the domination of force or fraud, the rule of the 
 bludgeon or the knife, or the civil laws, which are powerless because unexe¬ 
 cuted, must give way and be silent in the presence of armed power, because 
 the legislative power will not provide for them adequate force, and martial 
 law must prevail because it only can be executed. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the first direction that we receive upon the subject of the 
 execution of the laws is the Constitution of the United States. In the third 
 section of the second article we find: 
 
 ■ The President shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. 
 
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 The President shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed! That 
 is the constitutional provision, clothing the President with affirmative power, 
 and enioining upon him an affirmative duty. 
 
 Olq but, say gentlemen, the President cannot act unless that power be 
 organized bv the National Legislature into the forms of law. Suppose, for the 
 purpose of this argument, I admit that. Where, then, does it put the opponents, 
 of this executive power ? The Constitution says: 
 
 “He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” 
 
5 
 
 That is undoubtedly a constitutional duty. But it requires, you say, that' 
 the National Legislature shall act to put it in motion. Then it is your con¬ 
 stitutional obligation and duty so to organize it into the forms of law, but if 
 you do not so organize it you yourselves fail in constitutional duty. Accept the / 
 position if you wish. Go before the country on that day when the freeman ex¬ 
 ercises his power, and say to him: “It is true here is a law upon the statute- 
 book which we by our votes have made, pretending we would give you free 
 elections ; it is true that the President is called upon by the Constitution affirma¬ 
 tively to take care that it be faithfully executed. But it is necessary that to ex¬ 
 ecute it he should have his power for that purpose organized in forms of law. 
 But that is our constitutional duty, and we refuse to do it. This is the Con¬ 
 stitution our fathers gave for the government of the country, which we swore 
 to maintain before high Heaven when we stood here and took our oaths of of¬ 
 fice. That is the Constitution upon which rests the structure of our Govern¬ 
 ment, the liberties of our people, the last hope of freedom for all the world. 
 Here is our duty imposed expressly upon us, but*we decline to execute it, for 
 fear our party may lose its majority .” Gentlemen, pause. Some of you have 
 formerly been arrayed against this Constitution and this Government—I refer 
 to it only as a matter of history—but when you were so arrayed you took your 
 lives in your hands, and poured on the altar of success your fortunes and 
 your sacred honors; you appealed boldly to the God of battles, and stood 
 bravely on a field where every man who fell could see the foe who struck him; 
 but nsw you are enlisted under the banner of that Government; you are its 
 chosen representatives; you are sworn into its service; you have pledged your 
 honor and your oaths that you will maintain its Constitution and carry out 
 its laws. You are armed with its weapons, admitted inside the defenses of its 
 strength, have control of its citadel, make its defensive garrison. Would you 
 now saw oft its flag-staff, undermine its walls, spike the cannons of its strength, 
 bind its defenders hand and foot, and poison the pure well-spring of its power 
 at its source? Are such the plumed troops, these the big wars that make am¬ 
 bition virtue ? 
 
 Oh, gentlemen, the history of the world presents many spectacles which 
 according to moral or political law may be considered outrageous and wrong, 
 but in which the very magnitude of the struggle itself, the audacity of the 
 courage displayed, the mighty interests and splendid destinies of nations which 
 follow in its track of fire, and the imperial spirit which inspires its sacrifices 
 and guides its action, conspire to defy reprobation, if they do not disarm criti¬ 
 cism. 
 
 Thus it has been said that ambition, though a vice, is a vice so equivocal 
 that it seems to sometimes verge on virtue; that though its grasp may be ruin 
 and its flight may be famine, yet it sits on earth’s pinnacle, and sports with the 
 lightnings of heaven. But, gentlemen, there is neither heroism, patriotism, 
 nor ambition in that spirit which, intrusted by a confiding country with the 
 * welfare of the Government, would betray it to its destruction and its fall. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, how are these laws to be executed? The President is to 
 “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” What does that mean? He 
 shall take every means in his power to do it. Not that he shall order the Army 
 under its military officers, and acting, as I have said, directly under the mili¬ 
 tary inspiration, to execute the civil laws, but that if it be necessary, or if it be 
 likely to be necessary, he shall have not only ready but amply ready and con¬ 
 venient every element of physical force which the Government has a right to 
 control, ready to apply it at a moment’s notice. What sort of an officer would 
 lie be who, acting under military orders, if ordered to support a division to¬ 
 morrow with his corps, keeps it fifty miles away, so that such support would 
 be impossible? What sort of a President would lie be, acting under the com¬ 
 mand of his constitutional obligations and duty and the force of his constitu¬ 
 tional oath, if he had reason to believe that there was to be organized riot in 
 the city of New York on next election day, that five thousand men were to be 
 there, organized or unorganized, ready to put down the law, to destroy the 
 peace of the United States, and to interfere with the popular will—what sort of 
 a President would he be if he did not have every soldier he could muster ready 
 to execute and maintain the laws; not by military power, not as a military con¬ 
 stabulary force, but to be there where they were needed, restrained under 
 proper commands, waiting for the call of the civil power and acting under its 
 control and governed by their orders whenever action was necessary ? 
 
 I am happy to say that that President under whose banner I served, and 
 Vf whose administration I was an humble member, whenever lie had informa- 
 Jon that the laws of the United States were to be threatened and interfered 
 jrith in their execution, provided all the force of the Government at command, 
 
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 to be ready at the call of the civil power to maintain the laws and to keep the 
 peace for that purpose, whenever and wherever it was threatened or dis¬ 
 turbed. Do not misunderstand me, gentlemen. I have already said, and will 
 » say again, if need be, that in time of peace, and in the absence of specific law 
 authorizing it, the military power of the Government is not to be used as a 
 military organization, acting under military inspiration alone, for the execu¬ 
 tion of civil law. 
 
 But I do say that all the military power of the Government is at the com¬ 
 mand of the President and of the civil officers, when properly called upon for 
 the proper execution of the laws of the country. And I say that that Presi¬ 
 dent fails in his duty before God and man, before our generation and in the 
 face of our hopes for the future, who, if he is informed of and understands its 
 need, fails to have that power ready for use wherever and whenever the occa¬ 
 sion absolutely requires it. 
 
 Gentlemen, Democrats, this law appointing marshals to keep the peace at 
 the polls was passed by .your votes, since the decision of the Supreme Court of 
 the United States affirming the constitutionality of the election laws and the 
 Tight and power of the Government to keep the peace for their execution, and 
 I suppose it is to be construed by that decision, that all you mean by it is to 
 declare an unquestioned principle, that the military arm of the country, as a 
 military organization, acting under military officers and by direct military in¬ 
 spiration, is not to be used as a constabulary force; that they are not the peo¬ 
 ple who are to act in the first instance to keep the peace. But you do notmean 
 to say, in the face of that decision, and in the face of the constitutional duty 
 and power which are there affirmed, that the Army of the United States, a part 
 of the physical force of the Government, is not at the command of the civil 
 officers of the Government whenever it is necessary for the execution of the 
 law and the preservation of the i^eace of the United States for that purpose. 
 
 If there is any doubt of your intentions and position on this subject I will 
 give you a chance to define it by your votes before this bill becomes a law, and 
 shall judge you, as the people will, by your conduct and not by your profes¬ 
 sions, if you refuse to carry them into action. 
 
 Last session, gentlemen, if they saw fit, might stand upon the question 
 that the United States had no peace to preserve; that it was the peace of the 
 State, and must be preserved by the power of the State. But the Supreme 
 Court has now decided otherwise, and declared that the United States may 
 execute its laws at any place, at any time, and in any State, and may preserve 
 its peace for that purpose. I would say to my friend from Maryland, [Mr. 
 McLane,] if he were here, that there is now a decision of the Supreme Court 
 that the United States has “a peace to preserve;” and that decision goes also 
 to the extent that it lias the power and-the duty to preserve it. 
 
 Those gentlemen, who standing in their representative capacity here said 
 in effect bv their votes: “It is true that this is the decision of the Supreme # 
 Court of the United States; it is true that by that decision these laws are con- * 
 stitutional; it is true that they are to be executed, and it is true that there is a 
 peace to be preserved for that purpose; but as the representatives of the peo¬ 
 ple, as members of a co-ordinate branch of the Government, we refuse to be 
 controlled by that decision, and therefore will not vote for this law,” are con¬ 
 sistent. 
 
 Wrong as I think them, false as they are in position, unconstitutional as is 
 their stand in refusing to execute a constitutional duty, they at least preserve 
 their consistency in wrong. But to those men who have made this law pro¬ 
 viding for the services of marshals at elections, who have said that there shall 
 be marshals to carryout the election law; to those who have said that these 
 marshals shall be clothed with the power of civil government, shall have the 
 power to enforce the law, I put the inquiry: Where do you stand? Will you 
 say, “Yes, -wehave made this law; but the Government shall not execute it, 
 if it needs power to do so; if no power is needed to execute it, then let it be 
 enforced; but if it is resisted, if it needs forcible execution, we will clothe the 
 Government with no weapons of power for that purpose?” On which side are 
 you, gentlemen? Are you on the side of government, of law, of constitution, 
 of right? Do you believe that that only, is a government which makes and 
 executes law; that if it fails either to make laws or to execute them, it is no 
 government? Do you believe that laws are rules to be executed by all the 
 force that the Government can command? Or do you deny fhose proposi¬ 
 tions? If you deny them, I am able to understand you; but if you accept 
 them, and refuse by your action to carry them out, I beg you will understand 
 that if you trifle thus with the intelligence of the American people, and think 
 
7 
 
 you deceive them, you are ‘‘like little wanton boys that swim on bladders, far 
 but beyond tlicir depth.” 
 
 Let us understand what you mean by this proposition—you gentlemen 
 who have introduced and vs ted for it. Do you mean that the President shall ' 
 retain all his constitutional power for the execution of the law through the 
 civil officers, and that if need be every man and every boy in this country w ho 
 can carry a firelock shall be organized and called upon to enforce the laws and 
 maintain the Government; or do you mean that, as I have said, being inside 
 the fortress and clothed with the weapons of the strength of this Government 
 you will spike its guns and leave it to disorganization and destruction? Take 
 which side you please. We accept the issue before the country. The Repub¬ 
 lican party stands on it to-day. Laugh not in your assumed cleverness, think¬ 
 ing that you have got us in a trap by means of this equivocal provision. Truth, 
 right principle, is never in a trap. It marches right onward from principle to 
 achievement. It is only cowardice or subterfuge that puts itself in the w rong. 
 [Loud applause.] 
 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 Mr. ATKINS. I w ill move that the gentleman’s time be extended, if he 
 desires to go on. [Cries of “That’s right.”] 
 
 Mr. ROBESON. If anybody will undertake to answer my propositions, I 
 shall be very glad to reply. I will reserve the time gentlemen so kindly offer 
 me to reply to any one who w T ill answer my propositions. 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman’s time is exhausted. The Chair has 
 recognized the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Keifer.] 
 
 Mr. TUCKER. We might give the gentleman from New Jersey more 
 time to enable him to say something that would require answer. 
 
 Mr. ROBESON. Truth is unanswerable; you must accept it or be silent’ 
 
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