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 LiSRARr 
 OF 

 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 A HISTORY OF 
 
 THE RED TERROR AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION 
 IN AMERICA AND EUROPE. 
 
 COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM, AND NIHILISM 
 
 IN DOCTRINE AND IN DEED. 
 
 THE CHICAGO HAYMARKET CONSPIRACY, 
 
 AND THE DETECTION AND TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 
 
 BY 
 
 MICHAEL J. SCHAACK, 
 
 CAPTAIN OF POLICE. 
 
 WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM AUTHENTIC PHOTOGRAPHS, 
 AND FROM ORIGINAL DRAWINGS 
 
 BY WM. A. McCuLLOUGH, WM. OTTMAN, Louis BRAUNHOLD, TRUE 
 WILLIAMS, CHAS. FOERSTER, O. F. KRITZNER, AND OTHERS. 
 
 CHICAGO: 
 R. J. SCHULXE & COMPANY. 
 
 NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA : W. A. HOUGHTON, 
 
 ST. Louis : S. F. JUNKIN & Co. PITTSBURG : P. J. FLEMING & Co. 
 
 MDCCCLXXXIX.
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1889, 
 BY MICHAEL J. SCHAACK. 
 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. 
 
 ** THE ILLUSTRATIONS JN THIS WORK ARE ALL ORIGINAL, AND ARE 
 PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT,
 
 TO 
 
 HON. JOSEPH E. GARY 
 
 AND TO 
 
 HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL 
 
 THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 253214
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IT has seemed to me that there should be a history of the development, 
 the revolt, and the tragedy of Anarchy in Chicago. This history I 
 have written as impartially and as fairly as I knew how to write it. I 
 have kept steadily before my eyes the motto, 
 
 " Nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." 
 
 It will be found in the succeeding pages that neither animosity against 
 the revolutionists, nor partiality to the State, has influenced the work. I 
 have dealt with this episode in Chicago's history as calmly and as fairly as 
 I am able. I have tried to put myself in the position of the misguided 
 men whose conspiracy led to the Haymarket explosion and to the gallows; 
 to understand their motives; to appreciate their ideals for so only could 
 this volume be properly written. 
 
 And to present a broader view, I have added a history of all forms of 
 Socialism, Communism, Nihilism and Anarchy. In this, though necessarily 
 brief, it has been the purpose to give all the important facts, and to set 
 forth the theories of all those who, whether moderate or radical, whether 
 sincerely laboring in the interests of humanity or boisterously striving for 
 notoriety, have endeavored or pretended to improve upon the existing order 
 of society. 
 
 After the dynamite bomb exploded, carrying death into the ranks of men 
 with whom I had been for years closely associated after an impudent attack 
 had been made upon our law and upon our system, which I was sworn to 
 defend it came to me as a duty to the State, a duty to my dead and 
 wounded comrades, to bring the guilty men to justice ; to expose the con- 
 spiracy to the world, and thus to assist in vindicating the law. How the 
 duty was performed, this story tells. 
 
 It is a plain narrative whose interest lies in the momentous character of 
 the facts which it relates. Much of it is now for the first time given to the 
 public. I have drawn upon the records of the case, made in court, but 
 more especially upon the reports made to me, during the progress of the 
 investigation, by the many detectives who were working under my direc- 
 tion. 
 
 I can say for my book no more than this : that from the first page to the 
 last there is no material statement which is not to my knowledge true. The 
 reader, then, may at least depend upon the accuracy of the information 
 presented here, even if I cannot make any other claim. 
 
 It would be unfair and ungrateful if I did not seize this opportunity to
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 put on lasting record my obligations to Judge Julius S. Grinnell, who was 
 State's Attorney during the investigation. His support, steady and full of 
 tact, enabled me to go through with the work, in spite of obstacles deliber- 
 ately put in my way. My position was a delicate and difficult one : had it not 
 been for him, and for others, success would have been almost impossible. 
 
 Nor can I forego this occasion to bear testimony to the magnificent 
 police work done in the case by Inspector Bonfield and his brother, James 
 Bonfield, and by the officers who acted directly with me. These were 
 Lieut. Charles A. Larsen and Officers Herman Schuettler, Michael Whalen, 
 Jacob Loewenstein, Michael Hoffman, Charles Rehm, John Stift and B. P. 
 Baer. Mr. Edmund Furthmann, at that time Assistant State's Attorney, as 
 I have elsewhere recorded, worked upon the inquiry into the conspiracy 
 with an acumen, a perseverance and an industry which were beyond all 
 praise. I knew, when he was first associated with me in the case, that the 
 outcome must be a victory for outraged law, and the result vindicated the 
 prediction. To Mr. Thomas O. Thompson and to Mr. John T. McEnnis 
 much of the literary form of this volume is to be credited, and to them also 
 I am under lasting obligations. MICHAEL J. SCHAACK. 
 
 Chicago, February, 1889.
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Beginning of Anarchy The German School of Discontent The 
 
 Socialist Future The Asylum in London Birth of a Word Work of the French 
 Revolution The Conspiracy of Babeuf Etienne Cabet's Experiment The Colony 
 in the United States Settled at Nauvoo Fourier and his System The Familistere 
 at Guise Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops Proudhon, the Founder of 
 French Anarchy German Socialism: Its Rise and Development Rodbertus and his 
 Followers "Capital," by Karl Marx The "Bible of the Socialists" The Red 
 Internationale Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society The New Conspiracy 
 
 Ferdinand Lassalle and the Social Democrats The Birth of a Great Movement 
 Growth of Discontent Leaders after Lassalle The Central Idea of the Revolt 
 American Methods and the Police Position 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Dynamite in Politics Historical Assassinations Infernal Machines in 
 France The Inventor of Dynamite M. Noble and his Ideas The Nitro-Compounds 
 
 How Dynamite is Made The New French Explosive ' ' Black Jelley " and the Nihil- 
 ists What the Nihilists Believe and What they Want The Conditions in Russia- The 
 White and the Red Terrors Vera Sassoulitch Tourgenieff and the Russian Girl 
 The Assassination of the Czar " It is too Soon to Thank God " The Dying Emperor 
 Two Bombs Thrown Running Down the Conspirators Sophia Perowskaja, the 
 Nihilist Leader The Handkerchief Signal The Murder Roll Tried and Convicted 
 
 A Brutal Execution Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty Last Words Spoken but Un- 
 heard A Deafening Tattoo The Book-bomb and the Present Czar Strychnine- 
 coated Bullets St. Peter and Paul's Fortress Dynamite Outrages in England The 
 Record of Crime Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses Ingenious Bomb-making 
 
 The Failures of Dynamite 28 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Exodus to Chicago Waiting for an Opportunity A Political Party 
 Formed A Question of $600,000 The First Socialist Platform Details of the Organ- 
 ization Work at the Ballot-Box Statistics of Socialist Progress The "Interna- 
 tional Workingmen's Party" and The " Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
 The Eleven Commandments of Labor How the Work was to be Done A Curious 
 Constitution Beginnings of the Labor Press The Union Congress Criticising the 
 Ballot-Box The Executive Committee and its Powers Annals of 1876 A Period of 
 Preparation The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877 The First Attack on Society A 
 Decisive Defeat Trying Politics Again The "Socialistic Party" Its Leaders and 
 its Aims August Spies as an Editor Buying the Arbeiter-Zeitung How the Money 
 was Raised Anarchist Campaign Songs The Group Organization Plan of the Prop- 
 aganda Dynamite First Taught "The Bureau of Information" An Attack on 
 Arbitration No Compromise with Capital Unity of the Internationalists and the 
 
 Socialists 44 
 
 7
 
 viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Socialism, Theoretic and Practical Statements of the Leaders Ven- 
 geance on the " Spitzels" The Black Flag in the Streets Resolutions in the Alarm 
 The Board of Trade Procession Why it Failed Experts on Anarchy Parsons, Spies, 
 Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief The International Platform Why Commun- 
 ism Must Fail A French Experiment and its Lesson The Law of Averages Extracts 
 from the Anarchistic Press Preaching Murder Dynamite or the Ballot-Box ? " The 
 Reaction in America" Plans for Street Fighting Riot Drill and Tactics Bakounine 
 and the Social Revolution Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist's Duty Herways' 
 Formula Predicting the Haymarket The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme 
 Court The White Terror and the Red Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy His 
 Association with Hoedel and Nobiling Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor 
 Reinsdorf at Berlin His Desperate Plan "Old Lehmann " and the Socialist's Dag- 
 ger The Germania Monument An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court A Culvert 
 Full of Dynamite A Wet Fuse and no Explosion Reinsdorf Condemned to Death 
 His Last Letters Chicago Students of his Teachings De Tocqueville and Social- 
 ism 74 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Socialistic Programme Fighting a Compromise Opposition to the 
 Eight-hour Movement The Memorial to Congress Eight Hours' Work Enough 
 The Anarchist Position An Alarm Editorial "Capitalists and Wage Slaves" 
 Parsons' Ideas The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor Powder ly's Warning 
 Working up a Riot The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery Views of Edison and 
 Wells The Socialistic Demonstration The Procession of April 25, 1886 How the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung Helped on the Crisis The Secret Circular of 1886 104 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Eight-hour Movement Anarchist Activit)'-^The Lock-out at Mc- 
 Cormick's Distorting the Facts A Socialist Lie The True Facts about McCor- 
 mick's Who Shall Run the Shops? Abusing the "Scabs" High Wages for 
 Cheap Work The Union Loses $3,000 a Day Preparing for Trouble Arming the 
 Anarchists Ammunition Depots Pistols and Dynamite Threatening the Police 
 The Conspirators Show the White Feather Capt. O'Donnell's Magnificent Police 
 Work The Revolution Blocked A Foreign Reservation An Attempt to Mob the 
 Police The History of the First Secret Meeting Lingg's First Appearance in the 
 Conspiracy The Captured Documents Bloodshed at McCormick's "The Battle 
 Was Lost" Officer Casey's Narrow Escape, 112 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Coup d'Etat a Miscarriage Effect of the Anarchist Failure at 
 McCormick's "Revenge" Text of the Famous Circular The German Version 
 An Incitement to Murder Bringing on a Conflict Engel's Diabolical Plan The 
 R61e of the Lehr und Wehr Verein The Gathering of the Armed Groups Fischer's 
 Sanguinary Talk The Signal for Murder " Ruhe " and its Meaning Keeping 
 Clear of the Mouse-Trap The Haymarket Selected Its Advantages for Revo- 
 lutionary War The Call for the Murder Meeting " Workingmen, Arm Yourselves" 
 Preparing the Dynamite The Arbeiter-Zeitung Arsenal The Assassins' Roost at
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. ix 
 
 58 Clybourn Avenue The Projected Attack on the Police Stations Bombs for Ail 
 who Wished Them Waiting for the Word of Command Why it was not Given 
 The Leaders' C murage Fails 129 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Air Full of Rumors A Riot Feared Police Preparations Bon- 
 field in Command The Haymarket Strategic Value of the Anarchists' Position 
 Crane's Alley The Theory of Street Warfare Inflaming the Mob Schnaubelt and 
 his Bomb ' ' Throttle the Law " The Limit of Patience Reached "In the Name of 
 ' the People, Disperse" The Signal Given The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on 
 an American Street Murder in the Air^A Rally and a Charge The Anarchists 
 Swept Away A Battle Worthy of Veterans . . 139 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Dead and the Wounded Moans of Anguish in the Police Station 
 Caring for Friend and Foe Counting the Cost A City's Sympathy The Death 
 List Sketches of the Men The Doctors' Work Dynamite Havoc Veterans of 
 the Haymarket A Roll of Honor The Anarchist Loss Guesses at their Dead 
 
 Concealing Wounded Rioters The Explosion a Failure Disappointment of the 
 Terrorists 149 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Core of the Conspiracy Search of the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office The 
 Captured Manuscript Jealousies in the Police Department The Case Threatened 
 with Failure Stupidity at the Central Office Fischer Brought in Rotten Detective 
 Work The Arrest of Spies His Egregious Vanity An Anarchist "Ladies' Man" 
 
 Wine Suppers with the Actresses Nina Van Zandt's Antecedents Her Romantic 
 Connection with the Case Fashionable Toilets Did Spies Really Love Her? His 
 Curious Conduct The Proxy Marriage The End of the Romance -The Other Con- 
 spirators Mrs. Parsons' Origin The Bomb-Thrower in Custody The Assassin 
 Kicked Out of the Chief's Office Schnaubelt and the Detectives Suspicious Con- 
 duct at Headquarters Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall An 
 Amazing Incident A Friendly Tip to a Murderer My Impressions of the Schnau- 
 belt Episode Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann Phantom Shackles in a Pullman 
 Experiments with Dynamite An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe Testing 
 the Bombs Fielden and the Chief 156 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 My Connection with the Anarchist Cases A Scene at the Central Office 
 Mr. Hanssen's Discovery Politics and Detective Work Jealousy Against Inspector 
 Bonfield Dynamiters on Exhibition Courtesies to the Prize-fighters A Friendly 
 Tip My First Lighten the Case A Promise of Confidence One Night's Work 
 
 The Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case Laying Our Plans ' ' We Have 
 Found tha Bomb Factory ! " Is it a Trap ? A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite No 
 Help Hoped for from Headquarters Conference with State's Attorney Grinnell 
 Furthmann's Work Opening up the Plot Trouble with the Newspaper Men Un- 
 expected Advantage of Hostile Criticism Information from Unexpected Quarters 
 Queer Episodes of the Hunt Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent A Mysterious Lady 
 with a Veil A Conference in my Bark Yard The Anarchists Alarmed A Breezy
 
 x TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Conference with Ebersold Threatening Letters Menaces Sent to the Wives of the 
 Men Working on the Case How the Ladies Behaved The Judge and Mrs. Gary 
 Detectives on Each Other's Trail The Humors of the Case Amusing Incidents, 183 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Tracking the Conspirators Female Anarchists A Bevy of Beauties 
 Petticoated Ugliness The Breathless Messenger A Detective's Danger Turning 
 the Tables "That Man is a Detective!" A Close Call Gaining Revolutionists' 
 Confidence Vouched for by the Conspirators Speech-making Extraordinary The 
 Hiding-place in the Anarchists' Hall Betrayed by a Woman The Assassination of 
 Detective Brown at Cedar Lake Saloon-keepers and the Revolution "Anarchists for 
 Revenue Only " Another Murder Plot The Peep-hole Found Hunting for Detect- 
 ives Some Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists A Collector of " Red " Literature 
 and his Dangerous Bonfire Ebersold's Vacation Threatening the Jury Measures 
 Taken for their Protection Grinnell's Danger A "Bad Man" in Court The Find 
 at the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office Schnaubelt's Impudent Letter Captured Correspond- 
 ence The Anarchists' Complete Letter-writer, 206 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Difficulties of Detection Moving on the Enemy A Hebrew An- 
 archist Oppenheimer's Story Dancing over Dynamite Twenty-Five Dollars' Worth 
 of Practical Socialism A Woman's Work How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side 
 A Well-merited Tribute Seliger Saved by his Wife The Shadow of the Hangman's 
 Rope A Hunt for a Witness Shadowing a Hack The Commune Celebration 
 Fixing Lingg's Guilt Preparing the Infernal Machines A Boy Conspirator Lingg's 
 Youthful Friend Anarchy in the Blood How John Thielen was Taken into Camp 
 
 His Curious Confession Other Arrests 230 
 
 i 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Completing the Case Looking for Lingg The Bomb-maker's Birth 
 Was he of Royal Blood? A Romantic Family History -^- Lingg and his Mother 
 Captured Correspondence A Desperate and Dangerous Character Lingg Disappears 
 A Faint Trail Found Looking for Express Wagon 1999 The Number that Cost 
 the Fugitive his Life A Desperado at Bay Schuettler's Death Grapple Lingg in 
 the Shackles His Statement at the Station The Transfer to the Jail Lingg's Love 
 for Children The Identity of his Sweetheart An Interview with Hubner His 
 Confession The Meeting at Neff 's Place, .... 256 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Engel in the Toils His Character and Rough Eloquence Facing his 
 Accusers Waller's Confession The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein A 
 Dangerous Organization The Romance of Conspiracy Organization of the Armed 
 Sections Plans and Purposes Rifles Bought in St. Louis The Picnics at Sheffield 
 
 A Dynamite Drill The Attack on McCormick's A Frightened Anarchist 
 Lehman in the Calaboose Information from many Quarters The Cost of Revolvers 
 
 Lorenz Hermann's Story Some Expert Lying .... 283 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Pushing the Anarchists A Scene on a Street-car How Hermann 
 Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away The Secret Signal " D n the Informers" A
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xr 
 
 Satchelful of Bombs More about Engel's Murderous Plan Drilling the Lehr und 
 Wehr Verein Breitenfeld's Cowardice An Anarchist Judas The Hagemans 
 Dynamite in Gas-pipe An Admirer of Lingg A Scheme to Remove the Author The 
 Hospitalities of the Police Station Mrs. Jebolinski's Indignation A Bogus Milkman 
 
 An Unwilling Visitor Mistaken for a Detective An Eccentric Prisoner Division 
 of Labor at the Dynamite Factory Clermont's Dilemma The Arrangements for the 
 Haymarket L . . 312 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote Confessions by Piecemeal 
 Statements from the Small Fry One of Schnaubelt's Friends " Some One Wants to 
 Hang Me" Neebe's Bloodthirsty Threats Burrowing in the Dark The Starved- 
 out Cut-throat Torturing a Woman Hopes of Habeas Corpus "Little" Krueger's 
 Work Planning a Rescue The Signal "? ? ?" and its Meaning A Red-haired 
 Man's Story Firing the Socialist Heart Meetings with Locked Doors An Ambush 
 for the Police The Red Flag Episode Beer and Philosophy Baum's Wife and 
 Baby A Wife-beating Revolutionist Brother Eppinger's Duties 334 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Plot against the Police Anarchist Banners and Emblems Stealing 
 a Captured Flag A Mystery at a Station-house Finding the Fire Cans Their 
 Construction and Use Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses Glass Bombs -r- Putting 
 the Women Forward Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians 
 Testing the Infernal Machines The Effects of Anarchy The Moral to be Drawn 
 Looking for Labor Sympathy A Crazy Scheme Catling Gun vs. Dynamite The 
 Threatened Attack on the Station-houses Watching the Third Window Selecting a 
 Weapon Planning Murder The Test of Would-be Assassins The Meeting at Lin- 
 coln Park Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house A Fortunate Escape, . 364 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Legal Battle The Beginning of Proceedings in Court Work in 
 the Grand Jury Room The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature A Witness who was 
 not Positive Side Lights on the Testimony The Indictments Returned Selecting 
 a Jury Sketches of the Jurymen Ready for the Struggle 376 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Judge Grinnell's Opening Statement of the Case The Light of the 4th 
 of May The Dynamite Argument Spies' Fatal Prophecy The Eight-hour Strike 
 
 The Growth of the Conspiracy Spies' Cowardice at McCormick's The ' ' Revenge " 
 Circular Work of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm The Secret Signal A Fright- 
 ful -Plan ' ' Ruhe " Lingg, the Bomb-maker The Haymarket Conspiracy The 
 Meeting "We are Peaceable" After the Murder The Complete Case Pre- 
 sented 390 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Great Trial Opens Bonfield's History of the Massacre How the 
 Bomb Exploded Dynamite in the Air A Thrilling Story Gottfried Waller's Tes- 
 timony An Anarchist's " Squeal" The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many 
 Witnesses 404
 
 xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 " We are Peaceable " Capt. Ward's Memories of the Massacre A Nest 
 of Anarchists Scenes in the Court Seliger's Revelations Lingg, the Bomb-maker 
 
 How he cast his Shells A Dynamite Romance Inside History of the Conspiracy 
 
 The Shadow of the Gallows Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists Tightening the 
 Coils An Explosive Arsenal The Schnaubelt Blunder Harry Wilkinson and Spies 
 
 A Threat in Toothpicks The Bomb Factory The Board of Trade Demon- 
 stration 419 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 A Pinkerton Operative's Adventures How the Leading Anarchists 
 Vouched for a Detective An Interesting Scene An Enemy in the Camp Getting 
 into the Armed Group No. i6's Experience Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb 
 A Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick A Revolver Tattoo ' ' Shoot the 
 Devils" A Reformed Internationalist, 445 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Reporting under Difficulties Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket An 
 Incriminating Conversation Spies and Schwab in Danger Gilmer's Story The Man 
 in the Alley Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower Fixing the Guilt Spies Lit the Fuse 
 A Searching Cross-Examination The Anarchists Alarmed Engel and the Shell 
 Machine The Find at Lingg's House The Author on the Witness-stand Talks 
 with the Prisoners Dynamite Experiments The False Bottom of Lingg's Trunk 
 The Material in the Shells Expert Testimony Incendiary Banners The Prose- 
 cution Rests A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged 457 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Programme of the Defense Mayor Harrison's Memories Simon- 
 son's Story A Graphic Account A Bird's-eye View of Dynamite Ferguson and the 
 Bomb " As Big as a Base Ball" The Defense Theory oi. the Riot Claiming the 
 Police were the Aggressors Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks The Attack on Gil- 
 mer's Veracity Varying Testimony The Witnesses who Appeared, .... 478 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Malkoffs Testimony A Nihilist's Correspondence More about the 
 Wagon Spies' Brother A Witness who Contradicts Himself Printing the Revenge 
 Circular Lizzie Holmes' Inflammatory Essay " Have You a Match About You? " 
 The Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand An Anarchist's Autobiography The Red Flag 
 the Symbol of Freedom The " Peaceable " Meeting Fielden's Opinion of the Alarm 
 
 " Throttling the Law " Expecting Arrest More about Gilmer 491 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 The Close of the Defense Working on the Jury The Man who Threw 
 the Bomb Conflicting Testimony Michael Schwab on the Stand An Agitator's 
 Adventures Spies in his Own Defense The Fight at McCormick's The Desplaines 
 Street Wagon Bombs and Beer The Wilkinson Interview The -Weapon of the 
 Future Spies the Reporter's Friend Bad Treatment by Ebersold The Hocking 
 Valley Letter Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf His Memories of the Hay- 
 market The Evidence in Rebuttal 506
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Opening of the Argument Mr. Walker's Speech The Law of the Case 
 Was there a Conspiracy? The Caliber of the Bullets Tightening the Chain A 
 Propaganda on the Witness-stand The Eight-hour Movement "One Single Bomb" 
 The Cry of the Revolutionist Avoiding the Mouse-trap Parsons and the Murder 
 
 Studying "Revolutionary War" Lingg and his Bomb Factory The Alibi 
 Idea, 525 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Argument for the Defendants " Newspaper Evidence " Bringing 
 about the Social Revolution Arson and Murder The Right to Property Evolution 
 or Revolution Dynamite as an Argument The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue Was it all 
 Braggadocio? An Open Conspiracy Secrets that were not Secrets The Case 
 Against the State's Attorney A Good Word for Lingg More About " Ruhe " The 
 "Alleged " Conspiracy Ingham's Answer The Freiheit Articles Lord Coleridge on 
 Anarchy Did Fielden Shoot at the Police? The Bombs in the Seliger Family 
 Circumstantial Evidence in Metal Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb The Crane's 
 Alley -Enigma 535 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Foster and Black before the Jury Making Anarchist History The Eight 
 Leaders A Skillful Defense Alibis All Around The Whereabouts of the Conspira- 
 tors The ' ' Peaceable Dispersion " A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War Average 
 Anarchist Credibility "A Man will Lie to Save his Life" The Attack on Seliger 
 The Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower Conflicting Testimony A Philippic against 
 Gilmer The Liars of History The Search for a Witness The Man with the Miss- 
 ing Link The Last Word for the Prisoners Captain Black's Theory High Explo- 
 sives and Civilization The West Lake Street Meeting Defensive Armament Engel 
 and his Beer Hiding the Bombs The Right of Revolution Bonfield and Harrison 
 The Socialist of Judea 545 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Grinnell's Closing Argument One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy 
 
 A Fair Trial The Law in the Case The Detective Work Gilmer and his Evi- 
 dence "We Knew all the Facts" Treason and Murder Arming the Anarchists 
 The Toy Shop Purchases The Pinkerton Reports "A Lot of Snakes" The Mean- 
 ing of the Black Flag Symbols of the Social Revolution The Daily News Inter- 
 views Spies the " Second Washington " The Rights of "Scabs" The Chase Into 
 the River Inflaming the Workingmen The "Revenge" Lie The Meeting at the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung Office A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket The 
 Invitation to Spies Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners Harrison at the Haymarket 
 The Significance of Fielden's Wound Witnesses' Inconsistencies The Omnipresent 
 Parsons The Meaning of the Manuscript Find Standing between the Living and 
 the Dead, 560 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 The Instructions to the Jury What Murder is Free Speech and its 
 Abuse The Theory of Conspiracy Value of Circumstantial Evidence Meaning of
 
 xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 a " Reasonable Doubt" What a Jury May Decide Waiting for the Verdict " Guilty 
 of Murder " The Death Penalty Adjudged Neebe's Good Luck Motion for a New 
 Trial Affidavits about the Jury The Motion Overruled -57^ 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 The Last Scene in Court Reasons Against the Death Sentence Spies' 
 Speech A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder Death for the Truth The Anar- 
 chists' Final Defense Dying for Labor The Conflict of the Classes Not Guilty, but 
 Scapegoats Michael Schwab's Appeal The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery 
 Neebe Finds Out what Law Is "I am Sorry I am not to be Hung " Adolph Fischer's 
 Last Words Louis Lingg in his own Behalf "Convicted, not of Murder, but of An- 
 archy " An Attack on the Police "I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force- 
 propped Authority. Hang me for it ! " George Engel's Unconcern The Development 
 of Anarchy "I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System "- 
 Samuel Fielden and the Haymarket An Illegal Arrest The Defense of Albert R. 
 Parsons The History of his Life A Long and Thrilling Speech The Sentence of 
 Death " Remove the Prisoners," 5^7 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 In the Supreme Court A Superseded* Secured Justice Magruder De- 
 livers the Opinion A Comprehensive Statement of the Case How Degan was Mur- 
 dered Who Killed Him ? The Law of Accessory The Meaning of the Statute 
 Were the Defendants Accessories ? The Questions at Issue The Characteristics of 
 the Bomb Fastening the Guilt on Lingg The Purposes of the Conspiracy How 
 they were Proved A Damning Array of Evidence Examining the Instructions 
 No Error Found in the Trial Court's Work The Objection to the Jury The Juror 
 Sandford Judge Gary Sustained Mr. Justice Mulkey's Remarks The Law Vindi- 
 cated 608 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 The Last Legal Struggle The Need of Money -- Expensive Counsel 
 Secured Work of the "Defense Committee" Pardon, the Only Hope Pleas for 
 Mercy to Gov. Oglesby Curious Changes of Sentiment Spies' Remarkable Offer 
 Lingg's Horrible Death Bombs in- the Starch-box An Accidental Discovery My 
 own Theory Description of the "Suicide Bombs" Meaning of the Short Fuse 
 "Count Four and Throw " Details of Lingg's Self-murder A Human Wreck The 
 Bloody Record in the Cell The Governor's Decision Fielden and Schwab Taken to 
 the Penitentiary 620 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 'The Last Hours of the Doomed Men Planning a Rescue The Fueling 
 in Chicago Police Precautions Looking for a Leak Vitriol for a Detective 
 Guarding the Jail The Dread of Dynamite How the Anarchists Passed their Last 
 Night The Final Partings Parsons Sings " Annie Laurie " Putting up the Gallows 
 
 Scenes Outside the Prison A Cordon of Officers Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene 
 The Death Warrants -> Courage of the Condemned Shackled and Shrouded for the 
 Grave The March to the Scaffold Under the Dangling Ropes The Last Words 
 " Hoch die Anarcnie ! " " My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech " " Let the 
 Voice of the People be Heard " - The Chute to Death Preparations for the Funeral 
 
 Scenes at the Homes of the Dt-ad Anarchists The Passage to Waldheim Howell
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv 
 
 Trogden Carries the American Flag Captain Black's Eulogy The Burial Speeches 
 by Grottkau and Currlin Was Engel Sincere ? His Advice to his Daughter A Curi- 
 ous Episode Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch 639 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Anarchy Now The Fund for the Condemned Men's Families $10,000 
 Subscribed The Disposition of the Money The Festival of Sorrow Parsons' Post- 
 humous Letter The Haymarket Monument Present Strength of the Discontented 
 7,300 Revolutionists in Chicago A Nucleus of Desperate Men The New Organization 
 Building Societies and Sunday-schools What the Children are Taught Education 
 and Blasphemy The Secret Propaganda Bodendick and his Adventures "The 
 Rebel Vagabond" The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield Arrest of the 
 Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun Chleboun's Story Hronek Sent 
 to the Penitentiary, 657 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 The Movement in Europe Present Plans of the Reds Stringent Meas- 
 ures Adopted by Various European Governments Bebel and Liebknecht A London 
 Celebration Whitechapel Outcasts "Blood, Blood, Blood ! " Verestchagin's Views 
 The Bulwarks of Society The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, 
 Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities A New Era of Revolution- 
 ary Activity A Fight to the Death Are we Prepared ? 682 
 
 APPENDICES 691
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS 
 
 ' 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Beginning of Anarchy The German School of Discontent The 
 Socialist Future The Asylum in London Birth of a Word Work of the French 
 Revolution The Conspiracy of Babeuf Etienne Cabet's Experiment The Colony 
 in the United States Settled at Nauvoo Fourier and his System The Familistere 
 at Guise Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops Proudhon, the Founder of 
 French Anarchy German Socialism: Its Rise and Development Rodbertus and his 
 Followers "Capital," by Karl Marx The "Bible of the Socialists" The Red 
 Internationale Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society The New Conspiracy 
 Ferdinand Lassalle and the Social Democrats The Birth of a Great Movement 
 Growth of Discontent Leaders after Lassalle The Central Idea of the Revolt 
 American Methods and the Police Position. 
 
 THE conspiracy which culminated in the blaze of dynamite and the 
 groans of murdered policemen on that fatal night of May 4th, 1886, 
 had its origin far away from Chicago, and under a social system very dif- 
 ferent from ours. 
 
 In order that the reader may understand the tragedy, it will be necessary 
 for me to go back to the commencement of the agitation, and to show how 
 Anarchy in this city is the direct development of the social revolt in Europe. 
 After "the red fool fury of the French" had burnt itself out, the nations of 
 the Old Word, exhausted by the Titanic struggle with Napoleon, lay quiet 
 
 'V 
 
 for nearly a quarter of a century. The doctrines which had brought on the 
 Reign of Terror had not died. After a period of quiet, the evangel of the 
 Social Revolution again began. There was uneasiness throughout Europe. 
 In France the Bourbons were driven out, although the cause of the people 
 was betrayed by Louis Napoleon. In Germany the demand for a constitu- 
 tion was pushed so strongly that even the sturdy Hohenzollerns had to 
 give way before it. In Hungary there was a popular ferment. Poland was 
 ready for a new rising against Russia. In Russia the movement which 
 subsequently came to be known as Nihilism was born. In Italy Garibaldi 
 and Mazzini were laying the foundations for the throne which the house of 
 Savoy built upon the work of the secret societies. 
 
 Nor must the reader believe that all this turmoil had not beneath it real 
 grievances and honest causes. The peasantry and the laboring classes of 
 Europe had been oppressed and plundered for centuries. The common 
 people were just beginning to learn their power, and, while the excesses 
 into which they were led were deplorable, it is not difficult to understand 
 the causes which made the crisis inevitable. 
 
 '7
 
 i8 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 There is nothing ever lost by endeavoring to enter fairly and impartially 
 into another's position by trying to understand the reasons which move 
 men, and the creeds which sway them. Anarchy as a theory is as old as the 
 school men of the middle ages. It was gravely debated in the monasteries, 
 and supported by learned casuists five centuries ago. As a practice it was 
 first taught in France, and later in Germany. It caught the unthinking, 
 impressible throng as the proper protest against too much government and 
 wrong government. It was ably argued by leaders capable of better things, 
 men who turned great talents toward the destruction of society instead of 
 
 its upbuilding, and the fruit of their 
 teachings we have with us in Chicago 
 to-day. 
 
 Our Anarchy is of the German 
 school, which is more nearly akin to 
 Nihilism than to the doctrines taught 
 in France. It is founded upon the teach- 
 ings of Karl Marx and his disciples, 
 and it aims directly at the complete 
 destruction of all forms of government 
 and religion. It offers no solution of 
 the problems which will arise when 
 society, as we understand it, shall dis- 
 appear, but contents itself with declar-
 
 THE THEORY OF ANARCHY. 
 
 ing that the duty at hand is tearing down ; that the work of building up 
 must come later. There are several reasons why the revolutionary pro- 
 gramme stops short at the work of Anarchy, chief among which is the fact 
 that there are as many panaceas for the future as there are revolutionists, 
 and it would be a hopeless task to think of binding them all to one platform 
 of construction. The Anarchists are all agreed that the present system 
 must go, and so far they can work together ; after that each will take his 
 own path into Utopia. 
 
 Their dream of the future is accordingly as many-colored as Joseph's 
 coat. Each man has his own ideal. Engels, who is Karl Marx's successor 
 in the leadership of the movement, 
 believes that men will associate 
 themselves into organizations like 
 cooperative societies for mutual 
 protection, support and improve- 
 ment, and that these will be the 
 only units in the country of a social 
 nature. There will be no law, no 
 church, no capital, no anything that 
 we regard as necessary to the life 
 of a nation. 
 
 The theory of Anarchy will, 
 however, be sufficiently developed 
 in the pages that follow. It is its 
 history as a school which must first 
 be examined. 
 
 England is really responsible 
 for much of the present strength 
 of the conspiracy against all gov- 
 ernments, for it was in the secure 
 asylum of London that speculative 
 Arnarchy was thought out by German exiles for German use, and from 
 London that the "red Internationale" was and probably is directed. This 
 was the result of political scheming, for the fomenting of discontent on the 
 continent has always been one of the weapons in the British armory. 
 
 In England itself the movement has only lately won any prominence, 
 although it was in England that it was baptized " Socialism " by Robert 
 Owen, in 1835, a name which was afterwards taken up both in France and 
 Germany. The English development is hardly worth consideration in as 
 brief a presentation of the subject as I shall be able to give. Before pass- 
 ing to an investigation of the growth and the history of Socialism and 
 Anarchy, I wish to express here, once for all, my obligations to Prof. 
 Richard T. Ely's most excellent history of " French and German Socialism 
 
 KARL MARX.
 
 20 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 in Modern Times." This monograph, like everything else which has come 
 from the pen of this gifted young economist, contains so clear a state- 
 ment and so complete a marshaling of the fa'cts that it is not necessary 
 to go beyond it for the story of continental discontent. 
 
 The French Revolution drew a broad red line across the world's history. 
 It is the most momentous fact in the annals of modern times. There is 
 no need for us to go behind it, or to examine its causes. We can take it 
 as a fact as the great revolt of the common people and push on to the 
 things that followed it. 
 
 Babeuf " Gracchus " Babeuf, as he called himself after serving part 
 
 of a term in prison for for- 
 gery, escaped, went to Paris 
 in the heat of the Revolution, 
 and started The Tribune of 
 the People, the first Social- 
 istic paper ever published. 
 He was too incendiary even 
 for Robespierre, and was im- 
 prisoned in 1795. In prison 
 he formed the famous " Con- 
 spiracy of Babeuf," which 
 was to establish the Com- 
 munistic republic. For this 
 conspiracy he and Darth6 
 were beheaded May 24, 1797. 
 Efcienne Cabet was a So- 
 cialist before the term was 
 invented, but he was a peace- 
 ful and honest one. He pub- 
 lished, in 1842, his "Travels 
 in Icaria," describing an ideal state. Like most political reformers, he chose 
 the United States as the best place to try his experiment upon. It is a curi- 
 ous fact that there is not a nation in Europe, however much of a failure it 
 may have made of all those things that go to make up rational liberty, which 
 does not feel itself competent to tell us just what we ought to do, instead 
 of what we are doing. Cabet secured a grant of land on the Red River in 
 Texas just after the Mexican War, and a colony of Icarians came out. 
 They took the yellow fever and were dispersed before Cabet came with the 
 second part of the colony. About this time the Mormons left Nauvoo in 
 Illinois, and the Icarians came to take their places. The colony has since 
 established itself at Grinnell, Iowa, and a branch is at San Bernardino, 
 California. The Nauvoo settlement has, I believe, been abandoned. 
 
 Babeuf and Cabet prepared the way for Saint Simon. He was a 
 
 MICHAEL BAKOUNINE.
 
 FOURIER AND HIS SYSTEM. 
 
 21 
 
 count, and a lineal descendant of Charlemagne. He fought in our War of 
 the Revolution under Washington, and passed its concluding years in a 
 British prison. He preached nearly the modern Socialism, the revolt of 
 the proletariat against property, and his work has indelibly impressed 
 itself upon the whole movement in France. 
 
 Charles Fourier, born in 1772, was the son of a grocer in Besancon, and 
 he was a man who exercised great influence upon the movement among 
 the French. He was rather a dreamer than a man of action, and, although 
 attempts have been made to carry his familistere into practice, there is no 
 conspicuous success to record, save, perhaps, that of the familistere at Guise, 
 in France, which has been 
 conducted for a long time 
 on the principles laid 
 down by Fourier. 
 
 All these men had be- 
 fore them concrete 
 schemes for a new society 
 in which the evils of the 
 present system would be 
 avoided by what they con- 
 sidered a more equable 
 division of wealth, and 
 each made the effort to 
 carry his scheme from 
 theory into practice, so 
 that the world might see 
 the success and imitate 
 it. Following them came 
 the men who held that, 
 before the new society 
 can be formed, the old 
 society must be got rid of the men who see but one way towards So- 
 cialism, and that through Anarchy. 
 
 Louis Blanc was the first of these, although he would not have described 
 himself as an Anarchist, nor would it be fair to call him one. He repre- 
 sented the transition stage. He attempted political reforms of a most 
 sweeping character during the revolution of 1848. The government of 
 the day established " national work-shops " as a concession to him. Of 
 these more is said hereafter. 
 
 Pierre Joseph Proudhon, born in Besancon July 15, 1809, is really the 
 father of French Anarchy. His great work, "What Is Property?" was 
 published in 1840, and he declared that property was theft and property- 
 holders thieves. It is to this epoch-making work that the whole school 
 
 PIERRE JOSEPH PROUDHON.
 
 22 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 of modern Anarchy, in any of its departments, may be traced. Proudhon 
 was fired by an actual hatred of the rich. He describes a proprietor as 
 "essentially a libidinous animal, without virtue and without shame." The 
 importance of his work is shown by the effect it has had even upon orthodox 
 political economy, while on the other side it has been the inspiration of 
 Karl Marx. Proudhon died in Passy in 1865. 
 
 Since his time until within the last year or two, French Socialism has 
 been but a reflex of the German school. It has produced no first-rates, 
 and has been content to take its doctrine from Lassalle. Karl Marx and 
 Engels, the leaders of the German movement, and Bakounine and Prince 
 Krapotkin, the Russian terrorists, have impressed their ideas deeply upon 
 the French discontented ones. The revolt of the Commune of Paris after 
 the Franco-German war was not exactly an Anarchist uprising, although the 
 Anarchists impressed their ideas upon much of the work done. The Com- 
 mune of Paris means very much the same as "the people of Illinois." It 
 is the legal designation of the commonwealth, and does not imply Com- 
 munism any more than the word commonwealth does. It was a fight for 
 the autonomy of Paris, and one in which many people were engaged who 
 had no sympathy with Anarchy, although certainly the lawless element 
 finally obtained complete control of the situation. The rising in Lyons 
 several years later was distinctly and wholly anarchic, and it was for this 
 that Prince Krapotkin and others were sent to prison. 
 
 At the present day there is no practical distinction between Socialism 
 and Anarchy in France. All Socialists are Anarchists as a first step, 
 although all Anarchists are not precisely Socialists. They look to the 
 Russian Nihilists and the German irreconcilables as their leaders. 
 
 German Socialism is really the doctrine which fe- now taught all over 
 the world, and it was this teaching that led directly to the Haymarket 
 massacre in Chicago. It began with Karl Rodbertus, who lived from 1805 
 to 1875. He first became prominent in Germany in 1848, and he was for 
 some time Minister of Education and Public Worship in Prussia. He was 
 a theorist rather than a practical reformer, but competent critics assign to 
 him the very highest rank as a political economist. His first work was 
 "Our Economic Condition," which was published in 1843, and his other 
 books, which he published up to within a short time of his death, were 
 simply elucidations of the principles he had first laid down. His writings 
 have had a greater effect on modern Socialism than those of any other 
 thinker, not even excepting Karl Marx or Lassalle. His theories were 
 brought to a practical issue by Marx, who united into a compact whole 
 the teachings of Proudhon and of Rodbertus, his own genius giving a new 
 luster and a new value to the result. Marx is far and away the greatest 
 man that the Socialism of the nineteenth century has produced. He was a 
 deep student, a man of most formidable mental power, eloquent, persua-
 
 THE RED INTERNATIONALE. 23 
 
 sive, and honest. His great book, " Capital." has been called the Socialist's 
 Bible. Ely places it in the very first rank, saying of it that it is " among the 
 ablest political economic treatises ever written." And while the best 
 scientific thought of the age agrees that Marx was mistaken in his pre- 
 mises and his fundamental propositions, there, is accorded to him upon 
 every hand the tribute which profound learning pays to hard work and deep 
 thinking. 
 
 Coming from theory to practice brings us naturally from Marx to the 
 International Society. It was founded in London in 1864 and was meant 
 to include the whole of the labor class of Christendom. Marx was the 
 chief, but he held the sovereignty uneasily. The Anarchists constantly 
 antagonized him. Bakounine, the apostle of dynamite, opposed Marx at 
 every point, and finally Marx had him expelled from the society. Bakounine 
 thereupon formed a new Internationale, based upon anarchic principles 
 and the gospel of force. The Internationale of which Marx was the founder 
 has shrunk to a mere name, although the organization is still kept up, and 
 the body with which the civilized world has now to reckon is that which 
 Bakounine formed after his expulsion from the old body in 1872. It is a 
 curious fact that many of the Socialists in Chicago to-day are enthusiastic 
 admirers of Marx and at the same time members of the society and fol- 
 lowers of the man Marx declared to be the most dangerous enemy of the 
 modern workingman. 
 
 Marx is dead, however ; many things are said in his name of which he 
 himself would never have approved, and the " Red Internationale " pro- 
 claims the man a saint who refused either to indorse its principles or to 
 consult with its leaders. It is the same as though, twenty years hence, 
 the men who last year followed Barry out of the Knights of Labor were 
 to hold up Powderly to the world as their law-giver and their chief. 
 
 Louise Michel, who was a very active worker in the radical cause during 
 the outbreak of the Paris Commune, was born in 1830, and first attracted 
 attention by verses full of force which she published very early in life. She 
 was sentenced in 1871 to deportation for life, and was transported with 
 others to New Caledonia. At the time of the general amnesty, in 1880, she 
 returned to Paris, and became editor of La Revolution Sociale. 
 
 Ferdinand Lassalle, like Marx of Hebrew blood, and of early aristo- 
 cratic prejudices, was the father of German Anarchy as it exists to-day. 
 He was a deep student, and a remarkably able man. He took his inspira- 
 tion from Rodbertus and from Marx, but applied himself more to work 
 among the poor. Marx was over the heads of the common people. His 
 "Capital" is very hard reading. Lassalle popularized its teachings. On 
 May 23, 1863, a few men met at Leipsic under the leadership of Lassalle 
 and formed the " Universal German Laborers' Union." This was the 
 foundation of Social Democracy, and its teachings were wholly anarchic.
 
 2 4 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 It aimed at the subversion of the whole German social system, by peace- 
 ful political means at first, but soon by force. 
 
 Lassalle was shortly afterwards killed in a duel over a love-affair, but 
 he was canonized by the German Social Democrats as though his death 
 were a martyrdom. Even Bismarck in the Reichstag paid a tribute to his 
 memory. Lassalle died just about the time that a change was occurring in 
 his convictions, and had he lived longer, and if contemporary history is to 
 be believed, he would have taken office under the German Government and 
 applied himself heartily to the building up of the Empire. 
 
 After Lassalle's death the movement which he had initiated went forward 
 with increased force. The German laborer was finally, as the International- 
 ists put it, aroused. The German 
 Empire, following the example of 
 the Bund, decreed universal suf- 
 frage in 1871. Before this, in 
 Prussia especially, the laborer had 
 but the smallest political influ- 
 ence. The vote of a man in the 
 wealthiest class in Berlin counted 
 for as much as the vote of fifteen 
 of the "proletariat," so called. 
 Lassalle died in 1864, and suf- 
 frage was first granted in 1867. 
 The Social Democrats at first 
 were in close accord with Bis- 
 marck. It was the Social Demo- 
 cratic vote^ which elected Bis- 
 marck to the Reichstag in the 
 first election after the suffrage 
 was granted. In the fall of 18^7 
 they sent eight members to the 
 parliament of the Bund. In the 
 elections after the formation of 
 the Empire the Socialistic vote stood: In 1871, 123,975; * n l8 74> 351,952; 
 in 1877,493,288; in 1878,437,158. The Social Democrats poll nearly 10 
 per cent of the whole vote of Germany at the present time. 
 
 In 1878 occurred the two attempts on the life of the Emperor of Germany 
 described in a succeeding chapter, and the result was severe repressive 
 measures against the Social Democrats. Their vote fell off, and their 
 influence declined, but in the past two years, 1887 and 1888, they nave more 
 than recovered their past strength, and they now poll more votes and 
 seem to exercise a greater political control in Germany than ever before. 
 The passage of the " Ausnahmsgesetz," the exceptional law against 
 
 LOUISE MICHEL.
 
 THE EXODUS TO AMERICA. 
 
 German Socialists, drove many of them to this country, but had no effect 
 in diminishing the propaganda in Germany. The result was an exodus 
 of Socialists, or rather Anarchists, to America by this time the two terms, 
 wide apart as they may seem, had become one and to Chicago came 
 most of the irreconcil- 
 
 able ones. The Amer- 
 ican sympathizers, thus 
 formed, at first fixed 
 their attention upon the 
 political situation in the 
 old country, and they 
 applied themselves 
 closely to work in con- 
 nection with the agita- 
 tors who had not expa- 
 triated themselves. 
 Money was sent in large 
 quantities to the old 
 country. 
 
 In Germany, in the 
 meantime, the move- 
 ment varied and shifted 
 with each wind of doc- 
 trine ; one president after 
 another was tried and 
 found wanting, until at 
 last Jean von Schweitzer 
 was chosen, and he 
 guided the party until it 
 was finally swallowed up 
 in the organization per- 
 fected by Liebknecht and 
 Bebel. Liebknecht was 
 
 really but an interpreter FERDINAND LASSALLE 
 
 of Marx, but he was honest, enthusiastic and devoted, and no man in 
 the whole line of German political energy has left his name more 
 thoroughly impressed upon the time. Out of these conditions and 
 born of these ideas came the Anarchy which hurled the bomb whose 
 crash at the Haymarket Square first aroused us to the work which is being 
 done in our midst. 
 
 The Anarchists of Chicago are exotics. Discontent here is a German 
 plant transferred from Berlin and Leipsic and thriving to flourish in the 
 west. In our garden it is a weed to be plucked out by the roots and
 
 26 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 destroyed, for our conditions neither warrant its growth nor excuse its 
 existence. 
 
 The central idea of all Socialistic and Anarchic systems is the interfer- 
 ence with the right of property by society. If we can convince ourselves that 
 society has the right and the duty thus to interfere, then there is to be said 
 nothing more. As long as the American citizen can buy his own land and 
 raise his own crops, as long as average industry and economy will lead a 
 man to competence, Socialism can only be like typhus fever a growth of 
 the city slums. There is no real danger in it. There is no peril which 
 those charged with the protection of law and order are not ready to 
 face, for every officer of the law that unreasonable discontent may 
 menace is backed by the whole power of the republic ; and the republic 
 is founded upon principles which this alien revolt can neither harm nor 
 affright. 
 
 There is a fact which, before I leave this chapter, I wish to bring home 
 to the mind of every reader, and that is this : 
 
 The police of Chicago, like the police of every city in the Union, are 
 actuated by no feeling of hostility to these people. We understand the 
 genesis of their movement ; we can put ourselves in their places and feel 
 the things which actuate them ; we are prepared to make as many excuses 
 for them as they can make for themselves ; we are ready to grant every- 
 thing that they could claim, and more ; but we see beyond this, and above 
 this, facts which they forget and forego. 
 
 We have a government in these United States so firm and so elastic 
 that it has every bulwark against either foreign or domestic attack, and yet 
 it provides every opportunity to adjust itself to the will of the people. 
 
 The majority must rule, and does rule ; but fmder our Constitution it 
 rules only along lines decreed by the fathers long ago for the protection of 
 the minority. There is a legal and constitutional means provided for every 
 man to carry his theories of good government into actual practice. Every 
 citizen has the right to vote, and to have his vote counted, and this right 
 belongs to Anarchist and conservative, to radical and reactionist. There 
 is no man can stand before the American people and say we have refused 
 him his right : if it were done, the whole power of the Government would 
 be marshaled to do him justice. When, then, we have provided every 
 man with a means to impress his convictions upon the government of the 
 country when we have done everything that human ingenuity can do to 
 secure a full and free expression of the popular will, as the final and 
 supreme test upon every public question, we may be excused for refusing 
 to let the Anarchists have their way. They are a minority of a minority, 
 yet they would impose their system and their doctrine upon the majority^ 
 They would substitute for the ballot-box the dynamite bomb for the will 
 of the people the will of a contemptible rabble of discontents, un-Ameri-
 
 THE POLICE POSITION. 27 
 
 can in birth, training, education and idea, few in numbers and ridiculous in 
 power. 
 
 Thus, while the police entertain no animosity against these men, we 
 feel I feel and every officer under my command feels that we are bound 
 by our oaths and by our loyalty to the State and to society to meet force 
 with force, and cunning with cunning. We are the conservators of the law 
 and the preservers of the peace, and the law will be vindicated and the 
 peace preserved in spite of any and all attacks. 
 
 \i our system is wrong, which I do not believe ; if the principle that the 
 majority of the citizens is to be ruled by an alien minority is to be ac- 
 cepted, which I do not accept, still there is the orderly and well-protected 
 means provided by law, and guaranteed by the Government, to transform 
 that idea into a governing fact. There is the ballot, free to every citizen, 
 safe, satisfying, final. The men who try other methods are rushing to their 
 own destruction. We pity them, we sympathize with them ; but our duty 
 is clear and manifest. We have a government worth fighting for, and evpn 
 worth dying for, and the police feel that truth as keenly as any class in the 
 community.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Dynamite in Politics Historical Assassinations Infernal Machines in 
 France The Inventor of Dynamite M. Nobel and his Ideas The Nitro-Compounds 
 
 How Dynamite is Made The New French Explosive ' ' Black Jelly " and the Nihil- 
 ists What the Nihilists Believe and What they Want The Conditions in Russia The 
 White and the Red Terrors Vera Sassoulitch Tourgeneff and the Russian Girl 
 The Assassination of the Czar " It is too Soon to Thank God " The Dying Emperor 
 Two Bombs Thrown Running Down The Conspirators Sophia Perowskaja, the 
 Nihilist Leader The .Handkerchief Signal The Murder Roll Tried and Convicted 
 
 A Brutal Execution Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty Last Words Spoken but Un- 
 heard A Deafening Tattoo The Book-bomb and the Present Czar Strychnine- 
 coated Bullets St. Peter and Paul's Fortress Dynamite Outrages in England The 
 Record of Crime Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses Ingenious Bomb-making 
 
 * -> The Failures of Dynamite. 
 
 THE attempt to gain political ends by an appeal to infernal machines 
 is not a new one. It is as old as gunpowder and the evangel of 
 assassination is older still. Murder was the recognized political weapon 
 of the Eastern and Western Empires, and the Chicago Anarchists have 
 proved themselves neither better nor worse than the "old man of the 
 mountain " or the Italian princes of the middle ages. During the reign of 
 Mary Queen of Scots the mysterious explosion occurred in the Kirk of Feld 
 in which Darnley lost his life. Somewhat later was the "gunpowder plot," 
 in which Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators tried to blow up the Houses 
 of Parliament. The petard and the hand-grenade were the grandfather and 
 the grandmother of the modern bomb, and murderous invention came to its 
 new phase in the infernal machine which Ceruchi, Jhe Italian sculptor, con- 
 trived to kill Napoleon when First Consul a catastrophe which was avoided 
 by the fact that Napoleon's coachman was drunk and took the wrong turn in 
 going to the opera-house. 
 
 France was fertile in this sort of machinery. Some years later Fieschi, 
 Morey and Pepin tried to kill Louis Philippe with a similar apparatus on the 
 Boulevard de Temple. The King escaped, but the brave Marshal Mortier was 
 slain. Orsini and Pieri made a bomb, round and bristling with nippers, 
 each of which was charged with fulminate of mercury, to explode the powder 
 within, meaning to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon and the Empress 
 Eugenie. 
 
 In the year 1866, according to the most trustworthy authorities, dynamite 
 was first made by Alfred Nobel. In speaking of the invention, Adolf Hous- 
 saye, the French litterateur, recently said : 
 
 It should be remembered that nine-tenths, probably, of the dynamite made is used in 
 peaceful pursuits ; in mining, and similar works. Indeed, since its invention great engineer- 
 ing achievements have been accomplished which would have been entirely impossible without 
 it. I do not see, then, much room for doubt that it has on the whole been a great blessing
 
 NITRO-GLYCERINE AND DYNAMITE. 29 
 
 to humanity. Such certainly its inventor regards it. " If I did not look upon it as such," I 
 heard him say recently, " I should close up all my manufactories and not make another ounce 
 of the stuff." He is a strong advocate of peace, and regards with the utmost horror the use 
 of dynamite by assassins and political conspirators. When the news of the Haymarket trag- 
 edy in Chicago reached him, M. Nobel was in Paris, and I well remember his expressions of 
 horror and detestation at the cowardly crime. 
 
 "Look you," he exclaimed. " I am a man of peace. But when I see these miscreants 
 misusing my invention, do you know how it makes me feel? It makes me feel like gathering 
 the whole crowd of them into a storehouse full of dynamite and blowing them all up to- 
 gether ! " 
 
 Few people know what dynamite is, though it has attracted a good deal 
 of attention of late, and before considering its use as a mode for political 
 murder it may be well here to give an account of its making. 
 
 Nitro-glycerine, although not the strongest explosive known to science, 
 is the only one of any industrial importance, as the others are too dangerous 
 for manufacture. It was discovered by Salvero, an Italian chemist, in 1845. 
 It is composed of glycerine and nitric acid compounded together in a certain 
 proportion, and at a certain temperature. It is very unsafe to handle, and 
 to this reason is to be .ascribed the invention of dynamite, which is, after all, 
 merely a sort of earth and nitro-glycerine, the use of the earth being to hold 
 the explosive safely as a piece of blotting-paper would hold water until it 
 was needed. Nobel first tried kieselguhr, or flint froth, which was groimd 
 to a powder, heated thoroughly and dried, and the nitro-glycerine was 
 kneaded into it like so much dough. Of course, many other substances are 
 now used, besides infusorial earth, as vehicles for the explosive saw- 
 dust, rotten-stone, charcoal, plaster of Paris, black powder, etc., etc. These 
 are all forms of dynamite or giant powder, and mean the same thing. 
 When the substance is thoroughly kneaded, work that must be done with 
 the hands, it is molded into sticks somewhat like big candles, and wrapped 
 in parchment paper. Nitro-glycerine has a sweet, aromatic, pungent taste, 
 and the peculiar property of causing ' a violent headache when placed 
 on the tongue or the wrist. It freezes at 40 Fahrenheit, and must 
 be melted by the application of water at a temperature of 100. In 
 dynamite the usual proportions are 25 per cent, of earth and 75 per cent, of 
 nitro-glycerine. The explosive is fired by fulminate of silver or mercury 
 in copper caps. 
 
 Outside of the French arsenals it is to be doubted if anybody knows 
 anything more about the new explosive, melinite, further than that it is one of 
 the compounds of picric acid and picric acid is a more frightful explosive 
 than nitro-glycerine. I find in my scrap-book the following excerpt from the 
 London Standard, describing the artillery experiments at Lydd with the new 
 explosive which the British Admiralty has lately been examining. The 
 Standard, after declaring that the experiments are " entirely satisfactory, " 
 says :
 
 3 o ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The character of the compound employed is said to be " akin to melinite, " but its precise 
 nature is not divulged. We have reason to believe that the "kinship" is very close. The 
 details of the experiments which have lately been conducted at Lydd are known to very few 
 individuals. But it is unquestionable that the results were such as demonstrate the enor- 
 mous advantage to be gained by using a more powerful class of explosives than that which 
 has been hitherto employed. There could be no mistake as to the destructive energy of the 
 projectiles. Neither was there any mishap in the use of these terrible appliances. The like 
 immunity was enjoyed at Portsmouth. A deterrent to the adoption of violent explosives for 
 war purposes has consisted in the risk of premature explosion. But there is still the con- 
 sideration that the advantage to be gained far exceeds the risk which has to be incurred. 
 France has not neglected this question, and she is ahead of us. Her chosen explosive is 
 melinite, and with this she has armed herself to an extent of which the British public has no 
 conception. All the requisite materials, in the shape of steel projectiles and the melinite for 
 filling them, have been provided for the French service and distributed so as to furnish a 
 complete supply for the army and the navy. Whatever may be said as to the danger which 
 besets the use of melinite, the French authorities are confident that they have mastered the 
 problem of making this powerful compound subservient to the purposes of war. Concerning 
 the composition of this explosive great secrecy is observed by the French Government, as 
 also with regard to the experiments that are made with it. But Col. Majendie states that 
 melinite is largely composed of picric acid in a fused or consolidated condition. Of the violence 
 with which picric acid will explode, an example was given on the occasion of a fire at some 
 chemical works near Manchester a year ago. The shock was felt over a distance of two 
 miles from the seat of the explosion, and the sound was heard for a distance of twenty miles. 
 
 The conduct of the French in committing themselves so absolutely to the use of melinite 
 as a materiel of war clearly signifies that with them the use of such a substance has passed 
 out of the region of doubt and experiment. Their experimental investigations extended over 
 a considerable period of time, but at last the stage of inquiry gave place to one of confidence 
 and assurance. So great is the confidence of the French Government in the new shell that 
 it is said the French forts are henceforth to be protected by a composite material better 
 adapted than iron or steel to resist the force of a projectile charged with a high explosive. In 
 naval warfare the value of shells charged in this manner is likely to be more especially 
 shown in connection with the rapid-fire guns which are now coming into use. The question 
 is whether the ponderous staccato fire of monster ordnance may not be largely superseded 
 by another mode of attack, in which a storm of shells, charged with something far more 
 potent than gunpowder, will be poured forth in a constant stream from numerous guns of 
 comparatively small weight and caliber. 
 
 Combined with rapidity of fire, these shells cannot but prove formidable to an armor- 
 clad, independently of any damage inflicted on the plates. The great thickness now given 
 to ship armor is accomplished by a mode of concentration which, while affecting to shield 
 the vital parts, leaves a large portion of the ship entirely unprotected. On the unarmored 
 portion a tremendous effect will be produced by the quick-firing guns dashing their powerful 
 shells in a fiery deluge on the ship. 
 
 Altogether the new force which is now entering into the composition of artillery is one 
 which demands the attention of the British Government in the form of prompt and vigorous 
 action. While we are experimenting, others are arming. 
 
 Dynamite, however, is the weapon with which the "revolution" has 
 armed itself for its assault upon society. A terrible arm truly, but one 
 difficult to handle, dangerous to hold, and certainly no stronger in their 
 hands than in ours, if it should ever become necessary to use it in defense 
 of law and order.
 
 THE NIHILIST PLATFORM. 31 
 
 A number of Russian chemists, members of the Nihilist party, were the 
 first to apply dynamite to the work of murder. It is to their researches that 
 is to be credited the invention of the " black jelly," so called, of which so 
 much was expected, and by which so little was done. 
 
 Nihilist activity in Russia commenced almost as soon as the emancipated 
 peasantry began to be in condition for the evangel of discontent. It was 
 Tourgeneff, the novelist, who baptized the movement with its name of 
 Nihilism and the truth is that it is a movement rather than an organization. 
 It is a loose, uncentralized, uncodified society, secret by necessity and mur- 
 derous by be.lief ; but it is a secret society without grips or passwords, with- 
 out a purpose save indiscriminate destruction, and its very formlessness and 
 vagueness have been its chief protection from the Russian police, who are, 
 perhaps, after all is said and done, the best police in the world. A state- 
 ment of Nihilism by that very famous Nihilist who is known as Stepniak, 
 but who is suspected to be entitled to a much more illustrious name, runs 
 thus : 
 
 By our general conviction we are Socialists and democrats. We are convinced that on 
 Socialistic grounds humanity can become the embodiment of freedom, equality and frater- 
 nity, while it secures for itself a general prosperity, a harmonious development of man and 
 his social progress. We are convinced, moreover, that only the will of the people should 
 give sanction to any social institution, and that the development of the nation is sound only 
 when free and independent and when every idea in practical use shall have previously passed 
 the test of national consideration and of the national will. We further think that as Social- 
 ists and democrats we must first recognize an immediate purpose to liberate the nation from 
 its present state of oppression by creating a political revolution. We would thus transfer the 
 supreme power into the hands of the people. We think that the will of the nation should 
 be expressed with perfect clearness, and best, by a National Assembly freely elected by the 
 votes of all the citizens, the representatives to be carefully instructed by their constituents. 
 We do not consider this as the ideal form of expressing the people's will, but as the most 
 acceptable form to be realized in practice. Submitting ourselves to the will of the nation, 
 we, as a party, feel bound to appear before our own country with our own programme or 
 platform, which we shall propagate even before the revolution, recommend to the electors 
 during electoral periods, and afterwards defend in the National Assembly. 
 
 The Nihilist programme in Russia has been officially formulated thus : 
 
 First The permanent Representative Assembly to have supreme control and direction in 
 all general state questions. 
 
 Second In the provinces, self-government to a large extent ; to secure it, all public func- 
 tionaries to be elected. 
 
 Third To secure the independence of the Village Commune ("Mir") as an economical 
 and administrative unit. 
 
 Fourth All the land to be proclaimed national property. 
 
 Fifth A series of nTeasures preparatory to a final transfer of ownership in manufactures 
 to the workmen. 
 
 Sixth Perfect liberty of conscience, of the press, speech, meetings, associations and 
 electoral agitation. 
 
 Seventh The right to vote to be extended to all citizens of legal age. without class or 
 property restrictions. 
 
 Eighth Abolition of the standing army ; the army to be replaced by a territorial militia.
 
 32 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 It must be remembered that the conditions in Russia are peculiar. The 
 country is ruled by an autocracy ; government is not by the people, but by 
 "divine right." The conditions which the English-speaking people ended 
 at Runnymede still exist in Muscovy. There is neither free speech, free 
 assembly, nor a free press, and naturally discontent vents itself in revolt. 
 There is no safety-valve. Russia is full of generous, high-minded young 
 men and women, who find their church dead, and their state a cruel des- 
 potism. They find themselves face to face with the White Terror, and they 
 have sought in the Red Terror a relief. Flying at last from the hopeless 
 contest, they have carried the hate of government born of bad ruling into 
 Western Europe, and it is the infection of this poison that we have to deal 
 with here. The average Russian .Nihilist is a young man or a young woman 
 very often the latter who, by the contemplation of real wrongs and falla- 
 cious remedies, has come to be the implacable enemy of all order and all 
 system. Usually they are half-educated, with just that superficial smatter- 
 ing of knowledge to make them conceited in their own opinions, but without 
 enough real learning to make them either impartial critics or safe citizens of 
 non-Russian countries. We can pity them, for it is easy to see how step by 
 step they have been pushed into revolt. But they are dangerous. 
 
 When one reads such a case as that which gave Vera Sassoulitch her 
 notoriety, it is easier to understand Russia. General Trepoff, the Chief of 
 Police of St. Petersburg, had arrested Vera's lover on suspicion of high 
 treason. The young man was by Trepoff's order frequently flogged to make 
 him confess his crime. Sassoulitch called on Trepoff and shot him. She 
 was tried by a St. Petersburg jury and acquitted. Immediately a law was 
 declared that no case of political crime should be tried by a jury, except 
 when the Government had selected it. The arrest of the woman was ordered 
 that she might be tried again under the iiew regulation, but in the meantime 
 her friends had spirited her away. 
 
 A very similar crime was that attempted by another Nihilist heroine, 
 Maria Kaliouchnaia, who attempted to kill Col. Katauski for his severity to 
 her brother. In the assassination of the Czar, as I shall relate, a number of 
 women were concerned, and their bravery was greatly more desperate than 
 that of their male companions. The Russian woman is peculiar. I know 
 no better picture of the "devoted ones" than that given in Tourgeneff's 
 "Verses in Prose": 
 
 I see a huge building with a narrow door in its front wall ; the door is 1 open, and a dismal 
 darkness stretches beyond. Before the high threshold stands a girl a Russian girl. Frost 
 breathes out of the impenetrable darkness, and with the icy draught from the depths of the 
 building there comes forth a slow and hollow voice : 
 
 "Oh, thou who art wanting to cross this threshold, dost thou know what awaits thee ?" 
 
 " I know it," answers the girl. 
 
 "Cold, hunger, hatred, derision, contempt, insults, a fearful death even." 
 
 " I know it."
 
 THE RUSSIAN TERRORISTS. 
 
 33 
 
 " Complete isolation and separation from all ? " 
 
 " I know it. I am ready. I will bear all sorrows and miseries." 
 
 "Not only if inflicted by enemies, but when done by kindred and friends ?" 
 
 "Yes, even when done by them." 
 
 " Well, are you ready for self-sacrifice ? " 
 
 "Yes!" 
 
 " For anonymous self-sacrifice ? You shall die, and nobody shall know even whose 
 memory is to be honored ? " 
 
 " I want neither .gratitude nor pity. I want no name." 
 
 " Are you ready for a crime ? " 
 
 The girl bent her head. " I am ready even for a crime." 
 
 The voice paused awhile before renewing its interrogatories. Then again : ' ' Dost thou 
 know," it said at last, " that thou mayest lose thy faith in what thou now believest ; that thou 
 mayest feel that thou hast been mistaken and hast lost thy young life in vain ? " 
 
 " I know that also, and nevertheless I will enter ! " 
 
 " Enter, then ! " 
 
 The girl crossed the threshold, and a heavy curtain fell behind her. 
 
 " A fool ! " gnashed some one outside. 
 
 " A saint ! " answered a voice from somewhere. 
 
 With such material it was not difficult to build up the tragedy of 1881. 
 Before the day of 
 the Czar's death 
 came, there had 
 been despera te 
 attempts upon 
 his life. Prince Kra- 
 potkin, a relative of 
 the Nihilist of the 
 same name, was 
 murdered in Feb- 
 ruary, 1879, and 
 following this deed 
 the terrorists ap- 
 plied themselves 
 resolutely to the 
 removal of the Em- 
 
 EXCAVATED DYNAMITE MINE IN MOSCOW. 
 
 peror. 
 
 For instance, in November, 1879, was the mine laid at Moscow. It was 
 intended to blow up the railway train upon which the Czar was to enter the 
 city, and for this purpose Solovieff and his comrades laid three dynamite 
 mines under the tracks. Hartmann, who subsequently figured in the 
 assassination, was one of the leaders, and here, too, was Sophie Peroosky, 
 another of the regicides. They hired a house near the railway tracks and 
 tunneled under the road amidst incredible difficulties and always in the 
 most imminent danger. One hundred and twenty pounds of dynamite 
 Avas in position, but the Czar passed by in a common train before the im-
 
 34 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 perial one on which he was expected, and his life was saved. On February 
 5, 1880, the mine under the Winter Palace was exploded ; eleven persons 
 were killed, but again the Czar escaped. 
 
 For some time before March 13, 1881, Gen. Count Loris Melikoff, the 
 officer responsible for the safety of Czar Alexander II., had received dis- 
 quieting reports which gave him the greatest anxiety. On the loth of the 
 month Jelaboff, the ringleader of the conspiracy, was arrested by accident, 
 and the direction of the attempt on the Czar's life was accordingly left to 
 Sophie Perowskaja, a young, pretty and highly educated noblewoman, who 
 had left everything to join the Nihilists. It is said that on the morning of 
 the 1 3th Melikoff begged the Czar to forego his purpose of reviewing the 
 Marine Corps, and keep within the palace. The Emperor laughed at him, 
 and declared there was no danger. There was no incident until after the 
 review. As the Emperor drove back beside the Ekaterinofsky Canal, just op- 
 posite the imperial stables, a young woman on the other side of the canal 
 fluttered a handkerchief, and immediately a man started out from the crowd 
 that was watching the passing of the Czar, and threw a bomb under the 
 closed carriage. There was a roaring explosion, a cloud of smoke. The 
 rear of the vehicle was blown away, and the horror-stricken multitude saw 
 the Czar standing unhurt, staring about him. On the ground were several 
 members of the Life Guard, groaning and writhing in pain. The assassin had 
 pulled out a revolver to complete his work, but he was at once mobbed by 
 the people. Col. Dvorjitsky and Captains Kock and Kulebiekan, of the 
 guards, rushed up to their master and asked him if he was hurt. 
 
 "Thank God! no," said the Czar. "Come, let us look after the 
 wounded." 
 
 And he started toward one of the Cossacks. 
 
 "It is too soon to thank God yet, Alexander Nicolaivitch," said a clear, 
 threatening voice in the crowd, and before any one could stop him, a young 
 man bounded forward, lifted up both arms above his head, and brought 
 them down with a swing. There was a crash of dynamite, a blaze, a smoke, 
 and the autocrat of all the Russias was lying on the bloody snow, with his 
 murderer also dying in front of him. Col. Dvorjitsky lifted up the Czar, 
 who whispered : 
 
 "I am cold, my friend, so cold, take me to the Winter Palace to 
 die." 
 
 The desperate Nihilist had thrown his bomb right between the Czar's 
 feet, and had sacrificed his own life to kill the Emperor. 
 
 Alexander was shockingly mutilated. Both of his legs were broken, and 
 the lower part of his body was frightfully torn and mangled. The assassin 
 his name was Nicholas Elnikoff, of Wilna was even more badly hurt. 
 He died at once. 
 
 The Czar was taken into an open sled, and although it was claimed he
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 received the last sacrament at the Winter Palace, most of those who know 
 
 believe that he died on the way there: 
 
 In the meantime the police, with the utmost difficulty, rescued the first 
 
 bomb-thrower from the maddened mob. The man, whose name proved tc 
 
 be Risakoff, coolly thanked the officers for preserving him, and then tried 
 
 to swallow some poison 
 which he had ready. In 
 this he was foiled, and he 
 was taken to prison. 
 
 The infernal machine 
 used by Elnikoff was about 
 7^ inches in height, and 
 its construction is exempli- 
 fied in the annexed dia- 
 gram. Metal tubes (& ff] 
 
 THE CZAR'S CARRIAGE AFTER THE EXPLOSION. fill ~ d With chl rate oi 
 
 From a photograph. potash, and enclosing glass 
 
 tubes (><:) filled with sulphuric acid (commonly called oil of vitriol), 
 intersect the cylinder. Around the glass tubes are rings of iron (dd} closely 
 attached as weights. The construction is such that, no matter how the 
 bomb falls, one of the glass tubes is sure to break. The chlorate ol 
 potash in that case, combining with the sulphuric acid, ignites at once, 
 and the flames communicate over the fuse (//) with the piston (e), filled 
 with fulminate of silver. The concussion thus ^^ --^_ 
 
 caused explodes the dynamite or "black jelly" 
 (a) with which the cylinder is closely packed. 
 
 I said above that Jelaboff, the real leader 
 of the conspiracy, had been arrested on the 
 loth. He was merely a suspect, and it was 
 some time before the police realized what an 2 
 important arrest had been made. Only two 
 hours before the murder of the Emperor, Jela- 
 boff's house was searched, and there was found a 
 great quantity of black dynamite, India rubber 
 tubes, fuses and other articles. Jelaboff had 
 been living here with a woman who was called Lidia Voinoff. This Lidia 
 Voinoff was arrested on the Newsky Prospect, on. March 22nd, and almost 
 immediately identified as Sophia Perowskaja, the young woman who had 
 given the handkerchief signal to the bomb-throwers, and who was wanted 
 besides for the Moscow railway mine case. On the prisoner were found 
 papers which led to the search of a house on Telejewskaia Street, where a 
 man named Sablin committed suicide immediately on the appearance of 
 the police, and a woman named Hessy Helfmann was arrested. A regular
 
 A CRUEL EXECUTION. 37 
 
 Nihilist arsenal of black jelly, fuses, maps of different districts of St. 
 Petersburg, with the Czar's usual routes marked upon them, copies of 
 papers from the secret press, etc., were found. While the police were still 
 engaged in the search of the premises Timothy Mikhaeloff came in by 
 accident. He was taken, and on him was found a copy of the new Czar's 
 proclamation, and penciled on the back were the names of three shops with 
 three different hours in the afternoon. The officers descended on these 
 places and gathered in customers, shop-keepers and everybody else about 
 the place, a process which brought in Kibaltchik, the .Nihilist chemist and 
 bomb-maker. 
 
 The evidence was soon got in shape, and* early in April the trial began. 
 It was shown that Jelaboff was agent in the third degree of the Revolutionary 
 Executive Committee ; that he had issued the call for volunteers for the 
 killing of the Czar, and that forty-seven persons had offered themselves, out 
 of whom Risakoff, Mikhaeloff, Hessy Helfmann, Kibaltchik, Sophia Perows- 
 kaja and Elnikoff had been accepted. Elnikoff was dead, but the others, 
 with Jelaboff, were put in the dock. They all confessed except Hessy 
 Helfmann, and upon April nth all were condemned to death, with the 
 proviso needed under the Russian law that the sentence of Sophia Perows- 
 kaja should be approved by the Czar, as she was a member of the class of 
 nobles, and a noble may not be put to death without the Emperor's concur- 
 rence. The Czar concurred, and on April i5th, at 9 a. m., all the prisoners 
 save Hessy Helfmann were hung. This woman was reprieved because she 
 was about to become a mother. The execution was a most brutal one. It 
 took place on a plain two miles out of the city, in the presence of a hundred 
 thousand people. The prisoners were taken out of the fortress on two-wheeled 
 carts, surrounded by drummers and pipers, who played continuously and 
 loudly, so that nothing the condemned might say could be heard by the 
 crowd. At the scaffold the drummers were stationed in a hollow square 
 around the gallows, and a deafening tattoo was kept up from the time the pris- 
 oners were brought in until their bodies were cut down. The hanging was 
 very cruel. Each person was mounted on a small box, after kissing each 
 other passionately all round. They said something, but it could not be 
 heard for the drumming. The executioner was said to be evidently drunk. 
 There was no drop. When the signal was given the condemned were 
 pushed off their boxes and left to strangle. Mikhaeloff's rope broke twice, 
 and the attendants held him up while the excecutioner tied a new cord around 
 his neck and over the beam. The bodies were buried privately. 
 
 The present Czar has had several narrow escapes, none of them more 
 nearly fatal than the conspiracy of the book-bomb in March last. On the 
 1 3th of March, 1888, the anniversary of his father's terrible death, the Czar 
 made the usual visit to the Cathedral of St. Peter and Paul, where the body 
 of Alexander II. is buried. For some time before the ceremony St. Peters-
 
 38 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 burg was full of rumors that a catastrophe was impending, and, although 
 the police took the most careful precautions, the Czar himself paid no atten- 
 tion to the warnings of the " Third Section," and would permit no alteration 
 in the preparations for the requiem. 
 
 In Christmas week of 1887, the Russian agents at Geneva, in Switzer- 
 land, reported the presence in that city of two revolutionary agents who 
 seemed to have the closest relations with the committee of the discontents 
 in London and Paris. They were shadowed for a time, but lost. In Feb- 
 ruary they reappeared in Berlin. They were known to be in communication 
 with the St. Petersburg Nihilists. Before facts enough had accumulated to 
 justify their arrest they disappeared once more and were believed to have 
 
 I. Risakoff. 
 
 THE NIHILISTS IN THE DOCK. 
 2. Mikhaeloff. 3. Hessy Helfmann. 4. Kibaltchik. 5. Sophia Peroffskaja. 6. Jelaboff. 
 
 gone to the Russian capital. The facts were reported to the Czar, but he 
 laughed at Chief Gresser of the capital police. 
 
 In solemnizing the requiem of the late -Czar a public progress was made 
 to the Cathedral, amid a dense throng of citizens, among whom were all the 
 detectives that Chief Gresser could get together. In a small caf6 in one of 
 the side streets of the Morokaya two of the detectives ran across a couple 
 of uniformed university students in Russia the students have a peculiar 
 costume who were acting suspiciously. They were conversing in a most 
 excited manner with a man dressed as a peasant. The trio were watched. 
 At the caf door they separated, but all three made by different routes for 
 the Newsky Prospect, the chief drive of the capital and the one along 
 which the Czar was to return. The peasant was lost by the detectives, but
 
 4 o 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the other two were kept in sight, and the suspicions of the police were made 
 all the more keen by the fact that the young men passed each other in the 
 crowd several times with an elaborate appearance of not knowing each 
 other. One of them had a law-book in his hand ; the other had a traveling- 
 bag over his shoulder. 
 
 A few moments before the Czar was to pass on his return from the Cathe- 
 dral the students came together and whispered, and the two were imme- 
 diately and quietly arrested. Their names were given as Andreieffsky and 
 Petroff, university students, and this was proven to be the truth. 
 
 A thrilling discovery was made, however, at once. The innocent-looking 
 law-book was really a most dangerous infernal machine sufficiently power- 
 ful not alone to kill everybody in the Czar's carriage, but many in the crowd, 
 
 and perhaps to have 
 blown down some of 
 the neighboring 
 houses. The travel- 
 ing-sack was full of 
 dynamite bombs of 
 the ordinary spher- 
 ical pattern. 
 
 I reproduce here a 
 diagram of the book- 
 bomb from the excel- 
 lent account of the 
 attempted assassina- 
 tion given by the Ne'w York World a few days after it occurred. 
 
 The outside was made of wood and pasteboard, so artistically that only 
 the closest inspection would discover the fact that the machine was not 
 really a book. In the center of the interior, in the place marked C, were 
 a number of hollow bullets filled with strychnine, which poison was also 
 plastered upon the outside of the missiles. Above this were small compart- 
 ments filled with fulminate, with a glass tube of sulphuric acid. To the 
 tube was tied a string, which would break it when thrown, spilling it into 
 the fulminate and thus exploding the dynamite -with which the whole of the 
 hollow parts of the interior was densely packed. Fully a hundred people 
 must have been killed had the bomb been exploded as intended. The 
 expert who examined the bomb, after handling the bullets carelessly put his 
 finger in his mouth, and was seriously, though not fatally, poisoned. 
 
 Hardly bad the arrest been made when the Czar was notified at the 
 Cathedral. He ordered that the news should be withheld from the Empress, 
 although he was himself visibly affected. He sprang into his sleigh with 
 the Czarowitz, and drove by an unused route to the railway station. The 
 Czarina followed shortly after in a carriage, greatly agitated by a presenti- 
 
 Fig. i. Interior. 
 
 Fig. 2. Exterior. 
 
 A. Glass Tube. B. Fulminate. C. Bullets. D. Dynamite.
 
 DYNAMITE IN ENGLAND. 41 
 
 ment of evil. Not until the train had started was she informed of the occur- 
 rence. She burst into tears, and was inconsolable for the rest of the journey. 
 Once safe in his Gatschina Palace, the Czar is said to have given vent to his 
 feelings in the strongest language, heaping anathemas upon the heads of the 
 Nihilists, and threatening dire revenge. 
 
 Less than two hours after the arrest of Andreieffsky and Petroff their 
 companion peasant fell into the hands of the police. His name was Gene- 
 raloff, a native of Jaroslav, South Russia. He had been actively engaged 
 in the Nihilist propaganda for some time past. He also carried bombs on 
 his person. 
 
 These arrests were supplemented by numerous others. The lodgings of 
 the prisoners in the suburbs of St. Petersburg known as the Peski (the Sands) 
 were searched, and other explosives as well as documents incriminating 
 other persons were found. As a result the procession of prisoners to the 
 Peter and Paul's Fortress for a time was almost unremitting, and no one 
 felt safe against police intrusion. All three of the prisoners were subse- 
 quently executed. 
 
 England shortly afterward became the mark for the next development 
 of the dynamite war. It is the fact that shortly after the assassination of 
 the Czar an attack on the British Government was begun. 
 
 Prior to this there had been two outrages in 1881 one an attempt to 
 blow up the barracks at Salford with dynamite, the other a gunpowder 
 explosion at the Mansion House, London. 
 
 The record of the year, as compiled by Col. Majendie, the Inspector of 
 Explosives, then runs on : 
 
 1881 : 16 May. Attempt to blow up the police barracks at Liverpool with gunpowder in 
 iron piping. Damage to the building was' inconsiderable, and no one hurt. 
 
 10 June. Attempt to blow up the Town Hall, Liverpool, by an infernal machine prob- 
 ably filled with dynamite. A great number of windows broken, and some iron railings 
 destroyed, but no one injured. The two perpetrators captured. 
 
 14 June. A piece of iron piping filled with gunpowder exploded against the police sta- 
 tion at Loanhead, near Edinburgh, Some windows broken, but no other damage effected. 
 
 30 June. An importation of six infernal machines at Liverpool from America in the 
 "Malta," concealed in barrels of cement. They contained lignin dynamite, with a clock- 
 work arrangement for firing it. 
 
 2 July. An importation of four similar machines at Liverpool in the "Bavaria." 
 
 September. An attempt to produce an explosion at the barracks, Castlebar. A canister 
 containing gunpowder was thrown over the wall, close to the magazine. The lighted fuse 
 which was attached fell out, and no harm was done. 
 
 1882 : 26 March. An attempt to blow up Weston House, Galway, with dynamite in an 
 iron pot enclosed in a sack. Five persons were afterwards convicted of the outrage. 
 
 27 March. A 6-inch shell charged with explosive thrown into a house in Letterkenny. 
 The explosion caused considerable damage. 
 
 2 April. An attempt to destroy a police barrack in Limerick by firing some dynamite on 
 the window sill. 
 
 12 May. A discovery of a parcel containing 12 Ibs. to 20 Ibs. of gunpowder, with lighted 
 touch-paper or fuse attached, at the Mansion House, London.
 
 42 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 1883: 21 January, An explosion of lignin dynamite at Fossil Bridge, Glasgow. Two 
 or three persons passing sustained slight injury. 
 
 21 January. An explosion of lignin dynamite at Buchanan Street Station, Glasgow, in a 
 disused goods shed. 
 
 15 March. An explosion at the Local Government Board Office, Whitehall, causing con- 
 siderable local damage. 
 
 15 March. An abortive explosion of lignin dynamite outside a window at the Times office. 
 
 April. Two infernal machines, containing 28 Ibs. of lignin dynamite (probably home- 
 made), discovered a't Liverpool. Four persons were convicted and sentenced to penal servi- 
 tude for life. 
 
 April. The discovery of a factory of nitro-glycerine at Birmingham,- and of a large 
 amount of nitro-glycerine brought thence to London. The occupier of the house and others 
 were subsequently convicted and sentenced to penal servitude for life. 
 
 30 October. An explosion in the Metropolitian Railway, between Charing Cross and 
 Westminster, unattended with personal or serious structural injury. 
 
 30 October. An explosion on the Metropolitan Railway, near Praed Street. Three car- 
 riages sustained serious injury, and about sixty-two persons were cut by the broken glass and 
 debris, and otherwise injured. 
 
 November. Two infernal machines discovered in a house in Westminster, occupied by a 
 German named Woolf. Two men were tried, and in the result the jury disagreed and a nolle 
 prosequi was entered on behalf of the Crown. 
 
 1884 January. The discovery of some slabs of Atlas Powder A (American make), in 
 Primose Hill tunnel. 
 
 February. An explosion in the cloak-room of the London, Brighton, and South Coast 
 Railway at Victoria Station of Atlas Powder A (American make), left in a bag or port- 
 manteau. 
 
 27 February. The discovery of a bag containing some Atlas Powder A, with clockwork 
 and detonators, at Charing Cross Station. 
 
 28 February. A similar discovery at Paddington Station, 
 i March. A similar discovery at Ludgate Hill Station. 
 
 April. A discovery of three metal bombs, containing dynamite (probably American 
 make), at Birkenhead, in possession of a man named Daly, who was afterwards sentenced to 
 penal servitude for life. 
 
 30 May. An explosion of dynamite at the. Junior Carlton Club, St. James' Square. 
 About fourteen persons were injured. 
 
 30 May. An explosion of dynamite at the residence of Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, St. 
 James' Square. 
 
 30 May. An explosion of dynamite in a urinal under a room occupied by some of the 
 detective staff in Scotland Yard. It brought down a portion of the building, besides severely 
 injuring a policeman and some persons who were at an adjacent public-house. 
 
 30 May. A discovery of Atlas Powder A, with fuse and detonators, in Trafalgar Square. 
 
 28 November. An attempted destruction of a house at Edenburn, near Tralee, occupied 
 by Mr. Hussey. The injury, which was doubtless accomplished with dynamite, was less 
 serious than was intended, and no one sustained bodily harm. 
 
 12 December. An explosion of a charge of dynamite or other nitro-compound under Lon- 
 don Bridge, fortunately doing very littte damage. 
 
 1885 : 2 January. An explosion in the Gower Street tunnel of the Metropolitan Railway, 
 caused by about two pounds of some nitro-compound fired apparently by a percussion fuse. 
 Damage inconsiderable. 
 
 24 January. An explosion in the Tower of London, caused, beyond all reasonable 
 doubt, by about five to eight pounds of Atlas Powder A (American make). Three or four 
 persons were slightly injured, and considerable damage was done to the Armory.
 
 THE REAL DANGER. 43 
 
 24 January. An explosion of Atlas Powder A (American make), in Westminster Hall. 
 Three persons were injured severely, and others slightly, and very considerable damage was 
 done to the Hall and surroundings. 
 
 24 January. An explosion in the House of Commons (probably caused by a similar 
 amount of the same explosive). No persons were injured, but very considerable damage was 
 done to the Houses of Parliament. 
 
 February. A discovery of dynamite (of American make) in a house in Harrow Road, 
 Paddington. 
 
 9 March. A discovery of Atlas Powder A in the roof of a saw-mill at Bootle. 
 
 As a result of these various conspiracies and political outrages, twenty- 
 nine persons were convicted. 
 
 Some of the bombs used in the London explosions were very ingeniously 
 made. Usually they had a clock-work arrangement which released a ham- 
 mer and exploded the infernal machine at the time set. Others again had 
 a time fuse depending upon the percolation of acid through parchment. In 
 every case, however, the destruction wrought by the explosives was ridicul- 
 ously disappointing to the conspirators, and in England as elsewhere the 
 event proved that high explosives are- a delusion and a snare from the 
 revolutionist's point of view. They are greatly more dangerous to the per- 
 sons who employ them than to the people or the property against which 
 they may be aimed.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Exodus to Chicago Waiting for an Opportunity A Political Party 
 Formed A Question of $600,000 The First Socialist Platform Details of the Organ- 
 ization Work at the Ballot-Box Statistics of Socialist Progress "The Interna- 
 tional Workingmen's Party" and The " Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
 The Eleven Commandments of Labor How the Work was to be Done A Curious 
 Constitution Beginnings of the Labor Press The Union Congress Criticising the 
 Ballot-Box The Executive Committee and its Powers Annals of 1876 A Period of 
 Preparation The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877 The First Attack on Society A 
 Decisive Defeat Trying Politics Again The "Socialistic Party" Its Leaders and 
 its Aims August Spies as an Editor Buying the Arbeiter-Zeitung How the Money 
 was Raised Anarchist Campaign Songs The Group Organization Plan of the Prop- 
 aganda Dynamite First Taught "The Bureau of Information" An Attack on 
 Arbitration No Compromise with Capital Unity of the Internationalists and the 
 Socialists. 
 
 AFTER the enactment of the stringent Socialist law in Germany, and 
 the determined opposition of Prince Bismarck to the creed of the 
 Social Democrats, the exodus to America began, and Chicago, unfortu- 
 nately for this city, was the Mecca to which the exiles came. At first but 
 little attention was paid to the incoming people. It was thought that free 
 air and free institutions would disarm them of their rancor against organized 
 society, and but little attention was paid to the ^aporings of the leaders. 
 We had heard that sort of thing before, especially in* the years following 
 1848, and it had come to nothing ; and people generally, when they heard 
 the mouthings of the apostles of disorder, told themselves that when these 
 apostles had each bought a home, there would come naturally, and out of 
 the logic of facts, a change in their convictions. 
 
 Hence, although there were some inflammatory speeches, and a pretense 
 of Socialistic activity, it was not until the year 1873 that any serious atten- 
 tion was paid to the movement. Even then the interest it excited was that 
 solely of a political novelty. 
 
 The period was one of general business depression, however, and addi- 
 tional impetus was given to the feelings of discontent by the labor troubles 
 in New York, Boston, St. Louis and other large cities. In New York the 
 labor demonstrations were particularly violent. The special object sought 
 to be accomplished there was the introduction of the eight-hour system. 
 Eastern Internationalists saw in this an opportunity to strengthen their 
 foothold in America, and they were not slow in fomenting discord among 
 the members of the different trades-unions which had inaugurated the 
 movement. They even went so far as to proclaim that, if there was any 
 interference with the eight-hour strike, the streets would run red with the 
 blood of capitalists. The Communists of Chicago sympathized with their 
 brethren in the East, but they lacked numbers and similar conditions of
 
 THE SOCIALISTS IN POLITICS. 45 
 
 violent discontent to urge force and bloodshed in the attainment of the same 
 object, which, however, had been for some time under discussion by the 
 Trades Assembly of Chicago. They consequently contented themselves 
 with wild attacks upon the prevailing system of labor and urged a severance 
 from existing political parties and the formation of a party exclusively 
 devoted to the amelioration of the condition of workingmen. 
 
 Toward the end of the year 1873, the leaders seem to have concluded 
 that they had a sufficient number of adherents to form a party, and a com- 
 mittee was appointed to prepare and submit a plan of organization. On 
 the ist of January following, this committee reported. They suggested 
 organization into societies according to nationalities, and that all societies 
 thus organized should be directed by a central committee, to be appointed 
 from- the several sections. At the same time it was publicly announced that 
 "the new organization did not seek the overthrow of the national, State or 
 city government by violence," but would work out its mission peaceably 
 through the ballot-box. 
 
 While the formation of a party was under consideration, times were 
 exceedingly dull in the city. Thousands were idle, and there was a general 
 clamor among the unemployed for relief. This discontent was seized upon 
 to influence the minds of the poor against capital, and the remedy was 
 declared to lie only in Socialism. The Relief and Aid Society formed the first 
 point of attack. The Socialist leaders loudly proclaimed that it had on 
 hand over $600,000, the charitable contributions of the world sent to Chi- 
 cago after the fire for the benefit of the poor, which sum was held, they 
 claimed, for the enrichment of the managers of that society and the benefit 
 of "rich paupers." In the early part of December, 1873, a procession of 
 the unemployed marched through the streets of the city and demanded 
 assistance from the municipal authorities. They finally decided to appeal 
 to the Relief Society, and, backed by hundreds in line, a committee 
 attempted to wait upon the officials of that organization. They were, 
 excluded, however, on the ground that all deserving cases would be aided 
 without the intervention of a committee. 
 
 The condition of labor now formed the pretext for many a diatribe 
 against capital in general and the alleged favoritism of the Relief and Aid 
 Society in particular ; and many allied themselves with the Socialistic 
 organization not comprehending its meaning, but because it happened at 
 the moment to appeal to their passions. 
 
 It was this state of affairs which spurred on the Socialist leaders to the 
 formation of a party. Having accepted the general plan of organization as 
 recommended by the committee, another meeting was held in January, 1874. 
 A declaration of principles was then formulated. There were nine articles, 
 which may be summarized as follows :
 
 46 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 9 
 
 Abolition of all class legislation and repeal of all existing laws favoring monopolies. 
 
 All means of transportation, such as railroads, canals, telegraph, etc., to be controlled, 
 managed and operated by the State. 
 
 Abolition of the prevailing system of letting out public work by contract, the State or 
 municipality to have all work of a public nature done under its own supervision and control. 
 
 An amendment to the laws in regard to the recovery of wages, all suits brought for the 
 recovery of wages to be decided within eight days. 
 
 The payment of wages by the month to be abolished, and weekly payments substituted. 
 
 A discontinuance of the hiring-out of prison labor to companies or individuals, prisoners 
 to be employed by and for the benefit of the State only. 
 
 Adoption by the State of compulsory education of all children between the ages of seven 
 and fourteen years ; the hiring-out of children under fourteen to be prohibited. 
 
 All banking, both commercial and savings, to be done by the State. 
 
 All kinds of salary grabs to be discontinued ; all public officers to be paid a fixed salary 
 instead of fees. 
 
 Specifically stated, the organization was made to consist of sections and 
 divisions and a central committee. Each section was made to consist of 
 twenty-five members, and was entitled to one delegate to the conventions of 
 the order, with one delegate for every additional one hundred members or 
 fraction thereof. The central committee was to be composed of nine members, 
 to be chosen by the delegates. The duties of the committee were fixed under 
 such rules as might be adopted by the organization. Their term was from 
 one general convention to another. Each delegate was allowed as many 
 votes as there were members of the section he represented. Delegates from 
 each section were obliged to assemble every week to report all party affairs, 
 and, if necessary, were expected to make similar reports to the central com- 
 mittee. Sections and divisions elected officers for six months. Two-thirds 
 of the members of each section were required to be wage-workers. Each 
 member had to pay only five cents initiation fee and five cents monthly dues. 
 One-half of the income from fees was given to the central committee for 
 printing and general expenses. All in arrears for three months, barring 
 sickness or want of employment, were expelled. Each section was given 
 the power to dismiss such members as acted by word, writing or deed to the 
 detriment of the party and its principles. The right of appeal to the cen- 
 tral committee was given to any member in case three of his section favored 
 it. Monthly reports to sections and quarterly reports to the central com- 
 mittee as to the condition of the organization and the treasury were required 
 of the secretary. In the event that any officer lost the confidence of his 
 section, he could be expelled before the expiration of his term by a majority 
 vote. 
 
 Such were the principles and plans of the organization at the outset. 
 There does not appear anywhere anything to show that the ulterior object 
 of the party was to use violence to enforce its demands. On the contrary, 
 at a subsequent general gathering a preamble to the platform expressly 
 stated that the party was organized "to advocate and advance the political
 
 THE "WORKINGMEN'S PARTY." 47 
 
 platform of the Workingmen's Party, to acquire power in legislative bodies 
 and to uphold the principles of the platform." Subsequent mass-meetings, 
 held in January, ratified the declaration of principles, and the various 
 speakers urged that, inasmuch as the " other political parties were for the 
 benefit of unprincipled scalawags," their party had come into existence 
 "pure and undefiled, to secure to workingmen their rights. " The prime 
 movers in the party at this , time were John McAuliff, L. Thorsmark, 
 Carl Klings, Henry Stahl, August Arnold, J. Zimple, Leo Meilbeck, 
 Prokup Hudek, O. A. Bishop, John Feltes, John Simmens, Jacob Winnen, 
 J. Krueger, William Jeffers and Robert Mueller. The organization was 
 styled "The Workingmen's Party of Illinois." 
 
 Active agitation at once commenced in various parts of the city. Meet- 
 ings were held wherever possible in the poorer sections of the North and 
 West Divisions. In all speeches the prevalent distress was dwelt upon and 
 the people were urged to combine against capital. Some of the points made 
 at these gatherings may be judged from the remarks of the agitators at a 
 meeting of the various sections of the party at No. 68 West Lake Street on 
 the ist of March, 1874. While the sentiments were somewhat rabid, there 
 was no encouragement to deeds of violence. One of the speakers, Mr. 
 Zimple, spoke of the object of the meeting as being " to devise means for 
 marching on the bulwarks of aristocracy, and gain for the working classes 
 that social position to which they were by right entitled. " Then followed 
 an invective against capital and society. " All existing things must be torn 
 down," he continued, " and a new system of society built up." Slaves even 
 were allowed to live, but, as things were then, workingmen, who could work 
 no longer, had to starve. If they stood together and elected good men to 
 the Legislature next fall, this state of affairs would be changed. Legislators 
 were too stupid to make a living by honest work, therefore they had to sub- 
 sist by robbing the people. Mr. Thorsmark expressed confidence in the 
 success of Socialism and said that if all workingmen would do their duty 
 "the present state of society would be reformed, not only for their benefit, 
 but for the benefit of mankind." Carl Klings could conceive of "nothing 
 more inhuman, cruel and outrageous than the present state of society," and 
 it was for this reason, he said, that they had banded together to "strike a 
 blow which would effect a change for all time to come." The same tyrants, 
 he argued, who had slaughtered their brethren in cold blood and oppressed 
 them in France, could be found in Chicago. The workingmen of America 
 had not accomplished anything as yet, because they were not yet fully pre- 
 pared, but gradually they were becoming a great power, and soon would "no 
 longer be compelled to drink the bitter poison from the cup of the aristo- 
 crats." Mr. McAuliff touched on the wrongs of the existing state of society 
 as he saw it and held that " they all had to unite in one common body and 
 seek success at the ballot-box."
 
 48 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 To gain political power, the Socialists made their first attempt by plac- 
 ing a ticket in the field. A convention was held in Thieleman's Theater, in 
 the North Division of the city, on the 2gth of March, 1874. Although there 
 were general city officers to be elected the following month, the Socialists 
 confined their efforts to making nominations only for the town offices of 
 North Chicago, in which section their theories seemed, at that time, to have 
 found the most fertile soil. Their ticket was made up as follows: Assessor, 
 George F. Duffy ; Collector, Philip Koerber ; Supervisor, August Arnold ; 
 Town Clerk, Frederick Oest ; Constable, James Jones. 
 
 At this convention an impetus was given to the new organ of the party, 
 the Vorbote, which had just issued its initial number, and, although this 
 journal was given a considerable circulation to boom the new-fledged can- 
 didates, the ticket only polled 950 votes. 
 
 But the leaders were not disheartened. They continued their political 
 agitation, and at the approach of the fall campaign they decided to branch 
 out more extensively, and to measure swords with the other political parties 
 for all the offices in sight. On the 25th of October, 1874, a convention 
 was held in Bohemian Turner Hall, on Taylor Street, near Canal, and Con- 
 gressional, county and city tickets were put into the field. For Congress 
 they selected, for the West Side, W. S. Le Grand ; for the North Side, 
 F. A. Hoffman, Jr. It was left an open question whom they should support 
 on the South Side. Their candidates for the v Legislature were : Madden, 
 Rice, Hudek, Kranel, Thrane and Hymann ; and for the Senate, Rowe, 
 Bishop, Methua and Koellner. County Commissioners, Mueller, Bettetil, 
 Bley and Maiewsky for the West Side, and German and Breitenstein for 
 the North Side. Their candidate for Sheriff was E. Melchior, and for 
 Coroner, Dr. Geiger. The aldermanic selections were : In the Second 
 Ward, Wasika ; in the Fourth, Tuer j in the Sixth, Grapsicsky ; in the 
 Seventh, Maj. Warnecke and E. A. Haller ; in the Eighth, Leonhard ; in 
 the Ninth, George Heck ; in the Tenth, Sticker ; in the Eleventh, Uren- 
 harst ; in the Twelfth, Zirbes ; in the Fourteenth, Sirks ; in the Fifteenth, 
 Schwenn and Anderson ; in the Sixteenth, Seilheimer ; in the Seventeenth, 
 H. Jensen ; in the Eighteenth, Frey ; and in the Twentieth, Otto F. Schalz. 
 In the wards not given no nominations were made. 
 
 The strength of the ticket may be gathered by the fact that at the elec- 
 tion, on November 5th, Melchior received only 378 votes, while his 
 opponent, Agnew, Democrat, scored 28,549, and Bradley, Republican, 
 21,080. The Socialist candidate who polled the largest number of votes was 
 Breitenstein, for County Commissioner 790. 
 
 The leaders now became convinced that a German morning daily was 
 necessary to further the interests of their party. The Illinois Staats-Zeitung 
 and the Freie Presse had almost neutralized their efforts on the stump, and 
 they saw that they must have an organ to meet these papers and reach the
 
 THE INTERNATIONALE. 49 
 
 masses. They had seen the effects of workingmen's papers in Germany, 
 where several representatives had been sent to the Reichstag, and as their 
 party shibboleth then was " to secure power in legislative bodies " in Illi- 
 nois, they determined to found a paper of their own. On the i3th of De- 
 cember, 1874, on Market Street, they held a secret meeting. The leading 
 spirits in the proceedings were Mueller, Simmens and Klings. It was pro- 
 posed that stock to the amount of $20,000 should be issued for a daily, but as 
 no. one seemed to be thoroughly posted in the matter of publishing a paper, 
 it was decided to select a committee. Messrs. Klings, Helmerdeg, Sim- 
 mens, Methua, Kelting, Winner and Finkensieber were so selected, but 
 whether they made any progress, or submitted a report as to their conclu- 
 sions, is not known. It is certain that no daily appeared to supplement the 
 efforts of their weekly organ at that time, and it was not until four or 
 five years later that such a paper finally made its appearance. 
 
 In the winter of 1874 and the spring of 1875 the Socialist agitators were not 
 openly aggressive, but they nevertheless kept quietly at work sowing the 
 seed of discontent. Finally, in October, 1875, they resumed open and 
 active agitation. The only meeting they held that fall was at No. 529 Mil- 
 waukee Avenue, and their wrath was directed especially against the Repub- 
 lican and Democratic candidates for County. Treasurer. The speakers were 
 J. Webeking, John Feltis, Jacob Winnen, A. Zimmerman and John Sim- 
 mens. The burden of their harangues was that " the workingmen should 
 no longer believe the scoundrels " put up by the other parties. It was time, 
 they urged, to " destroy the power of the robber band." Workingmen must 
 "organize, place laborers on the throne, and drive capitalists from power." 
 
 In the election, held the following month, they took no active part, and 
 this fact, together with the apparently quiescent condition of the organiza- 
 tion, prompted the Tribune to remark : 
 
 No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do they allow 
 outsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their ranks. The Workingmen's Party 
 of Illinois, as the Communists of this city style themselves, no longer acts as an independent 
 organization, but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the International- 
 ists, which has branches in every city in the world. The executive committee of this society, 
 which formerly resided in Paris and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and its 
 mandates are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The central com- 
 mittee believe that during the winter large numbers will be without employment, and hence a 
 proper time will come to strike a blow. For months they have been organizing military 
 companies and maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United States 
 and the Old World. 
 
 At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West Lake 
 Street. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and the 
 executive committee of the Workingmen's Party were present. It came to 
 the surface that other than political measures were discussed. The Socialist 
 leaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but they did not hesitate
 
 50 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to avow a belief that some startling blow would facilitate the success of 
 their movement. What seemed to give a strong color of truth to reports 
 about their incendiary intentions was the action they took with reference to 
 Carl Klings. He had been one of the most active spirits in their organiza- 
 tion. He was a fiery, impetuous speaker and carried the crowds with him 
 in all his harangues. For some unknown reason, not explainable upon any 
 other hypothesis than that some violent demonstration was contemplated 
 as a change from their past policy, the party had decided to take no hand in 
 the election of November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had entered 
 into it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidate 
 against whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this, 
 viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to his 
 brethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election, but, on the 
 representation that he had violated an order of the party, Klings was sum- 
 marily expelled from the organization on the i3th of December, 1875. The 
 fact that he had never secretly advocated violent means undoubtedly accounts 
 for his expulsion. 
 
 It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were begin- 
 ning to think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually drifting 
 away from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early party platform 
 and public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to attribute their non- 
 intervention in politics that fall to the efforts and influence of the Inter- 
 nationale. They proved in more ways than one that they had at heart 
 revolutionary methods, and that they were only awaiting an opportune 
 time to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even if there could exist a doubt 
 on this point, it was dissipated by the utterances of the Socialists at a mass- 
 meeting held December 26, 1875, at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, to 
 protest against the treatment of Communist prisoners in New Caledonia by 
 the French Government. 
 
 As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an " Inter- 
 national Workingmen's Party of the State of Illinois," and for some time 
 they held meetings under that pretentious title, principally on Clybourn 
 Avenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and finally was lost 
 to sight. Subsequently a " Workingmen's Party of the United States " 
 appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the leaders of the old local 
 organization began to identify themselves with its establishment and success. 
 They held frequent meetings on North Avenue. The declaration of prin- 
 ciples of the new party was as follows : 
 
 The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the working classes 
 themselves, independently of all political parties of the propertied class. 
 
 The struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class 
 privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class 
 rule. 
 
 The economical subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizers of the means of
 
 SCENES FROM THE RIOTS AT PITTSBURG, 1877.
 
 52 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 labor, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, 
 mental degradation and political dependence. 
 
 The economical emancipation of the working classes is, therefore, the great end to 
 which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means. 
 
 All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of solidarity between 
 the manifold divisions of labor in each country, and from the absence of concerted action 
 between the workingmen of all countries. 
 
 The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embrac- 
 ing all countries in which modern society exists, and . depending for its solution upon the 
 practical and theoretical concurrence and cooperation of the most advanced countries. 
 
 For these reasons the Workingmen's Party of the United States has been founded. It 
 enters into proper relations and connections with the workingmen of other countries. 
 
 Whereas, political liberty without economical freedom is but an empty phrase ; therefore, 
 we will, in the first place, direct our efforts to the economical question. We repudiate 
 entirely connection with all political parties of the propertied class without regard to 
 their name. We demand that all the means of labor, land, machinery, railroads, telegraphs, 
 canals, etc., become the common property of the whole people, for the purpose of abolishing 
 the wage-system, and substituting in its place cooperative production with a just distribution 
 of its rewards. 
 
 The political action of the party will be confined generally to obtaining legislative acts in 
 the interest of the working class proper. It will not enter into a political campaign before 
 being strong enough to exercise a perceptible influence, and then in the first place locally in 
 the towns or cities, when demands of purely local character may be presented, provided they 
 are not in conflict with the platform and principles of the party. We work for organization 
 of the trades-unions upon a national and international basis, to ameliorate the condition of 
 the working people and seek to spread therein the above principles. The Workingmen's 
 Party of the United States proposes to introduce the following measures as a means to 
 improve the condition of the working classes : 
 
 1. Eight hours' work for the present as a normal working day, and legal punishment for 
 all violators. 
 
 2. Sanitary inspection of all conditions of labor, means of subsistence and dwellings 
 included. 
 
 3. Establishment of bureaus of labor statistics in all States as well as by the National 
 Government, the officers of these bureaus to be taken from the ranks of the labor organiza- 
 tions and elected by them. 
 
 4. Prohibition of the use of prison labor by private employers. 
 
 5. Prohibitory laws against the employment of children under fourteen years of age in 
 industrial establishments. 
 
 6. Gratuitous instruction in all educational institutions'. 
 
 7. Strict laws making employers liable for all accidents to the injury of their employes. 
 
 8. Gratuitous administration of justice in courts of law. 
 
 9. Abolition of all conspiracy laws. 
 
 10. Railroads, telegraphs and all means of transportation to be taken hold of and 
 operated by the Government. 
 
 11. All industrial enterprises to be placed under the control of the Government as fast as 
 practicable and operated by free cooperative trades-unions for the good of the whole 
 people. 
 
 The Constitution of the "Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
 was as follows : 
 
 The affairs of the party shall be conducted by three bodies: i. The Congress. 2. The 
 Executive Committee. 3. The Board of Supervision.
 
 THE " WORKWOMEN* S" CONSTITUTION. 53 
 
 ARTICLE I. THE CONGRESS, i. At least every two years a Congress shall be held, com- 
 posed of the delegates from the different sections that have been connected with the party at 
 least two months previously and complied with all their duties. Sections of less than one 
 hundred members shall be entitled to one delegate ; from one hundred to two hundred, to two 
 delegates ; and one more delegate for each additional hundred. 
 
 2. No suspended section shall be admitted to a seat before the Congress has examined 
 and passed judgment on the case. It shall, however, be the duty of every Congress to put 
 such cases on the order of business and dispose of them immediately after the election of its 
 officers. 
 
 3. The Congress defines and establishes the political position of the party, decides finally 
 on all differences within the party, appoints time and place of next Congress and designates 
 the seat of the Executive Committee and of the Board of Supervisors. 
 
 4. The entire expenses of Congress, as well as mileage and salaries of the delegates, 
 shall be paid by the party and provided for by a special tax to be levied six weeks before the 
 Congress meets before the year 1880 ; however, no mileage will be paid beyond the 36th 
 degree of northern latitude, nor beyond the sgth degree of western longitude. 
 
 5. All propositions and motions to be considered and acted upon by Congress shall be 
 communicated to all sections at least six weeks previously. 
 
 ARTICLE II. THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, i. The Executive Committee shall consist 
 of seven members and shall appoint from its own midst one corresponding secretary, one 
 recording secretary, one financial secretary and one treasurer. The Executive Committee 
 shall be elected by the sections of the place designated as its seat, and vacancies shall be 
 filled in the same way. 
 
 2. The Executive Committee shall hold office from one Congress to the ensuing one. 
 
 3. The duties of the Executive Committee shall be to execute all resolutions of Congress, 
 and to see that they are strictly observed by all sections and members, to organize and 
 centralize the propaganda, to represent the organization at home and abroad, to entertain 
 and open relations with the workingmen's parties of other countries, to make a quarterly 
 report to the sections concerning the status of the organization and its financial position, to 
 make all necessary preparations for the Congress as well as a detailed report on all party 
 matters. 
 
 4. Right and Power of the Executive Committee. The Executive Committee, with the 
 concurrence of the Board of Supervision, may refuse to admit to the organization individuals 
 and sections as well as suspend members and sections till the next Congress for injuring the 
 party interests. In case of urgency the Executive Committee may make suitable proposi- 
 tions, which propositions shall become binding, if approved of by a majority of the members 
 within two months. The Executive Committee has the right to establish rules and regula- 
 tions for the policy to be observed by the party papers, to watch their course, and in cases of 
 vacancies to appoint editors pro tempore. The Executive Committee may send the corre- 
 sponding secretary as delegate to Congress ; the delegate will have no vote and shall be pro- 
 hibited from accepting any other credentials. 
 
 5. The salary of the party officers shall be fixed by the Executive Committee with the 
 concurrence of the Board of Supervision. 
 
 6. The corresponding secretary shall copy all documents and writings issuing from the 
 Executive Committee, place on file all communications received, and keep a correct record 
 thereof. He shall receive a' proper salary. 
 
 7. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the lists of sections and members, 
 receive and record all money and hand the same over to the treasurer, taking his voucher 
 therefor. 
 
 8. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secretary, pay bills and honor 
 all orders of the Executive Committee, after they are countersigned by the corresponding 
 secretary and one more member of the Executive Committee, make a correct report on the
 
 54 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 status of the treasury to the Executive Committee at every meeting and to the whole organi- 
 zation every three months, and give security in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. 
 The report of the treasurer must be examined at a regular session of the Executive Commit- 
 tee and indorsed by the same. 
 
 ARTICLE III. THE BOARD OF SUPERVISION, i. The Board of Supervision shall consist 
 of five members, to hold office and be elected in the same way as the Executive Committee. 
 
 2. The duties of the Board of Supervision shall be to watch over the action of the 
 Executive Committee and that of the whole party ; to superintend the administration and the 
 editorial management of the organs of the party, and to interfere in case of need ; to adjust 
 all differences occurring in the party within four weeks after receiving the necessary evidence, 
 subject to the final decision of the Congress ; to make a detailed report of its actions to 
 Congress. 
 
 3. In case of any urgency the Board of Supervision may suspend officers and editors 
 until the meeting of the next Congress, such suspension to be submitted at once to a general 
 vote, the result of which shall be made known within four weeks thereafter. 
 
 4. The Board of Supervision is entitled to send one delegate to the Congress under the 
 same conditions as the Executive Committee. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. SECTIONS. Ten persons speaking the same language and being wage- 
 workers shall be entitled to form a section, provided they acknowledge the principles, statutes 
 and Congress resolutions and belong to no political party of the propertied classes. They 
 shall demand admission from the Executive Committee by transmitting the dues for the cur- 
 rent month, and their list of members, their letter to contain the names, residences and 
 trade of members, and to show their conditions as wage-laborers. At least three-fourths 
 of the members of a section must be wage-laborers. There shall be no more than one sec- 
 tion of the same language in one place, which meet at different parts of the town or city for 
 the purpose of an active propaganda. Business meetings shall be held once a month. 
 Each section is responsible for the integrity of its members. Each section is required to 
 make a monthly report to the Executive Committee concerning its activity, membership and 
 financial situation, to entertain friendly relations with the trades-unions and to promote their 
 formation, to hold regular meetings at least once every week, and to direct its efforts exclusively 
 to the organization, enlightening and emancipating the working classes. No section shall take 
 part in political movements without the consent of the Executive Committee. Five sections 
 of different localities shall be entitled to call for the convention of an extraordinary Congress, 
 such Congress to be convened if a majority of the sections decides in its favor. 
 
 ARTICLE V. DUES AND CONTRIBUTIONS. A monthly due of five cents for each member 
 shall be transmitted to the Executive Committee to meet the expenses of the propaganda and 
 administration. In case of need, and with the consent of the Board of Supervision, the 
 Executive Committee is empowered to levy an extraordinary tax. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. GENERAL REGULATIONS. All officers, committees, boards, etc., shall be 
 chosen by a majority vote. No member of the organization shall hold more than one office 
 at the same time. All officers, authorities, committees, boards, etc., of the organization, 
 may be dismissed or removed at any time by a general vote of their constituencies, and such 
 general vote shall be taken within one month from the date of the motion to this effect ; 
 provided, however, that said motion be seconded by not less than one-third of the respective 
 constituents. Expulsion from one section shall be valid for the whole organization if 
 approved by the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision. 
 
 All members of the organization, by the adoption of this constitution, take upon themselves 
 the duty to assist each other morally and materially in case of need. 
 
 The Congress alone has the right of amending, altering or adding to this constitution, 
 subject to a general vote of all sections, the result of which is to be communicated to the 
 Executive Committee within four weeks.
 
 THE "WORKINGMEWS" PRESS. 55 
 
 ARTICLE VII. LOCAL STATUTES. Each section shall chose from its ranks one organizer, 
 one corresponding and recording secretary, one financial secretary, one treasurer and two 
 members of an auditing committee. All these officers shall be elected for six months, and 
 the Executive Committee shall take timely measures to make the election of newly formed 
 sections correspond with the general election of the whole party. The organizer conducts 
 the local propaganda and is responsible to the section. 
 
 The organizers of the various sections of one locality shall be in constant communication 
 with each other in order to secure concerted action. The secretary is charged with the 
 minutes and the correspondence. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the list 
 of members, sign the cards of membership, collect the dues, hand them over to the treasurer 
 and correctly enter them. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secre- 
 tary and hold them subject to the order of the section. The auditing committee shall super- 
 intend all books and the general management of the affairs, and audit bills. All officers 
 shall make monthly reports to the section. A chairman is elected in every meeting for main- 
 taining the usual parliamentary order. 
 
 The monthly dues of each member shall be no less than ten cents, five cents of which 
 shall be paid to the Executive Committee. Members being in arrears for three consecutive 
 months shall be suspended until fulfilling their duties, always excepted those who are sick or 
 out of work. Persons not belonging to the wages-class can only be admitted in a regular 
 business meeting by a two-thirds vote. The result of every election within the section must 
 be at once communicated to the Executive Committee. 
 
 Regulations concerning the Press of the Workingmen's Party of the United States. The 
 Labor Standard of New York, the Ar 'better- Stimme of New York and the Vorbote of 
 Chicago are recognized as the organs and property of the party. The organs of the party 
 shall represent the interest of labor, awaken and arouse class feelings amongst the working- 
 men, promote their organization as well as the trades-union movement, and spread econom- 
 ical knowledge amongst them. The editorial management of each one of the papers of the 
 party shall be intrusted to an editor appointed by Congress or by the Executive Committee 
 and the Board of Supervision jointly, the editor to receive an appropriate salary. Whenever 
 needed, assistant editors shall be appointed by the Executive Committee with the advice and 
 consent of the chief editor. The chief editor is responsible for the contents of the paper 
 and is to be guided in matters of principle by the declarations of principles of the party ; in 
 technical and formal matters by the regulations of the Executive Committee. Whenever 
 refusing to insert a communication from a member of the organization, the editor is to make 
 it known to the writer thereof, directly or by an editorial notice, when an appeal can be taken 
 to the Executive Committee. The editor shall observe strict neutrality toward differences 
 arising within the party till the Board of Supervision and the Congress have given their decis- 
 ion. For each one of the three party papers there shall be elected at their respective places 
 of publication a council of administration of five members, who, jointly with the Executive 
 Committee, shall appoint and remove the business manager and his assistants. The council 
 of administration shall be chosen for one year in the first week of August of each year. The 
 council of administration shall establish rules for the business management, superintend the 
 same, investigate all complaints concerning the business management, redress all grievances, 
 pay their weekly salaries to the editors and managers, and make a full report of the status 
 of the paper every three months to all sections by a circular. The manager is bound to mail 
 punctually and address correctly the papers ; he shall receive all moneys, book them and hand 
 them over to the treasurer of the council of administration, and he shall keep the office of 
 the paper in good order , his salary shall be fixed by the Congress or by the Executive Com- 
 mittee. All sums over and above the amount of the security shall be deposited in a bank by 
 the council of administration. The receipts of all moneys from without shall be published 
 in the paper.
 
 56 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The treasurer of the council of administration and the manager shall give security to 
 the council of administration in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. The 
 chief editor's salary shall be from $15 to $20 per week. All complaints against the edito- 
 rial management shall in the first place be put before the Executive Committee, in the 
 second place before the Board of Supervision. All complaints against the busines manage- 
 ment shall be first referred to the council of administration, in the second place to the 
 Board of Supervision. The sections are responsible for the financial liabilities of the 
 newspaper agents appointed by them. The Congress alone can alter, amend or add to 
 these regulations. 
 
 The spring of 1876 found the local party in a quiescent state as regards 
 active participation in politics, but they did not abandon their meetings. 
 The First Regiment of the National Guard at this period had assumed 
 goodly proportions, and it naturally came in for a good deal of attention at 
 the hands of the speakers. They never failed to denounce it ; but, to cover 
 their own sinister designs and lull others to a sense of security, they invari- 
 ably declared that the Communists intended no war. They continued their 
 "vacant-lot" oratory and in every way sought to increase the number of 
 their party adherents. 
 
 Toward the end of July, 1876, a Union Congress was held in Philadel- 
 phia, and these new declarations of principles were formulated : 
 
 The Union Congress of the Workingmen's Party of the United States declares : The 
 emancipation of labor is a social problem concerning the whole human race and embracing 
 all sexes. The emancipation of women will be accomplished with the emancipation of men, 
 and the so-called woman's rights question will be solved with the labor question. All evils 
 and wrongs of the present society can be abolished only when economical freedom is gained 
 for men as well as for women. It is the duty, therefore, of the wives and daughters of the 
 workingmen to organize themselves and take their places within the ranks of struggling labor. 
 To aid and support them in this work is the duty of men. By uniting their efforts they will 
 succeed in breaking the economical fetters, and a new and free race of men and women will 
 arise, recognizing each other as peers. We acknowledge the perfect equality of rights of both 
 sexes, and in the Workingmen's Party of the United States this equality of rights is a prin- 
 ciple and is strictly observed. 
 
 The Ballot-box. Considering that the economical emancipation of the working classes is 
 the great end, to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means ; con- 
 sidering that the Workingmen's Party of the United States in the first place directs its efforts 
 to the economical struggle ; considering that only in the economical arena the combatants for 
 the Workingmen's Party can be trained and disciplined ; considering that in this country the 
 ballot-box has long ago ceased to record the popular will, and only serves to falsify the same 
 in the hands of professional politicians ; considering that the organization of the working 
 people is not yet far enough developed to overthrow at once this state of corruption ; con- 
 sidering that this middle class republic has produced an enormous amount of small reformers 
 and quacks, the intruding of whom will only be facilitated by a political movement of the 
 Workingmen's Party of the United States and considering that the corruption and misappli- 
 cation of the ballot-box, as well as the silly reform movements, flourish most in years of Presi- 
 dential elections, at such times greatly endangering the organization of workingmen : For 
 these reasons the Union Congress, meeting at Philadelphia in July, 1876, resolves: 
 
 The sections of this party as well as all workingmen in general are earnestly invited to 
 abstain from all political movements for the present and to turn their back on the ballot-box. 
 The workingmen will thus save themselves bitter disappointments, and their time and efforts
 
 58 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 will be directed far better towards their own organization, which is frequently destroyed and 
 always injured by a hasty political movement. 
 
 Let us bide our time ! It will come. 
 
 Party Government. Chicago shall be the seat of the Executive Committee for the 
 ensuing term ; New Haven, the seat of the Board of Supervision. 
 
 The Next Congress. The Executive Committee, in connection with the Board of Super- 
 vision, shall select a place for holding the next Congress in the following named cities : 
 Chicago, 111. ; Newark, N. J. ; Boston, Mass. The end of August shall be the time for the 
 meeting of the next Congress, and the Executive Committee jointly with the Board of Super- 
 vision shall decide whether the next Congress shall be held in 1877 or 1878. 
 
 7'he Party Press. As editor of the Labor Standard, J. P. McDonnell is appointed at a 
 salary of $15 per week ; at least one member of Typographical Union No. 6 shall be employed 
 as a compositor. As editor of the Arbeiler-Stinune Dr. A. Otto Walster is appointed at a 
 salary of $i 8 per week ; the paper is to be enlarged in a proper way in October next. As 
 editor of the Vorbote C. Conzett is appointed at a salary of $18 per week. In consideration 
 of the claim of C. Conzett upon the paper for past services it is resolved that after a thorough 
 investigation of the books the Executive Committee shall give to C. Conzett a promissory 
 note for an amount not exceeding the sum of $1,430; for payment of this note two-thirds of 
 the net gains made by party festivities in Chicago and the whole of the gain resulting from a 
 general New Year's festivity in the year 1876 shall be appropriated. Stock and assets to pass 
 into the hands of the party. A co-operative printing association like the one in New York 
 shall be formed in Chicago, which shall publish the Vorbote at cost price, adding the usual 
 percentage of wear and tear, and which shall buy the stock for not less than $600. A diminu- 
 tion of the size of the Vorbote is proposed, and Conzett is empowered to act in this matter 
 with due regard to the interests of the party. I5r. A. Douai is appointed assistant editor of 
 all three papers. It is also resolved to employ the late editor of the English paper as assist- 
 ant editor for numbers 18 and 19 of the Labor Standard and pay him his usual salary of $12 
 per week for two weeks more. It is resolved to levy an extraordinary tax of ten cents per 
 member, and to continue said extraordinary tax every three months until all liabilities of the 
 party shall be paid. All sections are invited to hold festivities in honor of the Union, now 
 accomplished, and to devote the proceeds of these festivities to aid the press of the party and 
 to pay the extraordinary taxes. 
 
 It was further resolved that "no local paper shall be founded without 
 the consent of the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision." It 
 was resolved to place the agencies of all foreign publications in the hands 
 of the party. After having come to an understanding with the various 
 publishers of labor papers in other countries, a central depot was to be 
 established. The two councils of administration of the party organs in 
 New York were charged with making the necessary preparations for open- 
 ing the central depot on the first day of October in New York. It was also 
 recommended to the party authorities to publish labor pamphlets adapted 
 to the conditions of this country. 
 
 Decisions of the Executive Committee. In order to insure the collection of the extra tax 
 of ten cents per quarter, levied by the Congress, the moneys sent in for dues will be credited 
 to the extra tax account for the preceding quarter year, should such delinquencies occur. 
 Any section in arrears for three months will be notified, and if within one month thereafter 
 the section has not restored its good standing, it will be declared defunct. Where sections 
 cannot appoint their own newspaper agent from among the members, they may appoint any 
 person as their agent, but such agent must be personally responsible. Where sections fail
 
 THREA TS OF CONFLICT. 59 
 
 to report gain or loss of members, they will be charged for dues and extra tax, according to 
 the number of members enrolled at the last report. Every section shall be judge of its own 
 members, but no expulsion from the whole party can be effected except as provided for by 
 the constitution. No person can be a member of two sections at the same time. 
 
 Amendments to the Constitution. Paragraph 3, division 4, under "Sections." First amend- 
 ment, adopted December i6th by a general election : In addition to one section (composed 
 of men of each language of any locality) there may also be organized one section of women 
 under the same regulations as the others. Second amendment, adopted July 15: Article i, 
 paragraph 4, is amended to read : "For the Congress to be held in the year 1887, the ex- 
 penses of each delegate will be borne by the section or sections represented by him." 
 
 During the winter of 1876 the excitement on the possible outcome of the 
 national election prostrated business throughout the country. There were 
 even rumors and threats of bloody conflict. Capital naturally hesitated, and 
 investments were confined to projects in which there was no element of 
 chance and for which the returns were measurably certain. The Socialists 
 of Chicago sought in every possible way to make the most of the situation 
 by inflaming the minds of the unemployed against capital, and labored to 
 secure proselytes by urging that such a state of affairs could never exist 
 under Socialism. Meetings were held wherever either a hall or a vacant lot 
 could be secured. A. R. Parsons, Philip Van Patten, George A. Schil- 
 ling, T. J. Morgan and Ben Sibley, who had hitherto figured only before 
 small street crowds, now became prominent as. speakers at large gatherings, 
 and their harangues proved that they were apt students in the Socialistic 
 school, and ready expounders of the proposed new social system. 
 
 The Legislature of Illinois was in session at the time under review, and 
 in March, 1877, the Socialist leaders entered into a discussion of the neces- 
 sity of forcing that body to pass the bills then pending before it with refer- 
 ence to the establishment of a bureau of statistics on wages and earnings, 
 cost and manner of living, fatal accidents in each branch of labor and their 
 causes, cooperation, hours of labor, etc., and for the collection of wages. 
 They urged that the laboring classes should demand these measures and in- 
 sisted that the "boss classes, the capitalistic classes, the aristocrats, who 
 lived in riot and luxury on the fruit which labor had tilled and ought to en- 
 joy," should not stand in the way of their passage. Time and again they 
 rang the various changes on the "iniquity and inequalities of the present 
 social system," and fairly howled themselves hoarse in declaring that " the 
 Labor party was organized not only to destroy that system, but to secure a 
 division of property, which Socialism demanded and was determined to 
 have." 
 
 Early in July, 1877, the firemen and brakemen of the Baltimore and 
 Ohio Railroad began a strike at Baltimore against a reduction of wages. 
 This strike soon reached Martinsburg, W. Va., and caused an immense 
 blockade of freight traffic. The strikers finally grew so riotous that the 
 local authorities were powerless, and President Hayes, being appealed to by
 
 60 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the Governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation. United States troops 
 were at the same time dispatched from Washington and Fort McHenry to 
 the scene of disturbances, and order was finally brought out of chaos. 
 
 Following close upon the heels of this strike came one on the Pennsyl- 
 vania Railroad at Pittsburg, against an order doubling up trains and thus 
 dispensing with a large number of employes. The railroad people, in 
 explanation of their action, showed that during June preceding not only had 
 there been a great depreciation of railroad stocks, but a shrinkage in the 
 value of railroad property from 20 to 70 per cent., caused by a great falling- 
 off in business. It is needless for the purpose of this chapter to recount 
 the wild scenes of riot and bloodshed that ensued at Pittsburg, when troops 
 numbering two thousand, sent from Philadelphia, engaged in deadly con- 
 flict with the unbridled mob and when millions of dollars' worth of property 
 was destroyed by the incendiary torch. 
 
 While this carnival of fire, death and bloodshed still startled the world, 
 a strike broke out in Chicago among railroad men. While the strikers 
 here sought to contend in an orderly manner against their employers, the 
 same element which had inspired and carried out deeds of violence in the 
 East the Communists were not slow to seize upon the opportunity in 
 Chicago to .widen the breach between capital and labor. Threats and riot- 
 ous demonstrations were their weapons. They virtually took possession of 
 all the large manufacturing establishments in the city, and by intimidation 
 and force compelled men willing to work and satisfied with their wages to 
 join their howling mobs. Not alone did they succeed in stopping freight 
 traffic, but they clogged the wheels of industry in the principal factories and 
 shops of the city. The leaders were active during the day directing the 
 riotous movements of their followers, and at night they assembled to devise 
 methods to increase the general turmeil. Their headquarters were at No. 
 131 Milwaukee Avenue, and here all-night sessions were sometimes held. 
 Proclamations were frequently sent out to workingmen, urging them to 
 stand firmly in defense of their rights. 
 
 The leading spirits at this time were Philip Van Patten, now of Cincin- 
 nati, J. H. White, J. Paulsen and Charles Erickson, who constituted the 
 executive committee of the Workingmen's Party, and A. R. Parsons and 
 George Schilling. 
 
 Some of the meetings referred to were quite stormy in character. 
 Threats were made to "clean out" the police, and some speakers advised 
 attacks on the guardians of the peace with stones, bricks and revolvers. The 
 leaders were too cautious, however, to advise anything of the kind in their 
 public declarations. Violence was reserved for the mobs on the inspiration 
 of the moment, or at the instigation of trusted adherents at the proper time. 
 
 That such were their intentions is apparent from a statement of one of 
 the members, who said :
 
 THE RIOTS OF 1877. 61 
 
 "To-morrow Chicago will see a big day, and no one can predict what 
 will be the end of this contest." 
 
 Sure enough, on the day following the 25th of July a conflict 
 ensued between the police and strong mobs at the Halsted Street Viaduct 
 and elsewhere, in which several of the rioters were injured. On the day 
 following, the riots reached their culminating point, and between the 
 police, infantry and cavalry the Communistic element were driven to their 
 holes with many killed and wounded. That effectually terminated the 
 reign of riot, and the city resumed its normal condition. The trouble in 
 the East also subsided about the same time. 
 
 The Communists, after this severe lesson, remained dormant for some 
 months. Evidently they saw that the time had not arrived for the com- 
 mencement of that revolution which they had at heart. In the fall of 1877 
 they seem to have reached the conclusion that they would exchange the art 
 of war for arts political. Accordingly, in October they were again to be 
 found on the campaign stump for the first time since 1874. There were 
 then four parties in the field, Democrats, Republicans, Industrials and 
 Greenbackers, and this situation may have suggested a chance for the suc- 
 cess of their ticket or an opportunity to secure concessions from the dom- 
 inant parties that would result to their advantage. C. J. Dixon was then 
 chairman of the "Industrial Party." This party claimed to seek redress 
 for the grievances of workingmen without resorting to destruction of society 
 or government, and if it had denied affiliation with the Socialists it might 
 have become a factor in politics. It may be stated that for a time after the 
 election Dixon held to his principles, but, a few years Tater became a repre- 
 sentative in the Legislature of the Communistic element. 
 
 The outcome of the political agitation of the Socialists that fall was the 
 nomination of the following ticket : For County Treasurer, Frank A. Stau- 
 ber ; County Clerk, A. R. Parsons ; Probate Clerk, Philip Van Patten ; 
 Clerk of the Criminal Court, Tim O'Meara; Superintendent of Schools, 
 John McAuliff ; County Commissioners, W. A. Barr, Samuel Goldwater, 
 T. J. Morgan, Max Nisler and L. Thorsmark. For Judge, John A. Jameson, 
 then on the bench, was indorsed, and Julius Rosenthal not a Socialist 
 was nominated for Judge of the Probate Court. The election held on the 
 8th of November showed some gains for the party. Omitting the "Indus- 
 trials" which were swallowed up by the other parties in the way of "elec- 
 tion trades," the Socialists secured a vote of 6,592 in the contest for the 
 County Treasurership, while McCrea, Republican, polled a vote of 22,423 ; 
 Lynch, Democrat, 18,388, and Hammond, Greenbacker, 769. 
 
 In 1878 a session of the Congress was again held, and then it was decided 
 to change the name of the " Workingmen's Party of the United States " to 
 the "Socialistic Labor Party," and it was also resolved to "use the ballot- 
 box as a means for the elevation of working people" and for "electing men
 
 62 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 from their own ranks to the halls of legislation and to the municipal govern- 
 ment." 
 
 The different wards of Chicago were subsequently organized into ward 
 clubs, each with a captain and secretary as permanent officers for a year. 
 It was made the duty of the captain of a ward to find halls for public meet- 
 ings and to report to the central committee. He was to open the meetings 
 in his ward and see that a chairman was chosen from among those attend- 
 ing. The duty of. the secretary was to issue cards of membership to new 
 members, to collect monthly dues of ten cents from each member, and to 
 receipt for the same on the back of the cards ; he was also to keep minutes 
 of the meetings and have them published in the party papers. The captain 
 was authorized to appoint a precinct captain for every precinct in his ward, 
 whose duty it was to control the distribution of tickets at elections. The 
 precinct captain was also directed to appoint lieutenants in his precinct, 
 one for each block if possible, to assist him in the work of agitation and the 
 distribution of tickets. 
 
 Under the plans formulated by the Socialistic Congress a central commit- 
 tee was again organized in the city of Chicago. It was composed of a 
 chairman, a secretary and a treasurer, who were elected by a joint meeting 
 of the different sections every six mqpths. In 1878 there were four sections 
 in Chicago one German, one English, one French and one Scandinavian. 
 The German section had the largest number of members, between three 
 and four hundred, and was steadily gaining. The English section num- 
 bered only about one hundred and fifty. The Scandinavian branch had 
 about an equal number. The French only mustered fifty members. Dur- 
 ing a campaign the ward captains were made members of the central 
 committee. They were charged with the duty of reporting the progress of 
 the ward clubs, notifying the committee where halls had been rented and 
 indicating what speakers were needed. It was the duty of the central 
 committee to advertise all club meetings, pay for the halls rented when the 
 clubs could not pay, and settle all bills and expenses incident to an election. 
 The committee was the only body authorized to order the printing of tickets, 
 and for all their acts they were held responsible to the "Socialistic Labor 
 Party." The money needed to defray expenses was raised mostly through 
 subscriptions and collections in the various clubs. The meetings of the 
 committee were conducted openly. Representatives of the press were per- 
 mitted to be present if at any prior meeting they had not purposely dis- 
 torted the proceedings. During the years 1878 and 1879 the meetings of 
 the committee were generally held in a hall on the second floor of No. 7 
 South Clark Street. 
 
 With an organization thus perfected under the plan of the Socialistic 
 Congress, the Socialists felt themselves in condition to cope with the other 
 parties. They saw in the vote of 1877 a chance for seating some of their
 
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 64 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 members in the City Council, and set out to talk politics at all their gather- 
 ings for the spring of 1878. On the I5th of March of that year they held a 
 convention at No. 45 North Clark Street, and put up a ticket for Aldermen 
 in all the wards except the Eleventh and Eighteenth, and for the various 
 town offices in the three divisions of Chicago. Inasmuch as the "old 
 timber" was worked over for these various offices, it is needless to repeat 
 names. Their platform reiterated the demands made in the first declaration 
 of principles, and, in addition, asked for the establishment of public baths 
 in each division of the city ; extension of the school system ; annulment of 
 the gas and street-car companies' charters, the same to be operated by the 
 city after payment to the owners of principal and interest on moneys actually 
 invested, out of the profits ; prompt payment of taxes, and employment for 
 all residents of the city that needed it. 
 
 During the campaign incident to the election, Paul Grottkau, then a 
 recent arrival from Berlin, proved a conspicuous figure and made a number 
 of stirring appeals. He expounded the principles of Socialism and inva r i- 
 ably wound up by characterizing the members of the Democratic an<A 
 Republican parties as "liars and horse-thieves." Through his Active par- 
 ticipation in the Socialistic movement in Chicago Grottkau became editor of 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung, but, fortunately for himself, was displaced in 1880 by 
 August Spies. 
 
 The election of April, 1878, resulted in placing one member in the City 
 Council Stauber, from the Fourteenth Ward. 
 
 This was the first political victory the Socialists had achieved in the city, 
 and, having noticed a small but steady increase in their voting force, they 
 proceeded to organize and agitate more diligently than ever before in a 
 political way. Meanwhile they saw the growing strength of the State 
 militia, and as an offset to the organization of the various military com- 
 panies in Chicago they determined to raise and equip companies from 
 their own ranks. They had begun in a quiet way to start the nucleus of 
 military companies some time after the First Regiment had been organized, 
 but it was not until 1878 that it became generally known that they had men 
 armed and drilled in military tactics, to be marshaled against society upon 
 a favorable opportunity. In the early part of 1878 the very flower and 
 strength of their military was the Lehr und Wehr Verein, composed of 
 picked men and veterans who had been baptized with fire on European 
 battlefields. Its strength was variously estimated at from four to six 
 thousand, but it never exceeded four hundred members. The "Jaeger 
 Verein," the "Bohemian Sharpshooters" and the "Labor Guard of ths 
 Fifth Ward," each with no more than fifty members, were auxiliary organ- 
 izations and composed mainly of raw recruits. Their instruction in the 
 manual of arms was mainly given by Major Presser, a trained and skilled 
 European tactician.
 
 SOCIALISTIC NEWSPAPERS. 65 
 
 Meantime the party had been greatly strengthened by the aid of news- 
 papers printed in its interest. In 1874, Die Volks-Zeitung\&& been started 
 by a stock company called the Social-Democratic Printing Association. 
 This paper was published at No. 94 South Market Street, with Mr. Brucker 
 as editor. Shortly thereafter, the Vorbote, a weekly paper, was started 
 under the auspices of the Workingmen's Party at the same number. C. 
 Conzett, formerly a resident of Berne, Switzerland, became its editor. He 
 subsequently bought out the Volks-Zeitung and thereafter published a tri- 
 weekly paper under the name of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, which became a 
 private enterprise in the interest of workingmen. His assistant editor was 
 Gustav Leiser. They made the paper an advocate of revolutionary 
 methods and urged the organization of trades-unions. They encouraged 
 strikes and held that only through such means could workingmen secure 
 their rights. They published without charge all grievances of laboring 
 men on the score of non-payment of wages and abuses of manufacturing 
 concerns, but each article had the full name of the writer. At first the 
 editors did not favor a resort to the ballot-box to remedy grievances. It 
 was not until after the great railroad strike of July, 1877, that they advo- 
 cated an organized fight in elections independently of the old parties. The 
 workingmen, they urged, must elect men of their own in order to secure 
 favorable legislation. 
 
 I ( n 1878 an English weekly called the Socialist was started under the 
 auspices of the main section of the Socialistic Labor Party of Chicago. 
 This main section was composed of the German, English, Scandinavian 
 and French sections, and they employed Frank Hirth as editor at a salary 
 of $15 per week and A. R. Parsons as assistant at a salary of $12 per week. 
 This paper was made the organ in the English language of the Socialistic 
 Labor Party, and, while it made some headway at the start, it succumbed 
 within a year, owing to jealousies and differences of opinion between the 
 German and English sections. 
 
 About the time the Socialist was established another paper was put in 
 the field by the Scandinavian section. It was called Den Nye Tid, and was 
 edited by Mr. Peterson. 
 
 In 1878 the proprietor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung signified a willingness to 
 sell his paper to the Socialistic Labor Party, and, in o^der to consummate 
 the transfer, the main section held a meeting in May of that year at Stein- 
 mueller's Hall, No. 45 North Clark Street. Plans were then and there ma- 
 tured for its purchase. It was decided to borrow the money and issue notes 
 at 6 per cent, interest, payable as soon as the treasury had secured enough 
 from collections and other sources to take them up. Collectors were 
 appointed for each division of the city, and they were directed to collect 
 money from workingmen and storekeepers. On the evening of June 29, 
 1878, a meeting was held at No. 7 South Clark Street, and the reports
 
 66 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 showed that enough money had been raised to purchase the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 Subsequently a general meeting was held and a society was organized called 
 the " Socialistische Druckgesellschaft." A board of trustees was chosen, 
 and they applied to the Secretary of State for a charter. That official 
 declined to issue the charter because the name of the society was in German. 
 Another meeting was held at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the name was 
 changed to the "Socialistic Publishing Company," after which the charter 
 was readily secured. The paper was then transferred by Herr Conzett to the 
 new company, and subsequently the managers added a Sunday edition called 
 Die Fackel. Paul Grottkau, formerly editor of the Berlin Freie Presse, was 
 appointed editor under the new management at a salary of $15 per week, 
 and F. J. Pfeiffer, of Chicago, was made assistant editor. The society 
 which now had charge of the paper was composed of bona fide members 
 of the German section. Their meetings were conducted in the same 
 manner as those of the Socialistic Labor Party. The price of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung was reduced, and all money realized from its sale over and above 
 expenses was applied for purposes of agitation. While the paper was 
 reported in a prospering condition, it was decided to take steps to pay off 
 its indebtednes as represented by the outstanding notes, and to this end a 
 grand festival was to be held, the proceeds of which should be devoted to 
 the press fund. Some trouble was experienced in getting a hall large 
 enough for the purpose. The Exposition Building was finally decided upon, 
 and it was secured without much delay, with results as noted further along 
 in this chapter. 
 
 Soon after the Socialist had expired, the members of the Workingmen's 
 Party felt the need of an English organ, and, having meanwhile come to a 
 better understanding, they decided that they would make another effort to 
 put one before the people. The result of several conferences was a monster 
 picnic at Wright's Grove on the i6th of June, 1878. The procession formed 
 to make the occasion imposing numbered about three thousand, and side by 
 side with the American flag was borne the red banner of Anarchy. This 
 emblem, although it finally crowded out the "stars and stripes," had 
 hitherto been reserved in public demonstrations for a minor place. Some of 
 the mottoes displayed on this occasion ran as follows : " No Rich, no Poor 
 All Alike." "No Monopolies All for One and One for All. " " Land belongs 
 to Society," and "No Masters, no Slaves." 
 
 The result of the picnic was that the Alarm was established, and A. R. 
 Parsons became its editor on a weekly allowance of $5, subsequently raised 
 to $8. 
 
 In the fall campaign of 1878 we find the Socialists again in the field with 
 a full ticket for Congressmen, the Legislature and local offices. Former 
 party platforms were reaffirmed, and mass-meetings to fire the hearts of 
 workingmen were frequently held. At these gatherings capitalists were
 
 THE ELECTION OF 1878. 
 
 DR. CARL EDUARD NOBILING. 
 
 denounced as usual, and the police came in for some attention. The cam- 
 paign song was also introduced, and the chorus of one, rendered by an 
 untamed troubadour named W. B. Creech, and referring to the police, ran 
 
 after this style, to the air of " Peeler and Goat " : 
 
 Then raise your voices, workingmen, 
 Against such cowardly hirelings, O ! 
 
 Go to the polls and slaughter them 
 With ballots, instead of bullets, O ! 
 
 One Dr. Mclntosh could always be de- 
 pended on for grinding out any quantity of 
 doggerel of this kind for any occasion. 
 The Socialists claimed that they 
 would poll on the day of election 
 Nov. 5th from 9,000 to 13,000 votes. 
 Their calculations, like their utter- 
 ances, were wild and wide of the 
 mark, however, as their candidate for 
 Sheriff, Ryan, only secured 5,980 
 votes, while Hoffman, Republican, 
 had 16,592 ; Kern, Democrat, 16,586, 
 and Dixon, Greenbacker, 4,491. They 
 secured, however, a member of the State Senate, Sylvester Artley, and three 
 members of the lower house of the Legislature Leo Meilbeck, Charles, 
 Ehrhardt and Christian Meier. This gave them great confidence, and they 
 pushed with greater vigor than ever their 
 political work. Meetings were kept up 
 throughout the winter, and, among other 
 things, they discussed measures which they 
 demanded from the Legislature in the in- 
 terest of labor. These demands included 
 reducing the hours of labor; the establish- 
 ment of a bureau of labor statistics ; abolish- 
 ment of convict labor ; sanitary inspection 
 of food, dwellings, factories, work-shops and 
 mines ; abolition of child labor ; liability of 
 employers for all accidents to employes 
 through the employers' neglect, and prior- 
 ity of demands for wages over all other 
 claims. They found time also to give their 
 attention to their brethren in Europe, and 
 at a meeting held Sunday, January 19, 
 1879, they adopted resolutions denouncing 
 Bismarck for persecutions of workingmen in MAX HOEDEL
 
 68 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Germany. The pretext for these persecutions, they claimed, grew out of 
 the attempts on the life of Emperor William by Hoedel and Dr. Nobiling. 
 The would-be assassins, they confessed, had once been Socialists, but at the 
 time of the attack had had nothing in common with the order. Hoedel, 
 they said, had been expelled, and had subsequently joined the " Christian 
 Socialistic Party," which they asserted had the favor of the Government, 
 and at the head of which was a Government official. They claimed 
 that Hoedel had been instigated to the deed by the German court, and 
 they even doubted that he had been beheaded in expiation of his 
 crime. Hoedel, they said, had been simply an instrument in the hands of 
 Bismarck, who wanted a pretext to persecute the Socialists and secure the 
 passage of a bill in the Reichstag for their suppression. Under the provis- 
 ions of that bill, they asserted, men, women and children were thrown into 
 dungeons without trial, and they insisted that the Congress of the United 
 States should voice their protest against such persecutions. 
 
 At nearly every large meeting held during the winter in question, Creech 
 was to the front with new songs, among one the chorus of which ran thus : 
 
 Raise aloft the crimson banner, emblem of the free ; 
 Mighty tyrants now are trembling, here and o'er the sea. 
 
 On the evening of March 22, 1879, they held the celebration in the Expo- 
 sition Building already referred to. This was ostensibly in commemora- 
 tion of the establishment of the Paris Commune in 1848 and again in 1871. 
 The real purpose, however, was to obtain funds to defray the expenses 
 incident to the coming spring campaign and to aid in making a daily out of 
 their tri- weekly organ, the Arbeiter-Zeitung. There were from 20,000 to 
 25,000 people in the building, and the amount reported realized reached 
 $4,500. There was speech-making by Dr. Ernst Schmidt, A. R. Parsons, 
 Paul Grottkau, and lesser lights, and the various military companies of the 
 organization strutted about in their uniforms, with belts, cartridge-boxes, 
 bayonet scabbards and breech-loading Remingtons. 
 
 With part of the proceeds of this celebration, the Socialists fitted up 
 campaign headquarters in a top-story room on the northeast corner of 
 Madison and La Salle Streets, in the very heart of the business center. 
 Their ticket covered all the offices from Mayor io Aldermen. The only new 
 names that figured on this ticket were those of N. H. Jorgensen, J. J. 
 Alpeter, Robert Buck, Henry Johnson, Max Selle, George Brown, R. 
 Lorenz, James Lynn and R. Van Deventer. The election occurred on the 
 ist of April, 1879, and their candidate for Mayor, Dr. Schmidt, secured 
 11,829 votes, while Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, scored 25,685, and A. M. 
 Wright, Republican, 20,496. They elected three Aldermen, however 
 Alpeter from the Sixth Ward, Lorenz from the Fourteenth, and Meier, then 
 in the Legislature, from the Sixteenth, which made, with Stauber, four 
 representatives in the City Council,
 
 70 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 With the inauguration of Carter Harrison's administration, a good deal 
 of attention was given to the Socialists by him as well as by his Democratic 
 co-laborers. Some of their men were given employment in the departments 
 of the city. Although they still continued their agitation, these appoint- 
 ments and other favors had the effect of undermining their political 
 strength. 
 
 In the next Mayoralty election they made a show of keeping up their 
 organization and nominated George Schilling for Mayor and Frank Stauber 
 for City Treasurer. But in the election held April 5th, 1881, the former only 
 polled 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999, thus demonstrating an almost complete 
 collapse of the party. 
 
 This virtually took them out of politics. Thenceforward the Socialists 
 ^_________^_^_^___^__ seem to have decided to abandon the 
 
 ballot-box, and to rely on force only for 
 the attainment of their objects. Accord- 
 ingly their harangues were directed to 
 the dissemination of the doctrines of 
 revolution. They endeavored still, it is 
 true, to maintain a representation in the 
 City Council, but in 1884 the Socialistic 
 element was entirely eliminated from 
 that body. 
 
 At the session of the Congress of 
 the International Workingmen's Asso- 
 ciation held at Pittsburg from the i4th 
 to the 1 6th of October, 1883, there was 
 a- large delegation of Chicago Anarch- 
 ists. A question arose as to the use of 
 the ballot for remedying the wrongs of 
 the laboring people. The delegates 
 
 CARTER H. HARRISON. , TD u- <- J 4.1, 
 
 from Baltimore insisted that recourse 
 
 should be had to the ballot-box, but those from Pittsburg were of another 
 mind, and favored something stronger. This suggestion gave the Anarch- 
 ist contingent from Chicago an opportunity to come to the front, and, while 
 some of these did not hold to extreme measures, they all agreed that the 
 ballot-box only served to keep capitalistic representatives in office. The 
 radical Chicago element went still further, holding that the theory of 
 Karl Marx, the use of force, was the correct one, and that that force should 
 be dynamite. But here a split occurred in their own delegation, the milder 
 ones holding to the theory of Lassalle, that they should first give the 
 ballot a thorough trial and use force only in the event of failure. The sen- 
 timent of the convention predominated in favor of force, and the conserva- 
 tive Anarchists ceased to be members.
 
 THE PITTSBURG CONGRESS. 71 
 
 The controversy thus begun was carried back to Chicago, and the radi- 
 cals set themselves strenuously to work to bring their disaffected associates 
 to the advocacy of dynamite. The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
 were particularly opposed to the use of the bomb. They had equipped 
 themselves and drilled in the use of guns so as to be able to meet the police 
 and militia after failure at the polls, and they contended that men carrying 
 bombs would be apt, through lack of experience, to hurt themselves as much 
 as their opponents. Men thoroughly drilled in the handling of a gun, they 
 argued, could accomplish something, and to that end every one should be 
 instructed in military tactics. The radicals of the various "groups" did 
 not believe in guns, however, and held that, inasmuch as they had experi- 
 mented with dynamite with some success, they should adopt it as a means of 
 warfare. They finally brought all to their ideas, and from that time to the 
 present they have given the subject of dynamite and explosives a great 
 deal of study. 
 
 As indicating the sense of the Pittsburg Congress their plan of organiza- 
 tion and resolutions are here given: 
 
 The name of the organization shall be " International Workingmen's Association." 
 
 1. The organization shall consist of federal groups which recognize the principles laid 
 down in the manifesto and consider themselves bound by them. 
 
 2. Five persons shall have the right to form a group. 
 
 3. Each group shall have complete independence (autonomy) and shall further have the 
 right to conduct the propaganda in accordance with its own judgment, but the same must 
 not collide with the fundamental principles of the organization. 
 
 4. Each group may call itself by the name of its location. When there is more than one 
 group, they shall be numbered. 
 
 5. In places where there is more than one group it is recommended that a general com- 
 mittee be formed to secure united action. Such committees shall, however, have no execu- 
 tive power. 
 
 6. A Bureau of Information shall be created at Chicago and shall consist of a secretary 
 of each of the groups of different languages. It is the duty of such bureau to keep an exact 
 list of all the groups belonging to the organization and to keep up correspondence with and 
 between the domestic and foreign groups. 
 
 7. Groups intending to join the organization must, after they have recognized its prin- 
 ciples, send their application and list of members to the groups located nearest to them, 
 whose duty it is then to forward such application to the Bureau of Information. The groups 
 shall send a report of the situation to the Bureau of Information at least every three 
 months. 
 
 8. A Congress can be called at any time by a majority of the groups. 
 
 9. All the necessary expenses of the Bureau of Information shall be met by voluntary 
 contributions of the groups. 
 
 Plan for the Propaganda. The organization of North America shall be divided into nine 
 districts of agitation, as follows; i. Canada. 2. District of Columbia. 3. The Eastern 
 States (Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
 York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland). 4. The Middle States (Ohio, 
 West Virginia, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois). 5. The Western 
 States (Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, Dakota, Kansas, Indian Territory and New 
 Mexico). 6. The Rocky Mountain States (Colorado, Montana, Idaho Territory, Utah and
 
 72 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Nevada). 7. The Pacific Coast States. 8. The Southern States (Virginia, North Caro- 
 lina., South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisi- 
 ana and Texas. ) 9. Mexico. 
 
 It is recommended to the several districts to organize general district committees for the 
 purpose of more effective and united action. It is the duty of these general committees to 
 provide that whenever practicable agitators shall be sent forth. If there is a lack of proper 
 agitators in a district the general committee shall inform the Bureau of Information. This 
 shall be done also when there is a surplus of workers, so that the bureau shall be able to- 
 bring about an equal distribution of the working elements. 
 
 The expenses of the traveling agitators shall be paid by local groups, or, when these are 
 without means, by the general organization. 
 
 Resolutions. The following resolutions were offered by A. R. Parsons : 
 
 " In consideration that the protection capitalists are men who, by excluding the cheap 
 products of labor of competing countries, intend to make enormous profits, while the free- 
 trade capitalists intend to make just as large profits by the sale of the cheap products of 
 labor of other countries ; and 
 
 ' ' In consideration that the only difference between the two is this : That the one wants 
 to import the products of cheap foreign labor, while the others consider it of greater advan- 
 tage to import the cheap labor itself of other countries ; and 
 
 " In consideration that it is a great injustice to tax by a protective tariff a whole people for 
 the benefit of a few privileged capitalists or of branches of industry : Be it, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That we, the International Workingmen's Association, consider the protec- 
 tive tariff and free trade questions capitalistic questions, which have not the least interest for 
 wage-workers questions which are intended ro confuse and mislead the workingman. The 
 fight on both sides is only one for the possession of the robbed products of labor. The 
 question whether there should be a protective tariff or free trade are political questions, 
 which for some time past have divided governments and nations into opposing factions, but 
 which, as already said, do not contribute toward the solution of social questions. The 
 adage, Polvere negll occhi (throwing dust in the eyes), expresses the intentions of both parties. 
 
 ' ' In consideration that we see in trades-unions advocating progressive principles the 
 abolishment of the wage system the corner-stone of a better and more just system of soci- 
 ety than the present ; and 
 
 ' ' In consideration, further, that these trades~-unions consist of an army of robbed and dis- 
 inherited fellow-sufferers and brothers, called to overthrow the economic establishments of 
 the present time for the purpose of general and free cooperation : Be it, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That we, the I. W. M. A., proffer the hand of fellowship to them, and give 
 them our sympathy and help in their fight against the ever-growing despotism of private 
 capital ; and 
 
 " Resolved, That while we give such progressive trades-unions our fullest sympathy and 
 assure them of every assistance in our power, we are, on the other hand, determined to fight 
 and, if possible, to annihilate every organization given to reactionary principles, as these are 
 the enemies of the emancipation of the workingmen, as well as of humanity and of progress. 
 
 " In consideration that the courts of arbitration for settlement of differences between the 
 workingmen and their employers, without the fundamental condition of free and independent 
 action on both sides, are simply contrary to reason ; and 
 
 " In consideration that a free settlement between the rich and the poor is impossible since 
 the wage-worker has but the choice to obey or to starve ; and 
 
 " In consideration that arbitration is possible and just only in case both parties are so 
 situated that they can accept or refuse an offer entirely of their own free will : Be it, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That arbitration between capital and labor is to be condemned. Wage- 
 workers ought never to resort to it."
 
 THE BUREAU OF INFORMATION. 73 
 
 After expressions of sympathy for the striking coal-miners in Dubois, 
 Pa., who were advised to arm themselves for defense against the bandits of 
 order, the resolutions proceed : 
 
 ' ' In consideration that our brothers and fellow combatants in the Old World are engaged 
 in a terrible struggle against our common foe, the crowned and uncrowned despots of the 
 world, the church and priestcraft, and thousands of them are languishing in prison and in 
 Siberia and are suffering in exile : Be it, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That we tender these heroic martyrs our sympathies, encouragement and aid. 
 "In consideration that there is no material difference existing between the aims of the 
 I. W. M. A. and the Socialistic Labor Party : Be it, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That we invite the members of the S. L. P. to unite with us on the basis of 
 the principles laid down in our manifesto for the purpose of a common and effective propa- 
 ganda." 
 
 Issued by order of the Pittsburg Congress of the International Workingmen's Asso- 
 ciation. For further information apply to the undersigned "Bureau of Information." 
 
 Secretary of the English language, AUG. SPIES. 
 Secretary of the German language, PAUL GROTTKAU. 
 Secretary of the French language, WM. MEDOW. 
 Secretary of the Bohemian language, J. MIKOLANDA. 
 No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago. 
 
 In accordance with pre-arranged plans, therefore, when the street-car 
 riots occurred on the West Division Railroad in the summer of 1885, the 
 Anarchists and Socialists of Chicago took a prominent part and did every- 
 thing in their power to create a bloody conflict between the police and the 
 strikers. In 1886, when the laboring classes of Chicago had decided to 
 strike on the ist of May for eight hours as a day's work, they came forward 
 and resolved to strike a blow which would terrorize the community and 
 inaugurate the rule of the Commune. How they went to work in that 
 direction and how they succeeded is fully shown in succeeding chapters.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Socialism, Theoretic and Practical Statements of the Leaders Ven- 
 geance on the ' ' Spitzels " The Black Flag in the Streets Resolutions in the Alarm 
 The Board of Trade Procession Why it Failed Experts on Anarchy Parsons, Spies, 
 Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief The International Platform Why Commun- 
 ism Must Fail A French Experiment and its Lesson The Law of Averages Extracts 
 from the Anarchic Press Preaching Murder Dynamite or the Ballot-Box? "The 
 Reaction in America " Plans for Street Fighting Riot Drill and Tactics Bakounine 
 and the Social Revolution Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist's Duty Herways' 
 Formula Predicting the Haymarket The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme 
 Court The White Terror and the Red Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy His 
 Association with Hoedel and Nobiling Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor 
 Reinsdorf at Berlin His Desperate Plan "Old Lehmann " and the Socialist's Dag- 
 ger The Germania Monument An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court A Culvert 
 Full of Dynamite A Wet Fuse and no Explosion Reinsdorf Condemned to Death 
 His Last Letters Chicago Students of his Teachings De Tocqueville and Socialism. 
 
 THE Constitution of the United States guarantees the right of free 
 speech, free discussion and free assemblage. These are the cardinal 
 doctrines of our free institutions. But when liberty is trenched upon to 
 the extent of advocacy of revolutionary methods, subversion of law and 
 order and the displacement of existing society, Socialism places itself be- 
 yond the pale of moral forces and arrays itself on the side of the freebooter, 
 the bandit, the cut-throat and the traitor. Public measures and public men 
 are open to the widest criticism consistent with truth, decency and justice, 
 but differences of opinion are no more to be brought into harmony through 
 blood than the settlement of private disputes is to be effected by means of 
 the bludgeon, the knife or the bullet. The freedom of speech which is val- 
 uable either to the individual or to humanity is that which builds up, not 
 destroys, society. 
 
 Now, what does Socialism, or Anarchy, precisely teach, and at what does 
 it aim ? It is true, there are two schools of Socialism one conservative and 
 the other radical to a sanguinary degree ; one seeking a change in existing 
 society and government through enlightenment, and the other the attain- 
 ment of the same principles through force. But the conservatives form so 
 small a portion of the Socialistic body that they cut no figure in the general 
 direction and management of the organization ; and so far as relates to the 
 visible manifestations of that body, Socialism in the United States may be 
 regarded as synonymous with Anarchy. 
 
 As I have shown, the ostensible object of the organization in Chicago, as 
 elsewhere, at the outset, was peaceful, but the ulterior aim the establish- 
 ment of Socialism through force, when sufficiently powerful in numbers 
 has in later years clearly developed. The early Socialist orators only 
 
 74
 
 PARSONS' RABID TALK. 
 
 75 
 
 hinted at force as a possible factor in the social revolution they advocated, 
 and it was reserved for the active agitators of the past ten years to boldly 
 and openly proclaim for the methods of the Paris Commune. 
 
 Before proceeding to particulars as to the utterances of Anarchist 
 leaders, the sources of their inspiration and their definition of Socialism, 
 it may be well to advert to some incidents in connection with their 
 movements as a revolutionary party. One incident specially worthy of 
 mention was a meeting held at Mueller's Hall, corner of Sedg- 
 
 wick Street and North Avenue, on the evening of i January 12, 1885. 
 It was a secret gathering, but, despite Socialistic jujfuk vigilance, Officer 
 Michael Hoffman managed to re- .^__.. 
 main and quietly note the drift of 
 the speeches. Parsons first took 
 the floor, and said : 
 
 Gentlemen, before we call this meeting 
 to order, I want you to be sure that we are 
 all right and all one. I want you to see 
 if there are any reporters or policemen pres- 
 ent. See if you can discover any spies. 
 If you find any one here, you can do with 
 him as you please, but my advice to you 
 is, take him and strangle him and then 
 throw him out of the window ; then let the 
 people think that the fellow fell out. And 
 if you should give one of them a chance 
 for his life, tell him, if he has any more 
 notions to come to our meetings, he should 
 first go to St. Michael's Church, see the 
 priest and prepare himself for death, say 
 farewell to all his friends and family 
 and then let him enter. I want all these 
 people to know that I am not afraid of 
 them ; I don't like them, and let them stay 
 away from me. 
 
 THE BLACK FLAG. 
 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 After precautions had been taken 
 to exclude objectionable persons, the proceedings began. Four speeches 
 were delivered, two in English and two in German. Parsons confined his 
 remarks to the capitalists. All present were poor, he said, and they only 
 had themselves to blame. One-half of all the wealth in the country belonged 
 to the poor people, but the capitalists had robbed them of it. The poor 
 offered no resistance, and yet the capitalist was doing the same thing day 
 after day. He was getting richer, and the poor poorer, because the work- 
 ing people lay down and permitted themselves to be robbed. He re- 
 counted some of Most's experiences, and insisted that capitalists must 
 submit to workingmen. They must be shown that their lives are worth 
 no more than the lives of the working people.
 
 7 6 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 He next touched upon the merits of a new invention by which, he said, 
 many hundreds of houses could be set on fire, and exhibited a small tin box 
 or can with a capacity of four ounces. This can, he remarked, could be 
 filled with some chemical stuff to serve as an explosive. A great many of 
 these cans could be carried in a basket, and, traveling around as match ped- 
 dlers or under some other guise, his hearers could secure entrance to the 
 houses of capitalists. All they would then be obliged to do was to either 
 place or drop one of " those darlings" in a secure place and go about their 
 
 business. It would do 
 its work, without any 
 one's presence to attend 
 to it, in less time than 
 an hour. If they would 
 get the boxes ready, he 
 would tell them where 
 to get the "stuff." This 
 plan of operations would 
 keep the fire and police 
 departments quite busy. 
 If they organized and 
 went to work with a 
 resolute spirit, they 
 could have things all 
 their own way through- 
 out the city and obtain 
 possession of what re- 
 mained after their work 
 of destruction. He also 
 urged all his comrades 
 to become familiar with 
 dynamite and said that 
 for the necessary in- 
 structions they could 
 come to a building on 
 Fifth Avenue (107, the offices of the Arbeiter-Zcitung and Alarni], where 
 he and others could be found to help them. There was no other way now 
 left, he continued, except for the laborers to use the sword, the bullet 
 and dynamite, and, closing sententiously, he said : 
 
 I probably will be hung as soon as I get out on the street, but if they do hang me, boys, 
 don't forget what I have been telling you about the little can and the dear stuff, dynamite, 
 because this is the only way I and you can get our rights. 
 
 It goes without saying that Parsons was applauded to the echo. Another 
 speaker emphasized his remarks about dynamite, but refrained from making 
 
 THE OFFICE OF THE ARBEITER-ZEITUNG. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 THE BLACK FLAG. 77 
 
 a speech, because, as he said, Parsons had "covered the ground so well and 
 thoroughly." One of the German speakers gave his attention to King 
 William and the Pope, scoring them in the strongest language he could com- 
 mand. He held that the "police of Chicago were only kept to protect the 
 property of capitalists and to club poor workingmen." 
 
 Another event memorable in the history of the party was the flaunting of 
 the black flag on the streets of Chicago for the first time. On that occasion 
 -November 25, 1884, Thanksgiving Day they marched through the 
 fashionable thoroughfares of the South and North Divisions, and, with two 
 women as standard-bearers for the black and the red, they made it a point 
 to halt before the residences of the wealthy, uttering groans and using 
 threatening language. Their route included Dearborn Street to Maple on 
 the North Side. There they massed in front of the residence of Hon. E. B. 
 Washburne, ex-Minister to France. They pulled the door-bell and insulted 
 the family by indulging in all sorts of noises, groans and cat-calls. They 
 rested satisfied with this last exhibition, and retraced their steps, proceeding 
 to Market Square, where they dispersed. 
 
 The preliminaries leading up to the procession just described were thus 
 given in the Alarm on the following Saturday : 
 
 THE BLACK FLAG. 
 
 The Emblem of Hunger Unfolded by the Proletarians of Chicago. The Red Flag Borne Aloft 
 by Thoiisands of Workingmen on Thanksgiving Day. The Poverty of the Poor is Created 
 bv the Robbery of the Rich. Speeches, Resolutions and a Grand Demonstration of the Unem- 
 ployed, the Tramps and Miserables of the City. Significant Incidents. 
 
 Shortly before Thanksgiving Day some of the working people, lifter consultation, issued 
 the following circular to wage- workers and tramps : 
 
 The Governor has ordained next Thursday for Thanksgiving. You are to give thanks 
 because your masters refuse you employment ; because you are hungry and without home 
 or shelter, and your masters have taken away what you have created, and arranged to shoot 
 you by the police or militia if you refuse to die in your hovels, in due observation of Law and 
 Order. You must give thanks that you face the blizzards without an overcoat ; without fit 
 shoes and clothes, while abundant clothing made by you spoils in the storehouses ; that you 
 suffer hunger while millions of bushels of grain rots in the elevators. For this purpose a thanks- 
 giving meeting will be held on Market Square at 2:30 o'clock, to be followed by a demonstration 
 to express our thanks to our "Christian brothers on Michigan Avenue." Every one that feels 
 the mockery of this Thanksgiving order should be present. Signed, the Committee of the 
 Grateful Workingpeople's International Association. 
 
 Thursday opened with sleet and rain, cold and miserable. At 2:30 over three thousand 
 people assembled on Market Street, under the unpitying rain and sleet. A stranger said, 
 "What you want is guns; you don't want to be heard talking." He was stopped for the 
 regular arrangements. The meeting being called to order, A. R. Parsons said: "We assemble 
 as representatives of the disinherited, to speak in the name of forty thousand unemployed 
 workingmen of Chicago two millions in the United States and fifteen millions in the civilized 
 world." He compared the Thanksgiving feast to that of Belshazzar, and said the champagne 
 wrung from the blood of the poor ought to strangle the rich. He then read as follows : "St. 
 James, chapter 5, says, ' Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries which 
 are to come upon you. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. 
 Your gold and silver is cankered ; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and 
 shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasures together for the last days.
 
 A THANKSGIVING MEETING. 79 
 
 Behold, the hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields, which ye have kept back by 
 fraud, crieth : Woe to them that bring about iniquity by law. ' The prophet Habakkuk says : 
 'Woe to him that buildeth a town by blood, and establisheth a city by iniquity.' The 
 prophet Amos says : ' Hear this, O ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor to 
 fail from the land, that I may buy the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes. 1 
 The prophet Isaiah says : ' Woe unto them that chain house to house, and lay field to field, till 
 there is no place, that they may be alone in the midst of the earth. ' Solomon says : ' There 
 is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed of their filthiness ; a 
 generation, O, how lifted are their eyes, and how their eyelids are lifted up : A generation 
 whose teeth are as swords, and their jaw-teeth as knives, to devour the poor from off the 
 earth, and the needy from among men. ' " 
 
 And, concluding, he said : "We did not intend to wait for a future existence, but to do 
 something for ourselves in this." 
 
 He introduced S. S. Griffin, who said this was an international assembly in the interests 
 of humanity, having no quarrel with each other and objecting to being set at work by gov- 
 ernmental scheme. ' ' Don't believe that any government or system should be allowed to pit 
 man against man, for any cause ; and to get at the root of these evils, we must go to the 
 foundation of property rights and the wage system. The old system could not meet the 
 demands of our present civilization. The present cry is against over-production, because it 
 operates against humanity. Over-production, glutting the market, causes a lock-out, depriv- 
 ing the wage class of the means of purchasing. Vacant houses stop the building industry, 
 and result in throwing builders out of employment. Ragged because of a surplus of clothing ; 
 homeless because of too many houses ; hungry because there is too much bread ; freezing 
 because too much coal is produced. The system must be changed. Man can wear but one 
 suit of clothes at a time and can consume only about so much. The genius of our age is 
 inventing and increasing the productive power. A system that in effect tells the working 
 classes that, the more they produce, the less they will have to enjoy, is a check on human prog- 
 ress and cannot continue. Everything must be made free. No man should control what he 
 has no personal use for. " 
 
 Upon Mr. Parsons' call the resolutions were read, as follows : 
 
 WHEREAS, We have outlived wage and property system ; and whereas, the right of prop- 
 erty requires more effort to adjust it between man and man than to produce and distribute it : 
 
 Resolved, That property rights should no longer be maintained or respected, and that 
 all useless workers should be deprived of useless employment and required to engage in 
 productive industry ; and as this is impossible under the payment system, 
 
 Resolved, That no man shall pay for anything, or receive pay for anything, or deprive 
 himself of what he may desire, that he finds out of use or vacant. 
 
 Resolved, That whoever refuses to devote a reasonable amount of energy to the produc- 
 tion or distribution of necessaries is the enemy of mankind and ought to be so treated ; and 
 so of the willful waster. 
 
 As this system cannot be introduced as against existing ignorance and selfishness without 
 force, Resolved, That, when introduced, the good of mankind and the saving of blood requires 
 that forcible opposition shall be dealt with summarily ; but that no one should be harmed for 
 holding opposite opinions. 
 
 Resolved, That our policy is wise, humane and practical and ought to be enforced at the 
 earliest possible moment. 
 
 As an expression of thankfulness, Resolved, That we are thankful we have learned the true 
 cause of poverty and the remedies, and can only be more thankful when the remedy is applied. 
 
 The next speaker was Samuel Fielden. He denounced the hypocrisy of calling upon 
 people to thank God for prosperity, while providing no changes for the better, when so many 
 people were in actual want in the midst of abundance. When he was a boy, his mother had 
 taught him to say, ' ' Our Father who art in Heaven, " but so far as he knew, God remained 
 there and would not come here until things were better arranged. " Our motto is, Liberty, 
 Equality and Fraternity, emb r acing all men. Our international movement is to unite all 
 countries and to do away with the robber class."
 
 8o 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 August Spies spoke. Pointing to the black flag, he said it was the first time the emblem 
 of hunger and starvation had been unfurled on American soil. He said we had got to strike 
 down these robbers who were robbing the working people. 
 
 In answer to a call from the Germans, Mr. Schwab spoke in German a few .minutes. A 
 stranger said : " Get your guns out and go for them. That is all I have got to say." Three 
 cheers were given for the social revolution. The audience then formed a procession three 
 thousand strong. 
 
 Another notable procession was on the evening of the opening of the 
 
 new Board of Trade building. The 
 Anarchists gathered in front of the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung office and were 
 addressed by Parsons and Fielden. 
 The speeches were highly inflam- 
 matory. Parsons insisted that they 
 ought to blow up the institution, 
 and urged them to arm them- 
 selves "to meet their oppressors 
 with weapons." The Board of 
 Trade, he said, was a robbers' 
 roost, and they were reveling on 
 the proceeds of the workingmen. 
 "How many," he asked, "of my 
 hearers could give twenty dollars 
 for a supper to-night ? We will 
 never gain anything by arguments 
 and words. While those men are 
 enjoying a sumptuous supper, work- 
 ingmen are starving." He char- 
 acterized the police as bloodhounds 
 and servants of the robbing cap- 
 italists, and suggested that the mob 
 loot Marshall Field's dry-goods 
 store and other places and secure 
 such things as they needed. It was apparent that these sentiments appealed 
 strongly to the inclinations of the assembled rabble, and when Parsons had 
 concluded the mob was ready for an even more violent harangue. 
 
 Fielden went as far as to urge the mob to follow him and rob those 
 places, and, like Parsons, held that the Board of Trade building had been 
 built out of money of which they had been robbed, and that all who trans- 
 acted business in that place were "robbers, and thieves, and ought to be 
 killed." 
 
 There were hundreds of tramps in the throng addressed, and naturally 
 all allusions to capitalists as robbers, and all suggestions to plunder, were 
 greeted with applause. A procession was formed, with Oscar W. Neebe, 
 
 THE BOARD OF TRADE. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 WHAT IS SOCIALISM? 81 
 
 Parsons and Fielden at the head, and with two women following next carry- 
 ing the red and black flags. They marched down to the Board of Trade, 
 but, arriving at the street leading to the building, a company of police 
 headed them off. Thus balked, they had to content themselves with march- 
 ing through the streets back to their starting-point, where they separated 
 without further exhibition of violence than subsequently hurling a stone 
 through the window of a carriage occupied by a prominent West Side resi- 
 dent and his wife, whom they took to be a millionaire on his way to the 
 Board of Trade reception. A tougher-looking lot of men than those who 
 composed the procession it would be difficult to find, and, once started in 
 the direction of violence at the building, there is no telling the extent of 
 damage they might have inflicted. The toleration of such a parade by the 
 municipal authorities was severely criticised by the community, for, had it 
 not been for the action of the late Col. Welter, then Inspector of Police, in 
 intercepting the procession, a serious riot would have occurred. 
 
 Parsons, when asked subsequently why they had not blown up the Board 
 of Trade building, replied that they had not looked for police interfer- 
 ence and were not prepared. "The next time," he said, "we will be pre- 
 pared to meet them with bombs and dynamite." Fielden reiterated the same 
 sentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a year they 
 might be ready for the police. 
 
 Now WHAT is the Socialism or Anarchy they seek to establish ? In his 
 speech before Judge Gary in the Criminal Court, when asked why sentence 
 of death should not be imposed upon him, Anarchist Parsons, among other 
 things, thus described the condition of affairs when Socialism should obtain 
 sway : 
 
 Anarchy is a free society where there is no concentrated or centralized power, no state, no 
 king, no emperor, no ruler.no president, no magistrate, no potentate of any character whatever. 
 Law is the enslaving power of men. Blackstone defines the law to be a rule of action, pre- 
 scribing what is right and prohibiting what is wrong. Now, very true. Anarchists hold 
 that it is wrong for one person to prescribe what is the right action for another person, and 
 then compel that person to obey that rule. Therefore, right action consists in each person 
 attending to his business, and allowing everybody else to do likewise. Whoever prescribes a 
 rule of action for another to obey is a tyrant, a usurper and an enemy of liberty. This is 
 precisely what every statute does. Anarchy is the natural law, instead of the man-made 
 statute, and gives men leaders in the place of drivers and bosses. All political law, statute 
 and common, gets its right to operate from the statute ; therefore, all political law is statute 
 law. A statute law is a written scheme by which cunning takes advantage of the unsuspect- 
 ing, and provides the inducement to do so, and protects the one who does it. In other words, 
 a statute is the science of rascality or the law of usurpation. If a few sharks rob mankind of 
 all the earth, turn them all out of house and home, make them ragged slaves and beggars, 
 and freeze and starve them to death, still they are expected to obey the statute because it is 
 sacred. This ridiculous nonsense, that human laws are sacred, and that if they are not re- 
 spected and continued we cannot prosper, is the stupidest and most criminal nightmare of 
 the age. Statutes are the last and greatest curse of men, and, when destroyed, the world will 
 be free. . . . The statute law is the great, science of rascality, by which alone the few
 
 82 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 trample upon and enslave the many. There are natural laws provided for every work of 
 man. Natural laws are self-operating. They punish all who violate them, and reward all 
 who obey them. They cannot be repealed, amended, dodged or bribed, and it costs neither 
 time, money nor attention to apply them. It is time to stop legislation against them. We 
 want to obey laws, not men, nor the tricks of men. Statutes are human tricks. The law 
 the statute law is the coward's weapon, the tool of the thief. . . . Free access to the 
 means of production is the natural right of every man able and willing to work. It is the 
 legal right of the capitalist to refuse such access to labor, and to take from the laborer all the 
 wealth he creates over and above a bare subsistence for allowing him the privilege of work- 
 ing. A laborer has the natural right to life, and, as life is impossible without the means of 
 production, the equal right to life involves an equal right to the means of production. . . . 
 Laws just laws natural laws are not made ; they are discovered. Law-enacting is an 
 insult to divine intelligence; and law-enforcing is the impeachment of God's integrity and His 
 power. 
 
 August Spies on the same memorable occasion gave his views of Social- 
 ism in these words : 
 
 Socialism is a constructive and not a destructive science. While capitalism expropriates 
 the masses for the benefit of the privileged class ; while capitalism is that school of economics 
 which teaches how one can live upon the labor (t. <?., property) of the other, Socialism 
 teaches how all may possess property, and further teaches that every man must work 
 honestly for his own living, and not be playing the respectable Board of Trade man, or any 
 other highly too respectable business man or banker. Socialism, in short, seeks to establish 
 a universal system of cooperation and to render accessible to each and every member of the 
 human family the achievements and benefits of civilization, which, under capitalism, are 
 being monopolized by a privileged class, and employed, not, as they should be, for the com- 
 mon good of all, but for the brutish gratification of an avaricious class. Under capitalism, 
 the great inventions of the past, far from being a blessing for mankind, have been turned 
 into a curse ! Socialism teaches that machines, the means of transportation and communica- 
 tion, are the result of the combined efforts of society, past and present, and that they are 
 therefore rightfully the indivisible property of society, just the same as the soil and the mines 
 and all natural gifts should be. This declaration implies that those who have appropriated 
 this wealth wrongfully, though lawfully, shall be expropriated by society. The expropria- 
 tion of the masses by the monopolists has reached such a degree that the expropriation of 
 the expropriateurs has become an imperative necessity, an act of social self-preservation. 
 Society will reclaim its own even though you erect a gibbet on every street-corner. And 
 Anarchism, this terrible "ism," deduces that under a cooperative organization of society, 
 under economic equality and individual independence, the "state" the political state 
 will pass into barbaric antiquity. And we will be where all are free, where there are no 
 longer masters and servants. Where intellect stands for brute force, there will no longer be 
 any use for the policeman and militia to preserve the so-called "peace and order." Anarch- 
 ism, or Socialism, means the reorganization of society upon scientific principles and the 
 abolition of causes which produce vice and crime. 
 
 Michael Schwab, in his utterances before the same tribunal, held as 
 follows : 
 
 Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be held in common 
 by the people. The production of goods shall be carried on by producing groups which 
 shall supply the demands of the people. Under such a system every human being would 
 have an opportunity to do useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours' work every 
 day would suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for a comfortable 
 living. Time would be left to cultivate the mind and to further science and art. That is
 
 PLATFORM OF THE INTERNATIONALE. 83 
 
 what Socialists propose. According to our vocabulary, Anarchy is a state of society in which 
 the only government is reason. A state of society in which all human beings do right for the 
 simple reason that it is right and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no laws, 
 no compulsion will be necessary. 
 
 Samuel Fielden, standing before the same court, also dwelt upon Social- 
 ism, saying : 
 
 And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world ; it will be a grand day for humanity; 
 it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach that 
 goal, as it will when it accepts the principles of Socialism. They are the principles that 
 injure no man. They are the principles that consider the interest of every one. They are 
 the principles which will do away with wrong ; and injustice and suffering will be reduced at 
 least to a minimum under such an organization of society. As compared to the present 
 struggle for existence, which is degrading society and making men merely things and animals, 
 Socialism will give them opportunities of developing the possibilities of their nature. 
 
 The platform of the International Association of Workingmen, indorsed 
 by the local organization, formulates the principles of Socialism as follows : 
 
 1. Destruction of existing class domination, through inexorable revolution and international 
 activity. 
 
 2. The building of a free society on communistic organizations or production. 
 
 3. Free exchange of equivalent products through the productive organization without 
 jobbing and profit-making. 
 
 4. Organization of the educational system upon a non-religious and scientific and equal 
 basis for both sexes. 
 
 5. Equal rights for all, without distinction of sex or race. 
 
 6. The regulation of public affairs through agreements between the independent com- 
 munes and confederacies. 
 
 The above was published in the Alarm of November i, 1884, with the 
 following comment : 
 
 Proletarians of all countries, unite. Fellow workmen, all we need for the achievement of 
 this great end is organization and unity. 
 
 There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful education and 
 revolutionary conspiracy will, can and ought to run in parallel lines. 
 
 The day has come for solidarity. Join our ranks ! Let the drum beat defiantly the roll 
 of battle ; workingmen of all lands, unite ! You have nothing to lose but your chains; you 
 have a world to win. Tremble, oppressors of the world ! Not far beyond your purblind 
 sight there dawn the scarlet and sable lights of the judgment day ! 
 
 Such, in brief, are the aims of Socialism as expounded by its most 
 extreme representatives. The state of society they seek to establish may 
 be highly beneficial to a class which, under any conditions, lacks sobriety, 
 frugality, thrift and self-reliance ; but just where the general mass of human- 
 ity is to be bettered or elevated, socially, morally or politically, is a point not 
 satisfactorily explained. Their theory may look well on paper, and their 
 glittering generalities may draw adherents from the ranks of the illiterate 
 and the vicious, but a condition of society in which there are no masters 
 and no authority can only lead to chaos. In a society "in which all 
 human beings do right for the simple reason that it is right," there can be 
 neither stability nor permanence, unless human nature is recast, recon-
 
 84 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 strutted and regenerated. Human nature must be treated as it is found in 
 the general make-up of man ; and therefore a society in which all special 
 desires, all ambition and all self-elevation have been eliminated, precludes 
 development and progress. It reduces everything to utter shiftlessness and 
 stagnation. In such a society there can be no incentive to great achieve- 
 ments in art, literature, mechanics or invention. If all are to be placed on 
 an equal footing, the ignorant with the educated, the dullard with the 
 genius, the profligate with the provident, and the drunken wretch with the 
 industrious, what encouragement for special effort ? If vou " render accessi- 
 ble to each and every member of the human family the achievements and 
 benefits of civilization," holding "property in common," why should a man 
 rack his brain or strain his muscles in producing something which he 
 expects to prove remunerative to himself in some way, but which under the 
 Socialistic state would go to the financial benefit of all ? Take away all 
 incentive to improvement, and you make life scarcely worth the living. 
 Where the state, or the "independent commune," is to be entrusted with 
 the care and equal distribution of wealth and the employment of men, 
 the individual will give little concern for the v morrow or for anything beyond 
 his immediate wants. What need he accomplish more than his neighbor, 
 since everything that is produced is shared jointly ? 
 
 In the Socialistic society, every man might "work honestly for his own. 
 living," as Spies declares, but what would be the inevitable result of a sys- 
 tem in which the state or commune undertakes to see that all have employ- 
 ment ? 
 
 History does not leave us room for doubt. The various constitutions of. 
 France recognized the right of the people to employment. It was provided 
 in 1792 that it was the duty of society to afford such employment, and in 
 the following year it was added that the remuneration of the laborer should 
 be sufficient to support him. This doctrine was recognized until 1819, 
 when it fell into "innocuous desuetude," and it was not revived until 1848- 
 In that year a placard appeared on the dead walls of Paris, to the follow- 
 ing effect : 
 
 The Provisional Government of the French Republic guarantees existence to the laborer 
 by labor. It guarantees labor to every citizen. It guarantees that laborers may associate to 
 obtain the profits of their legitimate labor. 
 
 In consequence of this proclamation the Government was appealed to, 
 and national work-shops were established under the auspices of the Govern- 
 ment. The establishments were open to all, but, as no one was specially 
 interested in their financial success, they soon proved too great a drain upon 
 the resources of the nation. Failure was the result. In the assignment 
 of work at the factories, skill and fitness never entered into consideration. 
 One workman was as good as another, and the men, so long as they had the 
 Government at their back, with living guaranteed, did not bother much
 
 BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION II. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS. 
 
 i. " Down with all Laws.'' ' 6. " Long live the Social Revolution ! "
 
 86 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 about the kind of article they produced. The result was that inferior goods 
 were thrown upon the market, and purchasers were difficult to find. This 
 speedily led to the closing of the work-shops, and since then the French 
 Government has never maintained that society at large must operate work- 
 shops for the benefit of all. Any commune that undertakes the same task 
 again must similarly fail. 
 
 Now, suppose that, in the new economic conditions, it should be deter- 
 mined by the " independent communes " that wages should in a measure be 
 fixed according to the skill, ability and energy of the workingmen, what 
 sort of allotment would fall to the great body of workers? Edward Atkin- 
 son, an accurate statistician of world-wide reputation, has furnished the 
 public with a compilation showing what each would receive if the aggregate 
 production in the United States were divided among its inhabitants. The 
 annual production, he calculates, of all the industries of our country, does not 
 exceed $200 per head of population. This would give a total of $12,000,000. 
 If this were divided equally among families of five persons each, on a basis of 
 a sixty-million population, each family would have $1,000 per annum. But, 
 as I have said, suppose some families secure more than others, on account 
 of greater efficiency, and that one-third of these families secure $2,000 each 
 per annum. The remaining two-thirds would only secure an average of 
 $500. "Suppose," it has been said, "one-half of this third to be fortunate 
 enough, or skillful enough, to increase their average to $3,000. The remain- 
 ing half continuing at $2,000, the average share of the two-thirds would 
 fall to $250, or $50 only per head, per annum." 
 
 As Prof. Barnard, dwelling upon the facts to be deduced from Atkin- 
 son's showing, says: "Inasmuch as the idea of an average implies that as- 
 many are below it as are above it, it is easy to see that the only way of 
 removing the scourge of poverty from the entire human race is to increase 
 the productiveness of labor so that want can only be a consequence of willful 
 idleness, or improvidence, or vice." 
 
 In the "wonderful readjustment" of wealth and the products of labor 
 Socialists propose to inaugurate, there would be everywhere more misery, 
 more poverty and more crime than the, people are now contending with in 
 the purlieus of London and Paris. That there is room for improvement in 
 the condition of our social state is true, but that changes for the better can 
 be obtained by Socialism and by means of violence is false. These social 
 as well as governmental improvements can only be brought about by peace- 
 able means. Never by force, as the logic of events demonstrated in the 
 Cook County Jail. There is no question that crack-brained theorists will 
 continue to spring up and exist. They have existed in the past. The 
 Babeufs, the Lassalles, the Fouriers and the Karl Marxes may continue to 
 preach their one-sided ideas, but universal education in the United States 
 and the general morality of the masses may be safely counted upon as a
 
 MILITARY ORGANIZATION. 
 
 guaranty that neither the gospel of violence nor isolated cases of bloodshed 
 will ever succeed in establishing exploded and ruinous theories of politics. 
 
 AFTER the Socialists of Chicago had organized their military companies, 
 it soon became evident that they intended to use their forces against organ- 
 ized society, and as they paraded them before the community on all public 
 occasions as a 
 menace to good or- 
 der, the Illinois Leg- 
 islature in 1879 set- 
 tled their stat us 
 effectually by adopt- 
 ing a law prohibit- 
 ing armed forces in 
 the State except 
 those wi 11 ing to 
 swear to support the 
 institutions of the 
 State as well as of 
 the nation, or to be- 
 come members of 
 the State militia. It 
 was also made a 
 punishable offense 
 for any body of men 
 to assemble with 
 arms, drill or parade 
 within the State 
 without authority. 
 The Socialists were 
 not seeking State 
 honors, and they 
 took an appeal to 
 
 A GROUP OF ANARCHISTS. 
 
 From a Photograph. The central figure is that of a man in the uniform of the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein. The reclining figure in foreground is Moritz 
 Neff, proprietor of Neff's Hall. 
 
 the State Supreme 
 
 Court on the ground 
 
 that the legislative 
 
 act was unconstitutional. They were beaten, and accordingly forced to 
 
 abandon their ten companies. 
 
 From carrying arms, however, they soon turned their attention to the 
 study of explosives. They began experiments at once, and some years 
 later boldly urged their adherents to become adepts in the manufacture 
 and use of the most approved explosive dynamite. 
 
 In the Alarm of October 18, 1884, the following was published :
 
 88 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 One man armed with a dynamite bomb is equal to one regiment of militia, when it is used 
 at the right time and place. Anarchists are of the opinion that the bayonet and Catling gun 
 will cut but sorry part in the social revolution. The whole method of warfare has been 
 revolutionized by latter-day discoveries of science, and the American people will avail them- 
 selves of its advantages in the conflict with upstarts and contemptible braggarts who expect to 
 continue their rascality under the plea of preserving law and order. 
 
 The same paper, in its issue of November i, 1884, contained this pro- 
 nunciamento : 
 
 How can all this be done ? Simply by making ourselves masters of the use of dynamite, 
 then declaring we will make no further claim to ownership in anything, and deny every other 
 person's right to be the owner of anything, and administer instant death, by any and all 
 means, to any and every person who attempts to continue to claim personal ownership in 
 anything. This method, and this alone, can relieve the world of this infernal monster called 
 the "right of property." 
 
 Let us try and not strike too soon, when our numbers are too small, or before more of us 
 understand the use and manufacture of the weapons. 
 
 To avoid unnecessary bloodshed, confusion and discouragement, we must be prepared, 
 know why we strike and for just what we strike, and then strike in unison and with all our 
 might. 
 
 Our war is not against men, but against systems ; yet we must prepare to kill men who 
 will try to defeat our cause, or we will strive in vain. 
 
 The rich are only worse than the poor because they have more power to wield this 
 infernal "property right," and because they have more power to reform, and take less 
 interest in doing so. Therefore, it is easy to see where the bloodiest blows must be dealt. 
 
 We can expect but few or no converts among the rich, and it will be better for our cause 
 if they do not wait for us to strike first. 
 
 Again, on February 21, 1885, from the same paper : 
 
 The deep-rooted, malignant evil which compels the wealth-producers to become the 
 independent hirelings of a few capitalistic czars, can not be reached by means of the ballot. 
 
 The ballot can be wielded by free men alone ; but slaves can only revolt and rise in insur- 
 rection against their despoilers. 
 
 Let us bear in mind the fact that here in America, as elsewhere, the worker is held in 
 economic bondage by the use of force, and the employment of force, therefore, becomes a 
 necessity to his economic preservation. Poverty can't vote ! 
 
 In the same issue also appeared the following : 
 
 Dynamite ! Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several pounds of this sublime 
 stuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuse 
 attached, place this in the immediate neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by the 
 sweat of other people's brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and gratifying result 
 will follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden millions of the globe science has 
 done its best work. The dear stuff can be carried in the pocket without danger, while it is 
 a formidable weapon against any force of militia, police or detectives that may want to 
 stifle the cry for justice that goes forth from the plundered slaves. It is something not very 
 ornamental, but exceedingly useful. It can be used against persons and things. It is better 
 to use it against the former than against bricks and masonry. It is a genuine boon for the 
 disinherited, while it brings terror and fear to the robbers. A pound of this good stuff beats 
 a bushel of ballots all hollow, and don't you forget it ! Our law-makers might as well try to 
 sit down on the crater of a volcano or a bayonet as to endeavor to stop the manufacture and 
 use of dynamite. It takes more justice and right than is contained in laws to quiet the 
 spirit of unrest.
 
 PREACHING MURDER. 89 
 
 In the Arbeiter-Zeitung of March 19, 1886, appeared the following, 
 after many articles had been previously published of the same tenor as 
 those in the Alarm : 
 
 The only aim of the workingman should be the liberation of mankind from the shackles 
 of the existing damnable slavery. Here, in America, where the workingman possesses yet 
 the freedom of meeting, of speech, and of the press, most should be done for the emancipa- 
 tion of suffering mankind. But the press gang and the teachers in the schools do all in their 
 power to keep the people in the dark. Thus everything tends to degrade mankind more and 
 more, from day to day, and this effects a " beastening, " as is observable with Irishmen, and 
 more apparent, even, with the Chinese. 
 
 If we do not soon bestir ourselves for a bloody revolution, we can not leave anything to 
 our children but poverty and slavery. Therefore prepare yourselves, in all quietness, for 
 the revolution. 
 
 The following extracts are from the first number of the Anarchist, 
 Engel's paper, dated January i, 1886, with the motto/ "All government we 
 hate" : 
 
 Workingmen and fellows : We recognize it our duty to contend against existing rule, 
 but he who would war successfully must equip himself with all implements adapted to destroy 
 his opponents and secure victory. In consideration thereof we have resolved to publish the 
 Anarchist as a line in the fight for the disinherited. It is necessary to disseminate Anarchistic 
 doctrine. As we strive for freedom from government we advocate the principle of autonomy, 
 in this sense : We strive towards the overthrow of the existing order, that an end may be 
 put to the "abhorrent work of destruction on the part of mankind, and fratricide done away." 
 The equality of all, without distinction of race, color or nationality, is our fundamental 
 principle, thus ending rule and servitude. We reject reformatory endeavors as useless play, 
 adding to the derision and oppression of the workingmen. Against the never-to-be-satisfied 
 ferocity of capital we recommend the radical means of the present age. All endeavors of the 
 working classes not aiming at the overthrow of existing conditions of ownership and at com- 
 plete self-government are to us reactionary. The idea of the absence of authority warrants 
 that we will carry on a fight of principles only. . . . 
 
 No one can deny that man brings with him into the world the right to live. But this is 
 denied by the property beast. He who has the whip of power will brandish it over the poor. 
 What does the world offer to the poor who are compelled to carry on a mere struggle for 
 existence ? Patented machinery, combined with capital and other means of preservation, 
 denies work to the workmen on account of the excessive offer of working powers. Working- 
 men should, therefore, enter the ranks of those who propose to set aside the present system 
 of inequality and build up a system of equality and freedom. Let every one join the Inter- 
 national Workingmen's Association, and arm himself with the best weapons of modern 
 times. . . . 
 
 The authorities in America have hitherto refused to prosecute Anarchists as the European 
 powers do, not because of hatred to despotism, but from fear that the American people 
 might be driven into Anarchism. As Anarchists increase, however, it is intended to to away 
 with them by slow degrees. To this end a bill was introduced in Congress refusing to and 
 revoking citizenship of such. Yet the Anarchist declines citizenship because he regards him- 
 self as cosmopolitan. We hope for more foolish things to open the eyes of American work- 
 ingmen. . . . 
 
 Reflections of an Anarchist at the Grave of Leiske. After the workingman becomes a 
 journeyman he feels free, casts a glance into the world it is glorious, beautiful. He thinks 
 there is happiness for him somewhere. He proposes to go abroad, but a terrible cry falls upon 
 his ears the outcry of a tormented people. He inquires, have the pariahs of to-day a right
 
 90 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to live ? and answers yes. Why otherwise born, if suffered to die with hunger ? And hunger 
 and poverty are the results of the stealings of the rich. Having thus concluded, he swears 
 to help in the work of liberation, "in the great struggle of mankind for a better condition ; " 
 to take vengeance upon those responsible for this misery. In his investigations he learns the 
 utter vileness of the police power, and a policeman is killed. Whereupon the workman is 
 arrested, charged with the murder of Rumpf, and killed after nearly a year of most devilish 
 torture. With what contempt Leiske met his executioners, and with what heroism he went 
 unto his death, is known to our fellows, and he shall be avenged. 
 
 The Alarm, January 13, 1885 : 
 
 "Force the only defense against injustice and oppression." Because the Socialists 
 advocate resistance, they are accused of brutality and want of wisdom. All men agree that 
 themselves should not be trampled upon by others. If you can compel a man to agree to 
 allow others to exercise control over him, you will find that the soldier will soon claim all 
 you have acquired for yourselves. This only teaches that it is dangerous for the wicked to 
 teach war ; not so with justice. Justice can never create opposition to itself. Therefore 
 " justice is always safe in accumulating force, while injustice can only accumulate force at 
 its peril." We are told force is cruel, but this is only true when the opposition is less cruel. 
 If the opposition is relentless power, starving, freezing, etc., and the application of force will 
 require less suffering, then force is humane. Tharefore we say that dynamite is both humane 
 and economical. It will, at the expense of less suffering, prevent more. It is not humane 
 to compel ten persons to starve to death, when the execution of five persons would prevent 
 it. A system that is starving and freezing tens of thousands of little children, in the midst 
 of a world of plenty, cannot be defended against dynamiters on the ground of humanity. If 
 every child that starved to death in the United States were retaliated for by the execution of 
 a rich man in his own parlor, the brutal system of wage property would not last six weeks. 
 It is a wonder that a father, after his vain search for bread, can see his little ones starve or 
 freeze, without striking that vengeful, just and bloody blow at the cause that would prevent 
 other little ones suffering a similar fate. It is not probable that men will always endure this 
 cruel, relentless process of monopoly and competition. 
 
 The privileged class use force to perpetuate their power, and the despoiled workers must 
 use force to prevent it. 
 
 The Alarm, July 25, 1885 : 
 
 STREET FIGHTING. 
 How to Meet the Enemy. Some Valuable Hints for the Revolutionary Soldiers. What an 
 
 Officer of the United States Army has to Say. 
 
 The following letter, published in the San Francisco Truth some time ago, will be read 
 with interest. The letter is quoted as follows, in substance : "I am an officer in the army 
 of the United States, and know whereof I write. " John Upton said to me, with great earnest- 
 ness, that the day of armies is passing away. I . believe this. This introduces my subject. 
 I desire to place the details of the science of butchery before the people; to point out its 
 weak points, so that in future uprisings the people may stand some chance of winning. They 
 have for the past twenty years been overcome only because of their own ignorance. They 
 have been slaughtered and subdued because of a lack of coolness, want of knowledge, and 
 adherence to what is called ' humanity, ' ' honorable warfare, ' etc. I assume that my readers 
 agree with me that against tyrants all means are legitimate, and that in war that course is 
 best, though bloodiest, which soonest ends the contest. My purpose is to persuade the people 
 to add a little common sense in future to their heroism, and thus insure success. 
 
 " United States and State regiments are organized on the unit of four, which permits the 
 most rapid and effective change of front that can be devised. The art of war consists in 
 making soldiers fight. The line of retreat must be kept open to avoid capture. In future
 
 Dick 
 
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 wrkingmen id Lemontis not 
 
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 arler Harrison whi 
 
 jdubbedour citizens during 
 
 carmens [strike is not[ 
 
 cessio 
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 miiWohllustgeniessi 
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 unverdrossen 
 StetsneueWaffenden 
 
 Kampfcsgenossen: 
 So den,,BOYCOrrein 
 
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 Er trai ins Herz man 
 .aerKtsafflWuthuheul 
 
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 )ic n ARBEITER-ZEITUNC 
 irdieJREIHEIT'VonMost 
 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung and of 
 Johann Most's paper, Die 
 Freiheit. 
 
 i. "The greatest crime 
 these days is Poverty." 
 
 3. " Millions work for the benefit of the few. 
 Let us work for ourselves." 
 
 7. "Proletarians of all lands, unite." 
 
 8. This is a bit of Socialist "poetry" expa- 
 
 6. This is a bit of doggerel directed against 
 
 tiating on the efficacy of the " boycott." 
 
 the capitalistic press, and in advocacy of the 
 
 BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION III. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.
 
 92 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 revolts the people shall assume the aggressive. Army officers have wasted years of study 
 over the science of street fighting, unavailingly. The plan below shows a method adopted 
 as best. The troops are formed on the street in two bodies in column of four, headed by 
 a Galling gun. On the sidewalk a line of skirmishers and sharpshooters, whose duty it is to 
 fire into the houses, the whole advancing cautiously. When a cross street is reached, a com- 
 pany is left to hold it, in order to keep open the avenue of retreat. Military knowledge has 
 become popularized since 1877, and now, in almost any contest, it would be easy to find 
 some fair leaders of the people who would devise some means of meeting such an advance, 
 as indicated by the following diagram. The diagram represents a street corner. The plan 
 is, at the street crossing to have bodies of revolutionists with movable barracks placed ob- 
 liquely on the cross street, and who from there will fire vigorously upon the advancing column. 
 They have supporters also in the building, also at the corner, whose duty is to throw- 
 dynamite upon the troops. If the position is carried, the party defending escape through 
 the cross streets. The rear of the column can also be attacked from the cross streets. If 
 the men in the barricades are armed with the new international dynamite rifle (which I am 
 told exists in the hands of the revolutionists), I give it as a careful technical opinion, that, 
 pursuing these tactics under brave and able leaders, fifty men can hold at bay and finally 
 destroy in any of your cities an attacking force of five thousand troops." Signed " R. S. S." 
 Alcatraz Island, December 8. 
 
 The Alarm, December 26, 1885 : 
 
 Bakounine's Groundwork for the Social Revolution. A Revolutionist's Duty to Himself . (Free 
 translation from the German.) 
 
 1. The revolutionist is self-offered ; has no personal interest, but is absorbed by the one 
 passion, the revolution. 
 
 2. He is at war with the existing order of society and lives to destroy it. 
 
 3. He despises society in its present form and leaves its reorganization to the future, 
 himself knowing only the science of destruction. He studies mathematics, chemistry, etc., 
 for this purpose. The quick and sure overthrow of the present unreasonable order is his 
 object. 
 
 4. He despises public sentiment and acknowledges as moral whatever favors the revolu- 
 tion ; as criminal whatever opposes it. 
 
 5. He is consecrated ; he will not spare, nor does he expect mercy. Between him and 
 society reigns the war of death or life. 
 
 6. Stringent with himself, he must be stringent with others. All sentiment must be 
 suppressed by his passion for the revolutionary work. He must be ready to die and to kill. 
 
 7. He excludes romance and sentiment and also personal hatred and revenge; never 
 obeying his personal inclinations, but his revolutionary duty. 
 
 Toward his Comrades. 
 
 8. His friendship is only for his comrade, and is measured by that comrade's usefulness 
 in the practical work of the revolution. 
 
 9. As to important affairs, he must consult with his comrades, but in execution depend 
 upon himself. Each must be self -operating, and must ask help only when imperatively 
 necessary. 
 
 10. He shall use himself and his subordinates as capital to be used for the work of 
 revolution, but no part of which can he dispose of without the consent of the persons in- 
 volved. 
 
 n. If a comrade is in danger, he shall not consider his personal feelings, but the inter- 
 est of the cause. 
 
 His Duty toward Socit-ty. 
 
 12. A new candidate can be taken into the company only after proof of his merit, and 
 upon unanimous consent.
 
 BAKO UNINE 'S " GR O UND WORK." 
 
 93 
 
 13. He lives in a so-called civilized world because he believes in its speedy destruction 
 He clings to nothing as it now is, and does not hesitate to destroy any institution. He is no 
 revolutionist if arrested by personal ties. 
 
 14. He must obtain entrance everywhere, even in the detective agency and the emperor's 
 palace. 
 
 15. The present society should be divided into categories, the first including those sen- 
 tenced to immediate death, the others classifying the delinquents according to their rascality. 
 
 16. The lists are not to be influenced by personal considerations, but those are to be 
 first destroyed whose death can terrify governments and deprive them of their most intelligent 
 agents. 
 
 17. The second category embraces those who are permitted to live, but whose evil deeds 
 will drive the people to 
 
 open revolt. 
 
 1 8. The third cate- 
 gory embraces the dis- 
 solute rich whose se- 
 crets must be discov- 
 ered in order to control 
 their resources. 
 
 19. The fourth cat- 
 egory consists of am- 
 bitious officials and 
 liberals whose purposes 
 we must discover so as 
 to prevent their with- 
 drawing from our 
 cause. 
 
 20. The fifth cat- 
 egory consists of doc- 
 trinaire conspirators ; 
 they must be urged to 
 action. 
 
 21. The sixth cat- 
 egory is the women, 
 who are divided into 
 
 THE RED BANNER OF THE CARPENTERS' UNION. 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 three classes : First, the brainless and heartless ; second, the passionate and qualified ; 
 and, third, the wholly consecrated, who are to be guarded as the most valuable part of the 
 revolutionary treasures. 
 
 The Alarm of January 9, 1886, then edited, in the absence of its editor 
 and his assistant, by August Spies, contained this suggestive editorial : 
 
 "The Right to Bear Arms." After the conspiracy of the workingmen, the working classes, 
 in 1877, the breaking up of the meeting on the Haymarket Square, the brutal assault upon a 
 gathering of furniture workers in Vorwaerts Turner Hall, the murder of Tessman, and the 
 general clubbing and shooting down of peaceably inclined wage-workers, the proletarians 
 organized the Lehr und Wehr Verein, which in about a year and a half had grown to a mem- 
 bership of one thousand. This was regarded by the capitalists as a menace, and they pro- 
 cured the passage of the militia law, under which it became an offense for any body of men, 
 other than those authorized by the Governor, to assemble with arms, drill or parade the streets. 
 The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, mostly Socialists, who believed in the ballot, 
 made up a test case to determine the constitutionality of this act, rejecting the counsel of the 
 extremists. Judge Barnum held the law to be unconstitutional an appeal was taken and
 
 94 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the Supreme Court upset this decision and held the law constitutional. Thereupon the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which within 
 a few days affirmed the decision of the Supreme Court of the State. Do we need comment 
 on this ? 
 
 That militia law has had its uses. Where there was before a military body publicly 
 organized, whose strength could be easily ascertained, now there exists an organization 
 whose members cannot be estimated, and a network of destructive agencies of modern mili- 
 tary character that will defy suppression. 
 
 The Arbeiter-Zeitung, February 17, editorial: 
 
 In France, during strikes, etc., a new method is lately adopted. The workingmen 
 barricade themselves in the factories with provisions, taking possession of the property, 
 which the manufacturers desire to preserve, and will only resort to force for their ejection in 
 the most extreme case. The conflict between capitalism and workingmen is growing con- 
 stantly sharper, and the indication is that force will bring about decisive results in the battle 
 for liberty. 
 
 The Arbeiter-Zeitung of April 30 : 
 
 We are advised that the police are ordered to be ready for a conflict upon Saturday of 
 next week. The capitalists are thirsting for the blood of workingmen. The workingmen 
 refuse longer to be tortured and treated like dogs, and for this opposition the capitalists cry 
 for blood. Perhaps they may have it, and lose some of their own. To the workingmen 
 we again say : Arm yourselves, but conceal your arms lest they be stolen from you. 
 
 The Arbeiter-Zeitung, May 3 : 
 
 Courage, courage, is our cry. Don't forget the words of Herways : " The host of the 
 oppressors grow pale when thou, weary of thy burden, in the corner puttest the plow ; when 
 thou sayest, 'It is enough.'" 
 
 The Arbeiter-Zeitung, May 4 : 
 
 Blood has flown. It happened as it had to. The militia have not been drilling in vain. 
 It is historical that private property had its origin in violence. The war of classes has 
 come. Yesterday, in front of McCormick's factory, workmen were shot down whose blood 
 cries for vengeance. In the past, countless victims have been offered on the altars of the 
 golden calf amid the shouts of the capitalistic robbers. One has only to think of East St. 
 Louis, Chicago and other places, to recognize the tactics of the extortioners. The white 
 terror will be answered with the red, for the workmen are not asleep. They modestly asked 
 for eight hours. The answer was to drill the police force and militia, and browbeat those 
 advocating the change. And yesterday blood flowed the reply of these devils to this modest 
 petition of their slaves. Death rather than a life of wretchedness. The capitalistic tiger 
 lies ready for the jump, his eyes sparkling, eager for murder, and his clutches drawn tight. 
 Self-defense cries, "To arms, to arms!" If you do not defend yourselves, you will be 
 ground by the animal's teeth. 
 
 The powers hostile to the workingmen have made common cause, and our differences 
 must be subordinated to the common purpose. The statement of the capitalistic press, that 
 the workmen yesterday fired first, is a bold, barefaced lie. 
 
 In the poor shanty miserably clad women and children are weeping for husband and 
 father. In the palace they clink glasses filled with costly wine and drink to the happiness 
 of the bloody bandits of law and order. Dry your tears, ye poor and wretched ; take 
 heart, ye slaves ; arise in your might and overthrow the system of robbery. 
 
 These are a few of the many articles emanating from the Socialistic 
 propaganda, calling the rabble to murder and destruction. Other declara-
 
 THE PROPAGANDA OF FORCE. 
 
 95 
 
 tions printed in the Arbeiter-Zeitung and pronounced upon the stump are 
 in the same virulent spirit, couched in varying language as suggested by the 
 events of the moment, but all breathing defiance and death to the so-called 
 " capitalistic class." There are also minute and specific directions for the 
 preparation as well as the use of dynamite, Herr Most's work on that subject 
 
 ATTEMPT OF DR. NOBILING TO ASSASSINATE THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 
 
 having been largely drawn upon for the enlightenment of those who believed 
 that dynamite is the weapon through the use of which the social revolu- 
 tion can be accomplished. Paragraphs, sections and chapters of Bakounine's 
 "Groundwork for the Social Revolution" were likewise read to the Socialists 
 and published in their organs.
 
 9 6 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Another source from which to draw inspiration was Reinsdorf, the 
 apostle of Anarchy in Germany. The Chicago Anarchists regarded him as 
 a splendid representative of their class, and praised his attempt on the life 
 of the Emperor of Germany. His death on the scaffold was regarded as 
 martyrdom, and his deeds were frequently extolled. His confederates in 
 conspiracy, Hoedel and Nobiling, were referred to in terms of praise by 
 George A. Schilling at a meeting in West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. 
 Louis Lingg had been personally acquainted with Reinsdorf, and gloried 
 in the man's work and courage. The extreme section of the Chicago 
 
 Socialists always 
 sought to inculcate his 
 ideas, and that the 
 reader may gain some 
 notion of Reinsdorf's 
 character, I reproduce 
 the following transla- 
 tion from a German 
 Socialistic paper, show- 
 ing his career : 
 
 He was the principal 
 leader of all the Anarchists 
 in Germany. The people 
 looked upon him as the 
 savior of their great cause. 
 He was admired not only by 
 men, but also by women. 
 Wherever he went he was 
 given great receptions, and 
 he had many pupils. 
 
 Reinsdorf was born in 
 Prussia. When he became 
 of age, he joined the party, 
 and, by his good and rapid 
 work, became in a short 
 time the father of the An- 
 archistic agitation. But the law pursued him, and he wandered from state to state. In 
 the year 1876 we find him in Switzerland, where he had many followers. One of his 
 pupils and admirers was Max Hoedel, who with Reinsdorf conceived a plot to murder 
 King William of Prussia. The attack upon his life was made by Hoedel on the nth day of 
 May, 1878. He fired several shots at the aged warrior, but failed, as none of them took 
 effect. They missed their mark. Not satisfied with this, another man, Dr. Nobiling, also a 
 pupil of Reinsdorf, made another attempt three weeks later, by firing a shot-gun filled 
 with buck-shot at the old King ; but again without effect. Nobiling's deed was the 
 consequence of Hoedel's attempt, and Reinsdorf was the agitator. Failing in this, they 
 concluded to wait some time until their party should get stronger and could secure 
 better material. Among others Louis Lingg joined the Anarchists in Zurich. Louis was 
 then very young, but he became as radical as their chief leader. The Socialists were 
 
 AUGUST REINSDORF.
 
 REINSD ORE'S D ESP ERA TE PL O T. 97 
 
 to have held a Congress there in May, 1880, but the gathering did not take place, 
 as the police had notice, and Reinsdorf and his followers were compelled to leave 
 Zurich and go to Freiburg (Baden), where they held secret meetings and where Reinsdorf 
 declared that he himself would go to Berlin and kill the miserable mahdi by stabbing 
 him to the heart. He went to Berlin to carry out this plan, but was arrested by the 
 police. They could not make out a case of conspiracy against him, but he was sent to prison 
 for several months on the charge of carrying a dagger. After his discharge Reinsdorf traveled 
 to and from Switzerland to Germany, France and Belgium, speaking in all places where he 
 stopped, and gaining many followers. His only desire was to put old Emperor William (com- 
 monly called "old Lehmann") out of the way to do something great so that all the people 
 would look up to him. His only targets were royal palaces and the palaces of diplomates. He 
 and others then formed a plan to murder the King, and Bismarck, and all the princes and others 
 who were to participate in the dedication of the Germania monument at Ruedesheim on the 
 28th day of September, 1883. But Reinsdorf met with an accident while crossing a railroad 
 track, and was severely injured. This was a very painful situation for Reinsdorf. The day 
 for action drew near, but he was confined to his bed. Should this beautiful plan be given 
 up on that account ? Never ! Could not other people accomplish what he had thought out ? 
 Certainly. But was it sure that they would have the necessary courage at the critical moment ? 
 Could he trust them ? Tormented by such thoughts, Reinsdorf finally submitted to the 
 inevitable and confided his mission to two of his comrades. He called these people to his 
 bedside and told them what he wanted done. He presented his plan in detail. Rupsch and 
 Kuechler these are their names pledged themselves to do what he desired. They started 
 on the journey with the necessary material, reached Ruedesheim safely, and on the night of 
 the ayth they proceeded to a spot not far from the monument, where the railroad runs near 
 the edge of the forest. They filled a culvert with a large quantity of dynamite, put a fulmin- 
 ating cap into it and drew the fuse into the forest. It was raining at the time, and they 
 covered the fuse with moist ground and tied the end of it to a tree, which they marked by 
 cutting into it. They then returned to Ruedesheim. The next morning they returned to the 
 place. The royal train came. Kuechler gave the signal ; Rupsch held his burning cigar to 
 the fuse. One moment of breathless expectation ! The train passed, and the explosion 
 failed. Kuechler asked Rupsch about the failure. The latter showed that the end of the 
 fuse had been lighted, but did not burn because it was damp. They did not give up hope, as 
 the train had to return the same way after the ceremonies were over. A new fuse was 
 attached. Again the royal party passed over the critical ground, where death had been pre- 
 pared for them. Rupsch lit the fuse again, but it did not burn. An investigation afterwards 
 showed that the fuse only burned a short length and then went out. They had followed all 
 Reinsdorf 's instructions but one instead of water-proof fuse they had supplied them- 
 selves with the common kind. With mutual recriminations, Kuechler and Rupsch took the 
 dynamite from under the culvert and went back to Ruedesheim, where they got gloriously 
 drunk. After they had sobered up, they returned to Elberfeld and reported to Reinsdorf, 
 who already knew that his beautiful plan had miscarried. With great wrath he listened to 
 them and said : " No such thing could have happened to me." He thought there would be 
 another chance. Then he would not be in the hospital, but could carry it out himself. His 
 hopes were in vain. After his discharge from the hospital in Elberfeld, he proceeded to 
 Frankfort-on-the-Main, where he was arrested. The police found out that he was an 
 accomplice in the conspiracy, but, putting him through the sieve, they failed to get anything 
 out of him, as he would not answer a single question. He said : "You may ask me as much 
 as you wish, I shall not answer." Bachman, one of his companions and an accomplice, 
 escaped to Luxemburg, where he thought he would be safe from the law, but he also was 
 arrested and extradited and sent to Elberfeld to keep Reinsdorf company, together with 
 Rupsch and Kuechler.
 
 98 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Reinsdorf and his accomplices were tried before the courts of Leipsic, and the trial 
 lasted seven days. Bachman and two others were sentenced to ten years in the penitentiary. 
 Rupsch got a life sentence, while Reinsdorf was sentenced to be beheaded. At his trial 
 Reinsdorf was as stubborn as ever. He denied everything. When he was asked who he was 
 he answered : 
 
 "I am an Anarchist." 
 
 "What is Anarchy ? " he was asked. 
 
 "A company in which every sensible man can develop his ability. To permit this no on& 
 should be burdened with excessive labor ; want and misery should be banished ; every force 
 should cease; every stupidity, every superstition should be banished from the world." 
 
 The presiding judge asked him if he was guilty or not, and to answer with "yes" 
 or "no." 
 
 Reinsdorf answered with a steady voice : "I look upon this whole thing as a question of 
 power. If we German Anarchists had a couple of army corps at our disposition, then I 
 would not have to talk to this court. I for my part have nothing to say. Do with me as 
 you please." 
 
 After the court had finished, Reinsdorf resumed his remarks and said : "The attempt at 
 Niederwald failed because 'the hand of Providence appeared," as the prosecution terms it. I 
 tell you the awkward hand of Rupsch did it. I am sorry to say I had no one else at my 
 disposal. I have nothing to repent, only that the attempt failed. At the factories the- 
 people are going to ruin merely for the benefit of the stockholders. These honest Christians- 
 swindle the working people of half of their living. My lawyer wanted to save my head, but 
 for such a hounded proletarian as I am the quickest death is the best. If I had ten heads I 
 would offer them with joy and lay them on the block for the good cause." 
 
 Before going to the scaffold, Reinsdorf ate a hearty meal, smoked a cigar, and sang a 
 song. He walked steadily into the court-yard, where the scaffold was standing, guarded by 
 a squad of soldiers, besides about a hundred other persons. 
 
 "Are you August Reinsdorf ? " asked the sheriff. 
 
 "Yes, that I am." 
 
 The death warrant was then read and the royal signature shown to him. The exe- 
 cutioner then bore him to the scaffold. Reinsdorf 's last words were : ' ' Down with barbar- 
 ism ; hurrah for Anarchy ! " The axe fell and the head was severed from his body. 
 
 The atonement for the decapitation of Reinsdorf followed quickly. The sentence had 
 hardly been carried into execution when, on the i3th of January, 1885, "the miserable 
 Rumpff, " as they called him, was stabbed and killed by the hand of an Anarchist at Frankfort- 
 on-the-Main. Sic semper tyrannis. 
 
 With such an example of courage before them, and the revenge his 
 execution invited, it is almost needless to remark that the bloodthirsty 
 Anarchists of Chicago read with eager avidity anything pertaining to their 
 hero. Accordingly, in the Vorbote of December 16, 1885, the following is- 
 to be found : 
 
 REINSDORF'S INHERITANCE. 
 
 In the pamphlet about Reinsdorf there is a letter published which our great martyr wrote- 
 the day previous to his decapitation. We are able now to publish two other letters which 
 Reinsdorf wrote at the same time, to his parents and to his second brother. 
 
 One letter reads as follows : 
 
 HALLE, February 6, 1885. 
 
 My Dear Brother : To-day is my last day, and I could not let it pass without writing to' 
 you to show you that I always remembered you with brotherly love. When you have read
 
 KEINSDOltF'S LETTERS. 99 
 
 this letter I shall be one of the fortunates who are past and one of whom they can speak 
 nothing but good. Now, my deeds, specially alleged against me before the courts, lie open 
 before the world, and, although I am sentenced to death, I have the feeling that I did my 
 duty ; and this feeling it is which makes my last walk easy, to receive joyfully the everlasting 
 sleep as something well earned. 
 
 Dear August, you have often had trouble and sorrow, although you are in the blossom of 
 life. People usually heed the words of one deceased more than the speeches of philosophers. 
 I want to tell you a few words. Bear with strength, endurance and friendly submission the 
 burden which you have laden upon yourself, and try to have satisfaction in it, so you can 
 raise your children that they may be useful to you and an adornment to you. What would 
 you gain by it, if you should participate in the good-for-nothing diversions of the people ? 
 Think, I could have done it, but I preferred the wandering existence of an Anarchist. 
 
 When you, therefore, in years to come, look back upon the days of honest, peaceable labor 
 done, and of hard duty fulfilled, then you will be filled with a joyful certainty and a quiet 
 happiness that will repay you for all your sufferings. We still live, unfortunately, in a world 
 of egotism and incompleteness, and only a few are in position to swim against the stream 
 even at the risk of their lives. You never did it. Good. So do your duty as the father of 
 your family. Good-by. Accept a greeting from my heart for your wife and family, from 
 
 Your brother, AUGUST. 
 
 The second letter is directed to his parents : 
 
 HALLE, February 6, 1885. 
 
 My Dear Parents: Take in silence what cannot be helped ! Who would sacrifice their chil- 
 dren, if not you, who have so many ? Or should the wealthy do it, when it is the cause of 
 the poor for which we fight ? Or should we lay our hands in our laps and wait until others 
 have sacrificed themselves for us ? And is it such a great sacrifice I bring ? Sick as I am, 
 and with a prospect of long suffering, it should be looked upon as a blessing when such an 
 existence is put to a quick death. And what an end is it ? Whoever they are, progressive 
 or reactionary, liberal or conservative, they all hate the Anarchist Reinsdorf. As they have 
 condemned his doings, they cheer his death, the crown of a faithful, self-sacrificing man. 
 But his steadfastness, in defiance of thousands of obstacles, no one can deny. And this shall 
 be your consolation. 
 
 How many have had to die for smaller causes ? How many have lost their lives in 
 dynamite conquests ? Take all this in consideration and don't let your hearts be made heavy 
 through the babble of paltry and narrow-minded people. My last thoughts are of you 
 and of brothers and sisters, and of the great cause for which I die. Deep-felt wishes fill 
 my heart for the prosperity of every one of you. Greetings to my brothers and sisters, 
 especially Carl, Emilie, Emma and Anna, to whom I could not write personally. Shake 
 once more their hands for me. You and I embrace with all the love of childhood, and I greet 
 you a thousand times. Good-by, all. Yours, AUGUST. 
 
 What Herr Johann Most, the present American leader of the irreconcil- 
 ables, thought of Reinsdorf, may be judged by the following extracts from 
 Host's biography : 
 
 From the i5th to the 22nd of December, 1884, eight workingmen, who had been captured 
 in the war of the poor against the rich, were sitting in the dock, not to have justice passed 
 upon them, but to await the sentence of might which the judges, acting as mouth-pieces for 
 the ruling powers, had in preparation for them. The most prominent figure among these 
 victims of a barbaric order of society was August Reinsdorf. To this man my little book is 
 to be a tribute of esteem. 
 
 I am well aware of the difficulty of my otherwise quite modest undertaking, to write a 
 biography of the father of the Anarchistic movement within the territory of the German
 
 100 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 language, yet I hope to do the brothers near and far a service, for the time being at least, by 
 sketching for them a likeness of a true hero of the Social Revolution. . . . 
 
 Indeed Reinsdorf was not an agitator of the common sort. Speeches delivered occasion- 
 ally or written articles were to him only means to a higher purpose incentives to action. 
 
 Since he had recognized his ideal in Anarchism ; . . . since the necessity of the 
 ' tactics of terror " had dawned upon him in contradistinction to the tactics of petitioning, 
 voting, ' ' parliamenting, " bargaining, and of the peaceable and legitimate hide-and-seek prac- 
 tice all his thinking and planning was directed to but one thing, he knew of but one 
 
 endeavor, he gave his entire being to 
 but one motive power of the Social Re- 
 volution that was the propaganda cf 
 action. 
 
 In this regard he may be put beside 
 the most noble conspirators of ancient 
 and modern times . . . 
 
 To be a revolutionist indeed, one 
 must possess the faculty of thinking with 
 the most acute clearness. But religious 
 "fog" is the opposite of clearness of 
 intellect. Yea, where religious non- 
 sense has once taken a deep root, there 
 every mental development is actually 
 excluded, and a kind of idiocy formally 
 takes its place. . . . 
 
 Quite different does the matter stand 
 in the case of a "proletarian." If he 
 once recognize the old Lord God with 
 his thunderbolt as an invented scare- 
 crow which a shrewd gang of rascals 
 have placed before paradise, that man 
 should not eat of the tree of knowl- 
 edge, but that he should rather wait in 
 patience for the roasted birds which, 
 after his death, come flying into his 
 mouth from a heavenly kitchen, if the 
 poor devil has learned to see that his 
 namesake, too, wherewith they had tried to scare him previously, is also an invention 
 of malicious swindlers, then he soon applies the rule of the critic to the "high " and "high- 
 est" idols of earth. He loses respect for the so-called "Governments" and more and more 
 learns to see in them a horde of brutal tormentors. These custodians of existing treasures 
 attract his eye also to the possessors of the riches of the earth, and soon the question dawns 
 upon him, Who has created all these things ? The answer comes of itself. He and his like 
 have done that. To them, therefore, belongs the whole world. They only need to take. 
 Thus the man, having cut loose from God, becomes the revolutionist par excellence. 
 After Reinsdorf had succeeded in finding people who he thought were fit to take part in 
 revolutionary actions and even risk their lives, he was also fortunate enough to discover a source 
 from which dynamite, that glorious stuff which will literally make a road for liberty, could be 
 procured. 
 
 And how did he die ? Shortly before the moment of death, and while in the hands of the 
 hangman, he cried out : "Down with barbarism ! Let Anarchy live ! " 
 
 JOHANN MOST.
 
 TACTICS OF THE REVOLUTION. 101 
 
 These are admonishing words, which no one should leave unheeded who marches under 
 the flag of the Revolution. 
 
 Well, then ! Let us act accordingly ! Away with all sentimental hesitation when it comes 
 to strike a blow against State, Church and Society and their representatives, as wsll as against 
 all that exists. 
 
 Let us never forget that the revolutionists of modern times can enter into the society 
 of free and equal men only over ruins and ashes, over blood and dead bodies. 
 
 Let us rise to the height of an August Reinsdorf ! Let us complete the work which he so 
 boldly began ! Only thus can we avenge ourselves ; only thus can we show ourselves worthy 
 of him ; only thus can we conquer. 
 
 Workingmen ! Look down into the freshly dug pit. There lies your best friend and 
 adviser, an advance champion of your cause, a martyred witness to the greatness of the 
 Anarchistic idea. Live, strive and act as he ! Anarchists, in your name I lay the well-earned 
 laurel-wreath upon his grave. . . . 
 
 The retribution for the annihilation of Reinsdorf came rapidly. Scarcely had the sen- 
 tence been spoken, and before it had been executed, the dagger of a Nemesis had already 
 taken revenge. On January 13, 1885, the head of the German detective forces, the miser- 
 able Rumpff, was stabbed to death by the hand of an Anarchist. 
 
 " Sic semper tyrannis So be it to all tyrants ! " was heard everywhere. With great satis- 
 faction every honorable man, especially every man of work, experienced that Rumpff had to 
 die because he was the cause of Reinsdorf's death. . . . 
 
 The combustibles are heaped up. Proletarians, throw the igniting spark amongst 
 them. 
 
 Up with force ! Let the Social Resolution live ! 
 
 The revolutionists of Chicago appear more careful about exposing 
 themselves to danger than their foreign co-conspirators, and, while counsel- 
 ing bloodshed, suggest ways of bringing about destruction with a minimum 
 of danger. In the Arbeiter-Zeitung of March 16, 1885, there appeared the 
 following editorial, suggesting the most effective way of using dynamite : 
 
 In all revolutionary action three different epochs of time are to be distinguished : First 
 the portion of preparation for an action, then the moment of the action itself, and finally 
 that portion of time which follows the deed. All these portions of time are to be considered 
 one after another. 
 
 In the first place, a revolutionary action should succeed. Then as little as possible ought 
 to be sacrificed, that is, in other words, the danger of discovery ought to be weakened as much 
 as possible, and, if it can be, should be reduced to naught. This calls for one of the most 
 important tactical principles, which briefly might be formulated in the words : Saving of the 
 combatants. All this constrains us to further explain the measures of organization and 
 tactics which must be taken into consideration in such an action. 
 
 Mention was made of the danger of discovery. That is, in fact, present in all three of 
 the periods of conflict. This danger is imminent in the preparation of the action itself, and 
 finally, after the completion thereof. The question is now, How can it be met ? 
 
 If we view the different phases of the development of a deed, we have, first, the time of 
 preparation. 
 
 It is easily comprehensible for everybody that the danger of discovery is the greater the 
 more numerous the mass of people or the group is which contemplates a deed, and vice versa. 
 On the other hand, the threatening danger approaches the closer the better the acting 
 persons are known to the authorities of the place of action, and vice versa. Holding fast to 
 this, the following results : 
 
 In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action that
 
 102 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 is, a comrade of some other place ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action ; 
 or, formulated differently, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not 
 known. 
 
 A further conclusion which may be drawn from what was mentioned is this : 
 
 Whoever is willing to execute a deed has, in the first place, to put the question to himself, 
 whether he is able, or not, to carry out the action by himself. If the former is the case, let 
 him absolutely initiate no one into the matter and let him act alone ; but if that is not the 
 case, then let him look, with the greatest care, for just so many fellows as he must have, 
 absolutely not one more nor less ; with these let him unite himself into a fighting 
 group. 
 
 The founding of special groups of action or of war is an absolute necessity. If it were 
 attempted to make use of an existing group to effect an action, discovery of the deed would 
 follow upon its heels, if it came to a revolutionary action at all, which would be very 
 doubtful. It is especially true in America, where reaction has velvet paws, and where 
 asinine confidence is, from a certain direction, directly without bounds. In the preparation, 
 even, endless debates would develop ; the thing would be hung upon the big bell ; it would 
 be at first a public secret, and then, after the thing was known to everybody, it would also 
 reach the long ears of the holy Hermandad (the sacred precinct of the watchman over the 
 public safety), which, as is known to every man, woman and child, hear the grass grow and 
 the fleas cough. 
 
 In the formation of a group of action, the greatest care must be exercised. Men must 
 be selected who have head and heart in the right spot. 
 
 Has the formation of a fighting group been effected, has the intention been developed, 
 does each one see perfectly clear the manner of the execution, then action must follow with 
 the greatest possible swiftness, without delay, for now they move within the scope of the 
 greatest danger, simply from the very adjacent reason, because the select allies might yet 
 commit treason without exposing themselves in so doing. 
 
 In the action itself, one must be personally at the place, to select personally that point of 
 the place of action, and that part of the action, which are the most important and are 
 coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the 
 whole affair. 
 
 Has the deed been completed, then the group of action dissolves at once, without fur- 
 ther parley, according to an understanding which must be had beforehand, leaves the place of 
 action, and scatters in all directions. 
 
 If this theory is acted upon, then the danger of discovery is extremely small yea, 
 reduced to almost nothing, and from this point of view the author ventures to say, thus, and 
 not otherwise, must be acted, if the advance is to be proper. 
 
 It would be an easy matter to furnish the proof, by the different revolutionary acts in 
 which the history of the immediate past is so rich, that the executors sinned against the one 
 or the other of the aforementioned principles, and that in this fact lies the cause of the dis- 
 covery, and the loss to us of very important fellow-champions connected therewith ; but we 
 will be brief, and leave that to the individual reflection of the reader. But one fact is estab- 
 lished that is this : That all the rules mentioned can be observed without great difficulty ; 
 further, that the blood of our best comrades can be spared thereby ; finally, as a conse- 
 quence of the last-mentioned, that light actions can be increased materially, for the complete 
 success of an action is the best impulse to a new deed, and the things must always succeed 
 when the rules of wisdom are followed. 
 
 A further question which might probably be raised would be this : In case a special or 
 conditional group must be formed for the purpose of action, what is the duty, in that case, 
 of the public groups, or the entire public organization, in view of the aforesaid action ? The 
 answer is very near at hand. In the first place, they have to serve as a covering as a
 
 DE TO CQ UE VILLES DEFINITION. 1 03 
 
 shield behind which one of the most effective weapons of revolution is bared ; then these 
 permanent groups are to be the source from which the necessary pecuniary means are drawn 
 and fellow-combatants are recruited ; finally, the accomplished deeds are to furnish to per- 
 manent groups the material for critical illustration. These discussions are to wake the 
 spirit of rebellion, that important lever of the advancing course of the development of our 
 race, without which we would be forever nailed down to the state of development of a 
 gorilla or an orang-outang. This right spirit is to be inflamed, the revolutionary instinct is to 
 be roused which still sleeps in the breast of man, although these monsters, which, by an 
 oversight of nature, were covered with human skin, are earnestly endeavoring to cripple the 
 truly noble and elevated form of man by the pressure of a thousand and again a thousand 
 years to morally castrate the human race. Finally, the means and form of conquest are 
 to be found by untiring search and comparison, which enhance the strength of each prole- 
 tarian a thousandfold, and make him the giant Briareus, alone able to crush the ogres 
 of Capital. 
 
 I have thus shown the manner and methods by which Socialism seeks 
 to gain a foothold in America. In their declarations of principles and 
 encouragements to violence, these agitators have proved themselves traitors 
 to their country or the country of their adoption, and ingrates to society. 
 They have sought, and are seeking, to establish "Anarchy in the midst of 
 the state, war in times of peace, and conspiracy in open day." They are 
 the "Huns and Vandals of modern civilization. >; 
 
 As De Tocqueville says : " Democracy and Socialism are the antipodes 
 of each other. While Democracy extends the sphere of individual inde- 
 pendence, Socialism contracts it. Democracy develops a man's whole 
 manhood ; Socialism makes him an agent, an instrument, a cipher. Dem- 
 ocracy and Socialism harmonize on one point only the equality which 
 they introduce. But mark the difference : Democracy seeks equality in 
 liberty, while Socialism seeks it in servitude and constraint."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Socialistic Programme Fighting a Compromise Opposition to the 
 Eight-hour Movement The Memorial to Congress Eight Hours' Work Enough 
 The Anarchist Position An Alarm Editorial "Capitalists and Wage Slaves" 
 Parsons' Ideas The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor Powderly's Warning 
 Working up a Riot The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery Views of Edison and 
 Wells The Socialistic Demonstration The Procession of April 25, 1886 How the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung Helped on the Crisis The Secret Circular of 1886. 
 
 WHILE the Socialists are bent on a revolution in the economic con- 
 dition of the working class, or, as they choose to term it, the 
 proletariat, they have conclusively shown that they do not desire to 
 further that movement by pacific means. Imbued with the doctrines of 
 violence and intent on the complete destruction of government, they do not 
 seek their end by orderly, legitimate methods. This fact has been most 
 thoroughly established by the extracts from their public declarations which 
 I have already given. 
 
 But if any doubts still exist with reference thereto, they are completely 
 dissipated by an examination into the attitude assumed by the Socialists 
 toward the labor problem as it exists at the present day. It is not my pur- 
 pose to enter into a detailed review of the whole field. I will simply call 
 attention to one fact, and in that fact one sweeps the labor horizon, viewed 
 from the Socialistic standpoint, as the astronomer sweeps the heavens with 
 his telescope, striking the most prominent objects within the range of obser- 
 vation. This one fact is the position of the Socialists toward the eight-hour 
 movement. 
 
 It is generally known that many economists and agitators, with neither 
 affiliations nor sympathy for Socialism, have been contending for years that 
 with the rapid increase in labor-saving machinery and the consequent dis- 
 placement of labor, reduction in the hours of service has become an absolute 
 necessity. The points made in support of this position are numerous, and 
 as the most salient ones appear in a memorial on the part of a National 
 Labor Convention to the Committee on Depression in Labor and Business 
 of the Forty-sixth Congress, drafted November 10, 1879, I may briefly quote 
 a few. The memorial asked a reduction : 
 
 1. In the name of political economy. "All political economists are 
 agreed," they said, "that the standard of wages is determined by the cost 
 of subsistence rather than by the number of hours employed. Wages are 
 recognized as resulting from the necessary cost of living in any given com- 
 munity. The cost of subsistence for an average family determines the rate, 
 and it is for this reason that single men can save more if they will. " 
 
 2. In the interest of civilization. "The battle for a reduction of the
 
 THE EIGHT-HOUR QUESTION. 105 
 
 hours of labor is a struggle for a wider civilization." With less hours, more 
 leisure is afforded for mental and social improvement. In proof the memo- 
 rialists appealed to the past and to the fact that one day of rest in seven has 
 raised the social condition of the people. Besides, they urged, the "history 
 of the short-hour movement in England proved conclusively that every 
 reduction of time in the United Kingdom had invariably been followed by 
 an increase of wages," and the consequent improvement of workingmen. 
 
 3. The changed relations between production and consumption demand 
 remedial legislation. A reduction of houfs would give more men employ- 
 ment. Under existing conditions, capital and production have increased 
 while the number of persons employed has fallen off. 
 
 These are doctrines one would think the Socialist, pretending to have 
 the interests of labor at heart, would unquestionably and heartily indorse. 
 Far from it. True to his nature as a social disturber, disorganizer and 
 malcontent, he sees in it a possible solution of many labor troubles and 
 the approach to a rearrangement of existing conditions on a basis different 
 from his own theories. When this question arose in Chicago in the winter 
 of 1885-86, the Alarm entered its most emphatic protest. In its issue of 
 December 12, 1885, ithad this to say, under the heading, "No Compromise ": 
 
 We of the Internationale are frequently asked why we do not give our active support to 
 the proposed eight-hour movement. Let us take what we can get, say our eight-hour friends, 
 else by asking too much we may get nothing. 
 
 We answer : Because we will not compromise. Kither our position that capitalists have 
 no right to the exclusive ownership of the means of life is a true one, or it is not. If we are 
 correct, then to concede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of our labor, is 
 more than a compromise ; it is a virtual concession that the wage system is right. If capital- 
 ists have the right to own labor or to control the results of labor, then clearly we have no 
 business dictating the terms upon which we may be employed. We cannot say to our 
 employers, ' ' Yes, we acknowledge your right to employ us ; we are satisfied that the wage 
 system is all right, but we, your slaves, propose to dictate the terms upon which we will 
 work. " How inconsistent ! And yet that is exactly the position of our eight-hour friends. 
 They presume to dictate to capital, while they maintain the justness of the capitalistic sys- 
 tem ; they would regulate wages while defending the claims of the capitalists to the absolute 
 control of industry. 
 
 These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who was 
 the editor of the Alarm ; and in August Spies he found an energetic ally. 
 Among other things Spies said concerning the movement : 
 
 We do not antagonize the eight-hour movement. Viewing it from the standpoint that 
 it is a social struggle, we simply predict that it is a lost battle, and we will prove that, even 
 though the eight-hour system should be established at this late day, the wage-workers would 
 gain nothing. They would still remain the slaves of their masters. 
 
 Suppose the hours of labor should be shortened to eight, our productive capacity would 
 thersby not be diminished. The shortening of the hours of labor in England was imme- 
 diately followed by a general increase of labor-saving machines, with a subsequent discharge 
 of a proportionate number of employes. The reverse of what had been sought took place. 
 The exploitation of those at work was intensified. They now performed more labor, and 
 produced more than before.
 
 io6 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. They 
 saw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their anti-Social- 
 istic leaders, did all in their power to further it. There were then in Chi- 
 cago a great many unemployed, and under the plea that a reduction in the 
 hours of toil would not only give more time for self-improvement, but 
 necessitate the employment of many of the idle throng, the leaders advo- 
 cated its speedy introduction. At this time the general sentiment prevailed 
 that it was simply a movement for a reduction in working-time, the ques- 
 tion of wages not being involved. Some few irresponsible talkers of the 
 Socialistic stamp, it is true, held out that it was to be a contention for wages 
 as well, but the most influential and conservative representatives of labor 
 insisted that they only wanted eight hours' work for eight-hours' pay. Grand 
 Master Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged the 
 members of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. He 
 even intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to under- 
 take at the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications then 
 growing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway known as the Gould sys- 
 tem "tie-up." Traffic and industry had been seriously affected through- 
 out the West by Martin Irons' stubbornness, and it is evident that Powderly 
 had his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour strike. However, 
 the leaders continued their agitation, and it was decided that the resolution 
 adopted in 1884 by a number of trades organizations in national session 
 for an eight-hour strike on May i, 1886, should be carried out in Chicago, 
 as in other large manufacturing and trade centers. Had this simple prop- 
 osition not been "loaded, " the result of the movement might have been 
 different, but, as the time drew near, it became quite apparent that, despite 
 Powderly's warnings, the question of wages was to cut a leading figure. It 
 was developed that the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accom- 
 panied with a demand for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system. 
 This was the rock upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they been 
 content to accept decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency and 
 skill and the logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, they 
 might have scored many victories, if not a complete success. 
 
 But they were alike unmindful of Powderly's advice and the teachings 
 of history. They seemingly forgot that the employers would naturally 
 resist any such sweeping concession, and that, as in other instances, the 
 unemployed would at once be installed, whenever possible, in their places, 
 and that in industries where there did not exist an overproduction, the 
 capacity of machines would be more heavily taxed and new machines would 
 be introduced to do work hitherto done by hand. A London publication 
 has shown how, in recent years, in the extremity of bitter strikes, manu- 
 factories have increased their labor-saving machinery to offset the absence 
 of their workmen and how invention in the line of new machines has been
 
 LABOR AND MACHINERY. 107 
 
 : -greatly stimulated by a stubborn conflict between employer and employed 
 Hon. David A. Wells has also pointed out a similar result in this country. 
 Identically the same thing happened in several establishments in Chicago. 
 The unemployed and new machines were called into requisition whenever 
 possible. 
 
 But labor-saving machinery need not necessarily be regarded as an 
 -enemy of labor. That doctrine, which had its origin at the time when a 
 riot in Spain followed the introduction of a machine to make woolens, and 
 which continued until the invention of the sewing-machine, has in this day 
 come to be regarded by all enlightened economists as a nightmare of the 
 musty past. The fact is labor has been aided and benefited by machinery. 
 Prof. Edison, the great inventor, is authority for the statement that the 
 .increase in machinery and inventions during the last fifty years has doubled 
 the wages of workingmen and reduced the cost of the necessaries of life 50 
 jper cent. "For the first time in the world's history," he says, "a skilled 
 mechanic can buy a barrel of flour with a single day's work." Hon. David 
 A. Wells, in an article in the Popular Science Monthly for October, 1887, 
 treating of the depression of prices since 1873, also demonstrates the fact 
 that the reductions, which he states to be 30 per cent., during the time 
 .under his review, are due to inventions. Edison goes still further in 
 his statement with reference to the enhancement of wages. He predicts, 
 rather too glowingly perhaps, that in another generation even "the unskilled 
 laborer, if sober and industrious, will have a house of his own, a library, a 
 piano and a horse and carriage," with all the comforts that these imply. 
 
 Anarchist Spies evidently took no stock in such a condition as the result 
 of new and improved mechanical appliances, for in his early opposition to 
 the inauguration of the eight-hour movement he declared that "for a man 
 who desires to remain a wage slave, the introduction of every new improve- 
 ment and machine is a threatening competitor." 
 
 I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages because 
 it has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on precipitat- 
 ing the "social revolution," were the principal instigators of the demand 
 -for ten hours' pay for eight hours' work, thereby hoping to irritate the em- 
 ployers to determined resistance and the workingmen of non-Socialistic 
 ideas to the point of violence. Past experience was cast aside under their 
 clandestine guidance. While the movement was in its infancy the Socialists, 
 as such, held aloof, but, the moment they saw that it was gaining strength 
 and was likely to involve all the wage-workers in the city, and that eight 
 hours on a basis of reduced pay might be secured, they perceived their 
 opportunity to complicate matters by the introduction of a demand for the 
 old wages with reduced time. This at once threw down the gauntlet. 
 While before they had opposed the movement, they now became active 
 agitators in its behalf and appeared more solicitous about its certain inaug-
 
 io8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 uration than they were about its successful ending. Their organs bristled' 
 with incendiary language. Their speakers could hardly find words strong 
 enough to fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even got 
 up a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, on 
 Sunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red badges. 
 
 Among some of the mottoes displayed were : " The Social Revolution," 
 "Workingmen, Arm Yourselves," "Down with Throne, Altar and Money- 
 bags," and "Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest." 
 
 The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakers 
 were loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained that 
 "if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out, the signal 
 would be taken as one of 'war, and war to the knife. ' " Spies declared 
 that "the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We at last 
 can hope to realize it." Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic. 
 
 The Arbeiter-Zeitung likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In its 
 issue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following is 
 the concluding paragraph : 
 
 What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day ! And yet a corps of 
 madmen could not demean themselves worse than the capitalistic extortioners. They con- 
 tinually threaten with their disciplined police and their strong militia, and these are not 
 empty threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a nice thing, this 
 patience, and the laborer, alas ! has too much of this article ; but one must not indulge in a 
 too frivolous play with it. If you go further, his patience will cease ; then it will be no. 
 longer a question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from wage slavery. 
 
 In the same paper two days later .the editor said : 
 
 What will the first of May bring ? The workingmen bold and determined. The decisive- 
 day has arrived. The workingman, inspired by the justice of his cause, demands an allevia- 
 tion of his lot, a lessening of his burden. The answer, as always, is: "Insolent rabble! 
 Do you mean to dictate to us ? That you will do to your sorrow. Hunger will soon rid 
 you of your desire for any notions of liberty. Police, executioners and militia will give 
 their aid." 
 
 Men of labor, so long as you acknowledge the gracious kicks of your oppressors with 
 words of gratitude, so long you are faithful dogs. Have your skulls been penetrated by a 
 ray of light, or does hunger drive you to shake off your servile nature, that you offend your 
 extortioners ? They are enraged, and will attempt, through hired murderers, to do away 
 with you like mad dogs. 
 
 When the eventful day May i arrived, the A rbeiter-Zeitung became 
 more menacing than ever, and the following appeared : 
 
 Bravely forward ! The conflict has begun. An army of wage-laborers are idle. Capi- 
 talism conceals its tiger claws behind the ramparts of order. Workmen, let your watchword 
 be : No compromise ! Cowards to the rear ! Men to the front ! 
 
 The die is cast. The first of May has come. For twenty years the working people have 
 been begging extortioners to introduce the eight-hour system, but have been put off with 
 promises. Two years ago they resolved that the eight-hour system should be introduced in 
 the United States on the first day of May, 1886. The reasonableness of this demand was 
 conceded on all hands. Everybody, apparently, was in favor of shortening the hours ; but, as 
 the time approached, a change became apparent. That which was in theory modest and
 
 4. " We mourn the death 
 of a workingman more than 
 the death of a Gen. Grant." 
 6. "Down with Throne, 
 Altar and Money-bags." 
 7. " Workingmen, arm yourselves." 8. "Every 
 Government is a conspiracy against the People." 
 
 BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IV. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.
 
 1 10 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 reasonable, became insolent and unreasonable. It became apparent at last that the eight- 
 hour hymn had only been struck up to keep the labor dunces from Socialism. 
 
 That the laborers might energetically insist upon the eight-hour movement, never occurred 
 to the employer. And it is proposed again to put them off with promises. We are not 
 afraid of the masses of laborers, but of their pretended leaders. Workmen, insist upon the 
 eight-hour movement. "To all appearances it will not pass off smoothly." The extor- 
 tioners are determined to bring their laborers back to servitude by starvation. It is a 
 question whether the workmen will submit, or will impart to their would-be murderers an 
 appreciation of modern views. We hope the latter. 
 
 In the same issue of the Arbeiter-Zeitung also appeared the following, in 
 a conspicuous place : 
 
 It is said that on the person of one of the arrested comrades in New York a list of 
 membership has been found, and that all the comrades compromised have been arrested. 
 Therefore, away -with all rolls of membership, and minute-books, where such are kept. Clean your 
 guns, complete your ammunition. The hired murderers of the capitalists, the police and militia, 
 are ready to murder. No workingman should leave his house in these days with empty pockets. 
 
 The consummate inconsistency of the Socialists is thus no better illus- 
 trated in what has already been shown than in their record in Chicago. 
 They have always been eager to jump on top of the band wagon, to para- 
 phrase a famous expression of Emery A. Storrs, when they thought that it 
 gave them a chance to join in the lead of the procession ; and, the moment 
 they had a voice in directing the music, they led it beyond the mere senti- 
 ments of a Marseillaise. Take each formidable strike in the city, and 
 invariably they have instigated the rabble to deeds of disorder and violence. 
 What care they for labor reforms accomplished through peaceable agita- 
 tion? It is only when a pretext is presented for widening the breach 
 between capital and labor, and hastening the time for revolution, that the 
 Socialists join in any movement looking to the real benefit of labor. It is 
 true, they have figured in labor reforms, such as the agitation for national 
 and State bureaus of labor statistics, the abolition of convict labor in com- 
 petition with outside industries, the prevention of child labor in factories 
 and work-shops, the sanitary inspection of tenement-houses and factories ; 
 but all these have been merely side issues to their one and controlling pur- 
 pose Revolution. For appearance' sake they have boasted of their achieve- 
 ments in the lines indicated, but it "is a fact of history that, without the 
 efforts of non-Socialistic labor, none of the reforms so far accomplished 
 would ever have been secured. The fact is that Socialists and Anarchists 
 are radically opposed to the whole wage system and only join in the 
 demands of law-observing and peace-loving labor as a means to one end 
 opportunity for disturbance. For this purpose alone they have become 
 members of the Knights of Labor, and, once in, they have proved an ele- 
 ment of disorder and contention. So pronounced had they become in 
 fomenting trouble during the eight-hour agitation that Mr. Powderly 
 finally found it necessary to issue a secret circular to the order in the spring 
 of 1886. In that circular, among other things, he said :
 
 POWDERLY'S SECRET CIRCULAR. 
 
 in 
 
 Men who own capital are not our enemies. If that theory held good, the workman of to- 
 day would be the enemy of his fellow-toiler on the morrow, for, after all, it is how to acquire 
 capital and how to use it properly that we are endeavoring to learn. No ! The man of capital 
 is not necessarily the enemy of the laborer ; on the contrary, they must be brought closer 
 together. I am well aware that some extremists will say I am advocating a weak plan and 
 
 INTERIOR VIEW OF NEFF'S HALL. From a Photograph. 
 
 will say that bloodshed and destruction of property alone will solve the problem. If a man 
 speaks such sentiments in an assembly read for him the charge which the Master Workman 
 repeats to the newly initiated who join our "army of peace." If he repeats such nonsense 
 put him out. 
 
 Wise words and well spoken.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Eight-hour Movement Anarchist Activity The Lock-out at Mc- 
 Cormick's Distorting the Facts A Socialist Lie The True Facts about McCor- 
 mick's Who Shall Run the Shops? Abusing the "Scabs" High Wages for 
 Cheap Work The Union Loses $3,000 a Day Preparing for Trouble Arming the 
 Anarchists Ammunition Depots Pistols and Dynamite Threatening the Police 
 The Conspirators Show the White Feather Capt. O'Donnell's Magnificent Police 
 Work The Revolution Blocked A Foreign Reservation An Attempt to Mob the 
 Police The History of the First Secret Meeting Lingg's First Appearance in the 
 Conspiracy The Captured Documents Bloodshed at McCormick's "The Battle 
 Was Lost" Officer Casey's Narrow Escape. 
 
 THE events immediately preceding the inauguration of the eight-hour 
 strike were remarkable in the opportunities they afforded Anarchists 
 for arousing workingmen against capital and stirring up their worst 
 passions. The leaders had already intensified the clamor for reduced 
 working-time, and only the occasion was needed to fully arouse the true 
 ruffianism behind the Socialistic rabble. This occasion was presented in 
 the troubles that grew out of the "lock-out" at McCormick's Harvester 
 Works, and, as the facts in connection therewith are necessary to a clear 
 and comprehensive understanding of the situation, I shall briefly review 
 them. Before doing so, however, it may be well to premise by saying that 
 the real state of affairs in that trouble was greatly exaggerated, and that, 
 instead of dividing responsibility, the Socialistic orators sought to throw the 
 sole burden upon the owners and managers of that establishment, charging 
 them, in the heat and excitement of the times, with gross violation of pledged 
 faith to the men employed, and instigating even violent resistance to the 
 installation of new men, or "scabs," as they were opprobriously termed, 
 into the vacated places. 
 
 This so-called "lock-out" occurred on February 16, 1886, and through 
 it some twelve hundred men became idle. The Anarchists proceeded at 
 once to distort every fact in connection with it. The view they presented 
 of the affair may be best shown by "the following extract from a history of 
 the Chicago Anarchists published by the Socialistic Publishing Society : 
 
 The employes of that establishment had been for some time perfecting their organization, 
 and at last had presented a petition for the redress of certain grievances and a general advance 
 of wages. The dispute arose over an additional demand that a guarantee be given that no 
 man in the factory should be discharged for having acted as a representative of his comrades. 
 This was absolutely refused. A strike in the factory in the preceding April had been adjusted 
 on the basis that none of the men who served on committees, etc. , and made themselves con- 
 spicuous in behalf of their fellow workmen, would be discharged for so doing. This agreement 
 has been wantonly violated, and every man who had incurred the displeasure of Mr. McCor- 
 mick was not only discharged, but black-listed, in many cases being unable to obtain employ- 
 ment in other shops.
 
 THE Me CORMICK LOCK-OUT. 113 
 
 It thus appears that the Socialist leaders not only hoped to utilize the 
 strike to precipitate their revolution, but, by purposely misstating the griev- 
 ances of McCormick's men, to engender a bitter and violent feeling against 
 that establishment. Now, what were the true facts in the case ? Along in 
 February the employes in the works asked for a uniformity of wages, the 
 re-employment, as occasion demanded, of all old hands, who had been out 
 of work since the strike in April preceding, and the discharge of five non- 
 union men employed in the foundry. Mr. Cyrus McCormick generously 
 conceded the first two demands, but firmly declined to discharge the non- 
 union men, as he regarded this as an interference with the company's right 
 of employing whom they pleased. Thereupon the employes held a meeting 
 and formulated an ultimatum, in which they insisted upon the discharge as 
 requested, "not because," as they said, "they wanted to abridge the priv- 
 ilege of hiring and discharging, but because Foreman Ward threatened to 
 pursue old hands with such vindictiveness that he would drive them over 
 the 'Black Road,' or else they would have to walk in their nakedness," and in 
 justice to the old employes the non-union workmen ought to be "thrown 
 out." Mr. McCormick took the position that this was an attempt to dictate 
 that only union men should be employed in the works, and he finally- 
 declared that the company had always decided and always would decide 
 who were best suited to do its work, and whom or how many men it would 
 employ or discharge. If the concessions already made were not satisfactory, 
 he would close the works. 
 
 During the strike of the preceding spring, McCormick had done just 
 what other manufacturers had done in similar cases introduced new ma- 
 chinery to perform work hitherto done by hand. He had put in new mold- 
 ing apparatus and had found that the new machines in the hands of ordinary 
 laborers, as soon as they learned to handle them, turned out daily far more 
 molds and more reliable ones than the old hand process. On the outbreak 
 of the trouble in. February there were fifteen men employed in the foundry, 
 ten old hands and five non-union men. The services of all of them 
 might thus have been dispensed with, since skilled labor was not necessary, 
 and, with the addition of more machines and a few raw hands, just as much 
 and just as good work, he claimed, might have been produced. But the 
 owners desired to favor the employes, and, having granted a uniformity of 
 wages even to the extent of advancing the pay of ordinary labor to $1.50 
 per day, a sum greater than that paid by similar industries elsewhere, and 
 having promised to give preference to old employes when additional hands 
 were needed, they resolved not to be dictated to by outside malcontents nor 
 to discharge men who had done efficient work for the company. The grant 
 of such a request would, they held, be virtually placing the management of 
 the concern in the hands of outsiders. When, therefore, the employes, 
 instigated by the Anarchists, resolved to strike for their demand, McCormick
 
 PLANNING BLOODSHED. 
 
 took time by the forelock and ordered the works closed on and after nine 
 o'clock on the morning of February 16, to remain closed until the strikers 
 decided to return. By this "lock-out" the employes were deprived of 
 $3,000 a day in the shape of wages, that amount representing the daily pay- 
 roll of the concern. Meanwhile, pending the lock-out, the company can- 
 vassed the possibility of 
 an early resumption of 
 business and quietly per- 
 fected arrangements for 
 that step, which they con- 
 cluded to take on March i. 
 Of course, this contem- 
 plated move enraged all 
 the groups in the city. 
 The strikers in the vicin- 
 ity of the factory were es- 
 pecially excited. Ever since 
 the establishment had 
 closed its doors the neigh- 
 borhood had been infested 
 with idlers and vicious- 
 looking men. They had 
 all felt confident that the 
 firm would be finally 
 forced to submit, but when 
 it gradually dawned upon 
 their minds that arrange- 
 ments had actually been 
 made for a resumption of 
 work without reference 
 to the wishes of the ' ' outs," 
 they determined to pre- 
 vent it by force. They 
 were the first to decide on 
 violent measures, and they 
 presented their purpose to the members of Carpenters' Union No. i. 
 The result was that two secret meetings of the armed men of both 
 unions were held between February 27 and March 3 at Greif's Hall. 
 The first meeting called out nearly all the "armed men" of the Metal- 
 workers' Union and about one hundred and forty men belonging to Inter- 
 national Carpenters' Union No. i, some with rifles, revolvers and dynamite 
 bombs. They then and there formulated a plan to prevent the "scabs" 
 from going to work. The plan was that the metal-workers should gather 
 
 GREIF'S HALL.
 
 n6 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 in the vicinity of the factory at about five o'clock on the morning the works 
 were to be reopened, well equipped with bombs, rifles and revolvers. 
 Those who did not possess rifles were to secure revolvers and bombs, 
 which could be obtained, they were told, on Blue Island Avenue, between 
 Twenty-second Street and McCormick's. At that place, on giving the 
 pass-word and number of the place, every member would be supplied. la- 
 the event of their running short of ammunition, they were to repair to that 
 place, and they would find some one there always to wait on them. It was 
 given out that the place was run by the metal-workers, who would see to 
 it that all necessary bombs were on hand. Members having friends living 
 in the vicinity of the factory were to stay with them over night so as to be 
 up bright and early in the morning, and those living at a distance were to 
 make it a point to get up early enough to be on hand at the time indicated. 
 A point of rendezvous was designated, and, when all had arrived, they were 
 to surround the factory and permit no one to enter except on peril of being 
 shot. This situation of affairs, they said, would necessarily bring out the 
 police, but the moment these should arrive the "armed men" were to open 
 fire. The first volley was to be over the heads of the "blue-coats," and if; 
 that did not put them to flight, they were to be shot down without mercy. 
 When they began to throw bombs the "reds" were all to be in line, so that 
 none of their own number would be hurt by the explosions, and wherever 
 the police formed a company a solid front was to be presented and a 
 rattling fire maintained. They would also form different lines along the 
 "Black Road," and when patrol wagons came to the rescue of the officers,, 
 they were to hurl bombs at them. 
 
 It was to be a fight to the death. Every one agreed, as I was told, "to 
 die game, give no quarter, and see to it that the green grass around 
 McCormick's factory was nourished with human blood." In accordance 
 with the plan, the members of the Carpenters' Union were to assemble with 
 rifles and ammunition at Greif's Hall at an hour not later than six o'clock 
 in the morning, and to remain there until orders for their services were 
 sent. The carpenters carried out their part of the programme, and at the 
 appointed hour there were no less than two hundred of them at the hall, 
 fully armed and apparently ready for any emergency. They scattered 
 throughout the hall building so as not to attract attention, and impatiently 
 awaited orders or information indicating the progress of affairs at the 
 factory. But no orders were received. They heard nothing for some 
 time, but when they did they were a happier lot of men. The clamor and 
 excitement of the hour had stimulated them with a false courage, but 
 each had nevertheless entertained a secret hope that there would be no call 
 for a display of their valor. And there was none. 
 
 It appears that, on the morning they were to have created such dire 
 destruction, the brave metal-workers overslept themselves ! " There was
 
 THE FIRST DAY'S RESULTS. 117 
 
 snow on the ground," and probably they did not care to defile it with the 
 blood of their enemies. None of them appeared at the rendezvous on time, 
 and when they straggled around at a later hour they were full of excuses, 
 the one on which they principally relied being that their faithful spouses 
 had neglected to wake them in time. No one for a moment charged the 
 others with cowardice, and yet that was the whole secret of their failure. 
 Each had expected others to be at the appointed place ready for the fray, 
 but the unanimity with which all had prolonged their slumbers prevented 
 what all had expected to see a brilliant victory with themselves beyond 
 all danger. 
 
 But about the time these braves should have been around according to 
 programme, another party occupied the field. It was the brave and fear- 
 less Capt. Simon O'Donnell, of 'the Second Precinct, with two lieutenants 
 and three companies of well disciplined officers. They took charge of the 
 "Black Road" and the vicinity of McCormick's factory as early as six 
 o'clock, and the so-called "scabs" passed into the works, "with none to 
 molest them or make them afraid." When those who had overslept 
 sneaked around, one after another, they were perfectly amazed. Where 
 they had hoped to see the ground strewn with the dead bodies of police- 
 men, they found order and serenity. 
 
 In the expectation of seeing some disturbance, the vicinity became 
 crowded during the forenoon with idlers and curious people drawn from all 
 parts of the city. Seeing this throng and relying on the presence of many 
 Anarchists, the daring metal-workers revived their spirits and hoped yet to 
 precipitate a conflict by egging it on at a safe distance in the rear. They 
 accordingly began to utter loud threats and urge the excited rabble to an 
 attack on the "blanked bloodhounds," the police. 
 
 There were in the crowd a lot of half-drunken Polanders and Bohem- 
 ians who, living in the neighborhood, claimed that the presence of the 
 police was a menace to their personal rights and privileges. The police 
 were on what these misguided people considered their own reservation, 
 and, with a view to driving them away, some began throwing stones and 
 clubs at the officers in the patrol wagons. Others picked out officers apart 
 from their companions and made them the targets for their missiles. 
 Captain O'Donnell learned, while this disconcerted attack was going on, 
 that many of the crowd had revolvers and dynamite in their pockets. He 
 speedily resolved on a plan for arresting and disarming such men and gave 
 orders to his lieutenants to surround the crowd and search all suspected 
 persons. The result was that the following were found to have arms, and 
 they were placed under arrest : Stephen Reiski, Adolph Heuman, Charles 
 Kosh, Henry Clasen, John Hermann, George Hermann, Ernest Haker, Otto 
 Sievert, Emil Kernser, Frank Trokinski and Stanifon Geiner. Detectives
 
 u8 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 from the Central Station assisted in the search, and the offenders were 
 taken to the Police Court, where they were fined $10 each. 
 
 It was thought that this procedure would quiet the mob, but later in the 
 day the Anarchists again gathered around McCormick's. The crowd was 
 again surrounded, and the following were arrested for carrying concealed 
 weapons : Louis Hartman, William Brecker, Julius Vimert, Peter Pech, 
 William Holden, Louis Lingg, Carl Jagush, Samuel Barn, William Meyer, 
 Rudolph Miller, John Hoben and John Otto. These were also fined. 
 
 During this trouble at the factory a gang of Anarchists had gathered 
 at the Workingmen's Hall on West Twelfth Street, and they had just 
 formed a procession to march out in a body to McCormick's, when they 
 were surrounded and searched. In this "round-up" the great "Little 
 August " Krueger was arrested with a full uniform of the Lehr und Wehr 
 
 Verein under an 
 overcoat, and 
 
 a 
 
 number of his 
 comrades were 
 taken in charge at 
 the same time. 
 Many of them had 
 dynamite bombs, 
 a,nd some one 
 shouted that "all 
 brothers who had 
 'stuff' should get 
 away and the 
 others should as- 
 sist them." 
 
 But the police 
 were not to be 
 trifled with, and 
 
 some of the most daring officers rushed into the thickest of the crowd, and 
 succeeded in gathering in several bombs. There were a number of women 
 in the mob, and some of these hid bombs under their petticoats. Th5 
 officers were of course too gallant to molest them. But the search and 
 arrests served to break up the procession and prevent further outbreaks at 
 the factory that day. 
 
 Such were the results of the plots of the first secret meeting. The 
 second secret gathering, a few days later, was held, as the former had been, 
 at Greif 's Hall. It was called by the metal-workers and carpenters jointly. 
 They were more demonstrative than ever. Gustav Belz was accorded the 
 distinction of presiding over the turbulent members of the Carpenters' 
 Union. All of the carpenters belonging to the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 
 numbering one hundred and eighty men, were present with their rifles, and 
 
 A "ROUND-UP. 1
 
 5 TORMY PR O CE ED INGS. 1 1 9 
 
 they were loud for war. At the same time the metal-workers had a gather- 
 ing by themselves, and when a delegation from them called on the car- 
 penters and announced that they were prepared to engage in battle that 
 day, the carpenters' assemblage became delirious with excitement. They 
 shouted and jumped about in such a lively manner that some of the more 
 conservative members were obliged to warn them to quiet down or they 
 would attract the attention of the police. The hot-heads, enraged at this 
 caution, retorted by accusing the conservatives of cowardice. They refused 
 to be quieted, and, like Comanche Indians about to take to the war-path, 
 they examined their revolvers and brandished their guns. They even 
 inspected the fuse on their bombs, and insisted that they would be ready 
 the moment the command was given. In anticipation of blood, they screwed 
 up their courage by frequent libations ; and the more they drank the happier 
 they grew over the prospect of speedy acquisition of wealth when once their 
 revolution was started. 
 
 It was an uncomfortable place meanwhile for the conservative members, 
 and these had frequent occasion during the stormy proceedings to regret 
 that they had uttered a word of remonstrance. But there was one who did 
 not allow his feelings to get the better of his judgment. It was Balthasar 
 Rau. He took the floor and said that, however much he desired to fight 
 and sweep McCormick and all other capitalists from the face of the earth, 
 yet he could plainly see that the time had not yet arrived for commencing 
 the revolution. It would be folly, he insisted, to go out on the streets with 
 rifles in hand while all the surroundings were against them and while they 
 were not generally prepared to cope with the police and militia. To com- 
 mence a general upheaval now would be to destroy their prospects in the 
 immediate future. 
 
 "Before you make war," said Rau, "you must have something to fall 
 back on ; but now we have nothing. We ought to have a treasury well 
 filled. If we inaugurate a fight we must expect that some of us will be 
 killed, others wounded, and others again arrested. Where is the money to 
 help those in distress ? What will your families do if you are killed ? You 
 must take all these things into consideration. It is very easy for us to go 
 <?ut, shoot and kill somebody, but what can we expect to gain by all that ? 
 We must be ready and prepared and protected." 
 
 This speech had a soothing effect upon some, but Belz wanted blood, 
 and that immediately. He despised the capitalists, and the sooner their 
 blood was spilled the better it would suit him. The majority of the meeting 
 expressed a concurrence in Rau's ideas, and one member emphasized Rau's 
 remarks by saying that it would be like a man going out on the streets, 
 pounding another and then running away nothing was gained. 
 
 Belz, seeing the drift of sentiment, grew very angry, and he suggested 
 that some one move an adjournment to some other day, when they might
 
 I2O 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 hope to get together a braver lot of men. Such a motion was made, and 
 the gathering separated, those that were not too drunk posting off at once 
 for home. 
 
 Belz grew quite demonstrative over the lack of results at this meeting, 
 and avowed that he would have nothing more to do with such a crowd of 
 
 HYNEK DJENEK. 
 SPECIMEN RIOTERS I. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 
 
 cowards. A few days thereafter, however, another meeting was held ; but, 
 in view of the many arrests Captain O'Donnell had made among their mem- 
 bers, they were unable to decide upon any business. Some of the hot- 
 heads threw all the blame on Rau and some of his friends for having pre- 
 vented decisive action when they might have hoped to come out victorious. 
 But all this sort of talk was simply braggadocio, and had any of these loud- 
 mouthed fellows been actually tried, they would have been found skulking 
 in the rear of an attacking party. Prior and subsequent events proved 
 them all trembling cowards when their own personal safety was at stake. 
 
 Perhaps the most dangerous, because the most secret, figure in the 
 cabal at this time was Louis Lingg. He seems to have been chosen 
 especially to direct the revolutionary design in the southwest part of the 
 city, and his counsels permeated every Socialistic circle in that section. In 
 his trunk, after his arrest, the following letter was found in his own hand- 
 writing, evidently a copy or the original of one sent : 
 
 Dear Brother Union: On the occasion of the last general meeting in Zepf's Hall the 
 International Carpenters' Union passed a resolution asking the Furniture Makers' Union if 
 they were satisfied with the doings of their delegates, especially with Mr. Hausch and Mr. 
 Mende, who had agreed to take the leadership of the revolution. ... It is natural that 
 the governing class would take these their means as soon as the workingmen would try
 
 LINGG AS AN AGITATOR. 
 
 121 
 
 to take their rights. In consequence of these facts we feel it our duty to call the attention of 
 indifferent workingmen to these facts and suggest the adoption of force, power against power, 
 and urge all to arm yourselves. Therefore, stand with all your energy against the system of 
 profit without regard to the way they prepare themselves. We request our brother union to 
 acquaint us with their point of view, so we can form our plans accordingly. 
 With greeting and the shaking of the hand. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CARPENTERS' UNION No. i. 
 
 Lingg likewise issued a personal address, a copy of which was also found 
 in the trunk, urging the laborers of the Southwest Side to practice in the 
 handling of arms. Among other things found written over his signature, is 
 the following : 
 
 Our authorized demands are replied to with clubs, powder and lead. In consequence of 
 these experiences it is no more than right that we adopt force and arm ourselves. The 
 opportunity to arm yourselves cheaply can be ascertained from all well-known comrades, as 
 well as armed organization, where you can find good places to drill. Don't let this oppor- 
 tunity pass. The medicine dynamite, in leaden bomb, is more powerful than the rifle. Don't 
 iorget the opportunity. 
 
 Lingg also sent another circular to his comrades in that section, of 
 which the following is a copy : 
 
 Brothers: As you have noticed for a long time past that the police are more than ready 
 to break your heads with their murderous clubs and do not care whether they make you 
 cripples for the balance of your miserable days, and do not care whether your wives and 
 children have to go begging for you after you become useless ; neither do they care for the 
 loving young son that supports his old parents, whether they kill him or not : therefore, tak- 
 
 JOHN POTOTSKI. FRANK NOVAK. 
 
 SPECIMEN RIOTERS. II. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 
 
 ing all these things into consideration, that these policemen are ready, under the instruction 
 of the capitalists, to commit murder on the working people, I say we must resist these 
 monsters, and the way we must do this is to get ready and be all like one man. We must 
 fight them with as good weapons, even better than they possess, and, therefore, I call you 
 all to arms ! As we are no capitalists, we can make arrangements in a gun-factory outside
 
 122 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 of this State. Have this matter treated very confidentially. Have only a committee of 
 three members to buy arms as cheaply as possible, and see if there can be anything secured 
 on half credit, so that you can also give time to the buyer. In this way you can get all new 
 and good arms and better than the police have. Then I call your attention again and impress- 
 on your minds that it is not alone enough that you have the arms ; you must also understand 
 
 VACLAV DJENEK. ANTON STIMAK. 
 
 SPECIMEN RIOTERS III. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 
 
 how to use them so that you can be equally well drilled with them as your opponents. Then- 
 you can give them successful resistance. And now, to make this matter very easy and a 
 success for all, the workingmen of this city, with the third company of the Lehr und Wehr 
 Verein and some members of the International Carpenters' Union, held a meeting yesterday, 
 and they all agreed to give lessons in drill to any one that wanted to learn how to use arms. 
 All the people so desiring should call every Thursday evening at 8 o'clock at Turner Hall 
 " Vorwaerts," on West Twelfth Street, and there they will receive instructions free of charge. 
 I want you Southwest Side people to be as useful with arms as the people on the North 
 and Northwest sides. We have everything about as complete as we wish it to be. On the- 
 North Side we have Neff's or Thuringia Hall, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and you can come 
 and visit us there and see the boys drill. We have a man named Hermann, and he is a soldier 
 from the old home and a first-class drillmaster, and always pleased to see new recruits. Now, 
 workingmen of the Southwest Side, I beg of you to make use of this opportunity. Do not 
 let this go by like a dream. Remember, we are all one. It does not matter whether you are- 
 on the South, North or West Side ; we must all fight for a purpose. Do not stay at home 
 and let your brothers be killed when you can help them and make your cause a victory. 
 Come in large masses, come often, come promptly. If you do this, everything will bean easy 
 matter for us to undertake. Our labor will be rewarded. . . . The first of May is com- 
 ing near. We will have to kill the monster. We must be ready to meet him. This is our 
 only chance now. Probably we will not have this opportunity to meet the monster so that 
 we can fight him with our weapons. You must kill the pirates. You must kill the blood- 
 suckers; and for the first time in ages the poor workingmen will be made happy. Our work, 
 is short ; we do not want a thirty years' war. Be determined. Do not let your near relation, 
 if he is an enemy, stand in your way. Doing all this, then, the victory is ours. 
 
 Louis LINGG.
 
 ADVISING VIOLENCE. 
 
 123 
 
 In the work of stirring up bad blood, Lingg seems to have neglected no 
 point likely to count with the dissatisfied laborers. He knew that among the 
 strikers were a great many German Knights of Labor, ,and, with an ingenuity 
 worthy of a better cause, he took occasion particularly to point out an article 
 published in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of April 22, 1886, giving Governor 
 Oglesby's views on boycotting. This paper was afterwards found in his 
 trunk, somewhat soiled from frequent usage, and the article in question, for 
 convenience of reference, had been heavily marked with a lead-penciL 
 Lingg no doubt figured that those who believed in the boycott would there- 
 after array themselves solidly on the side of those who favored force. A 
 translation of the Governor's remarks, as given in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, is as 
 follows : 
 
 The system of boycotting is the most damnable proposal which was ever fabricated. It 
 repudiates the Constitution, the law and everything. It is the devil's invention. Yes (speak- 
 ing to John V. Farwell), when it has so far progressed that the militia is obliged to interfere, 
 you will find that these d d boycotters will come to them (the merchants and business men)- 
 and say, ' ' You must prohibit your employes joining the militia, and those who persist in 
 belonging must be discharged from employment, or you will be boycotted." This is a fine 
 arrangement. It is true that, meeting with opposition all over, it will die out, but I tell you 
 it is the most damnable transgression which was ever concocted. 
 
 Parsons and Schwab also took a hand in the McCormick "lock-out," 
 but they used the platform to arouse the people to force. On the 2d of 
 
 F'' 
 
 IGNATZ URBAN. JOSEPH SUGAR. 
 
 SPECIMEN RIOTERS IV. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 
 
 March a mass-meeting of Anarchists and hot-headed strikers was held at 
 the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. Parsons and Schwab were the chief 
 speakers. They were particularly abusive of the owners and the superin- 
 tendent of the works, and advised the use of violence against the police-
 
 J24 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 So incendiary were the speeches that E. E. Sanderson, a member of the 
 .strikers' standing committee, took occasion to denounce the proceedings. 
 
 "Such speakers," he declared, "cause every spark of sympathy to dis- 
 appear and bring us into disrepute." If he had had the power, he said, he 
 would have stopped the gathering. He belonged to the true laboring class, 
 and to properly voice its sentiments he hired another hall for the next day. 
 
 The continued presence of the police at the works finally restored order 
 in the vicinity, and it seemed as if the Anarchists had abandoned any further 
 intention of violence. But they were secretly at work, biding their time 
 and watching their opportunity. It came on the afternoon of May 3. At 
 this time between 40,000 and 50,000 men in Chicago were out of employ- 
 ment by reason of the eight-hour strike. Excitement ran high throughout 
 the city. The reaper works were now almost in full operation, and, led by 
 the Anarchists, some of the hot-headed strikers, grown impatient over the 
 apparent failure of their plan, made an assault upon the "scabs" at work 
 in the shops. The instigators of this attack and the principal assailants 
 were Anarchists, who exerted themselves to the utmost to bring on a deadly 
 conflict between the police and the unemployed. 
 
 For the day in question a meeting of the Lumber-shovers' Union had 
 been called in the vicinity to receive the report of a committee who had 
 waited on their employers with reference to the eight-hour question. The 
 Socialists, learning of this, determined to make use of the opportunity. 
 The union was composed of over six thousand lumber workingmen, three 
 thousand Bohemians and over three thousand Germans, and had no connec- 
 tion with the McCormick strike, but it occurred to the Central Labor Union 
 that, inasmuch as many of them were adherents of Socialism, it would be no 
 difficult matter to incite them to riotous demonstrations. On the day pre- 
 ceding, Spies had been delegated by his union to address the gathering. 
 The president of the Lumber Union, Frank Haraster, had become cogni- 
 zant of the Anarchists' intentions, and had taken occasion to warn the men 
 against either listening to Socialistic orators or participating in a riot. But 
 there were mutterings of discontent, and the crowd was in a revengeful 
 mood. There were no less than 8,600 people at the gathering some esti- 
 "mated the number as high as 15,000. Some were intent on revolution, an'd 
 others had been drawn to the scene through idle curiosity. 
 
 It only needed a spark to create a tremendous conflagration. Anar- 
 chists were busy among the various groups that had collected. For several 
 days they had labored early and late in the locality to stimulate revolution- 
 ary action. Their plans had been carefully concocted, and their network 
 of conspiracy extended in every direction. They had opened channels of 
 subterranean communication, and so arranged their mines of Socialistic 
 powder that at the appointed time they hoped to produce an explosion that 
 would reverberate throughout the globe. That appointed time, they figured,
 
 SPIES PREACHING RIOT. 125 
 
 had arrived with the inauguration of the eight-hour movement, and in the 
 lock-out at McCormick's the first opportunity was presented for a general 
 upheaval. This was their hope and the burden of their care. 
 
 When, therefore, a coterie of trained Anarchists appeared on the scene 
 of trouble, evidently by a preconcerted arrangement, with the Nation's, 
 flag reversed and trailing in mud and muck, the wildest excitement was 
 aroused, and only a leader was necessary to connect the electric currents, 
 of suppressed hostility to start an outburst of violent deeds. 
 
 The occasion brought forth that leader in the person of the impulsive 
 and impetuous Spies. He, with some trusted lieutenants, mounted a box- 
 car in the vicinity of the meeting of the lumber-shovers and the McCor- 
 mick works. He gathered about him an immense crowd, and, speaking in 
 German, called the attention of his auditors to the "brutalities of capital,, 
 its selfishness and its grinding oppression" of wage-workers, rendering 
 their condition worse than that of slaves. With fiery invective he wrought 
 up the feelings of the mob to a pitch of reckless frenzy. In the climaxes 
 of his envenomed utterances, he held the multitude with a charmed spell,, 
 and he evoked their highest plaudits when he counseled violence as a 
 means to redress their grievances. 
 
 Before the termination of this lurid speech, many hitherto apparently- 
 apathetic had caught the infection, and when some of the non-union men 
 emerged from the gate at the McCormick foundry, on the conclusion of 
 their day's labor, the hour being three o'clock, many of the mob rushed 
 to the establishment, bent on wreaking vengeance. They had hardly 
 begun to move when some one on the box-car shouted : " Go up and kill 
 
 the d d scabs ! " The identity of this person has never been disclosed,. 
 
 but it is no rash conclusion to suppose that it was a confidant of Spies, as- 
 well as of Lingg, who had secret charge of fomenting disturbances in that 
 district. Lingg was present at this gathering, and, as he subsequently 
 claimed that he had been clubbed by the police in the riot that followed,, 
 he may possibly have raised the cry himself. 
 
 The mob reached the works in short order, hurling stones and firing 
 shots into the windows of the guard-house, which they finally demolished. 
 The non-union men, seeing the approaching mob, took to flight, some 
 seeking shelter in the works and others scampering across the prairie 
 beyond reach. There were at this time only two policemen on duty. One 
 of them, J. A. West, endeavored to pacify the crowd, but received in 
 response bricks and mud. The other for awhile, as well as he could, held 
 the mob at bay at the gate. West finally worked his way through the 
 crowd to a patrol box, and turned in an alarm for reinforcements. Mean- 
 while the mob disported itself in throwing stones and firing revolvers, and 
 finally forced an entrance through the gate to the yards. 
 
 Presently a patrol wagon loaded with officers plowed through the tur-
 
 126 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 bulent mass, and, securing the ground between the mob and the buildings, 
 began driving out and dispersing the rioters. This only served to infuriate 
 the Anarchists, who fired in the direction of the police and hurled a shower 
 of stones. The officers remonstrated in vain, warning the mob to keep 
 back, and finally made a rush upon the rioters with revolvers drawn, shoot- 
 ing right and left. 
 
 The crowd swayed to and fro, retreated slightly, then rallied again, and, 
 diverging to either side in a jumbled but compact body, seemed bent on 
 
 CHARGING THE MOB. 
 
 holding their ground and fighting for every inch of it. But the dashing and 
 aggressive movements of the police, backed by courage and discipline, soon 
 demonstrated to the howling rabble the hopelessness of the struggle. The 
 very air seemed charged with bullets, clubs and missiles. Revolvers clicked 
 furiously, the exigencies of the moment necessitating their use on 
 the part of the police, and several revolutionists bit the dust, maimed and 
 wounded. What seems strange is that none were killed in this furious 
 onslaught. 
 
 The mob, which numbered fully 8,000, was soon put to precipitate flight. 
 Some of the most vicious leaders, however, kept up a rattling fire of guns,
 
 "THE BATTLE WAS LOST." 
 
 127 
 
 revolvers, brickbats and sticks so long as their retreat was measurably 
 covered by the fleeing mob surrounding them. Several of these leaders, 
 with their weapons still smoking, were subsequently overtaken, disarmed 
 and locked up. 
 
 During all this short affray, Spies was nowhere to be seen, but, the 
 moment all danger seemed past, he emerged from his seclusion, breathing 
 courage and vengeance. He bounded into the field like one ready to 
 sacrifice himself for his cause, but cautiously kept himself where no stray 
 bullets might reach him. Another singular feature in connection with the 
 part he played in the affair was his attempt to parade his own heroic virtues, 
 by implication, in the denunciations and upbraidings he heaped upon his 
 comrades in the account published of the riot on the very afternoon after 
 its occurrence. This 
 is what he said in 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung: 
 
 The writer of this 
 hastened to the factory 
 as soon as the first shots 
 were fired, and a com- 
 rade urged the assembly 
 to hasten to the rescue 
 of their brothers, who 
 were being murdered, 
 but none stirred. . . . 
 The writer ran back. He 
 implored the people to 
 come along, those who 
 had revolvers in their 
 pockets, but it was in 
 vain. With an exasper- 
 ating indifference they 
 put their hands in their 
 pockets and marched home, babbling as if the whole affair did not concern them in the 
 least. The revolvers were still cracking, and fresh detachments of police, here and there 
 bombarded with stones, were hastening to the battle-ground. The battle was lost ! 
 
 A riot on a smaller scale occurred shortly after this in another locality, 
 instigated by the Anarchists who had been so severely repulsed in the 
 afternoon. After the McCormick outbreak one of the wounded strikers 
 was taken in a patrol wagon to the Twelfth Street Station, and thence to his 
 home on Seventeenth Street. Officer Casey was one of the men in charge 
 of the wagon, and remained behind at the house to take a report of the 
 man's name, his residence and the nature of his injuries. When the 
 officer came out of the wounded man's home, he was set upon by a mob, 
 shouting : 
 
 "Hang him ! Hang the blue-coat ! " 
 
 A Bohemian, named Vaclav Djenek, cried out: 
 
 OFFICER CASEY'S PERIL.
 
 128 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "Help me ; help me to hang the canaille!" 
 
 Two or three came to his side and endeavored to execute the threat. 
 Casey by a great effort managed to get away, and started on a run. Pistol 
 shots were fired after him by the mob, but fortunately he escaped without 
 injury. 
 
 A patrol wagon from the West Chicago Avenue Station had mean- 
 while been telephoned for by some peace-loving citizens, and it rapidly 
 
 dashed up to the scene of disturbance. 
 The officers saw the whole situation, 
 dispersed the mob, and set about 
 arresting the parties who had so 
 nearly succeeded in hanging the offi- 
 cer. They found that it had been a 
 very close call for Casey, that the rope 
 was ready, and that, had it not been 
 for his own Herculean efforts, he 
 would have dangled from a lamp- 
 post in a very few seconds. 
 
 Djenek, who was afterwards rec- 
 ognized as the principal actor in 
 this episode, was run down and 
 placed under arrest. He was tried 
 and sentenced to one year in the 
 penitentiary. During the trial two 
 HfpjglBI? officers of the West Chicago Avenue 
 \\mm 3 m Station happened to be in the State's 
 
 Attorney's office when a lot of Bohe- 
 FRANZ MIKOLANDA, A POLISH CONSPIRATOR, mian literature and Anarchist uten- 
 From a Photograph. s ^ s we re being exhibited. Among 
 
 other things, they noticed a photograph of Franz Mikolanda, and they 
 at once exclaimed : 
 
 "This is the other man who helped Djenek to hang Casey!" 
 Mikolanda appeared at the trial for the purpose of swearing to an alibi 
 for Djenek, and was promptly recognized. He had no sooner left the 
 witness-stand than he was arrested on a warrant and subsequently prose- 
 cuted. He was found guilty and sentenced to six months in the Bridewell.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Coup d'etat a Miscarriage Effect of the Anarchist Failure at 
 McCormick's "Revenge" Text of the Famous Circular The German Version 
 An Incitement to Murder Bringing on a Conflict Engel's Diabolical Plan The 
 R61e of the Lehr und Wehr Verein The Gathering of the Armed Groups Fischer's 
 Sanguinary Talk The Signal for Murder " Ruhe " and its Meaning Keeping 
 Clear of the Mouse-Trap The Haymarket Selected Its Advantages for Revo- 
 lutionary War The Call for the Murder Meeting "Workingmen, Arm Yourselves" 
 Preparing the Dynamite The Arbeiter-Zeitung Arsenal The Assassins' Roost at 
 58 Clybourn Avenue The Projected Attack on the Police Stations - Bombs for All 
 who Wished Them Waiting for the Word of Command Why it was not Given 
 The Leaders' Courage Fails. 
 
 NEVER was that old saying, "Whom the gods wish to destroy they 
 first make mad," better illustrated than in the actions of the Anar- 
 chist leaders after their desperate exploits at McCormick's Works. That 
 riot was to have been the pivotal point in their social revolution. It 
 turned out a humiliating fiasco. They had hoped to make a coup d'ttat for 
 the scarlet banner and had counted upon such a victory as would terrorize 
 Capital, appal the people and paralyze the arm of constituted authority. 
 When they discovered that the police had escaped with only slight bruises, 
 that some of their own comrades had been seriously wounded and that 
 even the so-called "scabs" had passed through the onslaught with noth- 
 ing worse than fright, their rage knew no bounds. They saw that " the 
 battle had been lost," and prompt, energetic action seemed necessary to 
 retrieve the situation. 
 
 Spies, their recognized leader, while the perspiration still dripped from 
 his face, and his blood still fired by his speech to the strikers and his 
 " heroic efforts " to rally the routed and fleeing Socialists, seized a pen, 
 and, dipping it into the gall of his indignation, wrote what subsequently 
 became famous as the "Revenge Circular." It was printed in German 
 and English, and an exact fac-simile is presented herewith. The German 
 version is somewhat different from the English, being addressed to the 
 adherents of Anarchy and Socialism, the English version seeming to have 
 been intended for Americans in general. Several thousand copies were 
 scattered throughout the city. 
 
 The wording of the English portion of the circular may be seen in the 
 illustration. The German portion, translated, reads as follows : 
 
 Revenge ! Revenge ! Workmen to arms ! 
 
 Men of labor, this afternoon the bloodhounds of your oppressors murdered six of your 
 brothers at McCormick's. Why did they murder them ? Because they dared to be dissatis- 
 fied with the lot which your oppressors have assigned to them. They demanded bread, and 
 they gave them lead for an answer, mindful of the fact that thus people are most effectually 
 silenced. You have for many years endured every humiliation without protest, have drudged 
 
 129
 
 1 3 o 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 REVENGE I 
 
 Workingmen, to Arms!!! 
 
 Your masters sent out their bloodhound the 'police - ; they killed six of your 
 brothers at McCormicka this aff moon. They killed the. poor wretches,, because they, 
 like you, had the courage Co disobey the supreme will of your bosses. They kl'led 
 them, because they dared ask for the shortenin of [he hours of toil . They* killed them 
 to show you, - fffti .American Citizens". tbat you >miKt be satisfied and 
 Contended with whatever your bosses condescend to allow you, or you will get killed! 
 You have for years endured the most abject humiliations; you have for years 
 Buffered unmeasurnbie iniquities; you have worked yourself to death; you have endured 
 the pangs of want nd hunger; your Children you have sacrificed to the factory -lords 
 in short: You have been miserable and obedient slave all these yeara: Why? To satisfy 
 the insatiable greed, to flll the coffers of your lazy thieving master? When you. ask them 
 glow to lessen your burden, he sends his bloodhounds out to shoot you, kill you! 
 
 If you ar men, if you are the sons of your grand sires, who have shed theiAlood to free 
 you. then you will rise i your might. Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that 
 seeks to destroy you. To arms we call you, to ermsl 
 
 Brothers. 
 
 from early in the morning until late at night, have suffered all sorts of privation, have even 
 sacrificed your children. You have done everything to fill the coffers of your masters 
 
 everything for them ! 
 And now, when you ap- 
 proach them and im- 
 plore them to make your 
 burden a little lighter, as 
 a reward for your sacri- 
 fices, they send their 
 bloodhounds, the police, 
 at you, in order to cure 
 you with bullets of your 
 dissatisfaction. Slaves, 
 we ask and conjure you, 
 by all that is sacred and 
 dear to you, avenge the 
 atrocious murder that 
 has been committed 
 upon your brothers to- 
 day and which will likely 
 be committed upon you 
 to-morrow. Laboring 
 men, Hercules, you have 
 arrived at the cross-way. 
 Which way will you de- 
 cide ? For slavery and 
 hunger or for freedom 
 and bread ? If you de- 
 cide for the latter, then 
 do not delay a mo- 
 ment ; then, people, to 
 crms ! Annihilation to 
 the beasts in human form 
 who call themselves rul- 
 ers ! Uncompromising 
 annihilation to them ! 
 This must be your motto. 
 Think of the heroes 
 whose blood has fertil- 
 ized the road to prog- 
 ress, liberty and hu- 
 manity, and strive to 
 become worthy of them ! 
 
 YOUR BROTHERS. 
 
 Not content with this, Spies also wrote and published, in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung of May 4, the following : 
 
 BLOOD ! Lead and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied Workingmen. About Six Laborers 
 
 Mortally, and Four Times that Number Slightly, Wounded. Thus are the Eight-hour 
 
 Men Intimidated! This is Law and Order. Brave Girls Parading the City!-~-The 
 
 Law and Order Beasts Frighten Hungry Children away with Clubs. 
 
 Six months ago, when the eight-hour movement began, representatives of the I. A. A. 
 
 called upon workmen to arm if they would enforce their demand. Would the occurrence of 
 
 9tod)c! 
 
 glclirttcr, ?it ttm Mteffen! 
 
 aibtiftnbil 'J'i'1 r, btutt Slain:!!!^ mmtelin til SDiulb,unbt filter Husbiuttt Gum SJiiibtr ttautn tii ZXiVciuAfl. 
 SBnummoibHtn flr bii|tit(nY JUtil lit km SKulb b>lltn. ml! Cim S'ooS unjufntU-l |U !tin, ail^ct l!ui< Biiibiulit 
 1$nm bi(<$itbtn babtn. Sic foniilin SDiob, man antmottclt. Ibntn mil ffllti, tingtbtnt bit. Ibc!ic$r. barmen tamit 
 tral SBoIt urn ltf|amftfn jinn. 6<$Dtigi biinjin faun! SBitU. :ti.Ic a=b.ti labl 3bt oUc SDrafliblgungin obnt 
 8Btblttp:u6 erltojin. babl guioom fiub>l.TOeio.fiT bis jura (inn ttbenb jil^u.nlin. ball tfnltibtunatn llbic, %it 
 !(, bam ut Jtlr.bti (ilbH 8p[t ,nn, am Hi S^ostonmnn .(Juir fiittin, ju IQOiri. Jlilij |Bt 
 fitl Unb |iti, ao 3br not (It binltiln, unt fit inuii. liuii auibt. Hats )u ii(ild)t.i, ba btftn Re JUCT Slant. (Or 
 gun Ct ibri SBlutbanbi, bit Scluil, au| IJuit, urn @ud) rail 9Iiitu;tln Don tit Un;ufiitbrnb(lt. >u tutltm 
 6tlaoin, nlr ftagrn unb b(|4n)8ten <iut) Jel SlB.m, mat If u a) b>ilig unb nttib, ill. taii! bifltn \^i-df.i^in 3S'b. it 
 taan b'uic on Suicn ffliubtin bijinj. unb oiillti^t motgin fa)on-an Quit bta.ib.tn miib. Htbttunbti Soif, $tttat<e, 3ju 
 IIS am eijtlbiciea anjtlanjt. SBofSt mlHtikijl Du 9Di4? BUI Sflaomi. .unb Burger, (ttt fui gtiliili.iinb Stub? 
 (Snlliitlbtfl Du Di4 fit Dai Stbtttl, bann (Sume ftmtn laqcnblii ; bann. Bolt, (U btn Bitjtn I '.Sttniiblunj btn mtn[o)< 
 JUm Ctflien. btc (Id) Dime fctnt^et nenntn ! KCifityllofc JDttniiiiuna ibntn bo! mu6 Seine Veiling |tip I S>C 
 *i Ot'bcn, btttn 8lu' btn 9Ec( jum goi'.l^iill, jut gtliS't! unb jut. SDltn!4:ia)'<it jtbOnjt unb (lute, ib,tt 
 nUiblgjunnbtn! 
 
 (Sate iii&f. 
 
 THE FAMOUS "REVENGE" CIRCULAR. 
 Engraved from the Original by direct Photographic Process.
 
 WORKING FOR REVENGE. 131 
 
 yesterday have been possible had that advice been followed ? Yesterday, at McCormick's 
 factory, so far as can now be ascertained, four workmen were killed and twenty-five more or 
 less seriously wounded. If members who defended themselves with stones (a few of them 
 had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) had been provided with good weapons and one 
 single dynamite bomb, not one of the murderers would have escaped his well-merited fate. 
 This massacre was to fill the workmen of this city with fear. Will it succeed ? 
 
 A meeting of the lumber employes was held yesterday at the Black Road to appoint a 
 committee to wait on the committee of the owners and present the demands agreed upon. 
 It was an immense meeting. Several speeches were made in English, German and Polish. 
 Finally Mr. Spies was introduced, when a Pole cried, "That is a Socialist," and great dis- 
 approbation was expressed, but the speaker continued, telling them that they must realize 
 their strength, and must not recede from their demands ; that the issue lay in their hands, 
 and needed only resolution on their part. 
 
 At this point some one cried, "On to McCormick's! Let us drive off the scabs," and 
 about two hundred ran toward McCormick's. The speaker, not knowing what occurred, 
 continued his speech, and was appointed afterwards a member of the committee to notify 
 the bosses of the action. 
 
 Then a Pole spoke, when a patrol wagon rushed up to McCormick's, and the crowd began 
 to break up. Shortly shots were heard near McCormick's factory, and about seventy-five 
 well-fed, large and strong murderers, under command of a fat police lieutenant, marched by, 
 followed by three more patrol wagons full of law and order beasts. Two hundred police 
 were there in less than ten minutes, firing on fleeing workingmen and women. The writer 
 hastened to the factory, while a comrade urged the assembly to rescue their brothers, 
 
 unavailingly. A young Irishman said to the writer: "What miserable ( ) are those 
 
 who will not turn a hand while their brothers are being shot down in cold blood ! We have 
 dragged away two. I think they are dead. If you have any influence with the people, 
 for Heaven's sake, run back and urge them to follow you." The writer did so in vain. 
 The revolvers were still cracking ; fresh policemen arriving ; and the battle was lost. It 
 was about half-past three that the little crowd from the meeting reached McCormick's 
 factory. Policeman West tried to hold them back with his revolver, but was put to 
 flight with a shower of stones and roughly handled. The crowd bombarded the factory 
 windows with stones and demolished the guard-house. The scabs were in mortal terror, 
 when the Hinman Street patrol wagon arrived. They were about to attack the crowd with 
 their clubs, when a shower of stones was thrown, followed the next minute by the firing by 
 the police upon the strikers. It was pretended subsequently that they fired over their heads. 
 The strikers had a few revolvers and returned the fire. Meantime, more police arrived, and 
 then the whole band opened fire on the people. The people fought with stones, and are said 
 to have disabled four policemen. The gang, as always, fired upon the fleeing, while women 
 and men carried away the severely wounded. How many were injured cannot be told. A 
 dying boy, Joseph Doebick, was brought home on an express wagon by two policemen. Tin 
 crowd threatened to lynch the officer, but were prevented by a patrol wagon. Various 
 strikers were arrested. McCormick said that "August Spies made a speech to a few thousand 
 Anarchists and then put himself at the head of a crowd and attacked our works. Our 
 workmen fled, and meantime the police came and sent a lot of Anarchists away with bleeding 
 heads." 
 
 Mark well the language, seeking to inflame the minds of the Socialists 
 by maliciously stating that four men had been killed, when in fact not one 
 was fatally injured, its bitter invective, its cunning phraseology, its rude 
 eloquence and its passionate appeal. All were well calculated to stir up 
 revengeful feelings at a time when public sentiment ran high throughout the
 
 1 3 2 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 city. The events following close upon the heels of the eight-hour strike 
 were critical in the extreme, and none knew the exact situation better than 
 the Anarchist leaders. Their course had been shaped with special reference 
 to it. Their secret plottings were directed by the events of the hour. The 
 time had come, they felt, when the Commune should be proclaimed. It 
 
 would not do, they urged, 
 to let the opportunity pass. 
 The failure of the McCor- 
 mick riot at once suggested 
 retaliation in a manner best 
 known to themselves, and 
 the circular was fulminated 
 with a clear knowledge that 
 its import would be readily 
 understood by all in the 
 
 Attention WerinngmBn! 
 MASSMEETfflG 
 
 TO-NIGHT, at 7.30 o'clock, 
 
 Good Speakers will be present to denounce the latest 
 
 atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our 
 
 fellow-workmen yesterday afternoon. 
 
 Workinpen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force! 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 dark secret 
 spiracy. 
 
 of 
 
 in 
 their 
 
 r p $ c 
 
 Ma 
 
 0eute WM ni, dalfi 8 tHr, auf bem 
 
 But that there might be 
 no misdirected effort, and 
 that all might be properly 
 instructed for the emer- 
 gency, it was deemed best 
 to hold a secret conference. 
 The hour seemed to have 
 arrived when their armed 
 sections, the various groups 
 of the order trained in the 
 use of guns and explosives, 
 should be brought into 
 requisition, and the police 
 in particular and the public 
 in general be made to feel 
 their power. How best to 
 accomplish this purpose had 
 been uppermost in their 
 minds from the moment of their disaster at the reaper works. A conflict 
 between the police and the strikers had been counted upon as a certainty 
 under their inspiration, and plans looking to the best means of taking 
 advantage of this strike as well as the eight-hour strike had been dis- 
 cussed even before the McCormick riot. 
 
 Only so short a time as the day before that event, the members of the 
 .second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and of the Northwest Side 
 groups had met in joint session at Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street, and 
 
 SHebner rocrben ben iteucftcn djurfenftreidj 
 inbem fie gefterirSZadjmittag unfere Sriiber erfdjojj, geifceltu 
 
 ^lr better, bcuajfnct (furl) unb rrfdjttnt mafjcnWt! 
 
 THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING. I. 
 Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.
 
 EN GEL'S BLOODY PLAN. 133 
 
 considered the probabilities in view of the eight-hour movement. They 
 clearly foresaw a conflict, and, among other things, discussed a plan to 
 meet that contingency. This plan, proposed by Engel and indorsed by 
 Fischer, and subsequently confessed by one of the conspirators present at 
 that meeting, was that whenever it came to a conflict between the police 
 and the Northwest groups, bombs should be thrown into the police stations. 
 The riflemen of the Lehr und Wehr Verein should post themselves in line 
 at a certain distance, and whoever came out of the stations should be shot 
 down. They would then come into the heart of the city, where the fight 
 would commence in earnest. The members of the Northwest Side groups 
 were counseled to mutually assist each other in making the attack upon 
 the -police, and "if any one had anything with him, he should use it." "As 
 the police would endeavor to subdue the workingmen by sending all their 
 available force to the place of attack, the Anarchists could easily blow up 
 the stations, and such officers as might effect an escape from the buildings 
 could be killed by their riflemen. Then they would cut the telegraph 
 wires so as to prevent communication with other stations, after which they 
 would proceed to the nearest station and destroy that. On their way they 
 would throw fire bombs at some of the buildings, and this would call out the 
 Fire Department and prevent the firemen from being called upon to quell 
 the riot. While proceeding thus they would secure reinforcements, and, in 
 the intense excitement following, the police as well as militia would become 
 confused and divided in counsel as to the points where they could do the 
 most effective service. The attacks should be almost simultaneous in dif- 
 ferent parts of the city at a given signal. When they all finally reached 
 the center of the city, they would set fire to the most prominent buildings 
 and attack the jail, open the doors and set free the inmates to join them in 
 future movements." 
 
 This plan, it is almost needless to remark, was unanimously adopted. 
 But concerted action was necessary among all the groups, and in view of 
 the " skull-cracking," to use their own phrase, on the afternoon of May 3, a 
 secret conference of all groups was determined upon as a supplement to 
 Spies' pronunciamento and as an incitement to future revolutionary move- 
 ments. A notice understood by all in the armed sections " Y, come 
 Monday evening" was inserted in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The commander 
 of the Lehr und Wehr Verein rented a beer basement at No. 54 West 
 Lake Street, known to the followers of Socialism as Greif's Hall, and along 
 towards eight o'clock representatives of all the armed sections of the 
 Internationale gathered there. In order that the utmost privacy might be 
 maintained, guards were posted both at the front and rear entrances with 
 instructions to permit no one to stand on the outside and to admit only 
 trusted adherents. '
 
 1 34 A NAR CHY AND ANAR CHISTS. 
 
 When the session opened there were between seventy and eighty mem- 
 bers of the various sections present. Their deliberations were presided 
 over by Gottfried Waller, who subsequently became an important witness 
 for the State. 
 
 Spies' " Revenge circular," written late that afternoon, was distributed 
 in the meeting, and its sentiments were heartily seconded by all present. 
 Engel finally submitted the plan already given, and some discussion followed, 
 participated in by various members. Fischer considered the plan admir- 
 able, and, lest there might be evidence of weakness, he stated that if any man 
 acted the part of a coward, his own dagger or a bullet from his rifle should 
 pierce that man's heart. Inquiries being made with reference to a supply 
 of bombs, he suggested that the members manufacture them on their own 
 account. The best thing, he said, was to procure a tin coffee-bottle, fill it 
 with benzine, attach a cap and fuse, and they would have a most effective 
 bomb. 
 
 Engel's plan went through with a rush. Having now agreed upon a 
 definite course, it was necessary to adopt a signal to warn the sections of 
 danger and summon them to action. Fischer was equal to the occasion. 
 He proposed the German word " Ruhe," signifying "rest" or "peace," 
 and added that whenever it should appear in the "Letterbox" column of 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung, all would know that the moment for decisive action 
 had been reached, and that all were expected to repair promptly to their 
 appointed meeting-places, fully armed and ready for duty. The suggestion 
 was adopted. 
 
 But what are plans without being fortified by enthusiasm on the part of 
 the mob expected to carry them out ? The Socialistic heart must be fired 
 to a proper pitch of frenzy. Every soul must be made to feel that the 
 cause of Socialism is his own. A mass-meeting was just the thing, and a 
 mass-meeting it was decided by this august band of conspirators to call. 
 The time was the only point in controversy. The chairman insisted on 
 holding it the following morning on Market Square, which is a widening of 
 Market Street between Madison and Randolph Streets, but Fischer pro- 
 tested, because, as he said, it was a. " mouse trap," and insisted that the 
 meeting be held in the evening, when they could bring out a crowd of no 
 less than 25,000 people, and that the Haymarket be the place. There, he 
 said, they would have greater security in case of disturbance, and more and 
 better means of escape. His counsel finally prevailed, and after a call had 
 been suitably drafted, Fischer was intrusted with its printing. 
 
 Remembering that "what is everybody's business is nobody's business," 
 the meeting decided to appoint a committee, consisting of one or two 
 members from each group. This committee was to keep a close watch on all 
 movements that might be made at Haymarket Square and in different parts 
 of the city, and, in the event of a conflict, to promptly report it to the
 
 THE CALL TO ARMS. 
 
 135 
 
 members of the various armed sections by the insertion in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung of the word " Ruhe " if there was trouble during the day, or illum- 
 inating the sky with a red light at night. If either signal could not be 
 conveniently used, then they were to notify the members individually. 
 
 Before the conclusion of this secret conclave, every one present was 
 directed to notify absent 
 members of what had been 
 done, and Rudolph Schnau- 
 belt, who has since been 
 proven the thrower of the 
 bomb which scattered death 
 and devastation on the 
 following evening, wished 
 to go even further and have 
 Socialists in other cities noti- 
 fied so that the proposed rev- 
 olution might become gen- 
 eral. The instigators of the 
 meeting just described were 
 Spies, Parsons, Fielden and 
 Neebe, but for some reason 
 they failed to put in an ap- 
 pearance. 
 
 In accordance with ar- 
 rangements, the call for the 
 mass-meeting was printed 
 the next morning. There 
 were two versions of this 
 call. Fac-similes of both are 
 given. 
 
 In the afternoon of May 
 
 Attention Workingw! 
 MASSMEETING 
 
 TO-NIGHT, at 7.30^o'clock, 
 
 HAYMARKET, Biflil,ijiine!i anil HalM 
 
 Good Speakers will be present to denounce the latest 
 
 atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our 
 
 fellow-workmen yesterday afternoon. 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 3Weitet! 
 
 , (jttlli 8 Ul)r, mif item 
 
 9f<tn&oty& s <5tro&e, jtoifcbeu 
 
 u. 
 
 Stebner locrben ben ncueftrn ctjurfenftreid) 
 tnbem fie geftern 9>{ad)fmttag uufere ^Bciibcr trfdjofe, gdjjeln. 
 
 THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING. II. 
 Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original. 
 
 4 the signal word "Ruhe" 
 appeared in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, and all the armed 
 men proceeded to place 
 themselves in readiness for the conflict. They also devoted themselves 
 energetically to cultivating revengeful sentiments. While making their prep- 
 arations for the projected riot, they communicated the plan decided upon 
 to every member of the order, and all were urged to come fully armed with 
 such weapons as they might possess. 
 
 But their greatest reliance was placed in the use of dynamite. This 
 highly explosive material was regarded as the chief arm of their cause. 
 For many weeks, the leaders had experimented with it. Some six week?
 
 i 3 6 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 before the disastrous Haymarket riot, Louis Lingg had brought a bomb to 
 the house of William Seliger, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, where he boarded, 
 and announced his intention of making other bombs like it. Before this 
 he had provided himself with dynamite, the money for its purchase having 
 been realized at a ball given some time previously and turned over to him 
 to use in experiments. Being out of employment at the time, he devoted 
 himself energetically to experiments with that material, and produced 
 large gas-pipe bombs. One of these he took out to a grove north of the 
 
 city, and, placing 
 it in the crotch of 
 a tree, exploded 
 it, splitting the 
 tree to pieces. The 
 result of the test 
 appears to have 
 been satisfactory, 
 and he next gave 
 hisattentiontothe 
 manufacture of 
 globular shells. In 
 the casting of 
 these he used the 
 kitchen stove to 
 melt his metal, 
 and often receiv- 
 ed the assistance 
 of Seliger, Thielen 
 and Hermann. All 
 day Tuesday, May 
 4, he worked most 
 persistently and 
 seemed in a great 
 hurry to make as 
 
 many bombs as possible. He was helped on that day by the parties named 
 and two others, Hueber and Munzenberger. Before the close of the day 
 they had finished over a hundred bombs. While they were at work Lehman 
 visited them and carried home a satchel of dynamite, which he subse- 
 quently, after the Haymarket riot, buried out on the prairie, and which 
 was afterwards disinterred by the police. Not alone did he and his friends 
 experiment with dynamite, but it appears that Spies, Parsons, Fischer, 
 Fielden and Schwab also tried their hands at it and handled the deadly 
 stuff at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. They had several bombs there 
 and made no secret of the purpose for which they intended them. The office 
 was afterwards discovered to be an arsenal of revolvers and dynamite. 
 
 NEFF'S HALL.
 
 FORCING THE REVOLUTION. 137 
 
 After the bombs had been completed by Lingg and his assistants, Lingg 
 and Seliger put them in a trunk or satchel and carried them over towards 
 Neff's Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way they were met by 
 Munzenberger, who took the trunk, and, placing it on his shoulder, carried it 
 the rest of the distance. At this time it being evening there was a meet- 
 ing of painters in a hall at the rear of Neff's saloon, and the package was 
 placed at the entrance for a moment's exhibition. Lingg asked the pro- 
 prietor if any one had called and inquired for him, and, on being answered 
 in the negative, proceeded with Seliger and Munzenberger into the hall- 
 way connecting the saloon and the assembly-room. Placing the trunk on 
 the floor, he opened it for inspection. Several parties examined the 
 bombs and took some of them away. Seliger helped himself to two and 
 kept them until after the Haymarket explosion, when he hid them under a 
 sidewalk on Sigel Street. Lingg, Seliger and Munzenberger then left the 
 premises. The direction the last-named took is a matter in doubt. Neff 
 had never seen him before,- Lehman did not know him, and Seliger had not 
 even learned his name. 
 
 It is clear that all this work was part of the conspiracy concocted at 
 Greif's Hall the previous evening. It is also well settled that Munzen- 
 berger was the chosen agent to secure the bombs and see that they were 
 placed in the hands of trusted Anarchists for use at the proper moment. 
 The secrecy surrounding the latter's identity was in complete accord with 
 the method of procedure outlined in the instructions given to Socialists : 
 
 In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action, that is, 
 a comrade of some other place, ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action, or, 
 formulated difficulty, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not known. 
 
 Still further steps were taken to precipitate the revolution. In con- 
 formity with the Monday night plan, armed men were to be stationed, on 
 the evening of Tuesday, in the vicinity of the police stations. We find 
 that Lingg, Seliger, Lehman, Smidke, Thielen and two large unknown men 
 were in the vicinity of the North Avenue Station. They skulked about the 
 corners of the streets leading to that station, between eight and ten o'clock, 
 fully armed with bombs and ready for desperate deeds. Others, who had 
 secured bombs at Neff's Hall, went further northward and hovered around 
 the police station near the corner of Webster and Lincoln Avenues. 
 Seliger and Lingg also paid that vicinity a visit. There were also armed 
 men at Deering, where a meeting of striking workingmen was held, and 
 which was addressed by Schwab after he had left the Haymarket. Anar- 
 chists also posted themselves in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station. 
 Men were also near the North Avenue Station, and some twenty-five posted 
 themselves at the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, two blocks 
 from the Desplaines Street Station. Spies and Schwab entered this group
 
 138 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and held some secret consultation with the leaders. Fischer and Waller 
 were also close to that station. 
 
 It furthermore appears that several men called on Tuesday evening at 
 Waller's residence while he was eating his supper and desired him to 
 accompany them to Wicker Park, saying that they "wanted to be at their 
 post." Two of these men were Krueger and Kraemer, belonging to the 
 "armed sections." Some men also called at Engel's store, and one of them 
 exhibited a revolver. Another, a stranger, explained to a comrade that he 
 was waiting for some " pills." He waited only five minutes, when a young 
 girl about ten or twelve years of age came in, carrying a mysterious package. 
 This she handed to the stranger, who stepped behind a screen and then 
 hastened out. 
 
 It is thus manifest that the various parties were bent on a carnival of 
 riot and destruction and only awaited the proper signal from the commit- 
 tee. The men intrusted with the secrets of pillage, murder and general 
 destruction belonged to what was known in the order as the " Revolution- 
 ary Group." The plan was not communicated to any one else. The utmost 
 secrecy had to be maintained for its successful accomplishment, and the 
 conspiracy was only communicated to such as had proved themselves in 
 the past, by word and deed, in full accord with revolutionary methods. 
 The "revolutionary party " consisted of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, com- 
 manded by Breitenfeld ; the Northwest Side group, under command of 
 Engel, Fischer and Grumm ; the North Side group, commanded by Neebe, 
 Lingg and Hermann ; the American group, commanded by Spies, Parsons 
 and Fielden ; the Karl Marx group, directed by Schilling ; the Freiheit 
 group and the armed sections of the International Carpenters' Union and 
 Metal-workers' Union. These various sections, or groups, were under the 
 management of a general committee which included among its leading 
 spirits Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, Deusch and Belz. 
 This committee met at stated periods at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 and formulated orders for the guidance of the groups. Its expenses were 
 met by monthly contributions from all the Socialistic societies. It was 
 under the inspiration of this committee that the Monday night meeting 
 was held. Why the signal for a concerted raid on the police stations, the 
 burning of buildings and the slaughter of capitalists was not given on the 
 fateful night of the Haymarket riot, or, if given, as seems to be believed in 
 many quarters, in Fielden's declaration, "We are peaceable," why it was 
 not carried out completely, is not explicable upon any other hypothesis 
 than that the courage of the trusted leaders failed them at the critical 
 moinent.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Air Full of Rumors A Riot 'Feared Police Preparations Bon- 
 field in Command The Haymarket Strategic. Value of the Anarchists' Position 
 Crane's Alley The Theory of Street Warfare Inflaming the Mob Schnaubelt and. 
 his Bomb "Throttle the Law" The Limit of Patience Reached "In the Name of 
 the People, Disperse" The Signal Given The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on 
 an American Street Murder in the Air A Rally and a Charge The Anarchists 
 Swept Away A Battle Worthy of Veterans. 
 
 WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, it 
 was only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe would 
 ensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had manu- 
 factured. The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, not: 
 knowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction might 
 appear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite trepidation, and 
 the appearance of the "Revenge circular" fanned the excitement into- 
 general alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack proved conclusively 
 that the Anarchists meant to practice what they preached. After their 
 rout and defeat, they were heard to express regret that they had not 
 taken forcible possession of the works before the arrival of the police and 
 then received the officers with a volley of fire-arms, as had once been con- 
 templated in a star-chamber session of one of their ' revolutionary groups." 
 The air was full of rumors, and the general public was convinced that some: 
 great disaster would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holding 
 of further revolutionary meetings. The Mayor's attention had been called 
 to the possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, and. 
 he, in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of the 
 gathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case the 
 speakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the Spies, 
 circulars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick establish- 
 ment, and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers from that 
 locality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view of the temper 
 of the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be required to produce 
 a disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance that prompt action 
 should be taken at the first sign of trouble. It subsequently transpired 
 that the leaders had intended to make the speeches threatening in order to- 
 invite a charge upon the crowd by the police, and then, during the con- 
 fusion, to carry out the Monday night programme. 
 
 The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concluded 
 not to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be attended 
 with violent threats. In order to be prepared for any emergency, however,, 
 it was deemed best to concentrate a large force in the vicinity of the meet- 
 
 139
 
 STRA TE GIC ME THODS. 14 r 
 
 ing at the Desplaines Street Station. One hundred men from Capt, 
 Ward's district, the Third Precinct, under command of Lieuts. Bowler, 
 Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men from the Central Detail under 
 command of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, and fifty men from 
 the Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts. Steele and Quinn, were accordingly 
 assigned for special service that evening. Inspector John Bonfield was, 
 ordered to assume command of the whole force, and his instructions were 
 to direct the detectives to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of an 
 incendiary nature was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to dis- 
 perse the gathering. 
 
 The meeting had been called for 7:30 o'clock, and at that hour quite a 
 number had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This square: 
 is simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and Halsted. 
 Streets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay and 
 produce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for certain 
 reasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on Desplaines 
 Street, near the intersection of an alley which has since passed into public 
 fame as "Crane's alley." In sight almost of this alley was Zepf's Hall, on 
 the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines Streets, and about two blocks, 
 further east on Lake Street were Florus' Hall and Greif's Hall all notor- 
 ious resorts and headquarters for Anarchists. On the evening in question 
 these places and surrounding streets leading to the meeting-place were 
 crowded with strikers and Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloons, 
 regaling themselves with beer and some jostling each other on the thorough- 
 fares, either going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for the 
 moment satisfied the "inner man." Here was a condition of things that 
 would permit an easy mingling in. and ready escape through, the crowd, in 
 the event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the evening 
 previous. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently safe opera- 
 tions. Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at the point 
 indicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the building in front 
 of which the speaking took place was a manufacturing establishment, 
 that of Crane Bros., not used or lighted at night, and as the alley con- 
 tiguous to the speaker's stand formed an L with another alley leading to- 
 Randolph Street, there were points of seeming safety for a conflict with the 
 police. Besides, the point was about 350 feet north of the Desplaines 
 Street Police Station, and it was evidently calculated that when the police 
 should attack the crowd, that part of the Monday night programme about 
 blowing up the stations could easily be carried into effect. 
 
 These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The reader 
 will remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against holding 
 the meeting on Market Square was that it was a "mouse trap," and one of 
 his potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a safer place
 
 THE HAYMARKET MEETING. 
 
 for the execution of their plot. There was thus a " method in their mad- 
 ness." All the contingencies had evidently been very carefully considered. 
 
 But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling the 
 meeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt charge, 
 the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About eight 
 o'clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the chosen place, 
 and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in an appearance. He 
 mounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker's stand and inquired for 
 Parsons. Receiving no response, he got down, and, meeting Schwab, the 
 two entered the alley, where there was quite a crowd, and where they were 
 overheard using the words "pis- 
 tols" and '-'police," and Schwab 
 was heard to ask, " Is one enough 
 or had we better go and get 
 more?" Both then disappeared 
 up the street, and it is a fair 
 presumption borne out by the 
 fact that they had entered a 
 group of Anarchists on the cor- 
 ner of Halsted and Randolph 
 Streets, as noted in the preced- 
 ing chapter, and other circum- 
 stances that they went to se- 
 cure bombs. Spies shortly re- 
 turned, and, meeting Schnaubelt, 
 held a short conversation with 
 him, at the same time handing 
 him something, which Schnau- 
 belt put carefully in a side- 
 pocket. Spies again mounted 
 the wagon (the hour being about INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD. 
 
 8:40 Schnaubelt standing near him), and began a speech in English. It 
 is needless, at this point, to reproduce the speech, as its substance appears 
 later on, both as given by the reporters and as written out subsequently 
 by Spies. But both reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidi- 
 ous effect on the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor, 
 the treatment of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his 
 (Spies') connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lesson 
 he drew from the occurrence at McCormick's was "that workingmen must 
 arm themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with the 
 Government hirelings of their masters." 
 
 Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies' 
 harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the coun
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 try, the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly, criticised the so- 
 called "capitalistic press," scored the banks, explained Socialism, ex- 
 coriated the system of elections, and terminated his remarks by appealing 
 to his hearers to defend themselves and asserting that, if the demands of 
 the working classes were refused, it meant war. His speech, like that of 
 Spies, was mild as compared with what would be expected on such an 
 occasion. Perhaps this is accounted for by the fact that during their 
 harangues Mayor Harrison mingled in the throng and paid close attention 
 to the sentiments of the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons' 
 effort as "a good political speech," and, being apparently satisfied that 
 there would be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station, 
 giving his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and telling 
 Bonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force in 
 reserve. 
 
 No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his own 
 house, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks and sent 
 the words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and vindictive tongue. 
 He opened with a reference to the insecurity of the working classes under 
 the present social system, drifted to the McCormick strike, in which men, 
 he said, were " shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago, 
 in the protection of property," and held that the strikers had " nothing 
 more to do with the law except to lay hands on it, and throttle it until it 
 makes its last kick. Throttle it ! Kill it ! Stab it ! Can we do any- 
 thing," he asked, "except by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmish 
 
 lines have met. The people have 
 been shot. Men, women and chil- 
 dren have not been spared by the cap- 
 italists and the minions of private 
 capital. It had no mercy neither 
 ought you. You are called upon to 
 defend yourselves, your lives, your 
 future. I have some resistance in 
 me. I know that you have, too." 
 
 At this juncture the police made 
 their appearance. During the re- 
 marks of Spies and Parsons, detect- 
 ives had frequently reported to the 
 station that only moderate, temperate 
 sentiments were being uttered, but 
 after Fielden had got fairly worked 
 up to his subject, this was changed. 
 The crowd was being wrought up to 
 a high point of excitement, and there 
 
 CAPT. WILLIAM WARD.
 
 FIELDEN' S HARANGUE. 
 
 were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation. Fielden's 
 was. just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very little was 
 required to incite them to the perpetration of desperate deeds. Like a 
 sculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded his audience to suit 
 the purpose of the occasion. With his rough and ready eloquence he 
 stirred up their innermost pas- 
 sions. His biting allusions to 
 capitalists caught the hearts of 
 the uncouth mob as with grap- 
 pling-hooks, and his appeals for 
 the destruction of existing laws 
 shook them as a whirlwind. 
 
 It would be as well, he said, 
 for workmen to die fighting as 
 to starve to death. "Exter- 
 minate the capitalists, and do it 
 to-night ! " The officers detailed 
 to watch the proceedings saw 
 that the speech portended no 
 good, and they communicated 
 the facts to Inspector Bonfield. 
 Even then the Inspector hesi- 
 tated. To use his own language, 
 in the report he sent to Super- 
 intendent Ebersold : "Wanting 
 to be clearly within the law, and 
 wishing to leave no room for doubt as to the propriety of our actions, I did 
 not act on the first reports, but sent the officers back to make further obser- 
 vations. A few minutes after ten o'clock, the officers returned and reported 
 that the crowd were getting excited and the speaker growing more incen- 
 diary in his language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would be 
 criminal, and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on Waldo 
 Place," a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station. 
 
 The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steele 
 and Quinn formed the first ; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the sec- 
 ond ; those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third ; and two 
 companies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted the 
 fourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and left on 
 Randolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the Haymar- 
 ket. These various divisions thus covered the street from curb to curb. 
 Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of the first divis- 
 ion. On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden exclaimed : 
 
 "Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I'll do mine ! " 
 
 LIEUT. (NOW CHIEF) G. W. HUBBARD.
 
 146 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst of his 
 incendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his Anarchist zeal- 
 ots that he had some resistance in him, and assuring them that he knew 
 they had too. At that moment the police were ordered to halt within a 
 few feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to within three feet 
 of the speaker, said : 
 
 " I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediately 
 and peaceably disperse." 
 
 Turning to the crowd, he continued : " I command you and you to 
 assist." 
 
 Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached the 
 sidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice : 
 "We are peaceable." 
 
 This must have been the secret signal, it has about it suggestions of 
 the word " Ruhe," and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark flashed 
 through the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar, but hissed 
 like a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the second division and 
 near the dividing-line between the companies of Lieuts. Stanton and Bow- 
 ler, just south of where the speaking had taken place. 
 
 A terrific explosion followed the detonation was heard for blocks 
 around. The direction in which the bomb for such it was had been 
 thrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been hurled 
 by a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway on the 
 same side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker's stand. 
 
 The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It was 
 instantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on the side- 
 walk and in the street in front of the 
 police force, all directed against the offi- 
 cers. They were for the moment stunned 
 and terror-stricken. In the immediate 
 vicinity of the explosion, the entire col- 
 .umn under Stanton and Bowler and 
 many of the first and third divisions were 
 hurled to the ground, some killed, and 
 many in the agonies of death. 
 
 As soon as the first flash of the tragic 
 shock had passed, and even on the in- 
 stant the mob began firing, Inspector 
 Bonfield rallied the policemen who re- 
 mained unscathed, and ordered a run- 
 ning fire of revolvers on the desperate 
 Anarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn 
 SERGT. (NOW CAPT.) j. E. FiTZPATRicK. charged the crowd on the street from
 
 A BATTLE FOR THE LAW. 
 
 H7 
 
 LIEUT. JAMES P. STANTON. 
 
 curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and Fitzpatrick, with such men as 
 were left them of the Special Detail, swept both sidewalks with a brisk 
 and rattling fire. 
 
 The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrow 
 channel they carried everything before 
 them and swept down all hapless enough 
 to fall under their fire or batons. The 
 masterly courage and brilliant dash of 
 the men soon sent the Anarchists flying 
 in every direction, and a more desperate 
 scramble for life and safety was never 
 witnessed. Even the most defiant con- 
 spirators lost their wits and hunted nooks 
 and recesses of buildings to seclude them- 
 selves till they could effect an escape 
 without imminent danger of bullets or of 
 being crushed by the precipitate mob. 
 
 Fielden, so brave and fearless on the 
 appearance of the police, pulled a revol- 
 ver while crouching beneath the pro- 
 tection of the truck wheels, fired at the 
 officers, and then took to his heels and disappeared. Spies had friendly 
 assistance in getting off the truck, and hastened pell-mell through the 
 crowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover. He finally reached safety, 
 while his brother, who was with him on the wagon, got away with a slight 
 Avound. Parsons seems to have taken time by the forelock and nervously 
 
 awaited developments in the bar-room of 
 Zepf's Hall. Fischer had been among the 
 crowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, but 
 he was in the company of Parsons at Zepf's 
 when the explosion occurred. Schnaubelt, 
 who had sat on the wagon with his hands 
 in his pockets until Fielden began his 
 speech, hurried through the mob, after 
 sending the missile on its deadly mission, 
 and got away without a scratch. Other 
 lesser yet influential lights in the Anarchist 
 combination found friendly refuge, and, as 
 subsequently developed, lost no time in 
 reaching home as soon as possible. How 
 any of these leaders who were in the midst 
 of the awful carnage managed to escape, 
 while other of their comrades suffered, is 
 
 LIEUT. BOWLER.
 
 148 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded spot to another, while the 
 storm raged at its height and there are many circumstances showing that 
 this was the case. At any rate the point is immaterial : the fact remains 
 that they were all found lacking in courage at the critical moment, and 
 each seemed more concerned about his own safety than that of his fellow 
 revolutionists. 
 
 Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of short 
 duration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death and 
 bloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent and far- 
 reaching results. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the dying, the cries 
 of the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing made a combination 
 of horrors which those present will never forget. 
 
 No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bon- 
 field set to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scat- 
 tered in every direction. Many of 'the officers lay prostrate where they 
 had fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground with 
 the police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in th^e recesses of 
 buildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after all 
 and rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying and 
 wounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerous 
 physicians were called into service. 
 
 In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, in 
 his report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said : 
 
 It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken from less cause. I 
 see no way to account for it except this. The soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, if 
 ever, when on duty, is he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. A 
 police officer's training teaches him to be self-reliant. . Day after day and night after night 
 he goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict with the thief and burglar, he has to depend 
 upon his own individual exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that, 
 when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is repaired. The policeman, 
 being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever, gives up until he is laid on the ground and unable 
 to rise again. In conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and officers, 
 with few exceptions, was admirable as a- military man said to me the next day, "worthy 
 the heroes of a hundred battles."
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Dead and the Wounded Moans of Anguish in the Police Station 
 Caring for Friend and Foe Counting the Cost A City's Sympathy The Death 
 List Sketches of the Men The Doctors' Work Dynamite Havoc Veterans of 
 the Haymarket A Roll of Honor The Anarchist Loss Guesses at their Dead 
 Concealing Wounded Rioters The Explosion a Failure Disappointment of the 
 Terrorists. 
 
 THE scene at the Desplaines Street Station was one which would appal 
 the stoutest heart. Every available place in the building was utilized, 
 and one could scarcely move about the various rooms without fear of acci- 
 dentally touching a wound or jarring a fractured limb. In many instances 
 mangled Anarchists were placed side by side with injured officers. The 
 floors literally ran with blood dripping and flowing from the lacerated bodies 
 of the victims of the riot. The air was filled with moans from the dying 
 and groans of anguish from the wounded. As the news had spread through- 
 out the city of the terrible slaughter, wives, daughters, relatives and friends 
 of officers as well as of Anarchists, who had failed to report at home or to 
 send tidings of their whereabouts, hastened to the station and sought 
 admission. Being refused, these set up wailing and lamentations about the 
 doors of the station, and the doleful sounds made the situation all the more 
 sorrowful within. 
 
 Everything in the power of man was done to alleviate the suffering and to 
 make the patients as comfortable as possible. Drs. Murphy, Lee and Hen- 
 rotin, department physicians, were energetically at work, and, with every 
 appliance possible, administered comparative relief and ease from the 
 excruciating pains of the suffering. The more seriously wounded, when 
 possible, were taken to the Cook County Hospital. Throughout the night 
 following the riot, the early morning and the day succeeding, the utmost 
 care was given the patients, and throughout the city for days and weeks 
 the one inquiry, the one great sympathy, was with reference to the wounded 
 officers and their condition. The whole heart of the city was centered in 
 their recovery. Everywhere the living 'as well as the dead heroes were 
 accorded the highest praise. The culprits who had sought to subvert law 
 and order in murder and pillage were execrated on all hands. For days 
 and weeks, the city never for a moment relaxed its interest. From the time 
 the men had been brought into the station, it was long a question as to how 
 many would succumb to their wounds. Care and attention without 
 ceasing served to rescue many from an untimely grave ; but even those 
 who were finally restored to their families and friends, crippled and maimed 
 as they were, hovered between life and death on a very slender thread 
 through many a restless night and weary day and through long weeks and
 
 150 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 agonizing months. The devotion of friends and the skill of physicians 
 nerved the men to strength and patience. That only eight should have 
 died out of so great a number as were mangled, lacerated and shattered by 
 the powerful bomb and pierced by bullets, attests the merits of the treat- 
 ment. 
 
 The only one who was almost instantly killed was Officer Mathias J. 
 Degan. The following list will serve to show the names of the officers 
 killed and wounded, the stations they belonged to, their residences, the 
 nature of their wounds, their condition and other circumstances : 
 
 MATHIAS J. BEGAN Third Precinct, West Lake Street Station ; residence, No. 626 
 South Canal Street. Almost instantly killed. He was born October 29, 1851, and joined the 
 police force December 15, 1884. He was a widower, having lost his wife just before joining 
 the force, and left a young son. He was a brave officer, efficient in all his duties, and highly 
 esteemed. 
 
 MICHAEL SHEEHAN Third Precinct; residence, No. 163 Barber Street. Wounded in 
 the back just below the ninth rib. The bullet lay in the abdomen, and, after its removal by 
 the surgeon, he collapsed and died on the gth of May. He was twenty-nine years of age, 
 born in Ireland, and came to America in 1879. He joined the force December 15, 1884, and 
 had only one relative in America, a brother, his parents still living in the old country. He 
 was a very bright, prompt and efficient officer, and had excellent prospects before him. He 
 was unmarried. 
 
 GEORGE MULLER Third Precinct; residence, No. 836 West Madison Street; was shot in 
 the left side, the bullet passing down through the body and lodging on the right side above 
 the hip bone. He suffered more than any of the others and was in terrible agony. He 
 would not consent to an operation, and finally his right lung collapsed, making his breathing 
 very difficult. He expired on the 6th of May. He was twenty-eight years of age. Born in 
 Oswego, N. Y., where his parents lived, and to which place his remains were sent. Muller, 
 on coming to Chicago, began as a teamster, and became connected with the Police Depart- 
 ment December 15, 1884, being assigned for duty at the Desplaines Street Station. He was 
 a finely built, muscular young man, and became quite a favorite with his associates because 
 of his quiet habits and genial manners. At the' time of his death he was engaged to Miss 
 Mary McAvoy. 
 
 JOHN J. BARRETT Third Precinct; residence, No. 99 East Erie Street; was shot in the 
 liver, from which a piece of shell was removed, and he had a bad fracture of the elbow. 
 The heel bone of one leg was carried away. With so many serious wounds, he lay in the 
 hospital almost unconscious until the day of his death, May 6. He was born in Waukegan, 
 111., in 1860, and came to Chicago with his parents when only four years of age. Here he 
 attended the public schools, and then learned the molder's trade, which he abandoned on 
 January 15, 1885, to join the police force, being assigned to duty at the Desplaines Street 
 Station. He was a brave and efficient officer and always ready to do his part in any emer- 
 gency. He had been married only a few months preceding his death, and left a wife, a 
 widowed mother, three sisters and a younger brother. 
 
 THOMAS REDDEN Third Precinct ; residence, No. 109 Walnut Street ; received a bad 
 fracture of the left leg three inches below the knee, from which a large portion of the bone was 
 entirely carried away. He also had bullet wounds in the left cheek and right elbow, and 
 some wounds in the back. Pieces of shell were found in the leg and elbow. He died May 
 16. He was fifty years of age, and had been connected with the police force for twelve 
 years, joining it on April i, 1874. He was attached to the West Lake Street Station, and was 
 looked upon as an exemplary and trusted officer. He left a wife and two young children.
 
 A ROLL OF HONOR. 
 
 TIMOTHY FLAVIN Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 504 North Ashland Avenue; was 
 struck with a piece of shell four inches above the ankle joint, tearing away a portion of the 
 large bone and fracturing the small bone. He also had two wounds just below the shoulder 
 joint in the right arm, caused by a shell, and there were two shell wounds in the back, one 
 passing into the abdomen and the other into the lung. His leg was amputated above the 
 knee, the second day after the explosion, and he had besides a large piece torn out of his 
 right hip. He died on May 8. He was born in Listowel, Ireland, and came to America in 
 1880 with a young wife, whom he had married on the day of his departure. He had worked 
 as a teamster, and joined the police force on December 15, 1884, being assigned to duty at 
 the Rawson Street Station. He left a wife and three small children. 
 
 NELS HANSEN Fourth Precinct ; residence, No. 28 Fowler Street ; received shell wounds 
 in body, arms and legs, and one of his limbs had to be amputated. He lost considerable 
 
 THE DESPLAINES STREET STATION. 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 blood, but lingered along in intense agony until May 14, when he died. He was a native of 
 Sweden, having came to Chicago a great number of years ago, joining the force December 
 15, 1884, and was about fifty years of age. He left a wife and two children. 
 
 TIMOTHY SULLIVAN, of the Third Precinct, was the last to die from the effects of the 
 Haymarket riot ; this brave officer lingered until June 13, 1888. He resided at No. 123 
 Hickory Street, and was a widower, four children mourning his loss. The illness from 
 which he died was the direct result of a bullet wound just above the left knee. 
 
 The following is a list of the wounded officers belonging to the Third 
 Precinct : 
 
 August C. Keller ; residence, No. 36 Greenwich Street ; shell wound in right side and ball 
 wound in left side ; wife and five children. 
 
 Thomas McHenry ; residence, 376 W. Polk Street ; shell wound in left knee and three shell 
 wounds in left hip ; single ; had a sister and blind mother to support.
 
 152 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 John E. Doyle, 142^ W. Jackson Street ; bullet wounds in back and calf of each leg ; 
 serious; wife and one child. 
 
 John A. King, 1411 Wabash Avenue; jawbone fractured by shell and two bullet wounds 
 in right leg below the knee ; serious ; single. 
 
 Nicholas Shannon, Jr., No. 24 Miller Street; thirteen shell wounds on right side and five 
 shell wounds on left side ; serious ; wife and three children. 
 
 James Conway, No. 185 Morgan Street ; bullet wound in right leg ; single. 
 
 Patrick Hartford, No. 228 Noble Street ; shell wound in right ankle, two toes on left foot 
 amputated, bullet wound in left side ; wife and four children. 
 
 Patrick Nash, Desplaines Street Station ; bruises on left shoulder, inflicted by a stick ; 
 single. 
 
 Arthur Connolly, No. 318 West Huron Street ; two shell wounds in left leg ; bone slightly 
 fractured ; wife. , 
 
 Louis Johnson, No. 40 West Erie Street; shell wound in left leg; wife and four children. 
 
 M. M. Cardin, No. 18 North Peoria Street; bullet wound in calf of each leg; wife and 
 two children. 
 
 Adam Barber, No. 321 West Jackson Street; shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right 
 breast ; bullet not extracted ; wife and one child. 
 
 Henry F. Smith, bullet wound in right shoulder ; quite serious , wife and two children in 
 California. 
 
 Frank Tyrell, No. 228 Lincoln Street ; bullet in right hip near spine ; wife and two chil- 
 dren ; wife sick in County Hospital at the time of the riot. 
 
 James A. Brady, No. 146 West Van Buren Street; shell wound in left leg, slight injury to 
 toes of left foot and shell wound in left thigh ; single. 
 
 John Reed, No. 237 South Halsted Street ; shell wound in left leg and bullet wound in 
 right knee ; bullet not removed ; single. 
 
 Patrick McLaughlin, No. 965 Thirty-seventh Court; bruised on right side, leg and hip, 
 injuries slight ; wife and two children. 
 
 Frank Murphy, No. 980 Walnut Street ; trampled on, three ribs broken ; wife and three 
 children. 
 
 Lawrence Murphy, No. 317^ Fulton Street; shell wounds on left side of neck and left 
 knee, part of left foot amputated ; wife. 
 
 Michael Madden, No. 119 South Green Street ; shot in left lung on May 5th, after which 
 he shot and killed his Anarchist assailant ; wife and seven children. 
 
 The following belonged to the West Lake Street Station of the Third 
 Precinct : 
 
 Lieut. James P. Stanton, residence No. 584 Carroll Avenue ; shell wound in right side, 
 bullet wound in right hip, bullet wound in~calf of leg ; wife and three children. 
 
 Thomas Brophy, No. 25 Nixon Street ; slight injury to left leg ; reported for duty ; wife. 
 
 Bernard Murphy, No 325 East Twenty-second Street ; bullet wound in left thigh, shell 
 wound on right side of head and chin ; not dangerous ; wife. 
 
 Charles H. Fink, No. 154 South Sangamon Street ; three shell wounds in laf. leg and two- 
 wounds in right leg ; not dangerous ; wife. 
 
 Joseph Norman, No. 612 Walnut Street ; bullet passed through right foot and slight 
 injury to finger on left hand ; wife and two children. 
 
 Peter Butterly, No. 436 West Twelfth Street ; bullet wound in right arm and small wound 
 on each leg near knee ; wife and one child. 
 
 Alexander Jamison, No. 129 Gurley Street ; bullet wound in left leg ; serious ; wife and 
 seven children. 
 
 Michael Horan, bullet wound in left thigh, not removed ; slight shell wound on left arm ; 
 single.
 
 THE WOUNDED AND MAIMED. 153 
 
 Thomas Hennessy, No. 287 Fulton Street ; shell wound on left thigh, slight ; has mother, 
 who is crippled, and two sisters to support. 
 
 William Burns, No. 602 West Van Buren Street ; slight shell wound on left ankle ; single. 
 
 James Plunkett, No. 15^ Depuyster Street ; struck with club aud trampled upon ; wife. 
 
 Charles W. Whitney, No. 453 South Robey Street ; shell wound in left breast ; shell not 
 removed ; single. 
 
 Jacob Hansen, No. 137 North Morgan Street ; right leg amputated over the knee, three 
 shell wounds in left leg ; wife and one child. 
 
 Martin Cullen, No. 236 Washtenaw Avenue ; right collar bone fractured and slight injury 
 to left knee ; wife and five children. 
 
 Simon Klidzis, No. 158 Carroll Street ; shot in calf of left leg ; serious ; wife and three 
 children. 
 
 Julius L. Simonson, No. 241 West Huron Street ; shot in arm near shoulder ; very serious ; 
 wife and two children. 
 
 John K. McMahon, No. 118 North Green Street ; shell wound in calf of left leg, shell not 
 found ; ball wound left leg near knee, very serious ; wife and two children. 
 
 Simon McMahon, No. 913 North Ashland Avenue ; shot in right arm and two wounds in 
 right leg ; wife and five children. 
 
 Edward W. Ruel, No. 136 North Peoria Street ; shot in right ankle, bullet not removed ; 
 serious ; single. 
 
 Alexander Halvorson, No. 850 North Oakley Avenue ; shot in both legs, ball not extracted ; 
 single. 
 
 Carl E. Johnson, No. 339 West Erie Street ; shot in left elbow ; wife and two children. 
 
 Peter McCormick, No. 473 West Erie Street ; slight shot wound in left arm ; wife. 
 
 Christopher Gaynor, No. 45 Fay Street ; slight bruise on left arm ; wi-fe. 
 
 The following belonged to the Fourth Precinct : 
 
 S. J. Werneke, No. 73 West Division Street; shot in left side of head, ball not found; 
 serious ; wife and two children. 
 
 Patrick McNulty, No. 691 North Leavitt Street ; shot in right leg and both hips ; danger- 
 ous ; wife and three children. 
 
 Samuel Hilgo, No. 452 Milwaukee Avenue ; shot in right leg ; not serious ; single 
 
 Herman Krueger, No. 184 Ramsey Street ; shot in right knee ; not serious ; wife and two 
 children. 
 
 Joseph A. Gilso, No. 8 Emma Street ; slightly injured in back and leg ; not serious ; wife 
 and six children. 
 
 Edward Barrell, No. 297 West Ohio Street ; shot in right leg ; quite serious ; wife and six 
 children. 
 
 Freeman Steele, No. 30 Rice Street ; slightly wounded in back ; not serious ; single. 
 
 James P. Johnson, No. 740 Dixon Street ; right knee sprained ; not serious ; wife and three 
 children. 
 
 Benjamin F. Snell, No. 138 Mozart Street ; shot in right leg ; not serious ; single. 
 
 The following belonged to the Central Detail : 
 
 James H. Wilson, No. 810 Austin Avenue ; seriously injured in abdomen by shell ; wife 
 and five children. 
 
 Daniel Hogan, No. 526 Austin Avenue ; shot in calf of right leg and hand ; very serious ; 
 wife and daughter. 
 
 M. O'Brien, No. 495 Fifth Avenue ; shell wound in left thigh ; very serious ; wife and two 
 children. 
 
 Fred A: Andrew, No. 1018 North Halsted Street; wounded in leg, not serious; wife.
 
 154 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Jacob Ebinger, No. 235 Thirty-seventh Street ; shell wound in back of left hand ; not 
 serious ; wife and three children. 
 
 John J. Kelley, No. 194 Sheffield Avenue; shell wound on left hand; not serious; wife 
 and three children. 
 
 Patrick Lavin, No. 42 Sholto Street ; finger hurt by shell ; married. 
 
 THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS. 
 
 i. John J. Barrett. 2. Michael Sheehan. 3. Timothy Flavin. 4. Timothy Sullivan. 
 5. Thomas Redden. 6. Mathias J. Degan. 7. Nels Hansen- 8. George Muller. 
 
 Officer Terrehll had a shell wound in the right thigh. 
 
 Patrick Hartford had an opening in the ankle joint. The shell was removed. A portion 
 of his left foot, with the toes, was carried away. 
 
 Arthur Conelly had a compound fracture of the tibia. The shell struck him about two 
 inches below the knee, tore away a piece of bone of the fibula, perforated the tibia and
 
 SECRET FUNERALS. 155 
 
 lodged about the middle of the large bone of the leg, a short distance below the knee A 
 piece of shell was removed. 
 
 Lawrence Murphy had fifteen shell wounds, one in the neck, three or four in the arms, 
 and one in his left foot ; the last, weighing almost an ounce and a half, lodged at the base of 
 the great toe and left his foot hanging by a piece of skin. The foot had to be amputated 
 about two inches farther back. He had a piece two inches square taken out of the 
 anterior surface of his leg. He had two perforating wounds in the left thigh and a num- 
 ber in the right. 
 
 Edward Barrett had two shell wounds in the neighborhood of the knee joint, turning out 
 large pieces of flesh and leaving ragged wounds on the surface. 
 
 J. H. King was struck in the chin by a piece of shell which went through his upper lip ; 
 another piece carried away about an inch of his lower jaw-bone. 
 
 J. H. Grady had severe flesh wounds, both in the thigh and legs. Some pieces of shell 
 were taken out of them. 
 
 John Doyle had several wounds about the legs, in the neighborhood of the knee joint. 
 
 The list shows the character of the wounds and the condition of the 
 officers just after the eventful night. Some of those who died lingered along 
 for some time after, but the name of Timothy Sullivan was the last to add to 
 the death-list. Some of the sixty-eight wounded men have since returned 
 to active duty, but many are maimed for life and incapacitated for work. 
 
 It is impossible to say how many of the Anarchists were killed or 
 wounded. As soon as they were in a condition to be moved, those in the 
 Desplaines Street Station were turned over to their relatives and friends. 
 The Anarchists have never attempted to give a correct list, or even an 
 approximate estimate, of the men wounded or killed on their side. The 
 number, however, was largely in excess of that on the side of the police. 
 After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired 
 round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many 
 revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unas- 
 sisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. Some of 
 those in the station had dangerous wounds, and they were for the most part 
 men who had become separated, in the confusion, from their companions, or 
 trampled upon so that they could not get up and limp to a safe place. It is 
 known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the 
 dead hour of night. For many months previous to the Haymarket explosion 
 the Anarchists had descanted loudly on the destructive potency of dynamite. 
 One bomb, they maintained, was equivalent to a regiment of militia. A 
 little dynamite, properly put up, could be carried in a vest pocket and used 
 to destroy a large body of police. They probably reasoned that if it was 
 known that many more of their number had fallen than on the side of the 
 police, it would not only tend to diminish the faith of their adherents in the 
 real virtues of dynamite, but would prove that the police were more than 
 able to cope with the Social Revolution, even though the revolutionists 
 depended on that powerful agency. The public is not, therefore, likely ever 
 to know how many of their number suffered.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Core of the Conspiracy Search of the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office The 
 Captured Manuscript Jealousies in the Police Department The Case Threatened 
 with Failure Stupidity at the Central Office Fischer Brought In Rotten Detective 
 Work The Arrest of Spies His Egregious Vanity An Anarchist ' ' Ladies' Man" 
 Wine Suppers with the Actresses Nina Van Zandt's Antecedents Her Romantic 
 Connection with the Case Fashionable Toilets Did Spies Really Love Her ? His 
 Curious Conduct The Proxy Marriage The End of the Romance The Other Con- 
 spirators Mrs. Parsons' Origin The Bomb-Thrower in Custody The Assassin 
 Kicked Out of the Chief's Office Schnaubelt and the Detectives Suspicious Con- 
 duct at Headquarters Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall An 
 Amazing Incident A Friendly Tip to a Murderer My Impressions of the Schnau- 
 belt Episode Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann Phantom Shackles in a Pullman 
 Experiments with Dynamite An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe Testing 
 the Bombs Fielden and the Chief. 
 
 IT was not difficult to locate the moral responsibility for the bold and bloody 
 attack on law and authority. The seditious utterances of such men as 
 Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Schwab and other leaders at public gatherings 
 for weeks and months preceding the eight-hour strike, and the defiant dec- 
 larations of such papers as the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm, clearly 
 pointed to the sources from which came the inspiration for the crowning 
 crime of Anarchy. It was likewise a strongly settled conviction that the 
 thrower of the bomb was not simply a Guiteau-like crank, but that there 
 must have been a deliberate, organized conspiracy, of which he was a duly 
 constituted agent. In the work, therefore, of getting at the inside facts, 
 the points sought were : What was the exact nature of that conspiracy, and 
 who constituted the chief conspirators ? The possession of every detail in 
 connection with these two points was absolutely necessary in order to fix 
 the criminal responsibility, and to the solution of this problem the officers 
 bent all their energies. 
 
 The detectives were well aware that the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung had 
 been the headquarters for the "central, controlling body of the Anarchist 
 organizations in Chicago, and on the morning following the explosion 
 Inspector Bonfield determined to raid the establishment and bring in such 
 of the leaders as might be found there. Several detectives were assigned 
 to this duty, and they soon returned, having under arrest August Spies, his 
 brother Chris, Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, These were locked 
 up at the Central Station. Shortly thereafter fifteen or sixteen compositors 
 of the paper were arrested and brought to the same place. They were a 
 meek-looking set, and were visibly moved with fear. 
 
 Immediately after 12 o'clock, State's Attorney Grinnell, Assistant State's 
 Attorney Furthmann, Lieut. Joseph Kipley, Lieut. John D. Shea, Detect- 
 
 156
 
 IMP OR TANT E VIDENCE. 
 
 157 
 
 ives James Bonfield, Slayton, Baer, Palmer, Thehorn and several other offi- 
 cers repaired to the Arbeiter-Zeitung building and made a most thorough 
 search of every room in the premises. A lot of manuscript was found on 
 hooks attached to the printers' cases, and this was carefully wrapped up and 
 taken away. The files of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and Alarm were also piled 
 into a wagon and carted to the Central Station. 
 
 Subsequent investigation by Mr. Furthmann of all the scraps of paper 
 brought over by the police revealed Spies' manuscript with the signal word 
 "Ruhe," the manuscript of the "Revenge Circular," issued on the afternoon 
 of May 4, the manuscript for the "Y, come Monday night" notice, Spies' 
 copy of the article headed 
 " Blood," published in the Ar- 
 beiter-Zeitung of May 4, and a 
 number of other documents 
 damaging in their character. 
 This discovery was regar-ded 
 as highly important, and in the 
 trial it proved extremely serv- 
 iceable to the State. It like- 
 wise served, as will be shown, 
 in furnishing a point by which, 
 when I came to take up the case 
 I was enabled to finally lay bare 
 the whole conspiracy from its 
 inception to its conclusion. 
 
 With the clues obtained 
 from the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, 
 the officers were enabled to put 
 some pointed questions to the 
 prisoners, but they failed to ADOLPH FISCHER. 
 
 properly utilize even the meager From a Photograph taken by the Police, 
 
 information they had managed to extract. At this time the Police Depart- 
 ment, from the Chief to the detective branch, was rent with rivalries, 
 dissensions and jealousies, and it did not require much frowning or many 
 innuendoes from the one to destroy in the other any special interest in 
 pursuing a clue to its legitimate results. At the start all the officers were 
 on a keen scent, and while outwardly all seemed working like Trojans in 
 order to meet public expectations, which was keyed up to its highest pitch, 
 not alone in Chicago but throughout the country, still the fear that one might 
 get the credit for the work done by another operated to destroy discipline 
 and deaden personal enthusiasm. Outside events alone prevented a com- 
 plete failure in the prosecution. 
 
 The arrested Anarchists, however, knew nothing of these dissensions.
 
 i 5 8 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 All they knew was that public indignation was strong against them, and 
 they realized that they were in a very embarrassing situation. 
 
 FISCHER seemed to feel his position at the station more keenly than the 
 others. On his arrest he was found to have in his possession a 44-caliber 
 revolver, a file sharpened so as to make it serviceable as a dagger, and a 
 detonation cap, and, as he was the foreman of the compositors in the office, 
 his trepidation may have been caused by a suspicion that possibly the officers 
 took him to be the leader of an armed gang among them. Before the raid 
 
 THE FISCHER FAMILY. From a Photograph. 
 
 on the office it appears that he had endeavored to hide these weapons, but 
 he had been unable to unload himself, as the others in the office would not 
 consent to concealment in their vicinity, lest discovery in the event of an 
 investigation might criminate them in the conspiracy. Fischer was on his 
 way down stairs to find a hiding-place for his weapons at the very moment 
 when he was overtaken by the police and relieved of all further trouble. 
 The dagger was a peculiar instrument, and it was the general opinion of 
 those who examined it that it had been dipped in some deadly poison from
 
 FISCHER'S CAREER. 
 
 159 
 
 which, through a slight scratch or through a deep plunge of the weapon, 
 death would be speedy. 
 
 Fischer always seemed thoroughly unscrupulous as to the means to be 
 used to bring about the death of capitalists, and he never tired of uttering 
 dire threats against the foes of Socialism. He was a tall, lithe and muscular- 
 looking man, and, with a resolute purpose, he impressed his comrades as one 
 who would not easily be balked. It is difficult to determine just how Fischer 
 came to imbibe his bloodthirsty principles, as little is known of his ante- 
 cedents. At the time of his arrest he was twenty-seven years old and married. 
 He had been in the United States thirteen or fourteen years. He had 
 learned the printer's trade in Nashville, Tenn., working for a brother who 
 conducted there a German paper. Subsequently he acquired an interest in 
 a German publication at Little Rock, Ark., and in 1881 he moved to St. 
 Louis, where he worked at the case and where he became known for his 
 extreme ideas on Socialism. He soon found his way to Chicago, where he 
 felt satisfied he would find more congenial spirits in the work upon which he 
 had set his heart. Here he became associated with Engel and Fehling in 
 the publication of a German paper, the Anarchist, but as this did not live long, 
 he became a compositor on the Arbeiter-Zeitung. Wherever he was, he 
 always talked Anarchy and showed a most implacable hatred of existing 
 society. 
 
 When brought to the station, Fischer weakened perceptibly, but after- 
 wards braced up and yielded no information except as to his whereabouts 
 for several days prior to the Haymarket meeting. He had no love for the 
 police, and he did everything in his power to trip us up in our subsequent 
 investigations. From the moment of his arrest to the day of his execution 
 he adopted a most secretive policy. 
 
 SPIES also weakened at first when brought into the 
 station, almost trembling with fear, but, after the first 
 flush of excitement had passed, he took on an air of bra- 
 vado, and exhibited a bold front in spite of the docu- 
 mentary disclosures against him. He became glib of 
 tongue, but stoutly denied any knowledge of a con- 
 spiracy to precipitate a riot at the Haymarket. He was 
 savagely denounced by Superintendent Ebersold, but 
 he stood his ground and 
 resolved to act the part of 
 the innocent victim. His 
 active ' participation in all 
 large demonstrations, not- 
 ably those at the McCormick 
 factory and the Haymarket, 
 made him a splendid mark 
 
 FISCHER'S BELT AND POISONED DAGGERS. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 i6o 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 for critical examination, but every effort to extract definite information 
 proved futile. 
 
 Spies was a young man of considerable ability, having enjoyed more 
 than a common school education in Germany, and in all his talks he 
 demonstrated that he had been a diligent reader of history and an enthu- 
 siastic student of Socialism and Anarchy. With all his reading, however, it 
 was apparent that he had not carefully digested his information. He 
 always acted as if self-conscious of great knowledge. He was a strong 
 
 and effective speaker, but in all 
 his harangues there seemed to be 
 lacking the element of sincerity. 
 For a long time some of his asso- 
 ciates doubted if he really meant 
 what he said, and there are Anar- 
 chists to-day who do not believe 
 that he was at any time really in 
 earnest in his public utterances. 
 They think that he exerted himself 
 simply for the purpose of being 
 looked upon as a popular leader 
 and hero, and that he worked for 
 the cause only as a means of ob- 
 taining an easy living. He was 
 exceedingly vain and pompous, 
 and courted public notoriety. 
 
 Spies had received a very good 
 salary as editor of the Arbciter- 
 Zeitung and enjoyed nothing better 
 than to write a fiery editorial or 
 deliver an incendiary speech. It 
 AUGUST SPIES. all served to rivet attention on him- 
 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police, se if , The more attention, the more 
 
 it pleased his vanity. His constant desire was to place himself on dress 
 parade, so to speak, and. he generally sought out, when he lunched down 
 town at noon, some fashionable or crowded restaurant. He would strut to 
 a table which could only be reached by passing other crowded tables, and 
 enjoy the sotto voce remarks as he passed or as he sat at the table he 
 had selected "There is Spies, the noted Anarchist." No common An- 
 archist, lager-beer-and-pretzel lunch-houses suited him. 
 
 It was at a large restaurant, on the 3d of May, at noon, that he met a 
 well-known attorney, to whom he was introduced and with whom he had 
 some conversation of a joking, bantering nature. The attorney testified 
 before the grand jury subsequently as to this conversation, and the sub-
 
 A STRANGE INFATUATION. 161 
 
 stance of it will be found in the chapter devoted to a review of its proceed- 
 ings. But it transpires that there was some further conversation that does 
 not appear in the report of the grand jury investigation, but which has 
 since been brought out through the recollection of another party, and, 
 which, while it was given in an off-hand way, fully showed that Spies desired 
 to make a great impression on the mind of his casual acquaintance as well 
 as to intimate the existence of some secret understanding for bringing on 
 bloodshed. On that occasion Spies, after being assured that the attorney 
 was not an Anarchist, remarked : 
 
 " You had better be one, for in less than twenty-four hours a Socialist, well 
 armed, with a market on his shoulder, will appear out of every door, and 
 whoever has not got the sign or pass-word will be shot down in his tracks. 
 I am about going out now to McCormick's factory, west of here, for the 
 
 purpose of addressing a multitude ot workingmen, and I will raise h 1 
 
 before I get through." 
 
 Besides his fancy for popular restaurants, there was another pecu- 
 liarity about Spies. He frequently attended the German theaters, osten- 
 sibly for the recreation he might find in the plays, but the principal motive 
 was the cultivation of the actresses' acquaintance. Introductions, which he 
 sought eagerly, were followed by invitations to wine suppers. He was good 
 company, and his lady acquaintances were not averse to accepting his invi- 
 tations even though he was an Anarchist. Possibly they doubted the sin- 
 cerity of his convictions although they entertained no question about the 
 reality of his cash. None of them, however, seem to have visited him during 
 his incarceration, save one, a tall woman who now lives on Wells Street 
 near Chicago Avenue. 
 
 During his troubles Spies made the acquaintance of a woman in another 
 station of life. It was during his trial that Miss Nina Van Zandt became 
 interested in him and espoused his cause. She had read of his case, and 
 there seemed to be a charm about his conduct as described in the news- 
 papers that prompted her to seek his acquaintance. She was a young girl 
 of rare beauty and considerable mental endowment, and she had moved in 
 the best society, but, notwithstanding her social position and culture, she 
 sought an introduction and soon fell desperately in love with the Anarchist. 
 She was an only child and the petted daughter of parents of high social con- 
 nections, and her immediate relatives were wealthy people in Pittsburg. 
 Her parents threw no obstacles in the way of her attachment, and she 
 espoused Spies' cause with her whole impetuous nature, and cast her lot 
 with the conspirator and his rabble of low-browed followers. It may have 
 been love, but it was love which could only have been the product of a 
 disordered mind. 
 
 During the later stages of Spies' trial she was a constant visitor at the 
 County Jail, frequently accompanied by her mother and sometimes by her
 
 l62 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 father, and on each occasion she would bring him some delicacy or token of 
 her esteem. Rare flowers and bouquets she either brought or sent daily, 
 and the affection she evinced seemed a growth of months instead of days. 
 She had great confidence in the jury and implicitly believed that acquittal 
 would result at their hands. Her presence invariably graced the court-room, 
 whenever possible, and the defendants themselves could not have been more 
 eager listeners to the proceedings. When her love for Spies became pub- 
 licly known, she attracted great attention, but her demeanor would have led 
 one to believe that she was entirely unconscious of the notoriety she had 
 
 achieved. This was not the case. 
 It rather pleased her, and, to 
 still further intensify public at- 
 tention and curiosity, she made 
 it a point to display a most varied 
 wardrobe during the progress of 
 the trial. At the forenoon ses- 
 sion she would appear in court 
 with one fashionable outfit, and 
 this she would change for an 
 equally stunning attire in the 
 afternoon. She had a striking 
 figure, was stately in appear- 
 ance, dignified in manner, and 
 with a fine, handsome face, it 
 was no wonder that she became 
 an object of marked attention, in 
 the Court-house as well as upon 
 the streets. 
 
 But withal she never lost 
 sight of her lover nor of the court 
 proceedings. Spies was in her mind constantly, and every movement in 
 the. trial excited her closest attention. It was indeed a strange infatuation 
 :she displayed for the Anarchist, and it was the more strange since Spies 
 seemed indifferent to her attentions. The public gradually began to learn 
 >of this state of affairs through rumors and newspaper reports, but the gen- 
 eral opinion was that, if such was the case, Spies had accepted her atten- 
 tions simply as a matter either of expediency or from an innate desire 
 for notoriety on his part. The public was right. Spies was playing for 
 points, as billiardists would say. To be sure, he received her kindly and 
 very courteously, and indulged in the expressions which lovers are wont 
 to exchange, but those who watched him closely and long could never 
 discover that his love came from the heart. He simply saw in her 
 devotion and in her standing in society a possible chance for favor- 
 
 Miss NINA VAN ZANDT. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 A MARRIAGE BY PROXY. 
 
 163 
 
 ably influencing the minds of the jury, and thus, through her, he hoped 
 to secure a release from the troubles surrounding him. When this 
 failed and death stared him in the face, he still figured that she could 
 prove serviceable to him in influencing her wealthy relatives to aid him 
 financially in further conducting his case, or help him in some manner 
 in effecting a change in public sentiment. Such were undoubtedly his 
 motives at least close observers of his actions hold that theory. When, 
 later on, things did not move exactly in the line he had hoped for, he 
 willingly assented to a marriage, and entered into the arrangements for its 
 celebration with apparent eagerness. 
 
 This course, Spies no doubt supposed, would demonstrate to the unfeeling 
 world that there existed a devout mutual attachment, and his claims for 
 interested consideration at the hands of her relatives would become greatly 
 strengthened. But it only proved his desperate situation. His love had 
 been questioned by the public, and mar- 
 riage was calculated to settle the doubt. 
 The public did not take kindly to the pro- 
 posed ceremony. The moment the news- 
 papers had announced such a contemplated 
 step, the utmost indignation was aroused, 
 and protest upon protest poured in upon 
 Sheriff Matson. Mr. Matson promptly de- 
 clared that no marriage should take place 
 between the two while Spies was in his 
 custody, and thereafter Miss Van Zandt 
 was placed under the strictest surveillance 
 whenever she visited her affianced. 
 
 But all this unexpected interference 
 in what he regarded as his own business 
 only tended to make Spies desperate, and, spurred on by his outside An- 
 archist friends, who had likewise become indignant over a public inter- 
 meddling in a love affair, he dropped his diplomacy and resolved that the 
 wishes of his ardent lady love should not be baffled either by officials or by 
 the public. Miss Nina in her unreasoning infatuation readily acquiesced in 
 the suggestion of a proxy marriage, and Justice Engelhardt was consulted. 
 This gentleman claimed that under the statutes such a marriage would be 
 valid, and he consented to a performance of the ceremony. Accordingly, 
 on the 2gth of January, 1887, a proxy marriage was performed between 
 Miss Nina and Chris Spies, a brother of the doomed man. The attorneys 
 of Chicago regarded the ceremony as illegal, but the Anarchists considered 
 it as binding as if directly contracted. 
 
 Miss Nina continued her visits to the jail after this mock proceeding, 
 but lynx-eyed officials saw to it that there was no one present during her 
 
 CHRIS SPIES. 
 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police
 
 164 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 interviews with Spies to secretly and legally splice them together. She was 
 devoted to him at all times and all the time, and whenever she was not well 
 enough to visit him for some days or was kept away by other circumstances, 
 she would write him tender missives of love and encouragement. She clung 
 to him to the last, and in their final interview, two days preceding 
 his execution, she wept most bitterly. 
 
 Her love was remarkable, but throughout it all Spies proved himself 
 wholly unworthy. He was a reprobate cunningly playing upon her feelings, 
 caring very little for her, and he must have known that her station in life at 
 
 that time made her an unsuitable 
 companion. For him, however, 
 she renounced friends and all. 
 After his death she went into deep 
 mourning, hung a cabinet photo- 
 graph of him in the parlor window 
 of her father's fashionable resi- 
 dence on Huron Street, and locked 
 herself in against the outer world 
 for a number of days. She still 
 cherishes Spies' memory and keeps 
 in her parlor a marble bust of the 
 executed Anarchist. Recently she 
 has been extending her acquaint- 
 anceship among Anarchists out- 
 side of Chicago, and she has lately 
 visited some of the most rabid and 
 demonstrative Socialists at Ottawa, 
 Illinois. 
 
 Spies was born in Friedewald, 
 in the province of Hesse, Ger- 
 many, in 1855. He came to Am- 
 erica in 1872, and one year later 
 arrived in Chicago, where he engaged in various occupations until he 
 relieved Paul Grottkau as editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung in 1876. His 
 identification with Socialism began in Chicago in 1875. He was unmarried 
 and supported his mother and a sister, Miss Gretchen Spies. He has two 
 brothers in Chicago, Chris and Henry. 
 
 MTCHAEL SCHWAB, when confronted by the officers, looked like an excla- 
 mation point, and had his long, bushy hairs been porcupine quills, each would 
 have stood straight on end. He was bewildered, dumbfounded, and there 
 was a distant, far-off expression in his eye. He realized that he was in 
 trouble, and to the many questions put to him by the officers he stammered 
 apologetic but non-committal answers. It was clearly to be seen that he 
 
 MISS GRETCHEN SPIES. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 SCHWAB AND HIS CAREER. 
 
 165 
 
 had been like clay in the potter's hand, a mere dupe of his associates. He 
 was far less talented and less active than the other leaders, but still in his 
 own way he had played quite a conspicuous part in the Anarchist drama. 
 He had seen something of the world as a peripatetic book-binder. Through 
 his varied experience, his nature had grown irritable and crusty, and Anarchy 
 seemed the only thing suited to right the wrongs of mankind. He fell in 
 with the ideas of the cranks in Chicago, and soon wormed himself into an 
 assistant editorial position of $18 a week on the Ar better- Zeitung. In 
 appearance Schwab was ungainly and ferocious, but when put to the test he 
 was calm and mild as a lamb. The only thing really vicious about him was in 
 his incendiary writings and 
 speeches. He aimed with his 
 limited capacity to be a great 
 leader, but the moment he got 
 into the clutches of the law and 
 found himself in peril of his life 
 he retracted everything which 
 he had so persistently and stub- 
 bornly advocated. His new trou- 
 bles brought out the fact that 
 he had written and spoken simply 
 for the money that was in the 
 business, and not because he sin- 
 cerely believed in the theories he 
 preached. He was at all times 
 a supple tool in the hands of 
 Spies and Parsons, and during 
 the remainder of his days in 
 the penitentiary he will have 
 ample opportunities to repent of 
 his past misdeeds. 
 
 Schwab was born in the village of Kibringen-on-the-Main, near Mann- 
 heim, in Bavaria, in 1853, and emigrated to the United States in 1879, 
 reaching Chicago in the year following. He afterwards traveled from point 
 to point in the West, roughed it a little, and three or four years later 
 drifted back to Chicago. He is a brother of the notorious Anarchist of New 
 York, Justus Schwab, and has a wife and two children, who are now being 
 supported by friends. 
 
 ALBERT R. PARSONS was another leader wanted by the police, and the 
 search for him was immediately instituted. Officers went to his house 
 only to discover that he had escaped, and for some time it was believed that 
 he was in hiding among his friends in the city. Every effort, however, to 
 find him failed, and there were all sorts of speculations as to his where- 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB. 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police.
 
 1 66 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 abouts. It was found out afterwards that he had become alarmed ovet 
 the aspect of affairs resulting from the Haymarket meeting, and, thinking 
 "discretion the better part of valor," he had gathered a few dollars together, 
 boarded an outgoing train, and landed at Geneva, 111., thoroughly dis- 
 guised. He sought out the home of a friend named Holmes, who cherished 
 Anarchist sentiments, and remained with him three or four days in conceal- 
 ment. With a dilapidated outfit, he concluded to shift his abiding-place, 
 and accordingly he went to Elgin, 111., where he was taken care of. From 
 this point, in the course of a few days, he went to Waukesha, Wis., and 
 there hunted around for work as a tramp carpenter. Waukesha is a great 
 
 resort for Chicago people, but no 
 one recognized him in his changed 
 appearance. He succeeded in find- 
 ing employment, and for some 
 time worked as a carpenter, un- 
 known and undetected. The labor 
 proving too arduous for his unde- 
 veloped muscles and contrary to 
 his principles as an Anarchist, he 
 began to look out for easier work, 
 and this he managed to secure as 
 a painter. For seven weeks he 
 remained at Waukesha, commu- 
 nicating with his wife under an 
 assumed name and through a third 
 party living out of Chicago. 
 
 When the trial opened, the 
 counsel for the Anarchists were 
 confident that the State had not 
 sufficient evidence to convict, and 
 upon assurances from Capt. Black 
 that an acquittal was certain, Parsons decided to surrender himself to 
 the authorities. He boarded a train, reached the city, and, securing a 
 hack, drove to his home, on Milwaukee Avenue, where he met his wife. 
 After remaining there for three or four hours, he got into a hack, in 
 company with Mrs. Parsons, and drove down to the Criminal Court build- 
 ing. It was on the 2ist of June, after Judge Gary had overruled a 
 motion for separate trials, that Parsons reached the building. He alighted, 
 tripped up the stairs, and entered the court-room. If a bomb had exploded 
 on the outside, it would scarcely have created a greater surprise than the 
 appearance of Parsons as he stalked in and took his seat with the prisoners. 
 Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848, and after he had 
 reached the age of five, his brother, Gen. W. H. Parsons, of the Confeder- 
 
 ALBERT R. PARSONS. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 ALBERT R. PARSONS. 
 
 167 
 
 ate army, took his education in charge at the latter's home in Tyler, Texas. 
 When young Parsons was eleven years of age, he learned the printer's 
 trade, and finally drifted into the service of the Confederate army. After 
 the "unpleasantness," he branched out as editor of a paper at Waco, Texas, 
 and then connected himself with the Houston Telegraph. He identified 
 himself about this time with the Republican party, and, taking an active 
 part in politics, he became Secretary of the State Senate under the Federal 
 Government. In 1872 he married a mulatto at Houston, and, being dis- 
 carded by his brother and 
 friends, he emigrated with 
 her to Chicago in 1873. No 
 sooner had he reached Chi- 
 cago than he joined the So- 
 cialists. He worked for a 
 time as a newspaper com- 
 positor, but his radical ideas 
 and obtrusive arguments pre- 
 vented him from holding any 
 position permanently. He 
 eventually became editor of 
 the Alarm and depended on 
 his Anarchist friends for a 
 livelihood. He was always 
 active at their meetings, both 
 secret and public, and paraded 
 himself as a labor agitator. 
 He managed to become a 
 member of the Knights of 
 Labor, but that body as a 
 whole, after seeing how ex- 
 tremely radical were his theo- 
 ries, repudiated him. 
 
 When his troubles over- 
 took him in connection with the trial, Parsons' brother came to his 
 defense and took a keen interest in his case, working for him until 
 the very last. Mrs. Parsons had early identified herself with her husband's 
 views, and was one among several others to organize a women's branch 
 of the Anarchists. She can make an effective address, and she always 
 took a leading part in extending the membership of her union. On the 
 question of her birth, she maintains that she is of Mexican extraction, 
 with no negro blood in her veins, but her swarthy complexion and distinct- 
 ively negro features do not bear out her assertions. Since her husband's 
 execution she has appeared on the stump in various parts of the United 
 States, and she is now even more violent than ever. 
 
 MRS. LUCY PARSONS. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 1 68 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 OSCAR W. NKEBE was fortunate in the failure of the prosecution to 
 show his direct complicity in the Haymarket murder. There was no doubt 
 as to his active participation in all the plots of the Anarchist leaders, and, 
 had it not been for the loss of some important papers, he would now be 
 serving a life sentence instead of a fifteen years' term in the penitentiary. 
 He took an active part in stirring up the members of the Brewers' Union 
 after the McCormick riot, and he contributed no little towards sending 
 many of those members to the Haymarket meeting, ready for violence and 
 desperate deeds. Immediately following the Haymarket slaughter, he was 
 
 placed under arrest and taken to the 
 Central Station at the City Hall. He 
 was there questioned in a general way, 
 but the near-sighted officials then in 
 charge of that important department 
 were unable to see any reason for his 
 detention and permitted him to depart 
 with his friend Schnaubelt, who had 
 been gathered in about the same time. 
 This led him to believe that he had 
 friends at the Central Headquarters. 
 His belief in his "influence" was some- 
 what shaken, however, when I ordered 
 a search of his house on the 8th of 
 May. The officers on that occasion 
 found one Springfield rifle, one Colt's 
 38-caliber revolver, one sword and belt 
 of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, a red 
 flag, a transparency, a lot of circulars 
 calling different meetings, including 
 the one calling for "revenge," and 
 several cards of Anarchist groups, and 
 with all these and other evidence of his connection with the great con- 
 spiracy, I went before the grand jury and had him indicted for conspiracy 
 to murder. On the 2yth of May, about 6 o'clock, Deputy Sheriff 
 Alexander Reed called at the Chicago Avenue Station and asked me for 
 assistance to arrest Neebe under the indictment. I detailed Officer Whalen 
 for this duty, and the two called at the man's house, No. 307 Sedgwick 
 Street. The deputy sheriff informed Neebe that he was under arrest, and 
 the officer explained the nature of the charge against him. They told him 
 that they would be obliged to take him to the County Jail. 
 
 Neebe smiled when notified of the charge, and remarked in a most care- 
 less manner : 
 
 " Is that all? That's nothing. I will get out on bail right away. 1 ' 
 
 OSCAR W. NEEBE. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 OSCAR W. NEEBE. 169 
 
 But he did not ; he had to linger for a long time. 
 
 Neebe was born in the State of New York, in 1850, of German parents, 
 and since his location in Chicago he had succeeded in establishing a pros- 
 perous business in the sale of yeast to grocers and traders. He was ambi- 
 tious to distinguish himself in other directions, however, and he chose 
 Anarchy as a basis for building up a reputation as a leader among men. 
 He achieved considerable notoriety, as he was active, energetic and push- 
 ing, and at the time of the Board of Trade demonstration he acted as chief 
 marshal of the procession. 
 
 Neebe was in the habit of. taking members of the North Side group to 
 Sheffield, Ind., for the purpose of practicing and experimenting with 
 dynamite bombs. It was on one of these experimenting excursions that he 
 lost the joints of all the fingers of his right hand by a premature explosion. 
 When questioned about it, he told all his friends and even his own family 
 that he had lost his fingers in assisting a friend to lift a sharp building-stone 
 on the South Side. His family physician was asked with reference to the 
 matter, and, after some hesitation, finally stated that Neebe had admitted 
 that he had lost his fingers through the explosion of a bomb. In the expla- 
 nation Neebe gave to his friends he overlooked the fact that if a sharp 
 building-stone had taken off his fingers it would not have taken his thumb, 
 because that member of the hand is never in a position to be crushed when 
 one lifts a heavy stone. 
 
 After his trial and conviction, Neebe's wife and little children often visited 
 him at the jail, and Mrs. Neebe sought as well as she could to raise his 
 drooping spirits. But she subsequently took sick, and after a short illness 
 died. A most demonstrative funeral was arranged by the Anarchists. The 
 hall in which the ceremonies were conducted was profusely decorated with 
 flowers and emblems of mourning. Under most binding pledges on the part 
 of the Anarchists, Sheriff Matson permitted Neebe, under proper official 
 escort, to take a last look at the remains of his wife at the residence, and 
 the scene was a most impressive one. Mrs. Neebe had been a firm believer 
 in the doctrines advocated by her husband, but his friends claimed that the 
 unexpected troubles of the family had precipitated sickness and brought on 
 death. At one time it was thought that some serious disturbance might grow 
 out of the demonstration, and that, with Neebe back at his home, an attempt 
 at his rescue from the hands of the county officials might be made. But the 
 police were present to see that order was maintained. The only thing bor- 
 dering on disorder was the fiery speeches of the orators at the hall to which 
 the remains were first taken, and from which an immense procession started 
 to the place of burial. 
 
 The death of his wife was a severe blow to Neebe. Verily, the way of 
 the transgressor is hard. He was subsequently removed to the penitentiary, 
 and possibly by the time his sentence expires he may be able to see life in a 
 different light than through Anarchist spectacles.
 
 170 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT is indeed a fortunate man, and, wherever he is at 
 present, he must be felicitating himself on his escape from a felon's death. 
 On the morning of May 5, after all the help in the Arbeiter-Zeitung had been 
 arrested, Schnaubelt was gathered in and taken to the Central Station. He 
 was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy, but there seemed to be so 
 "little against the young man," that he was promptly released without the 
 slightest pains being taken to inquire into his antecedents. Under the free 
 
 and easy system then 
 prevailing in the depart- 
 ment, there seemed to 
 be no idea that officers 
 were employed for other 
 purposes than simply 
 drawing salaries. I look- 
 ed carefully into the re- 
 lease of Schnaubelt, and 
 the more I saw of it, the 
 more I was convinced 
 that the examination of 
 this most important pris- 
 oner was the same kind 
 of investigation as those 
 one could have seen at 
 some of the primaries 
 three or four years ago, 
 when, if a man happen- 
 
 ed to be of a certain po- 
 j-psi 
 
 litical faith, he would be 
 passed along with the 
 remark, " He's all right," 
 and permitted to vote. 
 
 Schnaubelt was simply 
 
 asked two or three ques- 
 
 RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT, THE BOMB-THROWER. 
 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 tions and then allowed to go. The stupid detectives knew he was a close 
 friend of Spies and Fielden, who were already locked up, and to prove that 
 friendship now that they were in trouble, Schnaubelt frequently dropped 
 in at the City Hall to inquire after them. He continued to hang around 
 under the tolerance of the officials, and I have always believed that the 
 only thing that saved him from being locked up was the fortunate circum- 
 stance that no one put a sign on his back reading that he was the bomb- 
 thrower. 
 
 Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had managed to get a slight clue against 
 this man, and they arrested him again on the 6th of May. They stated their
 
 SCHNA UBEL T'S L UCK. 1 7 1 
 
 case to Lieut. John D. Shea, and by him the arrest was reported to his superior 
 officer. What was the result ? Shea did not care to be bothered with the 
 case. The head of the department likewise did not care to be troubled. 
 They accordingly saved themselves all further annoyance by telling Schnau- 
 belt to go away. The prisoner, with singular stolidity, did not seem to care 
 particularly, and had to be told again that he was at liberty to go where he 
 pleased. It is a wonder that the officials did not offer him a cigar in 
 acknowledgment of their kindly feelings. When Schnaubelt was released, 
 Officer Palmer remonstrated with the Lieutenant, but he was told to let the 
 man alone and not bring him there any more. That ended the matter with 
 the officer. Several other detectives had meanwhile learned of Schnaubelt's 
 close friendship with Spies and other Anarchists, but when they learned of 
 the instructions Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had received they likewise 
 dropped all investigations when they reached Schnaubelt. The man natur- 
 ally felt pleased at such friendly favor and remained in the city until about 
 the 1 3th of May. 
 
 It was on the I4th of May that I first received information about the 
 part Schnaubelt had played in all the Anarchist meetings and that I learned 
 something of his special intimacy with Fischer and Balthasar Rau. 
 
 "You get him," said my informant, "and I will tell you something inter- 
 esting that will surprise everybody." 
 
 At this time the man was called Schnabel, and the information was that 
 he was working in a store on the South Side. I at once sent Officers Whalen 
 and Stift to hunt him up. While engaged in the search they met Officers 
 Palmer and Cosgrove. Whalen explained their mission, and then Palmer 
 asked : 
 
 " Are you not afraid to arrest him ?" 
 
 Whalen wanted to know why there should be any fear in the case, 
 and Palmer remarked : 
 
 "Well, you are running a chance of getting yourselves in trouble. We 
 wanted to arrest Schnaubelt in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and we were not 
 allowed to do so. We found him, Neebe, Fischer, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. 
 Schwab and Mrs. Holmes in the editor's room. Shea told us not to arrest 
 him, that he was a ' big stiff,' and then and there he told Schnaubelt to get 
 away from there or he would kick him out. All the others were arrested, 
 but he was let go. I was detailed to remain around the building. Schnau- 
 belt came around there again afterwards, and I arrested him and took him to 
 the Central Station. There the man was told to go and get out. On the 
 next day he came around there again. I had in the meantime obtained a 
 little information about him, and I arrested him and took him to the Central 
 Station. I was again asked if I had not been told to let him alone and was 
 curtly informed that I was altogether too officious. Schnaubelt was again 
 released. I explained that he was a partner of Fischer, that he had the big 
 revolver and dagger ; but it was no use he was permitted to leave."
 
 1 7 2 ANAR CHY AND ANAR CHISTS. 
 
 Officer Whalen replied : " We work for a different man, and I would 
 like to see Schnaubelt if he is in the city." 
 
 Officer Gosgrove remarked that he knew where the man was working, 
 and the two officers proffered their services to pilot Whalen and Stift to the 
 place. They went to No. 224 Washington Street, third floor, but on reach- 
 ing there they learned that "the bird had flown." He had not even drawn 
 the wages due him, having sent his sister after the money. It subsequently 
 transpired that Schnaubelt was the very man who had thrown the bomb at 
 the Haymarket, but he had " taken time by the forelock " and skipped for 
 parts unknown. Possibly he had got tired of being kicked out of the office 
 of the Chief of Police and left Chicago in disgust, or possibly his friends at 
 the Central Station may have given him a "tip " to save himself from serious 
 trouble. 
 
 Some two weeks thereafter I received information as to where Schnau- 
 belt could be found. 
 
 I told Mr. Grinnell what I had learned, and he asked me to send a few men 
 at once and get him. I informed Mr. Grinnell that I could not detail officers 
 outside of the city limits without the consent of the Chief. Mr. Grinnell 
 thought I had better do so anyway. I insisted that I must see the Chief 
 first, and Mr. Grinnell remarked : 
 
 " If you do, that will be the end of that matter." 
 
 I went, however, to the Chief's office, and stated my business. I was 
 there told that they would get the man. The Chief said that he would go 
 out to California and thus head him off. I reported back to Mr. Grinnell the 
 result of my interview, and he remarked : 
 
 "Well, that is just what I expected jealousy, and that is all." 
 
 Schnaubelt thus had a good friend at the City Hall, and he cannot thank 
 the officers there too much for having saved him the painful necessity of 
 going down to death on the nth of November, 1887, with the other con- 
 spirators. 
 
 BALTHASAR RAU was another man who did not tarry in Chicago. He had 
 been a faithful lieutenant of Spies and had earned a living as solicitor for 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung. He took a keen interest in all of Spies' plans, and on 
 Saturday afternoon preceding the day of the riot visited the vicinity of 
 McCormick's factory to secure points about the strike for his friend's infor- 
 mation. He reported that ten thousand striking lumber-shovers had met 
 on that day and had appointed a committee to wait upon the lumber bosses 
 to induce them to inaugurate the eight-hour system in the various yards. 
 Rau had seen the gathering, and, as the committee appointed by it were to 
 report to another meeting the following Monday, he knew that it would 
 bring together just such a throng, if not a larger one than the previous 
 assemblage. He so posted Spies, and in turn was advised by his friend to 
 insert in the Fackel of Sunday, May 2, the notice " Y, come Monday night,"
 
 BALTHASAR RAU. 
 
 173 
 
 which was the signal for the armed groups to meet that night at No. 54 
 West Lake Street. The bandits did meet, and matured the conspiracy 
 which was carried out the following night at the Haymarket. On Monday 
 Rau went with Spies to McCormick's factory, aided in inciting the people to 
 a riot, and then accompanied his friend to the strikers' headquarters on Lake 
 Street, where they informed the people that ten or twelve of their brother 
 workmen had been brutally shot down by the "bloodhounds" the police 
 that afternoon. 
 
 In consequence of his intimacy with Spies, Rau was at once and the 
 only one at first suspected of 
 being the thrower of the fatal bomb. 
 He seemed to realize that he was 
 under suspicion, for he speedily 
 left the city after the explosion. 
 Assistant State's Attorney Furth- 
 mann learned that he had fled to 
 Omaha and promptly repaired to 
 that city. By instructions, James 
 Bonfield was to secure the neces- 
 sary requisition papers for Rau's 
 extradition from the State of Ne- 
 braska and was to follow Furth- 
 mann to Omaha. The Assistant 
 State's Attorney found Rau willing 
 to talk, and asked him to write as 
 he had been dictated, to the text 
 of the signal, "Y, come Monday 
 night." Rau promptly discovered 
 that Furthmann knew some of the 
 inside facts in the conspiracy, and 
 tremblingly asked what he could 
 do to save his neck from the rope. 
 He was informed that nothing short of "unconditional surrender" would 
 help him out of his scrape, and that he must not keep back any informa- 
 tion. He then unbosomed himself and told everything he knew. 
 
 While these things were taking place the leaders of the Anarchist group 
 in Omaha were collecting money to take Rau away from Mr. Furthmann by 
 habeas corpus proceedings. Rau had meanwhile been locked up in a cell 
 where he could not easily be reached by his friends, and, as he did not like 
 his surroundings, he was anxious to return to Chicago even without extra- 
 dition papers. It was on a Monday before daylight that he agreed to go, 
 and Mr. Furthmann promptly took him across the river to Council Bluffs, 
 in the State of Iowa, to avoid litigation, as he had learned that the Omaha 
 
 BALTHASAR RAU. 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police.
 
 174 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 judge was ready and willing to assist the Anarchists of that section in effect- 
 ing Rau's release. At this time the extradition papers had not arrived. On 
 taking up the trip to Chicago Rau became more communicative than ever 
 and entered into details quite interestingly. 
 
 Some one in the parlor car which conveyed them to Chicago recognized 
 Mr. Furthmann, and it was whispered around : 
 
 "There's Furthmann with the bomb-thrower!" 
 
 A flutter of excitement speedily developed, and soon a demand was made 
 on Furthmann that unless he handcuffed Rau the passengers would object 
 to his sitting in the parlor car, and they certainly would not allow Rau to 
 sleep in the same car unless shackles were placed about his limbs. A 
 great deal of parleying ensued. Finally Mr. Furthmann consented to 
 appease the now thoroughly frightened passengers. Only one condition 
 was imposed by Mr. Furthmann, and that was that the handcuffs and 
 shackles should be furnished, as he had none in his possession. The 
 implements were immediately telegraphed for, and were on hand when 
 Cedar Rapids was reached. But the idea of handcuffing and shackling a 
 man who was willingly returning without extradition papers was repulsive 
 to Mr. Furthmann. 
 
 A novel thought flashed through the Assistant State's Attorney's mind. 
 He informed Rau of everything that had transpired, and told him that he 
 did not desire to shackle him in any way. But for the purpose of quieting 
 the passengers he would rattle the iron bracelets around in good shape if 
 Rau would give up his coat, vest, pantaloons, shirt, drawers, stockings and 
 shoes and hat during the night. This was done, and the passengers, hear- 
 ing the rattling of the chains at intervals during the night, rested in the 
 sweet confidence that a violent outburst on the part of a wild Anarchist had 
 been averted. 
 
 The prisoner was safely landed in Chicago, and not a handcuff or 
 shackle had been placed about him. He was taken to the Chicago Avenue 
 Station, and there put through an examination by State's Attorney Grin- 
 nell. 
 
 In the statement he made to Mr. Grinnell and myself Rau gave his age 
 as thirty, his occupation as that of a printer, and his residence as No. 418 
 Larrabee Street. 
 
 "We had," he said, "an excursion to Sheffield, Indiana, and there were 
 present August Spies, Schwab, Neebe, Engel and Schnaubelt. Those are 
 the only ones I can now remember. Engel and Schnaubelt were the ones 
 to set dynamite bombs for experiments." 
 
 "Why do you good people use dynamite bombs, and what do you intend 
 to do with them?" asked Mr. Grinnell. 
 
 Rau hesitated, but finally replied : "The time we shot off the dynamite 
 bombs at Sheffield, at the time of the explosion there were only a few of us
 
 MR. RAWS DEPOSITION. 175 
 
 present. They were the parties whose names I have given and a man who 
 came with Engel. We exploded only two bombs, and they were made of 
 iron and were round." 
 
 "What is the meaning and for what purpose does that letter 'Y' appear 
 in the Arbeiter-Zeitung ?" asked Mr. Furthmann. 
 
 " The last time I saw it was on Sunday, May 2, 1886. The Sunday issue 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung is called the Packet. Lorenz Hermann was requested 
 to have the letter ' Y ' inserted in the paper, and it was printed in the issue 
 mentioned. He brought the notice to the office. We did not charge any- 
 thing for notices brought in by the members of the armed section. And 
 that letter ' Y ' was intended to signify that there would be a meeting at No. 
 54 West Lake Street, May 3, for the armed men. I was at Zepf's Hall at 
 a meeting held Monday, May 3. I had with me a lot of 'Revenge' cir- 
 culars, calling people to arms. I gave the circulars to the boys who were 
 present at the meeting. It was after nine o'clock. One meeting had been 
 called by the carpenters for that night. August Belz is the man who told 
 me the meaning of the word. He asked me at Greif's Hall if I knew the 
 meaning of the word 'Ruhe, ' and if I knew what effect its publication 
 would have. He then told me that they had agreed that the word ' Ruhe ' 
 should apply to a meeting at the Haymarket. If it appeared in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, he said, then there would be trouble. The trouble would be fight- 
 ing the police, storming buildings and throwing dynamite bombs. When I 
 saw that word in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, I was working in the office of that 
 paper. I remarked to August Spies that that would make trouble in the 
 city, and his answer was that Fischer did it, meaning that Fischer was 
 responsible for it. Spies, after I had told him what trouble it would make, 
 got excited and called Schnaubelt. Spies asked him, ' How is this ? ' refer- 
 ring to the word ' Ruhe. ' Schnaubelt replied, ' Well, they want to throw 
 dynamite bombs.' He also said that if the police interfered, then there 
 would be trouble at the Haymarket. He further said that the people 
 stationed on the outskirts of the city, east, west, south and north, should be 
 informed as to when the riot commenced and when their time had arrived 
 for storming the city. When Fischer was asked about this word ' Ruhe ' 
 he was close-mouthed. He would not say anything to us. I heard Spies 
 say in his office, ' If that word " Ruhe "is in the paper, there will be trouble, 
 and I don't want that. That will break up our organization.' Spies said : 
 'I will print hand-bills to stop the meeting at the Haymarket May 4.' He 
 said he would attend to that himself. I said that we had better put up signs 
 on the corners to notify the people that there would be no meeting at the 
 Haymarket that night. Spies said that if there was a meeting, then there 
 would be trouble. Schnaubelt was to go to the North Side that afternoon, 
 May 4, and tell the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarket 
 that night. On May 4, in the evening, some one called at the office and
 
 176 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 wanted Spies to speak at the meeting at Deering Station ; but he could not 
 be found, and consequently we sent Schwab. Afterwards I went over to 
 the West Side meeting at the Haymarket. I saw Spies standing on a wagon, 
 making a speech to the people present. When he saw me he called me and 
 asked me to go and find Parsons. Spies said, ' 1 want help here, and he 
 must help me out.' I went to look for Parsons, and I found him. Parsons 
 and Fielden were together. I told them what Spies had said and I asked 
 them to go and help him. They did go I went along. W r e got there 
 speedily. I asked Fischer for an explanation as to the publication in our 
 paper of the notice calling the people to arms, but he would give me no 
 satisfaction." 
 
 "Why did you not give me this statement first when I asked you for this 
 information ? " asked Mr. Grinnell. 
 
 "Because I was afraid it would hurt myself, or it might convict me. 
 That is the reason why I did not tell you at first. I saw dynamite in the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung building. I saw dynamite lying on a shelf in the back room 
 from the office. I know George Engel and Fehling. They printed the 
 Anarchist. It was a small paper. They only published six numbers. " 
 
 EDMUND DEUSS was also sought for with some interest. He had been 
 city editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung under Spies. The first week after the 
 bomb had been thrown the authorities at police headquarters were informed 
 that Paul Grottkau and Deuss, both ex-employe's of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, 
 were then living in Milwaukee. Mr. Furthmann thought some points might 
 be gathered from them, and accordingly went to that city. He found them 
 both. Grottkau, who has since tasted the bitterness of prison life for his 
 preachments of violence in the " Cream City," expressed himself as pleased 
 that Spies had been placed under arrest and charged with responsibility for 
 the murder at the Haymarket. 
 
 " I knew long ago," said Grottkau, "that August Spies would thus end 
 his crazy and ambitious career." 
 
 Grottkau and Spies had not been on very friendly terms since the latter 
 had succeeded in displacing the former from the editorship of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung. But, however strong his enmity, Grottkau would not give us any 
 information regarding Spies, or dynamite practices, or anything else that 
 would tend to put a rope around Spies' neck or hurt any of his companions. 
 He referred Mr. Furthmann to Deuss, who was then depending upon 
 Grottkau for a livelihood and who received a dollar now and then for writ- 
 ing a firebrand article for a paper Grottkau was editing in Milwaukee. 
 
 Deuss was found in a neighboring saloon without a cent in his pocket. 
 He stood wistfully eyeing the saloon patrons, hoping to fall in with some one 
 willing to buy him a glass of beer or a cigar. Mr. Furthmann at once opened 
 a conversation about the Chicago Anarchists. Deuss promised to tell every- 
 thing he knew in regard to the Arbeiter-Zeitung, the dynamite brought
 
 IMPORTANT CLUES. 
 
 177 
 
 there, the men in the building of that paper and the nefarious things prac- 
 ticed by them, on condition that Mr. Furthmann would first buy him a 
 good cigar, several sandwiches and the necessary beer. The conditions 
 were complied with, and Deuss rattled away a long story. He proved to 
 be the first man to inform Mr. Furthmann as to when the dynamite that 
 was afterwards found in the Arbeiter-Zeitung had been brought there, and 
 where it had been placed. A grease-spot caused by dynamite was after- 
 wards found exactly where Deuss said the explosive material had been 
 placed, which was right next to the desk used by Malkoff, a reporter for the 
 paper and an exiled Russian Anarchist. Rau at that time, it appears, did 
 not know the properties of dynamite, for on one occasion a stray match was 
 thrown upon the dynamite sack in the office and he was nearly frightened 
 out of his wits. 
 
 " Don't you know what you are doing ? " he exclaimed. 
 
 " You greenhorn," was the answer, " Malkoff has handled this stuff for 
 years and knows by this time, as you ought to know, that dynamite cannot 
 be exploded by contact with fire in such a form." 
 
 This information, though unimportant on its face, assisted Mr. Furth- 
 mann greatly in making Deuss talk, and served also as a straw showing that 
 the man had given up all the information he possessed. 
 
 So FAR Mr. Furthmann had managed to secure many valuable clues, and 
 we studied at once the best method of following 
 them up. In running down the pointers, one day 
 Mr. Furthmann sought Dr. Newman, one of the 
 surgeons who had rendered heroic service in attend- 
 ing the wounded on the night after the explosion. 
 The doctor was asked with reference to the metal 
 and pieces of lead which he had taken from the 
 bodies of some of the men wounded at the Hay- 
 market. He informed Mr. Furthmann that a young 
 man named Hahn, a shoemaker on the West Side, 
 had come to the hospital wounded by the explosion, 
 and that upon examination a wound had been found 
 in the fleshy part of his thigh, from which a piece of 
 iron had been removed. This piece was nothing 
 less than the nut which had been used to assist in 
 holding together the two halves of the composition bomb which had been 
 exploded at the Haymarket. This discovery was a most important one. 
 It proved at the trial the best piece of evidence used by the prosecution, 
 as it demonstrated that the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was one of 
 the bombs manufactured by Louis Lingg, since fifty bolts and nuts of the 
 same size and description were subsequently found in Lingg's possession. 
 
 LINGG'S CANDLESTICK. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 178 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The metal removed from the person of the wounded officers was placed 
 in the hands of Professors Haines and Delafontaine, expert chemists, for 
 analysis, and they found that it contained the same quantity of lead, zinc, 
 tin and other ingredients, and the same proportion of impurities as the bombs 
 found in Lingg's possession. Even a trace of the copper discovered in the 
 bomb exploded at the Haymarket was shown to have come from the candle- 
 stick used by Lingg. A small fragment was missing from the candlestick, 
 and it was clearly shown that it had found its way into that deadly bomb. 
 
 During this period I also learned that Lingg had not been the first and 
 only one to experiment with dynamite in Chicago. I learned that as far 
 back as 1881 there had been some desperate men among the Socialists, but 
 by keeping their secrets to themselves they had managed to keep the 
 general body of the party and the public at large in ignorance of their 
 clandestine operations. They had even experimented with dynamite, hop- 
 ing to perfect it so that it could be handled with safety; but somehow they 
 had failed to discover means for making its use practicable. They had 
 adopted various expedients to test its strength when confined in a small 
 implement, and in their labors several had' received serious injuries. Four 
 or five men are living to-day who were crippled by the rash and ineffectual 
 experiments. One Communist was particularly active in studying the prop- 
 erties of the explosive and devising a plan to make it serviceable in a com- 
 bat with the police. This man had fled from France after the downfall of 
 the Paris Commune, a-nd thought himself quite capable of getting dynamite 
 down to such a fine point that when his new-found brethren in Anarchy 
 started their revolution they would be more successful than his French asso- 
 ciates had been. He finally succeeded in making an explosive similar to 
 dynamite, but which was found very unsafe to handle. After some of the 
 Anarchists had tried it and got hurt, they refrained from further meddling, 
 and dropped both the Frenchman and his explosive. For a long time there- 
 after dynamite was not heard of. 
 
 A man living on West Lake Street, however, still entertained hopes, and 
 finally supplied some of the Anarchists with a dynamite prescription by 
 which they could use it with great effect. In imparting his knowledge he 
 told them to keep the "stuff" hermetically sealed, for if the air reached it 
 an explosion would surely follow. Some found this true, to their sorrow. 
 
 Then a man residing on West Twelfth Street stepped to the front and 
 supplied what he claimed could be successfully used. One Sunday some 
 half dozen Anarchists went out to Riverside to test the new compound by 
 putting some of it under a lot of stone near the Desplaines River, but, to 
 their surprise and mortification, they found that it was so weak that it 
 scarcely made a noise. 
 
 Subsequently the Southwest Side group took up the dynamite problem 
 and experimented with the "stuff." The members of this group, known at
 
 
 EXPERIMENTING WITH DYNAMITE. 179 
 
 the time familiarly as " the Bridgeport group," were the craziest lot of Anar- 
 chists in the city, and, judging from their talk, were always ready to partici- 
 pate in a riot or a revolution. They were great readers of books on 
 Socialism, Communism, Anarchy and Nihilism, and they had drilled them- 
 selves thoroughly in arms for the coming uprising. But they wanted some- 
 thing more potent and effective than simple guns and revolvers, and, as they 
 possessed a work on "The Wonders of Chemistry," they saw no reason 
 why they could not carry out its instructions with reference to dynamite and 
 find some means for putting them to practical use. They accordingly experi- 
 mented. They had a friend in a drug-store on State Street, near Van 
 Buren, and from him they obtained their supplies by paying a good round 
 price. This store finally became known to all the Socialists in the city, but, 
 as the owner became frightened at the publicity obtained, he declined to 
 furnish any more material for experiments. The Anarchists, however, had 
 met with some small success, and they were not discouraged. They found 
 another friend on West Twelfth Street, and this party sold them dynamite 
 cartridges such as are used by miners. 
 
 There were in the city at the time the Bridgeport group, the Town of 
 Lake group, the South Side group, the Southwest Side group, the Frei- 
 heit group, the Northwest Side group, the North Side group, the Karl 
 Marx group, the English group, the Lake View group (near Clybourn 
 Avenue), and another group which existed only a short time, all together 
 having a membership list of about 1,500 men, who hailed with great delight 
 the report that with some further experiments the dynamite cartridges could 
 be made serviceable not only for blowing up buildings, but also for use in 
 a hand-to-hand conflict in a crowd. 
 
 The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were not then interested 
 in this branch of Socialism. They drilled with arms and believed in meeting 
 the enemy with guns. It was about this time October, 1883 that the 
 national convention of Socialists was held at Pittsburg to formulate plans and 
 principles, and there was a division of sentiment on the use of dynamite. 
 The radical delegates from Chicago, as stated in a preceding chapter, were 
 numerous, and insisted on employing the most effective weapon they could 
 find to exterminate capitalists. The result of the conflict was that on their 
 return home they made it a point to bring over the members of the Lehr 
 und Wehr Verein, some of whom had opposed them at Pittsburg, to their 
 ideas, and some time thereafter they succeeded in having the superiority of 
 dynamite over guns almost generally conceded. Not only that, but some of 
 the members became enthusiastic in the experiments being made. One 
 member had even reached a point beyond his competitors in making round 
 cast-iron bombs, and succeeded in turning out fifty pieces. A few were 
 tried, with what success is not known, but one night two friends of the man 
 went to him, told him that they had heard of his having bombs and that his
 
 i8o ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 arrest would be made the next day. In fact, they assured him that 
 he had been spotted for some time by detectives. This frightened the man, 
 and he begged his friends to assist him in carrying the bombs away and thus 
 help him out of his troubles. The three then went to work, removed the 
 bombs, and, to effectually destroy all evidence, threw them into the lake. 
 
 This procedure gave the great man of the Lehr und Wehr Verein a 
 chance to breathe a little easier, the air seemed to be more bracing, and he 
 could look into the eye of a policeman, when he passed one, with more 
 assurance and confidence. But one of those bombs got astray while being 
 removed, just before the others were submerged, and it afterwards came 
 into the possession of the police. It has had its picture taken and looks 
 quite innocent on paper. * 
 
 An engraving of it is herewith presented. This sort of iron bomb was 
 afterwards adopted as a model, and became quite popular with the brave 
 dynamite experimenters until some one manufactured a- smaller one that 
 could be carried handily in a coat pocket. 
 
 They next adopted the long iron gas-pipe bomb, six inches in length, 
 which could be carried in the inside vest pocket. 
 Every one fell in love with the new invention, espe- 
 cially Fischer, and he kept a large soap-box full of 
 the bombs at his home, carefully concealed under his 
 bed. 
 
 But the Anarchists were bent on still greater 
 improvements. They continued their experiments, 
 and the next new invention was the round lead 
 bomb, called by them the "Czar bomb." This was the kind brought 
 to August Spies' office by "the man from Cleveland," or rather by 
 Louis Lingg. One of these bombs is shown in a full-page engraving pre- 
 sented elsewhere. They had been designated as the "Czar bomb" until 
 bombs began to fill my office, and then they were referred to as "the 
 round lead bombs." The police knew them as Lingg's bombs. 
 
 Some of Fischer's bombs were scattered among trusted Anarchists in 
 the Board of Trade procession, and their effectiveness would have been 
 tried on that occasion had it not been for police interference. The char- 
 acter and explosiveness of the "Lingg bomb " are described in the testimony 
 of the officers and expert chemists during the trial. 
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN was found at his home during the day of May 5th, and 
 placed under arrest. He accepted the situation calmly, and, without a 
 remonstrance, accompanied the officers to the Central Station. Officer 
 Slayton, who had him in care, introduced him to the Lieutenant in charge of 
 the detective department, and, in view of the conspicuous part the prisoner 
 had played at the Haymarket, one would suppose that he would have been 
 subjected to a very rigorous examination as to his movements for several
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN. 
 
 181 
 
 days preceding the evening of May 4. But nothing of the kind occurred. 
 The Lieutenant proceeded to denounce him in English more vigorous than 
 elegant, and delivered himself of an opinion about the man and the work 
 of the Anarchists at the Haymarket. Fielden stood it all without a mur- 
 mur, and probably would have said nothing had not the Lieutenant called him 
 a Dutchman. That allusion was the "last straw." Fielden remonstrated 
 and emphatically declared that he was an Englishman. He was subse- 
 quently turned over to Superintendent Ebersold, and, while exhibiting his 
 wound, caused by a shot during the Haymarket riot, he was informed by 
 that officer that it ought to have gone through his head. The observation 
 was a pertinent one at the mo- 
 ment, and possibly the felicity 
 of its expression may have sat- 
 isfied the official that with it 
 his duty had ended in the case. 
 At any rate, Fielden was not 
 catechized to any material extent 
 by the Chief, and that official, as 
 well as the head of the detective 
 department, was no wiser than 
 before the man's arrest. 
 
 The prisoner, who had been 
 shown to have declared at the 
 Haymarket, "Here come the 
 bloodhounds, the police ; you do 
 your duty and I'll do mine," 
 and to have fired a shot in the 
 direction of the police after dis- 
 mounting from the speakers' 
 wagon, was then passed into a 
 cell. His house was searched, 
 but nothing of a criminating 
 character was discovered. He undoubtedly possessed a great deal of infor- 
 mation respecting the revolutionary plot. Had it not been for work done 
 outside of the Central Station, Fielden would have been speedily released, 
 and possibly some apology might have been offered him for the incon- 
 venience occasioned by his arrest and the unintentional reflection cast upon 
 the English and German nationalities. 
 
 Fielden was kept locked up, indicted, and finally convicted on discoveries 
 made independently of the Chief's office or the detective department. The 
 education, demeanor and independence of the man were well calculated to 
 deceive the most expert readers of human nature, and his emphatic asser- 
 tions regarding the want of any knowledge of a conspiracy would have 
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN. 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police.
 
 i82 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 made him a free man to-day had his case rested on the efforts of the Central 
 Station. Fielden was a sort of diamond in the rough. He possessed much 
 native ability, a ruggedness of character which commanded admiration, and 
 a force and volubility of speech which swayed the unlettered masses. Had 
 he passed through either an academic or collegiate training, there is no tell- 
 ing what eminence he might have achieved in the higher walks of life. His 
 rough, uncouth appearance greatly heightened the effect of his utterances, 
 as few looked for eloquence from such a man. He was born in Dod- 
 morden, Lancashire, England, in 1847, and spent a number of his earlier 
 years in a cotton mill. While thus engaged he became a Sunday-school 
 teacher at the age of eighteen, and some time later branched out as an 
 itinerant Methodist exhorter. Some time after (1868) he came to America, 
 settling in New York, and the next year he found his way to Chicago. He 
 went to work at Summit, a hamlet a few miles southwest of town, on the 
 farm of ex-Mayor John Wentworth, but he did not remain there long before 
 he migrated to Arkansas and Louisiana to engage in railroad construction 
 work. In 1871 he returned to Chicago and engaged in manual labor, prin- 
 cipally as teamster in handling stone. In 1880 he became a member of the 
 Liberal League, and under the training and guidance of George Schilling 
 he soon became a rabid Socialist. From that the step was only a short one 
 to unbridled Anarchy, and the pupil finally became a teacher to Schilling in 
 advanced theories on the state of society they all sought to inaugurate. 
 Fielden finally became a boon companion of Spies and Parsons, and all the 
 rugged eloquence he could command was given to the cause. He was a 
 more forcible speaker than either of the two just named, and whenever he 
 preached force, as he always did after becoming an Anarchist, his language 
 commanded wider attention and made a deeper impression. Had it not 
 been for his own sincere penitence for his past misdeeds and the interven- 
 tion of influential friends because of that penitence, he would have died on 
 the gallows. But he recanted at the last moment of hope for clemency, and 
 the Governor commuted his sentence to imprisonment for life. He is a 
 married man with two small children, and the misery he wrought upon 
 them has been beyond expression. Such is the fruit of Anarchy.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 My Connection with the Anarchist Cases A Scene at the Central Office 
 
 Mr. Hanssen's Discovery Politics and Detective Work Jealousy against Inspector 
 
 Bonfield Dynamiters on Exhibition Courtesies to the Prize-fighters A Friendly 
 
 Tip My First Light on the Case A Promise of Confidence One Night's Work 
 
 The Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case Laying Our Plans "We Have 
 
 Found the Bomb Factory ! " Is it a Trap ? A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite No 
 Help Hoped for from Headquarters Conference with State's Attorney Grinnell 
 Furthmann's Work Opening up the Plot Trouble with the Newspaper Men Un- 
 expected Advantage of Hostile Criticism Information from Unexpected Quarters 
 Queer Episodes of the Hunt Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent A Mysterious Lady 
 with a Veil A Conference in my Back Yard The Anarchists Alarmed A Breezy 
 Conference with Ebersold Threatening Letters Menaces Sent to the Wives of the 
 Men Working on the Case How the Ladies Behaved The Judge and Mrs. Gary 
 Detectives on Each Other's Trail The Humors of the Case Amusing Incidents. 
 
 I HAVE often been asked how it was that I came to have charge of the 
 detective work which was done in bringing the Anarchists to justice, and 
 I think that the time has now come for the whole story to be told. I think 
 it would be a false delicacy for me, in this book, which I mean to make, as 
 nearly as I can, a fair and truthful record of the Anarchist case, to pass over 
 the notorious incompetency which prevailed at Police Headquarters at that 
 time. It cannot be denied that, had the case been left in the hands of the 
 men of the Central Office, the prosecution would have come to naught, and 
 these red-handed murderers would have gone unwhipped of justice. This 
 was something which every good citizen would have been bound to prevent, 
 and more than others a police officer, for into our hands is intrusted the 
 care of the lives and property of the community and the preservation of la-w 
 and order. I knew as well as my questioners that the case belonged to the 
 Central Office. There was the Chief ; there were the two heads of the detec- 
 tive department ; there was the detective corps, supposed to contain the 
 keenest and the best officers on the force. 
 
 From the first I was satisfied that the men at headquarters neither 
 appreciated the gravity of the occasion, nor were they able to cope with the 
 conspirators -a set of wily, secret and able men, who had made a special 
 study of the art and mystery of baffling the law and avoiding the police. 
 There was neither order, discipline nor brains at headquarters. Every 
 officer did as he liked, and the department was rent and paralyzed with the 
 ,euds and jealousies between the chiefs and the subordinates. This, too, 
 was at a time when the people of Chicago were in a condition of mind 
 almost bordering upon panic. They were looking to us for protection, 
 red flag was flaunted in the streets, demagogues were shouting dynamite in 
 a dozen parts of the city, riotous mobs had already met the police and the 
 
 183
 
 184 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 police were in charge of a man who it is a charity to say no more had 
 neither a proper conception of his duties nor the ability to perform them. 
 
 For instance, on the evening of May 3 all the captains of the city were 
 ordered to meet at the Chief's office, and, together with Inspector Bonfield, 
 they responded promptly. While the situation was being discussed, there 
 was a rap at the door. I was nearest the entrance, and I opened it. Mr. 
 Hanssen, one of the editors of the Freie Presse, was there. He handed in a 
 paper, saying that it was of most serious import so serious that, as soon as 
 he had seen it, he had felt it his duty to bring it to police headquarters. It 
 was the " Revenge " circular, of which so much is said elsewhere in this 
 book, and which afterwards became so notorious. I handed it to Chief 
 Ebersold, who glanced at it and said it was all nonsense. " Why," said he, 
 " we are prepared for them." Bonfield looked it over, and thought it serious. 
 
 I was sure that it meant mischief and murder, 
 but the rest treated it as a farce. Now, what 
 was to be expected from men who had no clearer 
 idea of the gravity of the crisis that was upon 
 us than the story of this incident conveys. 
 
 On the next evening the crash of dynamite 
 was for the first time heard on the streets of an 
 American city. The Red Terror was upon us. 
 What was done ? 
 
 Every citizen of Chicago demanded justice 
 for the brave men who had fallen justice on 
 the miscreants who had done them to death. 
 Knowing what I did of the manner in which the 
 
 DETECTIVE JAMES BONFIELD. detective work was apt to be done> it will not be 
 From a Photograph. JJxUiT A -JtJ 
 
 wondered that 1 at once made up my mind to do 
 
 what lay in my power to hunt these murderers down. Even had I not so 
 concluded, the events of that day, the 5th of May, would have fastened the 
 determination in my mind. At ten o'clock in the morning I was ordered by 
 telephone to report at the Central Station at once with two companies 
 trouble was momentarily expected on the Black Road. When I had disposed 
 my men at the City Hall, and arranged for the patrol wagons we were to 
 occupy if a call should come, there was nothing to do but wait in the Chief's 
 office till we were summoned. No one ever had a better opportunity of 
 seeing how the police business of the city was transacted. 
 
 It was a time of acute excitement, the day after the Haymarket. The 
 Chief was in a state of alarm that would have been ridiculous if it had not 
 been pitiable. Whenever the telephone rang, he would start nervously and 
 demand, "Is that on the prairie, or the Black Road?" and when assured 
 that there was no trouble, his relief was absurdly manifest. Among the
 
 POLITICS AND JEALOUSY. 
 
 185 
 
 detectives the topic was whether they would be called on to work in the 
 Anarchist case and how many they would be expected to arrest. 
 
 Another question that bothered them was : What would the old man 
 (Mayor Harrison) say if they went to work arresting Anarchists, and how 
 would he like it ? 
 
 The officers who did their duty after such a stupendous crime as the 
 slaughter of the police officers would never have lost anything in the end, 
 even if they should have lost their positions. The question, " How would 
 Harrison like it ? " as asked by one of the detectives, should, therefore, have 
 cut no figure, and possibly it did not. Probably the officer fell back upon it 
 as an excuse for his own laziness and incompetence. But one thing is cer- 
 tain, and that is that the department did BBfratoffia... v^ * ; "li 
 
 nothing to speak of in the case. 
 
 I saw some of those red-handed mur- 
 derers come out of that office smiling 
 and laughing instead of being made to 
 feel that they were about to have a rope 
 around their necks. 
 
 In fact, the Central Office was run so ! 
 that no one could tell who was officer, 
 waiter or janitor. Everybody had a full 
 sweep in and out of the office, and if a 
 prisoner happened to be brought in by 
 some well-meaning officer, everybody 
 was allowed to hear the investigation. 
 It was a sort of town meeting, and it 
 was free to all. 
 
 At that time Inspector Bonfield had 
 been receiving a great deal of favorable 
 mention in the newspapers, in connec- 
 tion with the labor troubles, and this aroused the jealousy of Chief Eber- 
 sold. The Chief accordingly concluded to attend to all the business himself, 
 assisted by his pet gang of ignorant detectives, and they made a fine mess 
 of it. But forces were at work, in spite of the internal difficulties, which 
 rescued the case from utter failure. 
 
 On the morning of May 5, at an early hour, Inspector Bonfield had a 
 short interview with State's Attorney Grinnell ; but exactly what transpired 
 no one but themselves knew. Before noon of that day, however, the result 
 could be plainly seen. Officers James Bonfield, Palmer, Slayton and a few 
 others had by that time succeeded in arresting August Spies, Chris Spies, 
 Schwab, Fischer and Fielden. Of course, this step only served to create 
 more jealousy in the Central Station. 
 
 After the prisoners had been brought in, some of the newspaper report- 
 
 OFFICER HENRY PALMER. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 1 86 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ers endeavored to obtain interviews with them, but they were not permitted 
 to get anywhere near the / narchists. 
 
 In the meantime, and while the working officers were out hunting for 
 more of the chief conspirators, the lieutenants in command of the detective 
 department concluded that they would enjoy a little breathing-spell. 
 Accordingly they took a stroll among the fashionable saloons on Clark 
 Street. There they met their friends, and while sampling the various decoc- 
 tions compounded by the cocktail dispensers, they fell in with a party of 
 professional prize-fighters, heavy-weight and light-weight, and match-makers 
 for man and beast. They found there was more sport in that party than in 
 taking risks by going out into the suburbs through tough streets and dirty 
 alley-ways looking for Anarchists. 
 
 At any rate, after a lot of wine had been consumed and good cigars 
 
 tested, round after round, one of the pug-faced 
 sluggers made the remark to one of the lieu- 
 tenants that he would like to see the Anar- 
 chists who had been arrested, and the officer 
 addressed responded: "Of course you can 
 see them all you gentlemen can see them. 
 Come right along with us." 
 
 They all fell into line, went over to the 
 Central Station, were taken down stairs to the 
 lock-up, and there told to go around and look 
 for themselves. This was some time after 
 nine o'clock in the evening, and after the 
 part)' had satisfied their curiosity, they returned 
 to the saloon which they had left. The vigi- 
 
 DFFICER (NOW LIEUT.) BAER. ^ reporters had noticed th j s procee din$ f 
 
 and, holding a short conference, they resolved to insist on seeing the pris- 
 oners also. They told the officials that the public had as much right to 
 know about the parties arrested as a gang of prize-fighters, whether Sulli- 
 vans or lesser lights in the prize-ring firmament, and the lieutenants at once 
 recognized the force of the argument. Between eleven and twelve that 
 night one reporter from each paper in the city was allowed to see the 
 Anarchists, and interviews were secured for publication the next morning. 
 
 When I understood how the whole affair was being managed during that 
 day, I came to the conclusion that the case would never be worked up by 
 that department, and I was more resolved than ever that if the opportunity 
 came I would not rest until the criminals were brought to justice. 
 
 Inspector Bonfield had likewise become disgusted with the nervous 
 actions of the Chief and the heads of the detective department, and he 
 decided to confine his operations to the West Side. He went over there 
 that day, May 5, and as a result he cleaned out all Lake Street from
 
 A FRIENDLY TIP. 187 
 
 the river to Halsted Street. He broke up all the Anarchist rendezvous, 
 captured their guns, confiscated their flags, and created general dismay 
 among the reds. Some sought safety by fleeing to the roofs, others escaped 
 through back alleys, and still others got into the dark recesses of basements. 
 When they learned that " Black " Bonfield, as they called him, was on their 
 track, consternation took possession of them all. The Inspector had no 
 easy task. He looked up all their halls and meeting-places, hunted for 
 "Revenge" circulars at every place he visited, and in every instance he 
 found plenty of them as evidence of the extensive circulation given that 
 document among Anarchists. He gathered them all together, and in the 
 trial they proved of great service to the State as showing that all had 
 notice to come to the Haymarket meeting with arms and be prepared for a 
 deadly conflict. After that day Inspector Bonfield turned all his attention to 
 the sick and wounded officers and their families, and, as a consequence, the 
 Central Station was left without a competent head. But the Central con- 
 sidered itself capable of handling the case, and Bonfield never asked any 
 questions. Ebersold and the dual-headed monstrosities in charge of the 
 detective department struggled along, and, with a great deal of bluster, 
 endeavored to show to the outside world that they were moving along finely. 
 But they accomplished absolutely nothing. Insults in various ways were 
 heaped upon Bonfield, so that every one about the City Hall noticed them. 
 Even on the 5th of May, the slights cast upon the Inspector were com- 
 mented upon by some of the officers in the Central. Some of the officers 
 friendly to the incompetents would declare that Bonfield did not know his 
 business and that he was to blame for the killing of the officers, but there 
 were others who took a different view and regretted that he was not kept con- 
 tinually at work on the case. In fact, the only ones about the building, 
 after the incompetent heads took charge, who showed a willingness to work 
 and who tried to do their duty, were Officers James Bonfield, Palmer and 
 Slayton. All the rest looked scared, absent-minded and indifferent. 
 
 On the next morning May 6 I was again at the Central Headquar- 
 ters. I learned then how deep and wide-spread was the spirit that per- 
 vaded the department. Nothing was done, and nothing was proposed to 
 be done. I also learned of the treatment accorded Officer Palmer by the 
 lieutenants in charge of the department. 
 
 The whole trouble appeared to be that no one cared about doing any- 
 thing, and that if any one had the temerity to bring information in, he would 
 be kicked out. While such was the stupidity or the lethargy of the head 
 officials, I was powerless to act. I could not take the case away from my 
 superior officer on information rejected and spurned by those in authority 
 about police headquarters, and I almost despaired of ever seeing the culprits 
 brought to punishment. 
 
 An incident occurred, however, which changed the whole course of
 
 1 88 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 events. On my way home to supper that evening, about six o'clock May 
 6 I met a man near my house. He acted as though greatly frightened, 
 but he had some information he wished to impart to me. He was afraid to 
 speak, as he said it was life or death to him. 
 
 "If I speak," he said, "and these people [the Anarchists] find it out, 
 they will kill me sure. On the other hand, when I think of how many 
 were killed, it drives me nearly crazy. I can probably help to bring the 
 murderers to justice, and I cannot forgive myself unless I try to assist." 
 
 I told the man that as a good citizen it was his duty to tell everything 
 he knew about the affair, and that I should consider everything he said 
 strictly confidential. My personal pledge being given to him that I would 
 not get him into trouble by exposing him to the reds, he began his statement. 
 The man did not tell very much, but after I had gathered together all 
 the little threads carefully, the whole proved of considerable service. After 
 supper I went to a great many places and remained out till four o'clock the 
 next morning. The following day I instructed some of my people how to 
 get information respecting the throwing of the Haymarket bomb, and I told 
 them where they might leave their information if they obtained any. I got 
 back to the station at 9 A.M., and found in my closed letter-box a slip of 
 paper containing about five lines of important news. I scanned the paper 
 closely, and those who stood around told me afterwards that they noticed 
 that my face brightened up considerably. 
 
 I knew then that I had a very light starter in the case, but a good one. 
 I could readily see also that everything had to be handled with the greatest 
 care, and by preserving the utmost confidence with the informers. I knew, 
 too, that nothing must be told even in the Chief's office or in the detective 
 department. 
 
 I had previously discovered that there was not a man among tne tnree 
 heads of the Central that knew how to listen to information, how to put 
 questions or remember conversation, or, in fact, to have anything in shape, 
 or to keep secrets, and I therefore decided to keep my own counsel. 
 
 On the morning of the yth of May, at nine o'clock, I arrived at the Chief's 
 office and asked him if he had any good news. He replied that it was hard 
 to get at the bottom of the affair. I then asked him if he would give me 
 the privilege of working up the case. He looked at me a moment and then 
 said, "Yes." 
 
 "Yes, Captain," he added, after a brief pause, "I will sure. If you 
 can do anything, do it. I hope you will do it. I shall be pleased if you 
 can only do it." 
 
 I then said : "With your permission I will work this case and all there 
 is in the case. You will hear from me soon, but if you should not hear from 
 me in three months, do not ask for me. I am going to work night and day 
 until this case is cleared up. Good day."
 
 PREPARING FOR WORK. 
 
 189 
 
 Then I started for the North Side. Arriving at the station, Lieut. 
 Larsen handed me a little note which had been left for me. It was small, 
 but full of information, and was the first fruit of one night's work. I imme- 
 diately turned over the command of the station and all the details to Lieut. 
 Larsen, and at once called in my old reliable officers, those whom I knew to 
 be honest and true, strong and vigilant, intelligent and brave. They began 
 earnestly and were with me through all the investigations up to November 
 n, 1887. They were Michael Whalen, John Stift, Michael Hoffmann, 
 
 CHAS. REHM. 
 
 JOHN STIFT. JACOB LOEWENSTEIN. 
 
 Hermann Schuettler, Jacob Loewenstein and Charles Rehm, and they 
 reported to me promptly at the office, where they received their first instruc- 
 tions. I told them that this must be like all the other cases we had worked, 
 secret and only known among ourselves. All information and reports must 
 come to me as soon as possible, and all details must be attended to strictly. 
 I further told them that they must expect a forty-eight hours' stretch of work 
 frequently before we got to the end ; that they must keep in mind that 
 their lives would often be in danger, but they should only kill in dire neces- 
 sity. Insults or abuses they must not take from any one. I knew that
 
 igo ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 they would get into many of those h 1-holes, where the women were a 
 great deal worse than the men, and I proposed that the officers should show 
 that they were not to be trifled with in the discharge of their duties. 
 
 The field chosen for work was the vicinity of Clybourn Avenue, Sedg- 
 wick Street and North Avenue. The officers were provided with chisels, 
 jimmies and keys and one or two dark lanterns, and after these preliminary 
 arrangements they mounted a patrol wagon and started for the scene of 
 their operations. This detail was in charge of Officer Whalen, and the first 
 objective point was Sedgwick Street, near the residence of Seliger. They 
 began searching all the houses, barns and wood-sheds belonging to Anar- 
 chists, and created quite a consternation in the locality. 
 
 While they were thus engaged, I was temporarily called away from my 
 office, and on my return I was soon called up by a telephone message from 
 the Larrabee Street Station. Answering the call, I recognized the voice 
 of Officer Whalen, and some important news was at once communicated. 
 
 "We have found the bomb factory," said Officer Whalen. "It is in the 
 rear of No. 442 Sedgwick Street. The house is full of bombs and all kinds 
 of material. My men are all there, and I am almost afraid to touch any 
 of the stuff. There are some very queer-looking things, besides round lead 
 bombs and very long iron bombs, about the house, and probably some trap 
 may have been set to blow us all up the moment the articles are disturbed." 
 
 I questioned him as to whether there was any one about the house, and, 
 being answered in the negative, I instructed the officer to handle everything 
 himself and exercise great caution. Everything that looked suspicious was 
 to be packed in a box and sent to the Chicago Avenue Station. I further 
 instructed the officer to hunt up the parties who lived there, place them 
 under arrest and send them also to the same station. 
 
 Whalen then returned to the house, packed up all the "stuff" and 
 hunted for the occupants, who were nowhere to be found. He ascertained 
 their names, however, and learned from the neighbors that the head of the 
 house worked in Meyer's Mill, a sash and door factory on the North Pier. 
 This information was telephoned to me, and I instructed Lieut. Larsen just 
 what I desired in the way of securing the man's arrest. The Lieutenant 
 called up the Larrabee Street Station patrol wagon, and, with a number 
 of officers, he repaired to the mill. He there found his man, William 
 Seliger, and brought him to the Chicago Avenue Station. 
 
 Meanwhile Officer Whalen and his men were busy getting their load of 
 deadly missiles, and, still unsatisfied, they got some shovels and picks and 
 went to mining in the back yard of the bomb factory. They found a lot of 
 lead and gas pipes buried in the ground, and after they had collected about 
 all the suspicious-looking articles they could find, they brought it all to the 
 station. This was the first of a series of searches kept up night and day 
 for two weeks, and no house or place where an Anarchist or Socialist
 
 AN OPENING TO THE CASE. 
 
 191 
 
 resided escaped police attention. The houses were examined from top 
 to bottom, and when the officers had finished their labors in this direc- 
 tion the Chicago Avenue Station was filled with all kinds of arms, some 
 old and some new, nearly every nation on the globe being represented in 
 the collection. 
 
 On the evening of May 7, about eight o'clock, a gentleman called at my 
 house, and in a most confidential manner desired to post me about an arrest 
 that ought to be made. 
 
 "You had a fellow taken from Meyer's Mill," said he, "but you left a 
 man worse than the one you arrested." He gave the name of the party and 
 then silently took his departure. 
 
 On the next day Officer 
 Whalen was detailed to bring 
 the man to the station, but when 
 the officers arrived at the mill 
 the bird had flown. This man's 
 name was Mueller, No. 2. He 
 has never returned to the fac- 
 tory, although his tool chest is 
 still there, and $27 still stands 
 due to him on the books of the 
 concern to this date. 
 
 With the information so far 
 secured I became confident that 
 I had an opening to the case, 
 but, knowing that no aid could 
 be had from the Central Head- 
 quarters, I refrained, I think 
 wisely, from asking for assist- 
 ance. In Mr. Grinnell and his 
 staff, however, I had every con- 
 fidence, and I went to his office. I told him what discoveries had been 
 made, giving him all the details, and said to him that in working up the 
 case I should frequently need his advice. He promptly said : "Schaack, 
 you can command my services and those of every man in my office at any 
 time." I thanked him, and felt greatly strengthened in the task I had 
 before me. 
 
 Mr. Furthmann was directed to go with me and assist in the same 
 way that he had assisted in working up the evidence in the Mulkowsky 
 murder case. 
 
 I then felt highly gratified, and stronger and more resolute than 
 ever, because of my new partner in the case. When we were about to go, 
 Mr. Grinnell said, "I will be up to-night and see you." He called, as 
 
 EDMUND FURTHMANN.
 
 I 9 2 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 promised. We then told him what progress we had made during the day, 
 and he expressed himself as greatly pleased. He urged us to keep every- 
 thing as secret as possible and not to take any more people into our con- 
 fidence than was absolutely necessary. Having given us this advice, he left 
 us, but we continued our work until three o'clock the next morning. We 
 met again Furthmann and myself the next day at nine o'clock, and that 
 day we worked with great success. The boys brought us in good news 
 every hour. Good citizens would leave letters at my house, and these would 
 be immediately sent to me by my wife. Before eight o'clock that night we 
 had gained an entrance to the conspiracy plot. Mr. Grinnell was sent for, 
 and he called on us at once. He was informed of all the facts and said : 
 
 "You boys have done well. You have found the missing link, and you 
 have it right." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell became enthusiastic over the work accomplished and recog- 
 nized the fact that the right parties were under arrest, and that what had 
 been morally certain before as to a conspiracy had now been made a legal 
 certainty susceptible of the strongest proof. In reaching this point, a great 
 deal of work had been done, and in " its performance talent, tact and 
 ingenuity of a very high order seemed essential. Mr. Grinnell inspired us 
 with confidence, however, and was kind enough to say, just before going 
 home that night : 
 
 " Schaack, I want to say that you are one of the greatest detectives in 
 America." 
 
 When the case had been worked up to the discovery of the leading facts 
 at this time, the reporters for the various papers in Chicago began to gather 
 at the Chicago Avenue Station, and they plied me with all sorts of questions. 
 They desired all the information I possessed, but their laudable ambition 
 was not gratified. Nothing respecting the merits of the case was furnished 
 them. This provoked quite a number of the newspaper craft, and they 
 sought to even up things by scoring rne and my assistants in the columns of 
 their papers. They continued their attacks, evidently expecting that I would 
 weaken and tell all I knew, but in this they were mistaken, as their shafts 
 fell harmless at my feet. 
 
 The more the papers blamed us, the better we liked it. It made our 
 work much easier, because we received a great deal of good information 
 from persons who would not have told us anything without positive assur- 
 ance of secrecy. 
 
 This was in fact a potent factor in our success, and the newspaper-read- 
 ing public really lost nothing by it. The latest news respecting the 
 Anarchist conspiracy was always presented by the dailies, and, while there 
 may have been wanting many of the essential and interesting facts, the 
 public demand was measurably satisfied. At any rate, the interests of 
 justice could not be permitted to be overshadowed by those of the news-
 
 HELP FROM THE OUTSIDE. 
 
 193 
 
 papers, and I held unflinchingly to the course mapped out until the day of 
 the trial. The result proved the wisdom of the plan, and the encomiums 
 bestowed on me by the press on the evidence I finally accumulated more 
 than offset the former bitter attacks. 
 
 Had it not been for the caution and secrecy which we made our rule all 
 through the investigation, the plot would not have been successfully unrav- 
 eled. Recognizing this trait in my management of the case, men close to 
 the Anarchists 
 gave points they 
 otherwise would 
 not have dared to 
 give, and there 
 was scarcely an 
 hour during the 
 inves tigation 
 that I did not 
 find some trails 
 leading up to 
 the arch-con- 
 spirators. I even 
 received private 
 letters on my 
 way home to 
 meals. Persons 
 would meet me 
 on the street, 
 hand me letters 
 and pass right 
 on. Some of 
 these letters 
 were purposely 
 misleading, 
 while others con- 
 t ai n ed good 
 points ; but by 
 putting one THE EAST CHICAGO AVENUE STATION. 
 
 thing With an- From a Photograph. 
 
 other, and working up everything, something tangible was generally produced. 
 In many of the notes a few words would signify a great deal, and the clues 
 would be run down to the last point. Of course, sometimes the detectives 
 made long and weary walks with no results. But whenever the boys met with 
 disappointments in not getting just what they expected, and even when they 
 were kept up all night, they never grumbled or expressed dissatisfaction.
 
 194 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 On the morning of May 8, at eight o'clock, we all met for general consulta- 
 tion behind locked doors in an inner room, and, while thus occupied with 
 the case, I was notified that a lady desired to see me on important business. 
 I immediately responded, and as I entered the main office I was confronted 
 by a woman very heavily veiled. She briefly stated her mission and said 
 that she desired an interview in private. I took her into another office, and, 
 after the door had been locked, she said : 
 
 " You must excuse me. I will not uncover my face. Don't ask me any- 
 thing about myself, and I will tell you something." 
 
 She was a German lady, well educated, and she spoke in an earnest, 
 truthful manner. Being assured that no questions would be asked to 
 establish her identity, she then told me where to send and what would be 
 found at the indicated place. Before making her exit she remarked : 
 
 " You will have to attend to this matter this very day and before four 
 o'clock." 
 
 Her information proved highly interesting and valuable, and I thanked 
 her for it. In less than half an hour one of the detectives was set to work 
 on her " pointers," and before two o'clock he returned to the station with "a 
 good fat bird " and a lot of new evidence. Who the lady was is a mystery. 
 She left the station as mysteriously as she had entered. 
 
 In the evening of the same day we met again and put together the 
 results of each one's investigations. The work accomplished was surpris- 
 ing to all. Mr. Grinnell called, and, seeing what had been done, was more 
 than pleased. At this time we had some of the Anarchists already behind 
 the bars. That night we worked until two o'clock the next morning, and it 
 was half an hour later when I directed my steps homeward. As I neared 
 my house, I saw the indistinct outlines of a man standing close to a large 
 bill-board about ten feet north of my residence. The figure proved to be 
 a tall man, and, as I came to a halt, the stranger spoke up in German : 
 
 "Is this Mr. Schaack?" 
 
 "I am," I replied, "and what are you doing standing there?" 
 
 The stranger asked me to wait for a moment, and I complied, hardly 
 knowing what to make out of the man's intentions toward me at such an 
 unseemly hour in the morning; but at the same time I kept my eye steadily 
 upon him for any hostile demonstrations. The strange individual hurriedly 
 placed a cloth of some sort over his face, and I began to think some Anar- 
 chist had been commissioned to murder me. Still, the coolness and self- 
 possession of the man and the seeming absence of the usual bluster 
 incident to the commission of a foul crime reassured me. Noticing all 
 this, by way of making the man understand that I was prepared for him if 
 he had any murderous intentions, I said : " If you make any attack upon 
 me I will kill you dead ! " 
 
 " Mein Gott, nein. I only want to tell you something," was the reply.
 
 A MYSTERIOUS INFORMER. 
 
 195 
 
 I told him that that was all right and asked him into the back yard, 
 when he said he would talk to me. I made the stranger go ahead of me, 
 and when we reached the yard the man gave me a long story. 
 
 "I dare not," said he, "write to you. I dare not come near you dur- 
 ing the day-time. I don't want you to know me, but I think you are the 
 right man to talk to. I would not talk to any one else." 
 
 During the whole conversation the man kept his improvised mask on, 
 and made it clear that his motive in so doing was to prevent the possibility 
 of his being made to appear 
 in court to verify the state- 
 ments he desired to communi- 
 cate. He gave information 
 mainly bearing on the con- 
 spiracy meeting which had 
 been held on the evening of 
 May 3, at No. 54 West Lake 
 Street, and the interview 
 lasted until about three 
 o'clock. 
 
 When we parted I was no 
 wiser as to his identity than 
 I had been before, and to this 
 day I don't know with whom 
 I talked there in my back 
 yard that early morning. 
 
 In the forenoon of the gth 
 of May my trusted assistants 
 again met in the office to com- 
 pare notes. At this meeting I 
 told Mr. Furthmann what a 
 ghost I had seen that night, 
 and in our deliberations that 
 ghost aided us a great deal. 
 
 As a result the detectives 
 started out with new instruc- A BACK-YARD INTERVIEW. 
 
 tions, and they were ordered to be back at the office at one o'clock in the after- 
 noon. All reported promptly except a few who had struck a good trail and 
 who kept out until six o'clock. The reports of those present showed good 
 results. They started out again at two o'clock with new instructions and 
 were ordered to report as soon as they had completed their work. Between 
 three and five o'clock that afternoon things became exceedingly lively. The 
 Anarchists began to move about like hornets disturbed in their nest, and 
 some jumped around as if charged with electricity. Towards six o'clock the
 
 196 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 detectives reported back to the office, and an exchange of notes showed 
 that it had been a day more fruitful of results than the day preceding. I 
 found that a strong chain had been wrought connecting all the leading 
 Anarchists in Chicago with the Haymarket murder, and I knew that no 
 mistakes had been made in the arrest of those who had already been 
 locked up. 
 
 During the same evening Mr. Grinnell and Mr. George Ingham gave 
 me a call, and anxiously inquired about the progress made in the case. 
 Mr. Grinnell assured Mr. Furthmann and myself that Mr. Ingham was all 
 right, being with them, and with this statement all the facts were laid 
 before them. 
 
 When the whole situation had been explained, Mr. Ingham said : 
 
 "Mr. Grinnell, now you have a case." 
 
 "George," replied Mr. Grinnell, "up to the time when Capt. Schaack 
 began his work I had no case whatsoever. I would have been laughed out 
 of court, but now I say we have a good, strong case, and it will be in 
 excellent shape. The boys are making it stronger every day. They have 
 got things down fine, and they are going to bring out everything there is 
 in it." 
 
 We worked that night until one o'clock, and met again the next morn- 
 ing at eight, vigorous and keen for further developments. At this time we 
 had our hands full, with an abundance of material on which to work. Dur- 
 ing the night several letters were dropped in my letter-box, and they all 
 contained good news. Some of the letters were somewhat obscure, their 
 import having to be guessed at from suggestive circumstances, but they 
 nevertheless helped. With fresh instructions the detectives started out 
 for the day and reported back at one o'clock as per orders. Everything 
 was discovered to have worked well. About two o'clock a man was noticed 
 standing across the street from the station. His actions were somewhat 
 strange, and one of the officers remarked that the fellow appeared to be 
 watching the building very closely. I told the officer to keep watch of him, 
 and in the event of his walking away to follow him. The man did not 
 move, and as he remained there for nearly half an hour I ordered the officer 
 to go across the street and ascertain what the stranger was watching. The 
 man declined to speak at first, but, after the officer had threatened to lock 
 him up, he stated that he desired to see me, but did not want to go into the 
 building. He then requested the officer to tell me that he would meet me 
 at the corner of La Salle and Chicago Avenues, and I was so notified. 
 
 I started at once to see the man, but as soon as lie saw me he started 
 off. When he got to the corner he turned north on La Salle Avenue, and 
 I followed. When I got within twenty feet of him he looked around, and 
 then dropped a letter, pointing his fingers to it as he passed on, without 
 stopping. I picked up the letter and went back to the station. This letter
 
 OFFICIAL JEALOUSY. 
 
 197 
 
 contained very important matter and kept us busy for two days. This man 
 was a stranger to me. I had never seen him before to my knowledge, and I 
 have never seen him since. 
 
 After this day the office had all it could do and all the information it 
 needed. After six days and nights of hard and exacting labor, the real 
 troubles of all engaged in the case began. The newspapers now appreciated 
 the work accomplished, and they were not slow to bestow great praise upon 
 all connected with the case. This did not please Mr. Ebersold, the Chief, 
 and on the nth of May he sent for me to report at once. 
 
 The moment I entered the office at the Central Station I saw that there 
 was "fire in the eye " of the 
 Superintendent, and the 
 atmosphere was somewhat 
 above the boiling-point. 
 
 "Are you Chief of Po- 
 lice or am I ? " broke in Mr. 
 Ebersold, in a gruff, blus- 
 tering manner, the moment 
 I had set my foot inside ot 
 the private office. 
 
 "You are," said I, "or 
 at least you are supposed 
 to be. I certainly don't 
 desire to be." 
 
 This shot did not con- 
 tribute anything to the 
 comfort of the Chief, and 
 he grew hotter than ever ? 
 and desired me to under- 
 stand that he was the Chief, and no one else. Mr. Ebersold then pro- 
 ceeded to unburden his mind. He said that his friends had told him that 
 they had thought he was Chief, but since they had not seen his name pub- 
 lished in connection with the case, they had reached a different conclusion. 
 He further stated that ministers even, and professors, too, and other peo- 
 ple, had come to him and said that "Capt. Schaack was getting too much 
 notoriety." He declared that he wanted me to stop the newspapers writing 
 anything more about me and to let the credit be given to the head of the 
 department. 
 
 "I want this thing stopped ! " declared the Chief, as he struck the desk 
 vigorously with his fist and glowered savagely at me. 
 
 I told him that I had not asked any newspaper to write me up and I 
 would not tell any of them to stop, simply because it was not my business. 
 
 1 had progressed too far to think of allowing all the work already done 
 
 A FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION.
 
 i 9 8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to be set at naught by the incompetents then at the head of what was 
 facetiously called the defective department. I therefore took occasion to 
 say, just before leaving the Chief's presence, that, now that I had opened up 
 the case, I proposed to finish it, even if I did not remain on the force one 
 day after my work had been fully accomplished. A day or two after this 
 interview I met Mr. Grinnell and related the circumstances. The State's 
 Attorney said : 
 
 " Captain, you are doing well ; you keep on and work just as you have 
 been doing." 
 
 During the afternoon of May 10, the detectives of the Chicago Avenue 
 Station discovered a lot of bombs, guns and revolvers, which they brought 
 to the station. They also arrested a few Anarchists, who pretended to be 
 as harmless and spotless as little lambs, but who, before they went to sleep 
 that night in our hotel, discovered that they had a great many black spots 
 on them. The force continued at work till three o'clock the next morning. 
 The following day they met again at eight o'clock in the morning, and sev- 
 eral arrests were made that day. 
 
 At about this time the mail was burdened with a great many letters, 
 some very encouraging in the cheering and complimentary sentiments they 
 conveyed, and others very threatening in their character. The latter class 
 were full of most dire menaces, suggesting all sorts of torture in the event 
 that I did not stop prosecuting the Anarchists, and the whole formed a very 
 interesting collection. It was evident that many of them had been written 
 by cranks, and that some bore marks of having been inspired by religious 
 enthusiasts. One wrote that enough men had already been killed without 
 hunting for innocent men as a sacrifice for the Haymarket murder, and 
 another wrote urging that the whole lot of the Anarchist brood be hung as 
 fast as they could be arrested. Several drew on their imaginations and 
 volunteered "pointers" which bore on their face evidences of falsehood. 
 Others would say that their prayers were constantly with the police in their 
 efforts, and expressed a hope that out of it all might come the extirpation 
 of Anarchy from American soil. These communications poured in upon 
 me in such numbers that I had no time to read them through, and even the 
 most savage and bloodthirsty hardly gave me a moment's thought. 
 As a matter of fact I was never for a moment alarmed about my own per- 
 sonal safety. All of the letters I received I filed away, and some day, when 
 I do not know what else to do to amuse myself, I purpose to run them over 
 again and enjoy another hearty laugh. Meanwhile Anarchist after Anar- 
 chist was overhauled, and after one clue had been worked out another was 
 undertaken with the utmost secrecy. The detectives continued persistently 
 at work, and for two months they carefully kept their own counsel, never 
 permitting themselves to be drawn into conversation by outsiders respect- 
 ing the case.
 
 
 THREATENING LETTERS. 199 
 
 Their experience was highly exciting at all times, and the various haunts 
 of the Anarchists were kept in a lively commotion. The social miscreants 
 never knew when the investigations would end, and they were in constant 
 dread. Finding that threats upon the lives of State's Attorney Grinnell, 
 Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, myself, and the officers engaged in 
 the case, had failed to have the desired effect, they turned their attention to 
 writing letters to our wives. These letters were written in a most vindictive 
 and fiendish spirit. They threatened not only bodily harm to these ladies, 
 but promised to inflict death by horrible tortures upon their husbands and 
 children, if the prosecution was not dropped ; and they vowed vengeance 
 also upon property by the use of explosives that would leave to each house 
 only a vestige of its former location. Some of these letters were general 
 in their character, and others particularized the kind of death in store for 
 all engaged in the case. One said that on some unexpected day we would 
 be blown to atoms by a bomb ; another pictured how a husband would be 
 brought home in a mangled, unrecognizable mass. Still another would 
 suggest that, if a husband proved missing, his remains might be looked for 
 fifty feet under the water, firmly tied to a rock or a piece of iron. Another, 
 again, stated that on the first opportunity the husband would be gagged, 
 bound hand and foot, and placed across some railroad track to horribly con- 
 template death under the wheels of a fast approaching train. Still another 
 would say: "When your husband is brought home be sure and pull the 
 poisoned dagger out of his body." One writer penned a tender epistle and 
 closed by urging the mother to be sure to "kiss your children good-by 
 when you leave them out on the street." One letter was written with red 
 ink and stated that "this blood is out of the veins of a determined man 
 that would die for Anarchy." One man expressed sorrow for the woman 
 and then concluded : " But we cannot help this. If you have any property 
 you had better have a will made by your liege lord to yourself, because he 
 is going to die so quick that he will not know that he ever was alive." 
 Another said : "Take a good description of your husband's clothes. He 
 will be missing before long, and probably after some years you will hear 
 that in some wild forest a lot of clothes have been found tied to some tree, 
 and these clothes will be stuffed with bones." 
 
 Epistolary threats of this kind were sent almost daily to the wives of 
 the officers and officials, and, if published, the collection would form a 
 volume in itself. The threats I have given are only a tithe of the whole, 
 but I have given enough to illustrate the general trend of the letters. We 
 paid no attention to them, but the women, of more delicate and sensitive 
 disposition, took them more to heart. The constant receipt of such letters 
 naturally made a deep impression on their minds, and some of the ladies 
 had dark forebodings. But the officers always took a cheerful view, and 
 urged that it was only cowards who resorted to threats. They still con-
 
 200 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 tinued their work, undaunted by these denunciations and menaces, and 
 frequently remained out all night in their work in some of the most desper- 
 ate districts of the city, sometimes keeping up forty-eight hours at a stretch. 
 
 Mrs. Schaack, a generally strong and courageous woman and deeply 
 interested in all my work, did not bear up as well as some of the others 
 under the pressure. She had been sick for over eight months, and, when these 
 letters began to reach her, she had just reached a convalescent state. Hav- 
 ing thus passed through a long siege of illness, her system was in a highly 
 nervous condition, and it was, therefore, quite natural that sometimes she 
 should become greatly solicitous for my personal safety whenever a very 
 savage and gory letter accidentally reached her eye. When the trial finally 
 began, I begged her to take the three children and visit for two months a 
 place six hundred miles away from Chicago, where she could not only 
 enjoy a comparative serenity of mind, but build up her shattered constitu- 
 tion, under more favorable circumstances and climatic conditions. She 
 acted on my advice. While away, she was in constant receipt of such 
 letters as were calculated to make her reassured as to my comfort, and she 
 rapidly gained in health and strength. 
 
 Mrs. Grinnell bore up remarkably well under the severe strain. She 
 had come in for a goodly share of these murder-threatening letters, but, 
 being blessed with good health and strong nerves, she never displayed 
 signs of weakness. 
 
 She was a brave lady. Whenever I saw her with Mr. Grinnell, she 
 would always say: "Captain, I want you and Mr. Grinnell and all the boys 
 to keep on with your noble work." She at all times appeared very pleasant 
 and not the least disturbed. 
 
 Mrs. Furthmann was not overlooked by the letter-writers, but her 
 husband arranged matters so that their epistles did not fall into her hands. 
 He would gather them in, and, with what the mail brought him every day 
 for his own individual benefit, he had plenty of hair-raising literature. 
 But he paid no attention to the threats and never for a moment relaxed 
 his efforts on account of them. These letters became so numerous and fre- 
 quent that after a time the officers would jestingly allude to them as their 
 " love letters." 
 
 But the Anarchists did not stop with writing letters. One night they 
 held a small meeting in the rear room of a saloon on North Avenue, and 
 there was a great deal of talk and bluster about what they ought to do to 
 " bring the officials to their senses." One suggested that they should blow 
 up the house of Officer Michael Hoffman, but that officer appears to have 
 had a friend there. That friend opposed the plan and said : 
 
 " Cowards, if you want to do anything, why don't you meet the man 
 himself and attack him ? Why do you seek to hurt his wife and innocent 
 children?"
 
 IN TIMID A TION AND ARSON. 201 
 
 This appealed to their sense of humanity, and they at once decided to 
 abandon the scheme. Finally one cut-throat arose, and, in a braggadocio 
 style, broke out, in a loud, coarse and beer-laden voice : 
 
 "Well, we will drop that plan, but you all know where he lives and we 
 all have bombs yet. Any one that does not care for a screeching woman 
 or squealing young ones, let him go and see the shingles fly off the 
 roof." 
 
 On a subsequent night about two o'clock in the morning a carriage 
 drove up to the officer's house, and one of the occupants shouted out, 
 "Mike!" The officer drew to the window, and his wife opened it. At 
 first, mistaking her for the officer, they halloaed, " We only want to see you 
 for a moment." When the woman asked what was wanted they said, "We 
 don't want to see you. Where is Mike?" Being informed that he was 
 not at home, one of the burly fellows said, just as the carriage started away, 
 "A d d good thing for him that he is not at home." 
 
 This band of intimidators and cowards did not overlook me. On two 
 occasions they sought to burn my house, but each time they were foiled in 
 their attempt. They sneaked, true to their nature, into the back yard, and 
 started a fire by means of a kerosene-saturated torch or by the use of an 
 explosive. The fires, however, failed to do any damage. 
 
 When the trial of the arch-conspirators began, these same unpunished 
 red-handed cranks began to give their attention to Judge Gary and his 
 wife. They fairly overwhelmed them with letters of a most threatening 
 character, and whenever there was any ruling of the court which they re- 
 garded as inimical to their friends' interests, they were particularly vitu- 
 perative. But throughout the whole trial neither the Judge nor his wife 
 was at all intimidated. They paid no attention to them, and nearly every 
 day Mrs. Gary sat by the side of her husband on the bench, giving the 
 strictest attention to the proceedings. She was there in the forenoon and 
 in the afternoon. When the two went out to lunch together, a detec- 
 tive would always follow them, without their request or knowledge, and the 
 same course would be pursued when they went home at night or came 
 down in the morning. I had this done as a precautionary measure, as 
 there was no telling at that time but what some demented Anarchist might 
 seek vengeance upon the Judge for some fancied wrong to the defendants. 
 Sometimes, after lunch, Mrs. Gary would return in the company of some 
 lady friends, but she would invariably, after an exchange of pleasantries 
 with them, rejoin her husband on the bench, where she would remain until 
 the adjournment of court. Once in a while the Judge would find a 
 moment's interval to talk to her, and the devoted appearance of the vener- 
 able couple formed a most pleasing and picturesque background to the 
 crowded and excited court scene throughout the trial. She was there dur- 
 ing all the arguments, and listened most intently to the reading of the
 
 202 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 verdict which finally sent the defendants to the gallows. From the begin- 
 ning of the trial to its end she never displayed a sign of weakness or fear. 
 
 While the investigations were in progress, and even during the trial, a 
 lot of cranks and desperate men flocked into the city from outside points, 
 and there was no telling what villainous deeds they might perpetrate and 
 then escape undetected. For this reason I thought it prudent to place a 
 watchman at the house of every one actively engaged in the case, and both 
 night and day the lives as well as property of all were closely watched to 
 prevent the execution of any of the numerous threats made against the 
 officials by the red-handed fiends. The attempt on my own house was 
 made before these guards were placed, but after that there was no trouble. 
 The Anarchists, seeing the precautions that had been taken, gave the houses 
 no further attention, and thereafter vented their spleen in denunciatory 
 letters. 
 
 From the very start of the investigations, I engaged the services of pri- 
 vate men to work under my instructions, and they invariably submitted 
 their reports to me at my house. They never called at the house without 
 first notifying me, and this notification would be by means of a sign at a 
 place near my residence. I would always look at the spot before entering 
 the house, and if I found the sign, I would also find my man in the 
 vicinity. 
 
 I would then go upstairs, fix the rooms so that no one could see who 
 might enter, and leave a sign at the window. In a few minutes my friend 
 would appear at the door. Not one of my officers ever knew any of these 
 men so employed, but they knew the officers. 
 
 Many funny incidents naturally grew out of this situation. It was very 
 amusing to listen to the officers. One would tell me: "I saw such and such 
 a fellow, a rank Anarchist, on the street to-day in company with a 
 stranger," or : "I saw a couple of them in such and such a saloon together, 
 and one of them had a stranger with him, who looked like a wild Anar- 
 chist." Then the officers would describe the fellow, and one of them would 
 say: 
 
 " I know he is an Anarchist. He and the stranger walked around the 
 jail building, and the next time I meet that stranger I will bring him in. It 
 will do no harm to give him a few days' entertainment in the station. I 
 want to introduce him to you. I bet you will keep him, and you can, no 
 doubt, learn something from him. I think he is a stranger in the city, and 
 he is here for no good purpose." 
 
 The officer was bound to bring him in, and this placed me in a rather 
 awkward position. All I could do, however, was to say, "Don't be too 
 hasty ; wait till you find him connected with others." 
 
 This worked well for a while, but after a time some of these men who 
 were in my secret service were brought in. One morning I arrived at the
 
 MISTAKEN IDENTITY. 
 
 203 
 
 
 station and found that they had been locked up in a cell. As they had 
 received at the start rigid instructions not to reveal their identity under any 
 circumstances, they did not send for me the moment they were arrested, 
 and so they had to remain until the next day, when I promptly released 
 them. 
 
 At one time, one of these privates reported to me that he had seen a 
 fellow around with some of the worst Anarchists in the city, that every one 
 regarded him as sound in the Anarchist faith, and that he and the others 
 were in Chicago to liberate the Anarchists from the jail. The private fur- 
 ther stated that the stranger had never been seen except in the company of 
 old-time revolutionists. 
 That was enough for the 
 detective to warrant ar- 
 rest. I told him to make 
 the fellow's acquaint- 
 ance and draw him out, 
 but be in no haste. A 
 few days later, the de- 
 tective reported that he 
 had spoken to the 
 stranger and that he 
 would become well ac- 
 quainted with him 
 shortly. 
 
 At this time every 
 Anarchist resort was 
 watched very closely. 
 I told the private to ascer- 
 tain where the stranger 
 lived, but he must not 
 push himself too rapidly 
 forward ; he must make 
 an engagement to meet 
 the man in the evening 
 and stay with him as late as possible. Just as soon as they parted, 
 he was to double back on the stranger and follow him. A few nights 
 later the private reported again and said that they had been together 
 one evening for three hours, when they parted on the corner of Madison 
 and Canal Streets. He told the stranger that he would go back to the 
 South Side, and then, by following him after parting, he found that the 
 stranger started north. The man turned on Lake Street west and entered 
 No. 71 West Lake Street, one of the worst Anarchist resorts in the city. 
 This place was kept by a man named Floras, a rank " red." The private 
 
 THE NOTORIOUS FLORUS' HALL. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 204 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 waited for his friend to come out, remaining in the vicinity until Florus 
 closed his saloon ; but no one came. The next day the private reported 
 the facts to me, and said that the stranger evidently had a room at Florus' 
 house. I told the private to try and get the stranger on the North Side so 
 that I could have a look at him. He started out to hunt up his friend. 
 
 On the evening of that same day, detective No. 2 reported. He said 
 that he had a fellow spotted whom he described as one of a gang that 
 had come from St. Paul. He remarked that the fellow was very sharp, but 
 not sharp enough for him. He also stated that the stranger appeared to 
 like him, but that he did not trust him very much. 
 
 No. 2 further said: "I have been around with him 
 every evening. He is very good company, and I am sure 
 that he is an Anarchist. But I can't get at his motives." 
 I then told him to get the man up here on the North 
 Side where I would be able to see him. 
 
 " All right, but you want to get a good look at him ; 
 [r the fellow changes his clothes often. He is a foxy fel- 
 
 UHlt"" K 1 * 
 
 B3?" low. 
 
 I said that I would always be at the station from one 
 
 to three o'clock, so as 
 to take a look at the 
 man when they passed. 
 On the next day I 
 was on the look-out, 
 but no one came. The 
 second day I again 
 watched, and, to my 
 great surprise, at two 
 o'clock I saw two fel- 
 lows, both in my em- 
 ploy, coming east on 
 Chicago Avenue from 
 Wells Street, and on 
 the same side where 
 the station is located. They were engaged in conversation, and neither 
 looked aside as they passed. I got up on the steps of the front entrance 
 and remained there as they came by. They had no sooner got past, when 
 the fellow on the inside lifted his hand to the right hip, and after a few 
 steps further the other fellow put his left hand behind his back and worked 
 his fingers thus each man giving the tip on the other. They proceeded 
 towards the Water-works. 
 
 When all this was over, I almost fell in a fit laughing at the joke. It 
 was extremely ludicrous, but I had to keep it all to myself. The privates 
 
 THE "SHADOWED" DETECTIVES.
 
 A SLIGHT EMBARRASSMENT. 205 
 
 kept at work, but I did not tell either the occupation of the other. I had 
 promised every man in my employ that I would not give him away, and I 
 kept my word. One of these detectives had been assigned for duty north 
 of Kinzie Street on the West Side, and the other had been set to work par- 
 ticularly along Lake Street. By invitation of some Anarchists on Mil- 
 waukee Avenue, the detective in the district north had left his field and 
 gone with them to the halls of the ''reds" on Lake Street, and in this way 
 the two detectives had made each other's acquaintance and got mixed up. 
 I was now in a predicament to straighten matters out and prevent the men 
 from wasting time on each other. I finally told each separately that the 
 other was working for Billy Pinkerton, and that he should pay no more 
 attention to him. This worked satisfactorily. Now and then I received a 
 report stating that my detective had seen that Pinkerton man at such or 
 such a place. This will be the first time, however, that either one knows 
 the other's exact identity, and they can now laugh over their mixed-up 
 condition and see what a fix I was in at that time. 

 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Tracking the Conspirators Female Anarchists A Bevy of Beauties 
 Petticoated Ugliness The Breathless Messenger A Detective's Danger Turning 
 the Tables "That Man is a Detective!" A Close Call Gaining Revolutionists' 
 Confidence Vouched for by the Conspirators Speech-making Extraordinary The 
 Hiding-place in the Anarchists' Hall Betrayed by a Woman The Assassination of 
 Detective Brown at Cedar Lake Saloon-keepers and the Revolution "Anarchists for 
 Revenue Only " Another Murder Plot The Peep-hole Found Hunting for Detect- 
 ives Some Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists A Collector of " Red " Literature 
 and his Dangerous Bonfire Ebersold's Vacation Threatening the Jury Measures 
 Taken for their Protection Grinnell's Danger A "Bad Man" in Court The Find 
 at the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office Schnaubelt's Impudent Letter Captured Correspond- 
 ence The Anarchist's Complete Letter-writer. 
 
 IN the light of all the facts that have developed, I do not believe that it is 
 too large a statement, nor too egotistical, to say that, but for the work 
 done at the Chicago Avenue Station, the Anarchist leaders would soon 
 have been given their liberty, and Anarchy would have been as rampant as 
 ever in Chicago worse indeed than before ; for the conspirators would 
 then have despised as well as hated the law. What the work was, the 
 reader will better understand after he has gone through this and the suc- 
 ceeding chapters. 
 
 I did not depend wholly upon police effort, but at once employed a 
 number of outside men, choosing especially those who were familiar with 
 the Anarchists and their haunts. The funds for this purpose were supplied 
 to me by public-spirited citizens who wished the law vindicated and order 
 preserved in Chicago. I received reports from the men thus employed 
 from the beginning of the case up to November 20, 1887. There are 253 of 
 the reports in all, and a most interesting history of Chicago Anarchy do they 
 make even in themselves. 
 
 They always conveyed important information and gave valuable clues. 
 They confined their efforts wholly to Anarchists, and their principal duty 
 was to ascertain if the reds intended to organize again for another riot or 
 an incendiary attempt upon the city. They were also to learn if steps 
 were contemplated to effect the rescue of the Anarchists who were locked 
 up in the County Jail, and whether they were getting up any further murder 
 plots. At each Anarchist meeting I had at lea^t one man present to note 
 the proceedings and learn what plots they were maturing. Generally before 
 midnight I would know all that had transpired at meetings of any impor- 
 tance. From many meetings I learned that the Anarchists were discussing 
 plans to revenge themselves on the police, but in each case, as soon as they 
 were about to take some definite action, some one would move an adjourn- 
 ment or suggest the appointment of a committee to work out the plan in 
 
 206
 
 FEMALE RE VOL UTIONISTS. 
 
 207 
 
 some better shape. When the next meeting was held the fellows who had 
 done the loudest shouting would be absent, and then those who happened 
 to be on hand would vent their wrath upon the absentees by calling them 
 cowards. In many of the smaller meetings held on Milwaukee Avenue or 
 in that vicinity, a lot of crazy women were usually present, and whenever a 
 proposition arose to kill some one or to blow up the city with dynamite, 
 these "squaws" proved the most bloodthirsty. In fact, if any man laid 
 out a plan to perpetrate mischief, they would show themselves much 
 more eager to carry it out than the men, and it always seemed a pleasure to 
 
 THE "RED" SISTERHOOD. 
 
 the Anarchists to have them present. They were always invited to the 
 "war dances." Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. Bonfield and myself were 
 usually remembered at these gatherings, and they fairly went wild whenever 
 bloodthirsty sentiments were uttered against us. The reporters and 
 the so-called capitalistic press also shared in the general denunciations. At 
 one meeting, held on North Halsted Street, there were thirteen of these 
 creatures in petticoats present, the most hideous-looking females that could 
 possibly be found. If a reward of money had been offered for an uglier set, 
 no one could have profited upon the collection. Some of them were pock- 
 marked, others freckle-faced and red-haired, and others again held their 
 snuff-boxes in their hands while the congress was in session. One female
 
 208 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 appeared at one of these meetings with her husband's boots on, and there 
 was another one about six feet tall. She was a beauty ! She was raw- 
 boned, had a turn-up nose, and looked as though she might have carried 
 the red flag in Paris during the reign of the Commune. 
 
 This meeting continued all right for about two hours Then a rap came 
 on the locked door. The guard reported that one of their cause desired 
 admittance, giving his name at the same time, and the new arrival was 
 permitted to enter. He was a large man with a black beard and large eyes, 
 and very shabbily dressed. He looked as though he had been driving a 
 coal cart for a year without washing or combing. He also had the appear- 
 ance of being on the verge of hydrophobia. As soon as he reached the 
 interior of the hall he blurted out hastily, in a loud voice : 
 
 " Ladies and brothers of our cause ! Please stop all proceedings I am 
 out of breath I will sit down for a few minutes." 
 
 All present looked at the man with a great deal of curiosity and patiently 
 waited for him to recover his breath. The interval was about five minutes. 
 Then the stranger jumped up and said : 
 
 "I am from Jefferson. I ran all the way [a distance of five miles]. I 
 was informed that you were holding a meeting here this evening, and that 
 there is a spy in your midst." 
 
 At this bit of information every one became highly excited, and the 
 stranger immediately proceeded to inquire if there was any one they suspected. 
 They all looked at each other, and, becoming satisfied that they were all 
 friends of Anarchy, waited for the man to give them more precise informa- 
 tion. The stranger then continued : 
 
 "The man is described to me, and that is all I know." 
 
 He looked around for a moment and finally said, pointing to the man 
 addressed : 
 
 "If I am not damnably mistaken, you are the man ! " At the same time 
 he ordered the guard to lock the door and pull out the key. 
 
 "Now," he resumed, addressing the man to whom he had pointed, who 
 was none other than a detective in my service, "you will have to give a good 
 account of yourself." 
 
 This placed my man in a rather embarrassing position, but he was equal 
 to the emergency. 
 
 "I am an Anarchist," he spoke up promptly, in a loud, clear and firm 
 tone of voice, " and I have been one for years, and you are simply one of 
 those Pinkerton bummers. What business have you here in our meetings, 
 I would like to know. The other day I passed Pinkerton's office. I was 
 sitting in a car, and I saw you coming down stairs. I suppose you met some 
 fool that gave you a little information so as to get in here. All you want to 
 know evidently is how many are present here, and, if possible, learn what
 
 THE DETECTIVE'S RUSE. 
 
 209 
 
 we are doing. You get out of here in five seconds, or I will shoot you down 
 /ike a rat." 
 
 The officer then pulled out of his pocket a large revolver, and, brand- 
 ishing it in the air, asked : 
 
 "Shall I kill that bloodhound?" 
 
 The women cried out in a chorus: "Yes, yes ; kill him !" The men, 
 however, did not like the proposition. One of them said : "Don't kill him 
 
 TURNING THE TABLES. 
 
 here ; take him out somewhere else and shoot him. " This seemed to meet 
 with general approval. 
 
 The turn of affairs completely surprised the stranger, and he became so 
 frightened that he could not speak. No one in the meeting knew him, and 
 he was powerless to speak in his own defense. The officer held his revolver 
 directed at the man's face and kept toying with it in the vicinity of his nose. 
 Finally the fellow stammered out : 
 
 " I am all right, and you will find me out so." 
 
 At last the women again broke in, with a demand that the intruder be 
 immediately ejected, and the men responded promptly by kicking him out 
 of the door. He had no sooner reached the outside than he started on a 
 keen run, in momentary dread of his life, and he kept up his rapid gait until 
 he thought he was at a safe distance.
 
 2 1 o ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The officer was then the hero of the moment, but he recognized the fact 
 that he himself was not absolutely safe after this episode. It occurred to 
 him that possibly the stranger might hunt up some one on Milwaukee 
 Avenue who could identify him and assure the meeting that he was 
 a true and reliable Anarchist, and thus turn the tables against the 
 officer. The moment, therefore, he had regained his seat, he decided to 
 resort to strategy, and said : 
 
 "We will have to adjourn at once. This fellow will run to the station- 
 house and bring the patrol wagon with a lot of- officers, and we will all be 
 arrested." 
 
 In less than three minutes the meeting adjourned, and then the officer 
 advised them all to go home immediately and not to remain a second if they 
 did not desire to be arrested. The Anarchists did as he suggested, and 
 scattered for home in a hurry. 
 
 This detective did not attend any more of the meetings, but was con- 
 tent in congratulating himself on having come out of that assembly without 
 a bruise or a scratch. 
 
 About January, 1887, one of my privates informed me that there was a 
 place on Cly bourn Avenue where the Anarchists were accustomed to hold 
 private meetings. He said that he could not get in as yet, and I told him 
 to pick up some one whom he could work handily. He must first form the 
 man's acquaintance, and then hang around the saloons in the neighborhood 
 and read the Arbeit er-Zeitung. I gave him one of John Host's books and 
 made him wear a red necktie. I advised him also to get about half drunk, sing 
 the Marseillaise and curse the police. By so doing, I told him, it would not 
 be long before he would find a partner. Several times subsequently the 
 detective visited the Anarchist resorts, accompanied by a little boy who 
 belonged to one of his friends, and in less than two weeks he had wormed 
 himself into the confidence of the gang who frequented Clybourn Avenue. 
 If any one asked him his name he would say : 
 
 " I don't give my name to people I don't know. I am against law and 
 order, and that is sufficient. I don't believe in having good men hung to 
 satisfy the rich. They will not hang if I can help any." 
 
 For the first couple of weeks, the newly formed friends of this detective 
 would not take him to any of their meetings. I advised him not to make 
 inquiries. As soon as they thought him all right, they would speak 
 themselves. Within three weeks some one took him to a meeting and 
 vouched for him as being true to their cause. At the first meeting he 
 attended he saw that he was as intelligent as any one of them, and so he 
 delivered a short speech. That captured them, and they pronounced him 
 a good man. They asked him to call again at their next meeting, and he 
 promised that he would be on hand. He then reported to me. I told him 
 to find a weak spot around the building, where I could put some one to-
 
 A NOVEL TELEPHONE. 211 
 
 protect him in case of discovery and danger. A few days after he reported 
 again that there was a vacant basement under the house, and that it was 
 very low. There was only a common door with an ordinary lock. I 
 then promised him that I would put a strong man in there at every meeting, 
 and in case he should be attacked by the gang, he should shout, "Police." 
 Then, the moment the door was broken in, he was to cry out, " Brother ! " 
 so that the man coming to his assistance would know him at once. I also 
 told him that at the next meeting he should ascertain the size of the room 
 and notice whatever furniture might be there and where it was standing. 
 This he did. He made a small diagram. I then detailed a man to take a 
 position in the basement at several meetings, but, running short of men shortly 
 
 afterwards, I was obliged 
 to take this man away. 
 But this did not cripple 
 us. On another occasion 
 the private reported 
 again, handed me a plat 
 of the room and gave me 
 some desired information.. 
 I sent for Officer Schuet- 
 tler. He responded! 
 promptly, and I told him 
 what I wanted done. He 
 said that he was ready 
 to carry out my instruc- 
 tions. I told him to go 
 and buy a one-inch auger, 
 and next procure a fun- 
 nel with the large end the 
 UNDERGROUND AUDITORS. circumference of a saucer, 
 
 and a pipe about four inches long. After an hour's absence he returned with 
 the desired articles. I handed him several keys with which to open the 
 door, showed him the plat, and told him where to bore a hole. I also told 
 him to secure a cork and plug up the hole after he was through. I then 
 instructed him to get into the place about half an hour before the meeting 
 opened and have his apparatus in working order. I gave Officer Schuet- 
 tler the dates on which meetings were to be held, and then he started 
 out with good hope in his new undertaking. A few days subsequently 
 the officer reported back, and his face was wreathed in smiles. 
 "You must have had success," I said. 
 " Yes, everything worked like a charm." 
 
 He handed me a good report and remarked that it contained the most 
 important part of the business done by the meeting. He suggested that
 
 2i2 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 he ought to have some one with him so that he could secure all the details. 
 For the next meeting I sent another officer with him, and this man had a 
 dark lantern. Schuettler would listen, and as he whispered the words and 
 sentiments of the speakers, the other officer, with the aid of the light from 
 his lantern, would commit them to paper. The next morning I received a 
 full report of all the transactions. 
 
 This sort of work was kept up for several months, and during all this 
 time I was kept pretty well informed of the secret movements of the old 
 North Side groups. At the beginning of all their meetings the speakers 
 would declare their wish to see Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, all the officers work- 
 ing on the case and myself hung. They generally closed with a promise to 
 kill all capitalists and blow up all the newspaper buildings. 
 
 One private detective, whom I had at work for me for a long time, 
 proved very valuable. He belonged to a union and showed very fine 
 judgment. He would watch only the most radical leaders and ascertain 
 their intentions. He was a rabid Anarchist himself, but he did not believe 
 in killing people or precipitating riots so long as it would not help their 
 cause. He often used to say to me : 
 
 "Captain, I will be true to you. I will help you all I can to prevent 
 some of these fools from committing any more murders." 
 
 He said that some of his people had not sense enough to know what 
 they were doing, and that, whenever he met a man of family who talked 
 about killing somebody, he would remonstrate with him. For this good 
 and sensible advice some of the reds called him a coward and a spy. At 
 one time, on Lake Street, a big, burly brute called him a coward and a 
 creeping thing. My man stepped up to the fellow and said : 
 
 "I will make you eat your own words, or you will have to kill me." 
 
 "What do you want me to do ? " asked the big ruffian. 
 
 "Fight a duel," retorted the detective. "I will give you twenty min- 
 utes' time in which to secure a revolver and get ready. I will pay your 
 car-fare, and we will go out to Garfield Park. No one shall go with us, and 
 if you don't accept my challenge, I will kill you anyhow." 
 
 "Are you in earnest ? " asked the other. 
 
 " Never more so in my life," was the reply. 
 
 The boasting coward then begged for more time, which was not granted, 
 and, seeing the challenger determined, he winced. 
 
 "I believe you are a good man. I am sorry that I have insulted you, 
 and I beg your pardon. Let up on this. If you don't feel like doing so, 
 for God's sake do it for my wife and family." 
 
 The young fellow then struck the braggart in the face and walked away. 
 The whimpering coward never raised his hand nor uttered another word. 
 
 This man whom I had employed did not like Spies. He termed Spies 
 a rattle-head, and disapproved of his arguments in the Fackel that the ist
 
 A MYSTERIO US DR O WNING. 2 1 3 
 
 of May was the time for the Anarchists to rise. In this view all the more 
 sensible conspirators agreed. They knew that they could not accomplish 
 anything, and therefore they kept away. My man was one of this latter 
 class. He said everything was working nicely in their favor, but Spies 
 killed everything. He told me that one night he was in company with 
 Spies, and that Spies said : 
 
 " I do not care how little I can accomplish. I want revenge on the 
 police. They killed my brother a d d policeman killed him at a pic- 
 nic. He shot him dead, and I will never stop until I have more than 
 double revenge." 
 
 This statement of Spies' about the killing was true. The brother killed 
 was a young tough, and had been shot by Officer Tamillo. 
 
 My man said that from the moment of this interview he had no more 
 use for Spies. This detective ceased work for a few months, but he there- 
 after resumed his secret service, as he found that, in view of the strikes and 
 laying-off, he could hardly make a living otherwise. I put him to work 
 again, and he did well, continuing for two months. One day he came to me 
 and wanted $30. I gave it to him, and he started away. He would report 
 to me daily through the mail, and whenever he had anything -of special 
 importance to communicate he always knew just where to find me. I 
 missed his reports for five days, and I failed to learn anything of him dur- 
 ing that time. On the 2nd of August I was severely injured by being thrown 
 out of my buggy, and I was obliged to keep to the house for two weeks. 
 On the 5th of August I received a communication from the Coroner of 
 Lake County, Indiana, asking me if I had a man named Charles Brown 
 working for me as a detective. The letter was as follows : 
 
 HAMMOND, LAKE COUNTY, Indiana, August 3, 1887. 
 
 Captain Schaack Sir : I enclose a copy of a statement of a witness who identified the 
 bodies of two parties drowned in Cedar Lake ; also the badge pin found on the man. A Mr. 
 Heise stated to me before he saw the body that the man was a detective and wore his police 
 badge on his breast. The body had been found by a hard case by the name of Green and 
 some pals of his, on the southeast corner of Cedar Lake. When the body was landed, all 
 the garments on it were undershirt, drawers and pants. All the rest had disappeared. His 
 coat was found later, but nothing in the pockets. The rest was not found. Mr. Heise said 
 that he had some money, a watch and chain and a revolver when he left Chicago. Other 
 parties say that the man Green changed a $20 note for him some time before he was drowned. 
 There are some very mysterious circumstances with regard to his condition as found and 
 reported by Green and Scotty, when they found the body, with regard to vest, watch, money 
 and revolver. I think a little detective work might show up the matter. 
 
 Respectfully yours, G. VAN DE WALKER, 
 
 Coroner, Lake Co. , Indiana. 
 
 Three days after, I learned that this was the same man I had employed, 
 and I placed Officer Schuej:tler on the case to unravel, if possible, the mys- 
 tery surrounding his death. The officer in a few days reported that it was 
 exceedingly difficult to obtain a clue, as no one seemed disposed to give
 
 214 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 any information as to foul play; but enough was learned in a general way to 
 warrant the conclusion that underhanded methods had been used to accom- 
 plish the man's death. 
 
 I recalled certain incidents in connection wfth the man's work as a 
 detective, and, placing them by the side of the seemingly accidental drown- 
 
 ing, I became convinced that a deliber- 
 ate crime had been committed. 
 
 One day this private asked me if I 
 would allow him to tell a young lady 
 what he was working at. I told him that 
 he must do nothing of the kind ; that if 
 he did so I would have no further use for him. He then begged me to 
 permit him to use my name as his friend, and I told him I had no objec- 
 tion to that. But I found out later that he had said more to the young lady 
 than I had consented to, and J believe his indiscretion in that respect is 
 what cost him his life. 
 
 From the moment that the girl ascertained his secret occupation he was a 
 doomed man. She let other Anarchists into the secret, and they at once set 
 about devising means for ending his life. 
 
 The information I received later was that it had been decided upon that 
 the young woman should inveigle him to Cedar Lake, and then, when he 
 was in her power, to do away with him. The two left the city together, and 
 were followed by the others in the conspiracy to the place where his body was 
 found. Before taking the trip on the water, she was seen talking with some 
 mysterious-looking individuals, and they then and there decided upon the 
 details of the plan. She was to get him to row out into deep water, and, 
 v/hen they had got fairly started, her friends were to follow in another row-
 
 A DESPERATE PLOT. 215 
 
 boat at a convenient distance. When they reached the middle of the lake 
 she was to keep a close watch on the other boat, and as they neared her 
 boat she was to suddenly throw herself on one side and tip the boat over so 
 that both occupants would be thrown into the water. Her friends were then to 
 be close at hand, pick her up and save her from drowning. The programme 
 was carried out so far as related to the capsizing of the boat, but the men 
 did not get near enough in time to save her. She went down with her com- 
 panion and was drowned with him. 
 
 There is no doubt as to the truth of this plot. It was in entire keeping 
 with Anarchistic methods ; and parties who were at the lake at the time state 
 that they saw the young lady get up in the boat, and that while thus stand- 
 ing she swung it over, precipitating herself and her lover into the water. 
 I had men engaged on the case for some time, but the investigation always 
 ended in the same way an undoubted conclusion that the detective's life 
 was taken by reason of a plot, but no evidence to establish the guilt of the 
 conspirators. From the information I received, I am satisfied that the 
 whole matter was carefully planned and carried out by the woman. 
 
 From May 7, 1886, to November 20, 1887, I had a great deal of work, 
 there were so many things to look after, but after matters had become 
 systematized and the force had been brought down to good working order, 
 the burdens of the office became much easier than most people would sup- 
 pose. 
 
 In the first place, I had one hundred and sixty rank Anarchists to look 
 after ; but as soon as these became known to my men, it was an easy matter 
 for the officers to report where they had seen them and with whom they 
 associated. Then I had ten small halls to watch where the Anarchists 
 met night and day. There were also seventeen saloons where these people 
 were accustomed to congregate. Three of these latter had small halls con- 
 nected with them. Twelve of the other saloons had rear rooms where the 
 reds would sit at times and hold small meetings. After we had all their 
 haunts located, and knowing the kind of men who frequented them, the 
 work of keeping track of them was not so hard. Some of these Anarchists 
 would enter boldly into these places, while others would almost crawl on 
 their stomachs to get into the resorts without being seen. Others again 
 would disguise themselves so that their identity could not become known 
 to detectives. 
 
 The officers made no attempt to close these places, and possibly the 
 reader may ask why such notorious and dangerous resorts were permitted 
 to continue unmolested. 
 
 My reason for not closing them was that the Anarchists were bound to 
 meet in some place. We knew their resorts thoroughly, and I had plenty 
 of my men among them, who worked ostensibly for the cause of Anarchy, 
 but who continually furnished me pointers. Again, we knew just where
 
 216 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 they would meet and could always have our men present. If I had shut 
 them out from these places, they would have been driven into private 
 houses, broken up into smaller factions, and our work would have been 
 made much broader and harder in keeping track of them and their doings. 
 So long as I had the machine, so to speak, in my own hands, and knew all 
 that had been done and said, we let them alone. And the results justified 
 our course. 
 
 Among the saloon-keepers there was one who seemed to have a special 
 liking for me. This man, who had a place on Lake Street, on taking his 
 first drink in the morning would invariably drink to my health, saying : " I 
 
 hope that that d d Luxemburger, Schaack, will be killed before I go to 
 
 bed to-night ;" and when he was about to close his doggery for the day, he 
 would take two drinks and say : "I hope I will find Schaack hanging to a 
 lamp-post in the morning when I get up." 
 
 When the saloon-keepers were particularly loaded with beer, they 
 shouted louder than any one else for Anarchy, and the louder and more 
 vehemently they shouted the more "solid "did they become with their 
 Anarchist customers. At every meeting held at these places, collections 
 were taken up, and the saloon-keepers could always be counted upon to 
 contribute liberally. 
 
 The worst of these ignorant fools never did realize why the saloon- 
 keepers shouted so lustily for Anarchy until they came home to find their 
 wives and little ones crying for bread. Then, perhaps, it faintly dawned 
 upon their minds that the saloon-keepers were after their nickels. These 
 liquor-sellers were Anarchists for revenue only, and they sought in every way 
 to keep on the right side of the rank and file of the party. They always 
 looked to it, the first thing in the morning, that plenty of Anarchist litera- 
 ture and a dozen or so copies of the Arbeiter-Zeitung were duly on the tables 
 of their places, and in some saloons beer-bloated bums, who could manage 
 to read fairly, were engaged to read aloud such articles as were particularly 
 calculated to stir up the passions of the benighted patrons. Robber 
 and hypocrite are terms too weak to apply to these saloon-keepers. Some 
 of them had "walking delegates" by their side, and if an Anarchist 
 seemed to them to be "going wrong" by seeking work, the delegate and 
 assistant robber would tell him to go back to his headquarters and 
 wait, assuring him that they would have all things right in a few 
 days. 
 
 And this is the way these poor fools and their families were kept in 
 continual misery. Many of the dupes have had their eyes opened and 
 have quit frequenting these places and the underground caves. What is 
 the result ? Their families are better looked after, and the difference in 
 their comfort is very apparent. They used to call the Chicago Avenue 
 Station "Schaack's Bastile," but let me say that those saloon-keepers with
 
 MODERN BASTILE-KEEPERS. 217 
 
 their low and contemptible resorts were the real bastile-keepers. Hundreds 
 and hundreds of men, heads and fathers of families, have been kept in 
 squalid want by spending their very last cent in these holes, and their 
 dependents have been left without food, proper clothing or fuel. I believe in 
 unions for proper objects, but even these should not be continued for the 
 benefit of such saloon-keepers. 
 
 All these men were great heroes so long as they could hope to enrich 
 themselves, but when the chief conspirators were locked up in jail, and 
 liberal contributions were demanded for the defense, their enthusiasm in 
 the holy cause of Anarchy was considerably cooled. 
 
 While Chicago is regarded as the head center of Anarchy in America, 
 people of other cities and States should not imagine that the vicious reds 
 are all in this city. There are plenty of them scattered throughout the 
 country, and this fact was made quite manifest at the time the Anarchists 
 were being arrested. Friends of the imprisoned men came to Chicago from 
 all over the United States, and financial assistance poured in on all sides. 
 Those who came here were open in their declarations of sympathy and 
 never attempted to conceal their actions. 
 
 When these same men were at their homes they did not dare to openly 
 say a word in favor of Anarchy, because they were few in numbers ; but 
 should there be enough to make a formidable showing, they will throw off 
 their mask and assume a defiant, menacing attitude. 
 
 These arrivals, just as soon as they became known, were kept under 
 espionage, and every movement they made was looked after, lest they might 
 commit some desperate deed. Of course there were a great many whom 
 the police did not discover, and it is a wonder that, during the excitement 
 incident to the arrest of so many Anarchists and the searches made of 
 Anarchistic houses, some diabolical act was not perpetrated. Possibly 
 they discovered that the omnipresent police were so thoroughly on the 
 inside of their conspiracy that detection was inevitable. It is certain that 
 they knew that I had become thoroughly posted as to the inside workings 
 of Anarchy, and the sound fear which I was able to inspire by a bold and 
 aggressive policy no doubt acted as a restraint upon any violent outburst 
 of passion and revenge. 
 
 It was constant vigilance alone that averted trouble, and no Anarchist 
 of a specially vicious disposition was permitted to feel that his movements 
 were overlooked or unwatched. For this purpose I had Anarchists among 
 Anarchists to inform on Anarchists, and all the meetings were thus kept 
 under strict surveillance. Even private houses were watched. On one 
 occasion I desired to secure certain information. One of the private detec- 
 tives was accordingly detailed to watch the rear of a certain building from 
 an alley. He was there for two days without being observed by any one, 
 but on the third day he was noticed by a police officer. The officer asked 
 him what he was doing in that locality, and the private responded :
 
 218 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " I am waiting for a friend of mine who is working in this barn, and I 
 expect him around soon." 
 
 The officer placed no reliance on the statement, and so he hustled him 
 out of the alley. The detective walked on a short distance, and, as soon as 
 the officer was out of sight, retraced his steps and returned to the place, 
 this time finding a different point for his observations. He had scarcely 
 thought himself secure from further interruptions, when the back gate 
 of the next yard opened, and in walked the same officer. Both were alike 
 
 surprised. But this 
 time there were no 
 questions asked and 
 no explanations de- 
 manded. The officer 
 promptly seized the 
 detective by the collar 
 and marched him to 
 the Chicago Avenue 
 Station. The detect- 
 ive kept his identity 
 to himself, and of 
 course found himself 
 speedily assigned to 
 a cell over night. On 
 the next morning, as 
 I sauntered through 
 'h the lock-up, I discov- 
 ered my friend in 
 durance vile, and, 
 promptly looking up 
 the record, found that 
 he had been booked 
 for disorderly 
 duct. 
 
 con- 
 
 THALIA HALL. 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 I then returned and told him that, when brought into court, he should 
 not say anything to the judge, but play the part of a fool and simpleton. 
 His case came up ; he was fined $5 and sent back to the lock-up. I went 
 to him later, handed him the money, and in half an hour he paid his fine 
 and left. The detective went back to his post, but the officer was not put 
 on that beat again. My man worked for about two weeks and finished 
 his job. 
 
 Of course, the detectives in the case had varied experiences. On another 
 occasion it was desirable to know what was being done at some secret 
 meetings held at Thalia Hall, No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. This v/as after
 
 
 OFFICER NORDRUM' S WORK. 219 
 
 the trial of the Anarchists had begun. I assigned a few detectives in that 
 direction, and shortly afterwards the proceedings might as well have been 
 open so far as the police were concerned. 
 
 My boys had a great deal of fun. They managed to discover a way by 
 which they secured an entrance under the stage, and at the first meeting 
 they attended they amused themselves by cutting a hole through that por- 
 tion of the stage facing the audience. When they had done this, they could 
 see all present and hear everything that was said. Many a night they held 
 to that port-hole and enjoyed the circus on the outside. They heard many 
 a speech of a threatening character against Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. 
 Bonfield and myself, and sometimes they had to listen to some rampant 
 speaker who would depict the pleasure all Anarchists would enjoy at seeing 
 the funerals of these officials passing through the streets. Of course, those 
 who were the most bitter had the least courage, and so long as the auditors 
 only listened to speeches, my boys were perfectly satisfied that no immedi- 
 ate danger was to be apprehended. 
 
 I finally learned that some of the Anarchists had become suspicious, 
 and therefore ordered Officer Schuettler and the others to remain away, as 
 they would otherwise be discovered. And they would have been. One 
 day the Anarchists made a careful search of the building, and they found the 
 hole through which the boys had peeped. They then decided on a plan. It 
 was that during the next meeting, which they felt certain some of my boys 
 would attend, a great commotion should be made in the hall. This would 
 surely bring one of the detectives with his eye very near the hole. Then 
 one of the Anarchists should stealthily creep up on the side, suddenly 
 plunge a sharp iron through the hole, and kill the man within. 
 
 One officer, who proved of great assistance to me, was Charles Nordrum. 
 He became engaged in the case shortly after the Haymarket riot, and after 
 a time became a regular attach^ of the detective department. He was 
 born in Norway on the gth of November, 1858, and had lived in Chicago 
 since 1868. He joined the police force in November, 1884, and, possessing 
 a great deal of tact and shrewdness, his services were soon enlisted in the 
 work of hunting up the red conspirators. He worked at times with Officer 
 Schuettler, but reported to Ebersold. Both were known to my officers, but 
 they did not know of my private workers. Nordrum was especially detailed 
 to look after some meetings at Thalia Hall, at the Emma Street Hall, in 
 the rear room of Zepf's saloon, in the rear room of Greif's saloon, at No. 
 600 Blue Island Avenue, and at the Northwestern Hall, and he did not 
 overlook meetings held in the cellars of some of the more prominent Anar- 
 chists on the Northwest Side and of others who were in sympathy with the 
 Anarchists. He wormed himself into the good graces of quite a number of 
 the reds, and was always kindly received by them. After a time the police 
 stopped the holding of meetings in some of the halls, and then the Anar-
 
 22O 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 chist sympathizers harbored the reds in their cellars, furnishing candles for 
 illumination and nail-kegs for seats. On the 5th of July, 1887, Nordrum 
 was exposed at No. 599 Milwaukee Avenue, and he was at once surrounded 
 by an infuriated mob. The Anarchists with whom he had associated 
 attempted to kill him, but the officer, after a desperate fight, succeeded in 
 reaching the door before any serious violence had been done him. This, of 
 course, destroyed his further usefulness among them, but out of his knowl- 
 edge of the men and their affairs two arrests were effected. He and Officer 
 Schuettler brought in Emil Wende and Frederick Kost, members of the 
 
 UNDERGROUND CONSPIRATORS. 
 
 Terra Cotta Union. These men had been selected to buy each member of 
 their group a 42-caliber revolver and one box of cartridges, and the weapons 
 so secured were to have been used on the police on the day of the execu- 
 tion. The weapons had been purchased, and as soon as the principals had 
 been placed under arrest, a descent was made upon the supply. All the 
 revolvers were captured and brought to the Central Station. 
 
 Noticing how successfully they had been circumvented in all their move- 
 ments, the Anarchists naturally came to the conclusion that detectives were 
 working in their ranks either in the interest of myself or of Billy Pinker- 
 ton, and they resolved to discover, if possible, the men so engaged. One
 
 UNSUCCESSFUL SPIES. 
 
 221 
 
 day a very intelligent fellow called at my office and wanted to know if I 
 desired any more men to work for me among the Anarchists. He stated 
 that he was well acquainted with all the reds, and, if I would pay him well, 
 he would render good service. 
 
 I called him into my private office, and I closely questioned him. I 
 learned that he knew a great many of them, and I told him that I wanted 
 one good man. He then considered himself engaged, and said to me : 
 
 "Now you had better tell me all the men that are working for you 
 and show them all to me so we can work together." 
 
 I told him that if he could find out any one of my men I would pay 
 him $20 a week, and then he might consider himself engaged. He went 
 away, but he never came back to claim the $20. 
 
 This ruse having failed; the Anarchists devised another. One day early 
 in August, 1886, they sent one of my countrymen, a Luxemburger, to me. 
 This fellow began to play his cards very nicely, 
 and sought to carve a very pretty little path 
 into my confidence, but he had not proceeded 
 very far before my suspicions were aroused, 
 and he got nothing to satisfy either himself 
 or those who sent him. While our conversa- 
 tion was going on one of the officers came in, 
 and, noticing the fellow, called me into another 
 room. The officer then stated that he had seen 
 the man hanging around West Lake Street, 
 had seen him drunk frequently, and had once 
 found him in tears, saying that he had come 
 from Paris, had seen the downfall of the 
 Commune there, and that now that Anarchy 
 was suppressed in Chicago all hope for liberty 
 was gone, and he would be ready to die at his 
 own hands after he should have first killed somebody, 
 the office. 
 
 "See here, old fellow," said I, "I have spies amongst the Anarchists, 
 but I do not want spies among my own command." 
 
 The man was then asked if he could do any work, and when he said 
 that he had not done any work in a long time, I remarked that I had a job 
 for him. He became interested and wanted to know what kind of a job it was. 
 
 "It is under Superintendent Felton at the House of Correction, and he 
 will assign you to work that will keep the dogs from biting you for six 
 months. You are a vagrant, and I will bring you into court to-morrow 
 morning and have you fined $100. That will be six months." 
 
 The man begged piteously to be spared that punishment, and I plied 
 him with questions. He stated that, inasmuch as he was of the same 
 
 OFFICER NORDRUM. 
 
 I returned to
 
 222 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 nationality as myself, the Anarchists thought he could readily get into my 
 secrets, and they had forced him to come. I told him that my officers knew 
 him and had him spotted, and that unless he left the city by the next day I 
 would have him arrested and sent to the work-house. He left the station, 
 and I have never seen him since. Since then I have received a letter from 
 Michigan, saying that if the writer had me there I would never see Chicago 
 again, as he would find work for me for awhile, and I am confident that it 
 came from my old friend. 
 
 During the progress of the investigations some curious characters were 
 encountered. Some sought me, as I have already noted, but in most 
 instances I had to hunt them. One eccentric genius was especially notice- 
 able. He had started out with the intention of reading himself into the 
 Anarchist faith, and for this purpose be became a constant reader of the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung and its Sunday edition, the Fackel. For some time he 
 wavered in his opinion, but the more he read the more he became convinced 
 that there was something in Anarchy. At last he became so deeply imbued 
 that he almost regarded it a sacrilege to destroy the copies he had pur- 
 chased for his enlightenment. He carefully stowed the papers away in the 
 closet in his room, and when he returned from work he would open the 
 door and examine his collection much as a miser inspects his hoard. 
 
 May 4 finally came, and with it the event he had looked forward to so 
 longingly. But the outcome did not suit him. He noticed that the police 
 were getting uncomfortably close to his locality, but he did not feel any 
 special concern until one evening a patrol wagon pulled up in front of 
 No. 105 Wells Street, near his own domicile. He saw the officers 
 approaching in the direction of the entrance, and, jumping from his chair 
 near the window, shouted to his landlady : 
 
 " For heaven's sake ! the police are coming to search the house what 
 will I do ? If they come into my room and find my papers, I will be arrested 
 and locked up as an Anarchist. Let me burn my papers in your stove." 
 
 The landlady would not permit it, as she feared arrest as an accomplice. 
 The young man almost fell on his knees in pleading with her for permission. 
 Finding his appeals useless, he hastened to his room, lit a fire in a sheet- 
 iron stove there, and began to burn his whole collection. His haste was so- 
 great that he crammed too many papers in at once, and the stove became 
 overheated. The wall paper began to burn, and the Anarchist had to give 
 his attention to moving the bed and furniture away from the walls. He did 
 not dare to give an alarm of fire, and yet he saw that the whole room would 
 be in flames in a few moments. He seized a pitcher of water, emptied its 
 contents on the wall, opened the door and called for the landlady to come 
 to his assistance. She responded, and when she saw the situation, she 
 cried out, "Fire, fire ! " He endeavored to make her desist from her cries
 
 OFFICIAL NEGLIGENCE. 
 
 223 
 
 and urged her to bring him water. Water was brought and soused all over 
 the stove and the walls. 
 
 By this time the house was full of smoke, and they opened the window. 
 An officer in the wagon noticed the smoke, and shouted to some of his com- 
 panions that there was a fire next door up-stairs. The young man over- 
 heard this and hastened to tell the officer that it was only smoke and that 
 no assistance was required. 
 
 The landlady now ran away to escape possible arrest, and the young man 
 was left alone. He again assured the officer below that the smoke had all 
 cleared away, and he slammed down the window. 
 
 After thus es- 
 caping police in- 
 vestigation, the 
 youthful Anarchist 
 felt happy, and he 
 had reasons to be, 
 as he would cer- 
 tainly have been ar- 
 rested, in view of 
 his actions, had the 
 officers ever en- 
 tered his room. 
 Others had been 
 arrested under less 
 suspicious circum- 
 stances, and it took 
 some of them along 
 time to satisfactori- 
 ly explain their po- 
 sition. The young 
 man has since be- 
 c o m e connected 
 with a newspaper. 
 He may deny this in his paper, but I will never "give him away." 
 
 While pursuing the investigations, and never losing hope of finding Par- 
 sons, I was one day informed by Officer Henry Fechter that a man who knew 
 the foxy Anarchist had seen the fugitive at Geneva, Wis., and his arrest 
 might be easily effected. The officer was a detail at the time at the North- 
 western Railroad depot, and his informant was a reliable gentleman. I 
 instructed the officer to report his information to Chief Ebersold, as I was 
 helpless in the matter, having no authority to send an officer* outside of the 
 city limits. That was the last I ever heard of it. The information 
 was evidently pigeonholed, and Parsons continued to bask in rural sunshine 
 
 THE SCARED AMATEUR ANARCHIST.
 
 224 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and enjoy himself until the day he came into court of his own free will. 
 This was not the only instance of supine neglect in the Chief's office and 
 the detective department. I have already spoken of the case of Schnau- 
 belt, the bomb-thrower, but there is still another striking illustration. It 
 was shortly after the selection of a jury to try the Anarchists. The Bonfield 
 brothers and myself were obliged to be in court nearly all the time, and the 
 Anarchists on the outside, observing this, began to concoct plots for taking 
 revenge on the city. In this emergency the Chief decided to go to California, 
 and, in order that he might have cheerful company, he invited Lieut. Joseph 
 Kipley, of the so-called detective department, and Capt. William Buckley, 
 of the First Precinct. 
 
 When Mr. Grinnell heard of this contemplated trip, at a time when, for 
 the sake of public appearance at least, the Chief ought to have remained at 
 home, he firmly remonstrated and reminded the official of his duty. But 
 Ebersold shook his head. 
 
 "I have got my tickets," said he; "what will I do with them?" 
 
 "Throw them into the lake," replied Mr. Grinnell. 
 
 But the Chief was obstinate, and he and his party left for the Pacific 
 Coast. The force was then left in command of Inspector John Bonfield, 
 who thus had double duty imposed upon him. 
 
 The moment the work of impaneling the jury had begun, the outside 
 Anarchists began to exert themselves to put some of their own men into 
 the jury-box. When they found that the State was too vigilant, however, 
 they next set about to secure such witnesses as could be counted upon to 
 swear their friends out of jail. Take the evidence of the strongest witnesses 
 put on the stand by the defense, and the critical, unbiased examiner will 
 readily discover that many of them were simply perjurers. 
 
 But the labors of the reds were in vain, and when they began to realize 
 that the jury did not seem impressed with the character of theif evidence, 
 the outside barbarians grew desperate and resolved on a new line of tactics. 
 
 One day I received a note from one of my men warning me to protect 
 the jury. The Anarchists, he said, were working out a scheme to injure 
 some of the jurors, and if they could succeed in that, they were confident 
 the case would have to be begun anew. If the case ever came up 
 again, no man would care to risk his life in a trial of the conspirators, 
 and their brothers would go free. If, however, the State should secure a 
 full set of jurors, they would give them a dose of dynamite, and that would 
 certainly end the case. Then they could keep on with Anarchy and make 
 the capitalists cower before them. This plan, I was informed, had met the 
 entire approval of the gang. 
 
 I conferred with Mr. Grinnell, and as a result we doubled the watch to 
 protect the jury. We made it a point also to know when the jurors went 
 out for a walk or a drive, and, without their knowledge, trustworthy men
 
 A SUSPICIOUS SPECTATOR. 
 
 225 
 
 were always with them or near them until their return. The hotel in which 
 they were quartered was only about two hundred feet from the Criminal 
 Court building, but whenever they came to the court in the morning, or 
 went to their meals during recess, or left the court building after each day's 
 adjournment, twelve detectives along the line kept vigilant watch of all 
 suspicious characters. Besides the detectives there were fifteen officers in 
 uniform, and during the last three days of the trial we even redoubled our 
 vigilance. There were twenty-five officers on the street, twenty-five more 
 in the court-room, and twenty-five men about the building. All these men 
 
 
 ' 2k* ^Ai*R^ : '?r^?vi '^^ll'Sv'^ ^S% 
 ~ 4 ^fJljm ^^Pi ASl SftM^ 
 
 WATCHING A SUSPECT. 
 
 were in uniform, so that the "cranks" could see them, and it proved to be a 
 very good precaution. During the night, detectives and regular patrol- 
 men were watching inside and outside at the jurors' hotel. 
 
 On the last day of the arguments, when Mr. Grinnell was closing for the 
 State, something very suspicious was noticed in the court-room. A man 
 with a very mysterious air had been seen around the building for eight 
 days preceding, and it was recalled that he came at varying hours of the 
 day. On each occasion he held a few moments' private talk with some of 
 those Anarchists who had displayed interest in the proceedings, after which
 
 226 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS 
 
 he always disappeared. The parties he generally talked with were Belz, 
 who assisted in conducting the defense, Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. 
 He was about five feet ten inches tall, about forty years of age, weighed 
 about 1 80 pounds, had a round face, short, stubby, sandy beard and mus- 
 tache, a nose built on the feminine plan, large, gray, piercing eyes, and 
 withal he was not a very prepossessing man. 
 
 During the last hour, when Mr. Grinnell was making his plea to the 
 jury, this man entered the court-room and took a seat in the front, right in 
 the midst of the Anarchists' families. This brought him within seven or 
 eight feet behind the State's Attorney. He crossed his arms over his 
 stomach, and leaned pretty well forward, keeping his hands concealed under 
 his coat. I was surprised at the fellow's impudence, because the court- 
 room at the time was so still that a whisper could have been distinctly 
 heard all over the room. I sat at a table, with Mr. Walker to the left and 
 Mr. Ingham to the right, and I called the attention of these two gentlemen 
 to the mysterious man and his queer attitude. They watched his nervous 
 actions, and became alarmed lest he might be there for some vicious object. 
 The man had indeed a desperate look, but it was thought best not to inter- 
 rupt the proceedings just then. Under the strict orders of Judge Gary, 
 everybody was obliged to be seated in the court-room, and when the seats 
 were full no more were admitted. This was another good precaution at such 
 a trial. The police officials had thus a clear view of the whole room. 
 
 At times, whenever there happened to be some severe allusions to the 
 defendants by Mr. Grinnell, the stranger would twist himself around 
 uneasily, all the time, however, maintaining his peculiar attitude. Mr. 
 Ingham remarked that he was afraid the stranger might suddenly jump on 
 Mr. Grinnell and stab him in the back. Mr. Walker expressed a similar 
 opinion. I said that he should get no chance to do that, as I would kill 
 him before he could take one step toward Mr. Grinnell, and at the same 
 time I got my trusty 38-caliber Colt's revolver in position where I could 
 produce it the instant it was needed. We all agreed that this would be 
 the right course to take. At one time the man looked sharply at me, and 
 I gave him a savage look right into his eyes. From that time I kept him 
 busy looking at me. 
 
 As soon as Mr. Grinnell had concluded the man jumped up, drew near 
 to Belz and spoke to him. Then he turned to a woman and handed her a 
 paper. Meanwhile I had already called a detective to watch him, and as 
 soon as the stranger reached the corridor he was searched. Nothing dan- 
 gerous was found about his person, but it was impossible to learn where 
 he lived or what was his name. He would give no account of himself, and 
 he was taken down stairs and kept there until all the detectives had taken 
 a good look at him. He was then told to go and never show himself around 
 the building again.
 
 DAMAGING DOCUMENTS. 227 
 
 On the next morning a revolver was found in the building, and the opin- 
 ion among those posted on the affair was that it must have belonged to the 
 mysterious visitor. He had evidently come with a desperate determination 
 to shoot some one, even at the sacrifice of his own life, but, seeing how slim 
 were his chances for getting near his victim after the close watch kept upon 
 him, he abandoned his intention and dropped his revolver to destroy any 
 evidence against himself. 
 
 Possibly he may have been simply engaged in playing a "bluff " on his 
 Anarchist friends, his intention being to make them believe that he had 
 nerve enough to go right into a court-room and shoot down an official, and 
 afterwards to excuse his failure by referring to his friends for proof that he 
 was so closely watched that he had no opportunity to get near his victim. 
 
 Mr. Grinnell was shortly afterwards informed of the incident, and he 
 remarked that possibly a "crank" might have been found by the Anarchists 
 to make an assault that they themselves had not, the courage to undertake. 
 
 As I have already indicated, a great many documents and letters, public 
 and private, fell into the hands of the police during the searches made, 
 and from the collection I give a few for the purpose of showing what kind 
 of a dynamite office was being run by Parsons and Spies. 
 
 The following was found by Detective James Bonfield on Parsons' desk 
 in the Alarm office, May 5, 1886 : 
 
 Dealers in Marble and Granite Cemetery Work. No. 193 Woodland Avenue, CLEVELAND, 
 OHIO, April 29, 1886. 
 
 Comrade Parsons : Providing we send you the following dispatch: "Another bouncing 
 boy, weight n pounds, all are well signal Fred Smith," can you send us No. i for the 
 amount we sent you by telegram. Please give us your lowest estimate. Also state by what 
 express company you will send it to us. 
 
 Parsons had nothing to do with either handling or selling dynamite, if 
 his own statements are to be accepted. Still he and Spies and their crowd 
 seem to have had a great many inquiries for the " good stuff " Parsons 
 used to refer to in his speeches, and which he urged his followers to carry 
 in their vest pockets during the day and keep under their pillows at 
 night. Another evidence of their guilt was found on the same day by 
 Detective Bonfield in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, on Spies' desk : 
 
 THE ./ETNA POWDER COMPANY, Works: Miller, Ind., Lake County. 
 
 Manufacturers and Dealers. Office : No. 98 Lake Street, Chicago. 
 
 High Explosives and Blasting Supplies. 
 
 ORDER No. . Sold to Cash. CHICAGO, October 24, 1885. 
 
 10 Ibs. No. i, i^, $3.50; 100 T T caps, $1.00 ; 100 feet double T fuse, 75 cts. $5.25. 
 Paid ^Etna Powder Company, I. F. 
 
 In justice to the company it should be explained that they had no 
 knowledge of the purposes for which the material was to be used. 
 
 I have already referred to the great courtesy shown Schnaubelt at the 
 Central Station how, when he was brought by Officer Palmer for the third
 
 228 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 time before Lieut. Shea and the Chief, he was promptly ordered released,, 
 and how he finally and hastily concluded to leave the city in order to save- 
 the detective department any further trouble on his account. It subse- 
 quently transpired that the direction he took was for the great and bound- 
 less West; but in all his wanderings he always seems to have kindly 
 remembered his friends in Chicago for permitting him to take so extended 
 a journey. He even wrote back to some of them, and one letter, whicli 
 was put in the possession of Officer Palmer, is especially worthy of pub- 
 licity. It reads as follows : 
 
 PORTLAND, .OREGON. 
 
 To the Chief .of Police, Chicago My Dear Old Jackass: Thanks to your pig-headed, 
 lieutenant, I am here sound and safe. Before this reaches you I have left here, and the only 
 thing I regret is that we did not kill more of your blue-coated hounds. SCHNAUBELT. 
 
 The following, received by Parsons and Spies, are self-explanatory : 
 
 EUFAULA, April 13, 1886 
 
 Dear Comrade Parsons : I have received your papers and am very much obliged for 
 them. Glad that you like my article. I am writing now for To-Day, of London, and for 
 the Alarm, and am going to write for La Tribune du Peuple de Paris. Situated as I am now, 
 I can be of no good but by writing, and I intend to avail myself of it. You may be aston- 
 ished if I tell you that I never use the word "Anarchy." I stick to the old word " Social- 
 ism." It can be understood and does not require any knowledge of Greek to make out its 
 meaning. If I was to seek in the Greek language for a word to express where I stand, I 
 would call myself an Anticrat, opposed to any kind of crazy notions, democracy as well as 
 aristocracy. I am for individual responsibility and social action. I am for liberty, but 
 within society, not above it, and, first of all, I am for equality of conditions. I want organi- 
 zation first, revolution second, social economy re-organization third, and abolition of 
 governmental action last of all. If you could confiscate the government to-morrow, I would 
 have no objection to use it for a while. 
 
 Anarchism has a very dangerous drift toward individualism, as you may perceive by 
 reading Liberty, of Boston, and individualism is bound to generate some kind of a crazy 
 notion and end in despotism. Beware of individualistic Anarchism and stick to the socialistic. 
 We are in a state of warfare with all the crazes and must use all the weapons of warfare 
 within our reach. Our present weapons strikes and boycotting are dangerous, and', 
 expulsive if we were to use the ballot. The workers are the many ; the masters the few. 
 Before upsetting the government, let us try to use it. Mayors, councilmen, aldermen gov- 
 ernors, and so forth, have a good deal to say about how the police and militia shall be used, 
 and judges have a good deal to say when workingmen are prosecuted for claiming their 
 rights. Could not the workers organize to conquer these offices ? What do you think of 
 that ? What do you think of that ? Salute and Fraternity. FREDERIC TAFFERD. 
 
 WHAT CHEER, KEOKUK COUNTY, IOWA, April 18, 1886. 
 
 A. R. Parsons, Esq. Dear Sir : We organized a group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
 in this town on the above date. The organizer was your comrade John McGinn, of Rock 
 Spring, Wyoming. Inclosed you will find the amount for the cards names as follows : 
 
 John H. Nicholson, miner ; age, ... 41 Benjamin E. Williams, miner ; age, . . 37 
 
 Arthur Cowrey, " " ... 42 William Jackson, " " . 39 
 
 William Morgan, *' "... 34 John McGinn, " " . . 29 
 
 Isaac Little, " " ... 39 William H. Osborne, " " . . 36- 
 
 John R. Thomas, miner ; age -33
 
 INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. 229 
 
 I suppose you will need to know who is chief and secretary of the group. John McGinn 
 is chief and John H. Nicholson is the secretary. I remain yours, in the care of John H. 
 Nicholson, What Cheer, Keokuk County, Iowa, Box 697. 
 
 ST. Louis, March 27, 1886. 
 
 Mrs. and Mr. Parsons: We were quite sorry to learn of your sickness, which prevented 
 you to be with us at the Commune Festival, while we were just as glad to see that Mrs. Par- 
 sons did accept our invitation. My hope and wish that you are well again for the present. 
 The Commune Festival was well attended by a large crowd, and it was a great disappoint- 
 ment for the J. W. P. A. being forced to announce the absence of the English speaker. I 
 am quite aware that it would have been a great lift for our principles if Mrs. Parsons could 
 have been present. However, St. Louis is not Chicago, and the movement is not as well 
 progressing as in Chicago. No wonder. I have been teached lately a lesson myself, and 
 therefore withdraw as a member of the group. We herewith send you a little collection of 
 picture cards, which Mary had saved up for your children. We intended to send them 
 along with Mrs. Parsons. Mary has already two large scrap-books full of such collections. 
 Hail for the revolution. Yours respectfully, J. M. MENTYER. 
 
 P. S. If you have any old Alarms to spare, I would make good use of them at present 
 during this railroad strike. I shall soon send some money again. I also send you the 
 Chronicle so you can see what declaration the Knights of Labor have issued in answer to 
 Monster Robber Gould. 
 
 Personal. PORT JARVIS, N. Y., October 31, 1885. 
 
 My Dear Comrade: Well, I will stay here, as I wrote you. I started out on a " tramp " 
 to look for a job. I stayed nearly a week at New Haven and spoke there, though why Lib- 
 erty should head his letter from there "Unfortunate for Herr Most," is more than I can 
 see. I came here and looked up an old friend, John G. Mills. He proposed starting a small 
 job book-bindery. He puts in capital and I the skill. That seems fair ; while I will be sure 
 of a mere living for the winter, there is no guarantee that capital will gain by it. So the 
 timidity of capital must be overcome. Well, the bargain is this : When I pay back the 
 advance capital (and until I do so I am not to draw in amount over $5.00 a week), paid it 
 all, then I am to own half and we will start equal partners, and he furnishes more capital if 
 necessary on half paid back. I have agreed, as I believe it is the best I can do, and it opens 
 a good prospect. It is probable that I will not be very active in " the cause " here, as every 
 moment will be occupied, but I am willing to go anywhere within reasonable distance this 
 winter and give a lecture to any group for mere expenses car-fare and board and be- 
 lieve I could stir up the boys. New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York, all three join 
 together here, and any of the three States would be convenient. I should give a lecture 
 rather than a speech, but it would be extempore. Can't you drop a line to Philadelphia, or 
 some point near ? Buffalo is nearly as near. 
 
 When I feel like giving you an article I shall mail it, but, of course, you will use it or lay 
 it over as you feel about it. I think I can put a point strongly, but do not want to crowd 
 out anything else. 
 
 If you can use me on your paper, draw on me for all the copy you like. I like the Alarm 
 and think it has improved since last spring. Any points I can get from French papers, I 
 will give you the benefit of. I never got that card. Is it contrary to custom ? 
 
 Yours truly, LUM.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Difficulties of Detection Moving on the Enemy A Hebrew An- 
 archist Oppenheimer's Story Dancing over Dynamite Twenty-Five Dollars' Worth 
 of Practical Socialism A Woman's Work How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side 
 A Well-merited Tribute Seliger Saved by his Wife The Shadow of the Hangman's 
 Rope A Hunt for a Witness Shadowing a Hack The Commune Celebration 
 Fixing Lingg's Guilt Preparing the Infernal Machines A Boy Conspirator Lingg's 
 Youthful Friend Anarchy in the Blood How John Thielen was Taken into Camp 
 His Curious Confession Other Arrests. / 
 
 THE preceding pages will have given to the reader facts enough to show 
 the difficulty of the task assumed, as well as the manner in which we 
 went about the work. One of the greatest of the obstacles to be overcome 
 arose from the character and habits of thought of the Anarchists them- 
 selves. They heartily hated all law, and despised its constituted represen- 
 tatives. The conspiracy was welt disciplined in itself, and it had been 
 specially organized with a view to guarding its secrets from the outside 
 world and protecting its members from the consequences of their crimes. 
 Thus I soon found that it would require peculiar address, patience, secre 
 tiveness and diligent work to lay bare the great plot to the world. 
 
 I can find no better place than this to testify to the help given me 
 throughout the case by Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, whose work 
 was a most important feature of the result finally brought before the 
 Criminal Court. 
 
 The protection of society is an interest so momentous that it would be a 
 false modesty in me to refuse, for fear that I should be charged with egot- 
 ism, to analyze the processes by which the conviction of the confederates 
 in the Haymarket murder conspiracy was bought about, and accordingly I 
 will now say, once for all, that I believe that careful, systematic detective 
 inquiry, conducted with some brains and a good deal of grit, can unravel 
 any plot which the enemies of law and order and our American institutions 
 are apt to hatch. It will require tact. It will require intelligence. It may 
 require the hardest and most persistent work that men may do but about 
 the result there can be no doubt. Our government and our methods are 
 strong enough for the protection of the people and the maintenance of law 
 and order, no matter how dangerous may seem the forces arrayed against it. 
 
 The various steps taken may be gathered best from the memoranda 
 made upon the arrest of each Anarchist who had been conspicuous in his 
 order and who was supposed to know the secret workings of the "armed 
 sections ; " and, in reading the particulars, the general conclusion will 
 become irresistible that the men who posed as the bloodthirsty bandits of 
 Chicago became arrant, cringing cowards when they found themselves
 
 A PECULIAR SPECIMEN. 
 
 231 
 
 within the clutches of the law. In the galaxy of trembling "cranks" there 
 were a few exceptions, notably George Engel and Louis Lirigg, but the 
 demeanor of the common herd under arrest proved that their vaunted 
 bravery had been simply so much talk "full of sound and fury." 
 
 One of the first arrests which I made was that of Julius Oppenheimer, 
 alias Julius Frey. This man was a peculiar genius and was possessed by 
 an unbounded admiration for Anarchists and all their methods. He had 
 come to America five years before and had been brought up an Anarchist. 
 He was a Hebrew of a very 
 pronounced type, twenty- 
 five years of age, a butch- 
 er by occupation, but an 
 Anarchist in and out of 
 season. Whenever he suc- 
 ceeded in securing employ- 
 ment he was sure speedily 
 to lose it by his persistent 
 teaching of Anarchy, and 
 in some places people even 
 went so far as to drive him 
 out of town. If fortunate 
 enough to get work in an 
 adjoining town, he would 
 tell his fellow workmen of 
 his prior experience and 
 curse what he termed his 
 persecution for conscience' 
 sake. Whenever his An- 
 archist beliefs had been ex- 
 pounded, he was promptly 
 dismissed, and in one town 
 he was politely informed 
 that unless he got out in 
 short order he was liable 
 to find himself hanging to a tree. This sort of thing embittered him still 
 more against society, and finally he abandoned all attempts to find work. 
 He resolved himself into a tramp, and, in traveling from place to place, 
 he sought to convert every other tramp he met to his revolutionary ideas. 
 
 He soon learned that Chicago was regarded all over the country as the 
 home of Socialism, its stronghold and citadel, and he made haste to reach 
 it so that he too could become an agitator, with nothing to do and plenty to 
 eat and drink. He had been in the city only a few days when he learned 
 of the Socialistic haunt at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and there he soon 
 
 JULIUS OPPENHEIMER'S "DOUBLE. 1 
 From a Photograph.
 
 232 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 made the acquaintance of Lingg and other, lesser lights, whose principal 
 aim seemed to be to loaf around the saloons, guzzle beer and talk dynamite. 
 This pleased Oppenheimer. He had traveled many weary days, but at 
 last he had found what he had so long sought. He was received cautiously 
 at first, but finally with open arms. One night he attended a meeting at the 
 number given above and heard Engel speak about killing all the police in 
 Chicago. Oppenheimer was delighted, and on the adjournment of the 
 meeting he grew very enthusiastic, threatening to visit dire punishment on 
 both the police and the rich. He stepped out on the sidewalk, and, just 
 then encountering a policeman, he ejaculated : 
 
 " You old loafer, you won't live much longer ! " 
 
 The words had hardly been uttered when Oppenheimer found himself 
 prostrate in the gutter. The policeman passed on, and not one of Oppen- 
 heimer's comrades dared to come to the Anarchist's assistance or proffer 
 sympathy. This was a treatment he had not expected, but he smothered 
 his wrath and continued to attend all the meetings of the "revolutionary 
 groups." He grew stronger every day in the good graces of his comrades, 
 and at one of their meetings he was asked, along with others, to secure some 
 of the "good stuff" and bombs. He responded and secured a substantial 
 outfit. When the 4th of May came he happened for some reason to be 
 some eighteen miles out of the city, but the moment he heard of the explo- 
 sion he hastened back at once and hunted up his old friends to help them 
 destroy the town. 
 
 On the evening of May 7 he was encountered by Officer Loewenstein at 
 58 Clybourn Avenue, in Neff's Hall, and taken to the Larrabee Street 
 Station. He was put into a cell and kept locked up for about a week. 
 Gradually it began to dawn upon his mind that he was in trouble, that pos- 
 sibly the police had secured evidence against him, and so at last he sent 
 for me. 
 
 " I see," he said, " that it is foolish to fight against law and order, but 
 you must excuse me for my actions. I read so much of that Most trash 
 and other books that I was really crazy. I lost my reason and did not 
 know what I was doing. Now I will tell all I know, but I will not testify 
 against any of these people." 
 
 He was given no special assurances, but he unbosomed himself fully 
 and became extremely useful in giving needed information. One day he 
 said that if I would take him out in a carriage he would show where he 
 had a lot of dynamite bombs planted, and added : 
 
 "Before going after the stuff, I will show you some of the worst Anar- 
 chists in the city, but in doing so I will tell you candidly my life is in dan- 
 ger. If these men see me they will shoot me on the spot." 
 
 He was assured that he would be fixed in such a disguise that no one 
 would recognize him, and, consenting to go under such conditions,
 
 BURIED AMMUNITION. 233 
 
 Oppenheimer was rigged out like a veritable darkey. Officers Schuettler 
 and Loewenstein were detailed to accompany him, and together they 
 visited Sullivan, Connor, Hoyne, Mohawk and Hurlbut Streets, where 
 many Anarchists then lived, and where Oppenheimer pointed out the 
 houses of many notable conspirators. 
 
 Unfortunately, in one of the localities visited, colored people were very 
 scarce, and it did not take the boys long to discover the sham, when they 
 at once began shouting, " Here is a lost, crazy nigger," and they followed 
 him, throwing bricks and stones. At other times the officers were obliged 
 to hustle away with their " Hebrew negro," as they called him, as soon as 
 possible. They got back to the station about eleven o'clock that evening, 
 and, entering my office, Oppenheimer was permitted to view his ebony 
 countenance in a mirror. He was startled by his make-up and declared 
 that it was most artistically done. 
 
 " Mein Gott, if I was asleep," he exclaimed, " and wake up, and looked 
 in the glass, I'd think I was a real nigger." 
 
 On the next day he was taken by the officers, in a carriage, to Lake 
 View, about three miles from the city limits, to locate the bombs. It was 
 a rainy day, and it was no easy matter for Oppenheimer to determine the 
 right spot, although he kept a sharp look-out. He had planted them 
 during the night, and that added to the difficulty. Finally he directed the 
 driver to a grove used as picnic grounds, and they soon reached the spot. 
 It now rained hard, and lightning and thunder filled the air with light and 
 noise. Oppenheimer hesitated about alighting from the carriage. 
 
 "It is dangerous," he said, "to go near the place. The bombs I have 
 planted here are all loaded with dynamite, and charged with poisoned iron, 
 and this heavy thunder may explode them and kill us all." 
 
 Officer Schuettler said that he himself was familiar with the properties 
 of dynamite, and assured him that there would not be the slightest danger. 
 Oppenheimer then became somewhat braver. He jumped out and beck- 
 oned to his companions to follow. They proceeded to the dancing-platform, 
 in the middle of the grove, and Oppenheimer, having removed some short 
 boards, making an opening large enough for the admission of a man's body, 
 asked Loewenstein to take hold of his legs, and, when he shouted, to pull 
 him out, adding that when he had been there before he had had a hard 
 time getting out. Oppenheimer then went in. On giving the signal, he 
 was pulled out, with one bomb in each hand. He was thus lowered and 
 pulled out until he had produced thirteen bombs. They were of the heavy 
 gas-pipe make, loaded with dynamite and rusty nails, with cap attachments, 
 and ready for use in four seconds. To show that he had exercised great 
 care to preserve the "stuff" properly, he asked to be lowered again, and 
 this time he brought to the surface an oil-cloth table-cover, which, he ex- 
 plained, he had used for wrapping up the bombs so that " they would not
 
 234 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 spoil on him." He also fished out of the place two large navy revolvers 
 fully loaded. Having finished, Oppenheimer gave a sigh of relief and re- 
 marked : 
 
 " Now I feel relieved. As long as I had these things I always felt that 
 I must do some damage with them. I had them once in the city (May 5),. 
 and my mind was made up to throw some in the North Side Post-office. I 
 
 also had determined to go to the Freie Presse office and blow up that d d 
 
 Michaelis, the editor of the paper. And then I was going to kill myself." 
 
 At about this time Oppenheimer possessed two large 44-caliber navy 
 revolvers and seemed withal a desperate fellow. When the parties returned 
 to the station he asked me to keep him there until all trouble was over, and 
 for three months he became quite a character about the establishment. 
 The defense in the Anarchist trial made several attempts to secure his 
 release, but Oppenheimer declined to go. He was taken out frequently for 
 regular exercise by one of the officers, but he always went in disguise. 
 
 He proved such a valuable aid to the State that State's Attorney Grin- 
 nell ordered his release, but as he was nervous lest some one should shoot 
 him on regaining his full liberty, he begged me to send him to New York 
 City. He was accordingly furnished with money and clothing and sent away. 
 While he was at the station he gained twenty-seven pounds and declared he 
 had never been so well taken care of in all his life. He bade all the officers 
 who were working up the Anarchist cases good-by and was given safe 
 escort to the depot by Officer Stift. Some time after his arrival in New 
 York he was discovered by an Anarchist, who telegraphed to Capt. Black 
 that he was there if wanted, but the Captain did not seem to specially care 
 for him. 
 
 The information he furnished the State was substantially as follows : 
 
 "I came to Chicago May 5, 1886, in the morning. I went to Seliger's 
 house, 442 Sedgwick Street. I know Seliger and his wife and Lauis Lingg. 
 I am an Anarchist. I think the workingmen are not treated right in this 
 country. I have always attended Socialistic meetings here. I have attended 
 several meetings where the speakers would call us to arms and to all kinds 
 of weapons, so that when the time came we could secure our rights. It 
 was urged that we should be prepared to fight any one who would obstruct 
 us or oppose our ideas. A meeting was held at Neff's Hall on or about last 
 February. A man who lives on the West Side, on Milwaukee Avenue, and 
 who keeps a toy store I do not know his name was there. He was 
 accompanied by a young lady. Now that you show me this picture 
 [Engel's] I will say he is the man, and he made a speech at that meeting. 
 He told us to prepare ourselves, and if we were too poor and could not 
 afford to buy arms, he could tell us about a weapon that was cheaper and 
 better in its effect than arms. He then spoke of dynamite, but in his 
 speech he always called it 'stuff.' He explained how to make dynamite 
 bombs. He said : ' Take a gas-pipe, cut it in the length of six inches, 
 put a woden plug in one end, fill it with dynamite, then plug the other end,
 
 OPPENHEIMERS STA TEMENT. 235 
 
 and drill a small hole through one of the plugs. In this hole put a cap and 
 fuse.' Then the bomb was complete. He also told us of a place on the 
 West Side, near a bridge, where we could go and steal all the pipe we 
 wanted. We could then buy the 'stuff' and make the bombs ourselves. I 
 bought seven or eight bombs some time ago from a man named Nusser or 
 Nuffer, at 54 West Lake Street. The man used to work for Greif. I paid 
 him twenty-five cents apiece for them. They were dynamite bombs, and I 
 purchased them at night. I had a little book that told all about making 
 and using dynamite bombs. I know something about the armed group. 
 They are not known by their names. They are known by numbers, so that 
 the police cannot find them out in case they have done anything wrong. 
 There never would be any more than three in a job that is, if there were 
 any persons to be killed. Number one would find the second man, and this 
 second man would find the third. No questions would be asked. The first 
 man and the third man are not supposed to know each other. The first and 
 third would know the middle man, but in case of trouble, and should there 
 be a 'squeal,' only two parties could be given away, leaving one to get 
 away and save himself. I have tried some of the dynamite bombs I had, 
 and they worked splendidly. I also have a big navy revolver. Everything 
 attempted hereafter will be done according to the instructions given in a 
 book printed by Herr Most, of New York. Those long gas-pipe shells I see 
 before me are like one that was shown me at Neff's Hall last winter. A 
 man named Rau had it there and showed it to the boys. I am five years 
 in America, and have always been a Socialist. On Wednesday morning, 
 May 5, when I heard that there had been a bad blunder committed by our 
 boys at the Haymarket, and read an article in the Freie Presse condemning 
 us, I got very mad. I took my five dynamite bombs and started out to get 
 revenge. My first intentionwas to blow up the North Side Post-office. 
 The next place I decided to go to was the Freie Presse office to blow them 
 up. If I found I was in danger of being captured, I made up my mind to 
 kill myself right there and then. Lingg wanted me to cut a hole in the 
 wall in his room to put away a lot of dynamite bombs and dynamite, but 
 Mrs. Seliger would not let me do so. A man named Bodendick, a good 
 Anarchist, was well known by August Spies, and considered a rank con- 
 spirator. This is the man that went to Justice White's house and demanded 
 $25, threatening that if he did not get it he would blow up his house. 
 White had him arrested and locked up in jail, and for this reason Spies did 
 not want the man known as an Anarchist, but simply as a crazy man. The 
 Socialists or Anarchists do not care much for Spies or Schwab, but we have 
 kept them and looked upon them as a necessary evil. I know a man 
 named Pollinger, a saloon-keeper. He was an agent here at one time to 
 sell arms, but he did not run things right. He was crooked. The under- 
 standing we had was that, in case of a riot or revolution, every man 
 should use his own judgment and do as he pleased, that is to say, commit 
 murder, shoot people, burn buildings or do that for which he was best 
 fitted, so long as it was in the interest of the Anarchistic society. The 
 main idea inculcated in the little paper called the Freiheit, which I have 
 read, is that no rights could be secured until capitalists were killed and 
 houses were laid in ashes. If we would not take a chance on our lives, we 
 would be slaves always. I know positively of fifty men, radical Anarchists, 
 who stand ready to commit murder and to destroy the city by fire whenever 
 they are called on. I know Lingg well. He is a Socialist and an Anar-
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 chist and a very radical revolutionist. I heard him speak at 58 Clybourn 
 Avenue, and formed my opinion of him. He told me that Seliger was a 
 coward. He called me a coward the morning I helped Mrs. Seliger to get 
 the guns out of the house. That morning I was in Lingg's room when 
 Mrs. Seliger brought in a lot of lead and said to Lingg : 'Here is your 
 lead.' Lingg then got mad at her and said : ' You are crazy.' He became 
 very much excited, wrapped up his gun, got ready to move, and wanted me 
 to conceal his dynamite bombs in the hall. Mrs. Seliger would not let him 
 do so. Then Lingg was going to carry his bombs out of the house. He 
 finally got into quite a quarrel with her and started out to get a wagon to 
 carry away all his things. I told him to hurry up and get all his dynamite 
 stuff away, also the printed literature he had, as there was danger that the 
 police would be around to search the house. He looked at me and called 
 
 WILLIAM SELIGER 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 MRS. WILLIAM SELIGER 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 me 'a 
 
 d fool and coward.' Then Lingg asked me to go to the West 
 Side with him, as there was to be a meeting at 71 West Lake Street. 
 Lingg saw my dynamite bombs. I had told him of them. I saw two 
 round lead bombs in his room. I had them in my hands. Lingg told me 
 to be careful and not let them drop, as they were loaded and might go off. 
 They were dangerous, he said. I also saw four gas-pipe bombs in his room. 
 Some of them were not finished. I remember now that Seliger, the Her- 
 manns and Hubner were at the meeting in Neff's Hall last winter when 
 Engel urged all men who had revolutionary ideas to pay attention and he 
 would explain how to make dynamite bombs. I am glad I am arrested. I 
 now can realize how near I was to ruin through those d d fellows mak- 
 ing revolutionary speeches and exciting the people to commit murder. The 
 books given out by Herr Most are doing more harm among those men than
 
 MR. AND MRS. SELIGER 237 
 
 any one can imagine. I have given you facts, and they are true, every one 
 of them. I will swear to them." 
 
 THE next arrest was that of William Seliger. When the police had 
 learned that Seliger's residence had been used as a bomb factory, we 
 wanted him. He was a man about forty-five years of age, a carpenter by occu- 
 pation, a good mechanic, very quiet and sober, but one of the most rabid 
 of Anarchists. He had filled various positions in the "groups," and 
 always manifested a deep interest in their meetings. He was popular with. 
 his comrades and trusted with all their secrets. He lived at No. 442 Sedg- 
 wick Street, in a rear building up-stairs. This was a two-story frame 
 dwelling, and a great resort for Socialists and Anarchists. Officer Whalen 
 had searched the house, finding it a regular dynamite magazine, and, locat- 
 ing his man, telephoned to me that Seliger was working at Meyer's mill on 
 the North Pier. Officer Stift and Lieut. Larsen were at once detailed, ia 
 charge of a patrol wagon, to effect the arrest, and soon the man was pro- 
 duced at the station May 7. When I confronted him he stubbornly 
 refused, according to the instructions in Most's book, to answer ques- 
 tions, but when he discovered the evidence I had against him, he broke 
 down and said : 
 
 "Captain, I will tell you all, but for Heaven's sake do not arrest my 
 poor wife. I am to blame for all you found in my house, because I kept 
 that man Lingg in my house against her will the poor woman ! Hang; 
 me, but do not trouble her, for she is innocent, and God is her witness." 
 
 Seliger then unbosomed himself, telling of all his connection with the 
 Anarchists since his location in Chicago, and giving valuable information 
 on all the "groups," their leaders, their places of meeting, their purposes,, 
 their mode of operations, the character of the speeches made at meetings, 
 and the manufacture of bombs at his house, giving the names of all calling 
 or taking part in their manufacture. He gave the most important points- 
 the State had to work on, and every detail he furnished was fully corrobor- 
 ated by other parties subsequently arrested. He was in the confidence of 
 Lingg, and was also a particeps criminis in the manufacture of the bombs, 
 and gave, therefore, no hearsay statements. What was found in his 
 house and the character of his information are fully shown in his testi- 
 mony, given in a later chapter, as well as that of the officers during the 
 memorable trial. 
 
 After telling what he knew, Seliger was released, on the 28th of May, 
 with instructions to report every day at the Chicago Avenue Station. 
 
 Mrs. Seliger was also arrested. She was a small woman about 38 years 
 of age. She was found at No. 32 Sigel Street on the morning of May 10. 
 She readily consented to accompany Officer Schuettler to the station. Mrs. 
 Seliger showed plainly that she had not been in sympathy with her husband 
 in his revolutionary ideas, and proved a prompt and willing witness, demon-
 
 238 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 strating before she got through that she had done incalculable service to the 
 people of the city. 
 
 It was in her house that Lingg made his bombs, and when I questioned 
 her she gave me a great deal of information concerning the man and his 
 methods. All the statements she made and her testimony in court did not 
 vary in the slightest details, even under the most rigid cross-examination. 
 She was found to be a very industrious woman, a neat housekeeper, and she 
 was highly esteemed by all her neighbors. She related how she had lived 
 in misery ever since her husband began to take an active part in the An- 
 archist meetings, and she stated that after Lingg came to live in the house 
 she had not seen a pleasant hour. She had often remonstrated with her 
 husband and pleaded with him not to attend the meetings, or read any of 
 the Anarchist papers, but to remain at home with her. 
 
 Seliger was so completely carried away by the doctrines of Johann Most, 
 Spies and the others that he refused to listen to his wife. The moment he 
 got into trouble, however, he became very penitent and readily accepted her 
 advice in everything. 
 
 Mrs. Seliger's experience on the 4th day of May, when she witnessed 
 the preparation of the bombs, she described as terrible. There she was 
 forced to remain all day, she said, seeing eight men working on the mur- 
 derous weapons, some making one kind of bombs, some another, others 
 fitting them and loading them with dynamite, and others again putting on 
 the caps and fuse. Throughout the whole operation she was obliged to 
 listen to their bloodthirsty conversation, how they would blow up the police 
 stations, patrol wagons and fire-engine houses, kill all the militia, hurl 
 bombs into private residences, and murder every one who opposed them. 
 
 Mrs. Seliger viewed affairs differently and told the conspirators that 
 there were more chains than mad dogs. Another thing they overlooked, she 
 said, was their own families, and should they carry all their threats into execu- 
 tion their families would be made to suffer to the end of their days in misery 
 and want. Remonstrances, however, were useless. 
 
 They worked until dark, and then they separated to meet in the evening 
 at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. Her husband and Lingg ate supper, and then 
 the two put a lot of the bombs into a satchel and started for the designated 
 place. Lingg carried the satchel down stairs and was followed by Seliger. 
 
 This was a trying moment, but Mrs. Seliger proved equal to the emer- 
 gency. Just as Seliger reached the third step, she grasped his arm, threw 
 her arms about his neck, and, like a loving, devoted wife, asked him for God's 
 sake not to become a murderer. 
 
 "If you ever loved me and ever listened to me when I spoke," she 
 whispered fervently into his ear, " I want you to listen to me now. I don't 
 ask you to stay at home, but I want you to go with that villain and see that 
 he does not hurt any one. Restrain him from carrying out his murderous
 
 A NOBLE WOMAN'S INFLUENCE. A Kiss THAT PREVENTED BLOODSHED.
 
 240 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ideas. If you do this, I will creep on my knees after you and will be your 
 slave all my life." 
 
 These tender words touched a sympathetic chord in the heart of Seliger, 
 and he promised to do as she had requested, while she sealed the promise 
 with a loving kiss. As subsequent events and his testimony in court proved, 
 he faithfully carried out that promise, and by that injunction of his wife and 
 that fervid kiss of a true woman, hundreds of lives and millions of property 
 were saved. 
 
 From the time they left the house until their return, Seliger never left for 
 a moment the side of Lingg. During the evening Lingg was continually 
 prompted by his own treacherous heart to throw bombs, now at a passing 
 patrol wagon, then at some residence or into a police station, and invariably 
 Seliger had some handy reason to proffer why such an attempt would be in- 
 opportune at the moment. Lingg finally became suspicious and upbraided 
 Seliger for being a coward. The night passed, and the only harm Lingg 
 did was indirectly in the explosion of one of his bombs at the Hay- 
 market, to the prospective happening of which he frequently alluded during 
 the evening. 
 
 It is my deliberate opinion that, had it not been for this intervention of 
 Mrs. Seliger, hundreds of people would have been killed, and probably one- 
 half of the North Side destroyed, that eventful night. 
 
 After giving considerable information to the police Mrs. Seliger was re- 
 leased, but kept under strict surveillance. 
 
 Seliger faithfully carried out his instructions to report at the station 
 daily for two weeks, and then he suddenly disappeared. Officer Schuettler 
 was detailed to visit his home to ascertain the cause, and was there in- 
 formed that Seliger had mysteriously left. 
 
 "Why," inquired Mrs. Seliger, " don't you know where he is; did you 
 not arrest him again ? " 
 
 On being answered in the negative, she stated that it had been her in- 
 tention to call on me that afternoon with a view to finding out something 
 about her husband. 
 
 It looked like a case of concealment, and Mrs. Seliger was therefore 
 taken to the Larrabee Street Station. She immediately desired to see me, 
 and, when I called, she informed me that three days before her husband 
 had said : " I am going away. Don't ask me any questions. You will 
 hear from me later," and then bade her good-by. 
 
 She was under the impression that since leaving her he had been at the 
 Chicago Avenue Station. I thought it a ruse and subjected her to a severe 
 examination. I asked her who had been to see them and whether they had 
 not received money from certain lawyers or others. But Mrs. Seliger could 
 tell no different story from that she had already given, and she finally vol- 
 unteered the guess that possibly her husband had been frightened away.
 
 A NOBLE WOMAN'S WORK. 241 
 
 "If you will only allow me to go," she earnestly pleaded, "I will neither 
 eat, drink nor sleep until I find him." 
 
 I was now satisfied that she was in earnest, and, having confidence in 
 her, I ordered her release. But from that moment she was watched night 
 and day, more closely than ever. It was found that she visited many houses 
 in various parts of the city, and when these places were immediately after- 
 wards called upon by the detectives it was ascertained that she had invariably 
 inquired for her husband and urged those who knew him to tell him to come 
 home if they should happen to meet him ; that she was weary of life, and if 
 he remained awaj' much longer she would not be responsible for any act of 
 hers on her own life. 
 
 After several days' ineffective search, Mrs. Seliger received a letter from 
 her husband asking her to call and see him. She hastened at once, with a 
 throbbing heart and a light tread, to my office. I asked her if she would 
 work under my instructions, and she promptly consented to do everything 
 in her power to help the police. I had come to the conclusion that it would 
 be no easy matter to find the slippery Seliger, but that, if he was not discov- 
 ered that day, we might at least get on his track. 
 
 Mrs. Seliger was accordingly told to wait in the office a few minutes. 
 Two men were sent for, men whom the woman would not know. I instructed 
 them to slip through a side door and get a good view of her while unobserved. 
 A carriage was then ordered, and the driver directed to take the woman to 
 whatever place she might desire, and remain with her even all day and all 
 night, if required. Mrs. Seliger stepped into the carriage, and the horses, 
 were soon in a sharp trot. But the conveyance was not alone. No sooner 
 had it started than the two men I have spoken of jumped into a buggy and 
 followed the carriage south, keeping it in good view all the time. 
 
 The first stop made was at a place on West Thirteenth Street. There 
 Mrs. Seliger had to identify herself first, and thence she was directed to a 
 place some four blocks away. Arriving there, she was sent on to Sixteenth 
 Street, and again sent to Twelfth Street, near the limits. She was here sub- 
 jected to a great many questions, and after she had fully proven her iden- 
 tity she was taken to the next house and led into a dark bed-room, where 
 she found her husband. She remained there about three hours, and then, 
 under direction of her husband's friends, was told to drive to several other 
 places in coder to throw any detectives that might be watching off the scent. 
 She did so, but the two men had kept a close watch and were not to be 
 baffled. 
 
 When the carriage had started for home, one of the officers returned to 
 the place where she had tarried so long. He represented to the occupants 
 that he was working for Salomon & Zeisler, attorneys for the imprisoned 
 conspirators, to whom Seliger had written a letter, and that in accordance 
 with the request they had decided to protect him and his friends.
 
 242 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "Seliger," said the officer, "is here, and I want to talk with him." 
 
 The occupants admitted that he had been there and had had a talk with 
 his wife, but that he was at the time on his way home with her. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Seliger called at the station the next afternoon (June 8). 
 Both entered smiling, but it was quite apparent that Seliger was very 
 nervous. 
 
 " Captain," said Mrs. Seliger, " we are both here." 
 
 " Yes, madam," I replied ; "I am glad you are both here on your own 
 account." 
 
 "Captain," again spoke Mrs. Seliger, "1 want my husband to testify in 
 court against that villain Lingg. He ruined my home. He is the cause of 
 the slaughter of all these people He is the cause of the sufferings of the 
 women and children whose husbands and fathers attended the Anarchist 
 meetings. Now, Captain, you see I have been faithful to my promises. I 
 have done as I agreed. You have my husband ; he is in your power. You 
 can do with him as you please, buf: for God's sake spare his life." 
 
 Mrs. Seliger had scarcely finished her appeal when she swooned away. 
 She had for days been wrought up with intense excitement and haunted 
 with terrible forebodings. The climax was reached when she had executed 
 her commission, and, trying as had been the situation for nights and days, 
 she had courageously borne up in order that she might atone the wrongs 
 her husband had committed despite her most earnest entreaties, and to help 
 in some way to extricate him, who had so cruelly wronged her, from the 
 meshes into which he had madly and ignorantly rushed. Her keen judg- 
 ment and innate sense of right had swept aside every consideration of the 
 apparent security his concealment might have given him, and her whole 
 soul was centered in his delivery to the authorities that he might not eventu- 
 ally be found and sent to an ignominious death on the gallows. That was 
 her hope, and, much as she longed for his safety, she had bent her whole 
 energies to seeing him brought out of concealment and placed where there 
 might at least be a chance for his life. The struggle had been intense, and 
 it culminated when she so pathetically asked that her husband's life might 
 be spared. Her emotions then were at their highest tension, and as she 
 recognized the fact that he was now at the complete mercy of the law, 
 from which he had sought to escape, she could bear up no longer. 
 
 A physician was immediately sent for, and after applying restoratives it 
 was found she was quite a sick woman. A carriage was summoned, and she 
 was sent home. 
 
 Seliger was detained at the station until after the trial of the conspira- 
 tors. Mrs. Seliger was a frequent caller after that trying day, and remained 
 with him much of the time, cheering him and seeking in every way to 
 lighten his burden, like a true, devoted and loving wife. In a subsequent 
 conversation the circumstances in connection with her visit to her husband
 
 SAVED BY HIS WIFE. 243 
 
 at his place of concealment were learned. It appears that at first he em- 
 phatically declined to accompany her, and then gave his reasons. One day, 
 while on his way to report at the station, he was met, he said, by a stranger, 
 and threatened that if he ever went near the station again, or sent word ver- 
 bally or by note or letter to me, both he and his wife would be murdered in 
 cold blood. The threat made a marked impression on his mind. He 
 returned home, but made no mention of it to Mrs. Seliger. He knew, he 
 said, that the threat was meant, and, thinking to save his wife, he con- 
 cluded to act on the warning and place hirrtself in concealment without her 
 knowledge. He left, as already stated, and decided to keep under cover to 
 await results. 
 
 He called first at the house of a widow named Bertha Neubarth, No. 
 1109 Nelson Street, Lake View. This was a small cottage, with a base- 
 ment used as a tailor-shop, and, thinking it a secure place, he remained 
 there a few days. Then he went to the house of a friend, named Gustav 
 Belz, who lived near McCormick's factory, and remained there several 
 days. His next move was to a house on West Twelfth Street, near the 
 city limits, and there he remained until discovered by his wife. The letter 
 he had sent to her was mailed by a trusted friend named Malinwitz, and 
 the purpose he had in sending it was to ascertain if matters had changed 
 any and if I was angry over his sudden departure. On meeting his wife, 
 the first question he asked was as to whether the police had been watching 
 their house, and, on being answered in the affirmative, and informed that 
 she had even been locked up again, he asked for particulars and the cause 
 for her release. 
 
 " Capt. Schaack," she said, "let me out in order to bring you back." 
 
 "I often felt sorry," answered the husband, "for going away, but I will 
 never go back." 
 
 His wife insisted that he must go back, and said : 
 
 " I told the Captain that I would come and see you. The Captain said 
 that he would give you six hours to return, and that if you did not report to 
 his office within that time, he would surely find you and prosecute you for 
 murder. Your chances for hanging, he said, were very good, and you need 
 look for no mercy at his hands. He also said that he had your picture 
 ready, to send out for your arrest on sight, and that it would be useless for 
 you to hide or run away. I saw the picture myself, and the Captain intends 
 to publish a large reward for your arrest." 
 
 "I believe all you say," said Seliger, struggling with his feelings, "but 
 what would you prefer, seeing me shot or killed by assassins, or hung 
 by law?" 
 
 "All these cowards making threats," replied the wife, "will be arrested. 
 The station-houses on the North Side are now full of the murderers. I 
 know the Captain will take care of us, and, if you are arrested, you will
 
 244 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 have no one to help you or do anything for you ; then you are sure to hang. 
 You had better come with me to Captain Schaack." 
 
 He consented, and she sent word that they would be at the station the 
 next day. Seliger gave himself up, and Mrs. Seliger redeemed her promise. 
 The sacrifice, in view of the uncertainties of the time, seemed great, but 
 had it not been for the honesty and persistency of that true woman, Seliger 
 to-day would lie in an unhonored grave. Both proved strong witnesses at 
 the trial, and shortly after his release they left the city. Reports from 
 them show that he has been cured of Johann Most's crazy notions. He 
 now denounces Anarchy both in America and Germany, in which latter 
 country he and his wife were born. He has applied himself to legitimate 
 pursuits as a law-abiding citizen, and is prospering. 
 
 Seliger, during his interview with me, recounted his connection with the 
 Anarchists as follows : 
 
 "About three years ago I noticed an article in the Arbeiter-Zeitung that 
 the North Side group would give lessons to all who desired, in the English 
 language. I went to Neff's Hall and I was there told that the school was 
 only for members, and that, if I wanted to join, I could do so. I did, and a 
 year afterwards I was elected financial secretary. In looking over the 
 books, I found that the group had 206 members, the most of them being in 
 arrears, but no one ceased to be a member on account of it. I found alsa 
 that there was a great deal of wrangling and trouble among the members. 
 One faction claimed to be revolutionary, as they were at war with capital. 
 This contention drew the lines pretty sharply, and the Socialistic movement 
 commenced to take a sharp character. Stellmacher, I believe, was executed 
 in Vienna. It was on Monday, if I am not mistaken, in the month of 
 August, 1884. My group decided to commemorate the event and glorify 
 the man. They had posters printed, and about twenty men went to work 
 to post them, especially in the vicinity of the churches. From that day 
 they began talking force and dynamite. At every meeting, Stellmacher's 
 name was mentioned and his deeds glorified. Some held that Stellmacher 
 was simply a burglar and murderer, having burglarized the premises of 
 Banker Eifert at Vienna and killed one of his children. Rau and Lange 
 were always quarreling over this question. Lange maintained that it was 
 a shame that any Socialist, Communist or Anarchist should burglarize and 
 murder under a pretext of getting money for the cause. Every member, he 
 said, could get enough money in a,n honest way to swell the fund for agita- 
 tion and the destruction of capital. Lange said that he was not opposed ta 
 the killing of capitalists in the right way, but he did not want to see chil- 
 dren killed. Rau would uphold a contrary view. He held that it was all 
 the same, capitalist or child, and said that the children of the rich would 
 grow up only to learn how to enrich themselves at the expense of the work- 
 ing people. Schnaubelt favored murder and thought that it would be best 
 for the Anarchists to form into groups of four or five with a view to killing 
 any one who would work against the laboring people's agitation. One or 
 two suddenly removed would not arouse suspicion. 
 
 "A cigar-maker named Hoffman became a member of the North Side 
 group, and he was never satisfied with the rules, as he regarded them too 
 lenient. He wanted the whole International Working People's Association
 
 SELIGER'S CONFESSIONS. 245 
 
 made an armed body, but Schwab and Hermann opposed it, as they said that 
 the Lehr und Wehr Verein filled that part of the bill. Hoffman subse- 
 quently withdrew from the group and the military organization. He as well 
 as Polling and Hermann wanted the Anarchists to give a commemorative 
 entertainment on the anniversary of the Paris Commune, in March, 1885, 
 and of the clubbing of the working people of Philadelphia by the police. 
 His idea was that rifles should be discharged, and then a woman personat- 
 ing the goddess of liberty should throw a chain away from her body. In 
 this way the three men believed that the agitation for securing arms could 
 be greatly helped. The committee for the celebration of the Commune 
 opposed this plan, especially Neebe and Rau. Neebe held that the cele- 
 bration of the Commune as generally planned by the committee was for the 
 express purpose of making money to help agitation, and the other features 
 were not necessary. Hoffman endeavored to carry through his plan, but he 
 was knocked out. After some further wrangling he left the group and per- 
 manently kept away. At another meeting Rau said that he desired to bring 
 dynamite into the meetings and show how it was manufactured, but no 
 definite action was taken. 
 
 "At the beginning of last year [1885], a man named Deters declared 
 that he was an Anarchist and was very loud in his declarations, but he was 
 afterwards expelled for stealing tickets from the Central Labor Union. 
 Poch always claimed to be a Communist, and he became unpopular on 
 account of a dereliction. Haker was also a Communist, but he was expelled 
 on account of being in arrears $3 as a member of the Southwest group. 
 Then Lingg became a member, and from that time served as president of 
 that group. He was always in hot words with a man named Hartwig. 
 During the beginning of April we got quite a number of new members, and 
 they all became strong agitators in the cause. I knew as members of the 
 armed sections Schlomeker, a carpenter ; Stahlbaum, a carpenter, lieutenant 
 of the first company; Petschke, secretary of the same company; Kitgus; 
 the Riemer brothers, one a carpenter and the other a painter ; Ted, a car- 
 penter ; Rau, Bak, Hirschberger, the Hermann brothers, all members of the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein; the Hageman brothers; the Lehman brothers; 
 Messenbrink, a carpenter ; Stak, a tinsmith ; Lauke, Feltes and Kraemer, 
 all carpenters, and Siebach and Niendorf, carpenters, living in Lake View. 
 With these two exceptions and those of Lenhard and Krueger, who belonged 
 to the Northwest group, all I have mentioned lived on the North Side. 
 There were also Classner and Sisterer, who belonged to the Southwest 
 group. I know a great many others who belonged to the armed forces, but 
 J don't recall their names. They all carried revolvers. All I knew about 
 bombs at that time was what I heard Lingg say, that the Northwest group 
 and the Southwest groups and the Bohemians were well supplied with them. 
 Among the Bohemian Socialists I only know Mikolanda and Hrusha and 
 three more whose names I can't remember. 
 
 "At a meeting last winter [1885] of the North Side group, Neebe stated 
 that it was time that every comrade should supply himself with arms and 
 should lay bombs under his pillow at night and sleep over them. Every 
 one should practice so as to know how to handle them when necessary. 
 Every workingman, he said, who is down on capitalists, should kill every 
 one of them, and they should not neglect the police and the militia, because 
 they were hired and supported by the capitalists. He said that he himself 
 would kill one of these loafers and would not turn an eye on him. One in
 
 246 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the audience, a barber, whose name I don't know, said that there were some 
 among the militia and the police who would join them in case of an uprising 
 and cited as an instance that during the riots of 1877 he had spoken to some 
 of them and they had told him that they would not shoot at the strikers. 
 Neebe declared that it was all the same. 'A man employed by the capi- 
 talists,' he said, 'is my enemy, even though he is my brother.' In case of 
 an uprising, he said, every revolutionist should use force on every corner 
 and on the sidewalks, and should throw dynamite wherever these loafers 
 stood or walked. 
 
 "The casting of one bomb Lingg had was made of sheet-iron, and the 
 man who manufactured it was shown to me at the office of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung. Then Lingg had another casting made out of iron, which he had 
 made at some iron foundry. I saw him have dynamite twice in a cigar-box. 
 Before this he said to me that he had seen Spies at the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office, and that Spies had told him that he would give him dynamite. This 
 was about two months before the 4th of May. Friday preceding that day 
 Lingg received a box, 1x2^ feet in dimensions, from the West Side, at the 
 hands of a man whom I took to be a Bohemian. Lingg always liked the 
 Bohemians. With a view to learning this man's address I walked over to> 
 the West Side, and I found that he had moved to No. 661 Blue Island 
 Avenue. One evening two others came to see Haker, and Haker told them, 
 as I entered, that I was Seliger. One of them I knew, his name being 
 Kaiser, a carpenter, and the other was a strongly built man of medium 
 height and bow-legged. They were a little embarrassed and said that they 
 did not know what to say under the circumstances. I asked them if they 
 had bombs, and Haker spoke up and said that he would not say anything; 
 about it, even to his brother, as he expected a search would be made of his 
 house. But he said they would find nothing, and the other two confirmed 
 his story. It was stated that every one should buy a book, which could be 
 had at cost price, giving directions about the manufacture of dynamite, 
 which could also be purchased very cheap. The North Side group bought 
 one of these books. I was so informed by Thielen, who had seen it. 
 
 "A short time after this I was elected a member of the central com- 
 mittee, with four other delegates from the North Side group, who were 
 Neebe, Ran, Hermann and Hubner, and as long as I was a member Neebe 
 and Rau were continued as delegates to that committee. Spies was at the 
 head of it. I attended seven of its meetings, and at one of our sessions, 
 during the West Side street-car drivers' strike, Spies said that we should 
 take part in that strike. In case the strikers should resort to force against 
 the company and the policemen who protected it, Spies said that he. had a 
 few bombs on hand, and he would distribute some of them to people whom 
 he knew. At the same meeting it was proposed that a meeting should be 
 held on the lake front the following Sunday, but there was some opposition 
 to it. Spies, however, declared that the meeting should be held and that 
 every one should be present, well armed. Then, in case the police should 
 interfere to disperse the gathering, they should send them home with bloody 
 heads. The meeting was held, but there was no interference. Spies also 
 proposed that meetings of the committee should be held every evening at 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung office during the strike, to hear grievances, and that, 
 whenever necessary, special meetings should be held of the various groups. 
 The leaders in the committee were Spies, Rau, Neebe, Hermann, a man 
 named Walter, of the American group, and a small man from the Northwest
 
 SELIGERS CONFESSIONS. 247 
 
 group with an illuminated nose, who was a very intimate friend of Spies. 
 This man was the founder of the Freiheit group. 
 
 "Just preceding this car strike, Haker, who belonged to Carpenters' 
 Union No. i, was a strong advocate of the use of dynamite. At one meet- 
 ing he told some of the members to wait till after adjournment, as he ex- 
 plained that he desired to show them something very interesting. They 
 remained, and he produced a ball of clay, having two parts joined together 
 and a cavity in the center. He told them that he manufactured them, and 
 if any one desired any they could get them from him at a dollar each. I 
 then left. 
 
 " Subsequently I called upon Secretary Lotz and asked for the book of 
 membership of the North Side group. I found that Charles Bock was its 
 financial secretary ; Hubner, librarian ; and Rau, delegate to the central 
 committee, which position he held almost continuously. Abraham Hermann 
 was also a delegate and agent for the sale of arms to the whole organiza- 
 tion. The principal speakers at our meetings were Schwab, Feltes or 
 Veltes, Neebe, Grottkau and (while living in the city) Kraemer. During 
 1885 an Austrian, whose name I don't remember, spoke very often, but he 
 is now at the Jefferson Insane Asylum. Fischer is one of the founders of 
 the North Side group and always spoke most strongly in favor of Anarchy. 
 Rau, an employe of the Ar better -Zeitungy Lingg, Schnaubelt and Emil Hoffman, 
 the cigar-maker, also spoke frequently. Hoffman claimed that he was a 
 great friend of Most and one of the founders of Freiheit of London. He had 
 lived in London several years and was an active member until he left our 
 organization, as I have already stated. Hermann would sometimes take the 
 places of speakers who might happen to be absent from some of the meet- 
 ings. Hirschberger, of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and Menz, a carpenter, born 
 in America, generally participated in some of the discussions. 
 
 "A man named Kiesling was a member, and after my liberation from 
 the station I was informed by Haker, Kaiser and another man that he had 
 helped a member to escape arrest. Commes, or Commens, had shot and 
 wounded two Jews, and Kiesling was delegated to take him in an express 
 wagon to Lake View, where he turned him over to some members of the 
 Southwest Side group, who then assisted him in effecting his escape." 
 
 Seliger then gave a number of names of members who belonged to the 
 groups he was most familiar with, as follows: 
 
 " North Side Group. Asher, a mason ; Turban, carpenter ; Huber, car- 
 penter ; Heuman, railroad laborer ; Stak, cornice-maker ; Reuter; Habitz- 
 reiter, of the Arbeiter-Zeitung ; Kasbe, shoemaker; Menge, carrier of 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung ; Hoelscher, carrier of same paper; Jebolinski, carpenter ; 
 Behrens, shoemaker. Members no longer with group : Wichman, a saloon- 
 keeper, expelled from Berlin, Germany ; Ammer, bookbinder ; the Thiesen 
 brothers, One a shoemaker and the other a carpenter, and Polling. 
 
 " Northwest Side Group. Blume, carpenter ; Elias, carpenter ; Fischer, 
 Engel, Lehnhard, Breitenfeld. Blume and Elias left because they were 
 quarreling all the time with Fischer, and they founded the Karl Marx 
 group. 
 
 "Southwest Side Group. Scholz ; Fehling,cigarmaker ; Kaiser, carpenter ; 
 Haker, carpenter ; Schoening."
 
 248 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 THE next arrest was that of JOHN THIELEN. Thielen was a man about 
 37 year of age, born near the city of Coblentz, Germany, a carpenter by oc- 
 cupation, and a rabid "red," living in Chicago at No. 509 North Halsted 
 Street. He had been an Anarchist in the old country, and there had divided 
 his time between talking up the social revolution and running a small 
 grocery store, until business had got so dull that he was obliged to sell out. 
 He then fell back upon his trade for a living. Much as it went against his 
 grain to labor, he had no alternative except to starve. It occurred to him 
 that the stronger a Socialist he became the less hard work he would have to 
 do, and he accordingly availed himself of every opportunity to talk on his 
 pet hobby. At last the officials of Emperor William got after him, and, 
 packing up a few things, he emigrated to America, reaching Chicago about 
 five years before his arrest. He had been here only a short time when he 
 learned that there were a number of men in the city who talked to working- 
 men about the shortest way to get rich without 
 work", how to have a good time playing cards, 
 drinking beer, attending picnics and balls, wear- 
 ing good clothes, and smoking good cigars. This 
 struck Thielen's fancy, and he concluded that 
 at last he had found the place he had longed 
 for during many years. He decided to identify 
 himself with these men, and accordingly made 
 haste to attend all their meetings. It was not 
 long before he proved himself as good an An- 
 archist as the rest of the leaders. His wife also 
 had become imbued with his doctrines, and had 
 grown indeed more positive than her husband. 
 
 JOHN THIELEN. They had & sonj ^ years Q f age? a ^ sl j m 
 
 From a Photograph. r i, XT ^i ij ^- r ii i 
 
 fellow. Nothing would satisfy the mother except 
 
 his induction into the order. After the stripling had become a member, 
 she was still unsatisfied ; he must join the Sharpshooters. This the boy 
 did, and thus he fell in with the most rabid of the Anarchists into the 
 very crowd that gathered in secret session at 63 Emma Street on Sunday, 
 May 2, at ten o'clock in the morning, to hear Engel unfold his murderous 
 plan. 
 
 The youth was a close listener and an ardent admirer of the leaders. 
 He also attended the Haymarket meeting, and went there for a purpose. 
 It appears that the order had established, in furtherance of this conspiracy, 
 a line of runners, composed of all the young men who were swift and light 
 of foot, the object being to furnish means of rapid communication between 
 a "commander" and his men. For instance, in the execution of Engel's 
 plan, a number of Anarchists had gone to Wicker Park, some to Humboldt 
 Park, and others to Garfield Park, on the evening of May 4. Their instruc-
 
 A BOY CONSPIRATOR. 249 
 
 tions were to stand ready to obey orders, and, on receipt of a signal, to 
 advance into the city and shoot down all who opposed them. The "com- 
 mander" attended the Haymarket meeting, accompanied by young Thielen, 
 and it was his intention, the moment the proper signal was given, to 
 despatch the boy on his mission. The boy was then to start on a keen run 
 to a certain place, where he was to meet another runner ; the second was to 
 take the message to a third, and so on until the men posted at the parks 
 were reached. 
 
 Fortunately, however, young Thielen missed his "commander" when the 
 bomb fell and the shooting commenced at the Haymarket. The boy then 
 lost his courage, like his superior, and applied his speed to getting home 
 as fast as possible. 
 
 Young Thielen had been selected because of his supposed coolness. He 
 had been a great favorite of Lingg's, and had been in that worthy's room on 
 that very afternoon up to 7:30 in the evening. He had even helped to load 
 dynamite bombs there. When the work had been completed, Lingg had 
 distributed a lot of the dynamite left over to his friends present. Three 
 boxes had been given to Thielen and the boy, and the "stuff" was subse- 
 quently found buried under their house, together with fire-arms and ammu- 
 nition. 
 
 When trouble finally surrounded the Thielen household, the wife and 
 mother showed true grit. On being shown the evidence of their complicity 
 in a conspiracy, she neither flinched nor quivered. 
 
 " Our whole family are Anarchists," she defiantly remarked, " and what 
 of it ? Try your best, you can't scare me ! " 
 
 The son was ordered by the officers to come with them to the station, and 
 as they left the house Mrs. Thielen said to him : 
 
 " I want you to brace up and be firm, as you have been taught by your 
 comrades. This is for a good cause. Bear it all like a man." 
 
 The boy was taken to the Larrabee Street Station and put under cross- 
 fire. He was decidedly firm at first, but after he had become involved in a 
 number of false statements and shown that the police knew a good deal 
 about him, he looked at every officer in the station and asked : 
 
 " If I tell all I know and tell the truth, what will you do with me ?' 
 
 He was informed that such a course would be the best for him and that 
 it might afford him a chance to get out of his troubles. This satisfied the 
 youth, and he gave a long and strong statement, which others subsequently 
 corroborated. He then explained that he had been misled into reading all 
 sorts of nonsense on Anarchy. He had eagerly studied all books on the 
 question, and, being encouraged by his parents, had taken a deep interest 
 in all the meetings. He worked whenever he could find employment, but 
 at all times his mind was centered in the success of the cause. 
 
 He was detained at the station only a few days, and then released on a
 
 250 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 promise to hold himself subject to the orders of the State and testify when 
 called on. But the State did not need his evidence, and soon thereafter I 
 secured him employment in a factory. He is still at work and is now prov- 
 ing himself an exemplary youth. 
 
 The father proved a rather elusive individual after the police began 
 searching for him. But at the time of Mrs. Seliger's arrest he ventured 
 too near the Chicago Avenue Station. It was on the morning of May 12 
 that a man was noticed in the company of two women. The man remained 
 on the outside at a good distance, but the women entered the court-room of 
 the station and sat there for some time, watching the prisoners brought 
 before the magistrate. The women asked no questions of any one in the 
 room, and it was soon discovered that they had no business there. Officer 
 Loewenstein approached them and asked if they had come to see Mrs. 
 Seliger. One replied that they did not know her. 
 
 " But," interposed the other, with some hesitancy, "is she here?" 
 
 "I can't tell," remarked the officer. "I was going to make some 
 inquiries, but as you do not know her, it will save me the trouble." 
 
 " Say, young man," said one of the women, who was getting interested 
 as well as curious, " what is your business here ? " 
 
 " Well, madam, I am known here as a ' straw-bailer. ' I go bail for all 
 people who pay me well, and I am all O. K. with the police. If you want 
 anything done for Mrs. Seliger, you must be very careful here. Don't let 
 the police know your object. As you are Germans, I will not charge you 
 anything for my trouble, if I can do anything for you." 
 
 " Well, we will talk to you later," they said. " Can we remain here for 
 awhile ? " 
 
 " Oh, yes ; I will take care of you so that no one will disturb you," replied 
 the officer, in a patronizing tone of voice. " By the way, when I came to 
 the station this morning, I saw you standing at the corner talking to a gen- 
 tleman with black whiskers, and he is now standing across the street. If he 
 is a friend of yours, I will call him in here." 
 
 "Oh, yes," responded the women, " he is our friend and a friend of Mr, 
 and Mrs. Seliger. He is a good man." 
 
 " What is his name ? I will call him in at once." 
 
 " His name is John Thielen. He lives at No. 509 North Halsted Street 
 and is all right." 
 
 Officer Stift meantime had kept his eye on the individual across the 
 street, with instructions not to arrest him so long as he hovered about the 
 station, but, in the event of his going away any distance, to take him in 
 charge. The man at no time went far from his post ; he was too anxious 
 to hear from the women. The moment Officer Loewenstein had secured 
 the information about his identity, he posted across the street, and, hailing 
 the man, said :
 
 AN "INNOCENT" TAKEN IN. 251 
 
 "John, I think you have been 'ransacking ' around here long enough. 
 Come with me ; the boys want to see you." 
 
 " Who are the boys ? " inquired Thielen. 
 
 "Capt. Schaack," answered the officer. 
 
 "I don't want to see him or have anything to do with him." Thielen 
 was surprised as well as indignant. 
 
 " Well," said the officer, "he would like to make your acquaintance." 
 
 " You tell him that he don't know me and I don't know him ; so what 
 the d 1 does he want ? Good-day, I am going home." 
 
 "You must come in first and give an account of yourself." 
 
 " I am a good man ; I am not afraid." 
 
 He went to the station rather reluctantly, still with an air of innocence 
 and bravery. The moment he stepped inside the office, I said to him : 
 
 " John, you are an Anarchist. You are one of the rioters. You were at 
 the Haymarket meeting. You knew about the bombs. You are under 
 arrest." 
 
 "I am no Anarchist," responded John, rather warmly. "I am a 
 carpenter. " 
 
 "Yes," said I, "you are both, and you live at 509 North Halsted Street. 
 I have no time now to talk to you. Whenever you want to see me send 
 word by the turnkey." 
 
 On the second day, John sent word that he wanted to see me. He was 
 taken up into the office, and there he asked what benefit it would be to him 
 if he told all he knew. He was informed that we would expect him to tell 
 only the truth and not lie about any one or shield any one who was guilty 
 of wrong-doing. If he did all this honestly and conscientiously the State 
 would, no doubt, reward him for his information. Thielen assented to the 
 proposition, but he told very little at this interview. He was brought up 
 again the next day, and from the questions put he soon discovered that 
 some one had been telling the truth about him. 
 
 "Now I will tell you all I know," he said, "and let it fall where it 
 belongs. What I say I will swear to. I see every one is trying to get out. 
 First I will tell you what I did myself, and then what the others did." 
 
 He accordingly made a long statement, but as substantially the same 
 facts were brought out in the trial by other witnesses, he was never called 
 on to testify. Since then Thielen has abandoned Anarchy and is a better 
 man. 
 
 The statement Thielen made runs as follows, and it will be noticed by 
 reference to the trial proceedings that, had he been a witness, he would 
 have fully corroborated the testimony given by Seliger and his wife. On 
 being shown, at the station, some round lead bombs, he said : 
 
 " I saw Louis Lingg have twenty-two pieces like these in his room. 
 They were not all finished. I saw them when they were being cast. They
 
 2 5 2 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 were in halves and placed in Louis Lingg's trunk. If that trouble had not 
 occurred at McCormick's factory that Monday, they would not have been 
 finished yet, but after that trouble with the officers he completed them. 
 That is, he loaded them with dynamite, ready to be used. I never knew of 
 any one or heard of anybody who could make these bombs except Lingg. 
 I had two of these gas-pipe bombs, loaded with dynamite. I got them from 
 Lingg, and I threw them away as soon as I got them. There were only a 
 few left of these long ones. There were seventeen pieces loaded at Seli- 
 ger's house. Bonfield had better look out for himself, as these bombs are 
 for the most part made for him, and he will get one yet. He was shooting 
 the people during the West Side car strike and at McCormick's. I prom- 
 ised to give you the round bombs that I had, but, as I said, I threw them 
 away and out of danger. I will tell you, before all these men, that these 
 two iron shells now lying before me at this table I got from Lingg at his 
 house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, on May 4, 1886. He gave them to me, 
 and I took them along home. They were loaded, and there was a fuse in 
 each of them. This was Tuesday night, May 4, 8 o'clock. The very same 
 night he also gave me those two cigar-boxes here now before me, filled 
 with dynamite. He wanted me to take them and throw them in the alley. 
 He said they were empty, but I saw that they were filled. They were too 
 heavy to be empty. I took them home myself, together with my boy. We 
 buried them under our house. The last time I saw any bombs was at 
 Florus' place, where a search was made by the police. I would have given 
 up those bombs to you to-night if you had not found them. In these boxes 
 is finished dynamite ready to be used. I know Seliger had charge of sell- 
 ing arms. We paid $7.00 for a revolver and $10.00 for a gun. I saw 
 Lingg and Seiiger at Seliger's house, Tuesday, May 4, at about 8 P.M., and 
 9:30 P.M. I saw them together at Larrabee Street. There were twenty- 
 two lead bombs that I saw in Lingg's room. They were made on a Sunday 
 afternoon. Lingg, Seliger and myself made them. They had been cast 
 about two weeks before Tuesday, May 4. I saw in a satchel in Lingg's 
 room about fifteen pieces of these long iron shells, on Tuesday, May 4. 
 There were alsp some round lead bombs, and they were all loaded. The 
 time I was in Lingg's room, May 4, I saw one man take along with him, 
 when he left, three round lead bombs loaded with dynamite, and Lingg 
 gave those bombs to the man himself. I know the man, and I, John Thie- 
 len, will get them from that man and give them to you this evening. After 
 what happened at the Haymarket on that Tuesday evening, May 4, you 
 could not hear of any one having bombs in their possession. I should 
 judge that two men more received from Lingg six round bombs loaded 
 with dynamite. In Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, on the evening of 
 May 3, at the meeting there, Lingg said to the people present that he would 
 furnish the dynamite bombs if any one would throw them. I told him to 
 throw the bombs himself. Then I said to Lingg that it would cost a man 
 his life to throw them. Lingg replied that no man could see any one throw 
 one of them. He said if necessary he would throw some. He also 
 stated that if any one would come to him he would show him how to 
 make bombs with dynamite. I saw Lingg and Seliger together at Thiir- 
 inger Hall Neff's place 58 Clybourn Avenue, on the evening of May 4. 
 Lingg had a satchel. The satchel was placed near a little passage-way 
 leading to the 'gents' closet.' It was a gray canvas-covered satchel about 
 two feet long, one foot wide and one and a half feet high. Seliger, Lingg
 
 JOHN THIELEN'S REVELATIONS. 253 
 
 
 
 and myself went away together to Clybourn Avenue. We then went up 
 on Larrabee Street, at 9:30 P.M. I left Lingg and Seliger at the corner 
 of Clybourn Avenue and Larrabee Street. The satchel was brought by 
 Lingg to Neff's Hall that night, and any one there could help himself to 
 bombs. Lingg said to some people : ' There are bombs in that satchel, and 
 now help yourselves. ' These words were spoken in the saloon of Neff's 
 place to a crowd of armed men." 
 
 The above confession was given on the i4th of May. On the next day 
 Thielen was brought face to face with Lingg with what results the next 
 chapter will show. On the i6th of May Thielen supplemented his first 
 statement with additional particulars. He said : 
 
 "On Tuesday, May 4, 1886, about 9:30 P.M., myself and old man Leh- 
 man were together on the corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, 
 near the police station, and afterwards we went back to Neff's Hall. Three 
 men came into the saloon and said that there had been a terrible explosion 
 on the West Side at the Haymarket meeting and that a great many were 
 killed and wounded ; that Fielden had made a speech, and a radical one. 
 The police came, and a shot was fired. Some one in the crowd said : ' Now, 
 do not spare powder or lead. ' A friend of mine got shot through the cheek. 
 The man works for Mr. Christal, corner of Lake and State Streets, in a 
 basement a carpenter-shop. That man stated that he was there at the 
 meeting, standing near the speaker, and about fifteen feet away from where 
 the bomb was thrown. The understanding with us when we left Neff's 
 Hall on that Tuesday night, May 4, was to make a racket that would 
 call out the police. It was a failure because the West Side police did not 
 come out any sooner to interfere with the meeting or the mob. The grudge 
 we had was the score of the police shooting our men at McCormick's fac- 
 tory. We wanted revenge. The order came from the International armed 
 men or the group. I was at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, May 3. I 
 there saw a circular calling for revenge. I was at the meeting Monday 
 night at Zepf's Hall, and there an order was given for the armed men to go 
 to 54 West Lake Street, in the basement. The password to get into that 
 meeting was ' Y komme. ' I went there to the meeting. I found George 
 Engel there, and he made a speech. The whole plan was then unfolded by 
 Engel. He said that there would be a meeting held on Tuesday night, May 
 4, at the Haymarket, and that the North Siders should stay on the North 
 Side, and there they should wait until it had started meaning the riot on 
 the West Side. Engel said that some of those who had arms should come 
 to the meeting, and those who had no arms should stay away from the meet- 
 ing at the Haymarket. At the meeting in the basement a man by the name of 
 Waller was chairman. George Engel did the speaking. There were about 
 fifty men present belonging to the armed sections. Engel explained that the 
 plan would have to be worked in this way : As soon as they had commenced 
 on the West Side, then they should commence on the South Side and the 
 North Side. Engel stated that the signal would be a fire which would be 
 set, and seen at Wicker Park, and by the noise of the shooting. That would 
 be the signal for commencing, and they should all attack the police stations ; 
 should throw dynamite bombs into the stations, to either kill or keep the 
 officers in the stations, and should shoot the horses on the patrol wagons to 
 prevent the police from helping one another. Engel is the man who pro-
 
 1254 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 posed this plan. Engel is the only man that gave us any orders. And 
 under the orders Engel gave us that night, May 3, in that basement, 54 West 
 Lake Street, we started out May 4 on the North Side to do harm that is, 
 to shoot and kill anything that opposed us. The word ' Ruhe ' in the 
 ' Briefkasten ' was adopted at our meeting May 3. It was to be used as a 
 signal word. If it should appear the next day in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, then 
 every man was to be ready with his arms or guns ; that then the riot would 
 commence, and they should watch for the signal. ' Right and fest ' were 
 passwords for the armed men should there be any fighting at McCormick's. 
 With the signal they should all come out with their bombs and arms, no 
 matter whether it happened in the day or in the night. They should attack 
 the armed officers of the law and the State militia. All of us armed men 
 thought at one time that the police would not fight us, because they were all 
 married men, and if they should fight us they would not do it so very hard. 
 The plan was to call out a meeting first and have no speakers there. The 
 police would then come and drive us away. They then should fire on the 
 police. There were a lot of armed people at the meeting, I know. But the 
 police did not interfere, so they got speakers at the meeting. Finally the 
 police came out, and the mob-did what they had agreed to do. Afterwards 
 fault was found, and they said the North Siders were cowards. When Spies 
 and others were arrested, the armed men all said that, should anything hap- 
 pen to those men, there would be a riot. In reference to the report about 
 the shooting of six of our men at McCormick's factory, I will say that what 
 I saw and read in that circular calling for revenge made me mad at the offi- 
 cers. At that meeting Engel called on us to take revenge on the police 
 officers, because they had killed six of our men. There were about seventy- 
 five of us, so far as I know, on the North Side, to do the work on Tuesday 
 night, May 4, and Lingg was mad because there were no more men coming 
 after bombs. At Neff's Hall Tuesday night, May 4, we all looked to Lingg 
 as a leader of the North Siders. I know of no one else who could make 
 bombs. Some one found fault with Lingg at Neff's Hall on Tuesday night 
 because he came so late with his bombs. Then Lingg asked why they had 
 not come after the bombs. They all knew, he said, where he lived. Lingg 
 was very angry. Schablinsky lives near me, and he got bombs from him. 
 There were about nineteen men in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Sta- 
 tion on the night of May 4, to attack the station when the police should 
 come out on the wagons to answer a call from the West Side Haymarket. 
 The men, seeing all this, lost their courage because the police, they said, 
 passed them so quick, and then they said to one another, * Why should we 
 attack and lose our own lives for the sake of others ? ' When the wagon 
 was gone, they saw lots of officers coming on foot to the station. Then the 
 men went away. The North Siders, the armed men, were to meet in Neff's 
 Hall May 4, in the afternoon. I was at Thalia Hall, Northwest Side, where 
 the Lehr und Wehr Verein met, on Wednesday, May 5, in the forenoon. 
 I saw Fischer, and he said Spies and others had been arrested. I always 
 knew that Fischer was one of the leaders in this affair the riot. Fischer 
 said the riot was a failure. It was botched, and nothing could be done any 
 more. On Tuesday afternoon there was a tall young fellow at Lingg's room 
 about six o'clock. He had a smooth face and was about six feet tall. The 
 tall man and Lingg were working at the bombs and dynamite. The tall 
 man, I think, worked at Brunswick & Balke's factory."
 
 A BIBULOUS SOCIALIST. 255 
 
 The foregoing was read to Thielen and its correctness acknowledged 
 before Mr. Furthmann, the officers and myself, and his signature is affixed 
 to the margin of each sheet of the paper on which it is written. Thielen's 
 stepson, William Schubert, confirmed the statement of his father with refer- 
 ence to the dynamite bombs and the cigar-boxes filled with dynamite, and 
 added : 
 
 "I went under the house and dug a hole in the ground, and father and 
 myself put those things in the hole and then covered them up." 
 
 ABOUT the time of Thielen's arrest Officers Hoffman and Schuettler ran 
 across FRANZ LORENZ on North Avenue near Sedgwick Street, in the very 
 stronghold of Anarchy, and as the man seemed to be suffering from an 
 overdose of Anarchy and liquor, they took him to the station. This was 
 on the loth of May. He was a German, 48 years of age, and lived with a 
 man named Jaeger, at No. 31 Burling Street. He did not seem to be 
 known much in Socialist circles, and no one seemed specially interested in 
 him. He was locked up at the Larrabee Street Station, and for four days 
 he was as stupid as an owl. He would eat and drink very little, but 
 managed to sleep every day. On the sixth day he was taken to the Chicago 
 Avenue Station and remained there two days longer before he recovered his 
 normal condition. When brought into the office, he told me that he had 
 been drinking very hard, and, being asked for the reason, he said that he 
 had attended many Anarchist meetings, had heard all the speeches and had 
 learned that soon they would all have plenty of money. Whenever such 
 assurances were given, it always, he said, made him feel so good that he 
 would go and get one more drink. Between speeches and drinks, he said, he 
 had come near dying. He assured me that if he was released he would go 
 right to work and give Anarchy and all meetings a wide berth. On being 
 questioned as to his acquaintances, he said he knew "all the boys" the 
 leading Anarchists and had admired them warmly. 
 
 "1 heard Lingg speak," said he, "and he is a good one. I tell you he 
 is a radical." 
 
 "I suppose," said I, "you took two drinks on his speech?" 
 
 "Yes, I took more than that," replied Lorenz. "The last time I heard 
 Lingg speak in Zepf's Hall, I went and got drunk. On May 4, I heard all 
 the boys speak on the wagon at the Haymarket, but I did not stay there 
 until it was over. I went into a saloon a block away from there and got 
 drunk in no time, and when I woke up the next morning I was in bed in 
 one of the cheap lodging-houses." 
 
 Not knowing anything definite, he was released by the State's Attorney, 
 and he has not since been heard from. He has probably retired to some 
 other city to renew his drunks at Anarchist headquarters on the free beer 
 usually provided.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Completing the Case Looking for Lingg The Bomb-maker's Birth 
 Was he of Royal Blood? A Romantic Family History Lingg and his Mother 
 Captured Correspondence A Desperate and Dangerous Character Lingg Disappears 
 A Faint Trail Found Looking for Express Wagon 1999 The Number that Cost 
 the Fugitive his Life A Desperado at Bay Schuettler's Death Grapple Lingg in 
 the Shackles His Statement at the Station The Transfer to the Jail Lingg's Love 
 for Children The Identity of his Sweetheart An Interview with Hubner His 
 Confession The Meeting at Neff 's Place 
 
 WITH the information already obtained we had managed to secure a 
 pretty clear insight into the diabolical plots of the "revolutionary 
 groups. " It was apparent that Chicago had been regarded by Anarchists 
 everywhere as the head center of Socialism in America, and that it had been 
 decided that here should be the first test of strength in the establishment of 
 the new social order. Any reasoning, sentient being ought to have seen the 
 utter folly of such an undertaking in the very midst of millions of liberty- 
 loving, law-abiding citizens, but these Anarchists, hypnotized as they were 
 by the plausible sophisms and the inflammatory writings of unscrupulous 
 men bent on notoriety, could view it in no other light than as a grand stride 
 towards their goal. As boys are led astray by yellow-covered literature, 
 these poor fools were crazed by Anarchistic vaporings. Day or night, 
 sleeping or waking, the beauties of the new social order to be inaugurated 
 by the revolution were continually before their minds. 
 
 It was clear that such people were capable of desperate deeds, and that 
 it was not only necessary to bring to justice the instigators of the massacre, 
 but to show their deluded followers the inevitable result of carrying out 
 ideas repugnant to our free institutions and inconsistent with common sense 
 and right. 
 
 With so many facts before us, we redoubled our efforts to capture every 
 dangerous Anarchist leader in the city, and the next one to fall into the toils 
 was no less a personage than the bomb-maker, Louis Lingg. 
 
 This notorious Anarchist came to Chicago when about twenty-one years of 
 age. He had learned the carpenter's trade in Germany, and when not engaged 
 in spreading Anarchy's doctrines, he pursued that calling to liquidate his 
 board bills and personal expenses. He was a tall, lithe, well-built, hand- 
 some fellow, and, while not of a nervous disposition, his nature was so 
 active and aggressive that he never appeared at rest. Sleeping or waking, 
 Anarchy and the most effective methods of establishing it were uppermost 
 in his thoughts. By reason of his very restlessness it was not difficult to 
 trace him in Socialistic circles when on his tours of agitation, and it was 
 noticeable, too, that he never remained at any one point for any regular 
 
 256
 
 LOUIS LINGO'S CAREER. 
 
 257 
 
 
 length of time. His make-up was a queer combination of nerve, energy 
 and push. His mind seemed always weighted with some great burden. 
 Perhaps there was a reason for this not alone in his radical beliefs, but in 
 his blood and birth. 
 
 Louis Lingg was born in Schwetzingen, Germany, on the gth day of 
 September, 1864, and, while his childhood was spent pleasantly enough, a 
 cloud gradually gathered which overshadowed his life and embittered him 
 against society. His mother, at the age of eighteen or twenty, had worked 
 as a servant, and, possessing a very handsome face, a shapely figure and 
 attractive manners, had caught the eye of a Hessian soldier in the dragoons. 
 This man was young, dashing and handsome, and mutual admiration soon 
 ripened into undue intimacy. 
 One day the soldier left town 
 on short notice whether 
 because of military orders 
 or through his own inclina- 
 tion is not known. It is cer- 
 tain, however, that she never 
 heard of him from that day, 
 and that a son was born to 
 her out of wedlock. That 
 son was Louis Lingg. The 
 name of that dragoon has 
 never been made public, but 
 it is believed with reason 
 that Lingg was born of royal 
 blood. 
 
 Several years after her 
 escapade the mother wed- 
 ded a lumber-worker named 
 Link. Louis was then four LOU is LINGG, THE BOMB-MAKER. 
 
 years old. When young From a Photograph taken by the Police. 
 
 Lingg had arrived at the age of twelve, his foster-father, while engaged in 
 his occupation of floating logs down the river Main, contracted heart disease, 
 through over-exposure, and died. The widow was left in poor circum- 
 stances, and she was obliged to do washing and ironing in order to support 
 herself and family, a daughter named Elise having been born since her 
 marriage. 
 
 Louis, in the course of years, grew strong, robust and muscular. He 
 had received a fair education, and, desiring to relieve his mother's burdens 
 as much as possible, he learned the carpenter's trade under the tutelage of 
 a man named Louis Wuermell in Mannheim. He remained there until 
 May 13, 1879, and then, quitting his apprenticeship, proceeded to Kehl, on
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the Rhine. There he found employment with a man named Schmidt until 
 the fall of 1882. He next went to Freiburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, 
 where he worked for several contractors. At this place he began to change 
 his employment frequently, and his mother, learning of it, wrote several let- 
 ters, in which she advised him against such a course and admonished him 
 to become a good man, to save his money and keep out of bad company, so 
 that he might become useful to himself and to society and make her proud 
 of him. But the son did not heed this motherly advice. He fell in with 
 free-thinkers who were set against religion in particular and against society 
 in general, and soon began reading and absorbing Socialistic literature. It 
 was not long before he became an avowed Socialist, attending Socialistic 
 meetings and eagerly listening to all the speeches. 
 
 Finally young Lingg grew weary of Baden and wandered to the repub- 
 lic of Switzerland. Here he 
 spent the fall of 1883 at Lu- 
 zerne, working at his trade 
 with a man named Rickley, 
 but his roving nature soon 
 brought him to Zurich. 
 
 It was there that he met 
 the famous Anarchist Reins- 
 dorf, and for this man he 
 speedily formed a warm at- 
 tachment. While in Zurich 
 Lingg also affiliated with a 
 German Socialistic society 
 called "Eintracht," and 
 threw his whole soul into the 
 cause. After a time he turned up at Aarau, but here he was unable 
 to find employment and had to write home for assistance. The mother 
 loved her son dearly, despite his wanderings, and he did not appeal to 
 her in vain. She wrote him enclosing a small sum of money to help him 
 bridge over his idleness, and at the same time informed him that she had 
 again married (August 6, 1884), her second husband's name being Christian 
 Gaddum. This man had been a neighbor of the family at Mannheim 
 for years. In writing to her son, Mrs. Link indicated that the marriage 
 was not prompted by love or admiration, but came about on account 
 of her feeble health and her desire to secure support for herself and her 
 daughter. Louis' mother had frequently expressed a wish that he visit 
 home, but, as the boy had now reached the age for military service under 
 the German Government, he concluded to remain away, and in casting 
 about for a permanent location he decided to emigrate to America. He 
 presented the matter to his mother. At first she opposed it, but finally 
 
 LINGG'S TRUNK. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 A FOND MOTHER'S LETTERS. 259 
 
 gave her consent. With what money he secured from his mother and from 
 his friends, he proceeded to Havre, France, in June, 1885, and boarded a 
 steamer for the United States. 
 
 After the wayward boy had left home, he and his mother corresponded 
 regularly. She always expressed deep solicitude for his welfare, and when 
 he was in financial distress she would write him : " Dear Louis, I will 
 share with you as long as I have a bite in the house." All her letters 
 breathed encouragement ; she sent money frequently, although at times in 
 need herself, and concluded invariably by giving good counsel and urging 
 Louis to write her soon and often. When Lingg had arrived in the United 
 States the fond mother wrote him that she would soon be able to send him 
 money enough to come home on a visit. 
 
 That Lingg had great love and affection for his mother is evidenced by 
 
 COILS OF FUSE. 
 
 Found in the secret bottom of Lingg's Trunk. 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 the fact that he had carefully preserved all her letters from the time of his 
 leaving home until he died a suicide's death. From these letters it appears 
 also that Lingg had several lady admirers at home. 
 
 There were many expressions, such as "kindest regards" or " heartiest 
 respects," conveyed to him by his mother on behalf of this or that lady 
 friend. Another fact made apparent by the letters was that there was some 
 great burden on his mind. It would seem that he had plied his mother with 
 many questions respecting his birth. That seemed a dark spot in his life. 
 He wanted a solution as well as satisfaction. This worried the mother, 
 but she always managed to give him some consolation, saying she " would 
 guard against everything " and have " all things set right." In one of her 
 letters occurs the following : 
 
 As regards your birth, it grieves me that you mention it. While you did not know it 
 before, I will now say that you were born in Schwetzingen on the gth day of September, 
 1864, at your grandfather's house, and baptized. Where your father is I don't know. My
 
 260 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 father did not want me to marry him because he did not desire me to follow him into Hessia, and 
 as he had no real estate he could not marry me in Schwetzingen according to our laws. He 
 left and went, I do not know where. If you want a certificate of birth you can get it at 
 Schwetzingen any time. If you make a proper presentation everything will be all right, but 
 don't hold on six months. 
 
 The original of the above, which is in German and which was found in 
 Lingg's trunk, had no signature. Another letter regarding his paternity 
 reads as follows, showing that Lingg's mind had been sorely distressed over 
 the matter : 
 
 MANNHEIM, June 29, 1884. 
 
 Dear Louis: You must have waited a long time for an answer. John said to Elise 
 that I had not yet replied to your last letter. The officials of the court you cannot push. 
 For my part I would have been better pleased if they had hurried up, because it would have 
 saved you a great deal of time. But now I am glad that it has finally been accomplished. 
 After a great deal of toil, I put myself out to go to Schwetzingen and see about the certifi- 
 cate of your birth. I know you will be glad and satisfied to learn that you carry the name 
 of Lingg. This is better than to have children with two different names. He had you 
 entered as a legitimate child before we. got married. I think this was the best course, so 
 that you will not worry and reproach me. Such a certificate of birth is no disgrace, and you 
 can show it. I felt offended that you took no notice of the "confirmation." Elise had 
 everything nice. Her only wish was to receive some small token from Louis, which would 
 have pleased her more than anything else. When she came from church, the first thing she 
 asked for was as to a letter or card from you, but we had to be contented with the thought 
 that perhaps you did not think of us. Now it is all past. ... I was very much troubled 
 that it has taken so long [to procure certificate] , but I could not help it. I have kept my 
 promise, and you cannot reproach me. Everything is all right, and we are all well and 
 working. I hope to hear the same from you. It would not be so bad if you wrote 
 oftener. I have had to do a great many things for you the last eighteen years, but with a 
 mother you can do as you please neglect her and never answer her letters. 
 
 The certificate sent him reads as follows : 
 
 No. 9,681. CERTIFICATE OF BIRTH. 
 
 Ludwig Link, legitimate son of Philipp Friedrich Link and of Regina Von Hoefler, was 
 born at Schwetzingen, on the ninth (gth) day of September, 1864. This is certified accord- 
 ing to the records of the Evangelical Congregation of Schwetzingen. 
 
 SCHWETZJNGEN, May 24, 1884. [SEAL.] County Court : CLURICHT. 
 
 To the letter of Mrs. Link, given above, no signature appears, but 
 that is not strange. What seems more singular is that. whenever her letters 
 were signed, they closed with simply "Your Mother." Another thing 
 appears from the above, and that is that at home Louis' name was Link. 
 Other documents, some of them legal, also found in his trunk, show that his 
 name was formerly written Link. His name must have been changed 
 shortly before leaving Europe or just after reaching the United States. 
 
 It would seem that, with such a certificate, Lingg would have been 
 measurably happy, but the fact of his illegitimacy, despite court records, 
 rankled in his blood. The thought of it haunted him continually, and no 
 doubt it helped to make him in religion a free-thinker, in theory a free- 
 lover, and in practice an implacable enemy of existing society. His moth-
 
 A MAGNETIC LEADEJt. 
 
 261 
 
 or nine months before the 
 time he succeeded in 
 Anarchist circles. No 
 when Socialism had 
 
 tached himself was 
 
 er's letters showed that she wished him to be a good man, and it was no 
 fault of her early training that he subsequently became an Anarchist. She 
 still lives at the old place, and when Lieut. Baus, of the Chicago police 
 force, was on a visit to Mannheim, some time ago, he called on her and 
 found her very pleasant and affable in her manner, with a strong, robust 
 constitution, and still a good-looking woman. 
 
 No sooner had Lingg reached Chicago than he looked up the haunts of 
 Socialists and Anarchists. He made their acquaintance, learned the 
 strength of the order in the city as well as in the United States, and was 
 highly gratified. At that time the organization was not only strong in 
 numbers, but it fairly "smelt to heaven" in its rankness of doctrine. 
 
 Lingg was not required to look around very hard for the haunts of Anar- 
 chy, for a blind man could plainly see, A. feel and smell the disease in 
 the air. Lingg arrived here only eight 
 eventful 4th of May, but in that short 
 making himself the most popular man in 
 one had created such a furore since 1872, 
 its inception in the city. 
 
 The first organization to which Lingg at- 
 the International Carpenters' Union No. i. 
 Every member of this society was a rabid An- 
 archist. All of them had supplied themselves 
 with arms, and a majority of them drilled in 
 military tactics. Lingg had not been connected 
 with the organization long before he became a 
 recognized leader and made speeches that en- 
 thused them all. While young in years, they 
 recognized in him a worthy leader, and the 
 fact that he had sat at the very feet of 
 Reinsdorf as a pupil elevated him in their 
 estimation. This distinction, added to his 
 personal magnetism, made him the subject 
 for praise and comment, which pleased his vanity and spurred his am- 
 bition. 
 
 Men longer in the service and more familiar with the local and general 
 phases of Anarchy at times reluctantly yielded to him where points of 
 policy were at stake. No committee was regarded as complete without 
 him, and this brought him in contact with August Spies and Albert Par- 
 sons. He was often at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, which was the 
 headquarters of the governing body, with reports and suggestions, and by 
 his admirable tact soon won their esteem and good graces. He there also 
 made the acquaintance of Fielden, Fischer, Schnaubelt, Rau, Neebe, 
 Schwab, and of some of the more noted women in the Anarchist movement. 
 
 COMPOSITION BOMB. 
 Found in Lingg's room, ready for use.
 
 262 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 He was frequently complimented for his work and became quite a favorite 
 with the ladies. 
 
 When Lingg first became actively identified with the party of assassi- 
 nation and annihilation here, he was cautious and secretive. He knew 
 that secrecy in the old country was not only essential to success, but abso- 
 lutely requisite for self-preservation. He supposed that the same sort of 
 tactics prevailed here, but when he saw how bold, aggressive and open 
 were the utterances of the Anarchists in Chicago and elsewhere, he came to 
 believe that the government and the municipal administration existed 
 simply through their sufferance. At first, whenever Lingg was doubtful on 
 any point, he would seek knowledge and inspiration from Spies, and it was 
 
 through Spies 
 ment in the 
 Lingg implicit- 
 looked, as he 
 published in 
 rect. While not 
 printed in that 
 Socialistic 
 and million- 
 p e n d o u 
 such lies 
 
 that he gained his information of the move- 
 United States. They became firm friends, and 
 ly believed everything Spies told him, and 
 informed the police officers, upon every line 
 the' Arbeiter-Zeitung as absolutely true and cor- 
 able to read English, he regarded all papers 
 language, as well as in the German, not of the 
 faith, as published for the benefit of capitalists 
 aires. They were all, in his estimation, stu- 
 frauds, and existed simply because they printed 
 pleased the rich and those in power. Being a 
 man of sincere convictions and 
 earnest zeal, Lingg won the 
 confidence of his confreres and 
 always knew just what was 
 going to be done and how it 
 was to be accomplished. He 
 was a faithful ally and was 
 invariably counted upon to 
 take a leading part in all the 
 movements of the reds. How 
 he was regarded by his fel- 
 lows in this respect is shown in the fact that to him was intrusted the task 
 of organizing the people of the Southwest Side and directing their plans 
 against the McCormick factory. 
 
 His communications, which I have given in a prior chapter, to the 
 Bohemians and others in that locality, show that he was bent on riot and 
 destruction, and in that mad and frenzied movement he had the hearty 
 cooperation of the colleagues who had with him concocted it at the office 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. They alone knew of it, and worked out the details 
 at a meeting held near the factory on the 3d of May. Lingg, being braver 
 
 CAST-IRON AND LARGE GAS-PIPE BOMBS. 
 
 From Photographs. 
 
 The long bomb in center weighs five Ibs., and was thrown 
 at a patrol wagon on Blue Island Avenue, but failed to explode. 
 The round bombs were lined on the inside with a coating of 
 cement saturated with a deadly poison.
 
 AN ACTIVE CONSPIRATOR. 
 
 263 
 
 and more daring than the other leaders, was the chosen instrument to 
 inspire the men to an attack upon the works, and he subsequently claimed 
 that he had been clubbed by the police during the affray. 
 
 During the turbulent and momentous days preceding May 4, Lingg's 
 comrades saddled upon him a great responsibility, but he never flinched. 
 On the contrary, he proved the mettle of his make-up, not only volun- 
 teering to carry out certain ends he himself outlined, but cheerfully assum- 
 ing every task imposed upon him and always willing to take all responsi- 
 bility for the consequences. He was found on the North Side actively 
 engaged in calling Anarchists to arms, on the Southwest Side endeavor- 
 ing to form a compact body of fighters in view of the near approach of 
 May i ; he was busy at Seliger's house constructing bombs, and at 
 meetings giving instructions how to make infernal machines. His work 
 was never finished, and never neglected. At one time he taught his 
 followers how to handle the 
 bombs so that they would 
 not explode in their hands, 
 and showed the time and 
 distance for throwing the 
 missiles with deadly effect; 
 at another he drilled those 
 who were to do the throw- 
 ing, instructing them how 
 to surround themselves with 
 friends so that detection by 
 an enemy would be impos- 
 sible. 
 
 All these things kept 
 him busy, but his whole 
 soul was in the work. He 
 was not alone a bomb-maker ; he also constituted himself an agent to sell 
 arms. He sold a great many large revolvers and rifles. This is shown 
 by a note found in his trunk, addressed to Abraham Hermann. It reads as 
 follows : 
 
 Friend: I sold three revolvers during the last two days, and I will sell three more to-day 
 (Wednesday). I sell them from $6.00 to $7.80 apiece. 
 
 Respectfully and best regards, L. LINGG. 
 
 At this time Hermann was the general agent in this city for buying and 
 selling arms to the Anarchists. Engel had been an agent at one time, but 
 the men claimed that he had fleeced them, and he was dropped. 
 
 Lingg thus proved himself a very useful man to the order. He could 
 make an effective speech ; he was a good organizer ; he could make bombs 
 with dynamite whose power had been enhanced manifold through his skill ; 
 
 GAS-PIPE BOMBS. 
 Found in Lingg's Room. From a Photograph.
 
 264 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 he would carry handbills, and he would do anything to help along the cause. 
 In truth, he was the shiftiest as well as the most dangerous Anarchist in 
 all Chicago. 
 
 Having been a pupil of Reinsdorf, Lingg was an opponent of all peace- 
 able agitation. He believed in organizing armed forces and conquering 
 everything by main force. He had no love at all for those who talked 
 peaceable agitation ; he called them fools and cranks. Of this class were 
 the old-time Socialists, and he looked upon them with haughty disdain. 
 He found better material to work on for helping him in the revolution he 
 proposed, and, although he molded many an Anarchist out of the softer clay 
 of humanity, still he was not satisfied, but complained continually that 
 they iid not move fast enough, did not take hold with celerity and failed to 
 develop such heroic qualities as h^ wished to see. The restless spirit 
 within him, his implacable hatred of society, tinged with the bitterness of 
 his doubtful birth, t,- d his strong impulses manifested themselves in all his 
 
 acts and utterances. An illustration of these 
 traits is the impatience he exhibited over the 
 failure of trusted men to come early to the house 
 of Seliger to secure bombs on the evening of 
 May 4, and his departure with the bombs to 
 Neff's Hall to have them speedily distributed. 
 Another example is found in the bitter reproaches 
 he heaped on those who had failed to carry out 
 their part after the inauguration of the Hay- 
 market rict. His hopes, his ambitions, had been 
 set on the successful consummation of that plot. 
 It was to have overthrown all government and 
 all law, which he declared were good enough for 
 old women to prevent them from quarreling, but needless for men of intel- 
 ligence and independence. 
 
 For four weeks prior to the 4th of May he was out of work, but he was 
 by no means idle. He worked early and late attending meetings and mak- 
 ing bombs, so that, the moment the signal for the general revolution was 
 given, every member of the armed sections might be supplied with the 
 destructive agent. He wanted the whole city blown up, every capitalist 
 wiped off the face of the earth ; and he and his trusted comrades, Sunday 
 after Sunday, in anticipation of the uprising, practiced in the suburbs with 
 rifles and 44-caliber revolvers. Lingg became the most expert of them all 
 and was looked upon by his associates as a crack shot. 
 
 Lingg's money and time were freely given to the purchase of arms and 
 to the manufacture of dynamite bombs. His room at Seliger's became a 
 veritable arsenal, and, the more deadly "stuff" he brought into the house, 
 the more pleased he became, and the more bitter grew the enmity of Mrs. 
 
 GAS-PIPE BOMBS, WITHOUT FUSE. 
 Found in Lingg's Room.
 
 THE BOMB-MAKER'S PLIGHT. 
 
 265 
 
 Seliger toward him. How careful and elaborate were his preparations for 
 the coming day is not only shown by the deadly implements found in his 
 room, but is evidenced in the statements of his trusted lieutenants. These 
 statements made to me by men anxious to save themselves, prostrate 
 suppliants for mercy, whose every material revelation was corroborative 
 of the others, although given independently and under different circum- 
 stances and without knowledge of what others had said unmistakably 
 pointed to a most gigantic conspiracy. Read any of these statements, and 
 no doubt can exist that, had it not been for the hand of Providence on the 
 night of May 4, thousands of people would have been killed and vast dis- 
 tricts of the city laid waste. Lingg expected it as certainly as he believed 
 in his own existence at the time, and his intimate comrades bent all their 
 energy in the direction of carrying out the villainous plot. 
 
 But "the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley," and the 
 Haymarket riot proved a most bitter disappointment. Lingg was fairly 
 beside himself with chagrin 
 and mortification. The one 
 consuming desire of his life 
 had utterly and signally 
 failed of realization. He 
 clearly foresaw dire trouble 
 in consequence of the at- 
 tempt, and his mind was 
 bewildered with perplexi- 
 ties as to his future move- 
 ments. On the night of May 
 4, about 11:30 o'clock, when the full truth of the failure of the riot had 
 flashed upon him, he stood in front of No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, not knowing 
 exactly whither to turn for refuge from possible arrest, and, while in this 
 dilemma, he broached the subject to Seliger, finally asking to be permitted 
 to remain at the house over night until next morning, when he promised he 
 would move away. He was without a cent in his pocket, having squan- 
 dered all his money in the manufacture of bombs, confident of plenty when 
 he and his fellows had secured control of the city. Seliger, knowing his 
 condition, finally consented. 
 
 The next morning came, but Lingg manifested no disposition to carry 
 out his promise 
 
 " I would move from here now," said he, very adroitly, "but if I do so it 
 would create suspicion." 
 
 Seliger saw the force of the argument, and, being implicated also in the 
 manufacture of bombs, shrewdly concluded to let him remain until matters 
 quieted down. Lingg accordingly remained until the yth of May. On this 
 date officers began to appear in the vicinity, looking into the haunts and 
 
 UNFINISHED GAS-PIPE BOMBS. 
 Found in Lingg's Dinner-Box. From a Photograph.
 
 266 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS, 
 
 resorts of Anarchists. This startled Lingg, and, lest they might pounce 
 down upon his room, he decided to speedily vacate the premises. He did 
 move, but with such haste that he left his implements of destruction and 
 nearly all his personal effects behind him. When the house was finally 
 searched the " bird had flown." 
 
 I sent out eight good detectives, and kept them working night and day 
 looking for the bomb-maker, but no one could furnish a clue. It was 
 learned that Lingg had a sweetheart, and her movements were closely 
 watched. The houses of his known friends were also watched, and all his 
 acquaintances shadowed. Anarchists who had hopes of saving their own 
 necks if he could be found were pressed into the service, and decoy letters 
 were sent out. Money was even held out as an inducement to divulge his 
 hiding-place, but all to no purpose. 
 
 These expedients were kept up until the i3th of May, when I sent for 
 Mrs. Seliger to ascertain where Lingg had last been employed and secure 
 the addresses of all his friends. Nearly all the places she mentioned had 
 been visited, but she spoke of one place that seemed to me to hold out 
 some promise of a successful result. Mrs. Seliger stated that there was a 
 place near the river, where there was a bridge that she had beard spoken 
 of, and that Lingg had said to her husband that he would call on a friend 
 of his near that place, on Canal Street. This place I at once recognized 
 as being only a few blocks from the shop where Lingg had worked. Mrs. 
 Seliger further stated that her husband had told her that this shop was only 
 a few blocks from a Catholic church. All this I regarded as a good clue, 
 and Officers Loewenstein and Schuettler were promptly detailed to follow it 
 up first going, however, to a planing-mill on Twelfth and South Clark 
 Streets to ascertain if Lingg had ever worked there. 
 
 The officers carried out these instructions, and a few hours later they 
 returned to the office, their faces wreathed in smiles. They informed me 
 that they had secured a clue, that only a few days before Lingg had sent 
 there for his tool chest, and that they had learned of a man who had noticed 
 the number of the express wagon that had carted it away. But this man, 
 they said, they would be unable to see until the next day. 
 
 Bright and early the next morning the officers started out with new 
 instructions and visited the house of the person who had so singularly taken 
 note of the express number. They found him, and he gave them all the 
 information he possessed. About eleven o'clock the officers found the resi- 
 dence of the expressman, whose name was Charles Keperson and whose 
 wagon was numbered 1,999. He lived at No. 1095 Robey Street. The 
 officers rapped on the door, and a little girl about ten years of age answered. 
 On being asked after her father she informed them that he was not at home. 
 They inquired if her father had not brought in a trunk. She replied that 
 her father had brought no trunk into their house, but he had hauled a tool
 
 A DESPERATE STRUGGLE. 267 
 
 chest from down town, which he had taken to a house on an adjoining 
 street. She pointed out a little cottage at No. 80 Ambrose Street, and on 
 being asked if she had seen her father take it there she answered : 
 
 "Oh, yes, it was a gray-colored box, and I heard my father say it 
 belonged to Louis Lingg." 
 
 The officers went over to the cottage and learned that a family named 
 Klein lived there. Schuettler knocked on the door, and Mrs. Klein responded. 
 He asked if Louis was at home. She replied that he was not and that he 
 had gone out with some gentlemen about nine o'clock. She inquired what 
 he desired to see Louis for, and Schuettler told her that he owed Louis $3 
 and had come to pay him. He further informed her that they were good 
 friends, both carpenters, and belonged to the same union. She inquired 
 after his name, and Schuettler responded that it was "Franz Lorenz. " 
 Lorenz was a well known Anarchist, and it was thought the name would 
 prove effective in winning the woman's confidence. She said that her 
 father lived only a short distance from the house, and she would step over 
 and ask him if he knew where Louis had gone. This conversation had 
 taken place in a rear 
 room of the house. The 
 woman excused herself, 
 
 and ostensibly started J3UOK"W - :^r LINGG'S REVOLVER. 
 
 for the house of her 
 
 father. She passed into jS[ X^as^ Cocked as found when wrested from 
 
 ,1 r j , f X' Lingg's hands after the struggle with Officer Schuettler. 
 
 the front room and slam- J|j 
 
 i , i i Si From a Photograph. 
 
 med the outer door. I^s^lH 
 
 Loewenstein stepped out of the back room to see if she had really gone, 
 but he saw no Mrs. Klein. At the same time he noticed Lingg's chest 
 standing on the rear porch, covered with a piece of carpet. Loewenstein 
 returned, and he had hardly joined Schuettler when Mrs. Klein stepped in. 
 She said she had seen her father, but that he did not know where Louis 
 had gone. The officers were suspicious, of course, but they said nothing, 
 simply withdrawing with the assurance that they would call again and see 
 Lingg some other time. 
 
 After leaving, the officers walked for two blocks and talked over the mys- 
 terious actions of Mrs. Klein. They concluded to go back and search the 
 house. They secured entrance from the rear, and, while Loewenstein 
 guarded the front door, Schuettler entered the rear room. There he found 
 a man smoothly shaven. Lingg had been described as having chin whis- 
 kers. Schuettler stepped up to the man, however, and asked his name. 
 In an instant Lingg for it was none other whipped out a 44-caliber 
 revolver, which he had had concealed in front inside his trousers, and, with 
 the glare of a tiger held at bay, he turned on the officer. Schuettler saw the 
 movement, and, quick as a flash, sprang on Lingg and seized the weapon.
 
 268 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 They clinched, and while the one was struggling to save himself and secure 
 his prisoner, the other was bent upon killing the officer and effecting his own 
 escape. Both were strong, muscular and active, and the cottage shook 
 from foundation to rafters as the bodies of the contestants swayed in the 
 equal contest. Lingg quivered with rage and aroused himself to his utmost 
 to vanquish the foe. He realized that the result meant life or death. At 
 one moment his revolver was pressed close to the officer's breast, and with 
 a superhuman effort the Anarchist tried to send a bullet on its fatal mission. 
 But Schuettler had a firm grasp of the cylinder and wrenched the weapon 
 aside. In another second, while the mastery was still undecided, Lingg, by 
 a quick movement of his hand, brought the revolver square into the officer's 
 face. At that moment, however, Schuettler managed to get Lingg's thumb 
 between his teeth. The Anarchist made a sudden dash to release his thumb 
 and succeeded in breaking loose. 
 
 All this took place in less time than it takes to tell it. The moment 
 Lingg was foot-loose, Schuettler found time to shout for his companion, 
 who had stood on the outside in front of the house, all unconscious of the 
 short but desperate struggle within. Loewenstein did not stop a moment 
 to determine what was wanted, but sprang into the room. He entered just 
 at the moment when Schuettler had bounded after Lingg on his release and 
 found him holding Lingg tightly by the throat with one hand and the 
 revolver with the other. Loewenstein saw the situation at a glance, and, 
 raising his loaded cane, brought it down on the Anarchist's head. This 
 stunned Lingg, and he was overpowered. The revolver was wrenched from 
 his hand and placed on a table, and the officers adjusted the handcuffs. 
 These had no sooner been placed in position than Lingg made a sudden 
 dash for his revolver. But the detectives were too quick for him. 
 
 Lingg's teeth gnashed with rage, and his eyes fairly bulged from their 
 sockets with savage scorn. The arch-Anarchist looked the picture of des- 
 peration. He had been vanquished, however, and he saw that further 
 resistance was useless. 
 
 Mrs. Klein had meanwhile been an excited spectator, but before she 
 could collect her thoughts and decide what course to take under the circum- 
 stances, Lingg was in the power of the law. Seeing this, she hurried out. 
 It was not long before the whole neighborhood heard of what had happened, 
 and, as the officers started to take their prisoner to the Hinman Street Sta- 
 tion, a true-hearted Irish-American came up, accosted them and said : 
 
 " My dear boys, your lives are in danger here. Nearly every one who 
 lives about here is an Anarchist. Wait for a minute, and I will give you 
 protection." 
 
 He disappeared, but meanwhile the street had become crowded with an 
 excited populace. He soon returned with a double-barreled shot-gun, ready 
 for action in case of emergency. No sooner had he placed himself at the
 
 A DESPERATE STRUGGLE. Louis LINGO'S ARREST.
 
 ^70 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 disposal of the officers than a loyal Bohemian-American came running 
 across the street, and said : 
 
 "Officers, I will also protect you against this mob." 
 
 He had in his hand a large navy revolver, and he showed that he was 
 ready to assist the officers, even at the cost of his own life. 
 
 Schuettler and Loewenstein, under this volunteer escort, marched Lingg 
 to the Hinman Street Station, reaching there about twelve o'clock. Ser- 
 geant Enwright was in charge of the station that day, and, lest any attempt 
 at rescue might be made, he called in all his officers and gave them 
 instructions as to what should be done to protect the station. He also 
 ordered out the patrol wagon, and detailed five officers to accompany 
 Schuettler and Loewenstein to the Klein residence to investigate the prem- 
 ises. They made a thorough search, but could discover nothing except a 
 lot of cartridges. They also investigated the houses at Nos. 64, 66, 68 and 
 70 on the same street, all occupied by Anarchists, but they found nothing. 
 The presence of the police, however, speedily cleared the street, and all the 
 low-browed, shaggy-haired followers of the red flag hunted their holes. 
 Schuettler and Loewenstein then sent for the Chicago Avenue patrol wagon 
 and transferred Lingg to new quarters at that station. On the way Lingg con- 
 tinually ground his teeth, and, looking savagely at Schuettler and turning 
 slightly towards Loewenstein, hissed out : 
 
 " If I had only got half a chance at that fellow, he would be a dead man 
 now. " 
 
 The officers of the Hinman Street Station did not relax their vigilance 
 over Ambrose Street, and one day some molds made of clay were found in 
 the alley in the rear of the Klein residence, proving that Lingg had not 
 abandoned hope, but was getting ready to prepare a new supply of bombs 
 for a future attack. 
 
 When Lingg had been ushered into the office of the East Chicago Avenue 
 Station, the shackles were removed from his wrists, and he was given a 
 chair. He became quiet in his new surroundings, and grudgingly answered 
 a few simple questions. His thumb giving him considerable pain, some 
 liniment was procured from a neighboring drug store, and the wound dressed. 
 He was then assigned to an apartment below, and left to his own thoughts. 
 
 In the afternoon he was brought up to the office. 
 
 "What is your name?" I asked him. 
 
 " Lingg," curtly replied the prisoner. 
 
 ' ' Ah, yes ; but how do you spell it ? " 
 
 "L-i-n-gg," came the spelling. 
 
 "Yes ; but give us your full name." 
 
 " It is Louis or Ludwig Lingg. I am twenty-one years and eight 
 months old." 
 
 He was asked a great many questions. Some he refused to answer, and
 
 LINGG IN THE TOILS. 271 
 
 others he answered promptly and with pleasure, especially when they 
 touched on killing capitalists and capitalistic editors, as he called them. He 
 had no use, he said, for these people, and thought that if they could be 
 taken away suddenly the world would be satisfied and happy. He remarked 
 that he did not blame the police very much, because they were workingmen 
 themselves, but there v/as one officer, he said, that he perfectly despised. 
 It was John Bonfield. If he could have blown him to atoms, he thought, 
 he might become reconciled to a great many things as they then existed. 
 He finally gave to me and to Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, in the 
 presence of Officers Stift, Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman, a 
 brief account of himself and his movements, but he said that he would 
 rather die than give information against any one. He did not deny 
 what others had stated about him, but further he would not go. He was 
 informed by Mr. Furthmann how strict the law was against conspiracies, 
 but the only answer he vouchsafed was that the laws would not remain in 
 force much longer ; that the working people would make laws to suit them- 
 selves, and they would not allow any higher power to dictate to them. For 
 
 
 IRON BOLT FOUND IN LINGO'S TRUNK. From a Photograph. 
 
 Designed, according to Lingg's own statement, to connect the halves of a composition bomb weighing 
 twelve pounds. "The Haymarket bomb," said he, "killed six. The one which I was going to make with 
 that bolt would kill six dozen." Four such bolts were found. 
 
 his own part, he could work and was willing to work, he said, but he wanted 
 his share of the profits. He thought the police had made fools of them- 
 selves in the movement the Anarchists had inaugurated. If they had only 
 known enough, he said, to have held back, the capitalists would have been 
 forced to submit ; but now the police had spoiled their own chances for gain 
 for years to come. They would be sorry for it, he added. If the Anarchists 
 had won in Chicago, he further stated, all the other large cities would have 
 fallen into line, and wretchedness and poverty would have been banished 
 forever. 
 
 After Lingg had been taken away from the Ambrose Street house, Gus- 
 tav and Kate Klein became anxious about their friend. They traced him 
 to the Chicago Avenue Station and called there later in the day, after 
 his arrest. When they reached the office I questioned them, although they 
 were not under arrest, and they answered without hesitancy. They stated 
 that Lingg had come to their house on the yth of May, and had remained 
 indoors nearly all the time up to his arrest that day May 14. He had 
 only been out twice to secure books from some neighbors, and he had felt 
 measurably safe in the locality. This section, it was found, as already
 
 272 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 stated, was a hotbed of Anarchy, and as the neighbors knew the man, they 
 were anxious to protect him. It had even been whispered in the locality 
 that he was the one who had thrown the bomb at the Haymarket, but, 
 knowing that he was a man not to be trifled with, and out of sympathy for 
 the cause, none would betray him. He could not have selected a better 
 place for concealment. Mr. Klein had known him for some time and had 
 noticed a great change in him since the Haymarket bloodshed. 
 
 " He was always cheerful," he said, "up to that time, but since then he 
 acted very strangely. He would not converse with any one, but always 
 sought to be alone. Whenever any one came near the house he was 
 uneasy." 
 
 "I noticed that too," interposed Mrs. Klein. "He always used to fool 
 and play with me before the Haymarket event, and was good company, 
 but since then he was a changed man altogether." 
 
 Mrs. Klein described the scene of Lingg's arrest, and told how at first 
 she had regarded it simply as fun between two friends, and how frightened she 
 had become when she discovered that it was a serious affair. She also 
 described the terrible look which came over Lingg's face when he found him- 
 self powerless to fire the revolver. 
 
 I subsequently thought it best to bring Lingg face to face with one of 
 his former comrades, who had furnished information about him, and this 
 was accordingly done. The moment he was brought into the presence of 
 the informer his face assumed a terrible scowl, but he remained obstinately 
 silent. 
 
 One day Lingg was again brought into the office, and I questioned him 
 as to the real strength of the Anarchists in the city and country. 
 
 He smiled and said : 
 
 " Don't you know that yet ? This I cannot answer, but I will tell you 
 that you only know the noisy fellows. The real Anarchists in this city or 
 country you do not know yet, because they are not ready to take hold, but 
 you will be taken by surprise unless you die soon. I only hope that I will 
 live long enough to see this hidden power show its strength." 
 
 During the time Lingg remained at the station his hand was regularly 
 attended to, he was treated very kindly, had plenty to eat, and was made as 
 comfortable as possible. All these attentions somewhat mollified his bitter- 
 ness against us. 
 
 Some time after the other interviews, I visited him and asked him if he 
 entertained any hostility towards the police. He replied that during the 
 McCormick factory riot he had been clubbed by an officer, but he did not 
 care so much for that. He could forget it all, but he did not like Bonfield. 
 If it had not been for Bonfield, he said, the street-car men, in their strike 
 in the summer of 1885, would have had things all their own way, and that 
 would have changed everything all over the city in a business way.
 
 THE BOMB-MAKER IN JAIL. 273 
 
 " If I could only kill Bonfield, " he vehemently declared, "I would be 
 ready to die within five minutes afterwards." 
 
 Lingg was a singular Anarchist. In every act and word he showed no 
 care for himself, but he always expressed sympathy for men who had ip.vni- 
 lies and who were in trouble. He showed that he was a man with a will, 
 and that if he set his mind to the accomplishment of an end he would bei.d 
 all his energies to attain it. 
 
 There was another peculiarity about Lingg which distinguished him 
 from the rest of his associates. Although he drank beer, he never drank to 
 excess, and he frowned upon the use of bad or indecent language. He 
 was an admirer of the fair sex, and they reciprocated his admiration, his 
 manly form, handsome face and pleasing manners captivating all. 
 
 On the ayth of May, Lingg and Engel were taken in a patrol wagon to 
 the Harrison Street Station, where the "art gallery" of the Police Depart- 
 ment was kept, to have their photographs taken. On the way, Loewen- 
 stein remarked to Lingg : 
 
 " Louis, you want to look your prettiest, so that you will make a good 
 picture." 
 
 " What difference does it make whether a dead man's picture looks good 
 or bad," was the reply, uttered in a most serious manner and in a strong 
 tone of voice. 
 
 From the gallery the Anarchists were driven to the County Jail, and 
 that was the last time they ever saw the streets of Chicago or breathed the 
 .air outside of prison walls. 
 
 From the day Lingg entered the jail he became surly and ugly to all the 
 officers, but he implicitly obeyed all prison rules. He held himself aloof 
 from everybody except his fellow Anarchists, and would have nothing to say 
 to any one except his friends or his sweetheart. 
 
 Lingg was very fond of children, and when those of Neebe, Schwab or 
 others called at the jail he would play with them and seemed to extract 
 much amusement from their little pranks and antics. 
 
 Mrs. Klein often visited him and always brought a baby, in which Lingg 
 seemed to take a special interest. Lingg and Mrs. Klein conversed freely 
 together, and he seemed to enjoy her visits greatly. Whenever she called 
 she brought him fruit of the season and choice edibles with which to vary 
 his prison fare. 
 
 Lingg and his associates proved quite a drawing card, and Anarchists 
 from all parts of the country called at the jail. But while his fellows 
 appeared pleased to hold receptions, so to speak, Lingg did not desire the 
 company of strangers. He gave his time only to the few ladies who called 
 on him and to his nearest friends. He disliked being gaped at by curiosity- 
 seekers, and when he had no good friend to keep him company he traveled 
 the corridors of the jail beyond the reach of public gaze. He also whiled
 
 274 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS, 
 
 time away by cutting pretty little carvings out of cigar-boxes with his jack- 
 knife, and in this he displayed considerable ingenuity. Tiring of this 
 diversion, he would pick up a book or a paper ; but, however monotonous 
 prison life at times became, he never thrust himself before the visitors' cage 
 to pose before the idle throng. Many callers came to sympathize with 
 Lingg as well as to admire his handsome physique, and, as he would not 
 allow his hair to be cut after his incarceration, his flowing, curly locks added 
 to his picturesque appearance. 
 
 But there was one visitor he always welcomed. It was his sweetheart, 
 whose acquaintance he had made before his arrest, and who became a reg- 
 ular caller. She invariably wore a pleasant smile, breathed soft, loving 
 
 words into his ears through the wire 
 screen that separated the visitors' cage 
 from the jail corridor, and contributed 
 much toward keeping him cheerful. 
 This girl had lived at one time with 
 a family on West Lake Street, in the 
 heart of an Anarchist camp, but, for 
 some reason, while her lover was at the 
 Chicago Avenue Station she never paid 
 him a visit. The second day after he 
 had been locked up at the County Jail 
 she promptly made her appearance, 
 however, and became a regular visitor. 
 She simply passed with the jail officials 
 at first as "Lingg's girl," but one day 
 some one called her Ida Miller, and 
 thereafter she was recognized under 
 that name. She was generally accom- 
 panied by young Miss Engel, the 
 daughter of Anarchist Engel, and during the last four months of her lover's 
 incarceration she could be seen every afternoon entering the jail. She was 
 always readily admitted until the day the bombs were found in Lingg's cell. 
 After that neither she nor Mr. and Mrs. Klein were admitted. While it has 
 never been satisfactorily proven who it was that introduced the bombs into 
 the jail, it is likely that they were smuggled into Lingg's hands by his sweet- 
 heart. She enjoyed Lingg's fullest confidence, and regarded his every wish. 
 It is not known whether Miller is the real name of the girl, but it 
 is supposed to be Elise Friedel. She is a German, and was twenty-two 
 years of age at the time, her birthplace being Mannheim, which was also 
 Lingg's native town. She was robust in appearance, with fair complexion, 
 and dark hair. She had quite a penchant for beer, and could sit in a crowd 
 of her Anarchist friends and drink "schnitts" with the proficiency of a vet- 
 
 Li N G G ' S SWEETHEART. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 LINGO'S STATEMENT. 275 
 
 eran. She always entertained hope of executive clemency, but when Lingg 
 died at his own hands she somewhat surprisingly failed to evince great sor- 
 row. Perhaps the consciousness of having aided him in escaping the gal- 
 lows had prepared her for the worst. 
 
 Lingg's terrible death did not perceptibly change her demeanor. She 
 was seen at several dances shortly afterwards, and seemed to enjoy herself 
 as much as anybody. She even danced with detectives, unconscious of 
 their calling, and, in jesting with them, her laugh was as hearty and ringing 
 as though she were bent on capturing a new beau. 
 
 During all the long, weary days Lingg remained in jail his demeanor was 
 the same as during the trial cool, collected and unconcerned. No special 
 trouble apparently burdened his mind. His constant companions when- 
 ever they were permitted to be together were Engel and Fischer. They 
 appeared to believe that their fellow prisoners and co-conspirators would 
 turn on them to save their own lives. 
 
 The statement Lingg made, on the I4th of May, omitting the part per- 
 taining to his occupation, age and residence, was as follows : 
 
 "Whenever I did any work at home [Seliger's house] I did it as care- 
 fully as possible, so that no one could see me. I did make dynamite bombs 
 out of gas-pipe, and I generally found the gas-pipe on the street. Finding 
 them two or three feet long, I would cut them into pieces. After cutting 
 them about six inches long I would fill them with dynamite and attach a 
 fuse to each. I then would call them bombs." 
 
 "Who showed or taught you how to make those bombs?" 
 
 "No one. I learned it from books." 
 
 "What books?" 
 
 "I read it in a book published by Herr Most of New York. It explains 
 how to make dynamite and other articles used in war. I once had four 
 bombs in my dinner-box two were loaded and two empty. I bought two 
 pounds of the stuff on Lake Street, near Dearborn. I also bought one coil 
 of fuse and one box of caps at the same place, and that is all I bought. I 
 paid 65 cents for the box of caps, 60 cents for two pounds of dynamite, and 
 50 cents for the coil of fuse." 
 
 " Did you work all the material into the bombs? " 
 
 "No, there is some of it left in my trunk. I do not deny making bombs. 
 I made them for the purpose of being used in a war or a revolution during 
 these workingmen's troubles. The bombs found in my room I intended to 
 use myself. I have been at August Spies' office several times, and I have 
 known him for some time. I always received the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and I 
 like to read it. I made some of those round lead bombs. I made the 
 molds myself and cast the bombs. The iron bolts I used to connect and 
 hold them together I bought in a hardware store. 1 bought five small ones 
 and two big ones. I could only use the molds to cast bombs with a few 
 times ; then they would be useless. At the time I bought the dynamite I 
 was alone. On Tuesday night, May 4, Seliger and I were on Larrabee 
 Street, between Clybourn Avenue and the city limits, and we remained 
 there until about ten o'clock. We then went home and had several glasses 
 of beer. We did not meet any one we knew. We were on Larrabee
 
 276 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Street all the time. When we came home Mrs. Seliger was abed. I was 
 at the meeting held in the hall at No. 71 West Lake Street, Monday night, 
 May 3. I saw there the circular which called the workingmen to arms and 
 to seek revenge on the police because they had killed six of our brothers 
 at McCormick's factory on that day. I also attended a meeting the same 
 night, at No. 54 West Lake Street, which was held by the armed sections. 
 I was out to Lake View and tried one of my dynamite bombs to find out 
 what strength it had. I put the bomb in a tree between two limbs. I lit 
 the fuse ; the bomb exploded and split the tree, damaging it considerably. I 
 had my hair cut, and mustache and whiskers shaven off, about May 8th or 
 gth. I want to say right here to you men that I did make dynamite bombs 
 and intended to use them. I am down on capital and capitalists. I knew 
 that if we sought our rights I mean the workingmen they would turn out 
 the police and militia against us with their Gatling guns and cannon. We 
 knew that we could not defend ourselves with our revolvers, and therefore 
 
 turned to the adoption of 
 dynamite. For one, I was 
 not going to get hurt. I 
 made bombs of lead and 
 bombs of metal, and I made 
 them with the two materials 
 mixed. I tried both the lead 
 and gas-pipe bombs, and I 
 found that they could do 
 good service. If you cut the 
 fuse ten inches long and light 
 it you can run away forty 
 steps before the explosion 
 takes place. The armed men 
 of the so-called International 
 Group of the North Side 
 always met at Greif's Hall, 
 No. 54 West Lake Street. 
 We used to go to the Shoot- 
 ing Park in Lake View and 
 shoot at targets on Sundays. 
 I have been there about ten times. I admit that the two Lehmans came 
 to see me at my room at No. 442 Sedgwick Street, and I will confess that 
 on Tuesday, May 4, six men came to my room to see me." 
 
 At this interview there were present, besides myself, Furthmann, Stift, 
 Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman. On the i7th of May, Lingg 
 again remarked to Officer Schuettler that he regretted that he had not had 
 a chance to kill him. 
 
 On the 24th of May Lingg and Hubner were brought together, and 
 Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann asked the latter if he knew the 
 bomb-maker. 
 
 "Oh, yes, I was at his room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, helping him 
 to make dynamite bombs, and what I stated in my affidavit is true." 
 
 Lingg scowled furiously, and emphatically denied the statement. All 
 
 CAN OF ENGLISH DYNAMITE AND LADLE. 
 Used by Lingg in Casting Bombs. From a Photograph.
 
 THE DEVIL'S PRAYER-BOOK. 277 
 
 he could be made to say in explanation of the affair, however, was that he 
 "had been a Socialist all his life and ever since he could think." 
 
 ERNST HUBNER was arrested by Officers Schuettler and Whalen on 
 the morning of May 18, at six o'clock, while he was on his way to his 
 work. He is a German by birth and a carpenter by trade, and worked 
 for a man by the name of Schombel, on the corner of Clybourn Avenue and 
 Larrabee Street. He was about forty years of age, married, wore very 
 shabby clothes, and lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. n Mohawk 
 Street, in three small and dirty rooms. His house was searched, and the 
 officers found one breech-loading rifle, one large 44-caliber Remington 
 revolver and half a pailful of ammunition for both guns. While they 
 were searching the house, Mrs. Hubner, a sickly, delicate woman, said to 
 Officer Schuettler : 
 
 "My dear man, if my husband had gone more to his shop and to work 
 instead of running to meetings, you would not find my house in this shape. 
 I am all broken up. I am sick, and now he is arrested. I suppose this is 
 the last of our family." 
 
 The search still going on, Mrs. Hubner crossed the room to a closet, 
 saying to Schuettler : 
 
 " Here, officers, take this devil's print out of my house. This is what 
 my husband prayed with night and day, and what got him into trouble. If 
 you don't want to take it, I will throw it into the stove. I don't want any 
 more families made miserable by it." 
 
 The officer opened the bundle, and the first thing he saw was a picture 
 of the burly face of John Most. This led to the exchange of a few pleas- 
 antries between the officers. 
 
 "I have got him," shouted Schuettler. 
 
 When Officer Whalen got a glimpse of the portrait, which was printed 
 on the cover of a pamphlet, and not knowing what the title on the cover 
 had reference to, as it was printed in German, or whom the picture repre- 
 sented, he facetiously remarked : 
 
 "I see the face of a Scotch terrier." 
 
 "You fool," replied Schuettler, with a twinkle in his eye, "that is 
 Johann Most." 
 
 "Well," retorted Whalen, "if that is the great Anarchist, he ought to 
 have two more legs. He'd make a fine ratter." 
 
 In the bundle were found a number of Communistic, Socialistic and 
 Anarchistic documents, and a complete collection of hand-bills of all 
 the meetings that had been held for years past. Hubner had been an 
 active worker at all times. He would post bills, carry hand-bills and do 
 any kind of work for the "good of the cause." No meetings were ever 
 held too far from his home. He was well known in all the "groups" and 
 to all the leaders. He attended all the picnics and parades. Nothing
 
 278 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 delighted him more than to carry the big banner belonging to the Interna- 
 tional Carpenters' Union No. i. How he strutted and flaunted that banner 
 as he passed churches, police stations and the residences of the wealthy. 
 Next to Host's book, that banner was his principal source of inspiration. 
 He would even neglect his meals for the sake of bearing aloft that crimson 
 standard. Whether this was the cause of his emaciated look at the time 
 of his arrest is problematical, but certain it is his appearance, when 
 brought before me, indicated want and starvation, and his voice was weak 
 and husky. 
 
 " From what I can hear about you," I said, " it appears that you are 
 one of the ' boys.' " 
 
 "Oh, well," drawled Hubner, "you may hear a great deal." 
 "Yes,'' I replied, " I hear so much it keeps me busy thinking." 
 "Have you been thinking any of me ?" queried Hubner. 
 "I have, and I think you are the worst I have heard of yet.' 1 
 "Ah, but you have got others far more dangerous than I am." 
 "If you want to give credit to any one else, name the parties." 
 Hubner finally stated that only on the evening previous, at a meeting of 
 the Carpenters' Union, a member had said that their attorneys, Messrs. 
 Salomon & Zeisler, held that there was no law to convict any one, and that 
 they would secure the release of the "boys" as fast as the police locked 
 them up. They advised all to " keep their mouths shut," and that, in the 
 event of an arrest, the police could not hold them longer than two days. 
 " Do you want to try that and see how it works ? " I asked. 
 "That's what I want," responded Hubner, bent on an experiment. 
 "Well, I guarantee you," said I smilingly, "that you will remain here 
 with us as long as we like your company. When we get tired of you we 
 will send you to the big jail. Officer, take this man and tell the lockup- 
 keeper that he will probably stay with us a week." 
 
 Hubner was escorted.down stairs, given a good cell and allowed to met- 
 aphorically wrap "that banner" around him as he lay down to dream of 
 Anarchy. Things got monotonous, however. The very next day he sent 
 word that he desired to see me. He was brought up and made a long 
 statement. He assured me that every word was true, that he would face 
 any of those mentioned and defy them to contradict his assertions. He 
 told the day and date of almost every transaction. He said he would 
 swear to everything he had stated. 
 
 " I don't believe in a God," he added, " but when I swear, I understand 
 that if I should tell a lie or an untruth I can be punished for it. I am dis- 
 gusted with the way things are now. There are no more brave men." 
 
 After a few days he was released by order of the State's Attorney. 
 Before leaving, he promised that he would testify in court in accordance 
 with his statement, and afterwards, for a time, he was on hand whenever 
 sent for.
 
 ERNST HUBNER S CONFESSIONS. 279 
 
 The parties arrested were required to report regularly. At the com- 
 mencement of the trial, they were all kept in a large room in the station, 
 where ten officers guarded them night and day. They were taken out for 
 exercise every evening, but were not allowed to talk to any one. Their 
 wives had the privilege of seeing them, but an officer was always present to 
 hear what was said. 
 
 Hubner after a time showed signs of weakening. He had been seen by 
 the attorneys for the defense and changed his mind. He also began talk- 
 ing to others, urging them not to testify. He finally said he would not 
 take the stand, and, as he was not wanted to testify, he was again released. 
 After the trial he went back to his comrades, attended some of their 
 meetings and talked for the cause. When the time approached for the 
 execution, he suddenly left the city, and subsequently sent for his family. 
 He has returned to Chicago, however, and is working on Division and 
 Clark Streets, in a little carpenter-shop. 
 
 The following is his statement, to the correctness of which he would 
 have testified had he not been a poltroon and a simpleton. It fully bears 
 out the truth of the witnesses who appeared for the State during 'the trial 
 as to the conspiracy and the parties thereto : 
 
 " I know Gottfried Waller. I belong to the armed men. I know George 
 Engel. At one time he published a paper called the Anarchist. I know 
 Louis Lingg. I was a Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, Monday after- 
 noon about five o'clock. I left there at nine o'clock and got home at eleven 
 the same night. I read and saw a circular that called for revenge and to 
 arm ourselves. I saw August Spies in the hall, and he told us that the police 
 had been shooting our workingmen at McCormick's, and we should be ready 
 with our arms. Then Rau came into the meeting, very much excited and 
 said that a number of our people had been shot at McCormick's by the 
 police. He called us to arms. Then Rau and Spies left the hall together. 
 Both were much excited. The speech and talking of Spies in the hall hap- 
 pened in this way. Spies would catch a man alone and talk about the 
 shooting, or when he saw a crowd of four or five standing together he would 
 talk to them to excite them and urge them on. The effect of his talking to 
 us brought our temper to such heat that I and others were ready to take 
 revenge on the police officers and the law. And we would have done almost 
 anything to get revenge. If Spies and Rau had there and then started out 
 and we had had our arms with us, we would have followed them to do harm 
 at once." 
 
 Such was the confession the brave Hubner first made to the police. On 
 the 1 8th of May he made a second statement, as follows, adding a few 
 further details as to the conspiracy : 
 
 "On Tuesday, May 4, about 4 P.M., I went to the house of William 
 Seliger, at 442 Sedgwick Street, and there I found William Seliger and 
 Louis Lingg. I had been in Seliger's house the day before, and I took 
 along with me when I left three bombs that is, three empty shells. Lingg 
 also gave me the dynamite with which to fill them. Not knowing how, I
 
 28o ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 was afraid to fill them, and I brought them back to Lingg to fill them for 
 me. When I got there, Seliger and Lingg were working, filling bombs or 
 shells with dynamite. I went to work and helped them and got the bombs 
 ready for use. They had some of them filled when I got there, but in all 
 they filled and finished twenty round lead or metal bombs and about fifteen 
 or eighteen long ones that is, I mean to say, made of gas-pipe, about six 
 inches or more long. I saw there a lot more of dynamite and fuse. As I 
 went away from there Seliger's house that evening, I took along with 
 me four long bombs, but before I left we had all the bombs finished, ready 
 for use. I saw about six men at 5 P.M. in Seliger's house, and when any 
 one came Lingg always went to the door and waited upon them. That 
 evening, May 4, at eight o'clock, I went to Neff's Hall, 58 Clybourn 
 Avenue, and when I had been there only a few minutes I saw Lingg, 
 Seliger and a little stout man, who carried a heavy satchel with a gray cloth 
 cover. They came in together in Neff's Hall and placed the satchel in a 
 little hallway leading to a ' gents' closet.' I was sent to Neff's Hall to see 
 and report if there were many of our armed men in the hall who were wait- 
 ing for bombs. As I had not been there long enough to find out and report 
 back, Lingg and Seliger got tired of waiting at 442 Sedgwick Street and 
 brought the satchel filled with bombs to Neff's Hall themselves. When 
 Lingg saw me he came up to me and found fault with me for not reporting 
 back sooner. He said there might have been lots of people there who 
 failed to get bombs or shells. After that I went to supper, since Lingg 
 was in the hall to look after things himself. The men I saw there were 
 Hageman and Hermann. On Monday night, May 3, I was at Greif's Hall, 
 54 West Lake Street, up to ten o'clock, and afterwards I also went into the 
 saloon. There were about forty men sitting and standing around the bar- 
 room. Some one called out that the so-called armed sections should go 
 down into the basement, as there would be a meeting for them. Then forty 
 of us went down, and we decided to hold a meeting there. This was about 
 nine o'clock in the evening. Gottfried Waller was chosen president. 
 George Engel was one of the speakers and originator of the plan then and 
 there given to us to shoot and kill people and destroy property. He told 
 us what to do and began in this way. He asked us if we knew about his 
 plan. The majority said ' no.' Then he began to tell us that his plan was 
 to call a meeting for the next evening at the Haymarket, and there draw 
 out as many police as possible, so that the outside parts of the city would 
 not be strongly protected by the police. The signal for action would be 
 given, and they should set fire to buildings in several places and in all parts 
 of the city. One building at Wicker Park was mentioned, and as soon as 
 they saw it on fire, then they should attack the police stations, throw dyna- 
 mite bombs into the stations, kill the police officers and destroy the stations. 
 In case a patrol wagon came, they should throw a bomb among the police- 
 men, and if that did not stop them, then they should kill the horses attached 
 to the wagons with their revolvers or guns. After that they should destroy 
 all the property they could. The circular that called for revenge and to 
 arms I saw at the Monday night meeting in the basement, 54 West Lake 
 Street, where Engel spoke and gave us the plan of revolution. The lying 
 of Engel about the killing of six of our brothers at McCormick's factory 
 started me so that I was ready to do anything desperate. The speech of 
 Engel in the basement that evening worked on me so that I went to Seli- 
 ger's house on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, and helped to finish the bombs,
 
 ERNST HUBNERS CONFESSION. 
 
 281 
 
 as I stated before. George Engel told those that had no arms to stay at 
 home away from the Hay market meeting, and that men who had arms but 
 no courage should also stay at home. In that meeting there were present 
 Adolph Fischer, Gottfried Waller, George Engel, Breitenfeld, Schnaubelt, 
 John Thielen, Abraham Hermann, Herman Hageman, the two Lehmans and 
 Hubner. Waller told us to go ahead and do our work, that he would be 
 with us. The meeting lasted from nine o'clock to eleven. Fischer and 
 others agreed to have the circular printed calling the meeting at the Hay- 
 market for Tuesday night, May 4. After all the plans had been explained 
 to us Fischer said ' That is the one ' meaning the murderous plan ' that we 
 
 adopted in our group meeting.' Every division group were to make their 
 own arrangements. The North Side armed men should meet Tuesday 
 evening, May 4, at the foot of Webster Avenue and Lincoln Park, at the 
 Schiller monument. I went there. I could not find enough of our people 
 there, as the night was dark and those present were scattered. I got tired 
 of waiting for others. The four bombs I had with me that night I took to 
 the North Avenue Pier and threw them into the lake. Then I went home 
 and went to bed. This was about ten o'clock. I did not hear anything of 
 the shooting or the explosion of the bomb or the killing of the policemen at 
 the Haymarket until the next morning when I got up. I went home so 
 early on that evening because I had a headache from the smell of the dyna-
 
 282 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 mite used in filling the bombs. We filled thirty-five in all. The word 
 ' Ruhe ' was intended as the signal word. If it should appear in the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung May 4, in the 'Briefkasten,' then that would be a notifica- 
 tion to be ready for the revolution. We were to watch also for the fire and 
 shooting signals as well as the appearance of that word in the paper. We 
 were then all to get ready. I only know of Lingg as a manufacturer of 
 bombs. The plan was presented to the men to go and blow up the Chicago 
 Avenue Station. Also many others were to blow up the Larrabee Street 
 Station and the Webster Avenue Station. The work I did on the bombs 
 was drilling holes in them. This statement I make of my own free will and 
 accord in the presence of the officers named, and it is true and correct. 
 And I furthermore will say that I will not take any bribe to change my 
 statement or make denials ; neither will I leave the city or the State as long 
 as this case is pending in court, unless I have the consent of Capt. Schaack ; 
 that I always will be ready to give testimony for the people, whenever I am 
 called on in this case, and that I will never make a second statement, that 
 is to say, to a notary public or a justice of the peace, in writing or verbally ; 
 that I will only make a statement under oath for the grand jury of the Crim- 
 inal Court, or Capt. M. J. Schaack." 
 
 Here follow the signature, etc., and the notarial acknowledgment. 
 On the 24th of May, Hubner, among other things, stated that he knew 
 Herman Muntzenberg. 
 
 "I met him," he said, "as I was carrying around hand-bills for the 
 meeting called May 4 at the Haymarket. Muntzenberg went with me to 
 Seliger's house that afternoon. We saw Lingg and Seliger making the 
 dynamite bombs, and we helped them to make them. Muntzenberg and I 
 spent about three hours in Seliger's house that afternoon. Muntzenberg 
 was there when it was stated that the dynamite bombs should be carried 
 down to Neff s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, that night. Muntzenberg and I, 
 by order of Lingg, went down to Neff's Hall to see how things looked there 
 and report back to him. That is why Muntzenberg went to meet Lingg 
 and Seliger to help them to carry the bombs to Neff's place." 
 
 Since the trial I have learned that Hubner knew a great deal more than 
 he divulged in his confession, and that he was one of the parties chosen to 
 aid in blowing up the Webster Avenue Station.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Engel in the Toils His Character and Rough Eloquence Facing his 
 Accusers Waller's Confession The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein A 
 Dangerous Organization The Romance of Conspiracy Organization of the Armed 
 Sections Plans and Purposes Rifles Bought in St. Louis The Picnics at Sheffield 
 A Dynamite Drill The Attack on McCormick's A Frightened Anarchist 
 Lehman in the Calaboose Information from many Quarters The Cost of Revolvers 
 Lorenz Hermann's Story Some Expert Lying. 
 
 ENOUGH was at this time known to make George Engel a mark for 
 speedy police attention. It had been established beyond a doubt that 
 he was one of the central figures in the conspiracy, and it was not long be- 
 fore a warrant was secured charging him with murder. I detailed Officers 
 Stift and Whalen to serve the document, and they found him at his home, 
 No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue. He was a man about fifty years old*, stoutly 
 built, round-shouldered, weighing about 170 pounds, and about five feet 
 eight inches in height. He was married and had a daughter about sixteen 
 years of age. He was by trade a painter, but he and his wife conducted a toy- 
 store at the place where they lived. In addition to toys, they sold cigars 
 and tobacco. The building he lived in was a two-story frame, and his sup- 
 port came principally from his business. He always claimed to be a very 
 good friend of policemen, many of whom he said he knew, and they all, he 
 claimed, liked him. He was very radical in his ideas, however, and at all 
 times took an active interest in Anarchist meetings. In fact, he was one of 
 the most rabid of them all. He was a successful organizer and a hard, per- 
 sistent worker for the cause. He was one of the most positive, determined 
 speakers in the German language in Chicago. He could hold a house all 
 night, and his auditors were always charmed with his ingenious argument, 
 his powerful invective and his captivating sophistry. He was well read on 
 all topics bearing upon Anarchy, had a wonderful memory, and he could 
 always promptly give a plausible "reason for the faith that was in him." 
 His speeches were always plain, and, although he talked rapidly, he spoke 
 with a directness and force that took complete possession of the illiterate and 
 unthinking rabble. He could work up his auditors to the point of despera- 
 tion, and with a word he could have sent them out to pillage and murder. 
 It was his brain alone that evolved the gigantic plan of murdering hundreds 
 of people and laying waste thousands of dollars' worth of property in Chi- 
 cago, and the fact that he found so many willing to execute his purpose 
 fully proved his power and influence over his Anarchist followers. Like all 
 rabid Anarchists, he had no use for clergymen or the church, Sisters of Char- 
 ity or anything else that had a tinge of religion in it. He called them 
 all hypocrites and frauds. He was a great admirer of Louise Michel, the 
 
 283
 
 284 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 French Anarchist, because of her fearlessness and courage, and he never 
 failed to bestow words of praise on Most, whose work he fairly worshiped. 
 The organs of the Anarchists in Chicago he did not think radical enough,, 
 and so he ventured to publish a paper of his own called the Anarchist, 
 which, however, did not survive long. He was known as an honest man in 
 all his dealings with his fellow-men, earnest in his convictions, but withal a. 
 most dangerous leader and most unrelenting in his hatred of existing 
 society, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the methods to be used to bring 
 about a change. 
 
 Engel was always cool and collected, rarely exhibiting signs of excite- 
 ment. This fact was brought out most 
 strikingly when the officers found him 
 at his home, on the i8th of May, at 
 five o'clock, and informed him that 
 they had a warrant for his arrest on 
 the charge of murder. He was paint- 
 ing in his house at the time, and, turn- 
 ing to the officers with a smile on his 
 face, he nonchalantly remarked : 
 "Well, this is very strange." 
 The officers then told him that I 
 desired to see him immediately, and 
 he responded that if that was the case 
 he supposed he must go with them. 
 
 When he arrived at the station he 
 was informed again of the nature of 
 the charge against him, and the floor, 
 so to speak, was accorded him for any 
 explanations he might desire to make. 
 "I am the most innocent man in 
 the world," he began, in a slow, delib- 
 erate voice. " I could not hurt a child or see any one hurt. " 
 
 Engel was then subjected to some close questioning, and all he could 
 be made to say was this : 
 
 " On Monday, May 3, I was working for a friend of mine named Koch. 
 I was doing some painting for him that evening between the hours of eight 
 and nine o'clock. I then went to a meeting at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake 
 Street. The meeting was held in the basement. I don't know Mr. Waller. 
 I do not belong to the Northwest Side group. I don't belong to any armed 
 men. I don't know of any plan or conspiracy. I did not give any plan at: 
 that meeting. I was there at the meeting only a little while. I did not 
 speak there, nor had I anything to say to any one. I did not, and was not 
 authorized by any one to give a plan." 
 
 GEORGE ENGEL. 
 From a Photograph taken by the Police.
 
 THE CURSE OF ELOQUENCE. 
 
 285 
 
 He thus flatly contradicted every charge and seemed determined to put 
 a bold front upon the situation. Confronted by the facts, he never winced, 
 but kept up a bold exterior. He was then locked up at the station. Sub- 
 sequently his wife called and met him in my office. 
 
 "Papa, see what trouble you have got yourself into," she sadly 
 remarked. 
 
 "Mamma," he responded, "I cannot help it. What is in me must 
 come out." 
 
 "Why," I interposed, "don't you stop that nonsense?" 
 
 "I know," replied Engel, "I have promised my wife so many times that 
 I would stop it. But I cannot do it. 
 I cannot help it that I am possessed of 
 some eloquence and enthusiasm. It 
 is a curse to some people to be pos- 
 sessed of this knowledge. I cannot 
 help it that I am gifted in that way. I 
 am not the first man that has been 
 locked up for this cause, but I will bear 
 it like a man. Louise Michel is a great 
 woman. She has been locked up and 
 suffered for principle. I am willing to 
 do the same." 
 
 When Engel was asked where he 
 had been on Tuesday evening, May 4, 
 he responded : " At home all night, 
 lying on a lounge." 
 
 Two days after Engel's arrest I 
 secured a statement in addition to 
 that of Hubner from Gottfried Wal- 
 ler, implicating the nervy Anarchist 
 in the conspiracy in connection _with 
 "the plan." 
 
 I therefore thought it best to have Engel face his accuser, Waller, and, 
 on the evening of May 24, at 9:30 o'clock, the two men were brought together 
 in my office. Mr. Furthmann, who was present, with the officers, asked 
 Engel, the moment he was brought in, if he knew the party before him. 
 Engel, without the slightest hesitancy or tremor, answered in the negative. 
 He was next asked if he had not attended the meeting at No. 54 West 
 Lake Street, and Engel stated that he had come in late during the proceed- 
 ings. 
 
 Waller then reiterated his charge, that Engel was not only a speaker on 
 that occasion, but the man who had submitted apian for murder and destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 MISS MARY ENGEL. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 286 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " In fact," said Waller, "you were the only man who urged a revolution 
 and spoke about your plan." 
 
 When questioned as to what he had to say to this, Engel retorted that 
 "it was not true," as he had not been authorized by any one to propose a 
 plan. Inasmuch as the accusation of Waller failed to make any perceptible 
 impression on Engel's mind, I decided to see how the presence of another 
 accuser would affect his deportment and answers. Accordingly Ernst Hub- 
 ner was asked if he would face Engel, and, an answer being given firmly in 
 the affirmative, Engel was again brought back into the office. There were 
 present at this, as well as at the former interview, Furthmann, Whalen, 
 Stift, Schuettler, Hoffman, Loewenstein and Rehm. The moment Engel 
 was brought up by an officer, Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann asked 
 Hubner if he was acquainted with Engel. Hubner replied, "Yes, I know 
 him." 
 
 Addressing Engel, I said : 
 
 "This is Ernst Hubner. "He says that he knows you, and he also has 
 made a statement against you." 
 
 Engel replied that he did not know the man, whereupon Hubner reiter- 
 ated his acquaintanceship, and added : 
 
 "Your name is Engel, and you keep a toy-store on Milwaukee Avenue. 
 You made speeches at 58 Clybourn Avenue. I saw and heard you several 
 times. I saw you in a meeting May 3, 9 P.M., at 54 West Lake Street." 
 
 "Engel," I interrupted, "listen, and I will read you what Hubner said 
 about you." 
 
 Engel assented, and the statement of Hubner, as already given, was 
 read. 
 
 "It is false," replied Engel; "but if that good man says I did say so, 
 then you can believe him. I do not care." 
 
 "Where did you see Engel last? " inquired Furthmann of Hubner. 
 
 " I saw him at the meeting held at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, 
 where I heard him speak about the revenge circular and his plan, which he 
 said had been adopted by the Northwest Side group. He spoke of the 
 plan as I have heretofore explained in my affidavit to the officers." 
 
 " You still say that that affidavit is true in every respect ? " 
 
 " I do," emphatically replied Hubner. 
 
 " It is not so, and it is not true," stoutly replied Engel. 
 
 "Well," said I, "there are other people, and we will have more, who 
 will prove that you did make a revolutionary speech and submitted a plan 
 calling on your people to get ready with their arms and do violence. If 
 other witnesses are produced, will you still have the same answer to 
 give ? " 
 
 " It would not be true ; it is not so," reiterated Engel. 
 
 "But," I added, "suppose I produce twenty more men who will accuse
 
 THE HARDEST OF THEM ALL. 
 
 287 
 
 you the same as Waller and Hubner have accused you, what then would you 
 have to say ? " 
 
 " My answer," responded Engel, "would be that I have never spoken as 
 charged against me. It is not true." 
 
 Engel had evidently made up his mind to deny everything, and, knowing 
 his character for stubbornness, I made no further efforts to secure a state- 
 ment from him. A man who could originate such a cold-blooded scheme as 
 he had proposed and part of it was actually carried out in bloodshed was 
 evidently not the kind to yield, and I allowed him to ruminate over his pre- 
 dicament in a cell below until the ayth of May, when he was sent to the 
 County Jail. As will subsequently appear, he never showed signs of weak- 
 ness during his incarceration from the time he was taken from his house 
 that night until he dropped from the 
 gallows, dying the hardest of them all. 
 A half dozen such men at a critical 
 time could upset a whole city, and it 
 was fortunate for Chicago that there 
 were not more like him during the 
 troublous days of 1886. 
 
 SOME two days before Engel was 
 brought in, GOTTFRIED WALLER was 
 arrested by Officer Whalen. It ap- 
 peared that he had been selling revol- 
 vers to workingmen, and after being 
 taken to the station, on the i4th of 
 May, he was released on bail. His 
 importance then as a conspicuous 
 figure in the Monday night meeting, 
 when the murderous "plan" was 
 adopted, was not clearly apparent, 
 but he was kept under surveillance 
 and his antecedents carefully inquired 
 into. Thielen, in his confession on the very day Waller was arrested, 
 referred to him as having presided at that meeting, and, in describing 
 a man who called at Lingg's room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, said 
 he " believed he worked at Brunswick & Balke's factory." Hubner, in his 
 affidavit on the i8th of May, stated that Waller had presided on the occasion 
 referred to, and had even urged them to go ahead and do their work, and he 
 would be with them meaning their work of destruction. On these and 
 other facts a warrant was secured for his arrest for murder, and on the 2oth 
 of May he was again taken into custody by Officers Whalen and Stift. He 
 was a Swiss by birth, a cabinet-maker by occupation, and worked at the 
 Brunswick, Balke & Collender billiard factory. His age at the time of his 
 
 GOTTFRIED WALLER. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 288 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 arrest was thirty-six years, and he was a married man with one child. At 
 the time of his first arrest he was living at No. 590 Milwaukee Avenue, and 
 at his second arrest he was found at No. 105 North Wells Street. He had 
 been only three years in America, and had scarcely settled in Chicago before 
 he began attending the Anarchist meetings. He always frequented the 
 gatherings where Swiss people assembled, and on a search being made of 
 their meeting-place, 105 North Wells Street, on the yth of May, the police 
 found twelve guns. It had been the headquarters for the most dangerous 
 element in the order, and on Waller's visiting the place after the trial of the 
 Anarchists a serious attempt was made on his life. He was called a spy, 
 and was pursued until he found safety under the shadow of the Chicago 
 Avenue Station. Several parties were afterwards arrested for this assault. 
 They subsequently threw a piece of iron through the window of the house 
 where Waller was stopping, but this was the last futile exhibition of their 
 rage. 
 
 In view of his testimony^ which appears further on in the review of the 
 trial, Waller was given an unconditional release, and he has since con- 
 ducted himself as a peaceable citizen. 
 
 After his confession bearing directly on the principal parties in the con- 
 spiracy, Waller wrote out his experience with the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
 in particular and his connection with Anarchy in general. His story is as 
 follows : 
 
 "On the 25th of January, 1884, I arrived in Chicago from Easton, Pa. 
 I lived sixteen months on Grove Avenue, Humboldt. I was never a Social- 
 ist or Anarchist. 1 understood very little of the former and nothing at all 
 of the latter. After residing for a while at the place mentioned, I moved to 
 Milwaukee Avenue, near No. 636, Thalia Hall, on that street. Here I 
 noticed people uniformed and armed about twice a week. They would 
 enter this hall, and, by making inquiries, I was informed that these people 
 belonged to the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and that they 
 were a sort of 'Schuetzen Verein,' which practiced twice a week in the 
 North Chicago Schuetzen Park (Sharpshooters' Park). Their principles 
 were kept secret. As I was an expert sharpshooter and had a passion for 
 military exercises, I accepted an invitation from their commander to par- 
 ticipate in their practices. We met on the following Sunday at Thalia 
 Hall, at five o'clock in the morning, and continued for some time. We dis- 
 persed by each going in different directions toward the park, so as not to 
 arouse any suspicion. On account of cold weather only fourteen of us 
 came together. It was no fun to walk knee-deep in the snow ; still we were 
 feeling good since we were going to practice shooting. After several 
 rounds of drinks, which were called for in payment of the stand we used on 
 such occasions, we erected two targets and commenced practicing. I soon 
 noticed that the company consisted of good marksmen, and that day I was 
 pronounced the best marksman among them. After that I wanted to 
 become a member of the Verein, as I had been asked several times by some 
 of them to join. I called at Thalia Hall one Monday evening and was 
 taken to the cellar, which I entered through a secret door by means of a
 
 290 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ladder. Here I saw thirty to thirty-five men practicing shooting at a 
 target. The cellar was not .well lighted except at the north end, where the 
 targets stood. The people and all the surroundings looked quite advent- 
 urous to me. One of the members then approached me and asked if I was 
 a Socialist. I answered, 'Yes,' in an off-hand way. The first sergeant of 
 the company, August Krueger, told me beforehand to do this. I paid my 
 initiation fee, got a red card numbered 19, by which number I was after- 
 wards known, and I was then a member. All the members were very 
 cautious before me on account of my not being well known to them. We 
 practiced every Monday and Wednesday, drilling and shooting. I paid a 
 great deal of attention to these exercises. I never missed a meeting, and 
 consequently I soon gained the confidence of all the members. 
 
 "At the first general meeting, which was held every last Tuesday of 
 each month, at No. 54 West Lake Street, I was enlightened, and how I 
 was enlightened will appear as I proceed with my statement. I now desire 
 first to speak of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This society consists of four 
 companies from various parts of the city, and forms a revolutionary military 
 organization. The first company belongs to the North Side; second company, 
 the Northwest Side ; third company, the Southwest Side, and the fourth 
 company was formed by the commander at Pullman. The first company 
 was the strongest and consisted of about one hundred and twenty members. 
 
 The second consisted of thirty-five mem- 
 bers ; the third about eighty ; and the 
 fourth, forty members. Consequently the 
 battalion consisted of two hundred and 
 seventy-five members. You could rely 
 upon one hundred and eighty men ; the 
 others were more or less indifferent and 
 From Lehr und Wehr Verein Rifles. pas sive. All the members were armed 
 
 with Springfield rifles, 4 8-caliber, and 
 
 with Remington revolvers, 44-caliber. Every member was well supplied with 
 ammunition at his house, which was always purchased by the quartermaster 
 of the company. The uniform consisted of a blouse, with white buttons, and 
 with shoulder-straps for the officers, black leather belts with brass buckles 
 inscribed L. W. V., dark pantaloons and black slouch hats. Every com- 
 pany had a captain, lieutenant and first sergeant. Besides these the 
 company had the following officers : A corresponding secretary, financial 
 secretary, treasurer, quartermaster, and a Lehr und Wehr auditor. The 
 commander received a monthly salary of $15.00, and the financial secre- 
 tary $4.00. The commander was Gustav Breitenfeld. Captain of the 
 first company, Abraham Hermann ; second company, Bernhard Schrader ; 
 third company, H. Betzel, and fourth company, Paul Pull. Under com- 
 mand of these people, the companies were drilled and instructed. The 
 corresponding secretary attended to all the correspondence, domestic and 
 foreign, which was not a very easy job, because we corresponded with the 
 Internationale of the whole country. The financial secretary collected the 
 dues, and turned them all over to myself as treasurer. The quartermaster, 
 A. Hermann, had to supply arms and ammunition. The Lehr und Wehr 
 auditor had to investigate all complaints and to impose all fines and collect 
 the same. The meeting-place of the first company was at Mueller's Hall, 
 on North Avenue and Sedgwick Street, in basement : of the second com- 
 pany, at Thalia Hall, on Milwaukee Avenue; of the third company, at
 
 WALLERS REMINISCENCES. 291 
 
 Vorwaerts Turn Hall, on West Twelfth Street, and of the fourth com- 
 pany, at Rosenheim, in Pullman. Another curiously mixed company also 
 belonged to the Verein. It was commanded by Captain Betzel, of the 
 third company, and it had nothing to do with us in a business way. 
 
 "The whole battalion assembled once every month on pleasant days on 
 the prairie behind the ice-houses of Schofield & Co., on the West Side, and 
 practiced skirmish drills. The commands were given in English, and no 
 one knew the members by name only by numbers. 
 
 "This brings me to the first general meeting of the Verein at No. 54 
 West Lake Street that I attended. Before the opening of the meeting, 
 every one who entered the hall was examined so that none but members 
 might get in. The meetings would be called to order by the secretary, and 
 then a chairman and a doorkeeper would be chosen. August Krause, of 
 the second company, was generally called upon to officiate as chairman. 
 First of all the correspondence would be read, and at one meeting a letter 
 was read from Most, of New York, which pertained to arms. In the first 
 meeting Commander Breitenfeld was ordered to proceed to Pullman every 
 Sunday to work for the cause, and for his services he received a remunera- 
 tion of $3 for each trip. The new company in that town finally reported a 
 large increase of. fine material with strong Anarchistic doctrines. The 
 quartermaster, who then was Lehnert, was ordered to purchase forty rifles 
 and four boxes of ammunition, each containing 4,000 rounds. The treas- 
 urer delivered to him $250, and afterwards we duly received the rifles from 
 a firm in St. Louis. After all business had been transacted one of the 
 eager members delivered a speech touching the best means of bringing on 
 the social revolution. He proved very violent in his sentiments, and all 
 present agreed with him that this revolution could only be accomplished 
 with fire, powder, lead and dynamite. For a public attack on the streets 
 of Chicago the speaker considered us too weak. As to the ' property beasts,' 
 as he called the small owners of buildings, he regarded them as our biggest 
 enemies, as they would attack us from their windows and defeat us, and 
 consequently our only hope for a victory lay in the torch and dynamite. 
 When Chicago would be surrounded by fire and destroyed, these 'beasts,' 
 he said, would be obliged to take refuge on the prairies, and there it would 
 be very easy for us to master them by our unmerciful proceedings. If this 
 was done, other cities, like New York, St. Louis, Pittsburg, etc., would follow 
 our example. Then all eyes would be centered on the Anarchists of Chi- 
 cago, and therefore we would proclaim the Commune. 
 
 " All these utterances were accepted with great applause, and every one 
 wanted to commence immediately. I thought differently. I remembered 
 the revolution of 1848 in Germany and that of 1871 in Paris arid its conse- 
 quences. 
 
 "Krause, after this speech, took the floor and spoke in favor of the revo- 
 lution. He stated that they ought to invite the Anarchists of other cities 
 to join them here, and then we could commence the work of destruction. 
 Then other members gave their views, and the meeting adjourned with an 
 injunction that every one should be silent with reference to our proceedings. 
 
 "This brings me to the revolutionary party. This organization consists 
 of the following sections and groups : The Lehr und Wehr Verein, com- 
 mander Breitenfeld ; Northwest Side group, commanders Engel, Fischer 
 and Grumm ; North Side group, commanders Neebe, Lingg and Hermann ; 
 American group, commanders Spies, Parsons and Fielden ; Karl Marx
 
 292 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Group, commander Schilling ; the Freiheit group ; the armed sections of 
 the International Carpenters' Union and the Metal-workers' Union. The 
 whole party is under the leadership of a general committee. This com- 
 mittee is composed of Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, 
 Deusch and Belz. The committee held their meetings in one of the rooms 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and received weekly reports from the delegates of 
 the various groups. A part of the monthly dues was delivered to the gen- 
 eral committee, and all expenses for traveling at the instance of the agita- 
 tion committee (Parsons and Schwab) and for arms were paid by the 
 quartermaster. 
 
 " On one occasion I attended a general meeting of the revolutionary 
 party at No. 54 West Lake Street, at which the whole party of armed 
 sections were represented. After all precautions had been taken as to 
 safety, August Spies took the chair and Neebe. acted as secretary. We had 
 to produce our cards of membership on entering, and every group was called 
 by name, and each representative had to rise in his seat for close inspection. 
 The first business was a complaint from the Northwest group and the Lehr 
 und Wehr Verein that the funds had been mismanaged and thrown away. 
 Both organizations declared that they would withdraw their delegates and, 
 after that, act independently. Spies became as furious, as a snake when 
 trodden upon, and he got up and told them that they might leave immedi- 
 ately. This started a war of words. Some retorted that the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung was not radical enough, and it must be made different from that 
 moment. The members of the general committee were called impostors 
 and loafers. The Lehr und Wehr Verein had paid some $75 for the pur- 
 chase of arms, but they had neither seen the arms nor the money. Engel 
 and the Northwest Side group were brought into the wrangle, and he was 
 called a traitor. They said that Engel would bring the whole party to ruin, 
 likewise the Arbeiter-Zeitung, but they (Engel and the paper) did not care 
 so long as it enriched themselves. Finally the Northwest group withdrew, 
 and some of the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein shortly afterwards 
 followed suit. From this time on there were constant disputes. 
 
 "Engel and Grunewald collected money for a new paper and started 
 the Anarchist, a paper like Most's Freiheit in New York. Shortly after 
 these societies had left the hall, the fight was taken up again by some of the 
 females who were present, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Boiling, Mrs. Schwab and 
 Mrs. Holmes, and it was continued until Spies was declared out of order. 
 Hirschberger then reported the result of the sale of revolutionary literature, 
 such as the works of Louise Michel, Most's 'Revolutionary Warfare,' etc., 
 and he stated that it had exceeded his expectations. After this they dis- 
 cussed picnics, and a number desired them to be held outside of the city. 
 Sheffield was suggested, because by going there they would bring in more 
 money, and when there they could speak more freely their Anarchist senti- 
 ments. It was finally decided to hold a meeting of the workingmen on 
 Market Square on Thanksgiving day, and Parsons was ordered to make the 
 necessary arrangements. Spies called attention to the importance of every 
 one attending that meeting, and urged that they should not come without a 
 bomb or a revolver. The bombs, he said, they could purchase at the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung office, four for $i. The time was near, he said, when the 
 long-looked-for revolution would take place, and so they should avail them- 
 selves of every opportunity. He wanted all Anarchists to work against the 
 eight-hour movement, because if it should prove successful our movement
 
 WALLER'S REMINISCENCES. 293 
 
 would receive a set-back for several years. Our cause would not be hastened 
 by it. He complained about our small gain in numbers and attributed it to 
 the poor agitation of some of the members. After this I left the hall. 
 
 " On the day before Thanksgiving we drilled in Thalia Hall. At the end 
 of the exercise we were all requested to attend the meeting the following 
 day, and Lehnert distributed some bombs in the shape of gas-pipe. He 
 stated that he could only get four, but that on the next day at one o'clock 
 every member could have one by calling at the hall. The next day most of 
 the members put in an appearance. Members of the Northwest Side group 
 also called. Adolph Fischer was there with a basketful of bombs like the 
 one I saw the day before, which was the first time I had ever seen a bomb, 
 and he told us distinctly to use them in case the Market Square meeting was 
 dispersed. He cut a piece of fuse about the length of one on a bomb, put 
 it on the table and lighted it with a cigar. He showed the way it worked 
 and posted us as to the time it would have to burn before a bomb to which it 
 might be attached should be thrown. He also showed us the way we should 
 throw a bomb, and after this exhibition we all proceeded to the meeting. 
 
 " On arriving at Market Square, I noticed a stage made out of barrels, 
 with a red flag attached to it, and this was our meeting-place. Parsons 
 mounted the platform and addressed the assemblage, which consisted of 
 about a thousand people. It was a fortunate thing that the crowd was no 
 larger, else the bloody bath of May 4 would have taken place that day, in 
 view of all the preparations and the hostile feeling among us. The North- 
 west Side group was fully armed, and the preparations were alike complete 
 among all the the other sections. Schwab, Fielden and Neebe were pres- 
 ent, but none of them spoke. After they had waved the red flag the meet- 
 ing adjourned. Bad, cold weather contributed to the small attendance. 
 
 "After reading in the newspapers that on a certain Monday some of 
 McCormick's strikers would resume work, the armed groups were called to 
 a meeting at Goercke's Hall, on Twentieth Street and Blue Island Avenue. 
 Reinhold Krueger and Tannenberg represented the second company of the. 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein, and I joined them on the way to the place of meet- 
 ing. Arriving there, I found most of the different sections represented, and 
 the meeting opened. Gustav Belz, of the Metal-workers' Union, and 
 employed at McCormick's, was chairman, and after some discussion we con- 
 cluded to stop the reopening of the factory by force. On account of the 
 short time for a proper notification to our members, we decided to have our 
 well-known signal, ' Y, come Monday ' (which would mean that all was ripe 
 for action, and our men should came to our regular meeting place, 54 West 
 Lake Street), in the 'Briefkasten' of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and it was 
 accordingly done. We also at the meeting conferred with respect to having 
 some of our men mix up with the 'scabs' by going to work with them in the 
 factory, and then, when the moment for action arrived, they should set the 
 factory on fire in several places. Those who were to do this were not to act, 
 however, until they learned the result of the meeting that was to be held 
 under the call of our signal, 'Y. ' During the same da)', after the meeting, 
 Belz and Tannenberg carried several bombs out to the Black Road. What 
 happened the following Monday at the factory everybody knows. Strikers 
 and others assembled by thousands The great bell at the factory rang, and 
 the ' scabs ' went to work. During the day disturbances followed and many- 
 arrests were made of people who were found to have concealed weapons, and 
 who were afterwards fined $10 in the Police Court.
 
 294 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "But a change took place the following Tuesday. In accordance with 
 the signal published in the Arbeiier-Zeitung, about 180 of our people gath- 
 ered at No. 54 West Lake Street. Most of them carried their arms and 
 some carried bombs. I saw Suess, and some others unknown to me, have 
 bombs of the round pattern. These men even had their rifles with them, 
 and everyone knew what was up. The several sections formed in platoons. 
 Belz was elected chairman, and they consulted as to what should be done. 
 First they regretted that the strikers had not reached McCormick's that 
 Monday morning, before the arrival of the police, in time to secure posses- 
 sion of the place, and then Betzel of the third company spoke and insisted 
 that they should go around there during the night, secure good positions and 
 then attack the patrol wagons as they passed on the following morning. 
 He said he would give strict instructions to his company to obey his com- 
 mand, and then, when the police came to take their positions, they should 
 be met with a good reception from well-aimed rifles. About fifty members 
 wanted this plan carried out, but I noticed that most of them carried their 
 hearts in their pants, and had very little courage. Excuses after excuses 
 were made. Suess gave his bomb to a comrade and told him that when he 
 thought of his wife and home he had doubts about going into an uncertain 
 adventure. Balthasar Rau also protested against the plan. Some one sug- 
 gested that they should stay there, in the hall, all night. Belz declared that 
 he was of the same opinion about remaining ; but, he said, he had a better 
 plan to reach Mr. McCormick. It was very easy, he said, to attack this 
 money baron in his own house. He described the house and rooms, and 
 the location of the windows, and said that they should throw one of these 
 ' play balls ' in through the window of the room where McCormick would 
 be sitting, and send him flying to heaven. This course should be taken 
 by some one of those present, of his own accord, so that no second or third 
 party would know the perpetrator. There seemed to be no response to this, 
 and, noticing the want of enthusiasm, he grasped his rifle and made a motion 
 to break it in two, calling them all at the same time cowards. He then left 
 the hall. I was surprised at this, because among those assembled there 
 were some of the worst Anarchists in the city, notably Lingg, Engel, 
 Fischer and Grunewald. McCormick, however, is alive to-day. Rau 
 notified those present that if any one wanted any bombs they should follow 
 him to the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and he would supply them. The meeting 
 then adjourned. 
 
 "After the experience I had thus had with the party, I was sorry that I 
 ever joined. I found that what good humor I had formerly possessed had 
 been completely wiped out by my associations with the revolutionary party. 
 I wanted now to join some good society, and I thought of some good ex- 
 cuse for leaving the party. My opportunity came. My comrades wanted 
 me to buy a supply of ammunition, as the ist of May was near at hand, but 
 I found that there was not money enough in the treasury. The financial 
 secretary had been very slow in delivering to me all the money he had col- 
 lected, and I discovered that his love for the shining dollars was so great 
 that he would let some of them fall through his fingers. I found out his 
 dishonesty, and I brought it to light. On this account we became enemies, 
 and sometimes he would rather have seen me dead than McCormick. One 
 evening I stood in front of the bar at Thalia Hall with him just before tar- 
 get practice. I was talking about something not in his favor. We finally 
 came to hot words and then to blows. I let him have a few right-handers,
 
 WALLER'S REMINISCENCES. 
 
 295 
 
 and he drew his revolver and fired one shot, the ball passing close to my 
 right ear and striking the wall. The proprietor of the saloon' took the 
 revolver away from him, and he attacked me again with a rawhide [a billy], 
 which he always carried. He struck me over the head, and I grabbed a 
 chair and gave it to him savagely. He skipped out. Shortly after this I 
 sent the money-box with Schrader to the Verein along with my written 
 resignation. In that I explained that I did not want to associate with 
 murderers and manslayers. It was accepted, and I was again a free man, 
 rejecting every inducement except one to join their ranks again. This ex- 
 ception grew out of H 
 my own foolishness 
 and happened when 
 I attended the ill- 
 fated meeting of 
 May 2d. 
 
 " This meeting 
 on May ad was held 
 on Emma Street. 
 During the day, 
 which was a pleas- 
 ant one, I went out 
 early for a walk. 
 While I was absent 
 some one called at 
 my house and told 
 my wife that I was 
 wanted at No. 63 
 Emma Street that 
 even ing at ten 
 o'clock. I returned 
 home about 10:30 
 o'clock the same 
 morning, and as I 
 did not know the 
 hall, nor knew the 
 person who had no- 
 tified my wife, I 
 proceeded to the 
 number given. This 
 visit was a most un- 
 fortunate one for me. 
 Entering the hall, I 
 noticed the Northwest Side group and the second company of the Lehr und 
 Wehr Verein. I was just on the point of leaving, when Schrader called me 
 back, and, not liking to act like a coward, I remained. A person named 
 Kistner acted as chairman. They wanted to admit a member who had been 
 proposed by two members as true and faithful, but Engel objected, and the 
 man had to leave the hall. They then proceeded to business, having first 
 ascertained that the twenty or twenty-five persons present were in perfect 
 security. Engel took the floor and sailed into the capitalists and the police. 
 He said that they should, when an opportunity presented itself, imitate the 
 Anarchist leaders when, at the Bohemian Turner Hall masquerade ball, they 
 
 "LIBERTY HALL," 
 
 No. 63 Emma Street, where the Conspiracy " Plan" was first proposed by 
 Engel. From a Photograph.
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS, 
 
 had thrown pepper in the eyes of policemen who were present to make an 
 attack on the turners, and he explained how that assault on their part had 
 come very near costing him his life. But he had done it for the good of 
 the cause. He then spoke of the labor troubles and said that now was the 
 time to produce the revolution. It was unwise to let it pass. Then he 
 proceeded to outline a plan for it, saying that, if any one had a better one 
 to suggest, to say so. " 
 
 Waller gives the details of the plan just as he gave it in court, and 
 continues : 
 
 "I could not advise any one to speak against the motion for the adop- 
 tion of the plan, as he would have been dealt with accordingly. Breiten- 
 feld stated subsequently at Thalia Hall that he would do everything in his 
 power to carry out this plan and that he would not work for the next few 
 days, and that on the day given he would be at No. 54 West Lake Street 
 to make all the arrangements. 
 
 "What happened on Monday at McCormick's is known. Spies hurried 
 to write the ' Revenge ' circular, stating that six men had been killed, and 
 put it into circulation. That day I was at No. 105 Wells Street, where the 
 workingmen employed in Brunswick & Balke's factory held their meetings. 
 I got home about six o'clock and had my supper, but I did not know then 
 as to the conflict with the police at McCormick's. I did not feel like going 
 to the meeting called for that evening at No. 54 West Lake Street. I had 
 hardly been home thirty minutes when Clermont, of the second company, 
 entered my room and asked : 
 
 " ' Did you hear the news ? ' 
 
 "'What?' I asked. 
 
 '" From McCormick's,' he replied. 
 
 " ' What then ? ' I asked. 
 
 " 'Ten men were killed by the police, and more than twenty wounded,' 
 he said. ' Now we must commence.' 
 
 "I did not believe it at first, but when he showed me the 'Revenge' 
 circular my blood shot up into my head and I went with him to the meet- 
 ing. As we passed Engel's house we met him and Fischer, and they 
 joined us. On the way to the meeting, Engel said that if any one wanted 
 to see him they should take the rear door and enter, as he thought the 
 detectives were watching his house. Having arrived at the hall, Breiten- 
 feld called the revolutionary men down to the cellar, and to my surprise I 
 was elected chairman." 
 
 Waller then details the business that was there transacted, the story 
 being identical with that he gave on the witness-stand, and alludes to his 
 visit to Engel's house on his way to the Haymarket meeting on the even- 
 ing of May 4. He had been previously asked by A. Krueger, Kraemer, 
 and two others, who called at his own house while he was eating his 
 supper, to go with them to Wicker Park, as they wanted to be at their post 
 in response to the signal " Ruhe," but he declined to go with them. Wal- 
 ler continues : 
 
 "I went to Engel's. He was not at home, and we waited in a room 
 'behind the store. There were two others there, one a member of the
 
 MAN-AFRAID- OF-A-BL UE- CO A T. 297 
 
 Northwest Side group, and the other I did not know. The first one went 
 away to get some pepper, as he said, and returned again in a few minutes. 
 . . . He said he was only waiting for the pills, meaning the bombs. 
 I waited about five minutes, and during the time a young girl about ten or 
 twelve years old put in an appearance, carrying a heavy parcel, which she 
 handed to the man who had gone out for the pepper and who was waiting 
 for 'pills.' I took the man to be her father. He disappeared behind a 
 screen, and I walked out." 
 
 Waller next gives the circumstances in connection with the Haymarket 
 meeting precisely as he gave them in court, and reverts back to the meeting 
 of Monday night at No. 54 Lake Street, referring to a speech made 
 on that occasion by Clermont. That man, Waller says, spoke substantially 
 as follows : " I expect to see about 20,000 or 25,000 people at the Hay 
 market. The speeches should be very threatening and fierce so that the. 
 police will be compelled to disperse the meeting. Then, when the police 
 become engaged, we can carry out our purpose." Before this meeting came 
 to order, Greif, the proprietor of the place, was around lighting the lamps, 
 and while doing so he remarked, says Waller: "This is just the place for 
 you conspirators." 
 
 Among those expecting to do deeds of violence on the night of the Hay- 
 market, at Wicker Park, was "Big" Krueger, and Waller mentions the fact 
 that he met him the next day at noon. 
 
 "Krueger show r ed me a revolver," says Waller, "and I told him that he 
 had better leave it at home. He replied that he would not do it, as he 
 intended to kill every one who came across his path, and he left. A few 
 hours after he shot at a policeman and lost his life." 
 
 Officer Madden was the officer thus assailed, and he immediately turned 
 around and shot the Anarchist down in his tracks. 
 
 In concluding his statement Waller refers to his arrest and says : 
 
 " On the way to the station I made up my mind not to say a word. 
 Arriving there, Capt. Schaack got to talking to me and put several ques- 
 tions to me in the presence of several detectives. I noticed that telling lies 
 would not do me any good, and the friendly and courteous treatment of the 
 Captain made such an impression on my mind that I told, by and by, every- 
 thing with a throbbing heart. I promised to repeat my statements before 
 court, and I did so." 
 
 OTTO LEHMAN was well known to the police by reputation through fre- 
 quent mention of his name by fellow Anarchists, but he managed for some 
 time to keep himself out of the way of a personal acquaintanceship with 
 the force. He never did cherish admiration for policemen, and his dislike 
 grew even more intense after he had learned that he was wanted. The 
 sight of a blue-coat would drive him fairly wild, and the only way he could 
 assuage his wrath was to take to his heels and run until his surcharged 
 feelings had oozed out at the ends of his toes. He was a brave, defiant 
 man in the presence of his comrades, and with his military bearing he
 
 2CJ8 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 seemed the very personification of courage. He had a great penchant for 
 lager beer, and, while emptying glass after glass, he talked Anarchy to the 
 great delight of his hearers. He was an enthusiastic attendant at all meet- 
 ings of the fraternity, and always wanted the speakers to make their har- 
 angues strong and incendiary. If one of them failed to threaten capitalists 
 with dynamite and guns, he lost interest in the proceedings. In that case 
 he would tilt his chair back and take a nap. The moment some one rasped 
 the air with stinging words against capitalists and the police, Lehman 
 would be on his feet and applaud vociferously. He would then adjourn to 
 a saloon, fill himself up with lager and go home to dream of happy days 
 when everybody was to be rich without labor. Some nights he would jump 
 up in bed half asleep, this is the story of his fellow roomers, and shout : 
 
 " Down with them ; shoot them ! 
 Don't give them any quarter ! The world 
 now is ours." 
 
 His bed-companion, aroused by the 
 demonstration, would take him by the 
 collar and pull him down, after which he 
 would sleep quite contentedly. This sort 
 of exhibition was repeated after every 
 meeting at which some new infernal 
 machine had been spoken of, or some new 
 torture for capitalists suggested. Such 
 speeches made him strong in the faith, and 
 so enthusiastic was he always that he 
 managed to become quite a favorite with 
 his fellows. In return for their admira- 
 tion, he would spend his last. cent in buy- 
 ing beer. His boarding-house was at No. 189 Hudson Avenue. 
 
 Although this is only a two-story building, there were living in it at the 
 time no less than eight families. That there were no more is no fault of 
 the house. And such families ! Every one of them, from the youngest 
 who could talk, to the oldest who could bear arms, was a turbulent Anar- 
 chist. Lehman was always happy in such surroundings. Had he only had 
 his wife and children there, his joy would have been as nearly complete as 
 possible until all capitalists had been exterminated. Unfortunately his 
 family were in Germany. He had left them there three years before. At 
 that time he would have been pleased to bring them along with him had it 
 not been for his haste to get out of Emperor William's dominions to escape 
 the law of the land. 
 
 In his new surroundings in America Lehman only waited for the day 
 when millionaires would either "bite the dust" or capitulate by handing 
 over their wealth to the Anarchists. He never for a moment doubted that 
 
 OTTO LEHMAN. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 "AS GOOD A MAN AS GRANT." 299 
 
 that day was almost at hand. Even after the Haymarket riot he had hope, 
 but it vanished completely the moment he was within the grasp of the law. 
 Of course, he did everything to save himself for another revolution by 
 keeping away from the "hated police." Had it not been for his standing 
 in Germany he would have returned there and waited until the excitement 
 in Chicago had died out, and his comrades had fixed up 'another plan. He 
 would have even gone to Canada, but he had never heard of it as a refuge 
 for Anarchists. For a time he succeeded remarkably well in dodging us, as 
 we had only a meager description of his appearance ; but on the 2oth of 
 May he was seen by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman on the North Side. 
 They did not know him at the time. Lehman, however, apears to have 
 been suspicious of their movements, as there had recently been many 
 inquiries for him in the locality. The moment Hoffman caught a glimpse 
 of the slippery Anarchist, he remarked to his comrade : 
 
 "I'll bet that is one of the cut-throats. We'll take him in on general 
 principles, and we can soon find out where he belongs." 
 
 The officers gradually approached him, but Lehman, suspecting their 
 intentions, at once started on the run. He had run only half a block when 
 he was captured, put in irons and taken to the station. On his arrival, I 
 asked him his name. 
 
 "I'll tell you my name, and that is all," replied Lehman, in a surly 
 mood and with an air of bravado. " I am not ashamed of my name, no 
 matter if I am poor. I am as good a man as Grant. Now, don't trouble me 
 any more. I am closed, and you cannot open me with a crow-bar. Look 
 at me and tell the newspapers you have seen me. I am ready to be locked 
 up." 
 
 " Otto," said I, "you have a brother named August, and he has a son by 
 the name of Paul. That boy is a very good runner, and at the Haymarket, 
 May 4, he was going to run and carry the news to outside men. The boy 
 did run, but not with news for the waiting men. He kept running until he 
 got out of town, and I know where he is. You will have him with you in a 
 few days. So good-by, Otto ; I will see you about the first of June. Offi- 
 cers, lock him up." 
 
 Otto was accordingly escorted down stairs. He had no sooner b^een 
 placed in a cell than the officers learned the location of his boarding-house 
 at the number given. They at once repaired to the place and gave it a thor- 
 ough overhauling. They learned that immediately after the Haymarket, 
 and especially since officers had been frequently noticed in the locality, 
 many of the occupants had disappeared in a great hurry, some even forget- 
 ting the clean linen that hung in their back yards, and others neglecting to 
 square their board bills. 
 
 The officers searched the premises and found several loaded dynamite 
 bombs, some showing conclusively that they had come from Lingg's factory.
 
 300 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 It was subsequently learned that Lingg had furnished them to Lehman 
 one on the evening of May 4, at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and another shortly 
 after, on the same street, near Larrabee. The bombs were all ready for 
 use, and contained Lingg's extra strong explosive, almost doubly as power- 
 ful as the ordinary commercial dynamite. 
 
 Two days after his arrest, about eleven o'clock, Lehman was not in a 
 very happy frame of mind. His dreams had not been pleasant, and the pos- 
 sibility of hanging haunted him continually. He told the janitor that he 
 wanted to see the Captain. I sent back word that I could not see him until 
 the next day. Again in the afternoon he sent the janitor to say that he must 
 see me at once, and that he would not speak so defiantly as he had done 
 before. Otto was thereupon brought up. As he came in, he took off his 
 hat and apologized for his rude behavior. After inviting the Anarchist to 
 take a seat, I remarked : 
 
 "You know what you are arrested for?" 
 
 "Oh, yes," he replied. 
 
 " Have you made up your mind, then, as to what you wish to say? " 
 
 He answered in the affirmative. 
 
 " Will you tell me all you know of the Anarchists ever since you became 
 one of them ? " 
 
 Assent being given, I continued : "Now, you must understand I know a 
 great deal of this work myself." 
 
 Otto said he so understood. 
 
 "Well, I don't want you to lie to me, and I don't want you to lie about 
 anybody else to benefit yourself. All you tell me must be true, and if I find 
 that you conceal anything, I will consider you a liar and have nothing more 
 to do with you." 
 
 "Oh, yes," meekly and penitently replied Lehman, "I do agree with 
 you on that point, and you will find me right. I will swear to all I say, and 
 if I lie you can hang me in this station. But, Captain, I want something for 
 telling the truth." 
 
 "Well," I replied, "I will have the State's Attorney or his representa- 
 tive here, and if he tells you to speak and promises to reward you, you can 
 depend upon his word." 
 
 In the presence of Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, Otto at once 
 unburdened his mind and related his knowledge of Anarchy in Chicago. 
 He also testified to a fact, made apparent in my interviews with other pris- 
 oners, that he, like others, had been carried away by " the d d Anarchist 
 
 literature," as he expressed it, and that he now fully realized the utter folly 
 of his past course. He had been told, he said, just as others had been told, 
 by those who had lived in America for a long time, that this was a free coun- 
 try, and there was no law to stop them. "You can see for yourself," they 
 used to say to him, "they are all afraid of us. Nobody interferes with us. 
 We have everything all our own way."
 
 OTTO LEHMAN'S "SQUEAL." 301 
 
 "That sort of talk," said Lehman, "made me as bad as the rest of 
 them." 
 
 He had fully believed, as his friends had informed him, that it was legal 
 to talk dynamite, and that they could form plans for murder with impunity 
 and without molestation. Mr. Furthmann read and explained the law to 
 him, when he said : 
 
 " I am glad now that I have been arrested." 
 
 And he demonstrated the sincerity of his statement by furnishing strong 
 evidence against all the Anarchist leaders that he knew. He was kept in 
 confinement until after the trial and then released by order of the State's 
 Attorney. He was forty years of age, a carpenter by occupation, and ever 
 since his release he has attended to work and means to live until a good 
 age to make amends for his past life. 
 
 The statement he gave me was as follows :' 
 
 " I belong to the armed section of the International Carpenters' group. 
 Whenever we had a meeting, the armed section remained five minutes 
 later. To my group belonged myself, my brother, William Hageman, 
 who lives on Rees Street, over Lehman's grocery store, also Hageman's 
 brother, who was boarding at the same place, Ernst Niendorf, on Groger 
 Street, Waller, William Seliger, John Thielen and Louis Lingg, all of the 
 North Side group ; also Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, Ernst Hub- 
 ner, Charley Bock and his brother, William Lange, Michael Schwab, Bal- 
 thasar Rau, Rudolph Schnaubelt, Fischer and Huber. I attended a meet- 
 ing, May 3, at 71 West Lake Street, at nine o'clock. I heard Louis Lingg 
 speak there, also Schwab. I saw the circular there which called for revenge 
 and to arms. Waller, or Zoller, opened the meeting as chairman. Lingg 
 said at the meeting that they must arm themselves and attend the meeting 
 at the Haymarket to get revenge for those workingmen who were killed at 
 McCormick's factory that day by the police. I also heard Schwab urge them 
 to arm themselves and seek revenge on the police. I heard one man call 
 out that all armed men present should go to Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake 
 Street, that a meeting would be held there in the basement. I went there, 
 as also did my brother Gustav, the two Hagemans, Louis Lingg, Schnau- 
 belt, Breitenfeld, John Thielen and Hubner. The meeting occurred at 54 
 West Lake Street. I was there during the whole session. My brother was 
 on the outside watching. I heard the speaker say that there would be a 
 meeting at the Haymarket and that they expected a big crowd there, which 
 would give them a chance to use their arms. He also said that the police 
 would no doubt come there to disperse them. If they refused to go, the 
 police would shoot, and they would have a good chance to shoot at them. 
 The speakers at that meeting would be Spies, Fielden and Parsons. The 
 North Side armed group would meet at Neff's Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, 
 on Tuesday night, and they were to be ready with their arms and wait for 
 orders. The Northwest Side group would also be ready and wait for 
 orders. As soon as there was trouble at the Haymarket, they would be at 
 Wicker Park ready for action. I heard the word ' Ruhe' spoken of at that 
 meeting in the basement. If that word appeared in the paper the 
 Arbeit er-Zeitung the next day, it would mean a revolution, and the attack 
 on the police would be made that night. <Y, komme,' was a sign pub-
 
 302 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 lished in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, meaning that there would be a meeting of the 
 armed men. When I saw that revenge circular at No. 71 West Lake 
 Street, it excited me very much and brought me to the meeting at 54 West 
 Lake Street. I saw Adolph Fischer at that meeting. He made an address 
 to us calling us to arms and urged that we should take revenge on the 
 capitalists and the officers who had killed our brother workingmen on that 
 day at McCormick's. This man Fischer, whose picture has just been 
 shown me by the Captain, is the person who said he would see that circulars 
 were printed for the Haymarket meeting next day. The word ' Ruhe ' was 
 our signal word, adopted by the meeting that night at 54 West Lake Street, 
 to attack the police. I heard some one say at the meeting that we should 
 also attack the police station-houses and the police who might be within. 
 They should make dynamite bombs and have them ready to throw into the 
 stations. Lingg said : ' I will have the dynamite and bombs ready to be 
 used when called for.' I did not hear of any one else saying or offering to 
 furnish dynamite bombs. I was about fifteen feet away from Lingg when 
 he made the remark. Then I left the meeting and the hall. The unani- 
 mous understanding among us all was that all who desired bombs must go 
 to Lingg and get them. Arid we did not look to any one else for them. It 
 was further stated at the meeting that, in case we should see a patrol wagon 
 on the night of the attack, we should destroy the wagon, the horses and the 
 officers, so that they could not render assistance to the officers at the Hay- 
 market. On Tuesday evening, May 4, at nine o'clock, I went to Neff's Hall, 
 58 Clybourn Avenue, and there I met both Hermanns, Rau, the Hagemans, 
 Bock, Seliger and Lingg. Lingg gave me some of those long dynamite 
 bombs and said : ' Here, you take this and use it.' He then started away. 
 I heard that night Tuesday at eleven o'clock, at Ernst Grau's saloon, that 
 there had been some shooting that night, that a bomb had been thrown and 
 that many were killed and wounded at the Haymarket. A tall man came 
 into Neff's Hall that night, May 4, at eleven o'clock, and told us about the 
 shooting, the explosion of the bomb and the killing of the people. His clothes 
 were all covered with mud, and he appeared greatly excited. He said : 
 'You are having a good time here drinking beer. See how I look. I was 
 over to the Haymarket and lost my revolvers.' His name is August. He 
 is the man about thirty years of age, five feet ten inches tall, smooth face or 
 a slight mustache, and is a bricklayer by occupation. [This was August 
 Groge.] The dynamite bomb I had was made with a gas-pipe. My state- 
 ment I will swear to at any time I am called upon." 
 
 The bomb he speaks of was among those found by Officer Hoffman at 
 No. 189 Hudson Avenue. 
 
 GUSTAV LEHMAN was arrested on the same day May 20 with his 
 brother Otto, only a little earlier in the morning. He was working as a 
 carpenter, on a new building at the southwest corner of Sedgwick and 
 Starr Streets, when Officers Schuettler and Hoffman accosted him, and his 
 home at the time was at No. 41 Fremont Street, in the basement of a small 
 building. He had a poor, sickly wife and six children. His wife, who 
 subsequently died in the County Hospital, in July, 1888, when she was 
 notified of his arrest, said :
 
 A WOMAN'S REMONSTRANCE. 
 
 303 
 
 "Well, I am very sorry for my dear husband, but now my words are 
 coming true. He would take the last cent out of the house and run to 
 meetings every night. Instead of leaving the money at home to buy 
 clothing with for the children and medicine for myself, he would spend the 
 last cent in saloons. At times when I heard him and others talk about 
 capitalists, about an equal division of everything, I thought it all very 
 foolish, and I would tell my husband so. The only answer he would give 
 me was : 
 
 "'Oh, you old women don't know anything. You come to our meetings, 
 and there you will be enlightened and learn how we are going to have 
 things before long.' 
 
 " I often told him, ' You will have things so that you all will be locked up 
 and beg for mercy and be glad to go to work and let other people alone.' 
 One day he didn't work ; he wanted to 
 go to a meeting on the West Side. I 
 reasoned with him and asked him to 
 stay at home. I was afraid they would 
 all be arrested for their foolish under- 
 takings. Gustav got mad at me and 
 said : 
 
 " 'Now is our time or never. Before 
 one month is over we will have things 
 our own way. We have already got the 
 capitalists, the militia and the police 
 trembling in their boots. We are pre- 
 pared, and, as soon as we strike the first 
 blow, they will run away. Those that 
 don't run we will kill. We don't expect 
 to give them quarter. ' ' 
 
 The poor woman had clearly fore- 
 seen the outcome, and with rare judg- 
 ment and fine instinct, in spite of her lowly station in life, she had 
 sought early and late to instill into her husband's mind some practical 
 ideas of life. Within the limited lines of her observation she had grasped 
 the problem of social existence, its struggles, its sufferings and its rewards, 
 and she intuitively knew that such changes as her husband and others of his 
 ilk desired could never be brought about by revolution in a free country. 
 She loved her husband tenderly, and would have made any sacrifice for him. 
 But he, rather than forego attendance at a single meeting, preferred that 
 wife and children should surfer want. He kept his family in constant sus- 
 pense and ranted like a madman. 
 
 Lehman was a man about forty-five years of age, weighed two hundred 
 pounds, and, although he had only the use of one eye, he was a good mechanic. 
 
 GUSTAV LEHMAN. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 304 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 When he was brought to the station he was asked his name. 
 
 "I don't give any name," he answered, somewhat indignantly. 
 
 "Why not? " asked I, in a pacific tone of voice. 
 
 "Because," was the gruff answer, "I don't want anything to do with 
 you. " 
 
 " Oh, you don't. I am pleased to make your acquaintance. We don't 
 find such a great man as you are every day. Officer, take this man to a 
 safe place down stairs and leave him there until we want him again." 
 
 "Well, you don't scare me any," thundered the burly Lehman. 
 
 "Well, now, we don't want to scare you," retorted I pleasantly, "but I 
 thought you needed rest. You won't feel so tired when you see us again. 
 You will find more of your friends down stairs. If you talk to any one, 
 you will be taken away from here and sent to the Desplaines Street Station." 
 
 At the last remark Lehman winced perceptibly. The name of the Des- 
 plaines Street Station grated harshly on his ear, and he evidently felt that I 
 had some surprise in store for him. He could have lightly passed by any 
 other thrusts, but this nettled him. It was made for a purpose. I knew 
 that all Anarchists had an intense hatred for that station, and greater than 
 their hatred of the place was their anger against Bonfield, who had charge 
 of it. They would rather suffer torments anywhere else than be cast into 
 a cell in that place. 
 
 But Lehman shortly recovered his equanimity, and, assuming a stolid 
 indifference to his surroundings, remarked : 
 
 " If you think you can make me 'squeal,' you are badly mistaken." 
 
 ' ' Oh, no ; we don't want you to ' squeal, ' " said I. " We are rather afraid 
 you will beg to be allowed to come here and sit on your knees to tell us all 
 you know about making bombs and dynamite all about your meetings 
 how often you have presided at meetings and how much dynamite you got from 
 Lingg ; and to tell us all about your brother, and where your son is hiding 
 now, and where you placed the bombs that you carried around in your 
 pocket on May 4; how bad a headache you had after filling the bombs with 
 dynamite at Seliger's house. You see, August, we simply want to call your 
 attention to all these little things that's all." 
 
 This charge proved a little too strong for the doughty Lehman. He had 
 kept up his courage well, but the rapidity of the assault, the dark secrets 
 hinted at and the insinuations made had taxed his powers of resistance 
 almost beyond endurance. His facial muscles twitched, and for a moment 
 he wrestled with himself. He asked for a glass of water, and, quaffing its 
 contents to the last drop, he rallied and straightened himself as if deter- 
 mined to hold out in spite of his nerves. Recovering his breath and strug- 
 gling with his emotions, he said : 
 
 " If you have the power to hang me, do so. I have belonged to the 
 cause so long that I will die before I reveal anything."
 
 THE HERMANN BROTHERS. 305 
 
 That was sufficient. Lehman was taken down stairs and locked up. The 
 very next morning he sent the janitor to my office with a request to see me. 
 I told the janitor that I was very busy and could not be interrupted unless 
 Lehman had something very important to communicate. To this Lehman re- 
 plied that he had discovered that there were other men locked up down 
 stairs, and he was satisfied that if they had a chance they would "squeal." 
 Would I accord him an interview? He was brought up,, and, in the pres- 
 ence of Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann and the officers, proceeded to 
 unfold a very remarkable tale. He began very cautiously, evidently follow- 
 ing the instructions laid down in John Host's book for Anarchists in trouble, 
 but, as the questions were plied upon him, he soon discovered that he was in 
 a very "tight box." He finally asked if there was any prospect of his be- 
 ing hung. He was informed that he must tell all he knew, and all must be 
 true ; that we did not want him to try to lie himself out of his trouble or tell 
 a falsehood against an innocent man. Probably he would be called on to 
 testify in court, and, of course, if he was a witness for the State, he would 
 not be hanged. 
 
 " I do trust you men," he said, and revealed all the secrets that he knew, 
 without reserve as to his own deeds and the experiences he had had with the 
 other Anarchists. His statement gave the officers important points. 
 
 After the trial, Lehman declared he had no more use for Anarchy. He 
 became a good husband and a kind father. In 1889 he married again, and,, 
 strange to say, Officer Nordrum acted as ' best man " at the ceremony. 
 The nature of Gustav's testimony appears in the evidence he gave at the 
 trial. 
 
 ABRAHAM HERMANN was a man of different temperament ; but, after his 
 arrest, he showed a somewhat similar disposition as to secretiveness and 
 stubbornness. He was arrested on the evening of May 10 at eight o'clock. 
 He lived at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. He was about thirty-four years of 
 age, medium build, and weighed about 185 pounds. He was of dark com- 
 plexion, wore a full black beard, had sharp, piercing eyes, and from think- 
 ing much on Anarchy, had come to present a sickly appearance. He did 
 not look at all vicious, however, and was very quiet in his manner. He was 
 a good machinist and fully conversant with the German language. In con- 
 versation he was slow and deliberate, evidently thinking twice before speak- 
 ing. 
 
 At the time Abraham was taken in charge, his brother Lorenz was also 
 arrested. Abraham's house had been searched a week before, and two 
 rifles had been found and taken to the station. When the officers met the 
 brothers, they were told to come to the station to identify their property, 
 and when they set foot inside my office they were notified that they were 
 under arrest. They manifested no surprise. Abraham was asked if he had 
 anything to say. He wanted to know what about, and when informed that
 
 306 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 we wanted information about Anarchy, he slowly replied that he "did not 
 know any Anarchists." 
 
 "You can probably tell us something about how to drill Anarchists and 
 how much profit you made on the rifles, or the 44-caliber Remington 
 revolvers ; or perhaps tell us how many men you had in your command on 
 the night of the 4th of May around this station, and tell us about the 
 
 ZEPF'S HALL. From a Photograph. 
 
 trouble you had with Lingg in Neff's Hall at eleven o'clock, May 4th, after 
 the explosion of the bomb at the Haymarket. " 
 
 I could have put a few more queries, but I stopped to watch the effect. 
 Abraham's eyes bulged out for a moment in surprise, but not a word did he 
 have to say. He was at once locked up, and for nearly three days betrayed 
 no signs of weakening. On the third day he showed a little anxiety and 
 expressed a desire to see me. He was brought up, but, getting into a com- 
 fortable room, where the light of day made all surroundings cheerful, he 
 became rather buoyant and seemed loth to depress the spirits of others 
 by unfolding harrowing tales of Anarchistic plots. I tried to engage him 
 in conversation, but the answers came in monosyllables and with a sort of
 
 ABRAHAM HERMANN'S STORY. 307 
 
 guttural emphasis. The situation was becoming very tiresome. I thought 
 Abraham had suddenly been seized with the lockjaw, but determined to 
 fathom the man's mind. I urged him not to be guided by Most's book, 
 we understood that, but to speak out if he had any information to give. 
 If he had nothing to impart, to say so. He promptly saw that the situa- 
 tion was growing critical, and that, if he still refrained from speaking, 
 possibly his last chance for saving himself might be gone. He relaxed the 
 muscles of his face, opened his lips and prepared to talk. It was a great 
 effort, but he evidently realized that something must be done. 
 
 "Well," he finally drawled out, "I don't know what to tell you. It 
 seems to me you people know about everything and have things down as 
 correctly as I can give them to you. And you know all about me, too. I 
 say this for myself : I don't know anything about the laws of the country. 
 I have been told by people that ought to know better, that for what we 
 were doing there was no law. I now see my mistake." 
 
 Hermann then gave information on himself and others, and stated that 
 he had never liked Lingg. Lingg, he remarked, was the most rabid Anar- 
 chist he had ever seen, and he almost believed that the man had a dyna- 
 mite bomb in his head. He himself had never had anything to say in 
 favor of the use of dynamite. He was a military man, and believed in the 
 use of rifles. He had held that all the Anarchists should be well drilled 
 and that no man should carry arms unless he knew how to use them. He 
 was opposed to throwing stones or fighting in the streets. He believed in 
 swords and good riflemen, and he was one of that class. His idea was 
 never to undertake anything until fully prepared, and when they were pre- 
 pared to let their work show the result. 
 
 During the interview he was very cautious in his statements, but he did 
 not spare the leaders. At the same time he would not implicate any one 
 of no special consequence in the order. His statement, however, was as 
 sweeping as it was surprising. He was implicity believed by the officers, 
 as candor and earnestness were manifest in his disclosures. 
 
 Hermann was indicted by the grand jury, but after he had been in custody 
 for awhile he was released by order of the State's Attorney. At the beginning 
 of the trial he was brought in again and confined until its termination. He 
 was then given his liberty. He has since become an industrious man, and 
 has only had two or three relapses by attending some of the open, public 
 meetings. He now declares, however, that he is through with Anarchy. 
 
 What he had to say to Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, myself and 
 the officers was this : 
 
 "I have belonged to the North Side armed group since 1883. The 
 members of the group are as follows : Schwab, Rau, Huber, Neebe, the 
 two Lehmans, Thielen, Lingg, Hubner, Seliger, Lange, Schnaubelt, Lorenz 
 Hermann, Abraham Hermann, the two Hagemans, Heyman, Niendorf and
 
 3o8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Charley Bock. We were about forty men strong on the North Side. I do 
 not know anything about the word ' Ruhe.' On Monday, May 3, at 9 P.M., 
 I attended a meeting of the metal-workers at Seamen's Hall, on Randolph, 
 near Jefferson Street. I saw August Spies. He was passing and handing 
 out some of the circulars that called for revenge upon the law and the 
 police. Spies was at the meeting when I got there, and he had a handful of 
 those circulars. I saw Spies busying himself around the meeting talking 
 to the people. The secretary of this meeting was a man named Hahne- 
 man. Lange was president. I belong to the North Side branch of the 
 same union. But this was a general meeting. I only knew a few of the 
 members present. The president of the meeting works for a firm on 
 Wabash Avenue a brass-finisher named Andrew or Andre. When I left 
 this meeting at ten o'clock I went to 54 West Lake Street. As I came into 
 the saloon some one said that there was a meeting down stairs. I went 
 down Waller was president of that meeting. I also saw Fischer there. 
 I know Schnaubelt. He was there. When the question came up about 
 printing the circulars for the Haymarket meeting, Fischer said that he 
 would see to it. Some one suggested that letters should be sent to the 
 armed people or members in surrounding cities near Chicago, asking them 
 to attend to the police and militia there, so that they could not come to the 
 assistance of the officers or police of this city. On my opposition the prop- 
 osition was dropped. I saw Hubner and Lingg at that meeting. As I 
 came in some one said, 'Lingg is going to attend to that.' I understood 
 it to mean furnishing the dynamite bombs. I saw the meeting was intended 
 for mischief, and I left the place. At a meeting May 4, at 8:30 P.M., in 
 the hall in the rear of Neff's saloon, 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard that the 
 plan of operation decided upon was the same as given to the armed men at 
 54 West Lake Street. So far as I remember the plan, it was something like 
 this : Some of the armed men were to go to the police stations, and, if the 
 police were called out, to throw dynamite bombs among them, set the houses 
 on fire and keep the police on the North Side. As far as I know, the North- 
 west Side group had a similar plan. Lingg was not there at this time. 
 All members present were anxious to see him come, waiting for bombs. I 
 was in the hall about an hour. I went back again the same evening May 
 4 about eleven o'clock. The first I heard of any trouble was about 10:30. 
 A man whose name is Anton Hirschberger came into the saloon and told 
 us that there had been a riot at the Haymarket. At the same time a tall 
 man came in and said he had been at the riot, that a lot of bullets flew 
 around them, a bomb had exploded, and that either some one had stolen his 
 revolver or he had lost it. Then Neff said he was going to close up his 
 place, the hour being eleven o'clock. On Wednesday, May 5, I met Lingg 
 and Seliger at that place. I was surprised at meeting Lingg there, because 
 I thought then that he ought to have been locked up. Lingg spoke to me 
 and said, 'You are nice cowards.' I replied that he had better keep his 
 mouth shut, as he was the cause of the whole affair. Hubner and I were 
 there to attend a meeting of our people to be held on the quiet in Lincoln 
 Park. We were to meet at the park because we expected it would not be 
 safe to hold it anywhere else. What led me to think that Lingg ought to have 
 been locked up was because he was always advocating the use of dynamite 
 and bombs. That a bomb had been thrown was a fact, and I thought Lingg 
 ought to have been arrested for it."
 
 ABRAHAM HERMANN'S STORY. 
 
 309 
 
 On May 31, Hermann made another statement, as follows : 
 " I know August Spies. He is the editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung of this 
 city. I knew him to write several articles on revolution. I was elected as 
 an agent at a general meeting to procure and sell arms. This was in Octo- 
 ber last 1885. Balthasar Rau was chairman of that meeting. We had 
 several men as a committee. They were called the Bureau of Information. 
 It was composed of Parsons, from the English section ; Charles Bock, Ger- 
 man, also assistant secretary to Rau ; Hirschberger, French, and Miko- 
 landa, Bohemian. Every Anarchist looked to that bureau for information. 
 I used to get my guns from New York, from a man named Seeger. He lives 
 on Third Avenue. He was the middleman between me and the factory 
 
 where the arms were 
 made. I got twenty- 
 five revolvers last 
 February. They were 
 shipped direct to me 
 at No. 25 Clybourn 
 Avenue. I sold them 
 all at cost price to 
 members. That was 
 $6.50. The last two 
 revolvers I sold May 
 3, 1886 one to a 
 man named Asher, 
 and the other to 
 August, a bricklayer. 
 Before that I sold one 
 revolver to Schnau- 
 belt, one to Lingg 
 and one to Seliger. 
 It was Schnaubelt 
 who proposed at the 
 meeting held at 54. 
 West Lake Street, 
 ^T May 3, to notify out- 
 side cities, but I told 
 him it was all non- 
 sense. About two 
 weeks before this 
 meeting I met Brei- 
 
 TIMMERHOF HALL, 
 No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. From a Photograph. 
 
 tenfeld in a saloon, and said that I had often heard this letter ' Y,' and I was 
 bound to find out its meaning when it appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 Breitenfeld said that it meant a meeting of the armed men, and told me to 
 wait and he would get me into the meeting. I waited for a long time 
 about an hour. Then he came out, and I was admitted with him. I was 
 in the meeting with him for an hour, and then it adjourned. I have known 
 Lingg for six months. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street on the 
 evening of May 3, it was supposed then that the police would interfere 
 at the Haymarket, and then there would be a chance for a riot. Four 
 members of the North Side group were detailed at that meeting as spies. 
 If the riot should be a failure and we should get beaten by the police, our 
 gathering-places after that would be at Center Park, Humboldt Park, St.
 
 310 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Michael's Church, Lincoln Park and Wicker Park. The signal of attack 
 after the riot had commenced was to be an illumination of the heavens by 
 red fires. Some one asked for dynamite, and he was answered that Lingg 
 would furnish the stuff. The different spies detailed at that meeting were 
 to hold a meeting the next day, each division for itself, and afterwards in 
 a body at Zepf's Hall, to perfect all arrangements for the riot. I accused 
 Lingg of making dynamite bombs, and told him that if any trouble grew 
 out of it, it would be on his account. He called me a coward. I knew 
 that Lingg was in trouble in Philadelphia shortly before he left there." 
 
 LOREXZ HERMANN was twenty-six years of age, of slim build, with a very 
 sallow face, and apparentlx* a consumptive. His occupation was that of a 
 brass-molder, and he was a good workman. On his arrival at the station he 
 expressed great surprise at the impudence of the officers in compelling him 
 to come against his wilL He was asked his name, and he gave it. When 
 requested to spell it, he said he did not know how ; all he knew was that it 
 was Lorenz Hermann. Being questioned with reference to Anarch}*, he re- 
 plied that he did not know anything about it, and when accused of having 
 taken part in the revolutionary plot, he said he had not taken as great a part 
 in it as his brother had. He soon discovered that the police had a great 
 deal of information about his brother, and then he changed his tactics by 
 trying to smooth things over for Abraham. 
 
 "My brother," he said, "is married and has a f amily. I am single. I 
 want to see my brother out of this trouble ; no matter about me." 
 "Well, then," I interposed, "why not tell us something? " 
 "Me ? " asked Lorenz. " I don't know anything to tell." 
 He had evidently changed his mind on the spur of the moment, and he 
 grew exceedingly reticent. 
 
 " Well," said I, " I will tell you something then. I will call your attention 
 to May 4, between the hours of 8:30 and 10:30 P.M. You were around this 
 station with about nineteen other men, and among them was your brother. 
 You were to throw bombs into the patrol wagon in case the police were 
 called out to go to the West Side to assist the police at the Haymarket, but 
 you remained a little too long in a saloon on Clark Street. When you came 
 out and reached the corner of Superior Street and La Salle Avenue, you saw 
 three patrol wagons loaded with police going south on LaSalle Avenue, but 
 3 r ou were not near enough to throw a bomb. This made you very angry. 
 Then some of you went to Moody 's church and remained there for some 
 time. When you finally saw so many policemen coming to the station you 
 all got scared and went to the hall at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Oh, by the way, 
 which route did you take on leaving the station? Did you go to the Hay- 
 market or to Neff's Hall ? " 
 
 "I was at the Haymarket," replied Lorenz. 
 
 " Is it not true all that I told you about the station ?" 
 
 "Yes, that is true," responded Lorenz. "Some one told me about it."
 
 LORENZ HERMANN'S TALE. 
 
 311 
 
 "Who told you?" 
 
 " I don't know." 
 
 "You lie," said I. " You must tell us who ; that is the man we are after." 
 
 Seeing that he was gradually being cornered by his evasive replies, he 
 put on a bold front to the whole matter and answered : 
 
 " Well, I was there myself. I did not stay very long, and from there I 
 went to the Haymarket. I think Hageman and I went together." 
 
 Further questioning only brought out sullen responses, with very meager 
 information, but, after being allowed to think the matter over, he finally 
 concluded to make a clean breast of it. He was kept busy with explana- 
 tions for some time, and he gave me some very pointed information. He 
 was indicted by the grand jury and afterwards released by order of the 
 State's Attorney. Lorenz has never been heard of since, but it is supposed 
 he is now leading a quiet life and proving himself a better man. 
 
 His statement, among other things corroborative of what others had 
 divulged, contains the following : 
 
 " At a meeting held at 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard Engel say that 
 if they wanted to make bombs they could find plenty of gas-pipe on the 
 West Side, in the city yards, near the Chicago Avenue bridge, and then if 
 they wanted to learn how to make them they could come to him. All that 
 was necessary was to cut the pipes up into lengths of six or eight inches, 
 fill them with dynamite and put a wooden plug at each end. He had with 
 him at the time his daughter, who was about fifteen or sixteen years of age. 
 I saw Hirschberger, Hageman and Charles Bock at eleven o'clock on the 
 evening of Tuesday, May 4, in Neff's place, at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Hirsch- 
 berger told those present about the riot on the W T est Side. I was at the 
 Haymarket meeting in the company of Hageman, the carpenter. Two men 
 stood close together near me, and they looked suspicious. I was there at 
 the time the police came up. I got frightened and ran away. I ran with- 
 out stopping till I reached Neff's place, on the North Side. I found my 
 brother there, and I told him about the throwing of the bomb, its explosion 
 and what happened. I did not want to get mixed up in the affair, and that 
 is the reason I declined to speak at first. I belonged to the armed men of 
 the North Side. The revolvers and guns my brother sold he got from a 
 factory in New York. He sold about twelve guns to the Socialists. He sold 
 a box full of revolvers, about twenty in a box, for $6.90 a piece. For seven 
 months my brother acted as agent, under appointment, to procure and sell 
 guns and revolvers."
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Pushing the Anarchists A Scene on a Street-car How Herman 
 
 Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away The Secret Signal "D n the Informers" A 
 
 Satchelful of Bombs More about Engel's Murderous Plan Drilling the Lehr und 
 Wehr Verein Breitenfeld's Cowardice An Anarchist Judas The Hagemans 
 Dynamite in Gas-pipe An Admirer of Lingg A Scheme to Remove the Author The 
 Hospitalities of the Police Station Mr. Jebolinski's Indignation A Bogus Milkman 
 An Unwilling Visitor Mistaken for a Detective An Eccentric Prisoner Division 
 of Labor at the Dynamite Factory Clermont's Dilemma The Arrangements for the 
 Haymarket. 
 
 THE Anarchists, both in and out of prison, had begun to discover about 
 this time that there was a law in the land, and that its majesty would 
 be vindicated. They were confronted with stubborn, serious facts, and 
 they realized that they were in a world of perplexities. They had been 
 circumvented at every step in their efforts at concealment, and their plot 
 had been revealed in its most essential parts. Their leaders had been 
 gathered in, and their comrades were being arrested every day. Cunning 
 and shrewd as they supposed themselves to be, they had discovered that 
 society was equal to the task of probing their secrets. At first they had 
 assumed an air of bravado and indifference, but, seeing how easily their 
 bluff could be called and how closely we had the record of each, they real- 
 ized that evasion or silence was not calculated either to keep their necks 
 out of the halter or to save them from the penitentiary. Those arrested 
 nearly all turned craven cowards, and this situation of affairs did not con- 
 tribute to the comfort of those still outside, who were in momentary dread 
 of apprehension. Arrest followed arrest, and Mr. Furthmann and I were 
 kept exceedingly busy in directing the taking of confessions and assimilat- 
 ing the material for future use. Still the good work went on. 
 
 The first victim, after the Hermann brothers, to fall under police control 
 was Herman Muntzenberg. He was arrested on the evening of May 20, 
 at eight o'clock, and the circumstances attending his arrest were somewhat 
 peculiar. On the evening in question, Officers Schuettler and Hoffman 
 were transferring the Hermann brothers from the Larrabee Street Station 
 to the Chicago Avenue Station. They boarded an open street-car with 
 their prisoners, whom they placed on a rear seat facing front, stationing 
 themselves immediately behind on the platform. In the middle of the car, 
 facing to the rear, sat a stranger. Presently the officers noticed that the 
 man was making signs to the Hermanns. In response, Lorenz Hermann 
 placed his right hand over his mouth. This was followed by another sign 
 from the stranger. Officer Schuettler recognized the fact that the man 
 was a friend of the Hermanns, and he requested the prisoners not to divulge 
 the officers' identity. The stranger seemed to be in doubt about some-
 
 ARREST ON A STREET-CAR. 
 
 thing, left his seat, and, placing himself at the side of Abraham Hermann, 
 started a conversation. He appeared to be an old acquaintance. This 
 was sufficient for the officers. When the car reached the corner of Wells 
 Street and Chicago Avenue, the stranger was about to leave. He was 
 quietly told by the officers not to trouble himself just then to get off the car, 
 but to keep his seat a little while longer. Naturally the man was surprised 
 at this request of men whom he did not know, and indignantly declined to 
 ride any farther. The officers promptly told him to consider himself under 
 arrest and not to move if he valued his life. They had in the meantime recog- 
 nized the man as the little fellow who had carried the satchel filled with 
 dynamite bombs to Neff's Hall, along with 
 Lingg. It was Herman Muntzenberg. 
 
 The three prisoners were taken to the 
 station, and Muntzenberg was locked up 
 by himself over night. The next day he 
 was brought into my office. The density 
 of his ignorance respecting Anarchy or 
 Anarchists was astonishing. Like the rest, 
 he absolutely knew nothing. Some days 
 afterwards, however, he took a different 
 view of things. A confession was looked 
 for, and he was given an opportunity. 
 
 " I see everybody is in trouble," Munt- 
 zenberg began dolefully. " I am in for it 
 myself. I cannot help anybody; nobody 
 can help me." 
 
 He hesitated, as if trying to decide 
 what he should do, but finally, nerving 
 himself, he continued : 
 
 " I will bear my own trouble. I will hurt no one else." 
 
 "Ah," said I, "there is Hermann, for instance ; there are other people also 
 who have given you away. They have all professed to be your friends in 
 times past, and now they are trying to save their own necks and hang you. 
 So you want to remain silent under their charges ? Have you nothing to tell 
 on the others? " 
 
 " That would do me no good," answered Muntzenberg. 
 
 "Then," said I, " what have you to say about yourself ? " 
 
 "You don't know the least thing about me," defiantly remarked the little 
 man. 
 
 " Probably you had such a bad headache from the smell of dynamite that 
 you can't remember anything." 
 
 "Who told you I had a headache ? " broke in Muntzenberg, now intensely 
 interested. 
 
 HERMAN MUNTZENBERG. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 3H ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "Were you not afraid," I continued, not heeding the interruption, "that 
 you would fall into the basement when you sat on the iron railing at the corner 
 of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near the police station, or did you 
 feel confident that the bombs you had in your pocket would hold you in your 
 place? Another thing you are not in the habit of smoking cigars. Did 
 they make you sick ? " 
 
 Muntzenberg had remained somewhat passive up to this last shot, but he 
 suddenly showed there was a good deal of vitality in him. His eyes flashed 
 with excitement, and he was all attention. 
 
 " By the way, " I went on, " how much weight can you carry ? " 
 
 "What do you mean? " interposed the anxious listener. 
 
 " I mean how much did that gray satchel weigh that you carried to 58 Cly- 
 bourn Avenue May 4, about eight o'clock ? " 
 
 " D n the informers," ejaculated the now irate little Anarchist. " Give 
 
 me an hour to think matters over and call me again. " 
 
 He was sent back to his cell, and on the expiration of two hours he was 
 brought back. He entered the office very meekly, and at once said : 
 
 " Captain, I see it is no use for me to be stubborn. Will you treat me like 
 the others, if I tell all I have seen and what I have done myself ? " 
 
 " I promise you the same right and privilege." 
 
 Muntzenberg made his statement and was released by order of the State's 
 Attorney. He was a German, twenty-eight years old, five feet seven inches 
 tall, stoutly built, with large head and eyes, and followed the trade of a 
 blacksmith. At the time of his arrest he lived at No. 95 North Wells 
 Street. On his release he promised to testify whenever wanted, but about 
 the middle of the trial he took a leave of absence and has never been seen 
 since. Once it was reported that he was dead, but the report could not be 
 verified. Muntzenberg was a warm admirer of Lingg, Spies and Engel, 
 and a persistent woiker for their cause. He often lost several days' work in 
 a week to saunter out into the country, selling Most's books and telling people 
 to arm themselves. He earned good wages when he worked, and spent it 
 all for Anarchy. Like others, he acknowledged that he had been led astray 
 by incendiary literature. His statement was as follows: 
 
 "On May 4, about eight o'clock, I was sent to meet two men who 
 carried a satchel filled with dynamite shells or bombs. I met them about 
 a block from Thiiringer Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. I told them that I had 
 been asked to meet them and help carry the satchel. They said, 'All. right.' 
 I took it from them, put it on my shoulder and carried it to the hall. The 
 satchel weighed about thirty pounds. In the afternoon of that day, about 
 four o'clock, I came to the North Side and went to Hubner's house, No. n 
 Mohawk Street. He was not at home. I went out to look for him. I have 
 known him for some time. I found him. The second time I wanted to 
 see him I went to his house and found him at home in his room making 
 transparencies for that night's meeting at the Haymarket. He took lunch 
 then, and after that we went to Seliger's house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street.
 
 MUNTZENBERG'S NARRA TIVE. 3 1 5 
 
 Reaching there, Hubner told Lingg and Seliger that I was his friend and 
 all right. In the room of Lingg I saw two guns and two revolvers. Seli- 
 ger was filling the bombs with dynamite. Lingg was cutting the fuse. 
 One of them asked me if I had any sores on my hand. I said no. 'Then,' 
 they said, 'you can help us.' My task was to fill in with dynamite the 
 long gas-pipe shells. I filled six or eight shells or bombs. My head com- 
 menced to ache from the smell of the dynamite, so that I could not work 
 any longer. Hubner also worked, putting caps on the fuse. I saw three 
 or four men in the house at the time. I saw about ten round lead bombs on 
 the bed, all empty. After they were finished they were put under the bed. I 
 noticed about sixteen of the long gas-pipe shells or bombs about the room. 
 At dark Hubner and I went to Neff's Hall. Before leaving I saw one of 
 the two, Lingg or Seliger, bring in a satchel and empty it of dirty clothes. 
 As we were approaching the hall, Hubner asked me to see if they were 
 coming. I went to see, and met them in the alley near the street. Both 
 were carrying the satchel, each having hold of the ends of the handles on 
 the satchel. I asked if I should help them. They answered yes. As they 
 were tall men, I could not carry it with either one, and so I put it on my 
 shoulder and carried it myself. I took it into the rear hall back of the 
 saloon. After a little while one of them asked me where I had placed the 
 satchel. I told him. He said that was not the right place and asked me 
 to bring it back. So I went after it and put it into the narrow hall-way. 
 The satchel was two feet long, eighteen inches high and sixteen inches 
 wide. It was covered with gray canvas. It weighed about thirty pounds. 
 When I left Seliger's house at dark, I took along with me three long bombs. 
 I did so because one of the men there told me to do so. I knew they were 
 bombs in the satchel when I carried them. Some one passed us on the 
 street as we were going to the hall. Lingg said : ' Those are heavy tools,' 
 meaning the contents of the satchel, to throw the party we met off his 
 guard. I threw the three bombs I had into the lake on my way to Pullman, 
 because I learned they were dangerous and I did not want them any 
 longer. I saw at Neff's Hall that night, May 4, a crowd of men together 
 for a while, and then they began to part. They went away in groups of 
 five or six. They all went on Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. As 
 we got to Larrabee Street, they all separated and spread on Larrabee 
 Street. I went up to North Avenue and Larrabee Street to the police 
 station with a strange man. I remained there for some time. I saw Seli- 
 ger and Lingg near the station, going north on Larrabee Street. When I 
 was at Seliger's house one of the five men present said to me to throw 
 bombs into the police station to kill the police, and if any patrol wagons 
 escaped and came out to throw bombs into the wagons among the officers 
 and shoot the horses. This was for the purpose of preventing them from 
 giving assistance to each other. I smoked a cigar that night so that I 
 would have a fire ready to light the bombs with and throw them if neces- 
 sary. I only smoke cigars on Sundays, and, as I am not accustomed to 
 smoke much, the cigar made me sick. I sat for some time on an iron rail- 
 ing on Larrabee Street, opposite the police station, on the southeast corner. 
 I sat there about fifteen minutes. The wagon failed to come out, and, as I 
 felt sick and could not do much anyway, I went home. Lingg and Seliger 
 walked ahead of me. I saw them last when they crossed North Avenue, 
 going north on Larrabee Street. The next evening I went to No. 58 Cly- 
 bourn Avenue. I met Hubner, and he said that on the night of the shoot-
 
 316 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ing he was at Lincoln Park. I recognize this picture now shown me as 
 being that of Seliger. I saw him making dynamite bombs at 442 Sedgwick 
 Street on the afternoon of May 4 in company with Lingg. The man I 
 have seen locked up in this station I saw working and making dynamite 
 bombs in company with Seliger, and his name is Louis Lingg. When I 
 was at Seliger's house, Hubner told me to go to Lincoln Park, and there I 
 would get my instructions." 
 
 THE next Anarchist brought into the station was AUGUST GRAGGE. He 
 was a German, twenty-eight years of age, straight and stoutly built, a brick- 
 layer by trade, and lived at No. 880 North Halsted Street. He was arrested 
 on the 24th of May. I gave him an evening's audience shortly after. It 
 was apparent from his demeanor that he was a young man easily led astray 
 by men of force and decision of character ; therefore it was no wonder that 
 he had become an extreme Anarchist, especially since he had been thrown a 
 great deal into the company of some of the rankest leaders in the order and 
 had attended meetings where gore and plunder formed the chief topics of 
 discussion. When the authorities took him in hand, he soon modified his 
 opinions. He stated that, like a great many others, he had been misled to 
 believe that Anarchist doctrines were right and that no law existed to 
 interfere with them ; but after the law had been read to him, he acknowl- 
 edged that he had pursued a wrong course. He had been a man of sober 
 habits, and on being questioned he told a very straightforward story. After 
 giving such information as he possessed he was released by the State's 
 Attorney, and he promised to mend his ways. 
 
 The statement he made to me was as follows : 
 
 "A man by the name of Lange and another, August Asher, coaxed me 
 into the armed group. Charles Bock was our secretary four or five weeks 
 ago. I heard Rau and Lingg speak in Neff's Hall. Lingg spoke about 
 dynamite and called on us to arm ourselves. They also wanted us to buy 
 revolvers. I bought one a big one for $4. I paid $2 down. Asher 
 and I went to the meeting at the Haymarket on the evening of May 4. I 
 saw the circular that called that meeting. We had our big revolvers with 
 us when we went there. When the shooting commenced we ran. I fell 
 down, and about forty men ran over me and kept me down. I then lost my 
 revolver. We had a meeting on Monday night, May 3, at Neff's Hall. 
 Abraham Hermann had three or four revolvers for sale. Asher always kept 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and at times I would read it. The first man I heard 
 speak at the Haymarket was August Spies, then Parsons, and Fielden next 
 I saw Schnaubelt standing on the wagon with Spies. On account of its 
 looking like rain it was decided to go to Zepf's Hall. Parsons, however, 
 told the people to remain, as he only had a few more words. The police 
 finally came. Some of the people started to go away, but some one in a 
 loud voice urged them to remain. Then firing commenced. I heard the 
 explosion of the bomb. As I stated, I fell down. As soon as I could get 
 up I started to run for the North Side. I went to Neff's Hall. I found 
 there several that I knew. I told them I had lost my revolver and then 
 explained what had happened at the Haymarket. I carried my revolver in
 
 INCENDIARISM AND MURDER. 317 
 
 my hip pocket, and it dropped out as I fell. The revolver was loaded. I 
 know Lingg. I have heard him speak at least four or five times. He 
 would always call on the people to arm themselves. He also said that they 
 were too slow in getting arms and that the time would come for their use 
 and they ought to be ready." 
 
 GUSTAV BREITENFELD was next arrested. He was a German, aged thirty, 
 a brush- maker by trade, and lived in the lower flat of a two- story house at 
 No. 1 8 Samuel Street. On May 4 he was commander of the second com- 
 pany of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and he had previously taken an active 
 part at all Anarchist meetings. He was regarded as a star Anarchist on the 
 Northwest Side, and frequently visited the house of George Engel. 
 
 Gustav was an Anarchist jumping-jack. All that the leaders had to do 
 was to pull the strings, and he responded. He served on all committees, and 
 whenever in doubt as to any course of procedure he went to Engel for advice. 
 He lacked judgment and brains, and he sought to make up the deficiency 
 by consulting the leaders. But withal he was a dangerous man. He was 
 quick-tempered, but a coward when he thought he was not likely to get the 
 best of the situation. 
 
 On the night of May 4 he had his company ready near the city limits to 
 murder people and set fire to buildings, only awaiting orders to set about 
 the work of general destruction. They expected to see the police flee from 
 the Haymarket, but as the reds did the running on that occasion, the com- 
 bination failed. Their " signal " committees were scattered and their com- 
 rades became demoralized at the unexpected charge of the police. 
 
 Breitenfeld and his company heard the shooting at their place of rendez- 
 vous, and, failing to receive the signal to begin the attack, he went to 
 Engel's house to ascertain what was wrong. Learning of the drubbing his 
 comrades had received at the Haymarket, he was not anxious to take simi- 
 lar "medicine," and he skulked away like a whipped cur. A house had 
 been chosen near the limits for the incendiary torches of his company, and it 
 would have been in flames on their first advance if they had received the 
 signal. But the company were dismissed, and all hurried home to escape 
 danger. For two weeks they were in mortal dread of the police. 
 
 If, however, these misguided men had been started that night, with all 
 things in their favor, there is no telling what fearful havoc they would have 
 created. The company was composed of men desperate enough, under 
 proper encouragement, to have murdered people asleep or awake They 
 would have held high carnival if the Haymarket meeting had come out 
 according to expectations, and the able-bodied and the helpless would have 
 suffered alike at their hands. Their plan was to shoot or stab everybody 
 who opposed their onward march into the city, and, crazed with success, 
 they would have hesitated at nothing. 
 
 Breitenfeld knew all the villainous arrangements, and he was therefore a
 
 3i8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 man the police sought after. He was found on the 25th of May, at about 
 seven o'clock, by Officers Stift and Schuettler, and brought to the Chicago 
 Avenue Station. When I had the honor of meeting him, he at once assumed 
 military airs, but he soon found himself reduced to the ranks. As he was 
 one of the few who understood English, the law on conspiracies was read 
 to him. Then he was informed that he had been indicted, and was told 
 what could be proved against him. He became terribly excited, could 
 hardly speak, but finally managed to say : 
 
 " Gentlemen, you have got the wrong man. You want to get my brother. 
 I am not that Breitenfeld. I am a good, peaceable man." 
 
 He was informed that lies were at a discount in the station just then, 
 and that if he desired to speak and tell the truth an opportunity would be 
 given him. If not, we would tolerate no nonsense. He refrained from 
 speaking, and was sent below. 
 
 The next day he sent word that he wanted to see me. He was brought 
 up, and on being seated before Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann and 
 all the officers, he said : 
 
 " Gentlemen, I beg your pardon. I told you a lie. I am the man you 
 want. I have a wife and family, and I love them. I beg of you now, if you 
 let me speak, I will tell the truth and everything I know." 
 
 " Tell all you know," said I, " and remember that I will know when you 
 tell a falsehood." 
 
 "I know you have everything by this time. If I tell you all and become 
 a witness against these other fellows, will you let me go ? " 
 
 " If you tell all and the truth. I will see the State's Attorney for you and 
 ask him to take you as a witness." 
 
 Breitenfeld thereupon made a statement, and a few days later he was 
 released. When subsequently called on to testify, he refused to do so. He 
 had told others that the State could not convict anybody, and he would not 
 help the prosecution. He was, therefore, let alone. He is still under 
 indictment. With the lesson he had received it was thought he would reform. 
 In this we were mistaken. He has since attended a number of meetings, 
 and at the funeral of Mrs. Neebe turned out with his company. He is the 
 same unrepentant Anarchist that he was before his trouble, but he is being 
 carefully watched wherever he goes. 
 
 This is what he swore to at the station in the presence of Mr. Furth- 
 mann, myself and the officers : 
 
 "My name is Gustav Breitenfeld. I am thirty years ofd. I am mar- 
 ried and I reside at No. 18 Samuel Street. I am a brush-maker. I am 
 captain of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. We have 
 twenty men in our company. I know Fischer and Schrade. Schrade is 
 drill-sergeant of my company. On Sunday, May 2, I was at Pullman. I 
 heard of the riot plan on Monday afternoon, May 3. I know George 
 Engel, Deitz and Fischer. They are the principal leaders in the North-
 
 BREITENFEL&S RE VELA TIONS. 3 1 9 
 
 west Side group and of the armed men. Heier is the name of the man 
 who keeps Thalia Hall on Milwaukee Avenue. I know Kraemer ; he lives 
 in the rear of Engel's house. I think I saw Kraemer at the meeting held 
 on the evening of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I know Schmidt, the 
 carrier of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. At that meeting I saw Krueger, Schrade, 
 Gruenwald, Clermont, Kraemer, Deitz, Engel, Fischer, Schnaubelt and 
 Waller. Waller was the chairman of the meeting. The first thing I heard 
 they were denouncing the police force for killing the workingmen at 
 McCormick's factory. I saw the revenge circular, which called the people 
 to arms. I heard Engel say that when the word ' Ruhe ' should appear in 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung, every one should go to his meeting-place selected by 
 them and be ready for action. I heard some one say that as soon as they 
 saw the heavens illuminated with red fires, then was the time to commence 
 the revolution. Engel and Fischer volunteered to carry the news form the 
 Haymarket to the armed men stationed at Wicker Park. Engel volun- 
 teered to act as a spy. I know Engel to have sold arms. At the meeting 
 of May 3, I heard some one asking for dynamite bombs. I heard Engel 
 respond that the dynamite bombs were ready and in good hands. Fischer 
 agreed to have the circulars, calling the Haymarket meeting, printed. It 
 was said lhat there would be from 20,000 to 30,000 people at that meeting, 
 and that the police would interfere. Then would be a good time to attack 
 them and get revenge on them for the killing of six of their comrades. The 
 word ' Ruhe ' would signify that they should get ready and be on the look- 
 out. Engel said that they should look for it in the Arbeiter-Zeitung on 
 May 4, and they were all to go to their respective places, as agreed upon, 
 with their arms or guns. The Haymarket meeting was decided upon as a 
 trap to catch the police. Engel, Kraemer and Krueger went to the meeting 
 to see if there was a big crowd there, and when they got back home Engel 
 said there were only 250 men present. I went to see Engel on the morn- 
 ing of May 4 at his house. He told me he had been at the meeting and 
 there were present the number I have given. I attended the meeting of 
 the Northwest Side group that decided to call the meeting for the evening 
 of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I heard, at the last-named place, sev- 
 eral say that the dynamite bombs were in good hands. I met Waller at 
 Thalia Hall on May 4, about' eleven o'clock in the evening, and he 
 remarked that they had had a very hot time of it at the Haymarket. I saw 
 Fischer on Wednesday, May 5, at Thalia Hall, and he then told me that 
 Spies had been arrested about four o'clock that morning. Spies is the only 
 one I know of the Spies family. I have known him five years." 
 
 WILLIAM HAGEMAN was the next to inspect our plain and unpretentious 
 office. He came in on his dignity and carried an air about him that plainly 
 exhibited his complete contempt for the police He was a German, about 
 thirty years old, round-shouldered, a stair-builder by occupation, was mar- 
 ried and had one child. He lived at the time of his arrest on the lower 
 floor of a house at No. 49 Reese Street, and he could always be found when- 
 ever Anarchist plots were to be executed. His brother was, like himself, 
 a rampant Anarchist, but with cunning enough to escape arrest. William 
 was found by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, about seven o'clock on the
 
 320 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 morning of May 26. He did not long remain in ignorance of the cause of 
 his arrest, and then he wanted me to understand : 
 
 " My brother is no Anarchist. If any one does any squealing on him, 
 don't pay any attention to it, because it all means me. I am the fellow. 
 The people often get us mixed." 
 
 "You are the worst Anarchist of the two," I remarked. 
 
 Hageman wanted to know how I had come to that conclusion. 
 
 " We know all about you," said I. 
 
 " If you know it, be sure and don't forget it," was the reply. " I am 
 sure you won't learn anything from me." 
 
 "All right. But just as sure as you are sitting there, I will find out all 
 your performances, and every one you associated with during the last two 
 years, before you leave this station. And you will tell it to me yourself." 
 
 " Never ; I will die first. I will kill myself first. I will stand any tor- 
 ture you may inflict on me, but I will never tell on my comrades or any one 
 that worked for our cause." 
 
 " You probably don't remember the job you pledged yourself to under- 
 take on the night of May 4. It was not a very small one either, but, of 
 course, your nerves not being very strong that evening, you came here to a 
 neighboring saloon several times to brace up, and your friends, lying in the 
 rear of this station, felt very much the same way as you did. So you 
 spelled one another and strengthened your nerves. Say, William, who said 
 that the bombs were not good ? You remember the third window in the 
 station on the east side of the building and the little quarrel about the 
 bombs whether a round lead bomb should be thrown or a long gas-pipe 
 bomb. Do you remember the two policemen that crossed the alley and 
 stood still for a moment in the middle of that alley when you fellows thought 
 you were discovered how you all got into the dark side of the alley and ran? 
 Now, remember, when you get ready to talk, I will tell my side of the story, 
 and should you get stuck, you see I can help you out a great deal. You 
 might recall what little you know of the Haymarket, how you were surprised 
 that only one bomb was thrown and how the fellows detailed for that duty 
 did not attend to their business. Here, officers, show this gentleman the 
 suite of rooms which he is to occupy for the next four weeks. If you desire 
 anything extra that is not on our bill of fare, just touch the button, and you 
 will be waited on promptly. Any inattention on the part of the waiters 
 must be reported to this office. If you should conclude to make a long stay 
 with us, you had better provide yourself with a good supply of tobacco. 
 You understand that when a man is at sea he finds that there are a good 
 many things he needs that would come in handy." 
 
 He did not like his apartments singular to relate. There was no 
 fire escape, the linen on the bed was not changed every day, and the noise 
 of his neighbors kept him awake of nights. He had struck the wrong
 
 VERY UNPLEASANT BUSINESS. 321 
 
 hotel, but his apartments had been engaged for him and paid for by the tax- 
 payers, and he could not gracefully withdraw. 
 
 Hageman first got tired, then angry, and finally desperate. He realised 
 that he was in trouble and made up his mind to take me into his confidence. 
 He reached this conclusion on the afternoon of May 27, and sent the janitor 
 to the office with a message that he desired to see me. He was informed 
 in return that he could not see me unless he meant to talk business. Hage- 
 man responded that he was ready to talk on any subject upon which he 
 might be questioned, and he was accordingly brought into the office, into 
 the presence of Mr. Furthmann, myself and the detectives. 
 
 "Well," said I, "I understand that you want to see me." 
 
 "Yes, I do," was the response, "but not in the presence of all these 
 fellows." 
 
 "Why not?" 
 
 " Because my business is with you alone." 
 
 "Well, you see, William, I am only one, and as what you tell here, 
 which must be the truth, will have to be given by you in the Criminal Court, 
 and as I may probably get killed before that time, there would be no one to 
 testify to your statement if given to me alone." 
 
 " Oh, that is the way you want to catch me ! " 
 
 "There is no catch about it. If you don't want to make a statement in 
 the presence of all these men, I don't want to hear anything from you." 
 
 "Will you answer me one question ?" asked Hageman, getting a little 
 apprehensive that he might lose his only chance. " It is, has any one out of 
 the many people locked up here squealed ? " 
 
 " Well," I answered, "most of them have already done so, and the others 
 are fairly breaking their necks to follow suit." 
 
 " This is a very unpleasant thing to do." 
 
 "Yes, that is true." 
 
 " Can I get out by telling you all I know, and can you keep me from tes- 
 tifying in court? You know this will kill a man forever." 
 
 " Yes, but a great many policemen were killed, and they simply obeyed 
 orders. If you think you are better than a policeman, you had better go 
 down stairs again and await your trial in the Criminal Court." 
 
 " Now, see here, Captain, I would never tell on anybody, but I have got 
 a wife and little baby at home. It almost sets me crazy thinking of them, 
 and for their sake I will tell all." 
 
 Hageman did as he promised, but in the interview that ensued it became 
 apparent that he was a double-faced man, and that, when it came to his 
 family, he did not care a fig whether he landed the other fellows on the gal- 
 lows or in the penitentiary. He had been a brave, boasting Anarchist. 
 He had been accustomed to talk with his associates over foaming "schoon- 
 ers " of beer, and the more beer there was the greater his talk about killing
 
 322 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 people and overthrowing capital. He was a great reader of Anarchistic 
 papers and literature, and the more fiery and unbridled the sentiment, the 
 better he was pleased. He took a hand in every movement, attended all 
 the meetings and picnics of the reds, and made himself quite a useful mem- 
 ber of the order. He continually boasted of the bombs that he had hid 
 away for use, and promised to let capitalists hear from him. The bombs 
 he had were found to be of the round lead and gas-pipe patterns, and some 
 of them he had received from Fischer a long time before May 4. He had 
 been posted as to the manufacture of bombs by Lingg, and was a warm 
 friend of Engel, whose talk about bombs suited him exactly. Hageman 
 could not listen patiently to any discussion from which dynamite was left 
 out, and in any peaceful gathering he was sure to become a disturber. If 
 there was no dispute, he would start one himself, and, if necessary, back up 
 his argument with blows. Whenever a dance or benefit was held to replen- 
 ish the treasury for the purchase of dynamite, he was promptly on hand and 
 exerted himself to the utmost to swell the receipts. Being such an active 
 member, it was natural that he knew a great deal about his order, and he 
 helped the State very materially with the points he furnished. 
 
 He was kept in custody until after the trial, and with the experience he 
 had in prison one would think that he would cut loose altogether from 
 Anarchy. Not so, however. While nearly all the others repented of their 
 error, Hageman had no sooner regained his liberty than he became as rad- 
 ical as ever. He even threatened several times to kill State's Attorney 
 Grinnell, Judge Gary, myself and others. After the trial, I had a detective 
 at every meeting of the Anarchists, and the reports brought me were that 
 Hageman and Bernhard Schrade were the most violent and determined men 
 in the union. 
 
 Hageman would boastingly say, " I never squealed to that man Schaack. 
 If they had all done as I did, they would know very little about the Anar- 
 chists." 
 
 One night, at 54 West Lake Street, this arrant knave was approached by 
 one of his supposed warm friends, who happened, however, to be in my 
 confidence, and who said to him : 
 
 " You don't like Schaack, and I don't like him. He is now here at the 
 Desplaines Street Station. We can go into the alley and shoot him in his 
 office. I have a revolver here with me now, and I will go into Florus' and 
 get one more. Then we will go and ' do him.' We will both go and fire 
 together and run. But mind, let there be no arrest in our case ; let us die 
 before capture." 
 
 " Do you mean this ? " asked Hageman. 
 
 " Here is my hand. Here is my revolver, and if you play coward on me 
 I will kill you standing up. Now, come on."
 
 A COWARD UNMASKED. 323 
 
 Did Hageman respond ? Not at all. He crawled on his belly with 
 excuses. 
 
 " That man Schaack," he said, " knows me so well that it is not safe to go 
 around there." 
 
 "Well," replied his companion, "we can go through a vacant lot." 
 
 " It is too dangerous, my boy," said Hageman. "I could do all this 
 well enough if I never would be found out." 
 
 "Well," said the companion, "you are a crazy coward, and don't you 
 ' shoot your mouth' hereafter where I am." 
 
 Hageman subsided for the time, but he is again as rampant as ever. 
 
 Here is Hageman's statement, which he made "for the sake of his own 
 family," but which helped to drive the nails into the coffins of other families : 
 
 "I was at the meeting held at Neff's Hall, No. 121 West Lake Street. 
 I saw Lmgg there and heard him address the people, calling them to arms. 
 I also saw Thielen, the two Lehmans and Peter Huber. Niendorf was 
 chairman of the meeting, which had been called to consider the eight-hour 
 movement. Some one at that meeting called out that there was a meeting 
 at No. 54 West Lake Street and said, ' Let us go there.' Then a number of 
 us went, including Hubner, Thielen and myself. I stood at the right hand 
 side as one entered the basement after I got there. The meeting lasted 
 from half to three quarters of an hour. I saw there Fischer, Engel and 
 Waller. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel speak. He told us to 
 watch for the red fires, and when we saw them in the heavens, then was the 
 time to commence the revolution. The fires were to be the signals for the 
 outside posts that the riot at the Haymarket had commenced. It was also 
 to be regarded as a signal that the police had made an attack on the meet- 
 ing at the Haymarket, and then we should commence the work of destruc- 
 tion. Every one should pick out houses beforehand, so that they could be 
 set on fire when the signal was given. Engel also said at this meeting that 
 the stuff, meaning dynamite, was cheap, and that any member could buy 
 some. He referred to the police and said that if they saw a patrol wagon 
 on the street filled with officers they should destroy the wagon and the 
 police by throwing bombs into the wagon. He (Engel) urged every man to 
 do as much harm as possible, meaning destruction of property and killing 
 people. I heard this plan repeated afterwards by a black-whiskered man 
 named Waller. Waller said that this plan for the revolution had been 
 adopted by the West Side armed group. Hermann and I were at the Hay- 
 market meeting, but when the shooting began we ran away." 
 
 ALBERT JEBOLINSKI was another welcome guest on the 26th of May. He 
 had been frequently invited to partake of the hospitalities of the station, but 
 he appeared to be contented with putting up with dingy quarters in out-of- 
 the-way places rather than run the risk of meeting a policeman. But on the 
 day in question he received such a pressing invitation from Schuettler and 
 Hoffman that he finally yielded. He was a German Pole, thirty-five years 
 of age, of slim build, and, with a dark mustache and large goatee, he looked 
 like a Frenchman. He lived at the time in a two-story brick building, first 
 flat, at No. 1 1 Penn Street. The officers knew that he was a very sus-
 
 324 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 picious man and that he would run blocks to get out of the way of a police- 
 man, so great was his hatred of the force. They therefore approached his 
 house cautiously, lest he might mistake them for blue-coats. They called 
 rather early, four o'clock in the morning, and Schuettler, giving a regular 
 milkman's rap on the door, brought Mrs. Jebolinski to the front. 
 
 " Who is there," she shouted before venturing to open the door, '' and 
 what is wanted ? " 
 
 "I am here the milkman," responded Schuettler. "I want to see 
 you, madam."* 
 
 With this assurance Mrs. Jebolinski opened the door, but the moment 
 she discovered that it was not the milkman, she slammed the door to not 
 quick enough, however, to close it, for the officer, seeing his chance, had 
 thrust his foot between the door and the frame. Hoffman came at once to 
 the rescue and informed the woman that I had sent him after her husband. 
 
 " We don't know anything about Capt. Schaack," she responded, and 
 again tried to close the door. 
 
 "Well, madam, I am sure the Captain knows something about you 
 folks." 
 
 And with this bit of information the officers pushed the door open. 
 This was too much for Mrs. Jebolinski. She shouted to her husband : 
 
 " O Albert, the spitzel, the police ! " 
 
 "Don't open the door for anybody," came in stentorian tones from 
 Albert in an adjoining room. " Keep them out ! " 
 
 The officers had meantime effected an entrance, and, following up the 
 voice, found Albert in bed. 
 
 " Good morning, Albert," said Schuettler, in pleasant, cheerful tones. 
 
 " Who told you to come here?" gruffly demanded Albert. 
 
 " Capt. Schaack desires to see you on pressing business." 
 
 " Oh, yes ; he must be in love with me, since he sent you so early to see 
 me. Has no one killed that d d bloodhound yet ? " 
 
 " No, Albert, you will have a chance to see him soon, and then you can 
 kill him." 
 
 "You go and tell Schaack that you have seen me, and that will be suffi- 
 cient. I will die first before I go. You cannot take me out of here. I 
 want my breakfast, and I will take a sleep before my wife calls me." 
 
 So saying, Albert jumped back into bed. Officer Schuettler remon- 
 strated, and was finally obliged to pull him out. Albert then refused to 
 dress. Talking to him had no more effect than talking to a stone wall. 
 
 Hoffman then opened the door, and Schuettler grabbed Albert under his 
 arm and walked out with him despite his kicks and resistance. They got 
 him out into the bracing atmosphere of the morning, and, although Albert 
 was not dressed for company, they started off with him. 
 
 Mrs. Jebolinski rushed out after them, and, wildly gesticulating, shouted :-
 
 A DISCONTENTED LODGER. 
 
 325 
 
 " Bring him back, bring him back, and I will dress him." 
 
 The officers retraced their steps, but not back into the house. They 
 took Albert to the wood-shed, and there he was dressed. 
 
 At the station he was invited down stairs and told that there were so 
 many who wanted to see me that he would probably have a rest for a week. 
 He was locked up, and during the first day he would neither eat nor drink. 
 He was not coaxed, however, and the next morning he called the janitor, 
 saying : 
 
 ' ' I am sick ; will you give me 
 a cup of coffee?" 
 
 The janitor replied that he 
 would have to wait till nine o'clock, 
 when the prisoners came down from 
 court. 
 
 "Well," said Albert, indig- 
 nantly, "if I don't get my coffee 
 now. you can 
 keep your 
 breakfast." 
 
 When nine 
 o'clock came 
 around the jan- 
 itor made the 
 round, inviting 
 the sleepers to 
 wake and get 
 their breakfast. 
 
 " You can go 
 
 to the d 1 ; you can't make me eat," said Jebolinski, and he settled him- 
 self for a nap. 
 
 But when the dinner hour came Albert made up for lost time and missed 
 meals. At four o'clock he sent the janitor to the office to tell me that he 
 wanted to see me. He was brought up. 
 
 " Well, Albert," said I, "how much do you weigh now?" 
 
 "You had better let me go home. I will never tell you anything. 
 It is no use keeping me here." 
 
 " I don't want you to tell me anything. I have secured more evidence 
 in the last few days than I want, and now they are all arrested. I am going 
 to prosecute you in court for conspiracy and murder ; so you need not 
 trouble yourself with being stubborn. I don't want to see you again, not 
 till I see you in court. Officer, take him back to the lock-up." 
 
 " So you can do without me? " 
 
 " Yes, I am sure I can." 
 
 A HASTY TOILET.
 
 326 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Albert was escorted down stairs, but inside of two hours he asked for 
 Officer Schuettler. 
 
 " I can see now," he said to Schuettler, " that that man Schaack wants 
 to hang me." 
 
 " I am sure he is done with you," replied the officer. 
 
 " I beg of you to tell the Captain I want to see him, and say to him that 
 I will tell him about the bombs and everything else." 
 
 Officer Schuettler reported the Anarchist's wishes, and Jebolinski was 
 once more brought up. He then confessed that he had four loaded bombs 
 planted, which he would show if taken out. 
 
 He was accordingly taken in charge by Officers Schuettler and Hoff- 
 man, whom he led to a place north of Division Street near a planing-mill 
 and linseed-oil factory. At that place there was a side-track, and, at a 
 point where the locomotives were stopped to be dumped of their cinders, 
 he unearthed his bombs. These bombs were covered with about four inches 
 of cinders, midway between the rails, and when they were taken out they 
 were found fully loaded, with fuse and caps. That there had been no 
 explosion is almost a miracle. Had a locomotive been stationed over the 
 spot for an hour, as frequently happened, the cinders would have been set 
 on fire again. In an instant locomotive and all would have been blown to 
 atoms, and no one would have known the precise cause. It was lucky for 
 some engineer and fireman, and, in fact, for the locality, that no engine 
 stood over the spot after those bombs had been planted. 
 
 On returning to the station, Jebolinski furnished the State with much 
 valuable information. He was indicted and held as a witness. But he was 
 never called, and after the trial he was given his liberty. He has been 
 watched since and found to be attending strictly to his own business. In 
 his statement he sets forth his attendance at the meeting at 121 West Lake 
 Street, where were present Lingg, Rau and others, and his presence at the 
 Haymarket meeting, from which he ran the moment the firing commenced. 
 He also described the bombs, three round lead and one long iron one, 
 which he had obtained from Hageman, the one-eyed carpenter. 
 
 PETER HUBER was another distinguished caller, by special invitation. 
 He was escorted to the office by Officers Whalen and Stift and took things 
 very coolly. He was a lank, lean, consumptive-looking fellow, only twenty- 
 nine years of age, and earned his living as a cabinet-maker. He was a 
 German, married, and had two children, living in a two-story frame house 
 at No. 96 Hudson Avenue. His manner was very quiet, and no one would 
 have taken him for an Anarchist. But Peter, nevertheless, was heart and 
 soul in the movement, and had regularly attended all the meetings. He 
 had never made a speech he was too diffident for that; he had never 
 advised any one on Anarchy, but he had come to be trusted, and he knew 
 all the leaders and all about dynamite bombs. He was so undemonstra-
 
 HUBERTS INFORMATION. 
 
 327 
 
 
 tive and non-communicative that at first I took him to be a paid detective in 
 the ranks of the Socialists. When he was asked a question, he would take 
 his own time to answer, and, once interrupted in his talk, he would stop 
 and say no more. 
 
 On the second day after his arrest May 25 Huber offered to answer 
 questions, and he did this without any inducement. He thereupon furn- 
 ished the State with several good points, and freely told everything. He 
 was indicted, but released by order of the State's Attorney. He was ready 
 to testify at the trial, but was not wanted. He has since kept away from 
 
 Anarchist meetings, and is now a 
 useful man to his family. 
 
 Huber's statement ran as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " I belonged to the North Side 
 armed group. I know Seliger, Hub- 
 ner, Lehman the carpenter, the two 
 Hagemans and Lingg. Some time 
 in February last, George Engel 
 made a great speechin Neff's Hall, 
 No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. I keep 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The Sunday 
 edition of that paper is called Die 
 Fackel, I saw the letter 'Y, ' and 
 the meaning of it is that, whenever 
 we should see it in the paper, then 
 /there would be a meeting held that 
 evening, of the armed men, at No. 54 
 West Lake Street. May 3d there 
 A DANGEROUS STOR- was one such meeting called for 
 ING-PLACE ^at evening. On that evening I 
 went to the saloon at No. 71 West 
 Lake Street and drank a glass of beer. From there 
 I went to No. 54 West Lake Street. While in the 
 saloon at No. 54 West Lake Street, I heard some one 
 say that a meeting would be held down stairs in the basement. So we 
 went down stairs. When I entered I saw about thirty or forty present. I 
 sat down on a bench, and we sat there for some time before the meeting 
 opened. I heard some one say that it would be an indignation meeting on 
 account of our workingmen having been killed at McCormick's factory by 
 the police on that day. I saw at that meeting the circular calling for revenge 
 and the people to arms, because of the killing of our brothers. I saw the 
 same circular that same evening at the hall No. 71 West Lake Street. Waller 
 was chairman of the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street. I met there Hub- 
 ner, Abraham Hermann, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the captain of the second 
 company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I heard Engel make a speech, and 
 during the whole time Breitenfeld was walking up and down the hall. I also 
 saw Schnaubelt and Thielen there. I was at Neff's Hall, No. 58 Clybourn 
 Avenue, early Tuesday evening, May 4th, and saw there Lingg, Seliger and 
 Hubner. I heard Engel, at No. 54 West Lake Street, explain his plan
 
 328 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and the work that should be done under it. A meeting, he said, would be 
 held at the Haymarket, and when the police interfered the crowd should 
 attack them, and the armed men should be ready for action. Some one 
 suggested that they should hold their meeting at the Market Square on the 
 South Side, between Randolph and Madison Streets. Some one else 
 remarked : ' No, that is not a good place ; it is a mouse trap. ' If they held 
 the meeting there and the police interfered, and the crowd resisted them, 
 the police would drive them all into the river. Some said, 'That's so,' and 
 then the meeting was fixed for the Haymarket, as Engel had suggested. 
 We expected from 20,000 to 30,000 people present. We all had the idea 
 that the police would interfere. Engel gave his plan about as follows : He 
 said, ' First call the meeting for the Haymarket,' and then urged that the 
 armed men be ready. He advised us to throw dynamite bombs into the 
 stations, kill the police, throw dynamite bombs into the patrol wagons and 
 shoot down the horses at the wagons. He repeated his plan for those who 
 came in later to the meeting. The revenge circular was distributed both 
 up stairs and down stairs at No. 54 West Lake Street. In the evening of 
 May 3d, I saw Spies and Rau together in Zepf's saloon. As to the word 
 'Ruhe,' I heard Engel say that when we saw that word appear in the 
 paper, then we might know everything was right and ready. And we 
 should watch for that signal. I heard Engel say that a man who could do 
 no harm or create no disturbance should stay at home, as he was not wanted. 
 When he had finished giving his plan, it was adopted. Schnaubelt said 
 that outside cities, where they had comrades, should be notified at once as 
 soon as the revolution was a success here. I saw Fischer at this meeting. 
 He went to the Arbeiter-Zeitung to see if he could print the circular that 
 night, calling the Haymarket meeting for the next evening. He came back 
 and reported that the office was closed. He said he would attend to it in 
 the morning. I saw Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg and Hubner in Neff's 
 saloon, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, about eight o'clock on the evening of 
 May 4th." 
 
 BERNHARD SCHRADE, a German, was a peculiar combination of eccen- 
 tricities. He was arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the 
 evening of May 26, at nine o'clock, on Milwaukee Avenue, near Division 
 Street. He was twenty-eight years of age, six feet tall, of straight and mus- 
 cular build, nervous and quick-tempered, a carpenter by occupation, and he 
 lived at No. 581 Milwaukee Avenue. When he was seated in the station it 
 did not take us long to ascertain all he knew about Anarchy. In speaking 
 of the Haymarket, he said that the right men had not been in their places, 
 or things would have turned out quite differently. They had plenty of arms 
 and bombs, he explained, but the leaders did not know their business. 
 Early in the evening there was a large crowd, he said, but the great majority 
 of them left in disgust because there was not a larger gathering and the 
 speeches were not radical enough to suit their ideas. They expected some- 
 thing fiery and impetuous. (This was about the time Mayor Harrison was 
 at the meeting, and the speeches were accordingly very mild.) Those 
 that left the meeting and did not go home, Schrade said, hung around the 
 saloons in the neighborhood. If six hundred police, he further said, had
 
 B OISTER O US RE VOL UTION1STS. 
 
 329 
 
 attacked the crowd an hour earlier, few of them would have been left with 
 their lives. He knew the arrangements, and, had the plan been carried out, 
 the loss of life would have been appalling. 
 
 Schrade was subsequently released by order of Assistant State's Attorney 
 Furthmann, and promised that he would testify in court. He was several 
 times sent after to give further information, and he always responded. 
 
 About one month after Schrade's release, he and two others visited a 
 saloon on North Avenue one night, and, after drinking a 
 great deal of beer, they became exceedingly noisy and 
 boisterous. The saloon-keeper attempted to quiet them, 
 but was finally obliged to call an officer. Now, none of 
 the bibulous individuals had any liking for a police- 
 
 
 AN OBSTREPEROUS PRISONER. 
 
 man. The moment they saw him enter they ordered him 
 out and threatened that if he did not get out they would 
 throw him out through the window. The officer was not 
 at all alarmed, and, seeing that he was bent on keeping them quiet, the three 
 disturbers pounced down upon him. The officer promptly brought his club 
 into play, and soon his opponents measured their length upon the floor. 
 The sawdust was sprinkled with blood, but, before the reds could make a 
 second assault, a citizen had brought the patrol wagon to the rescue. They 
 were taken in charge and thrown into the wagon in their drunken stupor, 
 and carted to the Larrabee Street Station.
 
 330 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 On the way Schrade revived somewhat, and, not quite satisfied with the 
 results of his former encounter, attempted to throw one of the officers over 
 the side of the wagon. He was clinched by the throat, however, and kept 
 quiet for the rest of the journey. The next morning the trio were fined in 
 the Police Court and released on payment of the fines. Schrade became 
 penitent and remained sober thereafter for some time. As he was out of 
 work, I paid his board bill for two weeks, and kept him under surveillance 
 to appear at the trial as a witness. When the trial began he was in good 
 humor and told the State's Attorney that he would give the same testimony 
 that he had given at the station May 26. He was accordingly produced as 
 a witness. On the stand he failed to unfold all the information he had pre- 
 viously given, but State's Attorney Grinnell knew all the points in his for- 
 imer testimony, and before he got through with Schrade he made him a good 
 witness for the State. 
 
 After the trial the police lost sight of Schrade for a long time, and won- 
 dered whether he had been quietly murdered by his former comrades or had 
 left the city for his own good. But one day an officer reported to me that 
 Schrade was still in the city. It was supposed, of course, that he would 
 never again be found in the haunts of Socialists. It was discovered, how- 
 ever, that he was a member in good standing of Carpenters' Union No. 241, 
 -formerly No. i. This is the most rabid Anarchist organization in the city, 
 .and, were it not for some comparatively conservative members, would have 
 Jong since sought revenge for the conviction and execution of the doomed 
 conspirators. 
 
 Schrade and Hageman, since their restoration to full membership, were 
 found to be as incendiary as ever in their utterances, and seemed to vie 
 with each other in their efforts to show that they were better Anarchists 
 even than before the time they informed on their companions and helped to 
 bring them to the gallows. In fact, they became so demonstrative that some 
 of the members threatened them with expulsion. For this they sought 
 revenge by working upon weak-minded persons to influence them against 
 the leaders in the organization. As long as the conservatives remain at 
 the head of the carpenters' union there is no special danger, but should 
 such fanatics as Schrade and Hageman ever secure control, look out for 
 blood. 
 
 AUGUST AHLERS was known to have been a close friend of Lingg, and 
 accordingly I eagerly sought his acquaintance. But Ahlers after the Hay- 
 market conceived an aversion to fresh air and kept himself in gloomy, 
 oinfrequented quarters. The officers knew that he had often visited Lingg's 
 room, sometimes remaining three or four hours, and, as Lingg never toler- 
 ated any one who could not be made useful, it was believed that Ahlers 
 could furnish valuable information if found. Mrs. Seliger had stated that 
 .a great many visited Lingg, but most of them sought to conceal their faces
 
 " / DON'T KNOW THE LEAST THING." 331 
 
 or disguise themselves in some way, generally sneaking into the house as if 
 they were going to steal something or kill somebody. This man Ahlers had 
 been one of this kind. Lingg had every man who assisted him do certain 
 special lines of work. Some would bring him lead, others gas-pipe, and 
 others again charcoal, etc. Ahlers had helped in some way, and, with a 
 pretty good description of him, the detectives were continually on the 
 watch. Finally Officers Whalen and Loewenstein found him on the a6th 
 of May, at No. 148 Chicago Avenue, and took him to the station. He had 
 a sneaking demeanor, and when brought before me I asked him to give an 
 account of himself between May 3d and May 6th. This he was unable to 
 do, but after having been locked up for a while he gave some information 
 about outside groups. As to Lingg he pretended to know very little, and 
 as the officers could not identify him with any particular person, he was 
 released on a promise of better behavior. He acknowledged having been 
 a great admirer of the Anarchist leaders and a strong supporter of Anarchy, 
 but now, he said, he would no longer affiliate with them. So far as the 
 officers have observed, he has kept his promise and is attending strictly to 
 his trade, that of a carpenter. 
 
 We had these kind of fellows by the hundred in this city on May 4, 
 1886, but fortunately God made most of them with big stomachs and no 
 heart or courage. 
 
 VICTOR CLERMONT, a German, was almost dumbfounded when he was 
 informed that I wanted to see him. Clermont is a French-sounding name, 
 and, when Officers Whalen and Loewenstein took him in charge on suspi- 
 cion, they mistook him for a Frenchman, especially as he looked very much 
 like one, having a dark mustache and goatee. Clermont was taken to the 
 station, and there gave his age as twenty-seven, occupation a cabinet-maker 
 and pool-billiard maker, and his residence No. 116 Cornelia Street. When 
 questioned with reference to Anarchy he expressed surprise that he should 
 be taken for an Anarchist, but when he was informed as to his having mys- 
 teriously sneaked into dark basements which were lighted up with candles 
 and whose doors were barricaded, he looked aghast. 
 
 "There is something wrong," he said. "Somebody wants to involve 
 me in the Haymarket trouble. I am sure I don't know the least thing 
 about Anarchists." 
 
 " Well," said I, " we will see if you can remember anything. Either you 
 or your wife has some relatives living near the city. After the 4th of May 
 you sent a lot of guns, rifles, ammunition and some bombs to them for safe- 
 keeping. You took them away at night, and you have been so careful as to 
 try and disguise yourself. Yet I cannot prosecute you on that. You have 
 also been an active member on the Northwest Side in all Anarchist move- 
 ments. You know all the things you have been engaged in, and so do we. 
 I have your record right here."
 
 332 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " Oh, yes," said Victor, "I hear that you fellows have things down very 
 fine, because you have everything your own way. Well, if I do acknowledge 
 all I have done, what are you going to do with me ? " 
 
 " I will do with you the same as I have done with others. I will hear 
 your statement and see if you can tell the truth. If you lie to me or about 
 any one else, I will stop you, and that is all. You are indicted, and I will 
 send you to jail. If you tell the truth I will send for the State's Attorney 
 and ask him to let you go, but you must appear as a witness whenever we 
 want you." 
 
 "I suppose," remarked Clermont, "that my case is like this if I don't, 
 some one else will squeal." 
 
 He then gave an account of himself and his Anarchist comrades. He 
 was subsequently released and visited me very often for several weeks. 
 He was out of employment and hard-up, and I gave him money with which 
 to support himself. One evening he called and said to the officers that he 
 had something important to tell me. I was very busy at the time and asked 
 him if he wanted some money. Victor replied that he did not desire money. 
 I offered him $5, however, and told him to come back the next day. He 
 would not take the money at first, but when I told him that I could not 
 wait any longer, he took it and left. On reaching Milwaukee and Chicago 
 Avenues, he met some of his old cronies and told them that he was going 
 away that night. Early next morning I was informed that he had gone. 
 Victor remained away for a year, but, thinking things had blown over, he 
 returned and set about to disabuse the Anarchists of the impression that he 
 had ever "squealed." While he has taken no active part in meetings since 
 the trial, he appears to feel that he stands well with the Anarchists, and 
 always tells them that when he" was arrested "he never gave anything 
 away." 
 
 His statement was as follows. It was given at nine o'clock on the even- 
 ing of May 26 : 
 
 " I belong to the Northwest Side Lehr und Wehr Verein, the second 
 company, of which Breitenfeld is captain. Some time ago, at a meeting 
 held at 54 West Lake Street, it was stated that the police would break up 
 their meetings if they knew when and where they held them, and that there- 
 fore it was necessary to adopt some secret way of calling their meetings. 
 We adopted, ' Y, komme,' and when we saw that letter appear in 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung on any day we might know a meeting would be held at 
 No. 54 West Lake Street. I was at Thalia Hall, May 3, early in the even- 
 ing. We were to have held a meeting to elect new officers of the company, 
 but no meeting was held. Some one came into the saloon and said that 
 there were four of our workingmen killed at McCormick's factory that after- 
 noon. Then some one said that a call for a meeting that evening at No. 
 54 West Lake Street had been published in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and a lot 
 of us went there to learn further particulars about the shooting of our men. 
 I there saw those circulars calling for revenge and the people to arms.
 
 VICTOR CLERMONT S STORY, 333 
 
 That circular made me very excited. I was one of the first to get to that 
 meeting at 54 West Lake Street. At the commencement of the meeting 
 we put a man at each door to prevent any one listening or seeing what was 
 going on in the inside, and to admit only members. That meeting was only 
 called for the armed men. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel make a 
 speech, and he presented the plan adopted by the Northwest Side group." 
 (Here follows a detailed account of the " plan," agreeing in every particular 
 with that given by other witnesses as to blowing up police stations, set- 
 ting fire to buildings, killing people, the use of the word " Ruhe, " etc.) 
 " We expected that there would be present at the Haymarket meeting from 
 30,000 to 40,000 people and that then there would be a good chance for us 
 to commence our revolution and attack the police and the government. 
 There were also to be spies at the meeting to communicate with the groups 
 in the outlying sections (Wicker Park and Lincoln Park). But the spies 
 did not do their work, and then after Engel's speech several got to talking 
 about guns, fires and bombs. On the motion of Fischer it was decided to 
 have 10,000 circulars calling the Haymarket meeting printed, and he said 
 he would attend to it. First Market Square was proposed, but some one 
 objected by saying it was a mouse trap in case of trouble, and the Hay- 
 market was agreed upon. Before finishing telling about his plan Engel 
 said it had been adopted by the Northwest Side group and referred to 
 Fischer to answer if that was not so. Fischer replied, ' Yes, that is the 
 plan.'" 
 
 I asked Clermont if that was the first time he had ever heard of the 
 " plan," and he replied : 
 
 " Yes, it was the first time I had heard of the revolutionary plan. I 
 never heard of it before, and only heard of it through Engel that night. 
 This was the only plan I heard of to be followed for the revolution. I was 
 at the Haymarket and expected to find a big crowd. To my surprise I 
 only found about five hundred present." 
 
 Clermont is now again in Chicago, and as rabid a red as ever. He 
 is a leader on the Northwest Side, and detectives have reported to me 
 that he has declared himself in favor of " bullets instead of ballots." He 
 is also a prominent organizer in the Anarchist " Sunday-school " scheme.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote Confessions by Piecemeal 
 Statements from the Small Fry One of Schnaubelt's Friends " Some One Wants to 
 Hang Me " Neebe's Bloodthirsty Threats Burrowing in the Dark The Starved- 
 out Cut-throat Torturing a Woman Hopes of Habeas Corpus ' ' Little " Krueger's 
 Work Planning a Rescue The Signal " ? ? ? " and its Meaning A Red-haired 
 Man's Story Firing the Socialist Heart Meetings with Locked Doors An Ambush 
 for the Police The Red Flag Episode Beer and Philosophy Baum's Wife and 
 Baby A Wife-beating Revolutionist Brother Eppinger's Duties 
 
 THE work of ferreting out and arresting the conspirators might have 
 stopped with the number already gathered in, so far as the necessity for 
 procuring evidence to be used in court was concerned, but it was continued 
 to the end that every conspicuous or minor character in the murderous plot 
 might be made to feel the power of the law, which each had so persistently 
 defied. I had the names and descriptions of all identified with Engel's 
 plan, their haunts, their traits of character, and their influence in the order, 
 and detectives, under instructions, were continually on the search. Anar- 
 chist localities were overhauled, unfrequented places visited, and convenient 
 hiding-places inspected. Every one wanted was finally brought from under 
 cover. Not a guilty one escaped, except Schnaubelt. Anarchistic sympa- 
 thizers did everything in their power to conceal their friends, but the police 
 proved equal to the emergency. 
 
 RUDOLPH DANNENBERG, a German, was one who held himself aloof from 
 the rest of humanity. He lived at No. 218 Fulton Street, and on the 27th 
 of May Officers Loewenstein and Whalen found him surrounded by his 
 family. During the few moments' conversation I had with him, it became 
 apparent that he was like all his associates a firm enemy of the existing 
 order of society. He stated that, although he was only a tailor, he could 
 fire a revolver as unerringly as any one and throw a bomb as far as any- 
 body. He declared that he thought himself adapted to something higher, 
 something better than being a tailor, and he had joined the Anarchists in 
 order to bring himself before the public and achieve distinction. He had 
 carefully read the Arbeiter-Zeitung, had noticed the names of various peo 
 pie, and he did not see why he could not become great like them and see his 
 name and deeds frequently paraded in the papers. He felt that he had the 
 requisite ability, and communicated his ambition and his desires to his 
 wife. 
 
 Mrs. Dannenberg was a plain, unassuming woman, and did not dare to 
 remonstrate with a man who had finally discovered his forte. He strutted 
 about the house with the conscious pride that greatness was within his 
 grasp, and his changed demeanor really impressed the woman to the extent
 
 A KNIGHT OF THE NEEDLE. 335 
 
 that she believed he was already a great man. Dannenberg lost no time in 
 joining the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and eagerly made the acquaintance of 
 all the leading men in the order. He secured recognition, and his heait 
 swelled with joy when he attended the secret meetings held by the order. 
 
 All these little confessions were adroitly extracted by piecemeal. Noticing 
 that here was a man who felt himself above the " goose " and the needle, I 
 concluded to send him below to discover, if he could, the difference between 
 being a tailor and an Anarchist in search of greatness. I treated him with 
 perfect indifference, and he seemed to feel the indignity greatly. He was 
 put in a cell, and for two days no one went near him except the janitor. 
 
 Dannenberg finally got uneasy and sent word that he desired to see me. 
 He was informed in return that he would be sent to the County Jail the 
 next day. He then wanted to know if he would not be given an oppor- 
 tunity to speak, and insisted on having a hearing. He was brought into 
 the office and told that he would be given just five minutes to tell what he 
 had to say. 
 
 "Gentlemen," he said, in great haste, "you think because I am a tailor 
 I am of no account, and consequently you seem disposed to punish me. 
 My oath is just as good as the other fellows'." 
 
 "What do you mean?" I inquired. "We have not asked you for your 
 oath, and we do not want it." 
 
 "Oh, I see now," said Rudolph, beginning to get angry, "you only want 
 the small fry. Well, look here, Captain, I don't give a continental. I will 
 tell on the other big fellows, now, for the fun of the thing. They must be 
 punished as well as the little fellows. It is evident that the other big fellows 
 want to talk themselves out." 
 
 " I think you have got the thing down very fine," were my consoling 
 words. 
 
 " Yes, I know the people want to hang somebody," said Rudolph, " and 
 if they can only hang a tailor they will be satisfied." 
 
 Time was called on the speaker, the five minutes having been exhausted, 
 and Rudolph was about to be escorted down stairs. 
 
 "Stop ! stop ! officer, I have not commenced yet to talk, and I want to 
 be heard." 
 
 "Well," said I, "you want to commence very soon." 
 
 Dannenberg again planted himself firmly in his chair, and then proceeded 
 to relieve himself of the burden on his mind. He gave quite an interesting 
 statement, and was subsequently released by order of the State's Attorney. 
 He was indicted for murder before his release, and he left after promising 
 to report when wanted. Some time after he was rearrested and put in a 
 room with fifteen others. 
 
 Every one of these fifteen was morose, sullen and dejected. There was 
 not a cheerful word among them. They felt uncertain about their own fate
 
 
 
 UJ 
 
 H 
 
 < 
 
 O 
 
 (J 
 
 O 
 J
 
 DANNENBERG' S RECOLLECTIONS. 337 
 
 and took a gloomy view of life. The presence of Dannenberg was like a 
 cheerful fire in a blizzard. He had forgotten all about the misfortune of 
 being a tailor and a crushed Anarchist, and he kept the company full of life 
 with his wit and drollery. 
 
 On his final release, Dannenberg went back to his trade, quit Anarchy, 
 and now takes the greatest sort of pride in telling his friends that he is sim- 
 ply a " knight of the needle." 
 
 After stating his age to be thirty-two years, Dannenberg swore : 
 
 " I went to the meeting in the basement at No. 54 West Lake Street. I 
 heard Engel speak. I heard Fischer say that he would attend to the print- 
 ing of the circulars for the Haymarket meeting. I used to belong to the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein, but I quit two months ago. I was at Thalia Hall, 
 on Milwaukee Avenue, Sunday, May ad. I used to go there very often. I 
 know George Engel. At the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, he was 
 called on for a speech, and he responded. I heard him speak of his plan 
 a plan for riots, fires, the destruction of buildings and property, and the 
 killing of people and the police. I heard him speak of the meeting to be 
 held at the Haymarket, and that, if they started there, then would be the 
 time for us to commence the rebellion all over the city. A man named 
 Schrade, sitting by my side, remarked to me that Engel had made a very 
 destructive speech. This talk made me laugh. Engel continued by saying 
 that when we saw the heavens red, then was our time to commence. The 
 Northwest Side group, he said, would meet at Wicker Park, and the North 
 Side group at Lincoln Park. The moment we saw the fires, as a signal, 
 then we should throw bombs, shoot down the policemen and everybody 
 who stood in our way, and begin the general destruction of property and 
 life. I never heard of this plan before this time. Engel was the only one 
 who spoke of the plan. At this meeting I knew Breitenfeld and Waller, 
 who was chairman. I heard some one at that meeting ask for dynamite 
 bombs and how to get them, and some said : ' You ought to know it by this 
 time.' Engel also spoke of the word ' Ruhe.' It was to be a signal word, 
 and when it should appear in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, then was the time to be 
 ready for a riot." 
 
 CARL MAX EMIL ENGLISH registered at the station on the ist of June. 
 He might have been gathered in long before, but he was kept under watch 
 in the hopes of bagging a more important Anarchist. It was known that 
 English was a particular friend of Schnaubelt's, and the officers kept their 
 eye on him continually, thinking the bomb-thrower might be found through 
 his unconscious intervention. But they waited and watched in vain, and 
 finally Officers Palmer and Cosgrove arrested English on suspicion. He 
 was turned over to me, and then it was ascertained that he knew more of 
 the Anarchists in Pullman, where he worked, than he did of those in Chi- 
 cago. When called an Anarchist he objected, and insisted that he was 
 simply a Socialist a distinction without a difference in his case. He 
 stated, however, that all the Anarchists in America "looked upon Chicago 
 as the main center of Anarchy," and in Pullman they got all their inspira- 
 tion from Chicago. He acknowledged an acquaintance with Muntzenberg,
 
 338 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 who, he said, had sold John Most's books and other Anarchistic literature 
 at Pullman. Muntzenberg had been in Pullman after the 4th of May, and 
 had carried dynamite bombs with him. The Socialists, said English, had 
 become frightened at this exhibition and had refrained from having any 
 further dealings with Muntzenberg. 
 
 English was allowed to go, with an injunction that he had better stay in 
 Pullman, where he belonged. He has since remained at home and is now 
 giving more of his time to the study of sound literature on economic sub- 
 jects. He came to America from Germany, in October, 1885, and was led 
 astray by Most's writings. Had he lived in Chicago he would have been 
 a very handy man for Lingg. In the old country he had worked in the 
 manufacture of torpedoes, etc., for the Government, and he was well posted 
 on explosives. He was twenty-four years of age, and just such a man as 
 Lingg could have utilized. 
 
 AUGUST KRAEMER, a German, thought he was sharper than the police. 
 He had escaped their attentions, and he was felicitating himself that he 
 knew how to elude them successfully. One day, however June ist he 
 was cheerfully greeted by Officers Whalen and Stift, and when they notified 
 him of the pleasure his company would give us at the station, he became 
 motionless with surprise. Recovering himself, he declared that it was an 
 awful outrage to arrest a man for nothing and assured the officers again 
 and again that he had never heard of Socialists or Anarchists, did not know 
 a single one of that class and would not be able to recognize one if pointed 
 out to him. In fact, he had not even heard that a bomb had been thrown 
 at the Haymarket. He played this role of ignorance when brought before 
 me, but I soon brought him to his senses. 
 
 "You have played the old lady long enough," I said. "We are men 
 here who do not believe a word you say, and don't want any of your tea- 
 party stories. Is not George Engel your friend ? Did you not drink beer 
 in Engel's rear room, May 4th, about eleven o'clock ? Were you not there 
 when a lot of men waited for orders to blow up and burn down houses ? 
 Were you not at the Haymarket with Engel, and did you not walk around 
 with him on the outskirts of the crowd?" 
 
 "Who told you this?" came promptly from Kraemer. 
 
 "One of those little gods you prayed to at Thalia Hall on Sundays. 
 Why, you hypocrite, you and twenty more get together, talk and give your 
 opinions about dynamite and how to construct poisoned daggers, and work 
 out a plan to fight the police and militia, drink beer and liquor, and call that 
 a prayer-meeting. What have you to say to all this ? If you can not an- 
 swer I will give it to you plainer." 
 
 "Mein Gott, some one wants to hang me," exclaimed August. "I know 
 Herr Engel ; he is a good man." 
 
 "Yes, in your estimation."
 
 A WILLING WITNESS. 339 
 
 " If you only knew how awfully sorry he felt for the officers that were 
 killed." 
 
 " Oh, yes. Well, do you now think that we know something about you ? " 
 
 " I admit that you know all about me, but Herr Engel said that night 
 that it was wrong to have such a miscarriage. He did not believe in kill- 
 ing a few people. All revolutions, Engel believed, ought to come about by 
 themselves, and then the police and soldiers would be with them. If the 
 people would fight, then the authorities, police and all, would throw their 
 guns away and run. Then the victory would be won without spilling any 
 blood, but such a foolish thing as the Haymarket affair Engel would have 
 nothing to do with." 
 
 "Yes; all this Engel said after 10:30 o'clock that night, May 4th." 
 
 "Yes, he said it in his back room." 
 
 "That is all I want of you. Officers, lock up this dynamitard." 
 
 "Captain, will you not let me make a statement? " 
 
 "Of what?" 
 
 " I know something. For God's sake don't lock me up." 
 
 "Well, then, speak, double-quick time, and let there be no lying." 
 
 Kraemer calmed himself and proceeded to unfold his story. He was 
 subsequently released on promising to testify in court and that he would 
 become a better man. He was indicted by the grand jury for conspiracy to 
 murder. He was not asked to testify, and it was supposed that after all his 
 troubles he would attend strictly to his own business, that of a carpenter. 
 Not so. He was to be found in the company of the worst Anarchists 
 between May 4th and the time of the execution, but, when he finally discov- 
 ered that there was a law in the State to hang conspirators and murderers, 
 he grew frightened. He now remains at home instead of skulking into 
 dark cellars and devising means of revenge. He lived, at the time of his 
 arrest, at No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue, in the rear, his friend Engel occupy- 
 ing the front part of the building. He was thirty-three years of age, mar- 
 ried, well built, five feet eight inches in height, and an active man 
 
 His statement was as follows : 
 
 " I attended the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street the night of May 
 3d. I was there about fifteen minutes when the meeting was called to order. 
 Some one suggested that every man of a group should see that every one 
 present was one of their members. I was asked what group I belonged to. 
 I could not tell. I do not belong to any group. Then I was told to go out 
 because I could not give the pass-word. I told them that I belonged to the 
 Socialists, but they told me I could not remain. I then went away. I 
 have often been at Thalia Hall at the ' Bible class,' I met there frequently 
 Engel and Fischer. That was in the month of April, 1886. At one meet- 
 ing, when Engel and Fischer were present, some one called on the people 
 to be ready with arms : that the time would soon come when they must be 
 organized and ready to defend themselves. While I was at 54 West Lake 
 Street that evening, May 3, some one complained that there were so few
 
 340 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 present and said that there had always been a good attendance until that 
 night, and that it was very strange. As I could not give the sign I was put 
 out. I heard Engel say that no revolution could be a success with only a 
 small group ; there must be general, united action." 
 
 MARTIN BECHTEL was also requested to report at the station for an inter- 
 view. He willingly responded, and conversed quite freely. He was a 
 beer-brewer by profession, and on May 4 was foreman in the brewery of 
 Bartholomae & Leicht. He was also president of the Brewers' Union and 
 presided at a meeting on the afternoon of May 3. His statement of that 
 meeting was as follows : 
 
 " I had a meeting called of the brewers for that afternoon, and there I 
 saw a lot of those ' Revenge ' circulars. I saw all the men reading them, 
 and, while some did not appear to care much, others got greatly excited 
 over the way the police had been clubbing the people at McCormick's fac- 
 tory. There was considerable excitement for awhile, and this was kept up 
 until I called the meeting to order. I found that I had to be very strict 
 before I could do anything. We transacted our business with great diffi- 
 culty. I was interrupted now and then by some one coming in and talking 
 excitedly about the police killing people at the factory. I restored order 
 once more, when Oscar Neebe came in with a new supply of circulars and 
 handed them around to the boys. Then the fire was in the straw again. 
 After Neebe had distributed his circulars, he was called on for a speech, 
 and whenever he was asked by any one if it was true that the police had 
 been killing people in the manner described by the circular, he would 
 answer : ' Oh, yes ; I know it is true. I saw it all. We must get ready 
 and take revenge. Get ready ; you all know what to do. You have all 
 been to our meetings ; you have all had instructions. Come out like men 
 and show the capitalists what you are made of. Show these bloodhounds, 
 these hirelings of the capitalists I mean the blue-coated police that we 
 are not afraid of them. We must meet them and teach them a lesson. 
 They have no regard for you or your families. You must feel the same to 
 them.' Such was the character of his speech and replies, and that is all I 
 can report of the meeting." 
 
 Mr. Bechtel was thanked for his information, and left the office. 
 
 It came out that during that day, after leaving that meeting, Neebe 
 went into a saloon on Clark Street, near Division, and said that "by to- 
 morrow or before to-morrow midnight the city of Chicago would swim in 
 blood, or perhaps lie in ashes." There would be a revolution, everything 
 was ready, and he said that he would do his share of the work. At one 
 time he was so wrought up with excitement that he fairly shouted at the 
 top of his voice and made loud threats. In the trial, it was a fortunate 
 thing for Neebe that certain documents were not at hand, or he would have 
 undoubtedly been hung instead of being let off with the fifteen years' sen- 
 tence in the penitentiary which he is now working out. The documents 
 desired were in some manner lost, and, when some of the material witnesses 
 were looked for to appear at the trial, they could not be found.
 
 THE "COMMUNISTEN-BUDE." 341 
 
 Neebe knew perfectly well the character of the men he addressed at the 
 brewers' meeting. They were all fire-eaters on the question of Anarchy, 
 and the name of the Brewers' Union was simply adopted as a cloak. The 
 brewing companies could greatly contribute to the promotion of law, order 
 and decency by replacing every one of them with men who appreciate good 
 government and the privileges of citizenship. 
 
 In one brewery on the North Side, these " reds " managed to get the 
 teamsters and beer-peddlers inoculated with their heresy, and the result was 
 that the police were often called upon to quell disturbances growing either 
 out of arguments with customers or saloon patrons. The injury thus done 
 to the trade of the company must have been large. Is it a fear of these 
 men or is there a lack of better material that keeps them in their places ? 
 It is certain that such men are doing the brewing companies no good. 
 They are a bad lot and need watching. They are watched. 
 
 MORITZ NEFF was the owner of what has been called the "Shanty of 
 the Communists," at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, known also as " Neff's Hall." 
 He was intimate with the leaders of Anarchy and knew a great deal about 
 their movements. On the ist of June, Schuettler and Stift were sent to 
 tell him that I desired to see him. He came, not under arrest, but volun- 
 tarily, as soon as he had secured some one to run his saloon during his 
 absence. He was a German, about thirty-six years of age, unmarried, and 
 had kept the Anarchist headquarters for over seven years. He attended 
 closely to business, rented his hall in the rear of the saloon to various unions 
 and clubs, and made plenty of money. His place was a sort of " go-as-you- 
 please " headquarters for the Anarchists, and if all their plottings there had 
 been carried into execution the city of Chicago would not now stand as a 
 monument of thrift, energy, enterprise and wealth. The hall was rented to 
 any one who desired it. No questions were asked, and no publicity was 
 ever given to the proceedings through Neff. He could keep secrets, and 
 the Anarchists knew it. He also knew them thoroughly. He was a good 
 judge of character, and, as most of his patrons were low-browed, ignorant 
 and impulsive fellows, he would in the presence of some of the more sensi- 
 ble ones call them "fools and cattle." Neff gave up his money freely to 
 these people for the advancement of their cause, but he was never known 
 to howl against law and order or make threats against capitalists, like other 
 Anarchist saloon-keepers. He always kept on friendly terms with the 
 police, and promised Lieutenant Baus to keep him posted whenever any- 
 thing of importance transpired. This promise, however, seems to have 
 been shrewdly made with a view to "pulling the wool over the eyes" of 
 the Lieutenant. Neff would say, " Don't trouble yourself. Whenever there 
 is anything going on, I will put you on ; " but he never found anything worth 
 while reporting. The officers managed to gather a good deal of information 
 respecting the character of the meetings held, but, as no important or dan-
 
 342 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 gerous results were ever expected to grow out of them, the Anarchists were 
 permitted to remain unmolested. 
 
 On the night of May 4, after the Anarchists had been put to rout, those 
 of the North Side group hastened from their various posts to meet at Neff's 
 place. They were still inclined to go on with the revolution, and Neff 
 reproached them for not continuing it the moment it was started. 
 
 "What the d 1," said he, "did you carry bombs for all night and not 
 
 do anything ? Why didn't you go to the Chicago Avenue Station and blow 
 the d d building to h 1 with every one in it ? " 
 
 This staggered the hot-heads, and not one made a reply. 
 
 " Why," continued Neff, "you are all cowards ; not one of you dare go 
 with me now." 
 
 No one advanced to accept the challenge. Presently, the hour getting 
 near eleven o'clock, Neff said : 
 
 " Get out ! I am going to close up, and to-morrow we will have different 
 music, and we will see who dances." 
 
 Knowing the great resort his place had been lor Anarchists, Neff was in 
 momentary dread of becoming involved in the Haymarket affair. He was 
 very uneasy, and, as described by an acquaintance of his, " his clothes and 
 shirt collar did not fit him very well for a number of days." When he 
 entered my office, Neff straightened up and appeared as if his mind was 
 made up for the worst and as if he had resolved that the police should be 
 no wiser through any information he possessed. It was not long, however, 
 before he discovered that we meant business, and that playing the fool in 
 the matter would not be tolerated. In the room were Assistant State's 
 Attorney Furthmann, six detectives and myself, and he was kept busy 
 framing answers that would not compromise himself. Finally Neff looked 
 us all over very carefully and said : 
 
 " I know I am called here to answer questions and tell on the Anar- 
 chists. I will now tell all I know." 
 
 He then gave a straightforward story and appeared as a witness at the 
 trial, giving all its substantial points. After that trial he sold out his place 
 and left the city. He remained away for a time, but recently came to- 
 Chicago on a visit. His conduct has been such as to justify the hope that 
 he will hereafter hold himself aloof from Anarchists. 
 
 JOHN WEIMAN, a Suabian, was a peculiar genius. He was only twenty- 
 three years of age, and yet he imagined that he could successfully hood- 
 wink the police. He had been pointed out as an associate of some of the lead- 
 ers, and it was decided to bring him to see what he had to say for himself. He 
 lived at No. 30 Barker Street, and when notified, about the 6th of June, that 
 I wished to become acquainted with him, he assumed a highly injured air. 
 The moment he set foot inside the office, he threw up both hands and, in a 
 loud voice, 'insisted that a great mistake had been made in arresting him.
 
 THE "CZAR BOMB. "-FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 
 
 This is one of the round bombs made by Lingg, and similar to the infernal machine thrown at the Hay- 
 market. It is about three inches in diameter, and consists of two hollow hemispheres of lead, filled with 
 dynamite, and secured by means of an iron uult and nut. It is fitted with fuse and fulminating cap.
 
 344 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS 
 
 " I am no Socialist, no Anarchist, no Nihilist, no Communist," he 
 declared. " I don't know Spies, Parsons, Schwab, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, 
 Neebe or Fielden. I never attended any meetings at No. 54, No. 71 or 
 No. 120 West Lake Street, and I have never been in the Communisten- 
 Bude [the Shanty of the Communists] at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue ; 
 never was at Mueller's Hall basement, or at Thalia Hall, or at No. 63 
 Emma Street." 
 
 "That is right, John," said I. " Keep on and tell me a few more places 
 where you have never been, and I shall be much obliged to you. Then I will 
 know all the places and all the leaders of the whole Anarchist outfit." 
 
 " Yes," said John, " I have heard of you, and I don't want to be troubled 
 too much. I know that you are acquainted with all those places and know 
 all the people who went there, and I heard of a lot of people getting arrested 
 every day who knew all the leaders and frequented those meeting-places. 
 I thought I would tell you all at first, because I am sick and I can't stand 
 much talking-to." 
 
 " How came you to know so much ? " I inquired ; " that is to say, how 
 do you know the names of the members ? " 
 
 "Well, I have a friend, and he told me all these things, but he ran away 
 from the city. I don't know where he is now." 
 
 " What is his name and where did he live ? " 
 
 " He is a carpenter. I used to call him Carl. He lived on Randolph 
 Street, near Union." 
 
 Further inquiries failed to elicit anything of importance, and he was 
 turned loose to wander at his own sweet pleasure. 
 
 EMIL MENDE, a German, was a man thoroughly capable of desperate 
 deeds. He lived at No. 51 Meagher Street, and so villainous a disposition 
 did he possess that his own sister and his brother-in-law were obliged to 
 report him at the station. Even the people in his own neighborhood feared 
 him, and those that knew him best shunned him. He was a dangerous man. 
 For two months preceding May 4, he boasted how the Anarchists would 
 blow up the city and kill every one who was not an Anarchist. He talked 
 about it so often and in such an earnest way that his neighbors grew appre- 
 hensive lest he might set fire to the neighborhood. The children would run 
 across the street to avoid meeting him. He was always* full of liquor, and 
 his chief study was how to get a living without work. He thought he had 
 found it in Anarchy, and he stood ready to commit any crime to accomplish 
 his purpose. He became a drunken loafer through attending Anarchistic 
 meetings, and when his sister remonstrated with him he turned against her 
 and threatened to kill her. His conduct finally became so unbearable that 
 his brother-in-law, Emil Sauer, gave information against him to the police. 
 Mende, he said, belonged to the Lehr und Wehr Verein of the Southwest 
 Side group and would assemble with his comrades in lonely, retired places,
 
 A VILLAINOUS SPECIMEN. 345 
 
 where the police could not see them drill. They would sneak into the build- 
 ings selected for their meeting-places, and after their drills they would 
 quietly sneak out again, like so many thieves who had committed a success- 
 ful burglary. Sauer said he had come to know many of the members, but 
 he did not know their names or where they lived. They all had numbers, 
 were well armed with rifles and revolvers, and they drilled frequently. 
 
 " I remember the night of May 4," said Sauer, " Mende left the house 
 about eight o'clock. He looked wild and desperate. He carried with him 
 a huge revolver and a lot of cartridges. About eleven o'clock the same 
 evening, after the bomb had exploded, he came sneaking home, and had in 
 his possession two rifles and three dynamite bombs. He brought them all 
 into the house at first, and, becoming alarmed, he took them all to No. 647 
 South Canal Street. There he was seen either going under the house or 
 under the sidewalk. When he came out he had nothing with him. Mende, 
 when he first began to attend the meetings, had very little to say about 
 Anarchy. He kept on, and during the six months preceding the Haymarket 
 riot he was perfectly crazy on the subject. After he had become a member 
 of the armed group, he would speak of nothing else but killing people and 
 destroying the city. On the evening of May 4, before leaving home, he 
 said : 
 
 ' ' ' This is our night. This night we will show our strength. I would like 
 to see any one oppose us. Nothing can stand before us. Before daylight 
 to-morrow blood will flow deep in the streets, and the air will be hot. Then 
 we will have a new government.' 
 
 " After he had been gone about twenty minutes, some one came in and 
 asked for him. The man looked like a starved-out cut-throat. He was told 
 that Mende had gone. The fellow remarked, ' Then it is all right. I know 
 where to find him.' He pulled his hat over his eyes, turned up his coat col- 
 lar and disappeared. This man was watched. He went west from our 
 house, and about a block away he met five other men. They all went west 
 together. 
 
 " On the afternoon of May 4, Mende said to me : 
 
 " ' I want you to go with us. Everything is very well planned. There 
 is no fear that we will not get all the help we want after we have started. 
 We are going to move like an army. If we should get whipped at first, or 
 if we should have to run, then we all have places to go to. The Southwest 
 Side group is going to a church on Eighteenth Street, and we will fortify 
 ourselves there until we get help. We will have a lot of dynamite bombs 
 to keep everybody away. We have rifles and revolvers, and no one will 
 dare come near us. We can hold the fort there for a few days, and no one 
 will trouble us. Only throw out a bomb once a day, and that will be suffi- 
 cient to prevent the enemy from coming near. The North Side group is going 
 to follow our plan. They are going to take charge of St. Michael's Church.
 
 346 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 We have things down fine. You had better come along. There is no dan- 
 ger. We expect a lot of people here from Michigan and all the mining 
 towns. They will all come here as soon as we begin the attack.' 
 
 "Mende asked me at one time to go with him, this was during the 
 McCormick strike, and told me they were going to take with them tin 
 cans, which would be filled with kerosene. These cans would have strong 
 corks in them, and through each a hole had been drilled, for the insertion of 
 a cap and fuse. They would simply light the fuse, throw the can into a 
 lumber yard, and walk off. No one would discover who did it, and then 
 
 they would see a big fire. ' In this way we'll bring these d d capitalists 
 
 to time.' I told Mende that I would have nothing to do with him or his 
 plans. 
 
 " Two days after the bomb had been thrown, he said to me : 
 
 '"I know the man who threw the bomb, and, you bet, he is a good friend 
 of mine. He will never be arrested.' 
 
 " About eight days after the explosion, he told me that he knew the man 
 who made bombs, and that the man was going to leave the city. This man, 
 he also said, had changed his clothes, and he (Mende) had got the clothes 
 from a man named Sisterer, who lived on Sixteenth Street. I then asked 
 him the name of the man who made the bombs, and he said it was Louis 
 Lingg." 
 
 Mrs. Sauer next related her grievances against her brother. 
 
 "This brute," she began, "not being satisfied with having all the neigh- 
 bors afraid of him, had to torment the life out of me, telling me that he 
 belonged to those fellows who would kill, give no quarter and take none. 
 In a fight the result would be victory or death. He would tell me that as 
 soon as they had established their government the children of the capitalists 
 would he hunted up and killed, and every trace of a capitalist wiped off the 
 face of the earth. My brother reads all kinds of Anarchist books and 
 papers. I saw him have a big revolver and a lot of cartridges, and he said : 
 
 " ' We are going to kill all the police now in a few days. They all must be 
 killed. They stand in our way. We cannot get our rights so long as we 
 let those bloodhounds live. So we have decided to kill them all. We are 
 ready now, and you will not see any more of those fellows hanging around 
 the corners.' 
 
 " He also said that the Fire Department was a well-organized body, and 
 they, too, must be destroyed. 
 
 "'Before the battle commences,' he said, 'we are going to fix the 
 bridges with dynamite, so that, in case the Fire Department should come 
 to the relief of the police or go to work to extinguish the fires that we start, 
 we will blow the bridges, firemen, horses and all to h 1.' 
 
 " He further stated that the city would be set on fire in all parts, so that 
 the police and firemen would be obliged to stay in their own neighborhoods,
 
 A SISTERS ACCUSATION. 347 
 
 and it would be impossible for any large bodies of them to get together in 
 one place. Then, when everything was in confusion, they had places selected 
 where they would meet in a body and come into the center of the city, where 
 they would rob and plunder every jewelry store and bank, and places where 
 they could get the most valuable things they wanted. 
 
 " 'We have,' he said, 'all these places picked out already. We have on 
 hand all the dynamite we want, and when we make a start we will have our 
 tools and materials with us.' 
 
 "A few days after the 4th of May, my brother also said that it was too 
 bad that their committee had become split up during the charge of the 
 police at the Haymarket. They failed to get together again, and the men 
 on the outside were expecting every second to receive orders from that 
 committee to commence setting fires and killing people. He stated that 
 on that night he was at the Hinman Street Station, and that it was sur- 
 rounded by seventy-five men, fifty of them having rifles and the balance 
 large revolvers and dynamite bombs. They waited in an alley for orders. 
 Everything, he said, was complete ; every man had his place and knew what 
 work he had to perform. They only needed the signal from the committee. 
 The plan was that, as soon as they had received their orders, some of them 
 should get near the windows of the station and throw in bombs among the 
 policemen. Then others were to be ready with their revolvers and shoot 
 down any officer who had not been killed by the explosion and who attempted 
 to save himself by jumping out through the window. The fifty men with 
 rifles were to have placed themselves in front of the station, and as soon as 
 the officers made an attempt to march out, they should kill them in the 
 hallway before they could get outside. 'But,' said he, 'the officers at this 
 station will be killed yet, because they have interfered with us and injured 
 the success of the strikers.' 
 
 "He spoke also about their going to barricade themselves in churches, 
 if they got whipped, until they had secured help. He said that they had a lot 
 of bombs buried near the city, and they were there still for future use. 
 'They will not spoil,' he said. My brother further told me one night that 
 he had to run home or he would have been arrested. I saw him come 
 home, and he looked very much excited. He went into the back yard 
 just like the coward and remained there for some time. Later he told 
 me that a lot of them went together to blow up a freight-house with dyna- 
 mite bombs. This freight-house is on the corner of Meagher and Jefferson 
 Streets. He said that he had the place picked out, and everything was 
 ready. Then one of their number, who stood guard, gave the signal to run, 
 and they all ran away. They had a meeting-place appointed in case they 
 should be disturbed, and there they met afterwards. They decided to 
 renew the attack, but finally, at the suggestion of a man named Sisterer, 
 that they postpone it till another night, they all went home. On his way
 
 HOPES OF HABEAS CORPUS. 349 
 
 home my brother thought that some detective was following him. He 
 became frightened and started on the run, and ran until he arrived home 
 safely." 
 
 When a sister would tell such a story, fully corroborated by others, of a 
 brother, it can easily be seen that he must have been a desperate man. It 
 must be borne in mind that about the time Mrs. Sauer notified me of her 
 brother's acts the city was wrought up to a high pitch of excitement over 
 the .foul murder at the Haymarket, and there was a general sentiment that 
 all the conspirators identified with that plot ought to hang. It required, 
 therefore, no little courage on the part of a sister to give up her own 
 brother to take his chances on the charges made. 
 
 Mende must have reached a very low, or rather a very high standing 
 among the bloodthirsty bandits, and the revelations concerning him showed 
 that he was not only capable of tormenting a poor woman by his savage 
 threats, but willing and anxious to distinguish himself in any wild carnival 
 of riot, bloodshed and incendiarism. He was a man the police wanted, and 
 he was accordingly arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the 
 7th of June. At the station he gave his age as twenty-nine years, and his 
 occupation as that of a carpenter. He was tall, well-built, wore a heavy 
 beard and weighed about 160 pounds. His appearance did not belie the 
 statements made about him, and subsequent inquiries showed that he was 
 all his sister had represented him to be. What he had told his sister about 
 the arrangements around the Hinman Street Station was found to be 
 strictly true, and the details about the riot at the Haymarket and the 
 signal to the armed men in the outlying sections of the city were borne 
 out by the statements of other Anarchists. 
 
 While on his way to the station, Mende seemed perfectly indifferent to 
 his fate. It came out, however, that much of his stoical air had been 
 inspired by statements previously communicated to him by his Anarchist 
 associates. The attorneys of the Anarchists, Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler, 
 had advised the order that in case of arrest the distressed brother should 
 seek to notify some friend they might meet while being taken through the 
 streets to the station, and then, the information being brought to them, 
 they would at once secure a release on a writ of habeas corpus. Mende 
 acted on this advice. He knew probably, like the rest, that, once locked 
 up, his chances for communicating with his friends for a day or two would 
 be exceedingly doubtful, and so, while he was being marched through the 
 streets, he encountered a friend and told him his name ; and that friend 
 immediately rushed to the office of the attorneys and gave the name of the 
 prisoner and the station to which he was being taken. 
 
 Mende had scarcely been locked up when the counsel came to the Chi- 
 cago Avenue Station and demanded to see the prisoirer. They were 
 refused. On the next day they applied for a writ of habeas corpus and
 
 350 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 wanted the prisoner brought into court. The object of this was to put me 
 on the stand in the case, and, by various questions, to obtain such informa- 
 tion as the State might possess with reference to the Anarchists. I was 
 .not to be caught in such a trap, and State's Attorney Grinnell decided to 
 /release the prisoner, have him indicted and subsequently re-arrested. 
 
 During the short time Mende was at the station he was plied with ques- 
 tions, but he answered them all with denials. He said that he had never 
 spoken to his sister about Anarchy and had never belonged to any organ- 
 ization. Under cross-fire, however, he admitted that he had attended the 
 meetings and owned a big revolver. The revolver, he said, he had sold to 
 one Peter Mann about the ist of June. After his experience at the station 
 he was, as might have been expected, at war with his relatives, but he kept 
 .away from meetings. 
 
 POLIKARP SISTERER, a German Pole, was an associate of Mende, but, 
 unlike that rapscallion, he was not violent or demonstrative. Having a 
 iamily may have done much toward tempering his disposition, but still he 
 -was an Anarchist in the full sense of the word. He was a quiet, deep- 
 plotting fellow, and perhaps on that account might be regarded as really a 
 more dangerous man. He was a sober man, not given to beer-drinking 
 .and wine-guzzling like Mende ; and, like Cassius of old, had a "lean and 
 hungry look," bringing him within that class concerning whom the injunc- 
 tion " Beware " might well be heeded in any special crisis. He was 
 arrested on the 8th of June by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein and taken 
 to the station. On the way thither he, like Mende, communicated his 
 troubles to friends on the street, and was subsequently released under the 
 same conditions. At the station he gave his age as thirty-one years, his 
 occupation as that of a carpenter, and his residence as No. 85 West Six- 
 teenth Street. He belonged, like Mende, to the Carpenters' Union, which 
 met at Zepf's Hall, and took an active part in all Anarchistic movements. 
 He was at first exceedingly non-communicative to the police, and insisted, 
 whenever he did speak, that he had no secrets to divulge. He was shown 
 to the " cooler " down stairs, and the next day he was in a talkative mood. 
 He willingly took all the officers into his confidence and talked unreserv- 
 edly. He said : 
 
 " I belong to the Carpenters' Union, and Louis Lingg belongs to the 
 same organization. I have known Lingg for about eight months. We 
 were good friends, and, after the meetin s of the union were over, Lingg 
 and I often went home together. I got acquainted with him at those meet- 
 :ings. . Lingg was a good worker for the carpenters, and they all like him for 
 the interest he displayed in their behalf. I saw him at our union meeting 
 on Monday evening about eight o'clock in Zepf's Hall. He made a speech 
 there and called all of us to arms and to be ready. He said that the police 
 were ready to club us and would only protect the capitalists and work only 
 in the interests of the capitalists. ' You can see for yourselves,' Lingg said 

 
 "LITTLE KRUEGER S" RECORD. 351 
 
 ' how the police acted at the McCormick factory ; they clubbed our people, 
 they killed six of our brothers, and now we will fight them and take 
 revenge.' He worked us all up, and every one was highly excited. He 
 said that everything was ready and if we would only stick together we 
 would win a certain victory. I saw at this meeting Hageman, Poch, 
 Mende, Lehman, Louis Rentz and Kaiser. Rau and Niendorf were there 
 and distributed the revenge circulars. That day Monday was a very 
 exciting one among the Anarchists, and it would not have taken much to 
 have started very serious trouble. Crowds of excited people were on Lake 
 Street, from Union Street to the river, on that afternoon, and all were in 
 bad temper. I attended the meeting on the afternoon of May 3d, at about 
 three o'clock, at No. 71 West Lake Street, at Florus' Hall. I never was at 
 any meeting held at No. 54 West Lake Street, at Greif's Hall, but I heard 
 from others as to what had been done there. I saw Lingg again on the 5th 
 of May, at Florus' Hall. I spoke to him, but he had very little to say. 
 He looked downhearted. While I was there he disappeared, and I never 
 saw him again." 
 
 "Did you not give him money and clothes to get out of the city?" I 
 asked. 
 
 "Well, no one can prove that. If you think I did, you had better find 
 your witness." 
 
 "Do you mean to say that you did not help Lingg ? " 
 
 Sisterer hung his head and would vouchsafe no answer. 
 
 He was released, as I have already stated, but since this episode in his 
 career, he has taken the lesson to heart and appears to be determined to 
 keep away from uncanny places on moonless nights. 
 
 AUGUST KRUEGER, alias "Little Krueger," was a different sort of a man 
 from the rest of his chosen brotherhood. He was quite an intelligent 
 fellow, well educated, with genteel manners, well chosen language and 
 rather natty dress. He was a draftsman by occupation, and he was highly 
 skilled. He was, with all his bloodthirsty professions, a very clever fellow, 
 and became quite popular with his low-browed associates. He belonged to 
 the Northwest Side company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and took great 
 interest in the drills. His ideas, however, were somewhat different from 
 those of the other Anarchists. He did not believe in riots, but thought a 
 revolution should be brought about by a general uprising of the people. In 
 the old country, he had been a Socialist, but had been obliged to leave 
 some seven years before the time of the Haymarket riot. Arriving here, he 
 identified himself with the Anarchists, and, taking a deep interest in all 
 movements directed against capitalists, he soon became highly esteemed 
 by Spies and others. He was at the Haymarket meeting, having come in 
 the company of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, and claimed that he also 
 left the meeting in his company. While not in perfect accord with his 
 associates on isolated riots, and while he did not sanction such methods to 
 hurt people, Krueger still entered into their plans and worked hard for their
 
 352 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 cause, and when Spies and others had been condemned to die he origin- 
 ated a plot to release them from the jail, which, however, failing to secure 
 members enough to carry it out, he finally abandoned. 
 
 After the Haymarket riot, Krueger was continually watched by the 
 detectives, and on the I3th of June he was arrested. He was found at the 
 Terra Cotta Works, on Clybourn and Wrightwood Avenues, and brought 
 to the Chicago Avenue Station. Here he showed that he had considerable 
 grit. He was the kind of man who would risk his life for a good chance 
 in a general revolution, and, although he characterized some of the Anar- 
 chists as fools, he stubbornly refused to testify against them. He was kept 
 
 for two hours under a 
 steady fusillade of ques- 
 tions by Assistant State's 
 Attorney Furthmann, but 
 he held out doggedly un- 
 der the heavy fire. He 
 could not be made to in- 
 form. He was subse- 
 quently released by order 
 of the State's Attorney. 
 He was, when last heard 
 of, still working for 
 Messrs. Parkhurst & Co., 
 the proprietors of the 
 works, and appears to be 
 well liked by them. In 
 spite of his warning, he 
 still adheres to his old 
 ideas. 
 
 His answers to the 
 questions asked him were 
 .as follows : 
 
 " I am twenty-one years of age. I came from Germany seven years ago. 
 I reside at No. 72 Kenion Street, near Paulina. I was a member of the Lehr 
 und Wehr Verein a year and a half. I know Breitenfeld. He is the com- 
 mander of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I am orderly 
 sergeant and secretary of that company. Schrade was captain. I heard 
 of the letter ' Y ' about the first of April. We had a different signal. It 
 was '? ? ?. ' This signal invited the armed organizations. I cannot say who 
 originated the signal. The signal was then changed to 'Y.' We always 
 met up-stairs under this signal ' Y,' except the last two meetings. I saw 
 that letter last on Sunday preceding the riot. I went to that meeting at No. 
 54 West Lake Street (May 3) alone. I got to the meeting about 8:30 o'clock. 
 I went into the saloon and then went down stairs. There were then only a 
 few people present. Seeing that the meeting had not started, I went up 
 
 A GROUP OF THE LEHR UND WEHR VEREIN. 
 
 From a Photograph. 
 The figure on the extreme right is that of "Little Krueger."
 
 A CHANGE OF SENTIMENT. 353 
 
 stairs again. Breitenfeld had charge of the door. I was not asked to show 
 my card, but I had it with me. It was a red card No. 8. That is my 
 number. We all go by numbers. I went down stairs again for a second 
 time about a quarter to nine o'clock." 
 
 A picture being shown him of Schnaubelt, he said : 
 
 " I might have seen him. On Tuesday night, May 4, I was at Engel's 
 house from nine o'clock to eleven o'clock. At the meeting I know that 
 Fischer volunteered to have circulars printed for the Haymarket meeting. 
 I am in favor of a complete revolution that is, when a majority of the 
 people are in favor of it. I am an Anarchist, and will remain one as Jong as 
 I live. My father was one, and he was warden of a penitentiary in the old 
 country. I had to leave there because I was an Anarchist. I am opposed 
 to all single attacks, like that at the Haymarket. I am in favor, also, of 
 peaceable agitation. I could say more about others, but they are in trouble 
 enough now. I don't want to be put down as a ' squealer.' I hope you will 
 not insist on my becoming one, as I will not." 
 
 EMIL NIENDORF, a German, was arrested on the i4th of June, by Officers 
 Schuettler and Stift, and brought to the station. He had scarcely entered 
 the place when he demanded to see me at once. On being brought into the 
 office, he was asked what he wanted to say. 
 
 "Well," opened up Niendorf, "I don't want to be locked up here six 
 weeks. Neither do I want you folks to believe that I am a stubborn man. 
 I want to talk. I want to tell you who I am, what I have done, and I don't 
 want to be looked upon as a murderer. I am an eight-hour man. I want 
 to get eight hours in a peaceable way. I do not want to kill people. I have 
 no use for those rattle-heads." 
 
 Niendorf was informed that all the officers connected with the station 
 were too busy to attend to his case then, and that he would have to remain 
 until the next day, when he would have an opportunity to tell all his troubles. 
 He was locked up, but during the night, it appears, some prisoner or some 
 one from the outside "put a flea in his ear," telling him not to open his 
 mouth, to be a brave man, and he would come out all right. The next morn- 
 ing at ten o'clock he was brought into my office, but he was not at all com- 
 municative. He sat down and said nothing. 
 
 "Well, Niendorf, how do you feel?" asked Mr. Furthmann. "How did 
 you sleep ? " 
 
 Not an answer. 
 
 " Are you sick? " interestedly inquired Furthmann. 
 
 No answer. 
 
 " Did any one insult you or hurt you ? " continued Furthmann. 
 
 Still no response. 
 
 " Who has changed your mind since you were here ? " I inquired. 
 
 Not a syllable of reply. 
 
 "See here," said I, " you cannot make us feel bad. I will give you just 
 two minutes by the watch to get over your lockjaw."
 
 354 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 This aroused Niendorf, and, looking around at all the officers present, he 
 said : 
 
 "Gentlemen, I have been warned not to speak. I did not see the party,, 
 but some one called out my name and asked if I had been to the office yet. 
 I answered no. The voice then said : ' When you go there, don't open 
 your mouth, be motionless, and they will soon fire you out. Don't for- 
 get.' " 
 
 " That is just what I expected," I remarked. "Now you can do as you 
 please talk or not talk. That party is not a friend of yours, and he wants 
 to see you go to jail. Officer, take him down stairs." 
 
 "Are you not going to let me speak? " nervously inquired, the prisoner. 
 
 " How long will it take you to find your speech ? " exclaimed Furthmann. 
 
 " Have I got to swear to what I tell you ? " 
 
 " Yes ; you will have to do that whenever we send for you, and you must 
 not leave the city without permission," said I. 
 
 Niendorf then gave a statement of his knowledge of Anarchy. He 
 appeared very ignorant, but, when spoken to, he showed that he was quite 
 intelligent. He was twenty-six years of age, lived at No. 29 Croker Street, 
 and, with fiery red hair, was a rather homely-looking man. 
 
 He was released, and after his departure the officers determined to 
 ascertain whether it was an "Anarchist ghost " or a man in flesh and bones 
 that had hovered about the station warning Niendorf not to squeal. A 
 close watch was accordingly put in the cell department to fathom the mys- 
 tery. About ten o'clock that night a young fellow called at the station for 
 a night's lodging. He was told to sit down and wait. He did so, and his 
 wish was reported to me. Officer Loewenstein was sent back to look him 
 over, and that officer presently returned and reported that the man did not 
 look like a tramp. He looked more like an Israelite who had means, and 
 the fellow was at once called into the office. There the officers unbuttoned 
 his coat and discovered a clean young fellow, with a nice suit of clothes and 
 a gold watch and chain. 
 
 " What is your name ?" I asked sternly. "And don't forget to give it 
 right." 
 
 "Oh, please, I I did not mean anything bad." 
 
 "Are you not baptized ; have you no name ? Officer, look him up until 
 I find a name for him." 
 
 " Let me go, and I will never come here again." 
 
 "Who sent you here ? " I demanded. 
 
 " I cannot tell do let me go. I will never, I promise you, come back 
 again." 
 
 " I don't think you will. When you leave here you will go through the 
 'sewer.' ' 
 
 With exclamations of great grief and remorse, he looked appealingly to
 
 A MYSTERY MADE CLEAR. 355 
 
 all the officers in the room, and, recognizing Officer Loewenstein as one of 
 his race, he fell on his knees and begged the officer not to have him put 
 through the "sewer." 
 
 "Were you not here last night ? " asked the Captain. 
 
 " No, sir; it was another fellow." 
 
 The turnkey of the station was sent for and confirmed the stranger's 
 denial. The now thoroughly frightened young man was then asked as to 
 who the lodger of the night before was, but all he knew was that he himself 
 had been hired by an unknown man that evening for one dollar to come and 
 seek lodgings at the station to warn Anarchists. When the stranger had 
 measurably recovered from his trepidation, he gave his name as Moses 
 Wulf, and, his information being of no value, he was released with a severe 
 lecture. 
 
 Niendorf's statement ran as follows : 
 
 " I was at a meeting held May 3 at 8 P.M., at No. 122 West Lake Street. 
 I was chairman. I heard some one state that the police had killed a dozen 
 workingmen at McCormick's factory. That created a great deal of excite- 
 ment for some time at the meeting. Then some one shouted: 'Better be 
 quiet and let us attend to our own affairs.' We were only looking after the 
 eight-hour movement. I saw the revenge circular at that meeting, which 
 called the people to arms. Louis Lingg was present to report some meet- 
 ing and some business transactions as a committeeman. William Seliger 
 was there as recording secretary of the meeting. Rau was there, and some 
 one said to me that he had brought the circular. A man named Soenek 
 made a speech and advised us to use force. It was decided, on motion, that 
 we should act in sympathy with the people at McCormick's factory. I have 
 been a member of the North Side group for about a year. I was at a 
 meeting at Zepf's Hall May 3, which lasted till eleven o'clock P.M. About 
 nine o'clock a man at the back door called out that all the men who 
 belonged to the armed sections should go to 54 West Lake Street in the 
 basement, where a meeting was to be held, and I saw a lot of members get 
 up and leave the hall. I know Lingg belonged to the armed section. At 
 one time he offered me some of his dynamite bombs. I told him I did not 
 want any of them. He told me on another occasion that I had better take 
 some and try some of his stuff. I told him that I was afraid to handle his 
 stuff and I did not want it. Our meeting May 3 at Zepf's Hall was known 
 as that of the Central Labor Union. A little fellow named Lutz was finan- 
 cial secretary at that meeting. Rau was there only ten minutes. At a 
 meeting held some time ago in Lake View, I was chairman. Lingg was one 
 of the speakers, and also a man named Poch. Seliger called the meeting to 
 order. I know Gruenwald; he is thirty-five years old, a carpenter by trade, 
 five feet eight or nine inches tall, and has red whiskers. I heard Lingg say 
 at several meetings that if any members wanted any of his 'chocolate,' 
 meaning dynamite or dynamite bombs, he would supply them." 
 
 JOHANNES GRUENEBERG, a German, had the distinction conferred on him 
 of being one of the last of the more conspicuous Anarchists to be arrested. 
 He had been known to the police for some time, in a general way, and
 
 356 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 inquiries about him brought out the fact that he was a prominent figure in 
 Anarchistic circles. He knew where all the leaders lived, frequently visited 
 them, and tramped around so often that he became quite a well-known 
 character. Even the dogs that infested the localities through which he 
 passed wagged their tails in cheerful recognition, and Grueneberg always 
 had a kind word for both the brutes and his Anarchist friends. He was 
 forty-five years of age, a married man with a family, and lived at No. 750 
 West Superior Street. He was a carpenter by trade. On the ijth of 
 June he was working on a new building at No. 340 Dearborn Avenue, and, 
 while right in the midst of an exhortation to the other workingmen on the 
 beauties of Anarchy, he was interrupted by Officers Hoffman and Schuet- 
 tler, who notified him that he was under arrest. 
 
 "That is just what I have been waiting for," he exclaimed, not in the 
 
 least disconcerted. "Is it that d d Schaack that wants to see me? I 
 
 will tell that fellow who I am. I will surprise him. " 
 
 "Johannes," said Schuettler, "you can save yourself all of that trouble. 
 Schaack knows all about you. I saw your name in the book. " 
 
 "Come on quick," said Johannes, "I will show you a gamy man. 
 Whenever I leave home I always bid my wife good-by, because I have 
 expected to be arrested at any time, and did not know when I would see 
 her again, for I will not squeal. I knew of these squealers, and I told my 
 wife I would kill myself first before I would squeal." 
 
 Officers and prisoner started for the station. Johannes opened up on a 
 half run, and the officers could hardly keep up with him, so anxious did he 
 appear. He entered the office with hair disordered and on end, and his 
 eyes bulged out with excitement as he hurriedly surveyed some six officers 
 who were in the office at the time. 
 
 "Which one of you fellows," he wildly asked, "is Schaack? Show him 
 to me quick." 
 
 "Grueneberg," said I, for I recognized him at once from the descrip- 
 tions I had had of the man, "what is the matter?" 
 
 " Are you Schaack ? " 
 
 "Yes, I am Schaack." 
 
 " You sent for me to squeal, did you ? " 
 
 He instantly pulled out a big jack-knife, and, handing it out towards 
 me, he continued : 
 
 "Take this and cut my head off." 
 
 He twice repeated the request, and, still holding out his extended hand, 
 said : 
 
 ' ' I will never squeal ; you can kill me first." 
 
 "I heard that you were crazy," said I, "but I never thought you were 
 quite so bad as this. You must suffer terribly. The weather is too warm
 
 A PECULIAR CHARACTER. 357 
 
 for you. ' I think you had better go down stairs and have a glass of ice 
 water." 
 
 "No," yehemently responded Johannes, "we had better settle this 
 matter right now. I want to go out a free man, or else you will have to 
 carry me out of here a dead man. I would thank you, however, for a glass 
 of water, but don't put me down stairs. I have heard too much of that 
 place already." 
 
 "Oh," said I, "it is not a bad place. Just go down and see for your- 
 self. You will like the place ; it is nice and cool." 
 
 "Please, Captain, let me sit in the next room," said Johannes, cooling 
 down considerably, and modulating his voice to a gentler key; "I will 
 behave myself." 
 
 His austerity of manner had completely vanished, and his ferocious 
 mien and language had gradually disappeared. He saw in me a different 
 man from what he had expected, and the courteous treatment accorded him 
 had melted his heart and vanquished his anger. I granted his request and 
 told an officer to sit with him in an adjoining room. 
 
 The moment the officer and prisoner were in the room, Johannes 
 remarked : 
 
 "Schaack is not a bad fellow. Is he not going to stop arresting 
 people?" 
 
 "Oh, no," said the officer, "he has a long list yet." 
 
 "Are you with him all the time?" 
 
 "I am." 
 
 " Do you hear and see all ? " 
 
 "I do." 
 
 "Do the fellows all squeal? " 
 
 "Yes, every one of them. If they don't squeal right away, they squeal 
 the first chance they get." 
 
 " I am too much of a man, and it would be very small in me to do so." 
 
 " There have been as brave men as you in this office, and every one has 
 squealed." 
 
 "Well, when a man has a family, that cuts a big figure," said Johannes, 
 hesitatingly. 
 
 " If you are going to talk to Captain Schaack," said the officer, reading 
 the man's mind, " you must understand that he does not want any fooling. 
 You either tell him all or nothing, because some one has already told on 
 you." 
 
 This settled the matter with Grueneberg. He wanted to see me, and he 
 was brought back into the office. 
 
 " I was a little excited," began Johannes, apologetically. 
 
 " All right," I assuringly replied ; " sit down and tell on yourself first. I 
 am going to give you a trial."
 
 358 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Grueneberg then went on to say : 
 
 "Well, I am an Anarchist. I always worked hard for the working people. 
 I am proud of it. I did good as long as I could, but now it is all up. I am 
 a member of the Northwest Side group and always attended our meetings. 
 I never missed one. 
 
 "On Monday night, May 3, I attended a meeting at Zepf's Hall. I 
 remained there until about 9:15 o'clock. From there I went to Greif's 
 Hall. This was a secret meeting of the armed men. While the meeting 
 continued all the doors were kept locked, and guards stood on the outside 
 of each door, and also on the inside, and extra guards on the sidewalk. If 
 any one stopped on the sidewalk, he would be told to move on. I heard 
 Engel speak of his plan ; that it was a good one. If only every one would 
 do his work, then the matter would be a very easy one of accomplishment. 
 He stated that the plan had been made up last Sunday at 63 Emma Street, 
 and had already been adopted by the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the 
 groups. All who had heard of the plan, he said, were very much in favor 
 of it, and all understood by this time how to act. ' We are,' he continued, 
 'going to do this right, because all the boys look to us as the leaders, and we 
 are going to call a meeting for to-morrow night at the Haymarket. Since 
 all the people are excited, we will have a large crowd, and we will have things 
 so shaped that the police will interfere. Then will be the chance to give it 
 to them ? I could notice by the acts of all present at this meeting that 
 there was a great deal of bad blood among them against the police on 
 account of the killing of so many people at McCormick's. " 
 
 "Do you now believe that a single person was killed at McCormick's? " 
 
 " Of course I do. You killed six men." 
 
 " Not one was killed," said I, "and you ought to know that by this time." 
 
 "All I' know," said Johannes, "is what August Spies said. I was a 
 carrier of the Anarchist, Engel's paper. My route was on Madison Street, 
 and on the Southwest Side," he continued, dropping the 54 West Lake 
 Street meeting. 
 
 "And what did you think of that paper?" I inquired. 
 
 "That was the best paper we ever had." 
 
 "It was too bad," added I, "that the sweet little paper died so young. 
 Where was it printed ? " 
 
 " I don't know, because the papers were sent to my house by the South- 
 west Side group." 
 
 " Who else carried that paper ? " 
 
 " Messerschmidt, Schneider, Schoenfeld, Geimer and Kirbach. We 
 each carried about fifty papers at a time." 
 
 "Do you know anything more about the secret meeting at No. 54 West 
 Lake Street, May 3d ? " 
 
 "Well, I don't know all. I went out twice." 
 
 "And how did you get in every time ? " 
 
 " I had a card, and I had to show that every time. That is all, and, 
 besides, the boys all knew me."
 
 THE "DEAR OLD FLAG." 359 
 
 " What do you know about Louis Lingg ? " 
 
 " He is a good man. I like him. He speaks to the point." 
 
 "On dynamite," I suggested. 
 
 " Yes, and on other things." 
 
 " He only likes Anarchists," I interrupted. 
 
 "Yes, that is so." 
 
 "What do you know about the Arbeiter-Zeitung ?" 
 
 "Well, it is a very good paper, but it is too mild." 
 
 "Do you mean to tell me that a paper which advises people to murder 
 and kill is too mild ? " I asked. 
 
 "They don't put force enough into it. They don't keep up things as 
 they ought to. I know all who visit there. I am a friend of all the Spieses." 
 
 After being "roasted" for three hours, Johannes was permitted to go 
 back to his work, and he left under the impression that, after all, he had 
 not said anything criminally implicating any of his comrades. He was not 
 asked to report when wanted, as he was too noisy a fellow to have around 
 the station, and the officers were as well pleased to see him go as they had 
 been pleased to arrest him. He inaugurated no reform on his release. On the 
 contrary, he was again as rabid as ever and ran around night and day trying 
 to gather a mob to go to the jail and liberate the Anarchists. He made no 
 secret of his work. He loved the red flag, he said, and he would die for it 
 if necessary. One night he came to me in company with two other fellows 
 and demanded the return of a large red flag which at one time belonged to 
 International Carpenters' Union No. i. This flag had been taken by the 
 police with many others some time before. Grueneberg said that he had 
 marched behind it many times and he was proud of it. He wanted to see 
 the "dear old flag" once more and secure possession of it. I had the flag 
 at the station, but, knowing that Anarchists had an "undying love" for 
 Inspector Bonfield, I remarked : 
 
 " If you want the flag, all you have to do is to see the Inspector, and I 
 am quite sure he will give it to you." 
 
 An expression of intense disgust came over the faces of the three Anar- 
 chists, and Grueneberg excitedly exclaimed : 
 
 "Bonfield! Bonfield! Ah, the d d black Bonfield! I see him? 
 
 Oh, no ! he is not gentleman enough for me to see." 
 
 "Bonfield is a very clever fellow," said I ; "he likes such men as you." 
 
 "Oh, yes; he would like my head in a bag. Good night, Mr. Schaack; 
 I don't want the flag." 
 
 Grueneberg belonged at this time to Carpenters' Union No. 241, and, on 
 account of his peculiar and ridiculous actions, the members gradually grew 
 suspicious of him and finally believed that he was a paid spy in the employ 
 of some detective agency. They harbored their mistrust for a time, and 
 then accused him of being a traitor. He demanded that charges be pre-
 
 360 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ferred against him, and it was done. Grueneberg failing to answer these 
 charges, he was expelled from the union. A few weeks thereafter he 
 reformed, and one day, meeting me, he said : 
 
 " I am done with these people. They are all cranks. No person can do 
 enough for them. I worked with them night and day. They put me on 
 all" the committees. I had to do all the running, and for all my trouble and 
 as a reward they call me a spy. I am working steady now and they can all go 
 
 to the d 1. I am only sorry for my poor children the way they suffered 
 
 while I was giving my time to Anarchy. I have now worked four weeks 
 and made full time. This I have not done before for the last two years." 
 
 About two months after the above incident, Grueneberg and his family 
 passed the Desplaines Street Station. Meeting me, Grueneberg spoke up, 
 saying : 
 
 "Well, Captain, what do you think of my family now?" 
 
 " I must give you a great deal of credit," said I pleasantly. " You are 
 all looking remarkably well. A man that has gone as far as you in Anar- 
 chy deserves credit for such a great change, and if all the rest were kicked 
 out of their unions, I think it would be a blessing to their poor wives and 
 children." 
 
 After bidding me good-by, Grueneberg and his family walked away 
 proud and happy in their new condition, and I went to my office and drew 
 this moral from the example of reform I had just seen : Here was a man 
 who had belonged to the Anarchists for three or four years, and had been at 
 one time one of the "rankest" kind. For two years his family had suffered 
 want, and now, after having left the desperate band for two months only, 
 his wife and children were once more made happy. Anarchy keeps men in 
 poverty and families in trouble, distress and suffering. 
 
 Grueneberg up to the present time has kept away from his former 
 associates, and his change appears permanent and sincere. 
 
 OTTO BAUM was one of the desperate Anarchists who made the air blue 
 with imprecations against capital. He would have been gathered in with the 
 others had it not been for his special care to keep out of the reach of the 
 police. He lived at No. 137 Cleveland Avenue, was married and had three 
 children, and, when he worked, which he rarely did, it was at the carpenter's 
 trade. He was a strong, robust man, nearly six feet high, and with black 
 hair, full, black beard, and piercing black eyes, he presented a rather vicious 
 appearance. When he first came to Chicago, some four years preceding 
 the Haymarket meeting, he joined the Socialists, and he soon became a full- 
 fledged Anarchist. He belonged to the notorious International Carpenters' 
 Union No. i. This union had then a thousand members, and Baum's number 
 was 100. About two years ago the union changed its number to 241, and a 
 worse set of Anarchists could not be found in the United States than the 
 members of this organization just before the 4th of May, 1886. They were
 
 A WIFE-BEATING REVOLUTIONIST. 361 
 
 provided with all kinds of arms revolvers, daggers, rifles, dynamite and 
 fire-cans. Lingg was one of the leading spirits in this revolutionary gang. 
 After the Haymarket explosion, when the police took up a hot pursuit of 
 the conspirators, Baum changed his residence with his family and carefully 
 kept off the streets during the daytime. On the conclusion of the trial of 
 the leading conspirators, he became emboldened over the immunity he had 
 enjoyed from arrest, and crawled out of his hole, like a coon does in the 
 spring-time. 
 
 So great was Baunrs interest in Anarchy that he wholly neglected his 
 family. He never troubled himself about wife or children, but hung around 
 saloons guzzling beer and breathing vengeance against the police and society. 
 He went lower and lower from day to day, and frequently reeled home in a 
 drunken stupor, only to abuse his family. About a year and a half ago, 
 when his last child was born, his neglect had left not a mouthful in the 
 house, and, had it not been for the kindly assistance of friends and neigh- 
 bors, the family would have been in a most deplorable condition. When 
 the child was a week old, the wife, poor and sickly as she was, had to leave 
 the house and seek work to supply the family with the necessaries of life. 
 With food thus obtained, almost at the sacrifice of the poor woman's life, the 
 burly brute of a husband was always first at the table, and eagerly devoured 
 what she had provided. Did he seek to obtain employment ? Not at 
 all. He preferred loafing and talking about Anarchy. The poor wife's 
 uncomplaining toil he rewarded with abuse and cruelty, calling her the vilest 
 of names, and even kicking her about as if she were made of rubber. She 
 was a delicate, sickly woman, but she bore his fiendish treatment, hoping 
 that a change would come over him after the law had made an example of 
 other Anarchists. But the change did not come, and finally she determined 
 to seek the protection of the courts. Accordingly she went to the Chicago 
 Avenue Police Court on the 6th of February, 1888, with her infant in her 
 arms, and swore out a warrant against her husband. 
 
 The lazy giant was at once arrested, and on the next morning the poor 
 
 woman appeared to testify against him. Being unable to speak English, an 
 
 interpreter was called, and during the recital of her grievances and the many 
 
 indignities imposed upon her by her liege lord, the court-room was as quiet 
 
 Imost as a death-chamber. All eagerly listened to her troubles, and, her 
 
 statements being given in such a simple, convincing manner, many eyes were 
 
 loist with tears. Justice Kersten, who presides over this court, has no 
 
 regard for wife-beaters, and he promptly fined Baum $50. 
 
 "That," said he, in an emphatic manner, "will keep you locked up for 
 one hundred and three days." 
 
 The brute was then locked up where so many of his former associates 
 had been incarcerated two years previously, and in the afternoon he was 
 sent to the House of Correction by Bailiff Scanlan.
 
 362 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 During this episode it came out that Baum had been quite active in 
 Anarchist circles, and at the time the Anarchists were confined in the 
 County Jail he was engaged in an attempt to gather a mob to effect their 
 liberation. One night he went about saying that he was determined to kill 
 somebody before the next morning. The more he talked, the more frenzied 
 he became, and with his frenzy grew his thirst for liquor, the need of 
 which he felt to get up his courage to the required pitch. A few hours 
 afterwards he was found in the yard fronting his house, asleep and "dead 
 drunk." The only courage he ever displayed was in lording it over his 
 
 THE WIFE-BEATER'S TRIAL. 
 
 wife and beating her almost to death. He was a type of a very 
 large class of Anarchists. He would call the better class of people 
 tyrants, because they did not fill his pockets with plenty of money so that 
 he could get drunk as often as he desired, but in his own household he was 
 the meanest of tyrants. 
 
 Had Mrs. Baum been a little shrewder, she would not have had to 
 endure his brutalities as long as she did. There are many other wives of 
 Anarchists who are ill-treated by their husbands, but some of these 
 managed to bring their lords to their senses by a neat ruse. While the 
 investigations into the deeds of the Anarchists were going on the bandits
 
 
 A COMMITTEEMAN'S GRIEVANCE. 363 
 
 would almost crawl into a sewer to get out of the way of the police, and, 
 noticing the timely fright that overcame the "reds" whenever an officer or 
 detective appeared in their midst, many shrewd wives quieted wrathful 
 husbands by threatening to go out and see me. This ruse, I learn, was often 
 resorted to to avert a beating from a drunken Anarchist. 
 
 GUSTAV POCH was a conspicuous figure in Anarchist plots, and never 
 tired of working for the cause. But Anarchists are an anxious, jealous and 
 thankless lot of people, and because Gustav was achieving a little more 
 prominence than some of his immediate associates, they found fault with 
 him and sought to degrade him. They might have secretly given him 
 away to the police, and thus got him out of the way of their own advance- 
 ment, but a fear for their own safety prevented such a course, and so they 
 began calling him hard names. But I shall let Gustav state his own griev- 
 ance. Here is a letter he wrote to his union : 
 
 CHICAGO, September 10, 1884. 
 
 At a meeting held on the 3rd of September, instant, of Branch No. 2, of Union No. 21, 
 Carpenters and Joiners, the Secretary read a letter in which I, the undersigned, was insulted 
 in a shameful manner. In this letter they called me a swindler simply for the purpose of 
 breaking up the Union, and at the end of the letter they stated that I would be expelled from 
 the Union on account of it. The letter was signed by Fr. Ebert and Dom. All these insults 
 and injuries to my reputation I can't let pass. My honor, my reputation and my future pros- 
 perity are damaged and at stake. I would, therefore, move that an investigation be made 
 into the matter and that the instigators of the complaint be punished. What was their 
 motive ? For the last few weeks complaints have been made against me by the Secretary to 
 the effect that I, as Acting Secretary, had made false entries on the books. As he could not 
 exonerate himself in the eyes of my brothers, he drew up the letter, which was published at 
 the meeting of September 3rd, and which was signed by Fritz Ebert and Dom, to put me in 
 a bad light before the Union. The evidence : Fritz Ebert told me in the presence of John 
 Zwirlein that the main object out of which this accusation originated was the following : I 
 was selected by President Blair on the 3rd of May to the Main Committee in place of 
 Brother Eppinger, who could not serve on account of having too much other work while the 
 strike lasted. After that I held this position nineteen days. I got paid for twelve days, and 
 they withheld seven days from me and said I was discharged from the Main Committee. Is 
 there anything to show that I was expelled ? Of course I put in my claim for $21 in writing, 
 and no one ever told me what became of this claim. I was the only German-speaking repre- 
 sentative on the Strike Committee, and I had to do more labor than any one else. Any one 
 who participated in the strike during the last seven days can confirm this assertion. Now, 
 how can Mr. Printer put up such a letter and show me up as a swindler ? 
 
 In consequence of the insults inflicted on me, I besj for an investigation and for his 
 punishment according to the rules and regulations of the Brotherhood. 
 
 GUSTAV POCH
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Plot against the Police Anarchist Banners and Emblems Stealing 
 a Captured Flag A Mystery at a Station-house Finding the Fire-cans Their 
 Construction and Use Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses Glass Bombs Putting 
 the Women Forward Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians 
 Testing the Infernal Machines The Effects of Anarchy The Moral to be Drawn 
 Looking for Labor Sympathy A Crazy Scheme Catling Gun vs. Dynamite The 
 Threatened Attack on the Station-houses Watching the Third Window Selecting a 
 Weapon Planning Murder The Test of Would-be Assassins The Meeting at Lin- 
 coln Park Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house A Fortunate Escape. 
 
 IN the numerous arrests and raids made, the police became thoroughly 
 acquainted with the most notorious Anarchists in the city, the ins and 
 outs of their resorts, and even the interior arrangement of their dwelling- 
 places. Not only were suspects arrested, but search was made for contra- 
 band articles. A varied collection of arms, bombs, etc., and a large assort- 
 ment of red bunting thus found their way to the Chicago Avenue Station. 
 In all the public demonstrations made by the Anarchists in the city they had 
 carried many flags, banners and transparencies as emblems of defiance, and 
 whenever such were found they were carefully taken in charge. When the in- 
 vestigations were concluded, the inner room of my private office was well filled 
 with a most curious display of these time-worn and weather-beaten ensigns, 
 and the collection is very interesting as a reminder of a critical period in the 
 history of Chicago. There are flags of a very primitive and cheap descrip- 
 tion, and flags more or less elaborate and expensive. They varied in size 
 and differed in the degree of their crimson colors. Those belonging to 
 groups were large and plain, showing frequent handling by dirt-begrimed 
 hands, and were mounted on plain pine staffs. Those carried by the Lehr 
 und Wehr Verein were of finer texture and larger in size, its principal 
 standard, of silk, being a present from the female revolutionists and gor- 
 geous in the amplitude of its folds. This silken standard was the pride and 
 joy of the whole fraternity, and at one time it served to relieve the motley 
 collection with its bright vermilion, but in some unaccountable manner it 
 disappeared one day from a West Side police station. The reds had evi- 
 dently set their hearts on recapturing it, and by some sort of legerdemain 
 the} 7 succeeded. Who it was that accomplished the deed has never been 
 disclosed, and in whose custody it is now is a profound secret, carefully 
 kept by the Anarchists. 
 
 The men who were always relied upon to carry these flags in the pro- 
 cessions of the reds were Ernst Hubner, Appelman, Paul Otto, Stohlbaum, 
 W. Hageman, Seliger, Lutz, Gustav Lehman, Paul Lehman, and Mrs. 
 Parsons, Mrs. Holmes and some other women, and possibly some of these 
 
 364
 
 AN INCENDIARY CAN. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 
 
 This is a tin can filled with petroleum, and provided with a small powder flask, secured in the center by 
 means of a screw-top, which also serves to hold the fuse in position. Numbers of these cans were found. 
 They were intended for setting fire to buildings and other property.
 
 366 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 may know something of the mysterious disappearance of the Anarchists' 
 chief standard. 
 
 During the searches by the department for other suspicious and inflam- 
 matory articles, several fire-cans were found in the northwest part of the 
 city, on the 3d of June, by Officer Whalen. In exterior appearance these 
 looked very harmless, but an examination of their contents showed them 
 capable of doing a great deal'of mischief. They each had a capacity of a 
 quart, and were made of medium heavy tin, with a round hole in the center 
 of the top, about an inch in diameter. This opening was provided with a 
 threaded neck of tin about an inch high, with a cover to fit. Underneath 
 the cover was a sort of clasp, into which fitted the neck of a small vial, 
 and through the cover a small hole was bored, for the admission of a fuse 
 into the vial. When ready for use the can would be filled with an explosive 
 or with coal-oil, and the flask would contain powder. All that then remained 
 would be to light the fuse, throw the can either into a lumber-yard or under 
 the stairway of some residence or business block, and no one would know 
 the perpetrator of a possibly disastrous fire. The cans found by Officer 
 Whalen were loaded and had evidently been intended for use on the night 
 of May 4. Fortunately the owner must have become frightened and hid 
 them to escape arrest. 
 
 The suggestion for the manufacture of these cans came from across the 
 water. A short time preceding May 4, at a meeting held in Thalia Hall, a 
 few Frenchmen and several Germans, who had passed through the reign of 
 the Commune in Paris in 1871, gave a general idea of the important part 
 such cans had played in that city and added that women at that time did 
 as good work with them as the men. Such fire-cans, together with glass 
 balls filled with nitro-glycerine, were carried in baskets, and if the reds 
 wanted to destroy a building they would throw a can through the window, or 
 if they desired to annihilate a guard of soldiers they would hurl into their 
 midst one of the glass balls, which would explode by concussion and tear 
 the men to pieces. 
 
 These missiles had created great havoc in Paris, and the members of 
 the Thalia Hall gathering were urged to adopt them for use in Chicago. 
 At that time there were enough desperate Anarchists in the city to have 
 used all that could have been manufactured, but some of the men at the 
 meeting insisted that the women should be asked to assist in disposing of 
 them to the destruction of the town. One big, loud-mouthed fellow, evi- 
 dently a coward, shouted : 
 
 "My wife will do that. She is an Anarchist as good as any one 
 of us." 
 
 No doubt she was an Anarchist, as the city had a great many of these 
 poor, deluded creatures at the time, who were willing to do almost any- 
 thing their husbands might ask, but many of whom have since had occasion
 
 EXPERIMENTING WITH FIRE-CANS. 367 
 
 to feel the poverty into which they were finally forced by men who neglected 
 work, family and all for the sake of talking revolution. 
 
 Many of these men were just cowardly enough to thrust their wives for- 
 ward where danger lurked, and while they themselves enjoyed the safety of 
 a groggery, they would have been pleased, "for principle's sake," to see 
 their poor helpmeets go around and set fire to houses and other property, 
 so that the dauntless husbands could brag of the brave achievements of 
 "the family." 
 
 The meeting in question must have set the Anarchists to thinking ; and 
 it is a matter of record that Parsons had fallen into the same idea when he 
 addressed a secret meeting on the North Side, to which I shall subsequently 
 refer. It is certain that many of these fire-cans were manufactured. 
 
 Besides the petroleum-cans discovered by Officer Whalen, a lot of the 
 same kind were taken out of the city by way of West Lake Street on May 
 7, when the Anarchists were hurrying their ammunition out of town to pre- 
 vent detection. According to the statements of some reformed reds, there 
 are a great many of these cans and bombs still concealed in the Bohemian 
 settlement in the southwest part of the city. 
 
 On the 8th of June, 1886, I decided to have the cans tested, and for this 
 purpose detailed Officers Rehm and Coughlin. The latter had at one time 
 been a miner, and was therefore experienced in the use of explosives. The 
 two officers took one of the cans to the lake shore. The can was placed on 
 a plot of grass and the fuse lighted. In eight seconds an explosion fol- 
 lowed. The grass burned within a circumference of five feet. The flame 
 extended four feet in height and continued for about three minutes. The 
 officers gave it as their opinion that any one of the cans was sufficient to 
 set a building on fire. 
 
 What a blessing it was for our citizens that this devilish invention did 
 not spread its destructive work before May 4, 1886. 
 
 As stated at the outset, the police were brought, in all these raids, into 
 close acquaintanceship with the malcontents, and often came in close con- 
 tact with their families. Some of the sights they saw were shocking in the 
 extreme, and they had many opportunities to sound the depths of misery 
 and want entailed upon families by husbands gone daft on Anarchy. The 
 tales of woe and domestic infelicity poured into their ears would fill many 
 pages, but the general tenor of all can be judged by what has been revealed 
 in the statements given in the preceding chapters. 
 
 Anarchy may look extremely inviting when depicted by a plausible 
 speaker, but its practical side is strikingly brought out in the home life of 
 its devotees. Any one visiting the homes of Anarchists, and carefully con- 
 trasting the surroundings with those of true laboring men not affected by 
 the taint of revolution, would give Anarchy a wide berth. But unfortun- 
 ately men get their brains turned over sophistical arguments against
 
 368 
 
 ANARCHY AA T D ANARCHISTS. 
 
 capital and madly rush to ruin without thinking of consequences until it is 
 too late. Read the reports made to me at the time, and they all tell the 
 same story of want and degradation. 
 
 There always has been and always will be a fascination about any 
 scheme that promises ease without labor. So long as men can be found 
 with impressionable minds that can be swayed by demagogues into a belief 
 that Anarchy has in it the elements of comfort, splendor and luxury with 
 very little toil, so long, no doubt, will dupes be found ready to sacrifice 
 energy, thrift and independence for the life-degrading scarlet banner. But 
 such ease can never be attained through blood in the United States. That 
 fact has been established in Chicago, and the precedent ought to serve as 
 
 a terrible warning to all malcontents. If 
 the abject want of those who constitute 
 the bulk of the revolutionists, whose 
 very squalor has been the result of their 
 zeal for Anarchy, is not sufficient to deter 
 men from becoming Anarchists, the fate 
 of the eight conspirators who were 
 brought to trial in Chicago ought at least 
 to prevent men from plotting murder, 
 incendiarism and pillage. 
 
 With the tremendous odds against 
 them, it is surprising that men could be 
 found willing to take up arms for the 
 destruction of life and property, and 
 the action of the reds in Chicago can be 
 explained only on the theory that they 
 felt they had only to strike one severe 
 blow to bring thousands of secret sym- 
 pathizers into line, and cause capitalists 
 HENRY SPIES to humble themselves in the dust be- 
 
 From a photograph. f ore the Social Revolution. This theory 
 
 is borne out by the statements of the many repentant Anarchists who came 
 under the displeasure of the police. In their excited gatherings they had 
 each propped up the hopes and spirits of the others, and all reason was sunk 
 in the one frenzied, consuming desire to wreak vengeance upon those who 
 had accumulated more wealth than themselves. They were bent on 
 wresting away the wealth of others, and no mercy was to be shown to 
 those who stood between them and that end. 
 
 The police, as protectors of wealth in property and property in wealth, 
 were the immediate objects of their enmity and wrath, and throughout the 
 Anarchistic conspiracy, as has been shown by the disclosures made, we 
 were to receive their first and special attention before the grand onslaught
 
 DYNAMITE vs. GATLING GUN. 369 
 
 upon capitalists. Crazed by their speakers and dazed with the glittering 
 prospect held out to them, the human fiends proposed to exterminate us 
 with dynamite and then vanquish the rich and abolish all forms of property. 
 
 Could anything be more absurd ? And yet that is what they sought to 
 accomplish on the eventful night of May 4th. 
 
 It would seem that the scheme to blow up the police stations could only 
 originate in a lunatic asylum, but the confessions of those arrested show 
 that men with apparently sound minds minds at least sane enough to 
 keep them out of such institutions actually contemplated it and had 
 made all the necessary arrangements to execute the plot. Strange must 
 have been their conceptions of public sentiment when they believed that the 
 execution of their bloody plan would result in the establishment of wider 
 and freer social conditions, and strange, indeed, must have been their 
 hallucinations when they thought that the devastation they proposed would 
 be seconded and aided by the laboring men whom they counted upon as 
 secret sympathizers ready to reveal their true feelings the moment the revo- 
 lution was generally inaugurated. 
 
 The danger of the scheme to themselves did not strike them until the 
 last moment, when their courage was to be put to a practical test, but, 
 fortunately for themselves, they went no further than the Haymarket riot. 
 
 That they seriously contemplated more than they perpetrated is beyond 
 dispute. They saw the intense excitement consequent on the eight-hour 
 strike and the troubles at McCormick's factory, and knew that the police 
 stations would be filled with officers in readiness for emergencies. They 
 had called the Haymarket meeting for the express purpose of provoking 
 hostilities, and they regarded it as an opportune time to strike a terrible 
 blow against the police all over the city. Their calculations in that respect 
 were eminently correct. 
 
 The moment the reds began to incite a vicious mob to deeds of blood- 
 shed, hostilities were provoked, and they got a dose of their own medicine. 
 Had it not been for their precipitate flight they would have fared far worse. 
 All the police stations were full of men, all the reserves having been called 
 out for duty on the first sign of violent demonstrations, and these stood 
 ready to make short work of all who might stand up against them in a con- 
 flict. It was fortunate for the conspirators that they considered "discretion 
 the better part of valor" at the Haymarket, and doubly fortunate that they 
 received no signal to commence their bloody operations at the stations. 
 
 The loss of life no doubt would have been appalling on both sides, but 
 the outcome, as far as the triumph of law and order is concerned, would 
 have been the same. The bomb would have done deadly work at the start, 
 but the Gatling gun would have come to the rescue had the police been 
 seriously crippled. 
 
 Missiles of dynamite hurled into the stations on that eventful night of
 
 370 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 May 4 would indeed have created terrible havoc. In fact, the reds could 
 not have chosen a time more favorable for their bloody plans. The East 
 Chicago Avenue Station that night contained a very large force. I had in 
 reserve and waiting orders one hundred and twenty-five officers. They 
 were all over the building, up and down stairs, in the court-room, in the 
 reception-room and in every other available place. Many were in the office, 
 which is used as a roll-call room, and in which all details of officers are 
 made. This office is in the center of the building and overlooks an alley on 
 the east. The officers were organized into five companies, and all duly 
 numbered. Any company could be called at any time, and in less than five 
 minutes it would be in marching order. 
 
 This precaution was taken in expectation of a call to the Haymarket, 
 and the Anarchists, in the damnable conspiracies of that evening, had anti- 
 cipated such preparations. They were accordingly on the ground. Fif- 
 teen members of the North Side group, as appears plainly from the 
 confessions of some of the Anarchists, loitered around the station, waiting 
 for orders or signal, or to abide their own pleasure as soon as they could 
 see for themselves that the riot had begun on the West Side. When 
 that time arrived, they were to watch the windows of the roll-call room from 
 the alley and throw their infernal machines into the midst of the officers the 
 moment the room was full. 
 
 The cut-throats skulked around the station like so many Indians around 
 the cabin of a helpless settler, constantly dodging around in the darkness, 
 fearful that they might be discovered. True to their instincts, however, 
 these Chicago reds could not do without their beer while awake, and they 
 made frequent trips to neighboring beer-saloons. About 9:30 o'clock Lieut. 
 Baus and Lieut. Lloyd, each with a company of officers, returned from the 
 Central Station, where I had sent them as a reserve during the Haymarket 
 meeting, and when the Anarchists saw them in the roll-call room of my 
 station, they sneaked around on the dark side of the alley and selected the 
 third and fourth windows as those through which their deadly bombs should 
 crash on their destructive mission. These windows are in the center of the 
 large room. They had with them a number of bombs, both of the round 
 lead and the long gas-pipe variety. While they stood underneath those 
 windows, they got into a whispered quarrel about the kind of bomb that 
 should be used. 
 
 Bock had a round lead bomb, and he said : 
 
 "I don't think this will go off. Let one of you throw a larger bomb." 
 
 Then Abraham Hermann became angry and said : 
 
 "You d d fool, what the d -1 are you here for, if your d d 
 
 bombs are no good ? You are too much of a coward to throw them." 
 
 Just at this point two officers left the station to visit a cigar-store, and 
 stopped for a moment at the entrance of the alley to finish their conversation.
 
 COWARDS IN AMBUSH. 
 
 The Anarchists saw them, and, thinking that they had been discovered, 
 they hurriedly made their exit in an opposite direction, running to the rear 
 of the building on its dark side and then emerging on Superior Street. 
 Some of them went over to the West Side, to the Haymarket meeting, and 
 others sought different saloons on Clark Street. 
 
 After frequent libations, some met again on Superior Street in the 
 vicinity of a wagon-manufacturing establishment, and, under the cover of 
 numerous wagons standing on the street between Clark Street and La Salle 
 Avenue, they decided that the men who then had 
 bombs should proceed to the call-room windows, 
 and the others, with revolvers, should take position 
 in the alley diagonally across from the entrance of 
 the station. Then, 
 at the proper 
 signal, the bombs 
 were to be hurled 
 in^p the room, and 
 the men across 
 the way were to 
 fire a volley into 
 such officers as 
 might come out. 
 
 While this plan 
 was being form- 
 ed, I received an 
 order from In- 
 spector Bonfield 
 to send all my 
 men to the West 
 Side dou ble - 
 quick, ready for 
 action, with a 
 hurried explana- 
 tion of the riot 
 and the killing of 
 
 officers, and in less than four minutes I had seventy-five men on the way to 
 the Haymarket. The Anarchists were still standing among the wagons, and, 
 to their great surprise and dismay, they saw three patrol wagons passing with: 
 a tremendous speed. Their hearts at once fell into their boots, and they 
 knew that the trouble had commenced. They repaired to Moody's church, 
 and remained there a few moments deliberating what should be done. One 
 of them tried to brace up the flagging spirits of his comrades by saying! 
 that "now the time had arrived when something must be done, but thefyJ 
 
 THE LARRABEE STREET STATION. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 372 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 must never tell of their being there." Not one, however, seemed willing to- 
 execute the plot they had agreed upon. On the contrary, they turned up 
 La Salle Avenue and ran to Neff's Hall as fast as their legs could carry 
 them. What occurred at that hall that night I have already shown in a 
 preceding chapter. 
 
 The plan to throw bombs into the roll-call room was afterwards unfolded 
 to me by one of those in the plot, and, had it not been for the two officers 
 accidentally stopping at the entrance of the alley, many of the boys of the 
 Fifth Precinct would have been murdered even before the commencement 
 of the riot at the Haymarket. The ruffians who hung around that station 
 were Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, the two Hageman brothers, 
 Habizreiter, Heineman, Charles Bock, Heumann, and others from the 
 North Side group and Lake View. 
 
 Another station in great danger that night was that on Larrabee Street,, 
 in charge of Lieut. John Baus, with forty-eight officers. It is located on 
 the northwest corner of Larrabee Street and North Avenue, and is a two- 
 story brick building with a basement. This basement contains a cell-room 
 located in the center of the building, with windows on the North Avenue 
 side, and that side twas chosen for the scene of operations. The men 
 especially relied upon to blow up this building were Lingg, Seliger, Muntz- 
 enberg, Huber, Thielen and Hirschberger, and they, together with other 
 members of the North Side group, lingered in the vicinity, loaded with 
 bombs, and waiting only to see "the heavens illuminated" or to receive a 
 message from one of the runners. But before they knew what had trans- 
 pired at the Haymarket a patrol wagon dashed out of the station and 
 whizzed by with a load of officers. This dazed them, and they hurried to 
 Neff's Hall to learn particulars and receive new instructions. When they 
 got there Neff told them that they were all a set of cowards and advised 
 them to go home. They took his advice and were glad to crawl back into- 
 their holes. 
 
 Webster Avenue Station, in charge of Lieut. Elias E. Lloyd, with forty- 
 four officers, also received attention. The building is a two-story frame 
 located on the north side of the street, near Lincoln Avenue, and its prin- 
 cipal apartment, the roll-call room, is on the first floor facing the street. 
 The men especially assigned to the destruction of this station were Ernst 
 Hubner, Gustav Lehman, Otto Lehman, Jebolinski and Lange, backed by 
 several other frowsy and low-skulled sneaks, and these hovered around the 
 station, hiding in dark recesses whenever some one casually passed along 
 the sidewalk, or dodging into an alley whenever an officer was discovered 
 approaching them. They all waited for "the signal which never came," 
 and, getting tired of stimulating each other with a courage they did not 
 possess, they finally concluded to adjourn to Neff's Hall. Whenever, on 
 the way to that place, one upbraided the other for not throwing a bomb,
 
 A NO THER TR YS TING-PL A CE. 
 
 373 
 
 each would point to the fact that the area in front of the building was 
 always occupied by officers sitting in easy chairs and sniffing the evening 
 breeze, and there was no chance to get near the cell-room ; but they all 
 promised one another that they would go back and blow the building into 
 smithereens and the officers into shreds of flesh, regardless of personal 
 consequences, if they should hear "good news" at Neff's. But they did 
 not go back. Lieut. Lloyd was not called on for assistance at the Hay- 
 market until about eleven o'clock, and by that time the cowards had got 
 their information at Neff's and were glad for an excuse to make a "bee line " 
 for home, if the hovels they lived in can be dignified by that designation. 
 
 There is no doubt that these wretches would have blown up the station 
 if the police had dispersed the 
 Haymarket meeting earlier in 
 the evening, but by waiting so 
 long they lost what little courage 
 they had. There was no patrol 
 wagon attached to this station 
 at that time, but, as one of them 
 told me afterwards, the Anarch- 
 ists stood ready to hurl a bomb 
 into a street-car had the officers 
 come out earlier to take the cars 
 in order to hasten to the assist- 
 ance of the force at the Hay- 
 market. They intended to make 
 their work complete, and they 
 were all well provided with 
 bombs, even though they were 
 rather short on courage. This 
 was a part of the gang which 
 had an appointment at Lincoln 
 Park, only five blocks from the station, and some of them sought there 
 early in the evening for a large number of recruits who failed to materialize 
 when danger was in sight. 
 
 The spot chosen for the meeting-place in Lincoln Park was at "Schiller's 
 Denkmal " (monument). Here it was that a few gathered, but, not finding 
 as many present as they expected, they separated to the several localities 
 assigned them for the execution of their plot. 
 
 It will be recalled that, at the Monday night meeting preceding the Hay- 
 market riot, those living on the North Side were ordered to report at Lin- 
 coln Park for definite instructions, and those on the West Side at Wicker 
 Park, and the order seems to have been obeyed by a few of the more cour- 
 ageous Anarchists. 
 
 THE SCHILLER MONUMENT. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 374 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The vicinity of the Schiller monument was the place also where those 
 who had been arrested and had made confessions met, along with other 
 Anarchists, on the night preceding the taking of testimony in the trial of 
 the prisoners, and on this occasion, Mr. Furthmann tells me, they agreed, 
 with one exception, to inform the prosecution that they would not take the 
 witness-stand to testify to the matters they had revealed to the State. If 
 they were put on as witnesses, they agreed, they could swear that all they 
 had told me and Mr. Furthmann with reference to the conspiracy was pure 
 
 and unadulterated false- 
 hood. Mr. Waller refused 
 to be a party to such an 
 agreement, and by his 
 stubborn stand he caused 
 several of the other wit- 
 nesses for the State to 
 change their minds and 
 stick to the truth. Others, 
 however, held out, and, 
 when asked by the State 
 to appear, refused. Waller 
 proved a very strong wit- 
 ness, and, as Mr. Furth- 
 mann says, not one of the 
 witnesses for the defense 
 dared to contradict his 
 testimony. 
 
 But to return to the 
 contemplated attacks on 
 the police stations. The 
 Hinman Street house was 
 the fourth one in the list 
 marked for destruction. 
 This station was in charge 
 of Lieut. Richard Shep- 
 pard, and contained on 
 the night in question 
 thirty-four officers. It is a two-story brick building with basement, and 
 is situated at the northwest corner of Hinman and Paulina Streets. 
 The basement is used as a lock-up for the detention of prisoners, and 
 all the offices are located on the first floor, facing Paulina Street. The 
 patrol-wagon barn is situated in the rear of the station, contiguous to an 
 alley, through which the street is reached. Around this locality between 
 eighty and a hundred Anarchists gathered for work and to await the 
 
 THE HINMAN STREET STATION. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 BOMBS, RIFLES AND REVOLVERS. 375 
 
 signal. Mende and Sisterer were at the head of this murderous gang. 
 Some were to exploit with rifles from the alley north of the station and 
 on the east side of the street; others, with dynamite bombs, were to 
 look after the officers in the rooms where they might happen to be most 
 numerous, and those with revolvers were to station themselves in the alley 
 directly behind the station to shoot down any of the officers who might come 
 out in the patrol wagon, and also to kill the horses. Others, again, with 
 revolvers, were to post themselves in front of the station to kill those who 
 might escape the deadly bombs and seek safety by rushing into the street. 
 The riflemen were to come as a reserve force to shoot down any who might 
 have escaped both the revolvers and bombs. They were a desperate set 
 and appeared determined on the execution of the plot. The men who com- 
 posed the gang were Germans, Bohemians and Poles, all members of the" 
 West Side group, and some outsiders who worked in freight-houses and 
 lumber-yards, and not one of them had any love for a policeman. This 
 district had been for several years the scene of numerous strikes, and, as the 
 officers had always suppressed the rioters, the latter were viciously dis- 
 posed towards the guardians of the peace. Some of these reds were very 
 anxious to see the work of annihilation commence, and they loitered around 
 in small squads so as not to arouse suspicion until they could learn whether 
 the- revolution had been inaugurated at the Haymarket meeting. There 
 was no call on this station for assistance at the time of the explosion, as 
 Inspector Bonfield thought it possible that trouble might arise at McCor- 
 mick's, and the officers in that locality might thus be required in that direc- 
 tion ; and as the diabolical conspirators saw no officers or patrol wagon 
 move out, they became anxious to know how the Haymarket affair had termi- 
 nated, and one by one they sneaked away from their hiding-places. When 
 they finally learned particulars about the shooting, they ran home, and, like 
 the cowards they were, kept under cover for several days. Later in the 
 evening one company was ordered from this station to guard Desplaines 
 Street, after the wounded officers had all been brought from the Haymarket. 
 When the wagon had reached Halsted and Harrison Streets, however, 
 Capt. O'Donnell halted it and ordered the officers back to the station, as 
 it had been ascertained that all the Anarchists had sought their homes for 
 the night. 
 
 It was very fortunate that the officers were not called out earlier in the 
 evening. If Inspector Bonfield had ordered them to report a few moments 
 after the riot, very few of the men would have escaped alive. I have since 
 learned that the brigands who were sneaking around that station that 
 night numbered nearly one hundred, and as one-half of them were under 
 the influence of liquor, it is very likely that they would have committed 
 desperate deeds had the occasion offered.
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Legal Battle The Beginning of Proceedings in Court Work in 
 the Grand Jury Room The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature A Witness who was 
 not Positive Side Lights on the Testimony The Indictments Returned Selecting 
 a Jury Sketches of the Jurymen Ready for the Struggle. 
 
 THE case was now in condition to be turned over to the courts. The 
 detective work was done, and, as I flatter myself, and as the result 
 proved, well done. A deliberate and fiendish conspiracy to bring about 
 riot, destruction and death had been proven. The Haymarket gathering 
 was projected to invite a police attack, and this attack was to be the pre- 
 text for dynamite, murder and the social revolution. Of course much of 
 the information given in the preceding pages was not used either in the 
 grand jury room or at the trial. It was not necessary. State's Attorney 
 Grinnell, with his usual wisdom and tact, selected only the best, strongest 
 and most reliable witnesses, and left out the minor ones. The statements 
 of all those who " squealed " were conclusive, criminative and corroborative, 
 but their presentation in court would have simply lumbered up the case. 
 
 As a result of the energetic work of Coroner Hertz the principal con- 
 spirators had been bound over, without bail, at the inquest. 
 
 The grand jury was impaneled on the i7th of May, 1886, and was com- 
 posed of the following named persons : John N. Hills (foreman), George 
 Watts, Peter Clinton, George Adams, Charles Schultz, Thomas Broderick, 
 William Bartels, Fred. Wilkinson, P. J. Maloney, John Held, A. J. Grover, 
 Frank N. Seavert, E. A. Jessel, Theodore Schultze, Alfred Thorp, N. J. 
 Webber, Adolph Wilke, Fred Gall, Edward S. Dreyer, John M. Clark, 
 John C. Neemes, N. J. Quan and T. W. Hall. 
 
 Judge John G. Rogers delivered a long, able and forcible charge to the 
 members of this grand jury. He first called attention to the necessity of 
 their not being influenced in their acts by fear, favor or affection, and then 
 dwelt upon what constitutes freedom of speech. He said : 
 
 "We hear a good deal these days about what is called the freedom of 
 speech. Now, there is a good deal of misconception of the Constitution of 
 the United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and I may 
 say of all States in the Union, upon this question of freedom of speech. I 
 have copied the provisions upon which persons rely who continually say 
 that in this free country men have a right to assemble men have a right 
 to speak and say what they please. There is no such right. There is no 
 such constitutional right. The constitutional rights as expressed in the 
 Constitution are : 'That Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom 
 of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble 
 and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.' The same 
 principle is carried along into the State Constitutions; and in the Constitu- 
 
 376
 
 THE RIGHT OF FREE SPEECH. 
 
 377 
 
 tion of the State of Illinois, and in its Bill of Rights, there is a provision 
 that ' every person may freely speak, write and publish on all subjects, 
 being responsible for the use of that liberty.' And in another provision the 
 people have a right ' to assemble in peaceable manner, to consult for the 
 common good, to make known their opinions to their representatives, and 
 to apply for a redress of grievances.' You will perceive in a moment that 
 the construction of the United States constitutional right has 
 been interpreted, if I may so express myself, in the Consti- 
 tution of the State of Illinois, and that interpretation is the 
 one that the courts have always recognized, and that, while a 
 man may speak freely and write and publish upon all sub- 
 jects, he is responsible for the abuse of the liberty of speech. 
 I refer to these constitutional rights because some men are 
 so inconsistent as to say there shall be no law for any such 
 rights, yet claim the protection of these rights in the broadest 
 sense, and, with an interpretation satisfactory to their own 
 minds, that a man may get up, and, in a public speech to 
 a public crowd, advise murder and arson, the destruction of 
 property and the injury of people. That is a wild license which 
 the Constitution of this country has never recognized any 
 more than it has been recognized in the worst despotisms of 
 old and of monarchical Europe. I hope and you hope it 
 will never be recognized." 
 
 The eminent jurist then illustrated the point of responsi- 
 bility. If, said he, he should get up and there advise mem- 
 bers of the jury that the foreman ought to be hanged for some 
 assumed offense, he would be advising the commission of a 
 crime ; and if his advice was followed he himself who incited 
 the hanging would be just as guilty of murder as the ones 
 who did it. He next referred to the Haymarket riot and 
 counseled the jury to look not only to the man who actually 
 committed the crime, but to those who stood behind him, 
 who actually advised it. He held that the men who so advised 
 were equally guilty and should be held responsible for it. 
 "What," he said "is an incendiary speech but inciting men 
 to commit wild acts ? " He spoke of the red flag in Chicago 
 and said : " What is a red flag in a procession, or a black 
 flag, but a menace, a threat ? It is understood to be emble- 
 matic of blood, and that no quarter will be given. Flags of NEEBE'S SWORD 
 
 , ... AND BELT. 
 
 that sort ought not to be permitted to be borne in proces- 
 sions in this city." He referred to the labor troubles of the Knights of 
 Labor, which, he acknowledged, happily had no connection with the Hay- 
 market or with Anarchy, and then, for the guidance of the jury in reaching 
 conclusions on the Anarchistic conspiracy, he quoted the statutes on what 
 constituted conspiracy and the penalty for riots. In closing Judge Rogers 
 counseled the jury to consider all evidence submitted with fairness and 
 impartiality.
 
 378 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The next day the grand jury entered upon its work. A great many wit- 
 nesses appeared before it, but many of them were not required at the trial, as 
 their testimony would neither add to nor detract from the strength of the 
 case. Facts were brought out under the latitude allowed in a grand jury room 
 that could not, under court procedure, be brought into a cause on trial 
 because of their not bearing directly on the charges, or not tending to sup- 
 ply some material connecting link in the chain of evidence. Some of this 
 testimony, while not serving to throw any special light upon the conspiracy, 
 may yet illustrate some phases of Anarchy growing out of the propagation 
 of Anarchistic ideas and features incidental to the cause celebre; and for 
 that purpose I have carefully scanned over the official grand jury reports 
 and selected such omitted points as. will serve to give a better general idea 
 of the whole subject.* 
 
 The sale and circulation of Anarchistic literature in Chicago was one of 
 the matters into which inquiry was made. Anton Laufermann, a Division 
 Street bookseller, testified that Most had written "The Solution of the 
 Socialistic Question," " The Movement in Old Rome, or Caesarism," " The 
 Bastile at Platzensee," and other works, including "The Science of War." 
 It appeared that these Anarchistic books were not, as a rule, handled by 
 booksellers. 
 
 Edward Deuss, city editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, told the grand jury 
 that the dynamite book Most's " Science of War " was usually sold by 
 men at picnics and similar gatherings, and that a book-store would be the 
 ast place to look for it. The men who peddled this literature were volun- 
 teers who made no money out of the sales. 
 
 This evidence was corroborated by other persons. The plan seemed to 
 be to scatter Most's works quietly among the people, thus avoiding any of 
 the difficulties or dangers which might follow from open and undisguised 
 sale. The main source of supply was manifestly the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office. The books were easy to get : nearly all the arrested Anarchists had 
 copies of the dynamite book in their possession. One of the most persistent 
 colporteurs was Muntzenberg. The hundreds of copies of incendiary books 
 and pamphlets were passed around from one man to another, and it is out 
 of the question to attempt to estimate the amount of injury they have done. 
 The evidence upon this point so much, at least, as came from the office of 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung was unsatisfactory. This, however, was to have been 
 expected when the character and peculiar beliefs of the witnesses is con- 
 sidered. For instance, Gerhardt Lizius, an editorial writer on this paper, 
 after being questioned, without satisfactory results, about the interior 
 arrangements of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and various articles about the 
 premises, was asked to define Anarchy and Socialism. 
 
 "A Socialist," he said, "wants the State to regulate everything, while 
 we don't want any authority whatever. We want the people to associate
 
 THE CREED OF THE "JtEDS." 379 
 
 themselves for production and consummation (of the highest good), accord- 
 ing to their own desires." 
 
 "How does it happen that capital is in your way? " asked Mr. GrinnelL 
 
 "Because the capitalist has taken something from us that is not his, 
 that we have created." 
 
 "What is the manner the Anarchists have adopted in reaching that 
 which they have not got now?" 
 
 "We want to get it any way we can peaceably if we can, and forcibly 
 if we must." 
 
 "Even to the extent of a capitalist's life ? " 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 " Do you believe in the use of dynamite ? " 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 "You say that you should not divide your property with your neighbor. 
 Why should the capitalist?" 
 
 "We don't want him to divide anything. We want him to make it 
 public property. He has got as much right to it as we have. Everybody, 
 according to our view, should have the right of life, liberty and the pursuit 
 of happiness. That means that I should have the right to the means of 
 life, and that means, of course, that we should have the right to everything 
 that nature gives us, so that every man, if he wants, can work, and every- 
 body make a living. If he don't want to work, then of course he should 
 not make a living." 
 
 "The Arbeiter-Zeitung was an Anarchistic paper? " 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 "Did the Arbeiter-Zeitung divide its things ? " 
 
 "There was nothing to divide there. We didn't make any money." 
 
 "Supposing that you and I should want the same thing how would 
 you settle that question ? " 
 
 "Well, I guess there can be more than one of these things made." 
 
 " I might want a cow that you would want, or a horse ; you might want 
 the same thing how would you settle that matter?" 
 
 "I work for it and get it." 
 
 "I thought you did not believe in that?" continued Mr. GrinnelL 
 
 "You did not hear me say anything of the kind. I said that we should 
 have the right to work so that we could make a living. We didn't want 
 anything without work." 
 
 "Now, you figure that a man who has got a hundred thousand dollars 
 by reason of having worked hard, stands in your way ; isn't that your idea ? " 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 "Suppose I have got ten cows and you don't get any; you have been 
 lazy and haven't earned your ten cows. Now, how do you get half of my 
 cows?"
 
 380 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "You are looking at this thing from the standpoint of the present system 
 of society. It is impossible for any of you gentleman, if you are not Social- 
 ists and don't understand what Socialism is, to get at the idea at all as to 
 how things are run. You have to look at it from the standpoint of 
 Socialism." 
 
 " Your idea is to have society without any law ? " 
 
 "The Government is only for the oppression of people. We would 
 have to organize for some purposes." 
 
 "Supposing this Government should get something in its mails that you 
 would happen to want, should you have a right to take it ? " 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 " Suppose you did take it, what would be done with you ?" 
 
 "No man is supposed to take anything that does not belong to him." 
 
 " You would have law to punish people, wouldn't you ? " 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 Being asked if he had seen about the Arbeiter-Zeitung office any imple- 
 ments of warfare, Lizius answered in the negative not even pistols or 
 anything of that kind. 
 
 " Do you believe that the man who threw the bomb over there [meaning 
 the Haymarket] did right?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 "And that it was a righteous act in shooting down the policemen?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 The reason he advanced for his belief was that it was an act of self- 
 defense; that the police, according to his knowledge, had attacked the 
 crowd with clubs before the bomb was thrown. This sort of misinforma- 
 tion seems to have been spread among the ignorant Anarchists, and Lizius, 
 when he said he believed it, knew better and simply adopted it as an 
 excuse for their acts. 
 
 "Do you believe in the existence of a God?" asked one of the jurymen. 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 "Have you any regard for law at all ? " 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 " Have you any regard for the obligation of an oath taken before the 
 grand jury?" 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 "You have been sworn here 'by the ever-living God.' You have no 
 regard for that oath, have you ? " 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 "Have you told the truth ? " 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 "How did you come to tell the truth? " 
 
 " I am not in the habit of lying. There is no cause for it."
 
 i. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with percussion caps, to explode on falling. 
 The bomb in center was cast several years ago, and was saved from a number thrown into the lake 
 by a scared Anarchist. 
 
 2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of Infernal Machines. 
 
 3, 4, Sectional views of the " Czar Bomb. 1 
 
 ANARCHIST AMMUNITION II. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.
 
 382 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS 
 
 " If you had a good cause, would you lie ? Would you lie to save a life?" 
 
 "If it hung upon such a slender thread as that, I would." 
 
 "Would you, if you thought it would help the cause of Anarchy?" 
 
 "I don't see how it could." 
 
 Among the many witnesses examined in the grand jury room was 
 Ernst Legner. It will be remembered that the defense, at the trial, 
 claimed that this man had been spirited away by the prosecution. This 
 was done, of course, with a view to damaging the case of the State before 
 the jury. Now, the facts are these : Legner's name was placed on the 
 back of the indictment somehow I do not know why. Certainly neither 
 the State nor the defense could have used him, and he would have been 
 even less valuable for the prisoners than for the prosecution. Legner was 
 a man who was sure of nothing. His testimony before the grand jury was 
 continually and invariably qualified by the statement that he "could not be 
 positive;" that he "was not sure." For instance, here is some of his 
 testimony : 
 
 Did he meet Chris Spies at that meeting? He could not say. "I saw 
 him that night, but I couldn't say whether I saw him there. I don't recol- 
 lect. I couldn't say positive. I couldn't say anything positive about that. " 
 
 This answer prompted Mr. Grinnell to ask : "Since when have you 
 grown so unpositive ? " 
 
 "Well, in that way, I guess ever since," was his lucid reply. 
 
 "You remember me, don't you, down at the Central Station, talking 
 with you?" 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 "Don't you remember coming in, seeing me and your brother 
 come in? " 
 
 "Well, that was in the City Hall." 
 
 " Well, that is what we call Central Station. You saw me there, did 
 you ? " 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 " You remember your brother told you he had advised you to keep 
 away from those people, and advised you to tell the truth about this trans- 
 action ? " 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 " And you then and there told me that you saw Chris Spies right near 
 that wagon that night ? " 
 
 "Well, I might have seen him, but I won't say anything positive on 
 that." 
 
 " Have you seen him since then ?" 
 
 "Yes, sir, I did." 
 
 "When?" 
 
 "I saw him yesterday."
 
 " / COULD NOT SA Y POSITIVE." 383 
 
 "And he talked you spoke to him about this case then, didn't you?" 
 
 " I only spoke to him I told him that he looked pale, and that was all 
 the speaking, and he went off. I was going west, and he was going east." 
 
 " Now, why should there be any confusion in your mind to-day where 
 you saw him that night ? " 
 
 " Well, I saw him that night, but I could not say positive whether I 
 saw him there or not, at the meeting." 
 
 "You said a moment ago that you looked around, and you thought you 
 saw him right there ? " 
 
 "Well, yes. That is where I said ; I could not say positive ; I saw him, 
 but I could not say positive." 
 
 This sort of fire was kept up for some time, but the witness always 
 dodged behind " I could not say positive." He was asked how long it was 
 after August Spies got through speaking when he (Spies) left, but the only 
 answer was : "Well, that is something I don't know certain." 
 
 Now, why should the State want such a witness, or what interest could it 
 have in spiriting him away ? He certainly developed a remarkable want 
 of memory, and with his testimony before the grand jury the de- 
 fendants, if they had put him on the stand, could not have utilized him 
 on their side. If he knew anything, as would seem to be the case, judging 
 from his brother's advice to tell everything and some statements he had 
 previously made to the State's Attorney, it all must have been in favor of 
 the State. It is a justifiable conclusion that Chris Spies, on meeting him 
 the day preceding his appearance before the grand jury, must have 
 influenced him to testify the way he did. The truth about the whole 
 matter is that the defendants would not have touched Legner had he been 
 procurable, and if he went out of the city it must have been at their 
 instigation. The above samples of his testimony show that his appear- 
 ance on the stand would have made him dead timber to either side. 
 
 A good deal was also said about the absence of Mr. Brazleton, an 
 Inter-Ocean reporter, from the witness-stand. He was not produced by the 
 State because many of his statements were not of a positive character. 
 
 As there were so many other witnesses who had paid special attention 
 to the incendiary character of the speeches, and remembered distinctly the 
 various details in connection with the Haymarket meeting, there was no 
 occasion to use Brazleton as a witness. All the others who were put on the 
 stand gave fuller particulars and corroborated each other in all essential 
 points. Had the general information of the others been of the same nature 
 as that of Brazleton, it might have been well to have used him as a witness, 
 but, with so much direct testimony as the State possessed, his evidence was 
 not necessary. The defense simply sought to make a point on his absence 
 that is all. 
 
 A great deal has been said with reference to Schnaubelt. There is
 
 384 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 no doubt that he threw the fatal bomb. The defense at the trial of Spies 
 and the others sought, however, to discredit such a belief. They asserted 
 that there was not an iota of evidence to sustain such an opinion, and for 
 their part they did not believe it. Per contra, it may be said that if he was 
 innocent he took the wrong course to show it. Schnaubelt was arrested by 
 Officers Palmer and Boyd, of the Central Station. Before the grand jury 
 Palmer testified as follows : 
 
 " I was told that he was working at 224 Washington Street, rooms 5 and 
 
 6. I went up there and found 
 him and brought him to the 
 Central Station. That was 
 on the 6th of this month." 
 
 "Did he have whiskers, 
 or not? " 
 
 "His face was shaved 
 clean, except a mustache." 
 
 "You had been looking 
 for a man with whiskers? " 
 
 " Yes. I was told by his 
 employer that he shaved his 
 whiskers off the morning 
 after the riot." 
 
 " Did he say anything to 
 you about having shaved 
 himself?" 
 
 " I asked him why ne 
 shaved, and he said he al- 
 ways did it in the summer 
 time." 
 
 "Do you know what the 
 size of his whiskers was ? " 
 
 "About six or eight 
 inches long." 
 
 " Did you have any talk 
 with him when you brought him to the Central Station ?" 
 
 " Yes. I asked him if he was at the scene of the riot on the Tuesday 
 night previous, and he said he was. I asked him where he was. He said 
 he was up on the'wagon. I asked him where he was when the bomb was 
 thrown. He said he was on the wagon half a minute before the bomb was 
 thrown, but he had got off, and when it exploded he supposed he was about 
 fifty feet from the wagon." 
 
 " He was let go that morning ? " 
 "Yes." 
 
 HON. JOSEPH E. GARY. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 THE BOMB-THROWER'S ESCAPE. 385 
 
 " Tell us about his place of work and what you found out yesterday ? " 
 
 "Captain Schaack sent a couple of men to me yesterday to find out if 
 we could get this man again. I took them over to where I had found him 
 pre\ ? iously. His employer told me that after he got away from me on the 
 6th of this month [May] he came back and finished the day's work, and he 
 had not shown up from that time to this. His tools were there, and he did 
 not call for his money. His sister had called for the money several days 
 after he quit, but he did not give it to her." 
 
 "He had a good job, didn't he?" 
 
 "He was a machinist, working at a turning-lathe." 
 
 Schnaubelt was described as having sandy whiskers, about six feet 
 tall, weighing about 190 pounds, large and bony, not very fleshy, and about 
 twenty-four years of age. 
 
 Lieut. John Shea, then in charge of the Central Station, testified to the 
 same facts and that the police had been unable to find the man in the city. 
 
 At the time there were no strong circumstances, connecting Schnaubelt 
 with the massacre, but suspicious evidence ought to have held him in cus- 
 tody for a day or two until all his antecedents could have been inquired 
 into. His release was a sad mistake, and the fact that he hastened out of 
 the city shows the fear he had of being directly connected with the throw- 
 ing of the bomb. The evidence of various parties points to him as the 
 guilty party, and it was fortunate for him that he escaped. 
 
 C. M. Hardy, a leading attorney of Chicago, testified to a conversa- 
 tion which he had had with Spies the day before the Haymarket tragedy. 
 
 During this conversation, which occurred accidentally in a restaurant, 
 " Spies," to use the words of the witness, " turned and said to me laugh- 
 ingly, 'Are you with us?' 'Well,' I said, ' If you mean that I am in favor 
 of the laborer getting well paid for his labor, I am with you, but no further 
 than that.' 'Well,' he said, still laughing, 'you had better be, for we are 
 going to raise h 1,' and then went on." 
 
 On the 28th of May the grand jury concluded its labors and returned 
 into court fifteen indictments for murder, conspiracy and riot, against Spies, 
 Parsons, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe, Schnaubelt and 
 some lesser lights in the Anarchistic circle. 
 
 The trial began on the igth of June. No case ever brought before the 
 Chicago courts excited so much interest or brought out a greater crowd. 
 Not one tithe of the throng of people who were eager to see the notorious 
 defendants were able to find place in the court-room. 
 
 Judge Joseph E. Gary presided, and with his suave, dignified bearing 
 and his prompt manner of handling legal details and technicalities, he im- 
 pressed all with the conviction that, while the Anarchists would have a full 
 and fair trial, no trifling with the law would be permitted. The case was 
 one which not alone interested Chicago, but touched the stability and wel-
 
 386 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 fare of every city of any considerable size in the United States. The eyes 
 of the whole country were riveted on Chicago, and the outside world was 
 eagerly watching the results of a case, the first in America, to determine 
 whether dynamite was to be considered a legal weapon in the settlement of 
 socio-political problems in a free republic. Time was when our system of 
 government was looked upon abroad as an experiment of doubtful nature, 
 but when it had passed the experimental period it was pointed to by foreign 
 
 HARRY T. SANDFORD. FRANK S. OSBORNE. JAMES H. BRAYTON. 
 
 GEO. W. ADAMS. 
 
 SCOTT G. RANDALL. 
 
 ANDREW HAMILTON. 
 
 PORTRAITS OF THE JURY. I. 
 
 friends as furnishing no pretext for Socialistic or Anarchistic outbursts of 
 violence, and as supplying no favorable conditions for the growth even of 
 Anarchistic doctrines. In a speech before the French Legislative Assem- 
 bly, De Tocqueville once said, pointing to America : " There shall you see 
 a people among whom all conditions of men are more on an equality even 
 than among us ; where the social state, the manners, the laws, everything is 
 democratic ; where all emanates from the people and returns to the people, 
 and where, at the same time, every individual enjoys a greater amount of
 
 A GREAT RESPONSIBILITY. 
 
 387 
 
 liberty, a more entire independence, than in any other part of the world, at 
 any period of time ; a country, I repeat it, essentially democratic the only 
 democracy in the wide world at this day, and the only republic truly 
 democratic which we know of in history. And in this republic you will 
 look in vain for Socialism." 
 
 Still, Anarchy found lodgment in America through men exiled under the 
 rigorous baiting of their own country men whose early education had 
 
 CHAS. B. TODD. 
 
 JOHN B. GREINER. 
 
 JAMES H. COLE. 
 
 ALAXSON H. REED. TIIEO. E. DEXKER. CHAS. H. LUDWIG. 
 
 PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.- II. 
 
 been set against all government and whose prejudices operated against the 
 study of our institutions. In the violent culmination of their doctrines 
 at the Haymarket the point was reached where it became necessary to 
 demonstrate that it is a rank growth and has no excuse in a republic in 
 which the utmost liberty is allowed consistent with the rights of life and 
 property. 
 
 When, therefore, this trial opened, both the Judge and the State's Attor- 
 ney felt that a great responsibility had been laid upon their shoulders,
 
 388 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and that the whole civilized world would sit in judgment upon the manner 
 in which they performed their duty. They entered into the case with no 
 revengeful feelings, but held firmly to their course, mindful of the rights of 
 the defendants, but determined to maintain law and justice. The case was 
 called on the day indicated, in the main court-room of the Criminal Court 
 building, and the moment the State's Attorney had announced his readiness 
 to commence proceedings, the defendants' counsel entered a motion for a 
 separate trial of each of the prisoners. This was argued and overruled. 
 
 On the morning of June 21, at ten o'clock, everything was in readiness 
 for the trial proper, and the work of selecting the jury was entered upon. 
 Within the bar of the court sat the eminent counsel of both sides. On the 
 left, in front of the bench, there was State's Attorney Grinnell, surrounded 
 by his assistants, Francis W. Walker and Edmund Furthmann, and Special 
 State's Counsel George C. Ingham, and on the right of the bench sat the 
 defendants' attorneys, Capt. W. P. Black, W. A. Foster, Sigismund Zeisler 
 and Moses Salomon, flanked by the prisoners and their relatives. The 
 remaining space within the bar was occupied by attorneys of the city as 
 spectators, and the rest of the court-room was filled with a motley throng, 
 including here and there representatives of the fair sex drawn by personal 
 interest or moved by morbid curiosity. The prisoners were dressed in their 
 best, each with a button-hole bouquet. 
 
 During the preliminary proceedings, as we have noted elsewhere, Par- 
 sons had joined his associates, and his bronzed appearance, from out-door 
 exposure, was in marked contrast with that of his pale-looking companions. 
 
 The task of selecting a jury proceeded, but it was not an easy thing to 
 find men unbiased and unprejudiced. Four weeks were consumed in this 
 work, but finally twelve "good men and true" were chosen, as follows: 
 F. S. Osborne, Major James H. Cole, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. 
 Brayton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. H. 
 Ludwig, T. E. Denker and H. T. Sandford. 
 
 So notable was the trial, and so tremendous the interests involved, that 
 the reader will naturally want to know something of the personnel of the 
 jury whose verdict vindicated and guaranteed law and order in America : 
 
 FRANK S. OSBORNE, a resident at No. 134 Dearborn Avenue, the foreman of the jury, 
 was born in Columbus, Ohio, and at the time of the trial was thirty-nine years of age. He 
 filled the position of chief salesman in the retail department of Marshall Field & Co., and 
 was a man of liberal ideas and good education. He possessed keen judgment, and proved 
 a critical examiner of all the evidence submitted. He readily grasped all the strong and 
 weak points in the defense, and showed himself a thorough master of the evidence. 
 
 MAJ. JAMES H. COLE, a resident at No. 987 Lawndale Avenue, was born in Utica, New 
 York, and was fifty-three years of age. During the war he was a Captain, and subsequently 
 rose to the rank of Major in the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. After the close of the Rebel- 
 lion, he engaged in the railroad business as contractor and constructor, residing at different 
 times in Vermont, Ohio, Tennessee, Illinois and Iowa. He came to Chicagp in 1879, and
 
 PERSONNEL OF THE JUR Y. 389 
 
 was book-keeper for the Continental Insurance Company until shortly before serving on 
 the jury. 
 
 CHARLES B. TODD, a resident at No. 1013 West Polk Street, was born in Elmira, New 
 York, and was forty-seven years of age. He had served in the Sixth New York Heavy 
 Artillery, and since his arrival in Chicago, four years preceding, had been a salesman in the 
 Putnam Clothing House. 
 
 ALANSON H. REED, a resident at No. 3442 Groveland Park, was born in Boston, Mass., 
 and was forty-nine years of age. He was a member of the firm of Reed & Sons, at No. 136 
 State Street, and during the trial proved a close listener to all the evidence. 
 
 JAMES H. BRAYTON, a resident of Englewood, and Principal of the Webster School, on 
 Wentworth Avenue, in Chicago, was born in Lyons, New York, and was forty years of age. 
 
 THEODORE E. DENKER, a resident of Woodlawn Park, in the town of Hyde Park, was 
 born in Wisconsin and was twenty-seven years of age. He was shipping clerk for H. H. 
 King & Co. 
 
 GEORGE W. ADAMS, a resident of Evanston, was born in Indiana, and was twenty-seven 
 years of age. He traveled in Michigan as commercial agent of Geo. W. Pitkin & Co., deal- 
 ers in liquid paints, on Clinton Street, Chicago. 
 
 CHARLES H. LUDWIG, a resident at 4101 State Street, was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 
 and was twenty-seven years of age. He was a book-keeper in the mantel manufactory of C. 
 L. Page & Co. 
 
 JOHN B GREINER, residing at No. 70 North California Avenue, was born in Columbus, 
 Ohio, and was twenty-five years of age. He was a stenographer in the freight department of 
 the Chicago and Northwestern Railway. Mr. Greiner's mother was, after the trial, the recipi- 
 ent of so many threatening letters from the reds that she almost lost her mind. 
 
 ANDREW HAMILTON, a resident at 1521 Forty-first Street, was a hardware merchant at No. 
 3913 Cottage Grove Avenue. He had resided in Chicago twenty years. 
 
 HARRY T. SANDFORD, a resident of Oak Park, was born in New York City, and was 
 twenty-five years of age. He was a son of Attorney Sandford, compiler of the Supreme 
 Court Reports of New York, and since his arrival in Chicago had been voucher clerk in the 
 auditor's office of the Chicago and Northwestern Railway. 
 
 SCOTT G. RANDALL, a resident at No. 42 La Salle Street, was born in Erie County, Penn- 
 sylvania, and was twenty-three years of age. He had lived in Chicago for three years, and 
 was a salesman in the employ of J. C. Vaughn, seedsman, at No. 45 La Salle Street.
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Judge Grinnell's Opening Statement of the Case The Light of the 4th 
 of May The Dynamite Argument Spies' Fatal Prophecy The Eight-hour Strike 
 The Growth of the Conspiracy Spies' Cowardice at McCormick's The ' ' Revenge " 
 Circular Work of the Arbeiter-Zeitting and the Alarm The Secret Signal A Fright- 
 ful Plan ' ' Ruhe " Lingg, the Bomb-maker The Haymarket Conspiracy The 
 Meeting "We are Peaceable" After the Murder The Complete Case Pre- 
 sented. 
 
 IT was on Thursday, the i5th of July, that the preliminary work was fin- 
 ally ended and the court was ready for a formal statement of the case. 
 This statement was made by State's Attorney Grinnell, and his arraign- 
 ment of the defendants was such a clear, convincing and masterful argu- 
 ment giving, as it did, the whole history of the Anarchist conspiracy, and 
 foreshadowing eloquently and in detail all the proof which was to be got 
 before the jury that I will print here a verbatim copy of his speech, 
 believing that the reader will find nowhere else so business-like a statement 
 of what these prisoners did and how they did it. 
 
 During the delivery of Mr. Grinnell's remarks the crowded court-room, 
 
 prisoners and sympathizing Anarchists, wounded policemen, judge, jurors 
 
 and representatives of the press hung upon his words with a keen interest 
 
 which has seldom been duplicated in the annals of American jurisprudence. 
 
 Mr. Grinnell said : 
 
 "GENTLEMEN: For the first time in the history of our country are 
 people on trial for their lives for endeavoring to make Anarchy the rule, 
 and in that attempt for ruthlessly and awfully destroying life. I hope that 
 while the youngest of us lives this in his memory will be the last and 
 only time in our country when such a trial shall take place. It will or will 
 not take place as this case is determined. 
 
 " The State now and at no time hereafter will say aught to arouse your 
 prejudices or your indignation, having confidence in the case that we pre- 
 sent ; and I hope I shall not at any time during this trial say anything to 
 you which will in any way or manner excite your passions. I want your 
 reason. I want your careful analysis. I want your careful attention. We 
 my associates and myself ask the conviction of no man from malice, 
 from prejudice, from anything except the facts and the law. I am here, 
 gentlemen, to maintain the law, not to break it ; and, however you may be- 
 lieve that any of these men have broken the law through their notions of 
 Anarchy, try them on the facts. We believe, gentlemen, that we have a 
 case that shall command your respect, and demonstrate to you the truthful- 
 ness of all the declarations in it, and, further, that by careful attention and 
 close analysis you can determine who are guilty and the nature of the crime. 
 
 "On the 4th of May, 1886, a few short weeks ago, there occurred, at 
 what is called Haymarket Square, the most fearful massacre ever witnessed 
 or heard of in this country. The crime culminated there you are to find 
 the perpetrators. The charge against the defendants is that they are
 
 THE STATE'S CASE STATED. 
 
 responsible for that act. The testimony that shall be presented to you will 
 be the testimony which will show their innocence or their guilty complicity 
 in that crime. 
 
 "We have been in this city inclined to believe, as we have all through 
 the country, that, however extravagantly men may talk about our laws and 
 our country, however severely they may criticise our Constitution and our 
 institutions ; that as we are all in favor of full liberty, of free speech, the 
 great good sense of our people would never permit acts based upon senti- 
 ments which meant the overthrow of law. We have believed it for years ; 
 we were taught it at our schools in our infancy, we were taught it in our 
 maturer years in school, and all our walks in life thereafter have taught us 
 that our institutions, founded on our Constitution, the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and our universal free- 
 dom, were above and beyond all 
 Anarchy. The 4th of May demon- 
 strated that we were wrong, that 
 we had too much confidence, that a 
 certain class of individuals, some 
 of them recently come here, as the 
 testimony will show, believe that 
 here in this country our Constitu- 
 tion is a lie. Insults are offered to 
 the Declaration of Independence, 
 the name of Washington is reviled 
 and traduced, and we are taught by 
 these men, as the testimony will 
 show, that freedom in this country 
 means lawlessness and absolute 
 licence to do as we please, no 
 matter whether it hurts others or 
 not. In the light of the 4th of May 
 we now know that the preachings 
 of Anarchy, the suggestions of these 
 defendants hourly and daily for 
 years, have been sapping our in- 
 stitutions, and that where they have 
 cried murder, bloodshed, Anarchy 
 and dynamite, they have meant 
 what they said, and proposed to do 
 what they threatened. 
 
 "We will prove, gentlemen, in this case, that Spies no longer ago than 
 last February said that they were armed in this city for bloodshed and riot. 
 We will prove that he said then that they were ready in the city of Chicago 
 for Anarchy, and when told, by a gentleman to whom he made the declara- 
 tion, that they ' would be hung like snakes,' said and there was the insult 
 to the Father of our Country then he said George Washington was no 
 better than a rebel, as if there was any possible comparison between those 
 declarations, between that sentiment of Washington's and his noble deeds, 
 and the Anarchy of this man. He has said in public meetings and the 
 details of them I will not now worry you with he has said in public meet- 
 ings for the last year and a half, to go back no further he and Neebe and 
 Schwab and Parsons and Fielden have said in public meetings here in the 
 
 HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 392 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 city of Chicago that the only way to adjust the wrongs of any man was by 
 bloodshed, by dynamite, by the pistol, by the Winchester rifle. They have 
 advised, as will appear in proof here, that dynamite was cheap, and 'you 
 had better forego some luxuries, buy dynamite, kill capitalists, down with 
 the police, murder them, dispose of the militia, and then demand your 
 rights.' That is Anarchy. 
 
 "On the nth day of October, 1885, in a prominent public hall upon 
 the West Side, August Spies, the defendant in this case, and his confreres 
 there, introduced a resolution at a public meeting, in which he said that he 
 did not believe that the eight-hour movement would do the laboring man 
 any good. W T e will prove in this case that he has always been opposed to 
 the eight-hour law. That is not what he wants. He wants Anarchy. 
 These defendants that I mentioned passed a resolution, which we shall offer 
 in evidence here, and it shall be read to you later -to the effect that the 
 laboring men must arm, must prepare themselves with rifles and dynamite. 
 When ? By the ist of May, 1886, because then would come the contest. 
 
 "I will prove to you that Parsons be it said to the shame of our 
 country, because I understand that he was born on our soil that Parsons, 
 in an infamous paper published by him, called the Alarm, has defined the 
 use of dynamite, told how it should be used, how capitalists could be 
 destroyed by it, how policemen could be absolutely wiped from the face of 
 the earth by one bomb ; and further has published a plan in his paper of 
 street-warfare by dynamite against militia and the authorities. 
 
 " Gentlemen, leaders of any great cause are -either neroes or cowards. 
 The testimony in this case will show that August Spies, Parsons, Schwab 
 and Neebe are the biggest cowards that I have ever seen in the course of 
 my life. They have advised the use of dynamite and have advised the 
 destruction of property for months and years in the city of Chicago, and 
 now pitifully smile at our institutions, as they have through their lives and, 
 like cowards contemplating crime, they sought to establish an alibi for the 
 4th of May, of which I will speak directly. 
 
 " I will prove to you further that in January last August Spies told a 
 newspaper reporter of integrity, honesty and fidelity that they were going 
 to precipitate the matter on or about the ist of May; that he told this man 
 how they could dispose of the police, and in that connection he told that 
 reporter that they would arrange it so that their meeting should be at or 
 near the intersection of two streets. Having this as Randolph Street and 
 Desplaines (pointing on map), not calling it any particular name, and that 
 he would have a meeting in which there should be assembled large bodies 
 of laboring men, of which he falsely claims to be the exponent ; that they 
 would be located just above the intersection of the streets ; that he and his 
 dynamiters would be there ; that they would be provided with dynamite 
 bombs at the place of meeting; that they would hold a meeting there ; that 
 the police or the militia would walk up towards them ; that when they got 
 up there their dynamite-throwers would be situated on different sides of the 
 street near the walks ; that when they proceeded up here they would throw 
 the dynamite into their ranks, clean them out and take possession of the 
 town. ' But,' said the reporter to him, ' Mr. Spies, that sounds to me like 
 braggadocio and vaporing nonsense.' That is, gentlemen, what it has 
 sounded to us for years. Let it sound no longer like that to us. Spies said 
 to him, red in the face and excited : ' I tell you I am telling the truth, and 
 mark my words, that it will happen on or about the ist of May, 1886.' 

 
 AN INSIDIOUS PLOT. 393, 
 
 And the reason he was so ready to say so was because he believes our Con- 
 stitution is a lie, our institutions are not worthy of respect, and he desires 
 to pose as a leader, although in fact a coward. 
 
 " That is not all, gentlemen. Mr. Spies at that interview at that time 
 handed that gentlemanly reporter -T and I will commend him to you now, 
 whatever may be your notion of newspaper men. Look at that man when 
 he goes upon the stand and judge him by his words and by his appearance. 
 He, Spies, did more than what I have said. At that time he handed to the 
 newspaper reporter a dynamite bomb, empty almost the exact duplicate 
 of the bomb Lingg made which killed the officers ; handed it to this witness 
 and said to him : ' These are the bombs that our men are making in the 
 city of Chicago, and they are distributed from the Arbeiter-Zeitting office, 
 because the men who make them have not the facilities for distributing 
 them, and we distribute them here.' 
 
 " Those are facts that will be proven here. 
 
 " I want to suggest to you now, gentlemen, this is a vastly more important 
 case than perhaps any of you have a conception of. Perhaps I have been 
 with it so long, have investigated it so much, come in contact with such 
 fearful and terrible things so often, that my notions may be somewhat exag- 
 gerated ; but I think not. I think they are worse even than my conception 
 has pictured. The firing upon Fort Sumter was a terrible thing to our 
 country, but it was open warfare. I think it was nothing compared with 
 this insidious, infamous plot to ruin our laws and our country secretly and 
 in this cowardly way ; the strength of our institutions may depend upon this 
 case, because there is only one step beyond republicanism that is Anar- 
 chy. See that we never take that step, and let us stand to-day as we have 
 stood for years, firmly planted on the laws of our country. 
 
 "After teaching Anarchy, bombs, the manufacture of them and every- 
 thing of that character for months, and I may say for years, here in town, 
 having put the ball in motion, having done everything toward the end they 
 declared should be accomplished towards the end they sought then 
 began the numerous conspiracies. The beginning of the whole matter was. 
 among the nest of snakes in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and the foundation 
 of the conspiracy, published, notorious and open, was at West Twelfth 
 Street Turner Hall, on the nth of October last. At that time, on the intro- 
 duction of that resolution by Spies, it was opposed by one man in the 
 audience, who is a labor agitator, but not an Anarchist opposed by one 
 man in that audience, and he was denounced ; he was told to take a back 
 seat, and in support of the resolution it was there said by Spies and a man, 
 as I understand, by the name of Belz was chairman that the time for 
 argument has passed ; the only argument by which to meet these things 
 was dynamite and the rifle by force. 
 
 "As is well known, requiring no proof, for a long time before, it was 
 arranged by a universal arrangement or consent among all the laboring 
 classes in town that there should be a universal strike for eight hours, to 
 take place on or about the ist day of May. On the ist day of May began 
 those strikes. On the 2nd on the 3d the and was Sunday on the 
 3d day of May, on Monday, you will remember from your reading, as it 
 will appear in proof here, there was difficulty at McCormick's factory 
 down on what they called the Black Road. The fact about that meeting 
 was this : A large number of lumber-shovers, or men who work in the 
 lumber-yards, had a meeting appointed to wait on the lumber-dealers,.
 
 394 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 There were a great many of them Bohemians, some Germans, and some of 
 other nationalities mostly embraced in those two nationalities that I first 
 spoke of, but all nationalities represented there. The chief officers and the 
 chief men in the movement were Bohemians. Some of them will be pre- 
 sented to you by us. The committee that was to wait upon the lumber- 
 dealers was to report there in an open place called the Black Road, or in 
 that locality, to the meeting, what the lumber-dealers proposed. In other 
 words, a peaceful proposition was made by that committee to the lumber- 
 men to accede to eight hours, and a meeting was held there ; the committee 
 were to come back from the lumber-dealers and report to that meeting. 
 Spies and a man by the name of Fehling who ought also to have been in 
 this indictment, and I will say just a word later about that one other man 
 whose identity we have not fully established went down there uninvited 
 by any of that committee, or by the chairman of it went down there and 
 made an inflammatory speech for the purpose of precipitating that riot. 
 'That is the truth. It was precipitated. I am rather inclined to think that 
 some other of these men were there. I am not going to state anything to 
 you here, at any time, in this case, that I do not believe I can prove. I 
 know Spies was there, and spoke from the top of a car. He wrote up the 
 speech later on, which I will speak of directly. The president of that organ- 
 ization down there, the laborers, opposed his speaking and informed the 
 people that this man was not one of them, but that he was a Socialist, and 
 they did not want to hear him. He insisted upon speaking, and the friend 
 that was with him has fled the city and does not dare return. That will be 
 in proof. Spies did the unmanly thing that he always does. He exasper- 
 ated other people to rush on McCormick's regardless of the president of that 
 committee, who desired quiet and peace and desired it honestly, although 
 he was in favor of eight hours. But Spies is not anxious for eight hours. 
 We will prove that in this case. He does not want eight hours. If the 
 laboring men if the bosses and employers in the city of Chicago on the 
 ist day of May had universally acceded to the eight-hour project, Spies was 
 a dead duck ; they would have had no further use for him, and he didn't 
 "want it. Therefore he went down there and exasperated the people, and 
 he made a speech. The police didn't come on the ground until after Mc- 
 Cormick's was attacked, and until after stones and bombs were used, or 
 pistols and lead against McCormick's factory. What does Spies do, this 
 redoubtable knight ? He runs away and gets home just as soon as he can. He 
 takes a car and comes north. I will say nothing more about that meeting 
 for the present. Let us follow Spies. Now, mind you, he saw trouble. He 
 had exasperated this crowd to attack McCormick's ; they did attack 
 McCormick's, and stones were thrown by the mob at McCormick's men 
 some of them they are called scabs ; they didn't happen to belong to any 
 union. Of course my opinion about that may be different from some of 
 yours ; I will not criticise. I believe one man is just as good as another, 
 whether he belongs to a union or not. If he is an honest man and desires 
 to work, I think he ought to be permitted to work. But those fellows didn't 
 belong to the union. They swam across the river, got away the best they 
 could, saved their lives. But what does Spies do ? He rushes away as 
 soon as he can, when he sees the starting of the difficulty ; when he has 
 got everybody inflamed into frenzy and madness he quietly gets out to save 
 his august person ; he quietly gets out and goes away. That is not all. He 
 lands that afternoon at the corner of Desplaines and Lake, where there was a
 
 THE "REVENGE" CIRCULAR. 395 
 
 crowd of other men, laborers meeting there, and pronounces a lie by telling 
 them that ' twelve or fourteen of your brothers have been killed at 
 McCormick's, and by the bloodhounds, the police.' Spies knew as well 
 as anything that he ever knew in his life that he was uttering a falsehood. 
 He knew, if he knew anything, that, so far as his observation was concerned, 
 not a man had been killed not a single man had been killed and he 
 inflamed the people there by his suggestion, heated as he was and showing 
 excitement, coming in there at Desplaines and Lake at that meeting, inflam- 
 ing those people so that they were then ready to go with the torch and the 
 sword and level everything before them. 
 
 "That is not all. He left there about four o'clock in the afternoon, 
 perhaps between four and five, and went to this nest of treason and Anar- 
 chy, No. 107 Fifth Avenue, and there about five o'clock arrived, heated, 
 excited, and told his men not to stop work, that he wanted to use them. 
 What did he do ? He then and there wrote what is called the ' Revenge ' 
 circular. It is written in English and in German. The English part is 
 tame, more tame than the German and he knew what he was doing then ; 
 there was a plan in that. We have the circular as printed, which will be 
 presented to you. We have in addition to that the type from which it was 
 printed ; we have in addition to that the manuscript from which the type 
 was set. The manuscript is in Spies' handwriting ! That ' Revenge ' cir- 
 cular, gentlemen, perpetrated another lie. It said that 'six of your brothers 
 have been killed at McCormick's.' He decreased it a little. That ' Re- 
 venge ' circular was hurriedly passed out to all the German settlements of 
 the town and everywhere, by every possible means. Neebe distributed 
 them ; others distributed them. They were ' revenge ; ' revenge for what ? 
 Revenge for the declared murder of the brothers of the laboring men at 
 McCormick's Monday afternoon when he had no knowledge that a single 
 man was killed. I have since learned and shall prove that one man did 
 die days or weeks afterwards from wounds he did receive there, and only 
 one. 
 
 " I want to suggest another thing to you here. It will appear in proof 
 because we have had the German part of that circular translated that 
 the German part of that circular is the most infamous thing that ever was 
 in print. The translation of the German part of that circular is not like 
 the English part. A man picking up the circular who was an English 
 scholar as I remember, the English part of the circular comes first, and fol- 
 lowing that is the German part and any man, even some of these German 
 newspaper men, would pick that up, and the first thing they would read 
 would be the English part, not the German. They would read the English 
 hastily through and they would say, ' That's some of Spies' vaporing non- 
 sense again; nothing very serious about it, but bad bad taste bad 
 judgment in inflamed times.' But the revenge circular as printed in Ger- 
 man is altogether a different thing It is not only treason and Anarchy, 
 but a bid to bloodshed, and a bid to war. Anybody reading the English 
 part of that circular would drop it even the Germans. And the German 
 newspapers until afterwards did not perceive the dissimilarity between the 
 two, the English and the German. Now, where is this matter read ? It is 
 fortunate for the English-speaking people that defendants embrace only 
 two of that class one of them was born in this country, the other in Eng- 
 land. That circular was read among the Germans. That circular was 
 spread throughout the western part and the northern part of the city of
 
 396 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Chicago and in other places, at the instance of Spies, who had it circulated 
 himself. ' Revenge on the bloodhounds, the police.' For his life, in re- 
 gard to those who were killed, he could not have known whether anybody 
 was killed or not, because he took care of his royal person so speedily after 
 the difficulty at McCormick's that he had no chance to know whether any- 
 body was killed, and he took good care to see that he was not hurt. So 
 much for the ' Revenge ' circular. 
 
 " Now, gentlemen, we are getting down to the 4th of May. There is more 
 in it than this. Monday was the 3d day of May ; Tuesday was the 4th, the 
 day the bomb was thrown. Everything was ripe with the Anarchists for 
 ruining the town. Bombs were to be thrown in all parts of the city of 
 Chicago. Everything was to be done that could be done to ruin law and 
 order. I wish to say right here, gentlemen, that the proof in this case will 
 develop a strange state of facts in regard to the complicity of others in this 
 matter, and in that particular perhaps there ought to be some apology for 
 myself. The conspiracy was so large, the number of criminals interested 
 in that conspiracy so appalling, that I distrusted my own judgment, and, 
 whereas in my soul I believed that at least thirty men and perhaps more 
 should have been indicted for murder, the developments in the case were of 
 that kind, when the grand jury was in session, that the facts could not all 
 clearly be known. And further, there was that feeling and inspiration in 
 the matter, if you please, that the leaders, the men who have incited these 
 things, the men who have caused this anarchy and bloodshed here, and 
 who seek for more that they should be picked out and, if possible, pun- 
 ished and blotted out. 
 
 "The Arbeiter-Zeitung, the paper itself we shall attempt to show you in 
 proof here its circulation, or its sworn issue for a year. We will have them 
 translated for you. We will also attempt to show to you from the Alarm, the 
 English organ of the Anarchists that is what it is called, just think of it 
 the English organ of the Anarchists, published by the redoubtable and 
 courageous Parsons. We will show you in proof its writings and its senti- 
 ments, its invitations to Anarchy, to bloodshed, to the throwing of bombs, 
 and his advice to people how to make bombs. 
 
 " If I prove only this that I have stated to you, it seems to me that from 
 every principle of law and evidence, from every principle of justice, the 
 men whose names I have mentioned should be punished. 
 
 " But one step more. This was Monday night, remember, that Spies 
 wrote the ' Revenge ' circular. That was not all he wrote. He himself 
 wrote the account of his speech, wrote the account of the McCormick riot, 
 wrote his notions about it, and that is in his handwriting. We have the 
 manuscript. And in that he said this, gentlemen that 'so far as the 
 McCormick matter was concerned it was a failure, and if there only had 
 been one bomb the result might have been different.' The one bomb at 
 least was supplied by his inflammatory utterances the next night. 
 
 "On Monday evening, after Spies had inflamed these people up there 
 on Monday in the daytime, rather, appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, a news- 
 paper published at 107 Fifth Avenue it is a four-page paper, it has been 
 constantly and carefully read in the progress of this trial by the gentlemen 
 seated over there in a row in the Arbeiter-Zeitung appeared on Monday 
 in a column devoted to editorial notices, a secret word for the meeting of 
 the armed men. That was in German the letter ' Y,' called ypsilon in 
 German " Ypsilon, come Monday night." Ypsilon was the secret word
 
 7 HE SECRET SIGNAL "K" 397 
 
 agreed on by the armed men to meet in secret session, when they saw 
 printed in this treasonable sheet that secret word. As I am informed and 
 believe from the proof, Balthasar Rau wrote that secret word. The armed 
 men of the Anarchists, to be brief, are those of the Anarchists who are will- 
 ing to throw bombs and fire pistols behind people's backs. It is divided 
 into groups. Why, all their literature from Pittsburg to San Francisco, 
 including the pen of Neebe, Spies, Schwab and Parsons all of them have 
 advised how to make up groups, based upon the Anarchistic notions. On 
 that page appears this secret word. Balthasar Rau is the confidential 
 friend of Spies, works in their office ; he is not an editorial writer, he is not 
 a writer at all, unless he occasionally essays to say something in print. I 
 do not know, but I believe that that is his writing, the letter ' Y ' in Ger- 
 man ' Come Monday night.' That is all there was of it. What does it 
 mean ? Pursuant to that secret word, on Monday night that is the same 
 night that Spies got back from McCormick's on that night the armed 
 men did assemble pursuant to ' Ypsilon, come Monday night,' and they 
 knew where to go to. They went to Greif's Hall. Greif's Hall is on Lake 
 Street, just east of Clinton." Mr. Grinnell indicated the points on a map. 
 " This is Zepf's Hall (indicating) ; the name will be mentioned to you. 
 Here is Desplaines Street Station, so that you can keep in your mind from 
 this map the idea. Here is Desplaines Street Station ; north up here to 
 Lake, Zepf's Hall; east, Greif's Hall. They met. Greif's Hall is a four- 
 story building, as I remember; a family lives in it, there is a saloon, and 
 down in the basement is a place for truck and one thing and another, and 
 also a rough-and-ready place for meetings. The armed men . were there ; 
 Fischer was there ; Lingg was there ; Engel was there. The armed men 
 met there with others other armed men than those that I have mentioned. 
 They pass into Greif's Hall; they say to Mr. Greif : ' Have you a hall we 
 can take?' He said: 'No, my halls are all occupied ;' one kind of labor 
 association was meeting in one hall, and another in another ; but he said, 
 ' If you want the basement ' and I have a plan and map of the basement - - 
 'if you want the basement, go down stairs and hold your meeting.' So 
 these men, the numbers of them variously estimated from thirty to sixty, 
 meet in that place. Among them were Fischer, Lingg, Engel and Schnau- 
 belt. Schnaubelt is in this indictment, and not here. He has run away. 
 These men met in this hall underneath the saloon, a dingy and dark base- 
 ment the only proper place for conspirators by the light of a dingy lamp 
 and they held an organized meeting. The plan of warfare was devised 
 not for the next night. I will explain that. But for some night. Engel, a 
 man who is gray, has been in this country some years and talks some Eng- 
 lish he understands me, andi laughs and smiles at every word I utter 
 Engel was at that meeting that night, and told the plan. I am going to be 
 brief about the recitation of that plan. That was the most fearfully declared 
 plan that I ever heard in my life. It meant destruction to this town abso- 
 lutely if this programme had been carried out. Engel said : ' When you 
 see printed in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, under the Letter-box, the word ' Ruhe,' 
 that night prepare for war.' 'Ruhe' means 'rest,' 'peace.' The 
 manuscript for that is in our possession and is in the handwriting of Spies. 
 That word on Tuesday morning appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung and in a 
 double lead, with an emphasis under it, before it and behind it. It meant 
 'war.' They understood it; and Engel refers to Fischer in the meeting 
 and he says: 'Is not this the order of the Northwest group ?' That is
 
 3g8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 another group for conspiracy and treason. Fischer said 'Yes.' As I am 
 informed, Fischer undertook to carry the word back to the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office and have it inserted. Fischer was the foreman of the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office at that time. He carried the word back, I assume. Spies wrote it 
 out, double-leaded it, made it emphatic, and they were ready for war. 
 
 "But that was not all. Somebody had to make the bombs. Lingg was 
 there, and he said that he would make the bombs. He was the bomb-maker 
 of the Anarchists, and we have found and traced to him at least twenty-two 
 of these infernal machines, one of which passed from his hands to the man 
 who threw it at the Haymarket Square. I will prove to your absolute 
 satisfaction that Lingg made the bomb that killed the officers, and will show 
 to you that it was his bomb, and his manufacture alone. Lingg lived at 
 No. 442 Sedgwick Street, occupied a room in Seliger's house. Seliger is 
 in this indictment for murder also. He is not on trial. I am not yet pre- 
 pared to say whether the State will use him as a witness or not. I will 
 have a suggestion to make on that subject directly. 
 
 "Lingg was to make the bombs. Engel devised the plan and deliber- 
 ately told him over and over so that there would be no mistake. Now, what 
 was the plan? That these conspirators should proceed to Lingg's house 
 that next night, or before night, and obtain from Lingg the bombs. He 
 had already sixteen halves, or eight whole bombs. But he wanted more, 
 and they were to be filled with dynamite on Tuesday afternoon. 
 
 " And what next ? Then these people were informed where they could 
 obtain them, and he was to go, as he did, in the evening, or between seven 
 and eight o'clock, to Neff's Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. They went 
 to work. There Seliger helped fill the bombs that afternoon. Lingg was 
 there. Lingg left in the afternoon. He didn't stay there through it all, 
 but came back again. I do not think that Lingg was at the Haymarket 
 that night ; he may have been ; I don't think he was. His part on the pro- 
 gramme part of it had been performed was to furnish the bombs and 
 do the work elsewhere. 
 
 "Now, gentlemen, just look at this plan, and this is the plan that Engel 
 told them should be performed. They were to get these bombs ; certain of 
 them were to be at the Haymarket Square, where this meeting was ; and in 
 this meeting, mind you, in this conspiracy meeting the programme was that 
 there should be at least twenty-five thousand laboring men present ; that 
 they would not hold the meeting down on the square, but that they would 
 get up in the street, because they were out in a great open place there, the 
 police could come down on them and clean them all out ; but they must 
 get back where the alleys were, instead of holding the meeting down here 
 where it was advertised. You see there are two blocks here. Instead of 
 holding the meeting on this broad spot here (indicating on the map), they 
 were to hold it up here ; and that very thing was discussed down there that 
 night in the conspiracy meeting, as to the feasibility of holding it here 
 where the police could corner them. Then these individuals with the 
 bombs were to distribute themselves in different parts of the city. They 
 were to destroy the station-houses ; they were to throw bombs at every 
 patrol wagon that they saw going toward the Haymarket Square with 
 police officers. They expected there would be a row down there at the 
 Haymarket Square, of course. There was going to be one bomb thrown 
 there at least, and perhaps more, and that would call the police down ; but 
 the police must be taken care of and must not be permitted to go, and they
 
 THE HAYMARKET MEETING. 399, 
 
 were to be destroyed, absolutely wiped off from the earth by bombs in, 
 other parts of the city. And Lingg went around with bombs in his pocket 
 that night and desired to throw them at a patrol wagon and was only 
 restrained by his friends. And they were to build a fire up toward Wicker 
 Park some building was to be set on fire for the purpose of attracting the 
 police in that direction and scattering them about. Others were to take 
 other parts of the city and burn them so that they would be destroyed. 
 
 " Now, this sounds as if it was a large story. But that is what Spies 
 had been talking for years ; that is what Parsons had been talking for 
 years ; that is what he came back here so courageously, on the arm of the 
 learned counsel on the other side, to hear again in court. 
 
 "That meeting that night was fruitful of great results. A bomb was, 
 thrown at the Haymarket, and seven killed and many others injured. It is 
 not necessary for me to go into any more of the details of that conspiracy. 
 It was carried out to the letter. 
 
 "Now, there is one other little step in this case, gentlemen, that I wish 
 to bring to your attention. When that ' Revenge ' circular was circulated,. 
 Fischer, immediately thereafter, and at the conspiracy meeting Fischer 
 is the foreman printer of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and the immediate friend of 
 Spies and all these people Fischer was to advertise, to see that the 
 proper number of people came to that meeting, and he got up an advertise- 
 ment, and it was printed. He ordered twenty thousand. That advertise- 
 ment will be presented to you in the proof. That advertisement called for 
 'Revenge' and 'A big meeting of the workingmen at the Haymarket 
 Square on Tuesday night.' Now, you see, the 'Ruhe' had appeared. The 
 conspiracy was all complete ; everything was arranged ; there was only one 
 step more to make to get the laboring men there because, thank God,, 
 all the laboring men were not in this conspiracy. A very few were in it. 
 It is to their credit, gentlemen ; and in my investigation in this case I have 
 more respect for the laboring man than I had before. The laboring mart 
 as a class is an honest man, and when he saw the ' Revenge ' circular and 
 the call 'to arms' he stayed away. Fischer had the advertisement printed,, 
 and the last sentence is this : 'Workingmen, come armed.' But that was 
 a little too much for Spies ; that was too close home. After about five 
 thousand of these circulars were printed, Spies orders that sentence 
 stricken out ; but the whole twenty thousand were distributed, and with 
 Spies' knowledge. Spies was preparing the alibi. 
 
 " On the evening of Tuesday, at 107 Fifth Avenue, there was a meeting 
 of these conspirators, of these Anarchists, of what is called the American 
 group, that Parsons and Fielden and, I suppose, Spies belong to, and 
 some others. That was held at 107 Fifth Avenue. That is at the Arbeit er- 
 Zeitung office. They were there on Tuesday night. Parsons was on Hal- 
 sted Street, to be sure, but yet seemed anxious to get away and go down to 
 this other meeting on the South Side. He went down there. The meet- 
 ing was advertised for a large number of laboring men. The laboring men 
 did not materialize to any large extent. Between Halsted and Desplaines 
 there were hundreds of people walking oackwards and forwards, wondering 
 why the meeting did not take place. It was advertised for half past seven ; 
 they expected to precipitate the matter at half past seven, because, pursu- 
 ant to 'Ruhe' and the other declarations, and pursuant to Engel and 
 Lingg and Fischer's arrangement at the conspiracy meeting, they were to 
 begin their work in the other parts of the city about eight o'clock, as they
 
 400 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 expected the police would precipitate the difficulty they would precipi- 
 tate the difficulty by the police coming about eight, or between half past 
 :seven and eight. Good speakers were advertised, yet no names given. 
 Spies went over there that night himself, wandered around, seemed care- 
 less, walked over here with his friend Schnaubelt, up to the other street 
 with Schwab, too. Schwab went away finally .and went up to Deering. 
 They marched backwards and forwards there, and finally Spies comes back 
 to the corner here and opens the meeting, and says, when he opens it : 
 'We will not obstruct that road on Randolph Street, but will go up here.' 
 'So he got where he had always said they would get, just above the inter- 
 section of the streets. They got up there on the wagon, and Spies 
 opened the meeting. 
 
 ''Now, gentlemen, we have got down to the meeting. I have endeav- 
 ored to give you, in a kind of historical way, how this thing leads up to, 
 without saying specifically, the proof. I have told you that we would prove 
 declarations of these men, time out of number, about dynamite and 
 bombs, and the destruction of property and the destruction of the 
 police. That we will attempt to do. There is no need of my specifying or 
 saying what each individual witness will say. 
 
 " Neebe has upheld bloodshed and riot time and again, although from 
 all the inquiries put to you it would seem as if he was known as one of 
 these peaceable, peaceful, quiet labor organizers. 
 
 " The laboring men did not come to any large extent. There probably 
 were not two thousand men there at any time, even early in the evening. 
 There were not enough there to get up a riot. They could not get up a 
 riot with such a small number as that, and they were compelled to have 
 somebody speak to keep what they had ; they were dissolving going 
 away. Now, Spies was there. He is the man, I think, that knew of 
 ' Ruhe ; ' I think that he himself will state I think others will state that 
 they knew of all the circumstances about the 'Ruhe,' and about what they 
 were going to do. I think the proof will show that he knew of the whole 
 conspiracy. He did not stop it. They will undertake to show that he 
 tried to. Now, I want you to watch that carefully. We will have some- 
 thing to say on that subject as the basis of all this. There never was a great 
 criminal in the world, especially if he was a coward, but what, if he under- 
 took to commit a great crime and wanted to conceal himself, he prepared 
 .an alibi. Parsons, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe and Spies prepared that alibi. 
 They were going to let these three other men suffer, let the man that threw 
 the bomb surfer ; but they, who had been teaching dynamite for years, 
 .asking people to throw bombs for years they, after the bomb had been 
 thrown, were going to say that they were not liable at all. 
 
 " Now, at that meeting, Spies got back up here and opened the meeting. 
 There was some significance in the very way he opened it. We will have 
 it all here. Fortunately, one of the newspaper reporters Mr. English, of 
 the Tribune stood there with his overcoat on, with his hands in -his pocket, 
 not daring to take his paper out, and took a minute of everything that was 
 said wrote in shorthand, with his hand in his pocket, what they said, as 
 long as he could. Spies opened the meeting up here near the alley. A 
 wagon was standing there upon which they stood and from which they 
 spoke. Spies found that the meeting was going to dissolve ; there wasn't 
 going to be any interference by the police to any extent unless they could 
 ikeep that crowd there. So he sends Balthasar Rau over to the Arbeiter-
 
 CONSPIRACY AND COWARDICE. 401 
 
 Zeitung office, where the American group were. Now, how did he know that 
 they were over there ? They went over to the Arbeit er~ Zeitung office to get 
 Parsons, Fielden and the rest of them to come over and address the meet- 
 ing, and they came over, and we will have what they said where speeches 
 were inflammatory, denunciatory, crying for bloodshed everything of that 
 character. 
 
 "Gentlemen, I have called several of these men cowards. The testi- 
 mony will show that they are. I am rather inclined to think that Fielden, 
 although he is an Anarchist, is the only man in the whole crowd that stood 
 his ground that night. 
 
 " The history of the throwing of that bomb shows that the police did not 
 interfere any too soon. Gentlemen, it is our humble opinion, from looking 
 this case all over, that Inspector Bonfield, although it is sad to think that 
 life is destroyed I think Inspector Bonfield did the wisest thing that he 
 possibly could have done, to have called the police there that night as he 
 did. If he had not, the next night it would have had to be done, or the next, 
 and whereas seven poor men are dead, there would have been instead hun- 
 dreds, perhaps thousands. I say again, to the credit of Bonfield and the 
 police, I wish it understood that at that meeting it was the wisest thing that 
 ever happened to this town, although cruel as it may seem in the light of the 
 fact that seven died. Hundreds and perhaps thousands were saved. 
 Anarchy had been taught and cried for months ; it had almost come with 
 its demoralization, and the strength and courage of the police saved the 
 town. 
 
 "About ten o'clock, from the reports coming to Bonfield, as will appear 
 in proof, the inflammatory utterances of these American citizens, of these 
 people, had decided Bonfield that the meeting must be broken up. He was 
 wise. He passed down there with his force of police, and, gentlemen, not a 
 policeman except the commanding officer in front had a weapon in his hand. 
 They marched down there shoulder to shoulder, covering the whole street, 
 and came to the wagon. Fielden was shouting to the police, talking about 
 the bloodhounds as they advanced, because he was facing them as he spoke. 
 He probably saw them as they turned the corner. They formed here 
 (indicating On the map), in this court back here, and marched into the 
 street at Desplaines, occupying almost the entire width of the street, facing 
 down what we may call up Desplaines Street, north towards where this 
 meeting was. The meeting was held about the vicinity of that alley. This 
 property here, all through there, is Crane's factory R. T. Crane & Co. 
 Here is an alley that runs in through here. Eagle Street is here, and of 
 course here is Lake, and here is Randolph. Fielden was speaking ; the 
 police came up to the wagon ; Captain Ward stepped up to the crowd and 
 told them that he commanded them, in the name of the people of the State 
 of Illinois, to depart, to leave, to disperse. He made the ordinary statutory 
 declaration. Fielden stepped from the wagon and said : 'We are peace- 
 able,' so that it could be heard a long distance around him. At that moment 
 a man, who a moment before had been on the wagon, stepped to the corner 
 of that alley, lighted the bomb and threw it into the police. Fielden stepped 
 from the wagon and began firing. He is the only one, I told you, of the 
 crowd, that has got any of the elements of the hero in him ; he was willing 
 to stand his ground. The others fled. Parsons never did a manly thing 
 in his life, and neither did the others. They are not for law ; they are 
 against the law. Although Fielden is against the law, he did have the
 
 4 02 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 English stubbornness to stand up there and shoot, and he fired from over 
 the wagon until finally he disappeared. 
 
 " I have given you in detail a good deal of the proof. I have told you 
 the reason that I did it was, not only for your own edification, but so that 
 these gentlemen could know what we expect to prove. We have nothing 
 to conceal, we have nothing to hide. We expect as fair a statement from 
 them as to their case. 
 
 "I have only a word or two more to you, gentlemen. Remember, 
 gentlemen, that this meeting was called for half-past seven. The police 
 did not appear until half-past ten. There are nearly three long hours 
 about half-past ten, between ten and half-past ten. The bomb-throwers had 
 become discouraged. Those individuals that were situated in different 
 parts of the town had not received the communication, because the con- 
 spiracy embraced the fact that spies were to be located there to scatter the 
 word, and then was to continue this destruction. The police came so late, 
 and so many went away, that it was absolutely coming very near to being a 
 fiasco. They had been arranging for it for months. The conspiracy had 
 been clearly declared and established. The only thing they needed was 
 the crowd. The crowd failed to come. The police failed to interfere, and 
 finally, at the last moment, having interfered, most of those that were there 
 had gone. And there was another thing. These men that were interested 
 in the throwing of the bomb were paralyzed, notwithstanding their firing 
 and the shooting, by the attitude of the police who stood up there ; and in 
 all my examination of these men, asking each and every one of them as far 
 as I could what they did there that night, I have failed to find a man that 
 ran. They stood up there and fired at these wretches who were pouring into 
 them, from both sides of the street, a volley of shots from pistols. One 
 bomb was fired and thrown, and just the moment that happened, not a 
 policeman with his club scarcely one not a policeman with a pistol in 
 his hand, but every one standing there waiting for orders. The bomb was 
 thrown, and the firing began from both sides of the policemen and from the 
 crowd, and them alone. The police never fired a shot until after many of 
 their men had already bit the dust. 
 
 " I will attempt to show to you, gentlemen, who threw the bomb, from 
 this locality (indicating on map). I have said to you that the bomb that 
 was thrown was made by Lingg. I will prove that. 
 
 " I have one other suggestion to make to you. There never was a con- 
 spiracy in the world, either small or great not a conspiracy ever estab- 
 lished in the world, but what there was needed some conspirator to give the 
 first information of its existence and its purposes. I want you to be cautious, 
 gentlemen, about an unjust criticism of any member of that conspiracy 
 who first gave us the ideas about it and its ends. Seliger gave us the 
 information, the first information, which led to the knowledge of this terrible 
 conspiracy, led to the knowledge of the facts relating to it. I said to you, we 
 may not use Seliger ; but I say to you this, gentlemen, that not a single 
 conspirator placed upon the witness-stand by the State shall be so placed 
 there without we can do something to corroborate his statements ; and even 
 if we do not, I have yet to learn of a man that dare say that that conspiracy 
 did not exist. And so far as that is concerned as a question of law, when a 
 conspirator or a co-conspirator gives his testimony in court, you have a right 
 to reject it if you desire. But, gentlemen, before you reject it the court 
 will simply instruct you in regard to a conspirator's testimony that his tes-
 
 THE LA W OF ACCESSORY. 403 
 
 timony is to be considered like any other witness, and that you have a right 
 to consider his credibility in view of the fact that he is a co-conspirator. 
 
 "This indictment is for murder, a serious charge. Under our statute 
 the jury fixes the penalty. If murder, the penalty is not less than fourteen 
 years ; it may be for life ; it may be the death penalty. For manslaughter, 
 the lower degree under murder, under our statute, which is somewhat dif- 
 ferent from statutes in other States, the penalty is any number of years' im- 
 prisonment and may be for life. The indictment in this case is for murder. 
 There are a great many counts here, but the chief thing is the count against 
 these men for murder. Now, it is not necessary in a case of this kind, nor 
 in any case of murder, or any other kind, that the individual who commits 
 the exact and particular offense for instance, the man who threw the bomb 
 should be in court at all. He need not even be indicted. The question for 
 you to determine is, having ascertained that a murder was committed, not 
 only who did it, but who is responsible for it, who abetted it, assisted it, or 
 encouraged it ? There is no question of law in the case. 
 
 " We will show to you, I think to your entire satisfaction, that, although 
 perhaps none of these men personally threw that bomb, they each and all 
 abetted, encouraged and advised the throwing of it, and therefore are as 
 guilty as the individual who in fact threw it. They are accessories. 
 
 " I have talked to you, gentlemen, longer than I expected to, and chiefly 
 so that you would know something about this case, know something about 
 the facts. I have given you not, perhaps, all the details, but I have given 
 you, as a whole, the facts. I want you to patiently listen to the evidence in 
 this case from both sides, and be careful in your analysis. You have, most 
 of you, been here some time, and you have been admirably patient. Only 
 continue that way, and be patient in the matter, and make up your minds 
 when the testimony is all presented, and not before. It may take some 
 days to get at the proof and to place it all before you, so that you can 
 clearly understand it. A great deal of the proof has to come from the 
 mouths of witnesses whose language will have to be interpreted to you. That 
 will take more time. But the whole case will finally be presented to you 
 substantially, I think, as I have stated it. I will now leave the matter 
 with you."
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Great Trial Opens Bonfield's History of the Massacre How the 
 Bomb Exploded Dynamite in the Air A Thrilling Story Gottfried Waller's Tes- 
 timony An Anarchist's " Squeal" The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many 
 Witnesses. 
 
 ON Friday, July 16, the day following the delivery of the State's Attor- 
 ney's argument, the first witness was called. The defendants appeared 
 flushed with excitement, and the throng in the court-room was eager in 
 expectancy of the State's evidence. Some of the officers disabled at the 
 Haymarket were among the interested spectators. All were in a flutter of 
 suppressed excitement. 
 
 "Felix D. Buschick," called the State's Attorney. 
 
 The sound re-echoed through the room and floated out through the open 
 windows. Buschick advanced with trepidation and took the witness-stand. 
 Every neck was craned to catch a glimpse of him as he arose. He was a 
 draughtsman, and his testimony had reference simply to maps and plans 
 showing the location of the Haymarket Square, the surrounding streets and 
 alleys, the spot where the bomb was thrown, and the location of the Des- 
 plaines Street Station. 
 
 Inspector JOHN BONFIELD followed next. He stated that he was 
 Inspector of Police, had been on the force ten years, and had been in com- 
 mand of the men ordered to rendezvous at Desplaines Station on the night 
 of May 4. His testimony then proceeded as follows : 
 
 " I got there about six o'clock. There were present Capt. Ward, Lieuts. 
 Bowler, Penzen, Stanton, Hubbard, Beard, Steele and Quinn, each in charge 
 of a company. During that day our attention was called to a circular calling 
 a meeting at the Haymarket that evening. I saw the Mayor that afternoon, 
 then went to Desplaines Street Station and took command of the forces 
 there, all told about one hundred and eighty men. We stayed in the station 
 until between ten and half-past ten. The men then formed on Waldo Place. 
 We marched down north on Desplaines Street. Capt. Ward and myself 
 were at the head, Lieut. Steele with his company on the right, and Lieut. 
 Quinn on the left ; the next two companies that formed in division front, 
 double line, were Lieut. Bowler on the right, Stanton on the left ; next com- 
 pany in single line was Lieut. Hubbard. Lieuts. Beard and Penzen's orders 
 were to stop at Randolph Street and face to the right and left. We marched 
 until we came about to the mouth of Crane Brothers' alley. There was a 
 truck wagon standing a little north of that alley and against the east side- 
 walk of Desplaines Street, from which they were speaking. There were 
 orders issued in regard to the arms of the men and officers." 
 
 Being asked what those orders were, defendants' counsel objected, but 
 the objection was overruled. Bonfield continued : 
 
 404
 
 INSPECTOR BONFIELD'S TESTIMONY. 405 
 
 " The orders were, that no man should draw a weapon or fire or strike 
 anybody until he received positive orders from his commanding officer. 
 Each officer was dressed in full uniform, with his coat buttoned up to the 
 throat and his club and belt on, and the club in the holder on the side. 
 Capt. Ward and myself had our weapons in our hand ; pistols in pockets. 
 As we approached the truck, there was a person speaking from the truck. 
 Capt. Ward turned slightly to the right and gave the statutory order to dis- 
 perse : 'I command you, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, 
 to immediately and peaceably disperse.' As he repeated that, he said, ' I 
 command you and you to assist.' Almost instantly, Mr. Fielden, who was 
 speaking, turned so as to face the Captain and myself, stepped off from the 
 end of the truck toward the sidewalk and said in a loud tone of voice, ' We 
 are peaceable.' Almost instantly after that I heard from behind me a 
 hissing sound, followed, in a second or two, by a terrific explosion. In 
 coming up the street, part of the crowd ran on Desplaines toward Lake, but 
 a great portion fell back to the sidewalks on the right and left, partly lap- 
 ping back onto our flanks. Almost instantly after the explosion, firing from 
 the front and both sides poured in on us. There were from seventy-five to 
 a hundred pistol shots fired before a shot was fired by any officer. There was 
 an interval of a few seconds between that and the return fire by the police. 
 On hearing the explosion I turned around quickly, saw almost all the men 
 of the second two lines shrink to the ground, and gave the order to close 
 up. The men immediately re-formed. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn with their 
 companies charged down the street ; the others formed and took both sides. 
 In a few moments the crowd was scattered in every direction. I gave the 
 order to cease firing and went to pick up our wounded. Mathias J. Began 
 was almost instantly killed. The wounded, about sixty in number, were 
 carried to the Desplaines Street Station. Seven died from the effects of 
 wounds." 
 
 After identifying circulars calling the Haymarket meeting and demand- 
 ing revenge, he continued : 
 
 " As we approached there were about five or six on the truck. Did not 
 see the direction of the bomb ; it came from my rear. I was about ten feet 
 from the wagon. The rear rank of the first company and the second com- 
 pany suffered the most. During the evening or during the continuance of 
 the meeting I received reports as to what was going on, from officers 
 detailed for that purpose." 
 
 On cross-examination, his testimony was as follows : 
 
 " I was the highest officer on the ground that night. The whole force 
 was under my special charge and direction. As we marched down, the 
 divisions of police occupied the full width of the street from curb to curb. 
 Around the corner of Desplaines and Randolph there were a few persons 
 scattered, apparently paying no attention to the meeting ; the crowd attend- 
 ing the speaking was apparently north of that alley. The speakers' wagon 
 was not more than five or six feet north of that alley. Fielden, when speak- 
 ing, was facing to the north and west, was facing us when my attention 
 was especially called to him ; there were about one thousand people there ; 
 don't remember whether it was moonlight ; there were no street lamps lit ; 
 there was a clear sky. As we marched along, the crowd shifted its position ; 
 the speaking went right on. My experience is, if the police were marching
 
 406 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 in parade, the crowd would get to the sidewalk to look on ; if to disperse a 
 crowd or mob, the natural thing would be for them to run away. I saw 
 Fielden that night for the first time. As Capt. Ward turned to the wagon 
 to give the order to disperse, I saw the men were still advancing, and I 
 turned to the left, gave the command to halt, and then came up alongside of 
 Capt. Ward. Capt. Ward stood within a few feet of the south end of that 
 truck, which stood lengthwise of the sidewalk, the tongue end north. The 
 front rank of the first division was near up to the north line of the alley, 
 probably not more than ten or fifteen feet from the wagon. Before Capt. 
 Ward had finished his command I was beside him. Capt. Ward spoke as 
 loud as he could speak. Between my calling the halt and the explosion of 
 the bomb, I don't think it was a minute. As the Captain finished, Fielden 
 stepped from the truck and faced us, and, stepping on the street, he turned 
 to the sidewalk or curb, which is perhaps ten inches above the street, and 
 said : ' We are peaceable.' Within two or three seconds the explosion fol- 
 lowed. I did not hear anything said by Fielden from the truck. When he 
 stepped on the street I could have reached out and touched him. He did 
 not say : 'This is a peaceable meeting.' When I heard the hissing sound 
 Fielden was in the act of getting to the sidewalk." 
 
 GOTTFRIED WALLER, a former associate of the defendants, testified through 
 an interpreter. He stated his occupation, residence, etc., and proceeded as 
 follows : 
 
 " On the evening of the 3d of May I was at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake 
 Street ; got there at eight o'clock ; went there pursuant to an advertisement 
 in the Arbeiter-Zeitung: ' Y Come Monday night.' Before that notice there 
 is the word ' Briefkasten,' which means letter-box. This notice was a sign 
 for a meeting of the armed section at Greif's Hall. I had been there once 
 before, pursuant to a similar notice. There was no other reason for my 
 going there. I had seen no printed document before. I spent no time in 
 the saloon at Greif's place. I attended a meeting there in the basement 
 which extends throughout the length of the building. The ceiling of base- 
 ment is about seven or eight feet above the floor. I called the meeting to 
 order at half-past eight. There were about seventy or eighty men. I was 
 chairman. I don't know of any precautions taken about who should come 
 into the meeting. Of the defendants there were present Engel and Fischer 
 none of the other defendants." 
 
 On a question as to what was said at that meeting after it had been 
 called to order, objections were raised on behalf of six of the defendants 
 other than Engel and Fischer, and overruled. Waller then resumed : 
 
 " First there was some talk about the six men who had been killed at 
 McCormick's. There were circulars there headed ' Revenge,' speaking 
 about that ; then Mr. Engel stated a resolution of a prior meeting as to 
 what should be done, to the effect that if, on account of the eight-hour strike, 
 there should be an encounter with the police, we should aid the men against 
 them. He stated that the Northwest Side group had resolved that in such 
 case we should gather at certain meeting-places, and the word > Ruhe' pub- 
 lished in the Letter-box of the Arbeiter-Zeitung should be the signal for us 
 to meet. The Northwest Side group should then assemble in Wicker Park, 
 armed. A committee should observe the movement in the city, and if a
 
 INFORMER WALLERS TESTIMONY. 407 
 
 conflict should occur the committee should report, and we should first storm 
 the police stations by throwing a bomb and should shoot down everything 
 that came out, and whatever came in our way we should strike down. The 
 police station on North Avenue was referred to first. Nothing was said 
 about the second station just as it happened. I then proposed a meeting 
 of workingmen for Tuesday morning on Market Square. Then Fischer 
 said that was a mouse trap ; the meeting should be on the Haymarket and 
 in the evening, because there would be more workingmen. Then it was 
 resolved the meeting should be held at 8 P.M. at the Haymarket; it was 
 stated that the purpose of the meeting was to cheer up the workingmen so 
 they should be prepared, in case a conflict would happen. Fischer was 
 commissioned to call the meeting through handbills ; he went away to order 
 them, but came back after half an hour and said the printing establishment 
 was closed. It was said that we ourselves should not participate in the 
 meeting on the Haymarket ; only a committee should be present at the 
 Haymarket and report in case something happened, as stated before. 
 Nothing was said as to what should be done in case the police interfered 
 with the Haymarket meeting. We discussed about why the police stations 
 should be attacked. Several persons said, ' We have seen how the capital- 
 ists and the police oppressed the workingmen, and we should commence to 
 take the rights in our own hands ; by attacking the stations we would pre- 
 vent the police from coming to aid.' The plan stated by Engel was adopted 
 by us with the understanding that every group ought to act independently, 
 according to the general plan. The persons present were from all the 
 groups, from the West, South and North sides." 
 
 A question being raised as to what was said about attacking the police 
 in case they should attempt to disperse the Haymarket meeting, he replied : 
 
 " There was nothing said about the Haymarket. There was no one who 
 expected that the police would get as far as the Haymarket ; only, if strikers 
 were attacked, we should strike down the police, however we best could, 
 with bombs or whatever would be at our disposition. The committee 
 which was to be sent to the Haymarket was to be composed of one or two 
 from each group. They should observe the movement, not only on the 
 Haymarket Square, but in the different parts of the city. If a conflict hap- 
 pened in the daytime they should cause the publication of the word ' Ruhe.' 
 If at night, they should report to the members personally at their homes. 
 On the 4th of May we did not understand ourselves why the word ' Ruhe' 
 was published. It should be inserted in the paper only if a downright 
 revolution had occurred. Fischer first mentioned the word ' Ruhe.' I only 
 knew one of the members of the committee, Kraemer. Engel moved that 
 the plan be adopted. The motion was seconded, and I put it to a vote. 
 
 " During the discussion was anything said about where dynamite or 
 bombs or arms could be obtained, that you remember of?" " Not on that 
 evening," answered the witness. " I left the meeting about half-past ten. 
 I went home. I was present at the Haymarket meeting on Tuesday even- 
 ing for some time. I did not go there on account of the meeting, but 
 because I had to go to Zepf's Hall, to a meeting of the Furniture Workers' 
 Union. I saw the word 'Ruhe' in the Arbeiter-Zeittmg about 6 P.M., on 
 Tuesday, at Thalia Hall, a saloon on Milwaukee Avenue, where the second 
 company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Northwest Side group used 
 to meet. I went to the Haymarket and stayed there about a quarter of an
 
 4 o8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 hour, while Mr. Spies spoke. Mr. Spies spoke English ; I didn't under- 
 stand it, and I went to the meeting of the furniture workers. On my way 
 to the Haymarket I had stopped at Engel's. There were some people of 
 the Northwest Side group there. Engel was not at home. Breitenfeld was 
 not there. I was at Zepf's Hall when the bomb exploded. There was 
 some disturbance, and the door was closed. After the door was opened 
 again we went home. I went alone. On my way home I stopped at 
 Engel's and told him what had happened at the Haymarket. They had 
 assembled in the back part of their dwelling-place around a jovial glass of 
 beer, and I told them that a bomb was thrown at the Haymarket, and that 
 about a hundred people had been killed there, and they had better go home. 
 Engel said yes, they should go home, and nothing else." 
 
 "Mr. Waller," asked the State, "did you ever have any bombs?" 
 This was objected to by the defense, but after a full argument the objec- 
 tion was overruled. Waller resumed : 
 
 " Formerly, about half a year ago, I had one. It was made out of an 
 eight-inch gas or water pipe. I did not investigate what it was filled with. 
 Got it from Fischer, the defendant, on Thanksgiving day of last year, at 
 Thalia Hall." 
 
 " What did he say to you, if anything, when he gave it to you ? " 
 Another objection was raised, but it was overruled. "Waller continued : 
 
 " I should use it. There were present members of the Northwest Side 
 group and several men of the Lehr und Wehr Verein when he gave me 
 that bomb." 
 
 Asked as to a public meeting on Thanksgiving day, Waller answered in 
 the affirmative, stating that the meeting was held at Market Square. After 
 explaining that the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were known not 
 by names, but by numbers, he said : 
 
 "Everybody had to know his own number; my number was 19. The 
 numbers of the different men were not exactly secret, but we did not pay 
 particular attention to it. Of those who were present at the meeting at 54 
 West Lake Street, on Monday night, I knew Fischer, Engel, Breitenfeld, 
 Reinhold Krueger and another Krueger, Gruenwald, Schrade, Weber, 
 Huber, Lehman, Hermann." 
 
 "What became of the bomb which you had ? " 
 
 " I gave it to a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein ; he had it 
 exploded in a hollow tree. I had a revolver with me when I went to the 
 Haymarket ; had no bomb. Schnaubelt was present at the Lake Street 
 meeting. (Witness identified photograph of Schnaubelt.) Schnaubelt at 
 that meeting said we should inform our members in other places of the 
 revolution so that it should commence in other places also. On Sunday, 
 before that meeting at Lake Street, I was present at a meeting at Bohemian 
 Hall, at No. 63 Emma Street. August Krueger invited me ; he is also 
 called the little Krueger, while Reinhold is known as the large Krueger. 
 I got to the meeting at Emma Street at 10 A.M. There were present Engel 
 and Fischer, the defendants, besides Gruenwald, the two Kruegers, Schrade, 
 myself." 
 
 " What was said at the meeting ? "
 
 INFORMER WALLERS TESTIMONY. 409 
 
 "The same that I stated Engel's plan. Engel proposed the plan. 
 Somebody opposed this plan, as there were too few of us, and it would be 
 better if we would place ourselves among the people and fight right in the 
 midst of them. There was some opposition to this suggestion to be in the 
 midst of the crowd, as we could not know who would be our neighbors ; 
 there might be a detective right near us, or some one else. Engel's plan 
 was finally accepted." 
 
 An effort was made to have Waller's testimony all stricken out, but the 
 motion was overruled. He was subjected to a rigid cross-examination, but 
 he did not waver in any of his statements. He proceeded as follows : 
 
 "Before I ceased to be a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, I 
 belonged to it for four or five months. I learned that the objects of the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein are the physical and intellectual advancement of its 
 members. None of the defendants were members of that society about the 
 4th of May. I had seen a call by the letter < Y ' in the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 once before, one or one and a half months before. On the 3d of May a 
 member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, by the name of Clermont, called 
 for me. I spoke with Engel before I went to Greif's Hall, but had no con- 
 versation with him about the purpose of the meeting. We did not know 
 for what purpose it was called. When more people arrived, I requested 
 Engel to lay his plan again before the meeting. Engel stated both at the 
 meeting on Sunday and at the Monday night meeting that the plan pro- 
 posed by him was to be followed only if the police should attack us. Any 
 time when we should be attacked by the police, we should defend ourselves. 
 
 "Nothing was said with reference to any action to be taken by us at the 
 Haymarket. We were not to do anything at the Haymarket Square. The 
 plan was, we should not be present there at all. We did not think that the 
 police would come to the Haymarket. For this reason no preparations 
 were made for meeting any police attack there. When I saw the word 
 ' Ruhe' in the Arbeiter-Zeitung on Tuesday, May 4, about 6 P.M., I knew 
 the meaning, but I didn't know why it was in the paper. On the Hay- 
 market, on my way to the meeting of the Furniture Workers' Union, I met 
 Fischer. We were walking about some time. I don't think he said any- 
 thing to me about why I was not at Wicker Park. We once walked over 
 to Desplaines Street Station. The police were mounting five or six patrol 
 wagons, and I made the remark : ' I suppose they are getting ready to 
 drive out to McCormick's, so that they might be out there early in the 
 morning.' Fischer assented to my remark. That was all that was said 
 about the police between us. At that time there were about three hundred 
 and fifty or four hundred people assembled at the Haymarket. The prin- 
 cipal purpose of the Haymarket meeting was to protest against the action 
 of the police at the riot at McCormick's factory. While I was with Fischer 
 at the Haymarket, nothing was said between us about preparations to meet 
 an attack by the police. When I came to Engel's, at about half-past ten, 
 there were in his house Breitenfeld, the little Krueger, Kraemer, and a few 
 others. Kraemer, I think, lived in the rear of the house. 
 
 " I know that I am indicted for conspiracy. I was arrested about two 
 weeks after the 4th of May by two detectives, Stift and Whalen, and taken 
 to East Chicago Avenue Station. I saw there Capt. Schaack, and, in the 
 evening, Mr. Furthmann. I was released about half-past eight of the same
 
 SCHRADE ON THE STAND. 411 
 
 day. No warrant was shown to me. I was never arrested since my indict- 
 ment. I was ordered to come to the station four or five times. At every 
 occasion I had conversations with Furthmann about the statements made 
 here in court. I live now at 130 Sedgwick Street, since one month. Capt. 
 Schaack gave me $6.50 for the rent. Whenever I used my time sitting in 
 the station, I was paid for it. Once we had to sit all day, and we were paid 
 two dollars for that day. I was out on a strike, and Capt. Schaack gave 
 my wife three times three dollars. He gave me, twice before, five dollars 
 each time. I have been at work for the last two weeks for Peterson. When 
 I went there to commence work I was told that I was on the black list, and 
 could not work, and Capt. Schaack helped me to get the job. By the black 
 list I mean that the bosses put all those upon a list who were in any way 
 connected with the strike to obtain eight hours' work, and they were not to 
 be employed any further. 
 
 " I know Spies by sight. I never had any conversation with him. I 
 spoke to Mr. Neebe once a few words, at a meeting of the basket-makers. 
 I have no acquaintance whatever with Schwab, Parsons, Fielden or Lingg. 
 I saw Lingg once make a speech." 
 
 BERNHARD SCHRADE, another confidant of the Anarchists, stated that he 
 had resided in this country nearly five years and had been a member of the 
 Lehr und Wehr Verein. He was present at the meeting in the basement 
 of Greif's Hall, on the evening of May 3, and found the meeting in order 
 when he got there. His testimony was as follows : 
 
 " Waller was presiding. There were about thirty or thirty-five people 
 Waller, Engel, Fischer, Thielen, the Lehmans, Donafeldt. Lingg was 
 not there. When I entered, the chairman explained what had been spoken 
 about until then. He stated the objects of the meeting ; that so many 
 men at the McCormick factory had been shot by the police ; that a mass- 
 meeting was to be held at Haymarket Square, and that we should be pre- 
 pared, in case the police went beyond their bounds attacked us. After- 
 wards we talked among ourselves, and the meeting adjourned. I heard 
 nothing about assembling in other parts of the city. That same evening I 
 had been to the carpenters' meeting, and it was said there that the mem- 
 bers of the L. u. W. V. should go around to the meeting on Lake Street. I 
 stayed there from eight until half-past nine. Circulars headed ' Revenge ' 
 were distributed there by one Balthasar Rau. That carpenters' meeting 
 was held at Zepf's Hall. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street I stayed 
 from half-past nine until about a quarter after ten. On the preceding Sun- 
 day I was at a meeting at the Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street. We got 
 there about half-past nine in the forenoon. The big Krueger called for me. 
 There were, besides me, Waller, Krueger, Fischer, Engel and Grueneberg. 
 I don't know the others. 
 
 " Those present belonged to the second company of the L. u. W. V., and 
 the Northwestern group. We talked there about the condition of the 
 workingmen after the ist of May, and the remark was made that it might 
 not go off so easy after the ist of May, and if it should not, that they would 
 help themselves and each other. It was said that if we were to get into a 
 conflict with the police, we should mutually assist one another, and the mem- 
 bers of the Northwestern group should meet at Wicker Park, in case it 
 should get so far that the police would make an attack, and should defend
 
 4 I2 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 themselves as much as possible, as well as anyone could. Nothing was said 
 about dynamite ; the word "stuff " was not used. Nothing was said about 
 telegraph wires. The revolutionary movement was talked about; it was 
 mentioned that the firemen could easily disperse large masses of the people 
 standing upon the street, and in such a case it would be the best thing to 
 cut through their hose, annihilate them. I was at the Haymarket on the 
 night when the bomb was thrown. Went there with a man named Thielen. 
 Got there about half-past eight. I walked up and down on Randolph Street, 
 and at the corner of Desplaines I heard all the speakers. When the bomb 
 was thrown I was at a saloon at 173 West Randolph -Street. I had left the 
 meeting because a rain and a shower came up. I know all the defendants. 
 I saw Engel and Fischer, about an hour previous to the meeting, upon the 
 corner of Desplaines and Randolph. After the bomb was thrown I went 
 to my home, 581 Milwaukee Avenue. I met the little Krueger in the 
 saloon. He was there ; also the big Krueger. The L. u. W. V. used to 
 meet at Thalia Hall, Milwaukee Avenue. We had our exercise, marched 
 in the hall drilled. We had Springfield rifles, which we kept at home. 
 
 " We had our military drills for pleasure. Most of the members had been 
 soldiers in the old country, and we were drilling here for fun pleasure. 
 We drilled once a week, at times. The members knew each other, but on 
 the list each one had his number. My number was 32. There were four 
 companies of the L. u. W. V. in this city. I dont know the number of 
 members. 
 
 " I saw < Revenge ' circulars at the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. I know 
 Schnaubelt by sight. Don't remember whether he was at 54 West Lake. 
 (Witness was shown the signal " Y, " in Arbeiter-Zeitung.~} I saw this in the 
 paper when I read it at Thalia Hall. It is a sign for the armed section to 
 meet at 54 West Lake Street. The armed section means certain members 
 of certain societies trades-unions who had bought weapons with which 
 they practiced continually." (Witness is shown paper containing the word 
 "Ruhe.") "I never saw that before. Did not hear anything said about 
 ' Ruhe ' in the meeting at 54 West Lake Street." 
 
 Schrade was shown a book of Most's and stated that he had seen it 
 sold at meetings of workingmen. On cross-examination he testified : 
 
 "I know Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Neebe and Schwab only by sight; 
 never had any business or conversation with any of them. Lingg and I 
 belonged to the same Carpenters' Union, but we were not on terms of 
 friendship. None of the defendants are members of the L. u. W. V., to my 
 knowledge. I paid attention to all that was done while I was at the 54 
 West Lake Street meeting. I was at the Sunday meeting from half-past 
 nine until half-past eleven. The discussion was, that if the police made an 
 attack upon workingmen we would help the workingmen to resist it, and if 
 the firemen helped, we would cut the hose. Nothing was said abou* dyna- 
 mite or bombs at any of the meetings. Nothing was said about a meeting 
 at any particular night to throw bombs. It was not agreed to throw bombs 
 at the Haymarket meeting. While at the Haymarket I had no bomb ; I 
 don't know dynamite. I knew of no one who was going to take a bomb to that 
 meeting. When I left the Haymarket meeting everything was quiet ; I did 
 not anticipate any trouble. I had seen the signal ' Y ' before. It was under- 
 stood that the meetings were to be called by that kind of notice. I left the
 
 
 LIEUT. STEELE S TESTIMONY. 413 
 
 Haymarket meeting only on account of the approach of the storm. There 
 were about two hundred people there when I left." 
 
 EDWARD J. STEELE, Lieutenant of Police at the West Chicago Avenue 
 Station on May 4th, gave some details as to marching to the Haymarket, 
 and stated that he had been in command of a company of twenty-eight 
 men. He further testified : 
 
 "Two or three seconds after that Captain Ward's command to the 
 meeting to disperse the shell was thrown in the rear. It exploded on the 
 left of my company. There was then also a smaller report in the rear of 
 me, like a large pistol shot, and at that time the crowd in front of us and 
 on the sidewalks fired into us immediately ; by immediately I mean two 
 or three seconds after. The crowd fired before the police did. Mine and 
 Quinn's were the front companies. My men had their arms in their pockets 
 and their clubs in their belts ; their hands by their side. I was six or 
 eight feet from the speakers' wagon when the command to halt was given. 
 Prior to that I could hear speaking going on in front of us. I heard some- 
 body say, ' Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty and we will do 
 ours.' I could not say who made the remark. The sound came from in 
 front of us as we were marching. Ward spoke in a loud tone of voice to 
 the speakers on the wagon when he commanded them to disperse. There 
 were three or four men on the wagon. I saw Mr. Fielden there. I did not 
 hear him make any response to Ward's declaration. After the pistol shots 
 from the crowd we returned the fire. Fielden stepped off the wagon, 
 turned to the sidewalk, and I lost sight of him. When we got some few 
 feet north of Randolph Street, the crowd in front of us separated to the 
 right and left. I heard nothing said by the crowd. The bomb lit in the 
 rear of the left of my company, and the right of Lieut. Quinn's, between 
 that and the next company behind us. When I heard the explosion I was 
 facing north. The word ' fire ' was not given by anybody, but we began 
 firing when they fired on us. The explosion of the bomb affected about 
 twenty-one of our men in the two companies, and the firing commenced at 
 once." 
 
 On cross-examination, Lieut. Steele stated : 
 
 " My experience is that where the police make a descent upon a riotous 
 gathering, a mob, the latter scatter to all sides, so as to get out of the way. 
 But when we pass through a peaceful, quiet body of men, they separate 
 to the sides instead of rushing down the alleys and out the other way. I 
 do not mean to say that the remark about the bloodhounds coming was 
 made by the speaker from the wagon. Mr. Fielden was on the sidewalk 
 when the bomb exploded. Capt. Ward was just a step or two in front of 
 me when he gave the order to disperse. Any loud exclamation made by 
 Mr. Fielden, either in the wagon, or getting out of the wagon, or imme- 
 diately after he got out, I would have heard. I did not hear him make any." 
 
 MARTIN QUINN, Lieutenant of Police, had a company of twenty-five men 
 on the left of Lieut. Steele, and when they marched to the Haymarket they 
 had their clubs in their belts and their pistols in their pockets. He heard 
 the remark : " Here they come now, the bloodhounds. Do your duty, men,
 
 414 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and I'll do mine." The man who was speaking at the time they came up 
 was Fielden. Quinn's testimony then runs as follows : 
 
 " Just as he was going down, he said : ' We are peaceable.' Some person 
 had hold of his left leg. He reached back, and just as he was going down 
 he fired right where the Inspector was, Capt. Ward and Lieut. Steele. 
 After that I dropped my club, took my pistol and commenced firing in 
 front. The crowd formed a line across the street in our front, and imme- 
 diately when that bomb was fired, and almost instantaneously with it that 
 shot from the wagon, they commenced firing into our front and from the 
 side, and then from the alley. I fired myself. Fourteen men of my com- 
 pany were injured. I lost sight of Fielden as he got on the sidewalk. I 
 could not distinguish which was first, the explosion of the bomb or the shot 
 fired by Fielden. There was another very loud report immediately after 
 this first explosion. I did not know what it was. The bomb exploded 
 about the same instant that the remark, ' We are peaceable,' was made. 
 And at the same time he fired that shot. Ward at that time had not quite 
 finished his expression. The pistol was aimed in a downward direction, 
 towards where Ward, Steele and Bonfield stood. After I was looking to 
 the front, and had discharged my weapon, I looked back and saw the explo- 
 sion of the bomb it was just the same as you would take a bunch of fire- 
 crackers and throw it around, just shooting up in all directions, in the rear. 
 Some of the men were lying down, some of them lying dead, some crippled 
 around. All along on Desplaines Street the lamps were dark. Where the 
 speaker was there was a torch on the wagon, and also the lamp was lit 
 there. I had emptied my pistol. Then I turned around to look at the 
 result of the explosion. Then I went over in under the wagon, and where 
 the speaker was, and I found a pistol there that was loaded. I picked it up 
 and emptied it myself afterwards. It was a thirty-eight Smith & Wesson. 
 I saw Fielden fire only that one shot. It was not aimed at the man who 
 had hold of his leg. There were Ward, Bonfield and Steele there right in 
 a bunch, close by together, and it should have hit some one of them." 
 
 The cross-examination did not change the testimony ; he only added to 
 its force, and with reference to Fielden only modified it so far as to say : 
 
 "I would not swear that it was or was not Fielden who fired the pistol, 
 but it was a speaker, that I know, that fired at the instant he finished say- 
 ing, ' We are peaceable.' While standing in the wagon, in the presence of 
 the police force and all the audience, he fired a revolver right where Lieut. 
 Steele was and Capt. Ward, and the right of Lieut. Steele's company ; fired 
 right into them. The torch was still on the wagon at that -time, and the 
 street lamp near by was lighted." 
 
 JAMES P. STANTON, Lieutenant of Police, had charge of eighteen men and 
 saw the shell coming through the air. He shouted to his men : " Look out, 
 there is a shell," and just then it exploded. It fell just four feet from where 
 he stood, and his men were scattered upon the street. All but one or two 
 of his command were wounded. He himself was injured, his body being 
 hit in eleven different places with pieces of the shell, and he was confined 
 to a bed at the hospital for two weeks and a half, after which he was taken 
 home.
 
 SPIES IDEA OF REVOLUTIONS. 415 
 
 " After that I commenced to limp around. I had to suffer from a 
 nervous shock. The holes in my clothing are larger than the holes in my 
 limbs. My company was on the west side of the street, Bowler on the 
 east. When I first saw the shell it was in the air, very near over my head. 
 It came from the east, I think, a little north of the alley. It was about 
 three inches in diameter. The fuse was about two inches long when I saw 
 it. When we advanced I heard speaking from the north. I saw some 
 parties standing on the wagon. Don't know anything about what trans- 
 pired after the officers came to a halt. No shot was fired to my knowl- 
 edge before the explosion of the bomb. Immediately after that shots were 
 fired. I turned myself and drew my revolver and immediately commenced 
 to fire. I cannot swear from whom the firing began first. My men were 
 supposed to be armed ; they had their clubs in their belts." 
 
 , The cross-examination brought out no new points. 
 
 H. F. KRUEGER, a police officer, heard the cry, " Here they are now, 
 the bloodhounds ! " from the wagon at the Haymarket, and thought it was 
 Fielden who uttered it. "I saw Fielden," said he, "pistol in hand, take 
 cover behind the wagon and fire at the police. I returned his fire and was 
 myself immediately shot in the knee-cap. I saw Fielden in the crowd and 
 shot at him again. He staggered, but did not fall, and I lost him. There 
 were no pistol-shots fired before the bomb exploded." This testimony was 
 in every detail corroborated by John Wessler, another police officer, the 
 next witness, and by Peter Foley, an officer. 
 
 LUTHER MOULTON, of Grand Rapids, Michigan, an officer of the Knights 
 of Labor, testified to a conversation which he had had with August Spies 
 when the latter went to Grand Rapids to deliver a lecture, on February 
 22, 1885. Spies told the witness that the only manner in which the labor- 
 ers could get a fair division of the product of their labor was by force and 
 arms. He said they had three thousand men organized in Chicago, with 
 superior weapons of warfare. There might be bloodshed, Spies said to 
 him, for that happened frequently in revolutions. If they failed, it would 
 be a punishable crime. If they succeeded, it would be a revolution. 
 George Washington would have been punished had he failed. " I am 
 quite certain," Moulton said, "that the term 'explosives' was used in con- 
 nection with arms." On cross-examination Moulton stated that the Grand 
 Rapids police had furnished him the means to come to Chicago. All of 
 Moulton's material statements were repeated on the stand by Geo. W. 
 Shook, who had been present at the conversation referred to. 
 
 JAMES BOWLER, Lieutenant of Police, in command of twenty-seven men. 
 testified that he did not recognize any one firing. 
 
 " After the explosion I said to my men : 'Fire and kill all you can.' I 
 drew ray own revolver ; I had it in my breast coat side pocket. In march- 
 ing, I heard the words : ' Here come the bloodhounds,' said by somebody 
 close to the wagon. I fired nine shots myself. I reloaded. While march-
 
 416 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ing, the men had their arms in their pockets. I noticed the lamp at Crane's 
 alley was out." 
 
 On cross-examination he stated that he heard the remark about blood- 
 hounds, but did not know who uttered it. He continued : 
 
 "There was a kind of lighten the wagon, a kind of a torch. I saw 
 firing close by the wagon after the explosion, but not from in the wagon. I 
 saw no one either in the wagon or getting out of the wagon do any firing. 
 I saw Mr. Fielden coming off of the wagon very plainly." 
 
 Several officers testified to the scene about the wagon, and Thomas 
 Greif, the occupant of the premises 54 West Lake Street, described the 
 basement where the " Ypsilon " meeting was held. Following him was 
 proffered more direct evidence that Fielden had fired the shot, and then 
 JAMES BONFIELD took the stand, and described the search that was made in 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. Said he : 
 
 "In Mr. Spies' office I found a small piece of fuse, a fulminating cap, 
 and a large double-action revolver ; about five inches of fuse. I found the 
 revolver under a wash-stand in the office ; that dirk file was along with them 
 (indicating), with a paper doubled over them loosely. The fuse is an 
 ordinary fuse ; the fulminate is in the end of the cap. The fuse is inserted 
 that way (indicating), and the cap is pinched, and that is inserted in dyna- 
 mite and the hole closed. I never saw the cap used for anything except 
 dynamite and nitro-glycerine. I have used it in mines for that purpose. 
 The power of the cap itself don't amount to anything. I found that 
 ' Revenge ' circular, as it is called, in Spies' office, where I arrested him. 
 This box (indicating) contains a great many empty shells, evidently for the 
 Winchester improved rifle ; there are also some empty and some loaded 
 sporting cartridges. The pistol is a 44-caliber, I think. On the 5th, after 
 the arrest of Spies, that night I took down some reporters. I had a con- 
 versation with Spies that night, and I think with Fielden. The reporter 
 carried on the major part of the conversation. Mr. Spies stated there had 
 been a meeting of the Central Labor Union that evening previous to the 
 Haymarket meeting. He mentioned a man by the name of Brown, and a 
 man by the name of Ducey that attended that meeting, and when they 
 adjourned there they went down to the Haymarket. He spoke of the 
 gathering of the crowd, how it threatened to rain, how they went on the side 
 street, and about Fielden speaking at the time the police came. He said 
 he was on the wagon at that time, and a young Turner was there who had 
 told him the police were coming, told him to come down, took him by the 
 hand and helped him down. He afterwards gave his name as Legner ; he 
 claimed the police had opened fire on them. He said when he got off the 
 wagon he went in the east alley and came out on Randolph Street. He 
 approved of the method, but thought it was a little premature ; that the 
 time had hardly arrived to start the revolution or warfare. After that I took 
 the reporters around to Fielden. 
 
 " Fielden said he was there when the police came up ; he got wounded 
 in this alley. Then he got a car, and, I think, went around to the corner of 
 Twelfth and Halsted, or Van Buren and Halsted, and then he got 
 another car and went down to the Arbeiter-Zeitung office to see if any of 
 his friends had got back there ; that from there he went over to the Hay-
 
 JAMES BONFIELUS TESTIMONY. 417 
 
 market again to see if any more of his comrades were hurt. I know 
 Fischer. I was at his house. He was arrested at the same time, or a few 
 minutes after Spies and Schwab were arrested. His house is 170 or 176 
 North Wood Street. I went there with Mr. Furthmann and, I think, 
 Officer Doane. It was about nine or ten o'clock. I made a search of the 
 house. In a closet, under the porch at the front door, I found a piece of 
 gas-pipe about three and a half feet long. There was no gas connection in 
 the house. The gas-pipe was an inch or an inch and a quarter in diameter. 
 I laid it down again. I searched around and went back again, and 
 couldn't find it in a day after. I remember a conversation with Fischer 
 afterwards, in the office. He was asked to explain how he came by a 
 fulminating cap which was found in his pocket at the time of the arrest. 
 He said he got it from a Socialist who used to visit Spies' office about 
 four months previous. He claimed he didn't know what it was, and 
 had carried it in his pocket for four months. After some conversation 
 he acknowledged that he knew what it was, and had read an account of it 
 and the use of it in Herr Most's ' Science of War.' That conversation was 
 at a detective's office. The fulminating cap looked to be perfectly new, 
 and the fulminate was fresh and bright in the inside. There was no fuse 
 attached to it. He told of being at the Haymarket meeting until a few 
 minutes before the explosion of the bomb, and he went from there to Zepf's 
 Hall, and was there at the time of the explosion. He acknowledged that 
 he had gotten up the circular headed 'Attention, Workingmen,' and that 
 it was printed at Wehrer & Klein's. I think their own office was closed, and 
 he went over to Wehrer & Klein's and got it printed over there; I think 2,500 
 copies 25,000 or 2,500." 
 
 On cross-examination witness testified as follows : 
 
 " I am in the detective branch of the police force. I arrested Spies and 
 Schwab in the neighborhood of nine o'clock. I found Spies in the front 
 office. He was to the left of the door as I entered. My recollection is, he 
 was talking to somebody. Schwab was over to the right, and was sitting 
 down. That was on the second floor. I think I went up two flights of 
 stairs. There were three or four men in the office besides those two. 
 There was no resistance by either of the gentlemen. Had no warrant for 
 their arrest. I don't know of any complaint having been made against them 
 before any magistrate. While I was talking to Spies and Schwab Spies' 
 brother came in. I placed him under arrest too. I took them with me. 
 I took them to police headquarters. We went on foot. It was in the back 
 part of the room that I found that revolver. The main part of the room 
 in which I arrested them was perhaps twelve feet deep, and then there was 
 a wing that ran back further. The box I mentioned was on the floor, and 
 against the south wall. One could see it readily on entering the room. I 
 found that box on my third visit. I don't remember having seen it on my 
 first visit. That third visit was some time in the afternoon, perhaps two 
 or three o'clock. On my second visit I went over to the printer, to pick 
 out the type similar to the one in the ' Revenge ' circular. I went to the 
 composing-room. The printer's name is John Conway. That was near 
 twelve o'clock. On my fourth visit I took away a lot of red flags and such 
 stuff as that. When I made the arrest of Spies and Schwab that 
 morning Mrs. Schwab was present. I should think, by the looks of 
 things, they were transacting business, or ready for it. When I was in the
 
 4 i8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 composing-room there were several men there. I found the red flags 
 principally in what they termed the library in that building. It was, I 
 think, in the rear part, on the second floor. Twenty or twenty-one com- 
 positors of the Arbeiter-Zeitung were arrested during that day. I was not 
 present at the time. I found that copy of the ' Revenge ' circular on one of 
 the desks in the front room. I was there when the form and the type of 
 the circular were found. We had no search warrant at the time any of 
 them were taken. I do not know to whom that revolver belongs. I took 
 Spies and Schwab into the front room of the Central Station. Lieutenant 
 Shea sent out for the key. In the meantime we searched Spies 
 and took the personal effects away from him. I took Mr. Spies' 
 keys out of his pocket everything I found, little slips of paper 
 and the like. I literally went through him. I had no warrant for 
 anything of that kind. I took those reporters to see Spies down to the 
 cell-house in the basement of the Central Station. The cell-house is very 
 near the center of the building, and fronts on the inside court between the 
 county and city building. I went down with the reporters about eight or 
 nine o'clock. Spies, Schwab and Fielden were in separate cells. Spies 
 said the action taken at the Haymarket was premature. It was done by a 
 hot-head that could not wait long enough. I cannot use the words. That 
 is the sentiment, and perhaps the words. Fielden said the police came up 
 there to disperse them, and they had no business to. He claimed that they 
 had a right to talk and say what they pleased, under the Constitution,, and 
 they should not be interfered with. I don't think it was ever questioned 
 whether the meeting was a peaceable and quiet meeting. I don't think that 
 he ever claimed that it was either quiet or disorderly. The fulminating cap 
 which I found in that box did not look fresh and bright. It looked as though 
 it might have lain there a good while. When Chief Ebersold came into the 
 office at Central Station he was quite excited, and talked to Spies and 
 Schwab in German and made motions, and I got between them, and I told 
 him this was not the time or place to act that way. I took the liberty to 
 quiet him down a little. He used a word which I understood to compare a 
 man to a dog or something lower." 
 
 The incendiary speeches that were made by some of the defendants at 
 the riot at McCormick's were testified to by different newspaper men, and 
 the scenes at the riot described by officers and others, the whole showing 
 very distinctly the direct connection of Spies with the outrage, and the man- 
 ner in which he incited the mob to violence.
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 " We are Peaceable " Capt. Ward's Memories of the Massacre A Nest 
 of Anarchists Scenes in the Court Seliger's Revelations Lingg, the Bomb-maker 
 
 How he cast his Shells A Dynamite Romance Inside History of the Conspiracy 
 
 The Shadow of the Gallows Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists Tightening the 
 Coils An Explosive Arsenal The Schnaubelt Blunder Harry Wilkinson and Spies 
 
 A Threat in Toothpicks The Bomb Factory The Board of Trade Demon- 
 stration. 
 
 DURING the progress of the trial the court-room was thronged daily. 
 The prisoners sat radiantly throughout the whole proceedings as if 
 supremely certain of acquittal, and they manifested great pride in the 
 boutonnieres which were handed in every morning by admiring friends. 
 As the testimony of the State's witnesses proceeded, the defense raised 
 innumerable objections to the admission of parts particularly criminative, 
 and at times hours were consumed in arguments on the points involved. 
 The objections were almost invariably overruled, and exceptions taken. 
 Having finished the evidence then at hand with reference to the McCormick 
 riot, the State resumed the Haymarket massacre. 
 
 WILLIAM WARD, Captain of Police at the Desplaines Street Station, a 
 member of the force since 1870, a resident of Chicago for thirty-six years 
 and a veteran of the Rebellion, was subjected to a long and interesting 
 examination. He first stated the facts with reference to marching to the 
 Haymarket and his order to the meeting to disperse, corroborating the tes- 
 timony of Inspector Bonfield in every particular, and then concluded as 
 follows : 
 
 " As the speaker was getting from the wagon he said, 'We are peaceable.' 
 That was this gentleman (indicating Fielden). I heard some utterances of 
 the speaker before I addressed him, but could not understand them quite 
 a noise there. Our men had their clubs in their belts, pistols in their 
 pockets. A few seconds after Fielden said, ' We are peaceable,' I heard the 
 explosion in my rear. I turned to look and see, and pistol-firing began 
 from the front and both sides of the street by the crowd. I did not recog- 
 nize anybody firing. Then the police began firing, and we charged into the 
 alley, Crane's alley, and north on Desplaines Street. Seven policemen died 
 from the effects of wounds ; one was brought dead into the station Mathias 
 J. Degan. There were in all killed and wounded sixty-six or sixty-seven - 
 about twenty-one or twenty-two out of Desplaines Street Station ; forty-two 
 in all out of my precinct. It was only several seconds from the time that 
 Fielden said, 'We are peaceable,' and the time the police charged down the 
 alley and up Desplaines Street." 
 
 The cross-examination resulted as follows : 
 
 " I had a detail there that night from the Central Police Station under 
 command of Lieut. Hubbard. At the time I gave the command to disperse 
 
 419
 
 4 20 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 I was right close to the rear part of the wagon, close to the outside wheel, 
 southwest of the wheel. I could almost touch it ; could have touched it 
 with my club. Some of the men carried their pistols in the breast pocket of 
 the coat, some the hip pocket. At the time I gave the command, Inspector 
 Bonfield stood at my left ; Lieut. Steele was in the rear of me, might have 
 been a little to the right. There were four to six persons on the wagon. 
 Fielden was standing on the south end of the truck, facing southwest, 
 facing me, when I commenced to speak, until I was through. Then he got 
 off the truck, on the southeast end of it, on the corner toward the side- 
 walk. All I could understand of what Mr. Fielden said was : 'We are peace 
 able." I did not see Fielden after that. There was no pistol-firing of any 
 kind by anybody before the explosion of the bomb. I was several feet in 
 advance of the front rank of the police in marching down, sometimes eight 
 or ten feet in advance ; sometimes not so far. The only utterance from any 
 source that I can recall that was heard by me, before the bomb exploded, 
 was that of Fielden, ' We are peaceable, ' that he spoke to me, or looking right 
 at me when he spoke. It was a little louder than ordinary, than if he was 
 addressing me. I think the accent was on the last word, ' We are peaceable? 
 I don't remember whether I related this utterance of Fielden on the 
 occasion of the Coroner's inquest when I testified there. I think Steele's 
 line was about on a line with the center of the alley. Quinn's line had 
 swung a little further forward. A block and a half south of there, there 
 were eight or ten electric lights on the front of the Lyceum Theater, and 
 they lit up the street considerably. I don't remember whether there was 
 a torch-light or any other light on the truck." 
 
 MICHAEL HAHN, a tailor working on Halsted Street, stated that he was 
 at the Haymarket and received an injury in his back, one in his thigh, and 
 one in the leg : 
 
 " I went to the hospital that same night. Dr. Newman removed some- 
 thing from my person that night ; that is what he said ; he showed it to me. 
 It was some kind of a nut. (Witness is handed an ordinary iron-threaded 
 nut.) I guess that was about the size. I left the hospital two weeks after. 
 I think that is the same nut." 
 
 REUBEN SLAYTON, a policeman on the force fourteen years, testified that 
 he arrested Fischer : 
 
 "I searched him and found that gun (producing and exhibiting a re- 
 volver). It is a 44-caliber ; was loaded when I found it ; self-acting, 
 I found this file ground sharp on three edges (producing it), and that belt 
 and sheath (producing same). The belt and sheath were buckled on him ; 
 the file in the sheath, revolver stuck into the slit in the belt, and he had ten 
 cartridges in his pocket. He also had this fulminating cap in his pocket. 
 It was brighter when I found it. He said he carried that revolver because 
 he carried money, and going home nights to protect himself. I took him 
 to the Central Station. He said he had worked at the Arbeiter-Zeitung as 
 a compositor for two years. When I arrested him he was coming down the 
 stairs. I was going up into the building. I felt this revolver and took him 
 back up, and searched him and took these things from him. The belt was 
 under his coat. You could not see the pistol and this stuff. I also arrested 
 Fielden at his house the same day, May 5th, in the morning, at No. no
 
 FATAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 421 
 
 West Polk Street. When I locked him up at the Central Station, he took 
 the bandage off his knee and put it on. I asked him where he got it 
 dressed. He told me when he got shot he came down the alley and took 
 a car and went to, I think he said, Twelfth and Canal Streets had his 
 knee dressed there that night." 
 
 On cross-examination, Officer Slayton stated that he met with no resis- 
 tance from Fischer or Fielden and that he found no munitions of war at 
 the latter's house. He had no warrant, he said, for their arrest. 
 
 THEODORE FRICKE, business superintendent of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, once 
 its bookkeeper, testified to Spies' handwriting on the manuscript contain- 
 ing the word "Ruhe," and identified several other documents as in Spies' 
 handwriting. He continued : 
 
 " The Arbeiter-Zeitung is the property of a corporation. Fischer was a 
 stockholder, so was I, so is Spies and Schwab. I was employed by this 
 corporation. Parsons is not a stockholder. Neebe belongs to this corpora- 
 tion. I have 
 known Neebe 
 about two 
 years ; I saw 
 him at picnics 
 and in our of- 
 fice. There 
 was a library 
 in the build- 
 ing belonging 
 to the Inter- 
 natio nal 
 Working Peo- 
 ple's Associa- 
 tion a Soci- 
 alistic asso- 
 ciation com- 
 posed of 
 
 groups, known by names. I belonged to the group ' Karl Marx, ' which' 
 met at No. 63 Emma Street. Before that I belonged to the Northwest 
 Side group, which met at Thalia Hall, No. 633 Milwaukee Avenue. Hirsch- 
 berger was the librarian. I know Fischer ; he belonged to the Northwest 
 Side group. Engel belonged to the same. Spies formerly belonged to the 
 Northwest Side group, later to the American group. Parsons belonged 
 to the American group. Schwab, I guess, to the North Side group, I don't 
 know for sure. I don't know about Lingg. I guess Neebe belonged to the 
 North Side group. These groups, except the Northwest Side group, had a 
 central committee, which met at No. 107 Fifth Avenue. The Northwest 
 Side group was not represented. They had strong Anarchistic principles. 
 Fielden, I guess, belonged to the American group. This book here 
 (Johann Most's book) I saw at the library in the Arbeiter-Zeitung building. 
 I have seen that book sold at picnics by Hirschberger, at Socialistic picnics 
 and mass-meetings. At some of those meetings Spies, Parsons and Fielden 
 were present; sometimes Neebe, sometimes Schwab, maybe Fischer." 
 
 SPIES' MANUSCRIPT OF THE FAMOUS "RUHE" SIGNAL, 
 Engraved direct from the Original.
 
 422 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Counsel for defendants objected to this line of inquir}', because, as they 
 said, it is not shown that any of the defendants knew or participated in the 
 selling, or that they had anything to do with, or that they saw the selling. 
 This led to some words between court and counsel : 
 
 The Court "If men are teaching the public how to commit murder, 
 it is admissible to prove it if it can be proved by items." 
 
 Mr. Black "Well, does your Honor know what this teaches? " 
 The Court "I do not know what the contents of the book are. I 
 asked what the book was and I was told that it was Herr Host's ' Science 
 of Revolutionary Warfare,' and taught the preparing of deadly weapons and 
 missiles, and that was accepted by the other side." 
 
 Mr. Black "Does that justify your Honor in the construction that it 
 teaches how to commit murder, or of stating that in the presence of the 
 jury ? " 
 
 The Court - ". . . . I inquired what sort of book it was, and it was 
 stated by the other side what sort of book it was, and you said nothing 
 about it, so that in ruling upon the question whether it may be shown 
 
 where it was to 
 be found, where 
 it had been seen, 
 I must take the 
 character of the 
 book into consid- 
 eration in deter- 
 mining whether it 
 is admissible; 
 whether it is of 
 that character or 
 
 "Y COME MONDAY EVENING." -,, 
 
 not we will see 
 
 Reduced Fac-simile, engraved direct from the Original Manuscript. wVipn "t Q tr 
 
 lated, I suppose. I suppose the book is not in the English language." 
 
 "Where were the picnics at which you have seen this book sold?" 
 asked the State's Attorney. 
 
 " I saw this book sold at a picnic at Ogden's Grove, on Willow Street, 
 on the North Side, in July of last year. There were present Spies, Neebe, 
 Parsons and Fielden. Also at a picnic at Sheffield, Indiana, last Septem- 
 ber, where were present Spies, Neebe, Parsons and, I guess, Fischer." 
 
 Fricke then identified copies of the Alarm, Parsons' paper, the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, the Fackel, the Sunday edition of that paper, and the Vorbote, its 
 weekly edition, of various dates from May ist to May 5th. 
 
 On cross-examination, he testified that he had never seen any of the 
 defendants sell Most's books anywhere, not even at the Sheffield, Indiana, 
 picnic, where there were 2,000 people, and that all communications to the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung went through the hands of the editor, Spies. 
 
 EDMUND FURTHMANN testified as follows : 
 
 " I am assistant in the State's Attorney's office. I was in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung office between eleven and twelve o'clock on the 5th of May. All 
 the matter shown to Mr. Fricke was obtained by me in the typesetting-room
 
 INFORMER SELIGER'S TESTIMONY. 423 
 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and has been in my possession since then. The 
 typesetting-room was full of desks and cases of type, and there were several 
 tables covered with stone, and at every case there was a hook containing a 
 lot of manuscript, which I took away. I found the doors locked. I found 
 some twenty or twenty-five of the ' Revenge' circulars there." 
 
 On cross-examination he said : 
 
 "A locksmith opened the door. We had no search warrant. We also 
 carried away two mail-bags from there. We placed all this manuscript 
 into them. Mr. Grinnell, the State's Attorney, Officer Haas, Lieut. Kipley 
 and myself were in the party." 
 
 EUGENE SEEGER translated a paragraph in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of March 
 15 and testified that it read as follows : 
 
 "'Revolutionary Warfare has arrived, and is to be had through the 
 librarian, 107 Fifth Avenue, at the price of 10 cents.' 
 
 " This appears among what I would call, as a newspaper man, editorial 
 notices in the local column. These translations here (holding type-writer 
 copy, purporting to be the translation of certain articles), are correct trans- 
 
 
 Soimtagstfoft &a ,fiiragocr jlr&l<*-3citur.<i . UnalCiangigts ftrgan ;ur /icMinnu], Vnferftaftang urn! firficilming. 
 
 (Sfecj?, Somttaft fai 2. SWai 1886. Kumr 1. 
 
 REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF HEADING OF THE FACKEL. 
 
 lations. There is an editorial here in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of May 4 headed 
 ' Editorial.' ' Blood has flowed ' is the first phrase of it. There is another 
 article on the fourth page of May 3, headed ' A Hot Conflict.' In the local 
 column of May 4 a report headed, ' Lead and Powder is a Cure for Dis- 
 satisfied Workingmen.' All these articles were also translated by Pro- 
 fessor Olson, of the Chicago University. We compared notes and found 
 the translations correct." 
 
 Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann then read the translation of 
 Most's volume. 
 
 WILLIAM SELIGER testified : 
 
 "I am a carpenter. Have lived in Chicago three years and a half 
 Before that I lived at Charlottenburg, Germany. I was born at Eilau, 
 near Reichenbach, in Silesia. On May 4th last I lived at 442 Sedgwick 
 Street, in the rear of the lot. I occupied the second floor. Louis Lingg, 
 the defendant, boarded with me. On Monday, May 3, I worked for Mr. 
 Meyer. Quit work at half-past 4 P.M. In the evening of that day I was at 
 Zepf's Hall, at a meeting of the Carpenters' Union. I was recording secre- 
 tary of the union. I stayed there until half-past eleven. I was not at the 
 meeting at 54 West Lake Street that night. I heard somebody call upon 
 us, that all that knew should come to 54 West Lake Street. This here
 
 424 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 (holding paper), ' Y Komme Montag Abend,' means that all the armed 
 men should come to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. The armed men 
 were divers ones all the Socialistic organizations. There were several 
 organizations in existence which were drilled in the use of arms. After I 
 left Zepf's Hall I took a glass of beer in the saloon and then went to 71 
 West Lake Street and took another glass of beer. Then I went home with 
 several other parties. I saw a copy of the ' Revenge ' circular at Zepf's Hall. 
 Balthasar Rau brought it to the meeting about nine o'clock. 
 
 " On Tuesday I did not work at my trade. I got up at half-past seven, 
 and after I got up Lingg came. I had previously told him that 1 wanted 
 those things removed from my dwelling. He told me to work diligently at 
 these bombs, and they would be taken away that day. I took some coffee, 
 and after a time I worked at some shells, at some loaded shells. I drilled 
 holes through which the bolt went. A shell like this (indicating shell intro- 
 duced in evidence). I worked on the shells half an hour. Lingg went to 
 the West Side to a meeting. Got back probably after one o'clock. He said : 
 ' I didn't do much. I ought to have worked more diligently.' I said I hadn't 
 any pleasure at the work." 
 
 "What did Lingg reply?" 
 
 " Lingg said, ' Well, we will have to work very diligently this afternoon.' 
 During the afternoon I did different work at the shells. In the morning I 
 had a conversation about the bolts. He told me he had not enough of 
 them. He gave me one and told me to go to Clybourn Avenue and get 
 some that he had already spoken to the man about. I got about fifty. I 
 worked at the bombs during the whole of the afternoon at different times. 
 Hubner, Muntzenberg, Heuman, were helping. I worked in the front 
 room, also in Lingg's room and the rear room. Lingg first worked at gas 
 or water pipes, such as these (indicating). There were probably thirty or 
 forty or fifty bombs made that afternoon. The round bombs had been cast 
 once before by Lingg, in the rear room, on my stove, probably six weeks 
 previous to the 4th of May. The first bomb I ever saw was in Lingg's 
 room. That was still before that. At that time he told me he was going 
 to make bombs. I saw dynamite for the first time in Lingg's room, about 
 five or six weeks previous to the 4th of May. Lingg said every working- 
 man should get some dynamite ; that there should be considerable agita- 
 tion ; that every workingman would learn to handle these things. During 
 that Tuesday afternoon Lingg said those bombs were going to be good 
 fodder for the capitalists and the police, when they came to protect the 
 capitalists. Nothing was said about when they wanted the bombs com- 
 pleted or ready. I only told him that I wanted those things out of my 
 room. There was only a remark that they were to be used that evening, 
 but nothing positive as to time. I left the house at half -past eight that 
 evening. Hubner was at the house probably from four to six o'clock. I 
 did not see what he did. He worked in the front room with Lingg. I was 
 in Lingg's room. Muntzenberg was there as long as Hubner. Thielen 
 was there half an hour quite that. I did not see what he was doing. 
 
 " The Lehmans were at the house for a little while. I did not see what 
 they were doing. They were in the front room. Heuman also worked at 
 the bombs. I left the house in the evening with Lingg. We had a little 
 trunk with bombs in. The trunk was probably two feet long, one foot high 
 and one foot wide. It was covered with coarse linen. There were round 
 and pipe bombs in it. They were loaded with dynamite and caps fixed to
 
 INFORMER SELIGER'S TESTIMONY 
 
 425 
 
 them. I don't know how many there were. The trunk might have weighed 
 from thirty to fifty pounds. We pulled a stick, which Lingg had broken, 
 through the handle. That is the way we carried the trunk, which was 
 taken to Neff's Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way to Neff's Hall, 
 Muntzenberg met us. He took the package into the building through the 
 saloon on the side into the hallway that led to the rear. After the bombs 
 were put down into that passageway, there were different ones there, three 
 or four, who took bombs out for themselves. I took two pipe bombs my- 
 self; carried them in my pocket. We went away from Neff's Hall and left 
 the package in that passage. The back of Neff's Hall is known under the 
 name of the Communisten-Bude. Different Socialistic and Anarchistic 
 organizations met there. The North Side group met there. I heard that 
 the Saxon Bund met there. I don't know any others that met there. When 
 I left Neff's Hall, Thielen and Gustav Lehman were with me. Later two 
 
 
 PLAN OF THE SELIGER RESIDENCE, USED IN EVIDENCE. 
 
 large men of the L. u. W. V. came to us. I believe they all had bombs. 
 We went on Clybourn Avenue north towards Lincoln Avenue, to the Larra- 
 bee Street Station, where we halted. Lingg and myself halted there. I 
 don't know what had become of the others. Some went ahead of us. 
 Lingg and I had a conversation, that there should be made a disturbance 
 everywhere on the North Side to keep the police from going over to the 
 West Side. In front of the Larrabee Street Station Lingg said it might be 
 a beautiful thing if we would walk over and throw one or two bombs into 
 the station. There were two policemen sitting in front of the station, and 
 Lingg said if the others came out these two couldn't do much. We would 
 shoot these two down. Then we went further north to Lincoln Avenue and 
 Larrabee Street, where we took a glass of beer. Webster Avenue Station is 
 near there. After we left the saloon we went a few blocks north, then 
 turned about and came back to North Avenue and Larrabee Street. While 
 we stood there a patrol wagon passed. We were standing south of North 
 Avenue and Larrabee Street. Lingg said that he was going to throw a
 
 426 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 bomb that was the best opportunity to throw the bomb and I said it 
 would not have any purpose. Then he became quite wild, excited ; said 
 I should give him a light. I was smoking a cigar, and I jumped into a 
 front opening before a store and lighted a match, as if I intended to light 
 a cigar, so I could not give him a light. When I had lighted my cigar the 
 patrol wagon was just passing. Lingg said he was going to go after the 
 wagon to see what had happened, saying that something had certainly hap- 
 pened on the West Side some trouble. The patrol wagon was com- 
 pletely manned, going south on Larrabee Street. We were four or five 
 houses distant from the station. Then I went into a boarding-house be- 
 tween Mohawk and Larrabee Streets and lighted a cigar ; then we went 
 towards home. First Lingg wanted to wait until the patrol wagon would 
 come back, but I importuned him to go home with me. We got home 
 probably shortly before eleven ; I cannot tell exactly. On the way home 
 Lingg asked me whether I had seen a notice that a meeting of the armed 
 men should be held on the West Side. I said I had seen nothing. Lingg 
 wanted to go out. I took the Arbeiter-Zeitung; tore it into two parts. He 
 took one, and I one. Thereupon he said, ' Here it is,' and called my atten- 
 tion to the word ' Ruhe.' This here is the same that I saw in my house. 
 I did not know the meaning of the word ' Ruhe ' until the time I saw it. 
 Lingg said there was to have been a meeting on the West Side that night, 
 and he was going to go at once to it. ' Ruhe ' meant that everything was 
 to go topsy-turvy; that there was to be trouble. He said that a meeting 
 had been held at which it was determined that the word ' Ruhe ' should 
 go into the paper, when all armed men should appear at 54 West Lake 
 Street ; that there should be trouble. After that talk we went away. 
 Lingg wanted to go to the West Side, and I talked with him to go with me 
 to 58 Clybourn Avenue. Lingg and I went there. There were several 
 persons present at Neff's Hall. I did not speak with Lingg at Neff's 
 Hall. A certain Hermann said to him, in an energetic tone of voice, 'You 
 are the fault of it all.' I did not hear what Lingg said to that. They 
 spoke in a subdued tone. Somebody said a bomb had fallen, which had 
 killed many and wounded many. I did not hear what Lingg said to that. 
 On the way home Lingg said that he was even now scolded, chided for the 
 work he had done. He got home shortly after twelve. We laid the bombs 
 off on our way on Sigel Street, between Sedgwick and Hurlbut, under an 
 elevated sidewalk. I laid two pipe bombs there. I saw Lingg put some 
 bombs there. I don't know what kind. The next morning I got up about 
 six o'clock. I don't know when Lingg got up. On Wednesday evening, 
 when Lingg got home, we spoke about the Haymarket meeting. He said 
 if the workingmen only had had the advantage of it they would have 
 gained the victory. Then we went together to a meeting on Fifth Avenue, 
 at Seamen's Hall. 
 
 ' On Friday, I believe, before that Tuesday, the 4th of May, Lingg 
 brought some dynamite to the house in a wooden box about three feet in 
 length, about sixteen to eighteen inches in height, and about the same 
 width. Inside this box there was another box. The dynamite with which 
 we filled the bombs on Tuesday was in that large wooden box. We 
 handled the dynamite with our hands and with a flat piece of wood which 
 Lingg had made for more convenience. This here (indicating) is the pan 
 to cast those shells in. (Same offered in evidence.) Lingg used to cast 
 shells in them. Lingg once told me he had made eighty to one hundred
 
 INFORMER SELIGER'S TESTIMONY. 427 
 
 bombs in all. The bolts which I got on that Tuesday were something like 
 this (referring to bolt about two and one-half inches long). 
 
 " I am a member of the North Side group of the International Working- 
 men's Association. During the last year I was financial secretary. My 
 number was, at last, 72. Two years ago the members began to be given 
 numbers. I heard Engel make a speech to the North Side group last 
 winter at Neff's Hall. He said that every one could manufacture those 
 bombs for themselves ; that these pipes could be found everywhere with- 
 out cost ; that they were to be closed up with wooden plugs fore and aft, 
 and that in one of the plugs was to be drilled a hole for the fuse and cap. 
 He said they were the best means against the police and capitalists. I 
 never heard him make any other speech. 
 
 " I saw two bombs at the Arbeiter-Zeitung last year at the time of the 
 car-drivers' strike. Rau showed them to some one. I don't know precisely 
 who were present. Spies was there. It was in the evening. There was 
 one round bomb and one long one not very long. I was at the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung as a delegate from the North Side group to the meeting of the 
 general committee of all the groups of Chicago. 
 
 "I know Schwab and Neebe. They were members of the North Side 
 group of the Internationale. I know Fischer. He is a member of some 
 group, but I don't know positively. Lingg belonged to the North Side 
 group. Engel belonged to a group, I cannot tell to which one. The North 
 Side group met every Monday evening. There were speeches made, or a 
 review of what had happened during the week. On Sundays some members 
 exercised with rifles. I don't know how many members had rifles. Every 
 one took his own rifle home with him. I had a rifle. I kept it at my dwell- 
 ing. This book here (Herr Most's book) I saw at public meetings of the 
 North Side group. Hubner had charge of them latterly. The North Side 
 group bought them and sold them. Hubner was the librarian. This here 
 (indicating photograph) is Rudolph Schnaubelt." 
 
 On cross-examination he gave the following testimony : 
 
 "I was arrested after the 4th of May. I was kept at the Chicago Avenue 
 Station. The first time fully a week. Then I was on the West Side three 
 weeks and one day ; then I went back to the station of my own accord and 
 stayed there voluntarily. Was locked up there ever since. When first 
 arrested I made a statement, but not of all that I have testified to-day. I 
 made a full statement of all that I testified to here, at the Chicago Avenue 
 Station. Capt. Schaack, Mr. Furthmann and some detectives were present. 
 That was after I had been in prison seven days. The day after and the 
 second day after. I have made statements in writing, signed by me, three 
 times. In the first statement I had not said much. I have done no work, 
 earned no money, during the time I have been in jail. I received money 
 from Capt. Schaack; once a dollar and a half, at another time five dollars. 
 While I was at liberty I read in the paper that I was indicted for the murder 
 of Degan. I did not know before this case was begun that I was not to be 
 tried. I did not know whether I was going to be tried for the murder of 
 Degan along with Mr. Spies and the other defendants. When the trial was 
 commenced I did not inquire of any of the officers why I was not brought 
 out for trial. I did not know I was to be used as a witness instead of being 
 a defendant at this trial. Capt. Schaack did not tell me anything about my 
 trial. If I would come in and tell the story which was in the written state-
 
 428 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ment that I have signed he only told me that it would be the best if I 
 would tell the truth, and asked me whether I would tell the truth before the 
 court, and I said yes." 
 
 Seliger was then given a breathing-spell, and Mr. Buschick was recalled. 
 Buschick testified with regard to a map of the rear building of No. 442 
 Sedgwick Street, and was excused. 
 
 Seliger, continuing on cross-examination, said : 
 
 " Lingg, I think, is twenty-one or twenty-two years old. He is not a man 
 of family. He has boarded with me since Christmas last. My house where 
 I lived on May 4th is about three-quarters of a mile distant from the Hay- 
 market. When Lingg and I, on Tuesday night at eleven o'clock, after we 
 had seen the word ' Ruhe ' in the paper, spoke about going over to the West 
 Side, we meant Zepf's Hall, or Greif's Hall, or Florus' Hall. One of those 
 halls was certainly meant, for there is no other place. It was not under- 
 stood or agreed between me and any other men who had the bombs that 
 night at Clybourn Avenue, that any one of us was to go to the Haymarket 
 meeting. I know that Capt. Schaack paid my wife money at different 
 times since my arrest. I don't know how much. I think $20 or $25. 
 Lingg had made the same remark about bombs being the best food for 
 capitalists and police before that Tuesday afternoon. When he brought 
 the first bomb into the house he said they were to be applied on occasions 
 of strikes, and where there were meetings of workingmen and were disturbed 
 by the police. On that Tuesday afternoon we agreed to go to Clybourn 
 Avenue that night, before the bombs were done. It was said that the 
 bombs were to be taken to Clybourn Avenue that evening. I don't believe 
 it was agreed that the bombs were to be taken anywhere else than 
 Clybourn Avenue. When they were taken to Clybourn Avenue, I don't 
 know whether they were to remain there, or were to be taken to further 
 places. There was no agx'eement as to where the bombs should be taken 
 after they got to Clybourn Avenue. I did not hear anything about an 
 agreement that any of the bombs manufactured on the afternoon of May 4th 
 were to be taken by anybody to the Haymarket ; we were not making 
 bombs to take to the Haymarket and destroy the police. They were to be 
 taken to Clybourn Avenue for use on that evening. I can not say that one 
 single bomb was made for use at the Haymarket meeting. They were 
 made everywhere to be used against capitalists and the police. I cannot 
 say who had the bomb at the Haymarket on the night of May 4th. I don't 
 know anybody who was expected to be at the Haymarket. I became ac- 
 quainted with Lingg in August of last year. I saw Engel once last year in 
 the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and again at the meeting of the North 
 Side group. I did not see whether the bombs which I saw last summer at 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung building were loaded. The room where I saw them 
 was the library-room that belonged to the International Workingmen's 
 Association. The bombs were below the counter. I never saw any bombs 
 in the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, neither in the editorial room nor the 
 printing-room, nor in the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The office is the 
 front room. This library-room is in the rear. I saw those bombs in the 
 rear room. I don't know precisely whether that library-room is a part of 
 the office, or whether it is rented as a library-room. I believe that it 
 belonged to the Arbeiter-Zeitting. Those drills on Sunday, of which I spoke,
 
 MRS. SELIGER'S EVIDENCE. 429 
 
 were in the day-time. We kept our guns at home, in broad day-light, and 
 in the presence of our neighbors, or any one who might be on the streets, 
 walked to the hall on Sunday and drilled. We had a shooting society, 
 We went to the Sharpshooters' Park or to the prairie to exercise. We 
 used to meet and march publicly on the streets with our guns exposed. We 
 didn't try to keep it away from the police force that we had arms and 
 drilled and marched. I knew that I was indicted for conspiracy and for 
 murder. I did not employ the services of any lawyer. The only lawyers 
 that I talked with were Mr. Grinnell and Mr. Furthmann." 
 
 On redirect examination witness stated : 
 
 " During the time I was at liberty I went to the West Side to the house 
 of Mr. Gloom, on Twenty-second Street. I stayed with him two weeks 
 and one day. He is not a Socialist. I went there from fear of revenge by 
 the Socialists." 
 
 MRS. BERTHA SELIGER testified as follows : 
 
 " I have lived in this country two years. Am the wife of William Seliger. 
 We lived at 442 Sedgwick Street from the i2th of October to the igth of 
 May. I have known Louis Lingg since two weeks before Christmas. He 
 came to us to board with us. He boarded with us until May. He took his 
 meals with us and slept in the house. We occupied the middle floor of 
 that house. His room was next to the front room, and there was a door 
 opening into a clothes closet. Shortly before May ist I saw some bombs 
 as Lingg was about to hide them about half a dozen lying on the bed. 
 They were round bombs and long ones. After Lingg had left the house I 
 did not see any more of them ; they were all gone. On the Tuesday on 
 which the bomb was thrown at the Haymarket there were several men at 
 our house. About six or eight. Perhaps more. Those I knew were 
 Hubner, Heuman, Thielen, Lingg and my husband. I think they were 
 there until past seven o'clock. They were going and coming during most 
 of the afternoon. They were in the front room and in Lingg's room, 
 working at bombs. I saw Heuman working and filling at them. What the 
 others were doing I don't know. I was in the kitchen, and when supper 
 was ready I went into the bed-room. I was so mad I could have thrown 
 them all out. I frequently saw Lingg make bombs. I always saw him 
 cast. I did not pay any particular attention. I simply saw him melt lead 
 on the cooking-stove in my house twice with Heuman, once with my 
 husband and Thielen, and frequently he worked by himself. He said to 
 us: < Don't act so foolishly. You might do something too.' On Monday, 
 the day before the bomb was thrown, Lingg was away. In the morning 
 some young fellows had come and had their names entered on the list of 
 the union, and then he was writing pretty much all day. 
 
 " On Wednesday, the day after the bomb was thrown, Lingg was at 
 home in the forenoon. That was the day on which he wanted to hide those 
 bombs in the clothes closet, and Lehman was with him. I heard some 
 knocking, and I went in, and I said to him : ' Mr. Lingg, what are you 
 doing there? I will not surfer that,' and he was tearing everything 
 loose below, and he sent that man Lehman after wall-paper, and he 
 wanted to cover up everything afterwards nail up everything afterwards. 
 He had the wall-paper already there, and he said to me : 'I suppose you 
 are crazy. You ought to have said before you wouldn't suffer that, that I
 
 430 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 would have looked for a place where I am allowed to do that.' He was 
 tearing up things all around about in the closet, and he had loosened the 
 baseboards and taken out the mortar. He said if he needed something he 
 couldn't first go to the West Side to get it. On the Friday following, on 
 the yth of May, he left my house. Lingg had a trunk which he kept in his 
 bed-room. This instrument (referring to ladle identified by William Seliger) 
 Lingg was always casting with." 
 
 On cross-examination Mrs. Seliger stated : 
 
 "I have been locked up on account of this bomb business on account 
 of Lingg by Capt. Schaack. The first time I was there from Saturday to 
 Tuesday. Of course it was Lingg's fault that I got locked up. I talked 
 with Capt. Schaack about this matter several times. I was locked up 
 twice. Capt. Schaack paid my rent. I made no memoranda of the 
 money I received from Capt. Schaack. He gave me money at different 
 times, from the time I made my statement down to the present time. He 
 paid my rent and gave me so much money with which to live. When I 
 said to Lingg that I wouldn't allow that wall-paper to be put into the 
 closet, and 'what would the landlord say when he comes,' Lingg said, 
 'Well, then, I will say to him that I will not dirty my clothes.' Those 
 boards were about a foot high from the floor. The closet did not reach up 
 as far as the ceiling. He intended to put those things in the wall. There 
 was nothing in at that time. I stopped him at that juncture. I don't like 
 Mr. Lingg very well, because he always had wrong things in his head. I 
 blame him for me and my husband having been locked up. My husband 
 and myself talked this thing over together. I said to my husband, ' I 
 will tell the truth, and you tell it also.' Capt. Schaack told us we had 
 better tell it. I am forty years old. 
 
 " I was locked up in the Larrabee Street Station, and my husband was 
 in the Chicago Avenue Station. I never occupied the same cell with my 
 husband while under arrest. I only heard after I came out again that my 
 husband was arrested in another station. While I was arrested I didn't 
 see my husband. No one came to see me. I told that story, and then they 
 turned me out. When arrested the second time they kept me from Mon- 
 day until Friday. I made the same statement as at first and signed it, and 
 then they turned me out again. The second time I was arrested they 
 brought a statement, which they said my husband had made, and asked 
 me to sign it, and I put my name below that of my husband's, and then 
 they turned me out. My husband was a Socialist before he got acquainted 
 with Lingg." 
 
 MARSHALL H. WILLIAMSON, reporter for the Daily News, witnessed the 
 procession of the Socialists in 1885 at the time of the opening of the Board 
 of Trade building, and was also present at No. 107 Fifth Avenue, from 
 which place they started, and where they finally separated. He heard 
 Parsons and Fielden speak from the windows of the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. 
 Said the witness : 
 
 " Parsons spoke of the police interfering with them in marching on the 
 Board of Trade that night. He called the police bloodhounds and called 
 on the mob to follow him in an assault on Marshall Field's dry goods house 
 and various clothing-houses, and take from there what he called the neces-
 
 REPORTER WILLIAMSON'S TESTIMONY. 431 
 
 sities of life. They spoke from the second floor. There were about 1,000 
 people in front of the building. Fielden in his speech also called upon the 
 mob to follow them, and he agreed to lead them to rob these places or go 
 into them and take from them what they needed in the way of clothing and 
 dry goods. They both said that the new Board of Trade was built out of 
 money of which they had been robbed ; that all the men who transacted 
 business there were robbers and thieves, and that they ought to be killed. 
 Nothing was said in the speeches as to the means or mode of killing. Later 
 I went up-stairs. I saw Fielden and Parsons and some others whose names 
 I didn't know. I didn't know Spies at that time, but remember of seeing him 
 there. I asked Parsons why they didn't march upon the Board of Trade 
 and blow it up. He said because the police had interfered, and they had 
 not expected that and were not prepared for them. I told him I had seen 
 revolvers exhibited by some in the procession. He told me when they met 
 the police they would be prepared with bombs and dynamite. Mr. Fielden 
 was standing at his elbow at the time. He said the next time the police 
 attempted to interfere with them, they would be prepared for them. That 
 would be in the course of a year or so. Spies was in the room. It was the 
 front room of the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. Spies was not standing immedi- 
 ately with the party. I was shown what they told me was a dynamite cart- 
 ridge. The package was about six or seven inches long, and an inch and a 
 half or two inches in diameter. It was wrapped in a piece of paper. The 
 paper was broken. After I had conversed with Mr. Parsons a while, he 
 took out of the broken place a small portion of the contents. It was of a 
 slightly reddish color, and he again said it was dynamite, and that was what 
 they would use when they went against the police ; he also said he had 
 enough of that where he could put his hands on it to blow up the business 
 center of the city. I was shown a coil of fuse about fifteen or twenty feet ; 
 also a fulminating cap by which they said dynamite bombs were exploded. 
 The cap was exploded in the room while I was there. It made quite a 
 noise and filled the room with smoke. It was copper and about an inch 
 long and perhaps one-eighth of an inch in diameter about the size of a No. 
 22 cartridge cap. Mr. Parsons called for these articles. They were in a 
 drawer in a desk, and Mr. Spies handed them to him to be shown to me. 
 Parsons told me they were preparing for a fight for their rights ; that they 
 believed they were being robbed every day by capitalists and the thieving 
 Board of Trade men. He said it must stop. He told me that they had 
 bombs, dynamite and plenty of rifles and revolvers, and he said their man- 
 ner of warfare would be to throw their bombs from the tops of houses and 
 stores, and in that way they could annihilate any force of militia or police 
 brought against them without any harm to themselves. After this conver- 
 sation I went down-stairs, where I met Detectives Trehorn and Sullivan. I 
 was acquainted with them. I took them up-stairs and renewed the conver- 
 sation with Mr. Parsons, and left him talking with the police officers. The 
 conversation I had had with Mr. Parsons was in effect repeated with the 
 police officers in my presence. The officers were in citizens' clothes. The 
 red flags in that procession were carried by some women. I was at 54 West 
 Lake Street, in some of the halls there, on several occasions, within a year 
 before the opening of the Board of Trade. That is where I got acquainted 
 with Parsons and Fielden. I heard them speak there. That was during 
 the winter months of 1884 and 1885. Mr. Fielden, on one occasion, wanted 
 them to follow him to those clothing stores and grocery stores and some
 
 432 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 other places and get what they needed to support their families. He told 
 them to purchase dynamite. He said that five cents' worth of dynamite 
 carried around in the vest pocket would do more good than all the revolvers 
 and pistols in the world. Mr. Parsons also told them they were being 
 robbed, and offered to lead them to the grocery stores and other places to 
 get what they wanted. That is all I remember of those speeches. I heard 
 them some eight or ten times. There were never over between ten and 
 twenty-five people present." 
 
 On cross-examination witness stated : 
 
 "The first of these meetings I attended was about two years ago. I wrote 
 reports of those meetings, which I think were published in the Daily News 
 in each instance the day following, in the morning edition. The circulation 
 of the Daily News, about a year and a half and two years ago, was, I think, 
 121,000 per day, as claimed by the paper. 
 
 " When I went to the meetings at 54 West Lake Street I had no trouble 
 to get in. The meetings were held in the front rooms on the top floor. 
 There were no guards at the door. I simply went in and sat down and took 
 my notes publicly. Fielden and Parsons learned very soon that I was a 
 reporter on the Daily News. Those speeches of Parsons and Fielden which 
 I related were made at the first meeting I attended. When Fielden sug- 
 gested the five cents' worth of dynamite carried in the vest pocket, he gave 
 no instructions whatever on the subject of how to carry or use it. The pro- 
 posal to go out to Marshall Field's and some clothing store was a proposal 
 for immediate action. He did not start, however. After he got through 
 with his talk and proposal, he sat down until the meeting was over. The 
 meeting quietly dispersed and went home. I did not see that army of less 
 than twenty-five men start for Field's that night, or upon any subsequent 
 occasion. I heard that same proposal at every single meeting I attended 
 at 54 West Lake Street and 700 and something West Indiana Street, and 
 various other places. I do not think there was ever over twenty-five present 
 at their meetings in halls. I have seen larger numbers of people at open- 
 air meetings. Sometimes the attendance did not exceed about ten men. 
 The same proposition was made when there were only ten persons present. 
 
 " In that procession on the night of the opening of the Board of Trade I 
 marched at the head. After Mr. Parsons had finished his speech from the 
 window of the Arbeiter-Zeitung office that night, in which he proposed to 
 lead the multitude against those stores, he quietly went back into the room, 
 and I entered into a conversation with him. Mr. Fielden, after he had got 
 through proposing, joined in the conversation with Mr. Parsons and myself. 
 He didn't go down to the street and lead anybody anywhere, either. The 
 proposals that night, both by Fielden and Parsons, were proposals for im- 
 mediate action, but they simply proposed to, and then gracefully retired 
 from the window. There were about twenty people in the room. Among 
 them, I think, was Mr. Spies. There were two reporters besides myself 
 there. I think both Fielden and Parsons knew me as a reporter at the time. 
 I presume they knew I was connected with the Daily News. Parsons never 
 manifested any reluctance in detailing to me what he did ; but in one con- 
 versation he refused to reveal the remainder of their plans. I saw some 
 three or four revolvers in that procession. I don't know who had them. 
 There were not to exceed five hundred people in the procession. I saw two 
 revolvers in the right-hand side coat pocket, and two more in the hip pocket,
 
 LIEUT. SHEA'S TESTIMONY. 433 
 
 carried by four persons. I have informed various police officers of what I 
 have seen and heard regarding these people. I had frequent conversations 
 with police officers of Chicago. I think there were about four women in 
 that procession carrying banners. There were about half a dozen women 
 in the room while they spoke from the windows. I think some women 
 spoke from' the same windows to the same mob. I think the meetings 
 which I attended were regularly advertised in the Daily News." 
 
 On redirect examination, Williamson was asked by the State's Attorney : 
 " You were about to say something about some interview that you had with 
 Parsons in regard to the plans, also in regard to leaders and privates in 
 their army. Will you please state what that was ? " 
 
 " Parsons told me there were some 3,000 armed Socialists in the city of 
 Chicago, well armed with rifles and revolvers, and would have dynamite 
 and bombs when they got ready to use them ; that they were meeting and 
 drilling at various halls in the city. He refused to give me a list of those 
 halls. He refused to tell me where they bought rifles. He said the society 
 was divided into groups, and that they knew each other by twos and threes. 
 He showed me an article in the Alarm, I think, about street warfare. In 
 that connection I think he told me it was their intention to occupy the Mar- 
 ket Place and the Washington Street tunnel, and in that position they could 
 successfully encounter any force that could be brought against them." 
 
 On re-cross-examination witness related : 
 
 "There was nobody present when I had that conversation with Mr. 
 Parsons. I think it was after New Year's day of 1885, in the winter. I did 
 not ask him how they managed to drill if they only knew each other by 
 twos and threes. He said that in that organization of 3,000 no man knew 
 more than two or three others." 
 
 JOHN SHEA, Lieutenant of Police, and at the head of the detective force, 
 testified about the search of the Arbeiter-Zeitung office and proceeded : 
 
 " I know a man that is called Rudolph Schnaubelt. He was in the sta- 
 tion a couple of days after the arrest of those other gentlemen. This here 
 (indicating photograph) I recognize as Schnaubelt's picture. When I saw 
 him he had a mustache. I had a conversation with Mr. Spies at police 
 headquarters, in my office, after he was arrested. We had a conversation 
 about that manuscript referred to by me. I asked Spies if he was at the 
 meeting at the Haymarket. He said he was ; that he opened the meet- 
 ing ; that Schwab was there, but that he understood he went to Deering. 
 He said Parsons was there, and Fielden ; that both spoke there Fielden 
 at the time the police came. He said he spoke at a meeting on May 3, near 
 McCormick's factory, and some of the parties there in the rear had com- 
 menced to halloa, and said, 'Let's go to McCormick's,' and they had 
 started, and most of the crowd had started with them. Spies .said he had 
 heard later what had happened at McCormick's ; that he had got on a street 
 car and come down town. I asked him if he knew anything about that cir- 
 cular that was circulated on the street. I don't remember that I had pres- 
 ent with me the circular which I referred to during that conversation. He 
 said he did not know anything about the circular, but heard that it had been 
 circulated. I asked him if he wrote this manuscript (indicating manuscript
 
 434 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 previously produced). Mr. Grinnell was sitting in the office at the time. 
 Spies said, ' I refuse to answer.' Then Mr. Spies said he was the editor there. 
 I said, ' Now, would not anything of that kind be likely to go through your 
 hands before it would go to print ? ' He said, ' I refuse to answer.' 
 
 " I had a conversation with Fischer the next day. He said that on the night 
 of May 4 he and several others, Schwab, Fielden, were at a meeting in the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung office ; that Rau brought word to the meeting that there 
 was a large crowd at the Haymarket, that Spies was there and very few 
 speakers; and they immediately started to the Haymarket. He said he 
 didn't hear Spies, but heard Fielden and Parsons. That pistol and dagger 
 he had had to protect himself. He had not had it with him that night. It 
 was in the Arbeiter-Zeitiing office. On Wednesday morning he had put it 
 on because he didn't intend to stay. He was going away. ' That fulminat- 
 ing cap he had got from a man in front of the Arbeiter-Zeitung office some 
 three months before that. He had never paid any attention to it. He had 
 made the sharpened dagger himself for his own protection. 
 
 "In the conversation with Spies, my recollection is that he said he got 
 on the wagon, and said something to Parsons or Fielden about its going to 
 rain, and left the wagon. I don't recollect where he said he went to. 
 Fischer said he was at Zepf's Hall at the time of the explosion." 
 
 FRED. L. BUCK was called to testify with reference to some experiments 
 he had made with dynamite which he had received from the detectives' 
 office. He had gone to the lake front with Officer McKeough and another 
 officer and a newspaper reporter and there made several tests, all of which 
 demonstrated the immense force of the dynamite. 
 
 Lieut. GEORGE W. HUBBARD, now Superintendent of the force, had 
 charge of the company that composed the third division at the Haymarket. 
 Being a large company, it was divided into two, he himself commanding 
 one wing and Sergt. (now Capt.) Fitzpatrick, who was drill master, being 
 in command of the other. 
 
 " I was about four feet behind Stanton's and Bowler's companies. My 
 company was about six feet behind me. I could hear the sound of the 
 voices at the wagon, but couldn't hear exactly what was said. I saw the 
 bomb when it was about six feet from the ground a little tail of fire 
 quivering as it fell not more than six feet in front of me. The bomb im- 
 mediately exploded, and as far as I could see the entire division in front of 
 me disappeared, except the two ends ; but a great many of them got up 
 again in a kind of disorder, and then I flanked the left of the division. 
 There was no firing before the explosion of that bomb. The firing began 
 almost immediately on both sides of the street and north of me. I, being 
 on the left, rushed my division of the company right around toward the 
 sidewalk, and commenced answering the charge from that quarter, and 
 Fitzpatrick went the other way, to the east, and he commenced shooting 
 right into the crowd on the sidewalk, faced them right and left. In our com- 
 pany we had our regular revolvers in our pockets, and we had a larger 
 revolver in the sockets attached to our belts, on the outside. The club in 
 the socket and the revolver in the socket were both hanging to the left side 
 of each officer. Pistols and clubs were all in the pockets until the explosion 
 of the bomb." 

 
 THE LAKE FRONT MEETINGS. 435 
 
 S. J. WERNEKE, police officer, who was hit with a bullet in the head at 
 the Haymarket, testified that he heard Engel at 703 Milwaukee Avenue in 
 February, 1886, "advise every man in the audience to join them, and urged 
 the people to save up three or four dollars to buy a revolver that was good 
 enough to shoot these policemen down. I was at the Haymarket in Lieut. 
 Steele's company. Got hit with a bullet in the head." 
 
 JOHN J. RYAN next took the witness-stand. He testified : 
 
 " I am a retired officer of the United States navy. Live at 274 North 
 Clark Street. Lived in Chicago for three years. Have seen the defendants 
 Spies, Neebe, Parsons, Fielden and Schwab on the occasion of their Sun- 
 day afternoon meetings during the summer of last year and the year 
 previous. I heard some of them speak there, namely, Spies, Parsons and 
 Fielden, in the English language. I can only designate particularly two 
 meetings, one previous to the picnic they had last year, and one on the 
 Sunday directly after it. That was in July of last year, I think. I cannot 
 say that I saw Mr. Spies at either of those meetings. Mr. Parsons I re- 
 member at one of them." 
 
 " State what he said," put in the State's Attorney. 
 
 "He was speaking in a general way," said the witness, "about trouble 
 with the workingmen and the people, what he called the proletariat class, 
 and spoke about their enemies, the police and the constituted authorities ; 
 that the authorities would use the police and militia and they would have 
 to use force against them. He advised them to purchase rifles. If they 
 had not money enough for that, then to buy pistols, and if they couldn't 
 buy pistols they could buy sufficient dynamite for twenty-five cents to blow 
 up a building the size of the Pullman building?" 
 
 " What, if anything, did you hear Fielden say at that meeting ? " 
 
 " The speeches were very nearly alike ; they spoke about dynamite and 
 fire-arms to be used against the police, and any one who opposed them in 
 their designs ; they wanted things their way and to regulate society. The 
 speeches were alike Sunday after Sunday. I heard Spies speak on the lake 
 front before and after the meetings I mention ; he represented, as he said, 
 the oppressed class, the workingmen, as opposed to the capitalists and 
 property-owners ; the latter were the enemy of the workingmen ; if they 
 couldn't get their rights in a peaceable manner they must get them in a 
 forcible way. I heard that talk about ten or fifteen times ; the meetings 
 were held there every Sunday until late in the fall. After the picnic, Mr. 
 Parsons, I think I won't be sure of that spoke about the young German 
 experimenting with dynamite at this picnic ; that this young German had a 
 small quantity of dynamite in a tomato-can ; it was thrown into a pond or 
 lake, and he spoke of the force this amount of dynamite exerted, and what 
 could be done with it*in destroying buildings and property in the city." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Ryan stated : 
 
 " Those lake front meetings were held publicly in plain view to every- 
 body in every instance. The largest number of persons I ever saw attend one 
 of these meetings was not more than 150. The meetings that I attended 
 usually lasted two or three hours. I heard two or three other persons speak 
 on the lake front at those meetings Mr. Henry, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes,
 
 436 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and, one Sunday, a young Englishman whose name I did not hear ; also an 
 Irishman whose name I never heard. The meetings were held about half 
 past two. The speeches were made in a loud, clear tone, sometimes very 
 loud when they would get excited. A policeman who evidently had charge of 
 the park was usually around there. It was a general propagation of ideas 
 and doctrines, down there on the lake front. Once I heard Mr. Parsons say 
 that now was the time to do it. I heard the opinion expressed there that 
 the workingmen would have to secure their rights by force, and therefore 
 should be prepared for it." 
 
 HARRY WILKINSON, a reporter for the Daily News, testified as follows : 
 
 "On Thanksgiving Day, last year, I heard Mr. Parsons speak on the 
 Market Square. He advised the workingmen who were present (there were 
 several hundred there), to stand together, and to use force in procuring 
 their rights. He told them that they were slaves ; that out of a certain sum 
 of money the per cent, they got was too small ; it ought to be more evenly 
 divided with the man who employed them. I don't 
 recollect that he said at that time anything as to the 
 means or manner of force to be used, or against whom. 
 "Last January I had several conversations with 
 Mr. Spies, probably half a dozen. I first saw Mr. 
 Spies a few days after the ist of January of this year 
 in regard to the matter published in this paper (in- 
 dicating copy of Chicago Daily Neivs of January 13, 
 1886). 1 wrote up the result of my talk with Mr. Spies 
 for that paper; it was not all published. I inquired 
 of Spies about an explosive which had been placed on 
 Judge Lambert Tree's steps, and one that was placed 
 in the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad offices, 
 and he emphatically denied that those machines were 
 n ge either made or placed by Socialists or Anarchists, 
 2. Package left c. B. & Q. and proved it by showing me that they were entirely 
 different in character to those used by the Socialists. 
 
 He showed me this bomb (indicating), which he described as the Czar ; I 
 took it with me. He spoke of the wonderful destructive power of the Czar 
 bomb ; said it was the same kind that had been used by Nihilists in destroying 
 the Czar. I told him that I thought it was a pretty tall story, and he became 
 somewhat excited and produced this, and said that there were others, larger 
 than that, run by mechanical power clock-work bombs and he gave me 
 that in a small room adjoining the counting-room office of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung. He denied that those things were made at the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office ; he said they were made by other persons and that there were several 
 thousand of them in Chicago distributed, and that at some times they were 
 distributed through the Arbeiter-Zeitung office ; that those who could make 
 bombs made more than they could use, and those that could make them 
 gave them to those that could not; that that one was one of the samples. I 
 asked Mr. Spies if I could take that (the bomb) and show it to Mr. Stone, 
 and I took it over there and didn't bring it back. On another occasion, 
 Mr. Spies and Mr. Gruenhut and myself went to dinner together, and he 
 told us there about the organization of their people in a rather boastful 
 manner ; how they had gone out on excursions on nice summer mornings, 
 some miles out of the city, and practiced throwing these bombs ; the man- 
 
 Fig, i. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 i. Package left 
 Tree's house.
 
 REPORTER WILKINSON'S TESTIMONY. 
 
 437 
 
 ner of exploding them ; that they had demonstrated that bombs made of 
 compound metal were much better than the other kind, and that a fuse 
 bomb with a detonating cap inside was by far the best ; and how at one 
 attempt made in his presence one of their machines had been exploded in 
 the midst of a little grove, and that it had entirely demolished the scenery ; 
 blown down four or five trees. He further described to me some very 
 tali and very strong men, who could throw a large-size bomb weighing five 
 pounds, fifty paces ; and stated how, in case of a conflict with the police or 
 militia, when the latter would come marching up a street, they would be 
 received by the throwers formed in the shape of the letter V in the mouth 
 of the street just crossing the intersection, illustrating this by taking some 
 little toothpicks out 
 of a vase on the 
 table, laying them 
 down and making a 
 street intersection. 
 He stated the militia 
 would probably not 
 stay to see a second 
 or a third bomb go 
 off. If the conflict 
 should occur at any 
 of the principal street 
 intersections in the 
 city, some of those 
 organized men 
 would be on the 
 tops of houses ready 
 to throw bo nibs 
 overboard among 
 the advancing troops 
 or police. All these 
 matters had been in- 
 vestigated ; the men 
 were all thoroughly 
 trained and organ- 
 ized. The means of 
 access to the house- 
 tops of street inter- 
 sections was a mat- 
 ter of common in- 
 formation among 
 
 their adherents. He ascription gfven by August Spi* 
 
 said they had no leaders ; one was instructed as well as another, and when 
 the great day came each one would know his duty and do it. I tried to find 
 out when this would probably occur, and he did not fix the date precisely 
 or approximately at that time. At another of those interviews he said it 
 would probably occur in the first conflict between the police and the strikers ; 
 that if there would be a universal strike for this eight-hour system there 
 would probably be a conflict of some sort brought about in some way 
 between the First and Second Regiment of the Illinois National Guards 
 and the police, and the dynamite upon the other hand. In trying to get at 
 
 SOCIALISTIC BOMBS, 
 As illustrated in Daily News of Jan. 14, 1886, from specimens shown and 

 
 438 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 O 
 
 the probable number of them, I understood him that there were probably 
 eight or ten thousand. 
 
 " He spoke of other larger bombs, as large as a cigar-box, to be exploded 
 by electricity, which would be placed under a street in case they decided, to 
 barricade any section of the city, that they had experimented with. That 
 certain members of the organization had in their possession a complete 
 detail, maps and plans of the underground system of the city. That these 
 machines would either destroy everybody that was above them when they 
 went off, or so tear up the street as to make it impassable. He told me 
 that the ordinary dynamite of commerce was about a 60 or 66 per cent, 
 dynamite ; that they made a finer quality by importing infusorial earth 
 and mixing it themselves ; that was about a 90 per cent, quality. He 
 showed me no dynamite. I don't think he gave me any information about 
 Herr Host's ' Science of Revolutionary Warfare.' I understood that the 
 object of all this was the bettering of the workingmen's condition by the 
 demolition of their oppressors. He vaguely spoke of a list of prominent 
 
 citizens who might suddenly be blown up 
 one at a time or all at once. I frequently 
 said that I didn't believe much in the story 
 he told me. He simply uttered the renewed 
 declarations. 
 
 " I had this conversation with Spies in 
 the Ar better- Zeitung at his own desk, on the 
 left-hand side as you entered the door in the 
 editorial room. Mr. Schwab was there once 
 or twice when I was in. I was not ac- 
 quainted with him personally. The conver- 
 sations which I have chiefly detailed here 
 took place in the Chicago Oyster House and 
 in a little room detached from the counting- 
 room down-stairs where he kept those specimen bombs. He got this bomb 
 from one of those little pigeonholes in that room. 
 
 " He particularly mentioned the Market Square, and that it would take a 
 very few men to fortify that street against all the police and militia in 
 Chicago, and that they would have the tunnel at their back for a convenient 
 place of retreat for those who were not engaged in throwing the shells, or 
 for women and children whom they might care to take there. They were 
 to receive the police or militia with their line formed in the shape of a letter 
 V, the open end of the letter V facing toward the street intersection. 
 Then there were to be others to reinforce them, as it were, on the tops of 
 houses, at those corners. The plan here in this copy of the Daily News of 
 January i4th, I drew from one that he made right on the table cloth as we 
 sat at dinner together, except that he did not put in these little squares, but 
 explained to me where these would be, and laid toothpicks to make these 
 lines. Those dotted lines and the other dotted lines are to represent the 
 dynamiters on tops of houses." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Wilkinson testified : 
 
 " I got leave of Mr. Spies to carry the bomb off and show it to Mr. 
 Stone. I am now twenty-six years old. Have been in the newspaper busi- 
 ness about four years. I came to Chicago in September of last year. I 
 was assigned to this work with Mr. Spies by Mr. Stone personally. I 
 
 CHART OF STREET WARFARE. 
 As published in Daily News, Jan. 14, I
 
 GUST A V LEHMAN ON THE STAND. 439 
 
 advised Mr. Spies of that fact. The circulation of the Daily News, accord- 
 ing to its official statistics, was about 165,000. After that conversation in 
 the presence of Joe Gruenhut, I had also an interview with Gruenhut. Mr. 
 Gruenhut said that the conflict to which our conversation referred at the 
 table would occur probably on the ist of May, or within a few days there- 
 after, and that it might extend all over the country. He spoke of the 
 conflict between the workingmen who were to strike for eight hours and 
 their natural enemies, the police and militia. I don't remember that any- 
 thing was said about the capitalists. The Haymarket was not mentioned. 
 
 " I did not take any notes while the conversation with Mr. Spies was 
 going on. I wrote them up the first opportunity I afterwards had. Spies 
 said, as near as I could calculate, that they had about 9,000 bombs. As 
 to those tall men who could throw a five-pound bomb fifty paces, my recol- 
 lection is that it was a company referred to, without number. There were 
 four or five only of that company, as I understood, who could throw a five- 
 pound bomb that is a large-sized shell and fifty yards is along distance 
 to throw a shell. He described the character of the organizations ; that if 
 there were three the first would know the second and the second the third, 
 but not the third the first ; that it was Nihilistic in its character, and that 
 they were known by other means than names. I don't think I asked Spies 
 about how many men were interested in this project that were drilling and 
 getting ready. I don't recollect his saying anything about that, but I con- 
 cluded that there were as many men as there were bombs, or more. There 
 was some delay of about three or four days in the publication of my article 
 after it was prepared. 
 
 " I did not believe all Spies said. I believed about half of it. The 
 article written by me is wound up by the suggestion that when dressed to 
 cold facts it was like a scare-crow flapping in the corn-field. I did not write 
 that. That was edited by some one who told me he didn't believe as much 
 of the matter as I did. I remember a communication from Mr. Spies in the 
 Daily News, after this article. I think I helped 'fix it up,' put a head-line 
 on it. The original was then used as copy. I never saw it afterwards. Joe 
 Gruenhut is a Socialist." 
 
 GUSTAV LEHMAN gave his testimony as follows: 
 
 " I am a carpenter On May 4th I lived at 41 Freeman Street. I lived 
 there six months. Have been in this country and in this city four years. I 
 was born in Prussia. I attended a meeting at 54 West Lake Street on the 
 evening of May 3d. Got there a quarter of nine. I went there from my 
 home by myself. I was about to go to a carpenters' meeting at Zepf's Hall, 
 but I met several persons who were going to 54 West Lake Street. I saw 
 a copy of the Arbeiter-Zeitung containing the notice 'Y Komme Montag 
 Abend.' It meant that the armed ones should attend the meeting at 54 
 West Lake Street. When I got there the meeting was in session. Some- 
 body made a motion to post somebody at the door, and then I went out to 
 the sidewalk, by the door, that no one who was going to the water-closet 
 could remain there and listen. I was stationed on the sidewalk, where the 
 steps were leading down, maybe a good half hour. I went into the meet- 
 ing twice. I heard that large man, with the blonde mustache, say he was 
 going to have handbills printed and distributed. There were present at the 
 meeting Seliger, Thieien, myself, my brother, Fischer, Breitenfeld and the 
 Hermanns. That is about all I remember. I don't know how Engel looks.
 
 44 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 -HJ1- 
 
 v 
 
 net. 
 there 
 
 
 " I cannot tell whether Lingg was in the basement, but he went home 
 with me. We had a little quarrel. Lingg came up to us from behind, on 
 the sidewalk, and said to us, 'You are all oxen, fools.' I asked him what had 
 taken place at the meeting, where we were just coming from. Lingg told 
 me that if I wanted to know something I should come to 58 Clybourn Ave- 
 nue the next evening. There were present Seliger, my brother, and one 
 other man. The next day I worked on Sedgwick Street. After I quit work, at 
 
 three o'clock, I 
 met a gentleman, 
 Schneideke, and 
 we went to 
 Lingg's. Got 
 there about five 
 o'clock. I saw 
 there Lingg, Sel- 
 iger, and a black- 
 smith, whose 
 name I don't 
 know, and Hub- 
 I stayed 
 about ten 
 minutes. They 
 did some work in 
 the bed-room. I 
 couldn't under- 
 stand what they 
 were doing. I did 
 not work at any- 
 thing. Lingg and 
 Huebner had a 
 cloth tied around 
 their faces. I had 
 gone there be- 
 cause my coun- 
 tryman wanted to 
 buy a revolver. 
 After I left I went 
 home with my 
 countryman. At 
 about s eve n 
 o'clock I went 
 back to Lingg's, 
 and stayed there 
 perhaps ten min- 
 utes. They were 
 
 still busy in the bed-room. Hubner was cutting a fuse, or a coil of 
 fuse, into pieces. I saw something like that fuse (indicating a coil of fuse) 
 and caps. I didn't do anything there. . They were making these fuse and 
 caps in the front room. That afternoon Lingg gave me a small hand 
 satchel, with a tin box in it, and three round bombs, and two coils of fuse 
 and some caps. This here (indicating) is the box which he gave me. It 
 was said that dynamite was in it. It was nearly full. This box of caps 
 
 INTERIOR PLAN OF GREIF'S HALL.
 
 GUSTA V LEHMAN'S TESTIMONY 441 
 
 (indicating) I found afterwards in the satchel. Lingg said to me he wanted 
 me to keep these things so that no one could find them. I took them home 
 with me, to the wood-shed .; got up at three o'clock that night and carried 
 them away to the prairie, about Clybourn Avenue, behind Ogden's Grove. 
 
 "After supper on that Tuesday evening I was about to go to Uhlich's 
 Hall, but there was no carpenters' meeting there. Then I was about to go 
 home, but we went to 58 Clybourn Avenue, Neff's Hall, because of what 
 Lingg had told us Monday night. Schneideke was with me. We stayed 
 at Neff's Hall about ten minutes. We got there about half past nine. I 
 did not see anybody there whom I knew but the barkeeper. After leaving 
 Neff's Hall we went up Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. We had no 
 special place in view. I got home about eleven o'clock. We met Seliger and 
 Lingg standing together on the sidewalk on Larrabee Street, near Clybourn 
 Avenue. We stood there with them, but one -I don't know whether it 
 was Seliger or Lingg remarked: 'We four should not keep together.'' 
 Then we went towards North Avenue, along Larrabee Street. Near North 
 Avenue we met Thielen. I afterwards went to the prairie with a detective, 
 about May igth or 2oth, to find the things that Lingg had given me. The 
 bombs and the dynamite, the fuse and the caps were still there." 
 
 "Have you ever been a member of any Socialistic organization?" 
 
 "I have been a member of the North Side Group of the International 
 Workingmen's Association. I belonged to the group about three months 
 prior to the 4th of May. The group met at 58 Clybourn Avenue, regularly, 
 every Monday evening. We talked together there, advised together, and 
 reviewed what had happened among the workingmen during the week. 
 We had hunting-guns and shot-guns with which we drilled. I kept my 
 gun at my house." 
 
 " Did you ever attend a dance at Florus' Hall ? " 
 
 "Yes, about March of this year. It was a ball of the Carpenters' 
 Union. Lingg was present there. There was about ten or ten and a half 
 dollars' profit on the beer. The money, according to a resolution passed at 
 the next meeting of the Carpenters' Union, at 71 West Lake Street, was 
 handed over to Lingg, with the instruction to buy dynamite with it, and 
 experiment with it to find out how it was used. I heard Engel make a 
 speech at 58 Clybourn Avenue, about January or February of this year, 
 before the assembled workingmen of the North Side. He said those who 
 could not buy revolvers should buy dynamite. It was cheap and easily 
 handled. A gas-pipe was to be taken and a wooden plug put into the ends, 
 and it was to be filled with dynamite. Then the other end is also closed up 
 with a wooden plug, and old nails are tied around the pipe by means of 
 wire. Then a hole is bored into one end of it, and a fuse with a cap is put 
 into that hole. I was chairman at that meeting. Engel said some gas-pipe 
 was to be found on the West Side, near the river, near the bridge." 
 
 On cross-examination Lehman stated : 
 
 " The meeting at which Engel spoke was a public, open-door meeting. 
 A notice under the signal 'Y,' which was understood to be the call for a 
 meeting at 54 West Lake Street, I have seen once before. I belonged to 
 the armed section for about three or four months. The meetings of the 
 armed section at 54 West Lake Street were irregular, governed by such a 
 notice in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. I did not see Lingg at 54 West Lake Street 
 that Monday night. I don't know that he was there. As wewent home
 
 44 2 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 he came up to us from behind on the sidewalk. Whether he was there or 
 not I cannot say. When I went to Clybourn Avenue Tuesday night, Lingg 
 was not there. Seliger went down in the basement at the meeting at 
 54 Lake Street Monday night. He was there for some time, but I cannot 
 tell how long. I am sure about that. We went there together from where 
 the carpenters' meeting was to have taken place. I, my brother, he and 
 several others went down together. I am as sure of Seliger's having been 
 down there in the basement that night as of any fact that I have testified to." 
 
 JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, a detective, testified : 
 
 '"I was on the Market Square on the night of the inauguration of the 
 Board of Trade with Officer Trehorn. When we got down there, there was 
 quite a large crowd. One or two people were talking in German and try- 
 ing to hold the crowd until the speakers came. Mr. Schwab came there 
 first, and Parsons and Fielden came, and I believe this man (indicating 
 Lingg). Parsons spoke about the Board of Trade, and showed some 
 figures how the poor man was robbed. Then he denounced the police as 
 bloodhounds, the militia as servants of the capitalists, robbing the laboring 
 classes, and invited them all in a body to go there and partake of some of 
 those twenty-dollar dishes that they had up at the Board of Trade building. 
 They were to get there by force. Mr. Fielden spoke after him. He de- 
 nounced the police and militia as bloodhounds. At that time there was 
 a company of militia on Market Square for the purpose of drilling. Mr. 
 Schwab was there at the time, and called the attention of the crowd to the 
 militia, and they all started off toward the militia. Schwab spoke in Ger- 
 man. Officer Trehorn and I went over there and asked the militia to dis- 
 perse, and they marched up Water Street. Then I came back and listened 
 to Mr. Fielden, who urged the crowd to force themselves in in a body and 
 partake of those dishes. Then they all marched in a body, some carrying 
 red flags. I saw in the procession Schwab, Parsons, Fielden, and I am not 
 positive as to that young fellow (Lingg). There was no United States flag 
 in the procession. There was a platoon of police at every crossing. The 
 procession stopped at 107 Fifth Avenue. Parsons went in and spoke from 
 the window. He denounced the policemen as bloodhounds, and the militia 
 also, and stated how they stopped them from going in there and partaking 
 of the food ; that a good many of his audience did not have clothes and 
 could not afford to pay twenty cents for a meal, let alone twenty dollars, 
 and wanted them to go and follow him, and he would make a raid on those 
 different places, mentioning Marshall Field's and one or two other places. 
 After him Fielden spoke, and wanted them all to go down with him in a 
 body and he would lead them. I met Williamson, the reporter, just as he 
 was coming down-stairs, that evening. We went up-stairs with him. I 
 shook hands with Mr. Fielden and spoke to him. They did not know me 
 as a policeman. Fielden, Parsons and Schwab were there. Spies was at the 
 desk. Parsons asked Spies for this dynamite. He brought it over, and Par- 
 sons told how it could be used ; that if it was thrown into a line of police 
 or militia it would take the whole platoon. He also exhibited a coil of fuse. 
 I said : ' You can get that in any quarry. They use that in blasting powder. ' 
 He said : ' It comes in good to load these with to touch these off with,' 
 referring to dynamite shells. I saw some caps there about the size of a 22- 
 caliber cartridge. The substance which he showed was dynamite. It 
 looked like red sand. It was shaped about a foot long, and about an inch
 
 MORITZ NEFF AS A WITNESS. 
 
 443 
 
 and a half in diameter. I asked one of them why they didn't go into the 
 Board of Trade building. They said that they were not prepared that night ; 
 that there were too many of the bloodhounds before them on the street, 
 but the next time they would turn out they would meet them with their own 
 weapons and worse. " 
 
 MORITZ NEFF testified : 
 
 also 
 
 as 
 
 "I live at 58 Clybourn Avenue, known as Thuringer Hall, 
 Neff's Hall, since seven years. I keep a saloon 
 there. Back of the saloon is a hall. The 
 North Side group used to meet there. I know 
 all the defendants. On the night when the 
 bomb was thrown I was at my saloon. Louis 
 Lingg came in, in company with Seliger and 
 another man whom I had not seen before. 
 This stranger carried the satchel. It was a 
 common bag, probably about a foot and a half 
 long and six inches wide. He put it on the 
 counter, after that on the floor. Lingg and 
 Seliger were standing by, and Lingg asked me 
 if some one had asked for him. That stranger, 
 whose name I afterwards found out to be 
 Muntzenberg, carried the satchel on his 
 shoulder ; that was ten or fifteen minutes after 
 eight. I told Lingg that nobody had inquired 
 for him. Then Muntzenberg picked up the bag 
 and went out the side door, in the rear of the 
 room, followed by Lingg and Seliger. I have 
 not seen the bag since. There was a large 
 meeting of painters, probably two hundred, in 
 the hall that evening. For this reason I opened 
 this door in the rear of the saloon, so that people 
 going to that meeting would not be compelled 
 to go through the saloon. I saw Lingg and 
 Seliger again that night about eleven o'clock. 
 Nobody had inquired in the meantime for 
 Lingg. I saw Hubner there before Lingg 
 came. I saw Thielen on the sidewalk in front 
 of the saloon, but not inside. The two Leh- 
 mans were there after Lingg had left. They 
 were out on the sidewalk, not inside. The 
 first time Lingg stayed about five or ten 
 minutes. He went out through the saloon. I 
 did not see Seliger and Muntzenberg go out 
 through the saloon. Before Lingg and Seliger 
 came back, at about eleven o'clock, several in- 
 dividuals had come into the saloon, among 
 them the Hermanns, the two Lehmans, the 
 two Hagemans and Hirschberger. Lingg and Seliger dropped in a little 
 later. They were all talking together. I didn't pay much attention to it. 
 I heard one of them halloa out very loud, ' That is all your fault. ' I heard 
 them also say that the bomb had been thrown among the police and some 
 of them had been killed. They came from the meeting. 
 
 INTERIOR PLAN OF NEFF'S HALL.
 
 444 -ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "Engel addressed the North Side, group in my hall in February last 
 winter. It was a public agitation meeting of the North Side group, adver- 
 tised in the Arbeiter-ZeHiing." 
 
 "What did Engel say?' 
 
 " He wanted money for a new paper, the Anarchist, started by the 
 Northwest Side group and two of the South Side groups. He said the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung was not outspoken enough in those Anarchistic principles ; 
 therefore they started this paper. They distributed some of these papers. 
 Later on he gave a kind of history of revolutions in the old country, stated 
 that the nobility of France were only forced to give up their privileges by 
 brute force ; that the slaveholders in the South were compelled by force to 
 liberate their slaves, and the present wage-slavery would be done away 
 with only by force also. And he advised them to arm themselves, and if 
 guns were too dear for them they should use cheaper weapons dynamite 
 or anything they could get hold of to fight the enemy. To make bombs, 
 anything that was hollow in the shape of gas-pipes would do. That is all 
 I' heard him say. I wasn't present all the time. I bought a copy of the 
 Anarchist that night for five cents. This here (indicating) is one of the 
 copies, dated January i, 1886. This is one of the copies distributed that 
 night. Engel did not distribute it himself. Two other gentlemen who 
 were there did that."
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 A Pinkerton Operative's Adventures How the Leading Anarchists 
 Vouched for a Detective An Interesting Scene An Enemy in the Camp Getting 
 into the Armed Group No. i6's Experience Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb 
 A Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick A Revolver Tattoo ' ' Shoot the 
 Devils" A Reformed Internationalist. 
 
 THE examination of witnesses continued from day to day before a 
 crowded court-room. At times tilts between the attorneys and long 
 arguments on knotty legal points varied the proceedings. Every coigne of 
 vantage occupied by the State was stubbornly contested by counsel for the 
 defendants. But the prosecution maintained its position and brought out 
 all the material evidence it had accumulated. The theory of the State with 
 reference to conspiracy, murder and " accessory before the fact " was grad- 
 ually being developed with force and effect. Newspaper reporters proved 
 important witnesses and rendered the State great service. 
 
 The greatest interest at this stage of the trial was taken in the testimony 
 of ANDREW C. JOHNSON, a Pinkerton detective, who became a member 
 of the International Workingmen's Association February 22, 1885, or rather 
 on March i, 1885, a few days later, for it was on that day that he got his 
 red card of membership, bearing his number, and began his series of 
 reports to the agency. 
 
 Among a number of minor particulars, Johnson told how the blowing up 
 of the Board of Trade was proposed on March 29 by Fielden, and indorsed 
 by others. The most interesting part of his story, however, is the descrip- 
 tion of his admission into the armed group. This took place on August 24, 
 at Greif's Hall. Said Johnson : 
 
 " There were twenty or twenty-three men and two women present. It 
 was Monday night. Among them Parsons, Fielden, besides Walters, 
 Bodendick, Boyd and Larson, Parker, Franklin and Snyder. After having 
 been there a short time, a man armed with a long cavalry sword, dressed in 
 a blue blouse, wearing a slouch hat, came into the room. He ordered all 
 those present to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those 
 present answered to their names. He then inquired whether there were 
 any new members who wished to join the military company. Those who 
 did should step to the front. Myself and two others did so. We were 
 asked separately to give our names. My name was put down in a book, 
 and I was told my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down 
 the man asked whether any one present could vouch for me as a true man. 
 Parsons and Bodendick vouched for me. The same process was gone 
 through in regard to the other two. The man then inquired of two other 
 men in the room, whether they were members of the American group, and 
 asked to see their cards, and as they were unable to produce their cards he 
 told them to leave the room. Two others were expelled. The doors were
 
 446 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line. For about half an 
 hour or three-quarters we were put through the regular manual drill, 
 marching, counter-marching, turning, forming fours, wheeling, etc. That 
 man with a sword drilled us. He was evidently a German. After that he 
 stated he would now introduce some of the members of the first company 
 of the German organization. He went out and in a few minutes returned 
 with ten other men dressed like himself, each one armed with a Springfield 
 rifle. He placed them in line in front of us and introduced them as mem- 
 bers of the first company of the L. u. W. V., and proceeded to drill them 
 about ten minutes. After that a man whose name I do not know he was 
 employed by the proprietor of the saloon at 54 West Lake Street came 
 into the room with two tin boxes, which he placed on a table. The drill 
 instructor asked us to examine them, as they were the latest improved 
 dynamite bomb. They had the appearance of ordinary preserve fruit cans, 
 the top part unscrewed. The inside of the cans was filled with a light 
 brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center 
 of the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained 
 that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would explode. 
 Inside of the glass tube was a liquid- Around the glass tube was a 
 brownish mixture which looked like fine saw-dust. The drill instructor told 
 us we ought to be very careful in the selection of new members of the com- 
 pany, otherwise there was no telling who might get into our midst. After 
 that a man named Walters was chosen as captain, and defendant Parsons 
 for lieutenant. We decided to call ourselves the International Rifles. The 
 drill instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other hall, as 
 we were not quite safe there, and added, ' We have a fine place at 636 
 Milwaukee Avenue. We have a short range in the basement, where we 
 practice shooting regularly.' Parsons inquired whether we couldn't rent 
 the same place, and the drill instructor said he didn't know. Then the 
 time for the next meeting of the armed section was fixed for the following 
 Monday. Parsons and Fielden drilled with us that evening. They were 
 present also with a number of others at the next meeting, on August 31, at 
 54 West Lake Street. Capt. Walters drilled us for about an hour and a 
 half. Then we had a discussion as to the best way of procuring arms. 
 Some one suggested that each member pay a weekly amount until he had 
 enough to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons sug- 
 gested : ' Look here, boys ; why can't we make a raid some night on the 
 militia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it is 
 easily done.' This suggestion was favored by some members, but after 
 some more discussion the matter of the raid on the armory was put off until 
 the nights got a little bit longer." 
 
 The witness, whose testimony was very lengthy, refreshed his memory 
 from copies of reports which he had made at the time. On cross- 
 examination he was asked why the reports were countersigned by L. J. 
 Gage. He replied that he did not know why they were so countersigned, 
 but he found that they were. The history he had to tell bore chiefly upon 
 the facts leading up to the riot at the Haymarket. 
 
 JOSEPH GRUENHUT, a factory and tenement-house inspector of the Health 
 Department of the city, had known Spies for six years, Parsons about 
 ten years, Fielden and Schwab about two years, more or less.
 
 JOE GRUENHUTS TESTIMONY. 447 
 
 "I have known Neebe perhaps fifteen or twenty years. I was in the 
 habit of meeting some of them daily, at labor meetings or at the office of the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung. I am myself interested in labor movements, formerly 
 the Labor Party of the United States. It changed its name into the 
 Socialistic Labor Party. I am a Socialist. I don't consider myself an 
 Anarchist. I am not a member of any group of the Internationals in the 
 city, nor of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I was present at interviews 
 between the reporter Wilkinson and Mr. Spies. I introduced Mr. Wil- 
 kinson to Mr. Spies at the Arbeiter-Zeitung office in the forenoon, and on 
 the evening of the same day, I believe, I was present at a conversation 
 between them at a restaurant on Madison Street. We took supper there 
 together. " 
 
 " State the conversation which took place there between Spies and the 
 reporter." 
 
 "Mr. Wilkinson asked him how many members belonged to the mili- 
 tary societies of organized trade and labor unions. Spies said that there 
 were many thousand ; that these organizations were open to everybody, 
 and at meetings people were asked to become members, but their names 
 would not be known, because they would be numbered, and they didn't 
 keep any record of names. Mr. Spies laid some toothpicks on the table 
 so as to show the position of armed men on tops of houses, on street 
 corners, and how they could keep a company of militia or police in check 
 by the use of dynamite bombs. The conversation was carried on in a 
 conversational tone, half joking, etc., and it lasted perhaps a quarter of an 
 hour, while we were taking our supper." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Gruenhut stated that he had heard no 
 reference to any attack to be made on the first of May, and in the re-direct 
 examination he said, with reference to Spies' attitude on the eight-hour 
 movement : 
 
 " At the start he said he did not believe they would get it, and then it 
 would not amount to anything anyhow; it was only a palliative measure 
 not radical enough. As I recollect, I brought him a list of the different or- 
 ganizations in Chicago, and we were trying to pick out those which needed 
 organization, and the packers and a great many others were directly organ- 
 ized by these men for the eight-hour movement. We were in constant con- 
 sultation about organizing those trades which had not been organized before. 
 I don't suppose he ever said that he was in favor of the eight-hour move- 
 ment. I don't know that he -was ever enthusiastically in favor of the eight- 
 hour movement, but he was enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hour 
 movement that we had talked about on Monday. There never had been a 
 general eight-hour mass-meeting. There had been a mass-meeting repre- 
 senting the great assemblies, at the Armory, but not the Central Labor 
 Union. It was a Socialistic organization; was not represented there. In 
 October, 1885, there had been a mass-meeting of the Socialistic organiza- 
 tions in favor of the eight-hour movement at West Twelfth Street Turner 
 Hall. I was not there. At the time I had that conversation with Mr. Spies 
 and the others present about a mass-meeting to be held, we did not know 
 where the meeting was to be held at all. We only considered the advisa- 
 bility of holding a mass-meeting on the question of the eight-hour move- 
 ment in the open air. There are only three or four places where you can hold
 
 448 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 such a meeting ; either the lake front or Market Square or the Haymarket. 
 At that time I am sure I saw Spies, Rau and Neebe almost every day, but 
 I could not tell whether the meeting was agreed upon on Saturday or Mon- 
 day, night or day ; but there was a general agreement upon having one gen- 
 eral mass-meeting in the open air. It was not sure whether the meeting 
 was to be in the forenoon, afternoon or night, but at last we came to the 
 conclusion it ought to be at night. My recollection is that Spies said to 
 Wilkinson, at the time of that conversation, that the military associations 
 were open and free to everybody ; that they meet, advertise their meetings, 
 have picnics and advertise them, and meet in halls, even in open ground, at 
 Sheffield, or out on the prairie. That proposed mass-meeting was to be an 
 eight-hour meeting and an indignation meeting over the killing of men at 
 McCormick's at the same time. Parsons and Spies, during conversations 
 within the twelve months before the bomb was thrown, said that arming 
 meant the use of dynamite bombs by individuals ; all men should individ- 
 ually self-help, as against a squad of policeman or company of militia, so 
 that they need not be an army." 
 
 F. H. NEWMAN, a physician, attended some of the officers wounded at 
 the" Hay market, and identified an iron nut extracted from Hahn. He had 
 also examined some ten or twelve officers, and had found some bullets and 
 fragments of a combination of metals much lighter than lead. "The 
 fragments were also much lighter," he said, " than the bullets, varying 
 very much in size, from perhaps what we would call 22-caliber up to 
 45-caliber. The bullets also varied in size. This piece of metal I 
 took from the heel of Officer Barber. It made a ragged wound and was 
 buried in the bone ; crushed the bone considerably, fractured it in several 
 places. I examined the wounds of one officer who had a large ragged 
 wound in the liver. He died within a few hours. It could have been a 
 wound produced by a bullet, if the bullet was very ragged, spread out con- 
 siderably, as they do sometimes." 
 
 MAXWELL E. DICKSON, a newspaper reporter, had had several interviews 
 with Parsons. He said : 
 
 ".The last time I met Mr. Parsons, either the latter part of last year or 
 the commencement of this year, he gave me two or three papers, and one of 
 them contained one or two diagrams, a plan of warfare. Parsons stated 
 that the social revolution would be brought about in the way that paper 
 would describe. In November of last year, some time after that demon- 
 stration on the Market Square, I remarked to Parsons, in a sort of joking 
 way, 'You are not going to blowup anybody, are you?' He said : 'I don't say 
 that we won't, I don't know that we won't, but you will see the revolution 
 brought about, and sooner than you think for.' I attended a number of 
 meetings at which some of the defendants spoke. 
 
 "The Twelfth Street Turner Hall meeting was a meeting called for the 
 purpose of discussing the Socialistic platform. A circular had been issued, 
 in which public men, clergy, employers and others who were interested in 
 the social question were invited to be present to discuss the question of the 
 social movement. The hall was crowded. During the meeting Mr. Par- 
 sons made a speech, during which he said that the degradation of labor was
 
 REPORTER DICKSON'S TESTIMONY. 
 
 449 
 
 brought about by what was known as the rights of private property ; he 
 quoted a long line of statistics, showing that an average man with a capital 
 of five thousand dollars was enabled to make four thousand dollars a year, 
 and thus get rich, while his employe, who made the money for him, obtained 
 but $340, and there were upwards of two million heads of families who were 
 in want, or bordering on want, making their living either by theft, robbery 
 or any such occupation as they could get work in ; and he said that, while 
 they were the champions of free speech and social order, it would be hard 
 for the man who stood in the way of liberty, fraternity and equality to all. 
 Later on Fielden spoke and said that the majority of men were starving 
 because of over-production, and went on to show that overcoats were being 
 sent to Africa, to the Congo states, which were needed at home, and he 
 could not understand how that was. As a Socialist, he believed in the 
 equal rights of every man to live. The present condition of the laboring 
 man was due to the domination of capital, 
 and they could expect no remedy from 
 legislatures, and there were enough pres- 
 ent in the hall to take Chicago from the 
 grasp of the capitalists ; that capital must 
 divide with labor ; that the time was 
 coming when a contest would arise be- 
 tween capital and labor. He was.no 
 alarmist, but the Socialist should be pre- 
 pared for the victory when it did come. 
 Several other persons spoke after that. 
 Then Spies spoke in German, advising 
 the workingmen to organize in order to 
 obtain their rights, and that they might 
 be prepared for the emergency. Then 
 there were resolutions adopted denounc- 
 ing the capitalists, the editors and clergy- 
 men, and those who had refused to come 
 to hear the truth spoken and discuss the 
 question, whereupon the meeting ad- 
 journed. 
 
 "At the meeting at Mueller's Hall 
 Fielden presided and Mr. Griffin spoke first, advocating the use of force to 
 right social wrongs. A young man named Lichtner said he was in favor 
 of Socialistic ideas, but opposed to the use of force. Schwab, in German, 
 said that the gap between the rich and the poor was growing wider ; that, 
 although despotism in Russia had endeavored to suppress Nihilism by 
 executing some and sending others to Siberia, Nihilism was still growing. 
 And he praised Reinsdorf, who had then been recently executed in Europe, 
 but stated that his death had been avenged by the killing of Rumpf, the 
 Chief of Police of Frankfort, who had been industrious in endeavoring to 
 crush out Socialism ; that murder was forced on many a man through the 
 misery brought on him by capital ; that freedom in the United States was 
 a farce, and in Illinois was literally unknown; that both of the political 
 parties were corrupt, and what was needed here was a bloody revolution 
 which would right their wrongs. 
 
 " A young man named Gorsuch was against all government, which was 
 made for slaves. The only way the workingmen could get their rights was 
 
 ADOLPH LIESKE. 
 
 BEHEADED Nov. 17, 1885. From Photograph 
 found in the possession of Anarchist Boden- 
 dick, on back of which was written: "Re- 
 venge is Sweet."
 
 450 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 by the Gatling gun, by absolute brute force. Then Mr. Fielden called upon 
 the capitalists to answer these arguments and to save their property, for 
 when the Socialists decided to appropriate the property of the capitalists it 
 would be too late for the capitalists to save anything. 
 
 " Then Spies said in German that the workingmen should revolt at 
 once. He had been accused of giving this advice before, it was true, and 
 he was proud of it. That wage slavery could only be abolished through 
 powder and ball. The ballot was a sort of skin game. He compared it to 
 a deck of cards in which there was a marked deck put in the place of the 
 genuine, and in which the poor man got all of the skin cards, so that, when 
 the dealer laid down the cards, his money was taken from him. Then Spies 
 offered these resolutions, which were adopted : 
 
 " 'Whereas, our comrades in Germany have slain one of the dirtiest dogs 
 of his Majesty Lehmann, the greatest disgrace of the present time namely,, 
 the spy Rumpf. 
 
 " 'Resolved, That we rejoice over and applaud the noble and heroic act/ 
 
 "Then Parsons offered some resolutions favoring the abolition of the 
 present social system, and the formation of a new social cooperative system 
 that would bring about an equality between capital and labor. 
 
 " The next meeting I attended was on the Market Square, on Thanks- 
 giving day. Mr. Parsons asked what they had to be thankful for, whether 
 it was for their poverty, their lack of sufficient food and clothing, etc., and 
 argued that the capitalists on the avenue spent more money for wine at 
 one meal than some of them received pay in a month. Fielden said they 
 would be justified ingoing over to Marshall Field's and taking out from 
 there that which belonged to them. A series of resolutions were adopted, 
 offered, I believe, by Parsons, denouncing the President for having set apart 
 Thanksgiving day that it was a fallacy and a fraud; that the working- 
 men had nothing to be thankful for ; that only a few obtained the riches 
 that were produced, while the many had to starve." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Dickson said : 
 
 "Parsons said to me that when the social revolution came, it would be 
 better for all men ; it would place every man on an equality. He pictured 
 me personally as a wage slave, referring to my position as a newspaper 
 reporter, and that all reforms had to be brought about through revolution, 
 and bloodshed could not be avoided. I frequently heard him give expres- 
 sion to such ideas in friendly conversation, in which the social outlook of 
 the country was talked over, and Parsons frequently insisted that any 
 method would be justifiable to accomplish the object which he advocated 
 as the intended result of a social revolution. Parsons once stated to me 
 that if it became necessary they would use dynamite, and it might become 
 necessary. Parsons never expressed any distinct proposal to inaugurate 
 the revolution at any particular time, or by the use of any particular force. 
 He simply spoke of the social revolution as the inevitable future. I am not 
 certain as to whether the paper which Parsons gave me, which contained 
 those diagrams, was a copy of the Alarm or of some other paper. This 
 article here in the Alarm of July 25, 1885 (indicating), under the title, 
 'Street Fighting How to Meet the Enemy,' is, to the best of my recol- 
 lection, the article to which my attention was called by Mr. Parsons at the 
 time. I am positive these diagrams here (indicating) are the same as in 
 the article given me by Parsons.
 
 REPORTER HULL'S TESTIMONY. 
 
 " The position of these parties in meetings that I have attended, since 
 January 18, 1885, when they spoke of the industrial condition, was that they 
 predicted a social revolution, and they also advised the workingmen to 
 bring about that revolution. It was Mr. Fielden on the lake front I can- 
 not fix the date who used language of that import, advised the men to go 
 forward and get that which did belong to them by force. " 
 
 PAUL C. HULL, a reporter of the Daily News, attended the Haymarket 
 meeting and heard Fielden speak. He testified as follows : 
 
 "When the bomb exploded I was on the iron stairway, about four steps 
 from the top landing. After the bomb exploded the firing began from the 
 crowd before the police fired. I saw the bomb in the air. My head was 
 probably within twelve or fifteen feet above the crowd. It was quite dark. 
 Directly opposite me was a pile of boxes on the sidewalk, and an area-way 
 surrounded by an iron railing. My eyes were directed toward the 
 speakers' wagon. As the words were in his mouth, I saw arching through 
 the air the 
 sparks of the 
 burning fuse. 
 According to 
 my recollection 
 it seemed to 
 com e from 
 about fifteen or 
 t we n ty feet 
 south of 
 Crane's alley, 
 flying over the 
 third division 
 of police and 
 
 PARSONS' HANDWRITING. 
 The Manuscript of an Advertisement calling a Meeting of the "American Group." 
 
 the second and 
 
 , . , , 
 
 third. It 
 
 seemed to throw to the ground the second and third divisions of police. 
 At almost the same instant there was a rattling of shots that came from 
 both sides of the street and not from the police. The meeting was noisy 
 and turbulent. When the speaking began there were about eight hundred 
 to one thousand people in the crowd. At the time the police came it 
 had dwindled away a third from what it was at its largest number. About 
 a quarter of the crowd, that part which clustered about the wagon, were 
 enthusiasts, loudly applauded the speakers and cheered them on by 
 remarks. The outskirts of the crowd seemed to regard the speakers with 
 indifference, often laughed at them and hooted them. 
 
 " Spies told his version of the McCormick riot. He had been charged 
 with being responsible for the riot and the death of those men, by Mr. 
 McCormick. He said Mr. McCormick was a liar and was himself respon- 
 sible for the death of the six men which he claimed were killed at that 
 time ; that he had addressed a meeting on the prairie, and when the 
 factory bell rang a body of the meeting which he was addressing detached 
 themselves and went toward the factory, and that there the riot occurred. 
 He then touched upon the dominating question of labor and capital and 
 their relations very briefly, and asked what meant this array of Catling
 
 452 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 guns, infantry ready to arms, patrol wagons and policemen, and deduced 
 from that that it was the Government or capitalists preparing to crush 
 them, should they try to right their wrongs. I don't remember that he 
 said anything in his speech about the means to be employed against that 
 capitalistic force. 
 
 " Parsons dealt considerably in labor statistics. He drew the conclusion 
 that the capitalists got eighty-five cents out of the dollar, and the laboring 
 man fifteen cents, and that the eight-hour agitation and the agitation of the 
 social question was a still hunt after the other eighty-five cents. He 
 advised the using of violent means by the workingmen to right their 
 wrongs. Said that law and government was the tool of the wealthy to 
 oppress the poor ; that the ballot was no way in which to right their 
 wrongs. That could only be done by physical force. 
 
 "I only heard a part of Fielden's speech. He said Martin Foran had 
 been sent to Congress to represent the Labor Party, and he did not do it 
 satisfactorily. When McCormick's name was mentioned during the 
 speeches there were exclamations like 'Hang him, ' or 'Throw him into 
 the lake.' Some such a remark would be made when any prominent 
 Chicago capitalist's name was used. When some one in the crowd cried 
 'Let's hang him now,' when some man's name was mentioned, one of the 
 speakers, either Spies or Parsons, said, 'No, we are not ready yet.' ' 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Hull said : 
 
 " The firing of the revolvers startled me. I considered my position 
 dangerous and tried to get around the corner. A few moments before the 
 explosion of the bomb a threatening cloud came up, and Mr. Spies said the 
 meeting would adjourn to 54 West Lake Street, I believe. At no time 
 during the meeting was I as near as eight or ten feet from the speaker. I 
 don't believe I heard Fielden say, in a loud voice, ' There come the blood- 
 hounds ! Now you do your duty and I'll do mine,' when the police were 
 coming up. I remember that Mr. Fielden said ' in conclusion,' after I got 
 my position on the stairs again, and when the police were forming and 
 marching below. I was confused at the time I wrote my reports. (After 
 examining his report in a copy of Daily News of May 5th, 1886 :) I have 
 said nowhere in this report that the crowd fired upon the police. I did say 
 that the police required no orders before firing upon the crowd. I wrote 
 this up about an hour after the occurrence. After describing the explosion 
 of the bomb, I used this language in my report : ' For an instant after the 
 explosion the crowd seemed paralyzed, but, with the revolver shots crack- 
 ing like a tattoo on a mighty drum, and the bullets flying in the air, the 
 mob plunged away into the darkness with a yell of rage and fear.' My 
 recollection is that the bomb struck the ground about on a line with the 
 south line of the alley. The bomb apparently fell north from the point 
 where I first saw it in the air. I judge it came from the south, going west- 
 northwest." 
 
 WHITING ALLEN, another reporter, was present at the Haymarket meet- 
 ing in company with Mr. Tuttle, another newspaper man, and heard some 
 of the speeches. Said the witness : 
 
 " Parsons was speaking when we got there. About the only thing that 
 I could quote from his speech is this : ' What good are these strikes going 
 to do ? Do you think that anything will be accomplished by them ? Do
 
 A PICNIC OF THE "REDS" AT SHEFFIELD. 
 
 i. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the Stump. 4. " Hoch die Anarchic I ' 
 5. Mrs. Parsons addressing the Crowd. 6. Children peddling Mosfs Literature. 7. A Family Feast.
 
 454 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 you think the workingmen are going to gain their point ? No, no ; they 
 will not. The result of them will be that you will have to go back to work 
 for less money than you are getting.' That is his language in effect. At 
 one time he mentioned the name of Jay Gould. There were cries from the 
 crowd, 'Hang Jay Gould!' 'Throw him into the lake!' and soon. He 
 said, ' No, no ; that would not do any good. If you would hang Jay Gould 
 now, there would be another, and perhaps a hundred, up to-morrow. It 
 don't do any good to hang one man ; you have to kill them all, or get rid 
 of them all.' Then he went on to say that it was not the individual, but 
 the system ; that the government should be destroyed. It was the wrong 
 government, and these people who supported it had to be destroyed. I 
 heard him cry, ' To arms ! ' I cannot tell in what connection. The crowd 
 was extremely turbulent. It seemed to be thoroughly in sympathy with 
 the speakers ; was extremely excited, and applauded almost every utter- 
 ance. I staid there some ten or fifteen minutes. I then left and went to 
 Zepf's Hall. Later I came back again, when Fielden was speaking. 
 When the bomb was thrown I was in the saloon of Zepf's Hall, standing 
 about the middle of the room at the time. I did not see any of the defend- 
 ants there. They were not there to my knowledge. When I was down at 
 the meeting, I pointed out to Mr. Tuttle Mr. Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and 
 a man that I presume was Mr. Schwab, but was not certain. The general 
 outline was that of Mr. Schwab. I could not get a full view of his face. 
 That must have been half past nine." 
 
 CHARLES R. TUTTLE said he did not remember much of what Parsons 
 spoke : 
 
 "Parsons made a series of references to existing strikes one was the 
 Southwestern strike and to Jay Gould, the head of that system of rail- 
 ways, and the winding up of the peroration in connection with that created 
 a great deal of excitement and many responses from the audience. He 
 then spoke of the strike at McCormick's, and detailed the suffering of the 
 people who had wives and children, and who were being robbed by one 
 whom I took to be Mr. McCormick, although I cannot say that was the 
 idea ; who were being robbed, anyway, by capitalists. And he said it was 
 no wonder that these persons were struggling for their rights, and then said 
 that the police had been called on by the capitalists to suppress the first 
 indications of any movement on the part of the working people to stand up 
 for rights, and he asked what they are going to do. One man I believe 
 the same one who had spoken when he referred to Gould stuck up his 
 hand with a revolver in it, and said, 'We will shoot the devils,' or some 
 such expression, and I saw two others sticking up their hands, near to him, 
 who made similar expressions, and had what I took to be at the time 
 revolvers." 
 
 EDWARD COSGROVE, a detective connected with the Central Station, was 
 on duty at the Haymarket. He gave the substance of some of the speeches, 
 and, referring to Spies, said : 
 
 "Then he talked about the police, the bloodhounds of the law, shoot- 
 ing down six of their brothers, and he said : 'When you are ready to do 
 something, do it, and don't tell anybody you are going to.' A great num- 
 ber of the crowd cheered him loudly. The enthusiastic part of the crowd
 
 HAYMARKET ORATORY. 455 
 
 was close to the wagon. Sometimes there would be some on the outskirts. 
 I did not hear all of Spies' speech and only part of Parsons'. Parsons 
 talked of statistics about the price laboring men received. He said they 
 got fifteen cents out of a dollar, and they were on the still hunt for the 
 other eighty-five. He talked of the police and capitalists and Pinkertons. 
 He said he was down in the Hocking Valley region, and they were only 
 getting twenty-four cents a day, and that was less than Chinamen got. 
 And he said his hearers would be worse than Chinamen if they didn't arm 
 themselves, and they would be held responsible for blood that would flow 
 in the near future. There was a great deal of cheering close to the wagon 
 during his speech. I was in Capt. Ward's office when the police were 
 called out. I came down the street at the time the police did. When the 
 police came to a halt, I was on the northwest corner of Randolph and Des- 
 plaines. I heard no firing of any kind before the explosion of the bomb, 
 but immediately after that. I can't tell from what source the pistol shots 
 came, whether the police fired first or the other side. I reported at the 
 station from time to time what was going on at the meeting." 
 
 On cross-examination Cosgrove said : 
 
 "I was twice at the station reporting. My second report was that Mr. 
 Parsons said they would be held responsible for the blood that would flow 
 in the streets of America in the near future. The police remained at the 
 station after this report. I didn't hear any part of Fielden's speech. When 
 I came out before the police quite a number of the crowd had gone away. 
 When I saw Schwab he was about forty feet south of the south sidewalk of 
 Randolph Street, on Desplaines. I saw Schwab about half past eight, or a 
 little later, at the wagon. My impression is that I saw Mr. Schwab near 
 the close of Parsons' speech, but I am not sure. When I saw him at the 
 wagon it was about the time Mr. Spies came back the second time to 
 speak." 
 
 TIMOTHY McKEOUGH, a detective, was present when the meeting opened. 
 
 " Spies got on the wagon and called out twice : ' Is Mr. Parsons here ? ' 
 He received no answer, and said : ' Never mind, I will go and find him my- 
 self.' Somebody said : ' Let us pull the wagon around on Randolph Street 
 and hold the meeting there. ' Mr. Spies said: 'No, that might stop the 
 street-cars.' He started away then, and Officer Myers and myself followed 
 him as far as the corner. There was a man with him who, I think, was 
 Schwab, but I am not very sure about that, and in about fifteen minutes he 
 returned, and when I got back he was addressing the meeting, talking 
 about what happened to their brethren the day before at McCormick's. 
 He had been down to McCormick's and addressed a meeting, and they 
 wanted to stop him ; tried to pull him off the car because he was a Social- 
 ist; that while he was talking a portion of the crowd started toward 
 McCormick's and commenced to throw stones, the most harmless amuse- 
 ment they could have ; how wagons loaded with police came down the 
 Black Road and commenced firing into the crowd. Somebody halloaed out : 
 'Let us hang him,' and he said: 'My friends, when you get ready to do 
 anything, go and do it, and say nothing about it.' About that time Parsons 
 arrived and Spies introduced him, saying Parsons could talk better English 
 than he, and would probably entertain them better. The crowd in the 
 neighborhood of the wagon appeared very much excited when Spies spoke
 
 456 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 about the shooting down of workingmen at McCormick's. Parsons quoted 
 from some book on labor statistics, which he thought his hearers probably 
 had not read, because they didn't have the money to buy it or leisure to 
 read it, as they had to work too much. He said out of every dollar the 
 laboring man makes for capitalists he only gets fifteen cents, and they are 
 on a still hunt for the other eighty-five. He had been down to the coal 
 mines, and, according to labor statistics, they received 24^ cents for their 
 daily labor on the average during a year. That was just half as much as 
 the Chinaman would get, and he said : ' If we keep on we will be a great 
 deal worse than Chinamen. I am a tenant and I pay rent to a landlord.' 
 Somebody asked, 'What does the landlord do with it ?' Parsons said the land- 
 lord pays taxes, the taxes pay the sheriff, the police, the Pinkertonites and 
 the militia, who are ready to shoot them down when they are looking for 
 their rights. He said : < I am a Socialist from the top of my head to the 
 soles of my feet, and I will express my sentiments if I die before morning.' 
 The crowd near the wagon loudly cheered him. Later I heard Mr. Parsons 
 say, taking off his hat in one hand : ' To arms ! to arms ! to arms ! ' Then 
 I went over to Desplaines Street Station and reported to Inspector Bon- 
 field. When I came back Fielden was speaking. He criticised Martin 
 Foran, the Congressman that was elected by the working people. Speak- 
 ing about the law, he said the law was for the capitalists. ' Yesterday, 
 when their brothers demanded their rights at McCormick's, the law came 
 out and shot them down. When Mr. McCormick closed his door against 
 them for demanding their rights, the law did not protect them.' If they 
 loved their wives, their children, they should take the law, kill it, stab it, 
 throttle it, or it would throttle them. That appeared to make the crowd 
 near the wagon more excited, and I made another report to Inspector Bon- 
 field. I saw Spies, Parsons and Fielden on the wagon. I saw Schwab on 
 the wagon in the early part of the evening, and a man named Schnaubelt." 
 
 HEN-RY E. O. HEINEMAN, a reporter of the Chicago Tribune, testified : 
 
 "I saw the bomb, that is the burning fuse, rise out of the crowd and 
 fall among the police. It rose from very nearly the southeast corner of the 
 alley. I didn't hear any shots before the bomb exploded. Almost instantly 
 after it shots were heard. I could not say whether the first shots came 
 from the police or the crowd. It seems to me as if I heard some bullets 
 close to myself, whizzing from the north as I was going south. 
 
 "Spies started out by saying' that the meeting was intended to be a 
 peaceable one it was not called to raise a disturbance and then gave his 
 version of the affair at McCormick's, the day before. The crowd near the 
 speaker's wagon was in sympathy with the speakers. There was occasion- 
 ally applause. I heard a few Germans talk with one another. I heard 
 Parsons call out toward the close of his speech, ' To arms ! to arms ! to 
 arms ! ' Fielden, towards the end of his speech, told the crowd to kill the 
 law, to stab it, to throttle it, or else it would throttle them. I was formerly 
 an Internationalist. I ceased my connection with them about two years 
 ago. At that time the defendant Neebe belonged to the same group I 
 belonged to. It is not in existence now. I met Spies and Schwab occa- 
 sionally in the groups. I ceased my connection with the Internationale 
 immediately after, and on account of the lectures Herr Most delivered in 
 this city. I saw on the wagon at the Haymarket meeting Spies, Parsons,. 
 Fielden, and at one time Rudolph Schnaubelt."
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Reporting under Difficulties Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket An 
 Incriminating Conversation Spies and Schwab in Danger Gilmer's Story The Man 
 in the Alley Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower Fixing the Guilt Spies Lit the Fuse 
 A Searching Cross-Examination The Anarchists Alarmed Engel and the Shell 
 Machine The Find at Lingg's House The Author on the Witness-stand Talks 
 with the Prisoners Dynamite Experiments The False Bottom of Lingg's Trunk 
 The Material in the Shells Expert Testimony Incendiary Banners The Prose- 
 cution Rests A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged. 
 
 WHEN the public began to see the character of the evidence against the 
 Anarchists, sentiment crystalized into a feeling that no fair-minded 
 juror could be led astray by specious pleas or sophistical arguments into 
 voting for an acquittal of any one of the defendants. The facts of the con- 
 spiracy had been brought out with startling boldness, and with every wit- 
 ness the points against the prisoners were fortified with added effect. One 
 of the strongest witnesses as to the incendiary utterances of the speakers at 
 the Haymarket meeting was G. P. English, then a reporter for the Chicago 
 Tribune, but at present private secretary of Mayor Roche. Another was 
 M. M. Thompson, who testified as to a conversation between Spies and 
 Schwab. 
 
 MR. ENGLISH testified as follows : 
 
 " I am a reporter for the Tribune, and have been for seventeen years. I 
 am also a shorthand reporter. I got to the Haymarket meeting, on the 4th 
 of May, about half-past seven. I went all around the Haymarket Square 
 from Desplaines to Halsted, saw a few people on the street, but no meeting. 
 Later on I saw some people going north on Desplaines beyond Randolph. 
 I went over there, and in a little while Mr. Spies got up on the wagon and 
 said Mr. Fielden and Mr. Parsons were to make a speech, but they hadn't 
 come. Spies got down off the wagon and went toward Randolph Street. 
 He was gone perhaps five or ten minutes. As he passed me in coming back, 
 I asked him if Parsons was going to speak. I understood him to say yes. 
 Then he got up on the wagon and said : ' Gentlemen, please come to order.' 
 I took shorthand notes of his speech, as much as I could. I had a note- 
 book and a short pencil in my overcoat pocket and made notes in the 
 pocket. My notes are correct. Some of them I can read, some I can't. I 
 don't recollect what he or the others said without my notes. 
 
 " Before Spies commenced to speak somebody in the crowd suggested 
 that the meeting should go over to the Haymarket, but Spies said no, that 
 the crowd would interfere with the street-cars. Here is what I have of Spies' 
 speech : 
 
 " ' Gentlemen and fellow workmen : Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will 
 be here in a very short time to address you. I will say, however, first, this 
 meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general situation of the 
 eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken place during the last 
 forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that
 
 458 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 this meeting has been called for the purpose of raising a little row and dis- 
 turbance. This, however, was not the intention of the committee that 
 called the meeting. The committee that called the meeting wanted to tell 
 you certain facts of which you are probably aware. The capitalistic press 
 has been misleading misrepresenting the cause of labor for the last few 
 weeks, so much so' there is something here unintelligible that I can't 
 read ; some of it went off on the side of my pocket. The next is : 'When- 
 ever strikes have taken place ; whenever people have been driven to violence 
 by the oppression of their ' something unintelligible here ' Then the 
 police' a few unintelligible words, then there were cheers ' But I want 
 to tell you, gentlemen, that these acts of violence are the natural outcome of 
 the degradation and subjection to which working people are subjected. I 
 was addressing a meeting of ten thousand wage slaves yesterday afternoon 
 in the neighborhood of McCormick's. They did not want me to speak. 
 The most of them were good church-going people. They didn't want me 
 to speak because I was a Socialist. They wanted to tear me down from 
 the cars, but I spoke to them and told them they must stick together ' 
 some more that is unintelligible ' and he would have to submit to them if 
 they would stick together.' The next I have is : ' They were not Anarchists, 
 but good church-going people they were good Christians. The patrol 
 wagons came, and blood was shed.' 
 
 " Some one in the crowd said, ' Shame on them.' The next thing I have 
 is : 'Throwing stones at the factory ; most harmless sport.' Then Spies 
 said, ' What did the police do ? ' Some one in the crowd said, ' Murdered 
 them.' Then he went on : ' They only came to the meeting there as if 
 attending church.' . . . 'Such things tell you of the agitation.' . . . 
 'Couldn't help themselves any more.' ' It was then when they resorted to 
 violence.' . . . ' Before you starve.' . . . ' This fight that is going on now 
 is simply a struggle for the existence of the oppressed classes.' 
 
 "My pocket got fuller and fuller of paper ; my notes got more unintel- 
 ligible. The meeting seemed to be orderly. I took another position in the 
 face of the speaker, took out my paper and reported openly during all the 
 rest of the meeting. The balance of my notes I have not got. From what 
 appears in my report in the Tribune, I can give you part of what Spies, 
 Fielden and Parsons said. It is, however, only an abstract of what they 
 said. So far as it goes it is verbatim, except the pronouns and the verbs 
 are changed. 
 
 "The balance of Spies' speech is as follows (reading) : ' It was said that 
 I inspired the attack on McCormick's. That is a lie. The fight is going 
 on. Now is the chance to strike for the existence of the oppressed classes. 
 The oppressors want us to be content. They will kill us. The thought of 
 liberty which inspired your sires to fight for their freedom ought to animate 
 you to-day. The day is not far distant when we will resort to hanging these 
 men. (Applause and cries of ' Hang them now.') McCormick is the man 
 who created the row Monday, and he must be held responsible for the mur- 
 der of our brothers. (Cries of ' Hang him.') Don't make any threats, 
 they are of no avail. Whenever you get ready to do something, do it, and 
 don't make any threats beforehand. There are in the city to-day between 
 forty and fifty thousand men locked out because they refuse to obey the 
 supreme will or dictation of a small number of men. The families of twenty- 
 five or thirty thousand men are starving because their husbands and fathers 
 are not men enough to withstand and resist the dictation of a few thieves on
 
 REPORTER ENGLISH'S TESTIMONY. 459 
 
 a grand scale, to put it out of the power of the few men to say whether they 
 should work or not. You place your lives, your happiness, everything, out 
 of the arbitrary power of a few rascals who have been raised in idleness and 
 luxury upon the fruits of your labor. Will you stand that ? (Cries of ' No. ') 
 The press say we are Bohemians, Poles, Russians, Germans that there 
 are no Americans among us. That is a lie. Every honest American is with 
 us ; those who are not are unworthy of their traditions and their forefathers.' 
 
 "Spies spoke fifteen or twenty minutes. What I have given here would 
 not represent more than five or six minutes of actual talking. 
 
 " Parsons stated first that the remedy for the wrongs of the workingmen 
 was in Socialism ; otherwise they would soon become Chinamen. 'It is time 
 to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight-hour movement to 
 excite the capitalists. Do you know that the military are under arms, and 
 a Gatling gun is ready to mow you down? Is this Germany, Russia or 
 Spain ? (A voice : 'It looks like it.') Whenever you make a demand for 
 eight hours' pay, an increase of pay, the militia and the deputy sheriffs and 
 the Pinkerton men are called out, and you are shot and clubbed and mur- 
 dered in the streets. I am not here for the purpose of inciting anybody, 
 but to speak out, to tell the facts as they exist, even though it shall cost me 
 my life before morning.' Then he spoke about the Cincinnati demonstra- 
 tion, and about the rifle guard being needed. Then the report continues : 
 ' It behooves you, as you love your wives and children, if you don't want to 
 see them perish with hunger, killed, or cut down like dogs on the street, 
 Americans, in the interest of your liberty and your independence, to arm, 
 to arm yourselves. (Applause and cries of ' We will do it, we are ready 
 now.') You are not.' Then the rest of it is the wind-up. Besides what I 
 have stated above he spoke for a long while about the fact that out of every 
 dollar the workingman got fifteen cents, and the capitalists the employers 
 got eighty-five cents. When he said, ' To arms, to arms,' he said that in 
 his ordinary way of talking. I did not notice any difference in him when he 
 said that. 
 
 " The first that I have written out of Fielden's speech is : 'There are pre- 
 monitions of danger all know it. The press say the Anarchists will sneak 
 away ; we are not going to. If we continue to be robbed it will not be long 
 before we will be murdered. There is no security for the working classes 
 under the present social system. A few individuals control the means of 
 living and hold the workingmen in a vise. Everybody does not know that. 
 Those who know it are tired of it, and know the others will get tired of it, 
 too. They are determined to end it and will end it, and there is no power 
 in the land that will prevent them. Congressman Foran says the laborer 
 can get nothing from legislation. He also said that the laborers can get 
 some relief from their present condition when the rich man knew it was un- 
 safe for him to live in a community where there are dissatisfied workingmen, 
 for they would solve the labor problem. I don't know whether you are 
 Democrats or Republicans, but whichever you are, you worship at the shrine 
 of heaven. John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Patrick Henry and Hop- 
 kins said to the people, " The law is your enemy. " We are rebels against it. 
 The law is only framed for those that are your enslavers. (A voice: 'That 
 is true.') Men in their blind rage attacked McCormick's factory and were 
 shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago, in the protection 
 of property. Those men were going to do some damage to a certain per- 
 son's interest who was a large property-owner ; therefore the law came to his
 
 460 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 defense ; and when McCormick undertook to do some injury to the interest 
 of those who had no property, the law also came to his defense and not to 
 the workingman's defense, when he, McCormick, attacked him and his 
 living. (Cries of 'No.') There is the difference. The law makes no dis- 
 tinctions. A million men hold all the property in this country. The law 
 has no use for the other fifty-four millions. (A voice: 'Right enough.') 
 You have nothing more to do with the law except to lay hands on it and 
 throttle it until it makes its last kick. It turns your brothers out on the 
 wayside, and has degraded them until they have lost the last vestige of 
 humanity, and they are mere things and animals. Keep your eye upon it, 
 throttle it, kill it, stab it, do everything you can to wound it to impede its 
 progress. Remember, before trusting them to do anything for yourself, 
 prepare to do it yourself. Don't turn over your business to anybody else. 
 No'man deserves anything unless he is man enough to make an effort to lift 
 himself from oppression.' 
 
 "Then there was an interruption on account of some storm-clouds. 
 Everybody started to go away. Mr. Parsons suggested that they adjourn 
 over to Zepf's Hall. Fielden said no, the people were trying to get infor- 
 mation, and he would go on. And he went on : 'Is it not a fact that we 
 have no choice as to our existence, for we can't dictate what our labor is 
 worth ? He that has to obey the will of another is a slave. Can we do any- 
 thing except by the strong arm of resistance? The Socialists are not going 
 to declare war, but I tell you war has been declared upon us ; and I ask you 
 to get hold of anything that will help to resist the onslaught of the enemy 
 and the usurper. The skirmish lines have met. People have been shot. 
 Men, women and children have not been spared by the capitalists and min- 
 ions of private capital. It has no mercy so ought you. You are called 
 upon to defend yourselves, your lives, your future. What matters it whether 
 you kill yourselves with work to get a little relief, or die on the battle-field 
 resisting the enemy? What is the difference? Any animal, however loath- 
 some, will resist when stepped upon. Are men less than snails or worms ? 
 I have some resistance in me ; I know that you have, too. You have been 
 robbed, and you will be starved into a worse condition.' 
 
 "That is all I have. At that time some one alongside of me asked if 
 the police were coming. I was facing northeast, looked down the street, 
 and saw a file of police about the middle of Randolph Street. At once I 
 put my paper in my pocket and ran right over to the northwest corner of 
 Randolph and Desplaines. Just when I reached the sidewalk, the front 
 rank of the police got to the southwest corner of Randolph and Desplaines. 
 I stood there until some of the police marched by, and the first thing I 
 knew I heard an explosion ; and the next thing there was a volley of fifteen 
 or twenty or thirty shots, and I thought it was about time to leave, so I 
 skinned down Randolph Street. While I was running I heard a great lot of 
 shots, and somebody tumbled right in front of me, but I didn't stop to see 
 whether he was hurt. I didn't see who shot first. As to the temper of the 
 crowd, it was just an ordinary meeting." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. English said : 
 
 " It was a peaceable and quiet meeting for an out-door meeting. I 
 didn't see any turbulence. I was there all the time. I thought the speeches 
 they made that night were a little milder than I had heard them make for 
 years. They were all set speeches, about the same thing. I didn't hear
 
 M. M. THOMPSON'S TESTIMONY. 461 
 
 any of them say or advise that they were going to use force that night. 
 Before I went to the meeting my instructions from the Tribune office were 
 to take only the most incendiary part of the speeches. I think when Mr. 
 Parsons spoke about the Cincinnati meeting he said he had been at Cincin- 
 nati and seen the procession. I heard the announcement to the crowd to 
 disperse, distinctly. I did not hear Mr. Fielden say: 'There come the 
 bloodhounds now ; you do your duty and I'll do mine.' I heard nothing of 
 that import at all." 
 
 M. M. THOMPSON testified : 
 
 " I am at present employed in the dry-goods business of Marshall Field 
 & Co. Prior to the 4th of May last I was running a grocery store at 108 
 South Desplaines. I was at the Haymarket Square on the evening of May 
 4th. I walked west on Randolph Street about half past seven o'clock, and 
 somebody handed me a circular headed ' Revenge,' and signed ' Your Broth- 
 ers.' About twenty-five minutes to eight I got to the corner of Desplaines 
 and Randolph. I met Mr. Brazletori of the Inter-Ocean. We talked about 
 fifteen minutes. I asked the time. It was ten minutes of eight. Brazleton 
 pointed out to me Mr. Schwab, who came rushing along Desplaines Street 
 in a great hurry. I then went over to the east side of Desplaines Street. I 
 walked up Desplaines Street near the corner of Lake, and came back again 
 to the alley back of Crane Bros', and stood just back of that alley. Then I 
 saw Spies get up on the wagon and he asked for Parsons. Parsons didn't 
 respond. He then got down, and. Schwab and Spies walked into that alley 
 at Crane Bros'., near which the wagon was situated. The first word I heard 
 between Schwab and Spies was 'pistols;' the next word was 'police.' I 
 think I heard ' police ' twice, or ' pistols ' twice. I then walked just a little 
 nearer the edge of the alley, and just then Spies said : ' Do you think one is 
 enough, or hadn't we better go and get more ? ' I could hear no answer to 
 that. They then walked out of the alley and south on Desplaines Street, 
 and west on the north side of Randolph to Halsted, and cut across the 
 street and went over to the southwest corner ; they were there about three 
 minutes, came out of that crowd again and came back. On the way back, 
 as they neared Union Street, I heard the word ' police ' again. Just then I 
 went past them, and Schwab said : ' Now, if they come, we will give it to 
 them. ' Spies replied he thought they were afraid to bother with them. 
 They came on, and before they got up near the wagon they met a third 
 party, and they bunched right together there, south of the alley, and ap- 
 peared to get right in a huddle ; and there was something passed between 
 Spies and the third man what it was I could not say. This here (indi- 
 cating picture of Schnaubelt, heretofore identified) is, I think, the third 
 man ; I think his beard was a little longer than in this picture ; this is the 
 picture of the third man. I saw the third man on the wagon afterwards. 
 Whatever it was that Spies gave him, he stuck it in his pocket on the right- 
 hand side. Spies got up on the wagon, and I think that third man got up 
 right after him. I noticed him afterwards sitting on the wagon, and that he 
 kept his hands in his pockets. I stayed there until Mr. Fielden commenced 
 to speak ; then I left. 
 
 On cross-examination Thompson said : 
 
 " My grocery store was closed by the Sheriff under an execution. I 
 worked for Marshall Field before. I had never seen any of the defendants,
 
 462 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to my knowledge, before that night, in my life. When I saw Spies and 
 Schwab go into the alley, there was a crowd there. I was standing right 
 near the alley, or alongside north of it, up against the building. I couldn't 
 see down the alley unless I turned my face to it. The first time I had ever 
 seen Spies was when he got up on the wagon. Spies got out of the wagon 
 and went into Crane's alley with Schwab. I was right around the corner 
 of the alley within three feet probably at the farthest, and I moved down 
 to within half a foot. I did not look down the alley, only when they came 
 out of the alley I did look. The conversation between Spies and Schwab 
 was in English. I don't understand German. I didn't hear any words 
 between 'police' and 'pistols.' They were in there probably two or three 
 minutes. When I drew up within a foot of the alley, I heard : ' Do you 
 think one enough, or had we better go for more ? ' Going up Randolph 
 Street, I heard some words spoken in German between them, but not in 
 the conversation at the alley. I cannot say that I knew Mr. Schwab's voice 
 at that time. I only knew Mr. Spies' voice from what I heard him ask on 
 the wagon. Spies was the one who used the words 'pistols' and 'police.' 
 I did not see him when he said it. I could not see him without putting my 
 head around the corner. They went out of my sight when they went into 
 the alley. The whole conversation was done in three minutes, I should judge. 
 The first remark that I heard was about a minute and a half after they 
 went into the alley and went out of sight. When they came out and walked 
 south on Desplaines I followed them within a few feet. It was then about 
 a quarter past eight. They walked west on Randolph Street to Halsted, 
 and I trailed after them all the time, part of the time beside them, part 
 of the time ahead, and past them, but all the time close to them. When 
 they came to Halsted there were a few people there, not much of a crowd. 
 I was still tagging after them with no other object than looking for the meet- 
 ing, to find where the audience was assembled. I don't know whether they 
 saw me ; there was nothing whatever to prevent their seeing me. When 
 they were going west I couldn't hear a word of what they did say. The 
 street lamps were lighted. When they got down on Halsted there was a 
 crowd, of about twenty-five people. They were right in the thickest of the 
 crowd, and I stood on the sidewelk, about ten feet from them. I didn't 
 hear either of them say a word. Then they went back east on Randolph 
 Street. I was about six feet behind them. They said nothing. There was 
 nobody else following them besides me. I couldn't hear what they said 
 until they came to Union Street. Then I got past them. It was light at 
 the time ; they could see me. Near Union Street Schwab said : ' Now, if 
 they come, we will give it to them,' and Spies said he did not think they 
 would bother them, because they were afraid. This conversation was 
 carried on in the English language. I was behind them when I heard the 
 first of it, but they kind of slackened, and I got by them. I was making my 
 gait quicker to get by them. Schwab finished his remark when I got about 
 three feet by them. Schwab made his remark in an ordinary tone of street 
 conversation, loud enough for me to hear. I heard no more conversation 
 between Schwab and Spies. I testified before the Coroner's jury. I testi- 
 fied to this conversation at Union Street. If I didn't, it was an oversight 
 on my part, or it was because nobody asked me any question, but I say 
 that I did say that before the Coroner's inquest. 
 
 " Coming back, I stopped on the northwest corner of Randolph and 
 Desplaines. I was then about ten or fifteen feet ahead of Spies and
 
 A FATAL CONVERSATION. 463 
 
 Schwab. They came up. I can't say that they were talking. They went 
 right through the street, moving diagonally to the wagon. I staid at the 
 corner. I did not go after them until they got onto the wagon. That was 
 the last time that I saw Schwab. I saw Spies when he got up to make a 
 speech. Oh, no, that wasn't the last time that I saw Schwab that night. 
 That was the last time that I saw him until they were out of sight and the 
 third man met them. When they started from the corner northeast across 
 the street, I stood at the corner just to let them cross the street. Then I 
 started after them. They did not get out of my sight. I didn't catch up 
 with them at all. When I got within eight or ten feet of them they were 
 standing on the sidewalk. They stopped right there, about five feet south 
 of the south line of Crane's alley. There wasn't probably more than half a 
 dozen people on the east side of the street. There were a good many people 
 on the West Side. It was then about twenty or twenty-five minutes past 
 eight. When I got up within eight or ten feet of them and they stopped, I 
 stopped too, and looked at them. They were in plain view of me. I don't 
 think they did see me, though they could see me if they looked up. I think 
 there are some electric lights near there, on the Lyceum building. I was 
 between them and the electric light. When they stopped there, the next 
 thing was that they met that third man. I had never seen that third man 
 before. I have seen this picture of Schnaubelt before ; I think Mr. Furth- 
 mann showed it to me about a week ago. That third party came from the 
 east. He must have been standing up against the house, and he walked 
 west to the front of the sidewalk. Schnaubelt was not facing me ; he had 
 his back to me. They did not go into the alley. One had his back south, 
 one east, and Spies had his back north. I didn't hear what they were talk- 
 ing about. I was on the sidewalk near the curb-stone, partly south, not 
 directly south of them. Spies stood directly to the north, which would 
 bring his back to me. I don't know but what he did see me. They stood 
 there about thirty seconds. I didn't hear a word. Spies handed that third 
 man something, who put it into his pocket, and Spies got up on the wagon 
 and made a speech. I did not see Schwab on the wagon. Spies got right 
 up on the wagon and commenced to speak, but one or two minutes elapsed 
 in the time." 
 
 AUGUST HUEN, a printer in the employ of Wehrer & Klein, set up the 
 German part of the circular headed "Attention, Workingmen ! " and testi- 
 fied that the last line read, "Workingmen, arm yourselves and appear in 
 full force." Mr. Fischer wrote it. On cross-examination, he testified that 
 an hour after the form had been given to the pressman the last line was 
 taken out. 
 
 HUGH HUME, a reporter for the Inter-Ocean, testified : 
 
 " I saw Mr. Fielden and other defendants in the sweat-box that is, the 
 cells down-stairs at the Central Station, about midnight, between the 5th 
 and 6th of May last. I had a conversation with Spies. He said he had 
 been at the Haymarket meeting. He had gone up there to refute the state- 
 ments, of the capitalistic press in regard to what he had said at McCor- 
 mick's. Up at McCormick's he had been talking to a lot of people whom 
 he could not influence all good Catholics. During his speech on the 
 Haymarket, some people had shown a disposition to hang McCormick. 
 He had told them not to make any threats of that kind. He had said,
 
 464 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 'When you want to do a thing of that kind, don't talk so much about it, 
 but go out and do it.' He then said to me that the people had reached a 
 condition where they were willing to do any violence, and he had advocated 
 violence of that kind. It was necessary to bring about the revolution that 
 the Socialists wanted. He said he had advocated the use of dynamite. I 
 asked him if he was in favor of killing police officers with dynamite. He 
 hesitated a little, and then said the police represented the capitalists and 
 were enemies of theirs, and when you have an enemy he has got to be 
 removed. That is the gist of what he said. Spies said he didn't know 
 anything about the bomb being exploded until afterwards. He had heard 
 a noise that resembled the sound of a cannon, and thought the police were 
 firing over the heads of the people to frighten them. He said he consid- 
 ered all laws as things you could get along without ; they were inimical to 
 the best interests of the people and of the social growth. He did not think 
 that dynamite was in his office when he left it, and had an idea that the 
 police put that dynamite there to get a case on him. 
 
 " I had a little talk with Mr. Fielden. He was suffering somewhat from 
 his wound. When I asked him how the Haymarket affair accorded with 
 his ideas of Socialism, he said, 'You are on dangerous ground now. There 
 is an argument, though, that we have, that is to the effect that if you cannot 
 do a thing peaceably, it has got to be done by force.' Something to that 
 effect ; I don't remember the language. Fielden said, as to the number of 
 Socialists in Chicago, that there were a number of groups here, contain- 
 ing 250 men. Those were recognized Socialists, but they had people from 
 all over the city, from nearly every wholesale house ; but those people are 
 afraid to come out yet, only awaiting an opportunity. He spoke about the 
 decision of the Supreme Court prohibiting military companies from march- 
 ing around with arms. He was inclined to think that the decision was not 
 right. 
 
 "I had a short interview with Schwab. All he had to say was that 
 Socialism was right, even with the blood shed at the Haymarket." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Hume said that Spies saw him write down 
 answers to the questions and knew that he wanted the interview for publi- 
 cation. 
 
 HARRY L. GILMER proved a strong witness and testified as follows : 
 
 " I am a painter by trade. Reside at 50 North Ann Street. On the 
 evening of May 4 last, I was at the Haymarket meeting on Desplaines 
 Street. I got there about a quarter to ten o'clock. In going home, when 
 I got to the corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, I saw a crowd over 
 there, and went up to where the speaking was going on, on the east side of 
 Desplaines Street. I saw the wagon ; did not pay particular attention to 
 the speaking. I stood near the lamp-post on the corner of Crane Bros', 
 alley, between the lamp-post and the wagon, and up near the east end of 
 the wagon for a few minutes. The gentleman here (pointing to Fielden) 
 was speaking when I came there. I staid around there a few minutes, 
 was looking for a party whom I expected to find there, and stepped back 
 into the alley between Crane Bros', building and the building immediately 
 south of it. The alley was south of the wagon. I was standing in the 
 alley looking around for a few minutes ; noticed parties in conversation, 
 right across the alley, on the south side of the alley. Somebody in front of
 
 HARRY L. GILMERS EVIDENCE. 465 
 
 me on the edge of the sidewalk said, ' Here comes the police.' There was 
 a sort of rush to see the police come up. There was a man came from the 
 wagon down to the parties that were standing on the south side of the 
 alley. He lit a match and touched it off, something or another the fuse 
 commenced to fizzle, and he give a couple of steps forward, and tossed it 
 over into the street. He was standing in this direction (illustrating). The 
 man that .lit the match on this side of him, and two or three of them stood 
 together, and he turned around with it in his hand, took two or three steps 
 that way, and tossed it that way, over into the street. I knew the man by 
 sight who threw that fizzing thing into the street. I have seen him several 
 times at meetings at one place and another in the city. I do not know 
 his name. He was a man about five feet ten inches high, somewhat full- 
 chested, and had a light sandy beard, not very long. He was full-faced, 
 his eyes set somewhat back in his head. Judging from his appearance, he 
 would probably weigh 180 pounds. My impression is his hat was dart 
 brown or black ; I don't know whether it was a soft hat, a felt hat or a stifl 
 hat. This here (indicating photograph of Schnaubelt heretofore identified) 
 is the man that threw the bomb out of the alley. There were four or five 
 standing together in the group. This here (pointing to Spies) is the man 
 who came from the wagon toward the group. 
 
 " I did not see the police myself, there were so many people between 
 me and them. I don't recollect any declaration from any of the police offi- 
 cers about this person nothing distinctly, anyway. That man over there 
 (pointing at defendant Fischer) was one of the parties. After the bomb 
 was thrown these parties immediately left through the alley. I stood 
 there. The firing commenced immediately afterwards, and my attention 
 was attracted by the firing, and I paid more attention to that than any- 
 thing else." 
 
 On cross-examination Gilmer testified to having resided formerly in Deg 
 Moines, Iowa, Fort Dodge, Iowa, Kansas City, Mo., and in various locali- 
 ties in Chicago. He then proceeded as follows : 
 
 " I know the Coroner's jury was investigating the matter. I saw an 
 account of the investigation of the grand jury in the paper. I first told a 
 man by the name of Allen and another party whom I don't know, and a 
 reporter of the Times, that I saw the match lighted, and saw the man who 
 threw the bomb. I think that it was two or three days after the 4th of May. 
 A number of people were talking the matter over on the west side of the 
 City Hall, on La Salle Street, and I made the remark that I believed if I 
 ever saw the party who threw the bomb I could identify him. They didn't 
 ask me why I made that remark. I don't think they asked me any ques- 
 tions, what I knew about the matter. The reporter afterwards told me he 
 had heard the remark. I think that was on the 6th of May. On May 5th, 
 I was working on the corner of Twentieth Street and Wabash Avenue. On 
 the 6th of May I went down to 88 La Salle Street to collect a bill. I went 
 across the street, and there had the conversation with the reporter aod 
 the others. That night I had a note left at my room for me to come dnwn 
 to the Central Station. The name of James Bonfield was signed to the 
 note. I went to the Central Station and had a conversation with Mr. Bon- 
 field the next day ; I couldn't tell exactly whether on the 6th or the yth. I 
 made my statement to Mr. Bonfield. I never appeared before a Coroner's
 
 466 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 jury ; was never subpoenaed to appear before any Coroner's jury that exam- 
 ined any of the dead policemen. I was at the Haymarket meeting about 
 fifteen minutes from the time I got there to the explosion of the bomb. I 
 was looking for a person who had told me he was going to the meeting. 
 I kept looking through the crowd to see if I could find him. Fielden was 
 speaking then. I don't remember anything of his speech, except that he 
 made use of the word McCormick. Before I went down-town I had read 
 in the paper that there had been a riot at McCormick's the day before, and 
 that the police had shot some men. I was in the neighborhood of where 
 Fielden talked for about fifteen minutes. I don't remember anything about 
 the connection in which Fielden spoke of McCormick. I was looking for a 
 gentleman by the name of Richard Roe, and didn't pay any attention to 
 what Fielden said. When I stepped into the alley I think I was on the 
 north side of the alley, about eight feet from the corner of Crane's building. 
 That group of men was right across the alley on the south side. The lamp 
 was burning on the corner of the alley at that time, and it shone right 
 down. I could see the persons in that party distinctly; could see their 
 countenances ; they could see myself. They were also about eight or nine 
 feet from the mouth of the alley. I could hear them talk. They spoke 
 German. I didn't understand them. Before the man came from the wagon 
 I stepped across the alley and was standing on the north side of the alley, 
 perhaps three or four feet to the east of that group, so that I was standing 
 about twelve or fourteen feet from the mouth of Crane's alley. I did not 
 say that I saw the wagon from that point. I could just see the hind end of 
 the wagon from where I stood when I went through the alley. I think there 
 was a tail-board. The edges of the box of the wagon were perhaps ten 
 inches high. I don't know whether there were side-boards on that wagon 
 or not ; I could not say positively as to the width of the side-boards on the 
 wagon. They might have been higher than ten inches. I am sure there 
 was a box of some kind on the wagon. My impression is it was a wagon 
 about twelve or thirteen feet long, with low side-boards on. I didn't see 
 anybody get off of the wagon after I went in the alley. I did not say 
 Mr. Spies got down off the wagon. I said .he came from towards the wagon. 
 I saw him standing on the sidewalk before I went in the alley. I did not 
 say I saw Spies in the wagon at all. Mr. Spies is the man that came down 
 in the alley and lighted the bomb, to the best of my recollection. When I 
 saw him standing on the sidewalk he was talking with somebody. I would 
 be inclined to think it was this gentleman here (indicating Schwab). I 
 could not say for sure. I think it was a dark-complexioned man. My 
 impression is it might be him. I have very little doubt but Fischer is the 
 man I saw in the group. I am very nearly as positive that Fischer is the 
 man as I am that the picture is the picture of the man who threw the bomb. 
 I am sure Fischer is the man. I think I saw Mr. Parsons there that night 
 talking to some ladies. I had been down to the Palmer House that evening 
 to see some gentlemen from Des Moines that I understood were in the city. 
 One of them 'was Judge Cole, another was ex-Gov. Samuel Merrill. I 
 didn't find either of them there. I went to the meeting, as I thought I 
 would meet Mr. Roe, and we would go home together. That was the only 
 business I had with Mr. Roe. It would have been eight or nine blocks 
 from the Haymarket to where I lived. 
 
 "I did not run at the time of the shooting. I did not move at all. I 
 stood right at the mouth of the alley. After it was all over I backed out
 
 GILMERS CROSS-EXAMINATION. 467 
 
 the alley, took a car and went home. There were no bullets coming in 
 around my locality in the alley. On the street-car on my way home I didn't 
 talk with anybody about the occurrence. There were quite a number of 
 people in the car talking about the Haymarket occurrence, and there was 
 considerable excitement in the car on account of it. The next morning I 
 went down on the Wabash Avenue car to the corner of Twentieth Street 
 and Wabash Avenue. 
 
 " I heard people speak about the Haymarket affair in the restaurant, on 
 Madison Street, where I took my breakfast. I did not say to them any- 
 thing about my seeing the match lighted and the bomb thrown. I bought 
 the News on the car. I think I was working for Frank Crandle that day; 
 to the best of my recollection, there was only one man working with me on 
 the job. We worked alongside of each other some time. Talked about 
 different things, about our business. I did not say to him that I saw the 
 bomb thrown, nor that I saw the man light the match that lit the bomb. 
 I told him I had been at the Haymarket and spoke of the Haymarket riot, 
 and I think I said there were a number killed or wounded. In the evening 
 I went home on the Wabash Avenue car. People were speaking about the 
 Haymarket meeting in the car. I didn't tell them I knew anything about 
 it. I think I got home about half past six. I had no conversation with the 
 landlady. After my supper, my impression is I went to Mr. Roe's house. 
 He was not at home. I stayed there about fifteen minutes talking with Mrs. 
 Roe. Her daughter, about twelve or thirteen years old, was present during 
 the conversation. We talked about the Haymarket meeting. I told her I 
 was there. She said she would not let Mr. Roe go to the meeting. I did 
 not tell her nor anybody on that occasion that I saw the bomb lighted and 
 thrown. Since noon adjournment I had no talk with James Bonfield." 
 
 "Were not you just now walking back and forth in the corridor with 
 him?" 
 
 'I did not have no " 
 
 ' Didn't you walk back and forth ? " 
 
 'Yes, sir." 
 
 'You were talking to him ?" 
 
 'Yes, sir." 
 
 'When I was at Central Station, I think, both Inspector Bonfield and 
 Lieut. Kipley were present when I made the statement that I could 
 recognize the man, if I ever saw him again, who threw the bomb. 
 Afterwards I told all the details to Mr. Grinnell. I explained matters 
 more to him than to anybody else. I would not be positive that I told Mr. 
 Bonfield I saw the man light the match. I gave a description of the man 
 that I saw throw the bomb. I think the man had a black or blue sack 
 coat on. I think he had black eyes, and somewhat light whiskers. The 
 bomb went in a westerly direction. I have seen Mr. Spies the last year 
 and a half, and knew him by sight, not by name. I heard him speak at 
 public meetings, seen him very frequently, but never knew his name. I 
 heard him once on Market Street, a year ago last spring. I did not inquire 
 who it was that spoke. I knew from hearing him and reading the papers 
 that Spies was one of the speakers. I frequently heard the name of 
 August Spies. At the time I had the conversation with Bonfield I 
 described to him as well as I could the man that struck the match and 
 lighted the fuse. It was either Bonfield or one of the officers in the 
 Central Station. They were all together. I was twice over at police
 
 468 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 headquarters. This picture here (photograph of Schnaubelt) was shown to 
 me first some time last week, at the State's Attorney's office. I was in the 
 city during the time the Coroner's jury was examining into the cause of 
 the death of different policemen, and at the time the grand jury was exam- 
 ining into this case. The officers knew my name and address. They 
 never called on me to go before the grand jury or the Coroner's jury. 
 
 " The man who threw the bomb was about five feet and eight, ten or 
 nine inches high. I don't think he was a man over six feet tall. The first 
 time I told Mr. Grinnell of my experience at the Haymarket was when I 
 made my second visit to the Central Station, on Sunday after the Hay- 
 market meeting. I think at that time I only told Mr. Grinnell that I could 
 identify the person that threw the bomb, if I saw him. I think I told him 
 at that time that I saw one man strike a match and light the fuse, and 
 another man throw the bomb. Mr. Fischer was brought in while we had 
 the conversation at the Central Station. I looked at him. I said nothing 
 about his being the man that struck the match. I knew him by sight. I 
 identified him as being one of the men who composed the group in 
 the alley. 
 
 " I received some money two or three times when I have been over 
 here from Mr. James Bonfield ten or fifteen cents, sometimes a quarter. 
 At the conversation at Central Station I was not told that I was wanted as 
 a witness before the grand jury. I saw the picture of Rudolph Schnaubelt 
 about six weeks ago, when Mr. Grinnell sent for me. I did not tell any 
 person at any time, except the officers that I mentioned, that I saw the act 
 of lighting the bomb accomplished. Neither Mr. Grinnell nor Bonfield, nor 
 any other officer, told me to keep silent in regard to the matter. 
 
 " I am six feet three in height. I could pretty near see right over the 
 head of the fellow who threw the bomb. When I gave a description of the 
 man who came from the wagon and lighted the match that lit the fuse they 
 did not bring out Mr. Spies for me to look at. Spies had kind of dark 
 clothes on that night. His hat was black or brown. My impression is 
 it was a limber-rimmed hat. I first told Mr. Grinnell one day last week 
 that this is the man that struck the match, when I saw him sitting here in 
 court. I think Mr. Fischer had on a blue sack-coat that night. I think 
 he had a black necktie. If Schnaubelt had any necktie that night it 
 was a very light one. Spies had a turn-down collar that night and not any 
 necktie. I think the upper buttons of Mr. Schnaubelt's coat were 
 buttoned. I think Spies had one or two buttons of his coat buttoned up 
 when he came from the wagon into the alley." 
 
 MARTIN QUINN was recalled and testified to finding, at Engel's house, 
 a machine for making bombs. 
 
 "Engel said it had been left there by some man about four or five 
 months previous to that time. Mrs. Engel gave a description of the man 
 who left the machine down at the basement door, as a man with long black 
 whiskers and pretty tall. Mr. Engel said he thought he knew the man, 
 and he thought the machine was made for the purpose of making bombs. 
 There had been a meeting at Turner Hall, where this man had made a 
 speech about the manufacture of bombs, and the next thing was, this 
 machine was brought over, and Engel had said to him he wouldn't allow 
 him to make any bombs in his basement; so the man went away. Engel 
 didn't know where he was."
 
 ENGEL 1 S BOMB-MACHINE. 
 
 469 
 
 JOHN BONFIELD was recalled and testified to being at the Central 
 Station when Officer Quinn brought Engel and the machine there. Bon- 
 field, being asked by State's Attorney Grinnell to explain the purpose of 
 the apparatus, said : 
 
 " This is a blast furnace in miniature a home-made one. This upright 
 part could be lined with fire-clay. This shoulder, some two and a half 
 inches from the bottom, could be filled in around with clay, leaving the 
 holes open. This, in a blasting furnace, would be known as a tweer. It is 
 filled up to a considerable height with clay to protect it from the hot fire 
 inside, and the pressure of air is applied through those pipes, one or both 
 of them, as may be necessary. When the fire is extinguished or removed, 
 the debris or slag that comes from the metal, and the ashes and cinders 
 from the material used for fuel, can be taken out 
 through the trap at the bottom. The spout is 
 for the purpose of passing out the melted metal. 
 It is stopped with a plug of clay, and when the 
 plug is removed the metal is poured through that 
 tube." 
 
 Louis MAHLENDORF testified as follows : 
 
 "I am a tinner by trade, at 292 Milwaukee 
 Avenue, since two years. I know the defendant 
 Engel since about eight years. I made this ma- 
 chine (referring to blasting-machine) for Engel 
 over a year ago. I cut off the iron and formed 
 it up. Another gentleman, a kind of heavy-set 
 man with long beard, was with him when he 
 ordered it. Mr. Engel waited for it. He took 
 it away with him." 
 
 HERMANN SCHUETTLER, a detective connected 
 with the East Chicago Avenue Station, gave the 
 facts with reference to his arrest of Lingg, and 
 his search of the room on Sedgwick Street, with 
 Officers Stift, Loewenstein and Whalen : 
 
 "We searched a trunk and found a round 
 lead bomb in a stocking. The trunk was in the 
 southeast room. In another stocking I found ENGEL ' S BLAST FURNACE. 
 a large navy revolver. Both revolver and bomb >m a phot g ra P h - 
 
 were loaded. I turned them over to Capt. Schaack. We found a ladle 
 and some tools, a cold chisel and other articles. This here (indicating) is 
 the trunk I found in the room. The letters ' L. L. ' were on it at the time. 
 I recollect a round porcelain-lined blue cup made out of china that I found, 
 and I believe a file. In the closet underneath the baseboard we found a 
 lot of torn-off plaster. The lathing was sawed so you could get your hand 
 between the floor and the bottom of the laths underneath. I saw those 
 lead pipes (indicating) lying between the house Lingg lived in and the next 
 house to it, in a small gangway. On the way to the Chicago Avenue Station 
 I asked Lingg why he wanted to kill me. He said : ' Personally, I have 
 nothing against you, but if I had killed you and your partner I would have
 
 470 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 been satisfied. I would have killed myself if I had got away with you and 
 your partner." 
 
 On cross-examination witness stated that he had had no search warrant 
 for going through Lingg's trunk. 
 
 JACOB LOEWENSTEIN, another detective connected with the same station, 
 testified to assisting Schuettler in arresting Lingg and that after they had 
 vanquished him Lingg said several times: " Shoot me right here, before I 
 will go with you. Kill me !" Witness further stated : 
 
 "I was with Officers Whalen, Stift, Schuettler, Cushman and McCor- 
 mick, at Lingg's room, on May 7, between ten and eleven o'clock. Nobody 
 was in the house. The door was locked. Finally we pushed in the door 
 and went in. In a little bed-room in the southeast corner of the house there 
 was a bed and a wash-stand and a trunk, and a little shelf up in the corner 
 with some bottles on it. In the closet there were some shells, and some 
 loaded cartridges, and on the floor some metal and some lead. Those here 
 (indicating box containing shells) are the shells I found in the closet of 
 Lingg's room. I found those bolts (indicating) in the wash-stand. This 
 metal here (indicating) I found in a dinner-box with some loaded dynamite 
 bombs in the trunk. There were four bombs in this box (indicating), gas- 
 pipe bombs. The two in the bottom were loaded. When I first opened 
 the trunk this cover (indicating) dropped down, and with this Remington 
 rifle (indicating), which was loaded, fell down. I found a lot of papers and 
 books in the top of the trunk. In a gray stocking I found this round dyna- 
 mite bomb, loaded (indicating). I found two pieces of solder in that 
 dinner-box. I found a blast hammer and one smaller hammer, a couple of 
 iron bits and drills, a two-quart pail, with a little substance looking like 
 saw-dust in the' bottom of it, which I found out to be dynamite. I found a 
 little tin quart basin under the bed with a little piece of fuse in it. In the 
 bottom of the trunk I found two or three pieces of fuse. In the closet we 
 tore off the baseboard, which had been freshly nailed down the nails 
 were projecting out a little bit and found the plaster was torn out all the 
 way around on the baseboard, and there were holes there." 
 
 JOSEPH B. CASAGRANDE, telephone operator at the East Chicago Avenue 
 Station, but on duty at the Larrabee Street Station on the night of May 4, 
 and John K. Seller, a police officer at the last-named station, testified to a 
 call for a patrol wagon and its leaving at 10:40 o'clock for Desplaines and 
 Randolph Streets with a full load of officers. 
 
 JOHN B. MURPHY, a physician and surgeon, was called to the Desplaines 
 Street Station after the Haymarket explosion and remained until three 
 o'clock in the morning. He was a surgeon at the Cook County Hospital, 
 and when he left the station he proceeded direct to that institution. At the 
 station Dr. Murphy said that he first dressed Barrett, who was complain- 
 ing and crying with severe pain. 
 
 " He had a very large wound in his side, large enough to admit two fin- 
 gers right into his liver, and severely bleeding. I could not reach with my 
 finger the piece of shell that caused the injury. It was a lacerated wound, 
 much larger than could be made by an ordinary pistol bullet. I tampened
 
 THE AUTHOR ON THE STAND. 471 
 
 the liver with gauze to prevent his bleeding to death at the station, and I 
 went on to other officers in that way until I dressed in all between twenty- 
 six and thirty at the station. When we got through with that, at three 
 o'clock, Dr. Lee remained at the station while I went to the hospital to take 
 care of those injured most severely, who were to be sent to the hospital. 
 Officers Muller, Whitney, Keller, Barrett, Flavin and Redden are the prin- 
 cipal men that I ordered him to send first to the hospital." 
 
 Dr. Murphy then gave a list of the men and specified the particular 
 character of their wounds. 
 
 E. G. EPLER, a physician and surgeon practicing at No. 505 South 
 Canal Street, testified to having dressed a wound of Fielden between eleven 
 and twelve at night on May 4. 
 
 "The wound was on the left side of the left knee joint, the bullet having 
 passed in underneath the skin and passed out again five inches from the 
 point of entry. He said he was crawling on the pavement trying to get 
 away from the crowd when he received the injury, and the bullet glanced 
 off from the pavement and struck him in that position." 
 
 MICHAEL HOFFMAN, a detective connected with the Larrabee Street Sta- 
 tion, gave evidence as to finding nine round bombs and four long ones. 
 
 "These two bombs (indicating) I found at the corner of Clyde and Cly- 
 bourn Avenue, near Ogden's Grove, under the sidewalk. They were empty. 
 I found another one there which was loaded, and which I gave to Capt. 
 Schaack. Gustav Lehman, who was a witness in this case, was with me 
 when I found them. I got two coils of fuse, a can of dynamite and a box of 
 caps at the same time. I found these two pieces of gas-pipe (indicating) 
 at 509 North Halsted Street, under the house of John Thielen, who was 
 arrested, with two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and two boxes of cartridges, 
 one rifle, one revolver. The revolver and one box of cartridges were buried 
 under the floor of the coal-shed, and two bombs which were loaded, the 
 dynamite and rifle and other box of cartridges were buried under the house 
 in the ground. The can of dynamite which Lehman pointed out to me, and 
 which I found near Ogden's Grove, held about a gallon. This can and the 
 box of caps were on the stone of the pavement ; the bombs were buried in 
 the ground." 
 
 At this stage of the proceedings I was myself put on the stand. My 
 testimony, as taken by the stenographers, was as follows : 
 
 " I am police captain of the Fifth Precinct. My headquarters are at East 
 Chicago Avenue Station. I have charge of two other stations besides. 
 Have been connected with the force for eighteen years. Have been cap- 
 tain one year. I have seen Spies, iSchwab, Neebe and Fischer. Had no 
 personal acquaintance with them. The defendants Engel and Lingg were 
 arrested and confined in my station. Lingg was arrested on May i4th ; 
 Engel about the i8th. I had my first conversation with Lingg about this 
 case about three o'clock on the afternoon of May i4th. Lingg told me his 
 name, and that he had lived at 442 Sedgwick Street. He had been out of 
 work for about four weeks. I asked him whether he was at the meeting 
 held in the basement of 54 West Lake Street on Monday night, and he 
 said, 'Yes.' On Tuesday night, May 4th, he said, he was at home not all
 
 472 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the evening. He and Seliger had been on Larrabee Street, quite a ways 
 north ; had had several glasses of beer, and from there he went home. He 
 said he had made some bombs to use them himself. He said he had rea- 
 son for being down on the police ; they had clubbed him out at McCor- 
 mick's. He said he was down on capitalists, and found fault with the 
 police for taking the part of the capitalists. If the capitalists turned out 
 the militia and the police force with their Catling guns, they couldn't do 
 anything with revolvers, and therefore they had adopted these bombs and 
 dynamite. He said he had learned to make bombs in scientific books of 
 warfare published by Most, of New York. He had got his dynamite on 
 Lake Street, somewhere near Dearborn, and had bought some fuse and 
 caps, and told me what he paid for it. He had not used up all his dyna- 
 mite. He said he had made bombs of gas-pipe, and also of metal and lead 
 mixed. He found the gas-pipe on the street sometimes. The lead he got 
 about the same way. He said the bombs they found in his place were all 
 he made. We put Mrs. Seliger face to face with him, and she accused him 
 that he had commenced making bombs a few weeks after he came to their 
 house. He looked at the woman, but didn't say anything. John Thielen, 
 who was arrested at the time, faced him too. Lingg admitted he had 
 given to Thielen the two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and the two bombs 
 which Officer Hoffman brought to me ; at the same time Lingg looked 
 right square at Thielen and shook his head for him to keep still. Thielen 
 said to him, ' Never mind, you might as well tell it. They know it all, 
 anyhow. ' 
 
 "In Lingg's trunk I discovered a false bottom, and in there I found two 
 long cartridges of dynamite, and some fuse four inches long, with caps on, 
 and a big coil of fuse. I asked Lingg if that was the dynamite he used in 
 his bombs, and he said yes. The dynamite in the package is lighter in 
 quality than what was found in his bombs, except one that was black. I got 
 three kinds of dynamite. That in the gallon-box that Lehman testified 
 was given to him by Lingg looked like charcoal ; the dynamite in the trunk 
 was white, and the dynamite in most of those bombs is dark-colored. 
 Lingg said he had tried a round bomb and a long one in the open air 
 somewhere, and they worked well. He put one right in the crotch of a 
 tree and split it all up. He said he had known Spies for some time. He 
 had been at the Arbeiter-Zeitung office about five times, bringing reports of 
 Socialistic and Anarchistic meetings to the Arbeiter-Zeitung. He stated 
 he had been financial secretary of a branch of the Carpenters' Union. He 
 had been a Socialist ever since he could think. He told me he had been in 
 this country since last July or August ; he had been a Socialist in Europe." 
 
 "Now give the conversation which you had with Engel. " 
 
 " Engel said, in the first conversation that I had with him, that on Mon- 
 day, 3d of May, he was doing some fresco work for a friend by the name of 
 Koch, somewhere out west. He had been for a little while at the 54 West 
 Lake Street meeting that night, but made no speech there. 
 
 "Several days afterwards I had another conversation, when his wife and 
 daughter came. Engel complained that his cell was dark and no water 
 running in it, and I told him we would give him another cell if we had it. 
 The cells were crowded right along that night. And his wife said, 'Do 
 you see now what trouble you got yourself into ? ' and Engel answered, 
 ' Mamma, I can't help it.' I asked him why he didn't stop that nonsense, 
 and he said : ' I promised my wife so many times that I would stop this busi-
 
 EXPERIMENTS WITH DYNAMITE. 473 
 
 ness, but I can't stop it. What is in me has got to come out. I can't help 
 it that I am so gifted with eloquence. It is a curse. It has been a curse 
 to a good many other men. A good many men have suffered already for 
 the same cause, and I am willing to suffer and will stand it like a man." 
 And I think he mentioned Louise Michel as having taken a leading part in 
 the Anarchist business. Engel said on the evening of May 4th he was at 
 home tying on the lounge. 
 
 "I have experimented with all dynamite that was brought me ; also the 
 bombs. I gave a portion of the lead bomb which Officer Schuettler testi- 
 fied he found in Lingg's room to Professor Haines. I took the dynamite 
 from that bomb and put the dynamite in a piece of gas-pipe, about five 
 inches long, with ends screwed on. I had a box made two feet square, 
 of inch boards, pretty well nailed together, and we dug a hole three feet 
 deep out at Lake View, in the bushes, put the box into the hole, cut a hole 
 in the top of the box, let the bomb into it, put a fuse and cap to it, and 
 touched it off. This was found as the result of the explosion (indicating 
 fragments). The box was blown all to pieces, and some of the pieces flew up 
 in the trees. Everything in that box was smashed to pieces. This bomb 
 here (indicating) I have made in the same way, and filled it with some 
 black dynamite from that gallon can which was given by Lingg to Leh- 
 man, as stated here. This here (indicating fragments of the exploded 
 bomb) was the result of the examination. I put some dynamite also in a 
 beer keg. It smashed the keg all to pieces. 
 
 " Now here are the fragments from a lead bomb which Lehman gave to 
 Hoffman and Hoffman to me. We got a piece of boiler-iron a quarter of 
 an inch thick, nineteen inches high, and thirty-four inches wide. Then we 
 had a steel top weighing 140 pounds. On the ground I put two-inch plank. 
 On top of the plank I put four large metal sheets. I put the bomb right in 
 the center, and a big stone weighing about 125 pounds on top, and the 
 inside of the boiler-iron, the tub, I had painted so we could see where the 
 lead would strike. I touched it off myself. It knocked the tub away up in 
 the air, and the stone on top was crushed all to pieces. This is the result 
 of the lead after we picked it up on top of the boards (indicating fragments 
 of the tub). Here is the bolt (indicating) that was on the bomb. The nut 
 we did not find. I counted 195 places where the lead struck the painted 
 boiler-iron. There is % a crack clear through the boiler-iron. In six places 
 it is bulged out. Professor Haines has got a piece of this bomb (indicat- 
 ing), and Professor Patton another piece. I gave to the professors pieces 
 of metal from other bombs. 
 
 " Lingg in his conversations with me said there would likely be a revo- 
 lution through this workingmen's trouble. There was a satchel brought 
 from Neff's place. The satchel was filled with bombs. Thielen was pres- 
 ent. I asked him if he brought the satchel there. He said he saw the 
 satchel there, saw it stand there when he left, and that was the last he saw 
 of it. Lingg said he made the molds to make these bombs himself. He 
 made them of clay, and that they could be used to cast in only about twice. 
 He said he saw the 'Revenge' circular on the West Side, I believe at 71 
 West Lake Street. I asked him when he had had his hair trimmed and his 
 chin beard shaved. He said on or about the 7th of May. He said there 
 had been several persons in his room on the afternoon of May 4th, among 
 them the two Lehmans. 
 
 "I experimented with fuse. I cut a fuse four inches long and set it on
 
 474 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS, 
 
 fire, and you could count just six until it struck the cap within. I experi- 
 mented with dynamite cartridges. I drilled a hole in one end about an inch 
 and a half deep, shoved a percussion cap in, put a fuse on, and exploded 
 it. I had it stand free up in the air in a stone weighing about twenty or 
 thirty pounds. When it went off it broke the stone all up. I put one right 
 in the center of a lot of shrubs and bushes, and it broke everything up 
 took around about four feet each way." 
 
 On cross-examination I stated that I had never taken Lingg before any 
 magistrate for examination. There was no complaint entered against him. 
 
 FREDERICK DREWS saw some cans underneath the sidewalk at his home, 
 No. 351 North Paulina Street, about three miles from the Haymarket, and 
 testified to having turned them over to me. His residence was about a mile 
 and a half from Wicker Park. 
 
 MICHAEL WHALEN, a detective connected with the Chicago Avenue Sta- 
 tion, testified to having seen the cans referred to by the preceding witness 
 in the yard at No. 351 North Paulina Street, and that there were four of 
 those cans, one of which they emptied. 
 
 DANIEL COUGHLIN, a police officer, testified as to the explosive character 
 of one of the cans found at North Paulina Street, with a fulminating cap 
 and fuse about eight inches long. After igniting the fuse an explosion was 
 caused which shattered the can, throwing the contents, some kind of vitriol, 
 four or five feet around. 
 
 CHARLES E. PROUTY, manager of a gun-store at No. 53 State Street, re- 
 called a visit of Mr. and Mrs. Engel at the store the previous fall. 
 
 "They made some inquiries in regard to some large revolvers. They 
 found one there that seemed to be satisfactory, and wanted to know at what 
 price they could get a quantity of them, perhaps one or two hundred, and 
 wanted to buy that one and pay for it and present it at some meeting of 
 some society. They took the pistol and paid for it. A week or two after 
 they returned, said the pistol was satisfactory, and wanted to know if I could 
 get them a lot. I said I knew of one lot in the East, and would inquire. I 
 wrote East, and found the lot had been disposed of. They were somewhat 
 disappointed, but said they had found something else for a little less money 
 that would answer the purpose, and with that they left our store. Mrs. 
 Engel comes frequently to our store. She has a little store on the West 
 Side, and buys fishing-tackle and other things in our line. I sold cartridges 
 to them in a small way, as she might want them in her store. When I spoke 
 of guns I meant large revolvers, something about seven-inch barrel I think 
 44 or 45-caliber, at $5.50 apiece. When I stated the price was very cheap 
 they replied they didn't care to make profit on them, it was for a society. 
 I remember seeing Mr. Parsons' face in the store. Never had any dealings 
 with him." 
 
 WILLIAM J. REYNOLDS, in the employ of D. H. Lamberson & Co., gun 
 business at No. 76 State Street, testified : 
 
 " I think about February or March of this year Mr. Parsons came to our 
 store. He said he wanted to buy a quantity of revolvers I think forty or
 
 THE CHEMICAL ANALYSIS. 475 
 
 fifty. He wanted what is called an old remodeled Remington revolver, 44 
 or 45-caliber. I agreed to write and get a quotation of the revolver. He 
 came in again, and I quoted him a price upon it. He did not purchase any 
 revolvers, and was in once or twice after that. He seemed undecided 
 about it." 
 
 THOMAS MCNAMARA, a police officer, testified : 
 
 " I found thirty loaded and one empty gas-pipe bombs under the side- 
 walk on Bloomingdale Road and Robey Street. The loaded bombs were 
 fixed with caps and fuse. They were in an oil-cloth. The corner where I 
 found them is about four blocks from Wicker Park. Found them on the 
 afternoon of May 23 last. Three coils of fuse in a tin can and two boxes 
 of dynamite caps probably about two hundred caps were also in the 
 package." 
 
 Prof. WALTER S. HAINES examined a number of bomb fragments and 
 testified as follows : 
 
 " I am professor of chemistry in Rush Medical College in this city. I 
 devote most of my time to practical chemistry. I have examined several 
 pieces of metal at the request of the State's Attorney. I received from 
 Capt. Schaack, on June 24 this year, a piece of bomb said to have been 
 connected with Lingg. I call it ' Lingg bomb No. i.' I received from Dr. 
 J. B. Murphy, on the same day, a piece of metal said to have been taken 
 from Officer Murphy. I designate it ' Murphy bomb.' On July 22 I 
 received a piece of metal said to have been taken from Officer Degan. I 
 designate it ' Degan bomb.' The last piece I received from Mr. Furth- 
 mann. I subsequently received from Officer Whalen a piece of bomb said 
 to have been connected with Lingg. I designate it ' Lingg bomb No. 2/ 
 The next day I received from Capt. Schaack pieces of two other bombs 
 also said to have been connected with Lingg. I designate as ' Lingg 
 bombs Nos. 3 and 4.' I received from Mr. Furthmann a portion of a bomb 
 said to have been connected with Mr. Spies, which I designate as ' Spies 
 bomb.' These were all subjected to chemical examination. Lingg bombs 
 Nos. i, 3 and 4 were found to consist chiefly of lead, with a small percentage 
 of tin and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The amount of tin in these 
 three bombs differs slightly. One of them contained about 1.9 per cent., 
 another about 2.4 per cent., the third about 2^ per cent, of tin. Lingg 
 bomb No. 2 contained more tin, consequently less lead ; also a little more 
 antimony and a little more zinc. The amount of tin in this bomb was very 
 nearly seven per cent. The Murphy bomb was composed of a small pro- 
 portion of tin, chiefly lead and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The 
 amount of tin was in round numbers 1.6 per cent. The Degan bomb con- 
 tained in round numbers 1.6 or 1.7 per cent. The remainder was lead, 
 with traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The Spies bomb consisted chiefly 
 of lead with a small quantity of tin, about i.i per cent., in round numbers, 
 with traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The different pieces of the same 
 bomb differed slightly in the proportions of the metals present. The 
 Degan bomb contained slightly more tin than what I call the Murphy bomb. 
 There is no commercial substance with which I am acquainted that has such 
 a composition as these bombs. Commercial lead frequently contains traces 
 of other substances, but, as far as I know, never tin. Solder is composed 
 of from a third to a half tin and the remainder lead. Lead must have been
 
 476 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the basis for the preparation of the various articles which I examined, and 
 this must have been mixed either with tin or some substance containing tin, 
 as for instance solder. 
 
 " Lingg bomb No. 2 had a minute trace of copper. This piece of candle- 
 stick (indicating) is composed of tin and lead, with a certain amount of 
 antimony and zinc and a little copper. Professor Patton has been sick for 
 about two weeks. I worked in connection with Professor Delafontaine 
 instead of working with Patton." (The Spies bomb is the one which the 
 witness Wilkinson identified.) 
 
 Prof. MARK DELAFONTAINE testified as follows : 
 
 " I am a chemist, teacher of chemistry in the High School in this city. 
 Have been a chemist for over thirty years. I made an examination of the 
 substances described by Prof. Haines, compared results with him, and they 
 agreed as closely as they can. I found the piece of candlestick to be a mix- 
 ture of antimony, tin, lead, zinc and a trace of copper. I made experiments 
 with old lead pipes upon which there was solder. I took a piece of old 
 lead pipe that had been very much mended, had much solder put on ; I 
 melted it, analyzed it, and the amount of tin contained in the mixture was 
 about seven-tenths of one per cent. I don't know of any one commercial 
 product of which the pieces of bomb that I examined could be composed. 
 I never found a sample of lead containing the least traces of tin." 
 
 MICHAEL WHALEN, recalled, testified that he gave to Prof. Haines two 
 pieces of lead which I had given to him. 
 
 EDMUND FURTHMANN, Assistant State's Attorney, stated that the piece 
 of lead he gave to Prof. Haines he had received from Dr. Bluthardt, and 
 designated the various halls and places spoken of by various witnesses as 
 being all located in Cook County and the State of Illinois. 
 
 THEODORE J. BLUTHARDT was then called and gave the following evidence: 
 
 "I am County Physician. I made a post-mortem examination upon the 
 body of Mathias J. Degan, on the 5th day of May last, before the Coroner's 
 inquest, at the Cook County Hospital. I found a deep cut upon his fore- 
 head, another cut over the right eye and another deep cut, about two inches 
 in length, on the left side. I found a large wound, apparently a gun-shot 
 wound a hole in the middle of the left thigh. I found seven explosive 
 marks on his right leg and two on the left leg. The large hole in the 
 middle of the left thigh was the mortal wound caused by an explosive, a 
 piece of lead that had penetrated the skin, destroyed the inside muscles 
 and lacerated the femoral artery, which caused bleeding to death. Besides 
 that he had a wound on the dorsum of the left foot, also caused by a piece 
 of lead, which forced its way through the bones of the ankle joint. I found 
 a piece behind the inside ankle of the left foot. Both pieces I gave to Mr. 
 Furthmann. The external appearance of that wound on that left thigh was 
 that of a rifle ball. It was round and not very ragged ; it was clean cut 
 through the skin, but the muscles of the thigh were all contused and torn 
 formed a kind of pulpy cavity as large as a goose egg on the inside. The 
 missile was lodged in the upper part of the thigh, about four inches above 
 the place where it entered. Mathias J. Degan died of hemorrhage of the 
 femoral artery, caused by this wound that I described. 

 
 THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS. 477 
 
 " I made ^.post-mortem examination on the body of John Barrett on the 
 7th of May, at 171 East Chicago Avenue. A missile had passed through 
 the eleventh rib into the upper part of the liver, about three inches deep. 
 There I found a piece of lead and a piece of blue cloth with lining in. The 
 right lung was collapsed. From the opening into the diaphragm the air 
 rushed into the cavity of the chest and compressed the lung. In conse- 
 quence of the wound in the liver there was a good deal of hemorrhage into 
 the chest as well as into the abdomen. This wound, by this explosive piece 
 of material, was the cause of his death. He had several other wounds. 
 
 "On the same day I made a post-mortem examination on the body of 
 George F. Muller, at the Cook County Hospital. This man died, in my 
 opinion, from the effects of a pistol ball which wounded the small intestines 
 and caused inflammation of the bowels. 
 
 "On May 8th I made a post-mortem examination on the body of Tim 
 Flavin. He had a small wound in the back four inches to the left of the 
 spine. The missile, which was not a pistol ball, passed into the abdomen 
 below the twelfth rib. I found much blood in both cavities, and the cause 
 of his death was internal hemorrhage. 
 
 "On May loth I made a post-mortem examination on the body of Michael 
 Sheehan. He died from exhaustion caused by a pistol shot wound upon the 
 right side of the abdomen, three inches to the right and four inches above 
 the umbilicus. The ball passed through the mesentary and lower part of 
 the liver into the muscles of the abdomen. There was considerable blood 
 in the abdomen and the liver. The surroundings were very much inflamed. 
 
 "On May i7th I made a post-mortem examination on the body of Thomas 
 Redden, at the Cook County Hospital. I found an abrasion over the right 
 eye, a slight lacerated wound upon the lower part of the left hip, a large 
 lacerated wound perforating the right forearm, a compound fracture of the 
 left tibia, a large lacerated wound upon the posterior part of the left leg, a 
 circular wound upon the right leg two inches below the knee joint, extend- 
 ing to the bone, another wound upon the right leg about seven inches above 
 the ankle, a large lacerated wound upon the left side of the back. I found 
 the lungs badly inflamed and the blood valves enlarged above the kidneys, 
 and the liver somewhat inflamed with so-called cloudy swelling. In my 
 opinion he died from the effects of these wounds bringing about blood- 
 poisoning. " 
 
 JAMES BONFIELD, being recalled, stated : 
 
 " I found a number of banners at the Arbeiter-Zeitung. I found, alto- 
 gether, about forty banners. I can identify only a few of them as found at 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung." 
 
 State's Attorney Grinnell here announced that the prosecution rested its 
 case. Thereupon counsel for the defendants moved that the jury be sent 
 from the court-room while they would present and argue, on behalf of 
 Neebe, a motion that the jury be instructed to find a verdict of not guilty 
 as to Neebe. Judge Gary refused the motion. 
 
 A like motion on behalf of the other defendants, except August Spies 
 and Adolph Fischer, was also overruled by the court.
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Programme of the Defense Mayor Harrison's Memories Simon- 
 son's Story A Graphic Account A Bird's-eye View of Dynamite Ferguson and the 
 Bomb " As Big as a Base Ball " The Defense Theory of the Riot Claiming the 
 Police were the Aggressors Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks The Attack on Gil- 
 mer's Veracity Varying Testimony The Witnesses who Appeared. 
 
 M 
 
 R. MOSES SALOMON opened the case for the Anarchists on Sat- 
 urday, July 31. He proceeded to state that the defendants had 
 steadily refused to believe that any man on the jury would be willing to 
 convict any of the defendants because of being an Anarchist or a Socialist. 
 
 "Mr. Grinnell," said Mr. Salomon, "failed to state to you that he had a 
 person by whom he could prove who threw the bomb, and he never expected 
 to make this proof until he found that without this proof he was unable to 
 maintain this prosecution against these defendants ; and it was as this case 
 neared the prosecution end of it that the State suddenly changed front and 
 produced a professional tramp and a professional liar, as we will show you, 
 to prove that one of these defendants was connected with the throwing of 
 it. They then recognized, as we claimed and now claim, that that is the 
 only way they can maintain their case here." 
 
 Mr. Salomon next directed the attention of the jury to the charge against 
 the defendants and said : 
 
 " As I told you a moment ago, they are not charged with Anarchy ; they 
 are not charged with Socialism ; they are not charged with the fact that 
 Anarchy and Socialism is dangerous or beneficial to the community ; but, 
 according to the law under which we are now acting, a charge specific in 
 its nature must be made against them, and that alone must be sustained, 
 and it is the duty of the jury to weigh the evidence as it bears upon that 
 charge ; and upon no other point can they pay attention to it. Now, gen- 
 tlemen, the charge here is shown by this indictment. This is the accusa- 
 tion. This is what the case involves, and upon this the defendants and the 
 prosecution must either stand or fall. This indictment is for the murder of 
 Mathias J. Degan. It is charged that each one of these defendants com- 
 mitted the crime, each defendant individually ; and it is charged in a num- 
 ber of different ways. Now, I desire to call your attention to the law gov- 
 erning this indictment and to read it to you ; and I am presenting the law 
 to you now. gentlemen, so that you can understand how we view this case 
 and how the evidence is affected by what the law is." 
 
 Mr. Salomon then read the law touching murder and the statute on 
 accessories and explained : 
 
 " The law says, no matter whether these defendants advised generally the 
 use of dynamite in the purpose which they claimed to carry out, and sought 
 to carry out, yet if none of these defendants advised the throwing of that 
 bomb at the Haymarket, they cannot be held responsible for the action of 
 
 47 8
 
 OPENING FOR THE DEFENSE. 
 
 479 
 
 others at other times and other places. What does the evidence introduced 
 here tend to show ? It may occur to some of you, gentlemen, to ask : 
 'What, then, can these defendants preach the use of dynamite? May they 
 be allowed to go on and urge people to overturn the present government 
 and the present condition of society without being held responsible for it 
 and without punishment ? Is there no law to which these people can be 
 subjected and punished if they do this thing? ' There is, gentlemen, but it 
 is not and never has been murder, and if they are amenable, as the evidence 
 introduced by the prosecution tends to show, it is under another and a 
 different law, and no attempt on the part of the prosecution to jump the 
 wide chasm which separates these two offenses can be successful unless it 
 is done out of pure hatred, malice, ill-will, or because of prejudice. The 
 law protects every citizen. It punishes every guilty man, and according to 
 the measure of his crime ; no more and no less. If a man be guilty of con- 
 spiracy, or if he be guilty of treason, he is 
 liable to punishment for that offense, and 
 not for a higher one. This is what the 
 people of the State of Illinois have said, 
 and that is their law. That is what they 
 want enforced, and that is what I stand 
 here for as the advocate of these defendants. 
 I claim for them, and for the entire people 
 of this State, that the law shall be applied 
 as it is found, and as they have directed 
 it to be enforced. Now, what is the statute 
 on conspiracy, of which these defendants 
 may be guilty, if they are guilty of any- 
 thing ?" 
 
 He next read the law with reference to 
 conspiracy and proceeded : 
 
 "The proof in this case, with the ex- 
 ception of Gilmer's testimony, showed and MOSES SALOMON. 
 shows only that the State has a case within 
 
 those sections which I have last read to you, and no other, if they have 
 a case against them at all. Now, gentlemen, I have read to you the 
 section of the statute relating to accessories. As I have told you before, it 
 is only the perpetrator and abettor in the perpetration of a crime who, 
 under the decision of almost every supreme court in the United States and 
 England, can be held." 
 
 Mr. Salomon touched on one or two minor points and concluded as 
 follows : 
 
 " That view of the law, that they must be proven to be accessories to the 
 crime, is the one point only upon which the prosecution can sustain their 
 case, and is the only one upon which this case must proceed, according to 
 our view. Now, these defendants are not criminals ; they are not robbers ; 
 they are not burglars ; they are not common thieves ; they descend to no 
 small criminal act. On the contrary, this evidence shows conclusively that 
 they are men of broad feelings of humanity, that their only desire has been, 
 and their lives have been consecrated to, the betterment of their fellow-men.
 
 480 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 They have not sought to take the life of any man, of any individual, to ma- 
 liciously kill or destroy any person, nor have they sought to deprive any 
 man of his property for their own benefit. They have not sought to get 
 McCormick's property for themselves ; they have not sought to get Marshall 
 Field's property for themselves, and to deprive Marshall Field of it felo- 
 niously, but they have endeavored and labored to establish a different social 
 system. It is true they have adopted means, or wanted to adopt means that 
 were not approved of by all mankind. It is true that their methods were 
 dangerous, perhaps ; but then they should have been stopped at their incep- 
 tion. We shall expect to prove to you, gentlemen, that these men have 
 stood by the man who has the least friends ; that they have endeavored to 
 better the condition of the laboring man. The laboring men have few 
 friends enough. They have no means, without the combination and assist- 
 ance of their fellow-men, to better their condition, and it was to further that 
 purpose and to raise them above constant labor and constant toil and con- 
 stant worry and constant fret, and to have their fellow-men act and be as 
 human beings and not as animals, that these defendants have consecrated 
 their lives and energies. If it was in pursuance of that, wrought up, per- 
 haps, through frequent failures and through the constant force exercised 
 against them, that they came to the conclusion that it was necessary to use 
 force against force, we know not, and we do not expect to prove nor to deny 
 that these defendants advocated the use of force, nor do we now intend to 
 apologize for anything they have said, nor to excuse their acts. It is neither 
 the place nor the time for counsel in this case, nor of the gentlemen of the 
 jury, to either excuse the acts of these defendants nor to encourage them. 
 With that we have here nothing to do. Our object is simply to show that 
 these defendants are not guilty of the murder with which they are charged 
 in this indictment. But the issue is forced upon us to say whether it was 
 right or wrong, and whether they had the right to advocate the bettering of 
 their fellow-men. As Mr. Grinnell said, he wanted to hang Socialism and 
 Anarchy ; but twelve men nor twelve hundred nor twelve thousand can 
 stamp out Anarchy nor root out Socialism, no more than they can Democ- 
 racy or Republicanism, that lie within the heart and within the head. Un- 
 der our forms of government every man has the right to believe and the 
 right to express his thoughts, whether they be inimical to the present insti- 
 tutions or whether they favor them ; but if that man, no matter what he 
 advocates or who he be, whether Democrat, Republican, Socialist or An- 
 archist, kill and destroy human life deliberately and feloniously, that man, 
 whether high or low, is amenable to criminal justice, and must be punished 
 for his crime, and for no other. 
 
 " Now, what was the object of these defendants, as they are charged, in 
 being so bloodthirsty ? Their purpose was to change society, to bring into 
 force and effect their Socialistic and Anarchistic ideas. Were they right or 
 were they wrong, or have we nothing to do with it ? As I told you, they 
 had the right to express their ideas. They had the right. They had the 
 right to gain converts, to make Anarchists and Socialists, but whether 
 Socialism or Anarchy shall ever be established never rested with these 
 defendants, never rested in a can of dynamite or in a dynamite bomb. It 
 rests with the great mass of people, with the people of Chicago, of Illinois, 
 of the United States, of the world. If they, the people, want Anarchy, want 
 Socialism, if they want Democracy or Republicanism, they can and they will 
 inaugurate it. But the people, also, will allow a little toleration of views..
 
 THE PLEA OF FREE SPEECH. 481 
 
 Now, these defendants claim that Socialism is a progressive social science, 
 and it will be a part of the proof which you will have to determine. Must 
 the world stand as we found it when we were born, or have we a right to 
 show our fellow-men a better way, a nobler life, a better condition ? That 
 is what these defendants claim, if they are forced beyond the issue in this 
 case. ... In furtherance of that plan, what have these defendants 
 done ? Have they murdered many people ? What was their plan when 
 they counseled dynamite ? They intended to use dynamite in furtherance 
 of the general revolution ; never, never against any individual. We will 
 show you that it was their purpose, as the proof, I think, partly shows 
 already, that when a general revolution or a general strike was inaugurated, 
 when they were attacked, that then, in fact, while carrying out the purposes 
 of that strike or that revolution, that then they should use dynamite, and 
 not until then. If it is unlawful to conspire to carry out that thing, these 
 men must be held for that thing. We shall show you that these men, in 
 carrying out their plan for the bettering of the condition of the workingmen, 
 inaugurated the eight-hour movement. They inaugurated the early-closing 
 movement. They inaugurated every movement that tended to alleviate the 
 condition of the workingman and allow him a greater time to his family, for 
 mutual benefit. That is what these defendants set up for a defense. That 
 is what they claim was their right to do, and that is what they claim they 
 did do, and they did nothing more. 
 
 "Now, gentlemen, we don't say that we desire to go into this proof, be- 
 cause we think it has nothing to do with this case, if our theory is correct ; 
 but if we are forced to show why they did these things it is simply to con- 
 vince you that their objects were not for robbery, not for stealing, not to 
 gain property for themselves, and not to maliciously or willfully destroy any 
 man's good name or his property interests. 
 
 " We expect to show you, further, that these defendants never conspired, 
 nor any one of them, to take the life of any single individual at any time or 
 place ; that they never conspired or plotted to take, at this time or at any 
 other time, the life of Mathias Degan or any number of policemen, except 
 in self-defense while carrying out their original purpose. We expect, fur- 
 ther, to show you that on the night of the 4th of May these defendants had 
 assembled peaceably, that the purpose of the meeting was peaceable, that 
 its objects were peaceable, that they delivered the same harangue as before, 
 that the crowd listened, and that not a single act transpired there, previous 
 to the coming of the policemen, by which any man in the audience could be 
 held amenable to law. They assembled there, gentlemen, under the pro- 
 vision of our Constitution, to exercise the right of free speech, to discuss 
 the situation of the workingmen, to discuss the eight-hour question. They 
 assembled there to incidentally discuss what they deemed outrages at 
 McCormick's. No man expected that a bomb would be thrown ; no man 
 expected that any one would be injured at that meeting; but while some of 
 these defendants were there and while this meeting was peaceably in prog- 
 ress, the police, with a devilish design, as we expect to prove, came down 
 upon that body with their revolvers in their hands and pockets, ready for 
 immediate use, intending to destroy the life of every man that stood upon 
 that market square. That seems terrible, gentlemen, but that is the infor- 
 mation which we have and which we expect to show you. We expect to 
 show you further, gentlemen, that the crowd did not fire, that not a single 
 person fired a single shot at the police officers. We expect to show you
 
 482 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 that Mr. Fielden did not have on that night, and never had in his life, a 
 revolver ; that he did not fire, and that that portion of the testimony here is 
 wrong. We expect to show you further, gentlemen, that the witness Gilmer, 
 who testified to having seen Spies light the match which caused the destruc- 
 tion coming from the bomb, is a professional and constitutional liar ; that 
 no man in the city of Chicago who knows him will believe him under oath, 
 and, indeed, I might almost say that it would scarcely need even a witness 
 to show the falsity of his testimony, because it seems to me that it must fall 
 of its own weight. We expect to show you, gentlemen, that Thompson was 
 greatly mistaken ; that on that night Schwab never saw or talked with Mr. 
 Spies ; that he was at the Haymarket early in the evening, but that he left 
 before the meeting began and before he saw Mr. Spies on that evening at 
 all. We expect to show that Mr. Parsons, so far from thinking anything 
 wrong, and Fischer, were quietly seated at Zepf's Hall, drinking, perhaps, a 
 glass of beer at the time the bomb exploded, and that it was as great a sur- 
 prise to them as it was to any of you. We expect to show you that Engel 
 was at home at the time the bomb exploded, and that he knew nothing 
 about it. With the whereabouts of Lingg you are already familiar. It may 
 seem strange why he was manufacturing bombs. The answer to that is, 
 he had a right to have his house full of dynamite. He had a right to have 
 weapons of all descriptions upon his premises, and until he used them, or 
 advised their use, and they were used in pursuance of his advice, he is not 
 liable any more than the man who commits numerous burglaries, the man 
 who commits numerous thefts, who walks the streets, is liable to arrest and 
 punishment only when he commits an act which makes him amenable to 
 law. 
 
 " I did not expect to address you concerning Mr. Neebe, and it is unneces- 
 sary for me to make much comment on that, but we will show you that Mr. 
 Neebe did not know of this meeting, that he was not present, that he was in 
 no manner connected with it, and there is no proof to show that he was. 
 We will also prove to you, gentlemen, that Mr. Fielden did not go down the 
 alley, as some of the witnesses for the State have testified, but that he went 
 down Desplaines Street to Randolph, and up Randolph, as, indeed, if my 
 memory serves me right, the statements made by Mr. Fielden immediately 
 after the occurrence already sufficiently show. 
 
 " Now, gentlemen, in conclusion, as I stated to you a moment ago, we 
 do not intend to defend against Socialism, we do not intend to defend 
 against Anarchism ; we expect to be held responsible for that only which we 
 have done, and to be held in the manner pointed out by law. Under the 
 charge upon which these defendants are held under this indictment, we 
 shall prove to you, and I hope to your entire satisfaction, that a case has 
 not been made out against them. Whether they be Socialists or whether 
 they be Anarchists we hope will not influence any one of you, gentlemen. 
 Whatever they may have preached, or whatever they may have said, or 
 whatever may have been their object, if it was not connected with the 
 throwing of the bomb it is your sworn testimony to acquit them. We ex- 
 pect to make all this proof, and we expect such a result." 
 
 On the Monday following, being the 2d of August, the defense began 
 its testimony. The first witness introduced was CARTER H. HARRISON, then 
 Mayor of Chicago. His evidence was as follows : 

 
 MAYOR HARRISON'S TESTIMONY. 483 
 
 " I am Mayor of the city of Chicago since over seven years. On the 
 4th of May last I was present during a part of the Haymarket meeting so- 
 called. On the day before there was a riot at McCormick's factory, which 
 was represented to me to have grown out of a speech made by Mr. Spies. 
 During the morning of the 4th I received information of the issuance of a 
 circular of a peculiar character and calling for a meeting at the Haymarket 
 that night. I directed the Chief of Police that if anything should be said 
 at that meeting that might call out a recurrence of such proceedings as at 
 McCormick's factory, the meeting should be dispersed. I believed that it 
 was better for myself to be there and disperse the meeting myself instead 
 of leaving it to any policeman. I went to the meeting for the purpose of 
 dispersing it in case I should feel it necessary for the safety of the city. I 
 arrived there about five minutes before eight. There was a large concourse 
 of people about the Haymarket, but it was so long before any speaking 
 commenced that probably two-thirds of the people there assembled left, as 
 it seemed to me. It was about half-past eight when the speaking com- 
 menced and the meeting congregated around Crane's building, or the alley 
 near it. 
 
 " Mr. Spies may have been speaking one or two minutes before I got 
 near enough to hear distinctly what he said. I judge I left the meeting be- 
 tween 10 and 10:05 o'clock that night. I staid to hear Mr. Spies' speech, 
 and I heard all of Mr. Parsons' up to the time I left, with the exception of 
 five or ten minutes, during which I went over to the station. When I judged 
 that Mr. Parsons was looking towards the close of his speech I went over 
 to the station, spoke to Capt. Bonfield, and determined to go home, but in- 
 stead of going immediately I went back to hear a little more ; staid there 
 about five minutes longer and then left. Within about twenty minutes from 
 the time that I left the meeting I heard the sound of the explosion of the 
 bomb at my house. While at the meeting I noticed that I was observed 
 when I struck a match to light my cigar and the full blaze showed my face. 
 I thought Mr. Spies had observed me, as the tone of his speech suddenly 
 changed, but that is mere conjecture. Prior to that change in the tone of 
 Mr. Spies' speech I feared his remarks would force me to disperse the 
 meeting. I was there for that purpose ; that is to say, it was my own de- 
 termination to do it against the will of the police. After that occurrence 
 the general tenor of Spies' speech was such that I remarked to Capt. Bon- 
 field that it was tame." 
 
 " Did anything transpire in the address of either Spies or Parsons, after 
 the incident of the lighting of your cigar to which you have referred, that 
 led you to conclude to take any action in reference to the dispersing of the 
 meeting? " 
 
 The State objected to an answer, and the objection was sustained. 
 
 " I did in fact take no action at the meeting about dispersing it. There 
 were occasional replies from the audience, as ' Shoot him,' ' Hang him' or 
 the like, but I do not think, from the directions in which they came, here 
 and there and around, that there were more than two or three hundred 
 actual sympathizers with the speakers. Several times cries of Hang him' 
 would come from a boy in the outskirts, and the crowd would laugh. I felt 
 that a majority of the crowd were idle spectators, and the replies nearly as 
 much what might be called ' guying ' as absolute applause. Some of the 
 replies were evidently bitter ; they came from immediately around the 
 stand. The audience numbered from eight hundred to one thousand. The
 
 484 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 people in attendance, so far as I could see during the half hour before the 
 speaking commenced, were apparently laborers or mechanics, and the ma- 
 jority of them not English-speaking people mostly Germans. There was 
 no suggestion made by either of the speakers looking toward calling for the 
 immediate use of force or violence toward any person that night ; if there 
 had been I should have dispersed them at once. After I came back from 
 the station Parsons was still speaking, but evidently approaching a close. 
 It was becoming cloudy and looked like threatening rain, and I thought the 
 thing was about over. There was not one-fourth of the crowd that had 
 been there during the evening listening to the speakers at that time. In 
 the crowd I heard a great many Germans use expressions of their being 
 dissatisfied with bringing them there and having this speaking. When I 
 went to the station during Parsons' speech, I stated to Capt. Bonfield that 
 I thought the speeches were about over ; that nothing had occurred yet or 
 looked likely to occur to require interference, and that he had better issue 
 orders to his reserves at the other stations to go home. Bonfield replied 
 that he had reached the same conclusion from reports brought to him, but 
 he thought it would be best to retain the men in the station until the meet- 
 ing broke up, and then referred to a rumor that he had heard that night 
 which he thought would make it necessary for him to keep his men there, 
 which I concurred in. During my attendance of the meeting I saw no 
 weapons at all upon any person." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Harrison stated : 
 
 "The rumor that I referred to was related to me by Capt. Bonfield 
 immediately after my reaching the station. Bonfield told me he had just 
 received information that the Haymarket meeting, or a part of it, would go 
 over to the Milwaukee and St. Paul freight-houses, then filled with 'scabs,' 
 and blow it up. There was also an intimation that this meeting might be 
 held merely to attract the attention of the police to the Haymarket, while the 
 real attack, if any, should be made that night on McCormick's. Those 
 were the contingencies in regard to which I was listening to those speeches. 
 In listening to the speeches, I concluded it was not an organization to 
 destroy property that night, and went home. My order to Bonfield was 
 that the reserves held at the other stations might be sent home, because I 
 learned that all was quiet in the district where McCormick's factory is sit- 
 uated. Bonfield replied he had already ordered the reserves in the other 
 stations to go in their regular order. 
 
 "Bonfield was there, detailed by the Chief of Police, in control of that 
 meeting, together with Capt. Ward. I don't remember of hearing Parsons 
 call ' To arms ! To arms ! To arms ! ' When I speak of a rumor in regard 
 to a possible attack upon McCormick's, the fact is it was not a rumor 
 that came from others, but rather a fear or apprehension on my own part, 
 and it was suggested first by myself that this might be the aim of this 
 meeting. There was a direct statement by Mr. Bonfield to me that he had 
 heard the rumor about the freight-houses." 
 
 BARTON SIMONSON, a traveling salesman -for E. Rothschild & Bros., 
 wholesale clothing, concluded, after taking supper at his mother's house, 
 No. 50 West Ohio Street, to take in the Haymarket meeting, and he went 
 there and remained throughout the proceedings, until the explosion of the 
 bomb. He testified :
 
 BARTON SIMONSON'S TESTIMONY. 485 
 
 " The speakers were northeast from me, in front of Crane Bros', build- 
 ing, a few feet north of the alley. I remember the alley particularly. As 
 far as I remember Spies' speech, he said : ' Please come to order. This 
 meeting is not called to incite any riot.' He then said that McCormick 
 had charged him with the murder of the people at the meeting the night 
 before ; that Mr. McCormick was a liar. McCormick was himself respon- 
 sible. Somebody had opposed his speaking at the meeting near McCor- 
 mick's because he was a Socialist. The people he spoke to were good 
 Christian, church-going people. While he was speaking, McCormick's 
 people had come out. Some of the men and boys had started for them, 
 and had had" some harmless sport throwing stones into the windows, etc. 
 Then he said that some workingmen were shot at and killed by the police. 
 That is as far as my memory goes. 
 
 "Parsons illustrated that the capitalists got the great bulk of the profit 
 out of everything done. I remember in his speech he said: 'To arms! 
 To arms ! To arms ! ' but in what connection I cannot remember. Some- 
 body in the crowd said, 'Shoot' or 'Hang Gould,' and he says, 'No, a 
 great many will jump up and take his place. What Socialism aims at is 
 not the death of individuals, but of the system.' 
 
 " Fielden spoke very loud, and as I had never attended a Socialistic meet- 
 ing before in my life, I thought they were a little wild. Fielden spoke about a 
 Congressman from Ohio who had been elected by the workingmen and con- 
 fessed that no legislation could be enacted in favor of the workingmen ; con- 
 sequently he said there was no use trying to do anything by legislation. 
 After he had talked awhile a dark cloud with cold wind came from the 
 north. Many people had left before, but when the cloud came a great 
 many people left. Somebody said, 'Let's adjourn,' to some place, I can't 
 remember the name of the place. Fielden said he was about through, there 
 was no need of adjourning. He said two or three times, ' Now, in conclu- 
 sion,' or something like that, and I became impatient. Then I heard a 
 commotion and a good deal of noise in the audience, and somebody said, 
 4 Police. ' I looked south and saw a line of police when it was at about the 
 Randolph Street car-tracks. The police moved along until the front of the 
 column got about up to the speakers' wagon. I heard somebody near the 
 wagon say something about dispersing. I saw some persons upon the 
 wagon. I could not tell who they were. About the time that somebody 
 was giving that command to disperse, I distinctly heard two words coming 
 from the vicinity of the wagon or from the wagon. I don't know who 
 uttered them. The words were ' peaceable meeting.' That was a few sec- 
 onds before the explosion of the bomb. As the police marched through the 
 crowd the latter went to the sidewalks on either side, some went north, 
 some few went on Randolph Street east, and some west. I did not hear 
 any such exclamation as ' Here come the bloodhounds of the police ; you 
 do your duty and I'll do mine,' from the locality of the wagon or from Mr. 
 Fielden. I heard nothing of that sort that night. At the time the bomb 
 exploded I was still in my position upon the stairs. A reporter talked to 
 me while I was on those stairs. I remember he went down, and just before 
 the police came he ran up past me again. There was no pistol fired by any 
 person upon the wagon before the bomb exploded. No pistol shots any- 
 where before the explosion of the bomb. Just after the command to dis- 
 perse had been given, I saw a lighted fuse or something I didn't know 
 what it was at the time come up from a point nearly twenty feet south of
 
 486 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the south line of Crane's alley, from about the center of the sidewalk on the 
 east side of the street, from behind some boxes. I am positive it was not 
 thrown from the alley. I first noticed it about six or seven feet in the air, 
 a little above a man's head. It went in a northwest course and up about 
 fifteen feet from the ground, and fell about the middle of the street. The 
 explosion followed almost immediately, possibly within two or three seconds. 
 Something of a cloud of smoke followed the explosion. After the bomb ex- 
 ploded there was pistol-shooting. From my position I could distinctly see 
 the flashes of the pistols. My head was about fifteen feet from the ground. 
 There might have been fifty to one hundred and fifty pistol shots. They 
 proceeded from about the center of where the police were. I did not ob- 
 serve either the flashes of pistol shots or hear the report of any shots from 
 the crowd upon the police prior to the firing by the police. I staid in my 
 position from five to twenty seconds. There was shooting going on in 
 every direction, as well up as down. I could see from the flashes of the 
 pistols that the police were shooting up. The police were not only shoot- 
 ing at the crowd, but I noticed several of them shoot just as they happened 
 to throw their arms. I concluded that my position was possibly more 
 dangerous than down in the crowd, and then I ran down to the foot of the 
 stairs, ran west on the sidewalk on Randolph Street a short distance, and 
 then on the road. A crowd was running in the same direction. I had to 
 jump over a man lying down, and I saw another man fall in front of me 
 about one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet west of Desplaines Street. 
 I took hold of his arm and wanted to help him, but the firing was so lively 
 behind me that I just let go and ran. I was to the rear of the crowd run- 
 ning west, the police still behind us. There were no shots from the direc- 
 tion to which I was running. 
 
 " I am not and have never been a member of any Socialistic party or 
 association. Walking through the crowd before the meeting, I noticed 
 from their appearance that the meeting was composed principally of ordi- 
 nary workingmen, mechanics, etc. The audience listened, and once in 
 awhile there would be yells of 'Shoot. him ! ' ' Hang him ! ' from the audi- 
 ence. I didn't find any difference in the bearing of the crowd during 
 Fielden's speech from what it was during Parsons' or Spies'. In the 
 course of the conversation which I had with Capt. Bonfield at the station 
 before the meeting that night, I asked him about the trouble in the south- 
 western part of the city. He says, ' The trouble there is that these '- 
 whether he used the word Socialists or strikers, I don't know 'get their 
 women and children mixed up with them and around them and in front of 
 them, and we can't get at them. I would like to get three thousand of 
 them in a crowd, without their women and children' and to the best of 
 my recollection he added, 'and I will make short work of them.' I noticed 
 a few women and children at the bottom of the steps where I was. I don't 
 think there were any in the bodv of the crowd around the wagon. At the 
 time the police came up there, I did not observe any women or children." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Simonson said : 
 
 " I have several times visited police stations in the city. I attended a 
 Salvation Army meeting on East Chicago Avenue, and I thought the 
 roughs there interrupted the meeting. I went across to see Capt. Schaack 
 two or three times about it. I was once at the Desplaines Street Station 
 and made complaint against a policeman for abusing an old man, and one
 
 BARTON SIMONSON'S TESTIMONY. 487 
 
 evening I brought there a fellow who asked me for something to get him a 
 lodging on the West Side, and I asked the police to take care of him. 
 And another time, when I heard about the way people who had received 
 lodging at the station were treated there, I went to the station to satisfy 
 myself what was the fact about the matter, and Capt. Ward told me a dif- 
 ferent story. 
 
 "I went to the Haymarket meeting out of curiosity to know what kind 
 of meetings they held, believing that the newspapers ordinarily misrepre- 
 sented such things. I had my impression that the papers had misrepre- 
 sented the meetings of workingmen, not from anything definite I had, but 
 from having seen reports in papers of occurrences I had seen, and, as a 
 rule, they were onesided. I went to the meeting to satisfy myself to 
 prove or disprove my impression. That was one of my reasons for going 
 there. At that conversation with Mr. Bonfield that I testified to, nobody 
 else was present. It was in the main office of Desplaines Street Station. 
 Capt. Ward, I believe, was walking around at the time. There was a good 
 deal of noise in the police station, and we talked quietly. I believe no one 
 else could hear it. I believe it was last fall that I visited the North Side 
 police station in regard to the Salvation Army again. I visited about a 
 half dozen of their meetings. I saw Capt. Schaack at the station. I did 
 not ask him to arrest any people who had disturbed the meeting, nor to 
 arrest the Salvation Army people. I told him that in going to the meet- 
 ing I heard somebody swear a very vicious oath and curse the Salvation 
 Army people. The police were standing within hearing, and the crowd 
 joined in the laugh. I told him it seemed to me that the police ought not 
 to allow anything of that kind. The windows of the Salvation Army were 
 filled with boards. I told Capt. Schaack that it seemed not right that in 
 front of the police station they should do any such thing. He said he 
 would order the boards taken down, and if they wanted protection they 
 could get it. I went another time to Capt. Schaack when some of the Sal- 
 vation Army people were confined in the Bridewell. Mayor Harrison had 
 given me a note to Mr. Felton, telling him to let them go, and I went to 
 Capt. Schaack to tell him that. 
 
 "My recollection is that Fielden said : 'The law is your enemy. Kill 
 it, stab it, throttle it, or it will throttle you.' When the police came, I 
 looked at them and at the crowd. I watched both to some extent. I don't 
 know how many lines of police there were. When I saw them at the Ran- 
 dolph Street tracks, I saw a straight line of police filling the whole street. 
 There was more than one column, but I don't know how many. I was at 
 that time contemplating the question of my own safety. I was looking in 
 the direction of the wagon at the time the bomb was thrown. I didn't see 
 the officer command the meeting to disperse, but heard somebody, in some 
 form, tell the meeting to disperse. The only words I remember to have 
 heard were: 'Command meeting to disperse.' During the delivery 
 of that, or right after it, I heard somebody say something, of which I caught 
 the two words, 'Peaceable meeting.' The first column of police were 
 standing on about a line with the north line of the alley. I don't know 
 where the other columns were with reference to where the bomb exploded. 
 I only saw the police in a large body march out. It looked to me at the 
 time as if the bomb struck the ground and exploded just a little behind the 
 front line of police. I saw policemen behind the first line of police, but I 
 did not distinguish the columns. I don't know whether the bomb exploded
 
 488 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 directl)' behind the front line, or between the second and the third or third 
 and fourth lines. 
 
 " The firing began from the police, right in the center of the street. I 
 did not see a single shot fired from the crowd on either side of the street. 
 I didn't know what became of the men in the wagon. I don't think there 
 were any shots fired in the neighborhood of the wagon. I was not looking 
 at the wagon all the time, but was looking over the scene in general. If 
 you got up on a place as high as I was, and it was dark, you could see 
 every flash ; the flashes show themselves immediately when they are out of 
 the revolver, on a dark night. The scene impressed itself so upon me that 
 now, looking back, I see it as I did then. Looking at where the bomb ex- 
 ploded, I could not help looking toward the wagon, too. My impression is, 
 the boxes on the opposite side of the street were from two to four feet high. 
 I have been at the Haymarket to look over the ground, several times since 
 the 4th of May, so as to get an idea of the dimensions of the thing. I went 
 there of my own volition ; nobody asked me to go there. It was on my way 
 to mother's house. I am employed by Rothschild Brothers, on commission." 
 
 When this witness returned to the store, the firm by whom he was em- 
 ployed at once discharged him, saying that he was one of the worst Anarch- 
 ists in the city and they had no use for him. 
 
 JOHN FERGUSON, a resident of Chicago for seventeen years, and in the 
 cloak business, passed the Haymarket, and, noticing a crowd there, stopped 
 to listen to the speeches. He was accompanied by an acquaintance. They 
 stood at the Randolph Street crossing and listened about fifteen minutes to 
 Parsons' speech. Said the witness : 
 
 "We could hear all of the speaking plainly, from where we stood, as the 
 speakers were facing Randolph Street. During his speech, when he men- 
 tioned Jay Gould's name, somebody said : ' Throw him in the lake ; ' and a 
 man standing almost in front of me took his pipe from his mouth and hal- 
 loaed out : ' Hang him.' Parsons replied that would do no good ; a dozen 
 more Jay Goulds would spring up in his place. ' Socialism aims not at the 
 life of individuals, but at the system.' I didn't hear any other responses 
 from the crowd than those I mentioned. After Parsons concluded, another 
 gentleman got up and began speaking about Congressman Foran. After a 
 few minutes I saw quite a storm cloud come up. Some one interrupted the 
 speaker with the remark : ' There is a prospect of immediate storm, and 
 those of you who wish to continue the meeting can adjourn to ' some hall, 
 I don't remember the name of it ; but the speaker, resuming, said : ' I 
 haven't but two or three words more to say, and then you can go home.' I 
 walked away from the meeting, across Randolph Street to the southwest 
 corner. There I saw the police rush out from the station in a body. They 
 whirled into the street and came down very rapidly toward us. The gen- 
 tleman in command of the police was swinging his arm and told them to 
 hurry up. After they had passed us we turned to walk south toward the 
 station, and we heard a slight report, something like breaking boards, or like 
 slapping a brick down on the pavement. We turned, and we had just about 
 faced around, looking at the crowd, when we saw a fire flying out about six 
 or eight feet above the heads of the crowd and falling down pretty near the 
 center of the street. It was all dark for almost a second, perhaps, then 
 there was a deafening roar. Then almost instantly we saw flashes from
 
 LUDWIG ZELLERS TESTIMONY. 489 
 
 toward the middle of the street, south of Randolph on Desplaines, and 
 heard reports. That side of the street where the crowd was was dark. 
 At that time there did not appear to be any light there. Then we hurried 
 away. I did not see any flashes from either side of the street. The majority 
 of the crowd had gone away on the appearance of the approaching storm. 
 The crowd was very orderly, as orderly a meeting as I ever saw anywhere 
 in the street. 
 
 "It could not have been longer than five minutes from the time that 
 Fielden said, 'We will be through in a short time,' that the police marched 
 down the street. I am not a Socialist, nor an Anarchist, nor a Communist; 
 I don't know anything about what those terms mean." 
 
 LUDWIG ZELLER went to the meeting about a quarter past ten, and took 
 a position at a lamp-post near Crane's alley. A few minutes thereafter the 
 police came, and when they passed him he heard the command of the Cap- 
 tain, but heard no reply from anybody on the wagon or near the wagon. 
 
 " I turned and went south to Randolph Street, and in turning I saw a 
 light go through the air about six, or eight, or ten feet south of the lamp. 
 It went in a northwesterly direction, right into the middle of the street and 
 in the middle of the police ; then I heard an explosion and shooting, and I 
 tried to get out, because there were a great many men falling around me, 
 and a few were crying. I turned the corner on Randolph Street east 
 toward Clinton. A great many people were running in the same direction ; 
 men were falling before me and on the side of me. I heard shooting imme- 
 diately upon the explosion of the bomb. The shots came from behind me 
 while I ran. The shots came from the center of the street, from north and 
 northwest of me. 
 
 "On Sunday, May 2d, I was present at a meeting of the Central Labor 
 Union as a delegate from the Cigar-makers' Union, No. 15. The delegates 
 of the Lumber-shovers' Union at that meeting requested me, as a member 
 of the agitation committee, to send a speaker to a meeting of the Lumber- 
 shovers' Union to be held on Monday, May 3d, at the Black Road. They 
 wanted a good speaker, who could keep the meeting quiet and orderly. In 
 the afternoon of the same day we had another meeting of the Central Labor 
 Union, at which Mr. Spies was present as a reporter of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, 
 and I told him personally to go out to the meeting of the Lumber-shovers' 
 Union and speak in the name of the Central Labor Union. The Central 
 Labor Union is a body composed of delegates from about twenty-five or 
 thirty different labor unions of the city. The Lumber-shovers' Union is 
 represented in the Central Labor Union by delegates. There are from 
 fifteen to sixteen thousand laborers represented by those unions. The 
 agitation committee to which I belonged was for the purpose of organizing 
 different branches of trade who had no eight-hour organization at that time. 
 I did not notice any firing back from the crowd at the police, either on Des- 
 plaines Street or Randolph Street." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Zeller stated : 
 
 " Since last December, I don't belong to any group. Prior to that I was 
 a member of the group ' Freiheit,' which used to meet on Sherman Street. 
 I only attended three meetings of that group. We had no numbers. I am 
 not an Anarchist. I am a Socialist.
 
 490 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " I was standing about five or six feet south of that alley. I saw the 
 fuse about eight or ten feet south of me. I didn't know what it was. I saw 
 behind that fuse something dark, but I couldn't distinguish what it was. 
 I was only looking where it was going. I cannot say what kind of looking 
 thing it was ; it seems to me it was more round, and about as big as a base- 
 ball. I cannot say who fired first after the bomb went off. I can't say 
 exactly whether the police fired I didn't see. On the wagon I only recog- 
 nized Fielden. I was too far away from the wagon, and it was dark. The 
 gas-light was lighted. I didn't see anybody put it out. " 
 
 Carl Richter and F. Liebel gave practical!)' similar stories of the riot. 
 The point which the defense seemed to wish to bring out in their testimony 
 was that the gravamen lay rather with the police than with the Anarchists. 
 They swore that, although standing close to the famous wagon, they had 
 heard nothing about ' ' bloodhounds. " 
 
 Along this line, also, was the evidence of Dr. James D. Taylor, who gave 
 a practically identical account of the explosion. This gentleman, however, 
 seemed to be certain that the police had attacked the crowd. He had ex- 
 amined the scene of the riot on the next day and found that the bullet 
 marks on the buildings came chiefly from the direction from which the 
 police had charged. Quite a point was made by the Anarchists upon the 
 fact that a telegraph pole, which was said to have thoroughly borne out Dr. 
 Taylor's testimony, had disappeared from the Haymarket. It was insinuated 
 that the prosecution had made away with this pole. The fact was that the 
 pole had been very prosaically, and in the common course of business, re- 
 moved by the telegraph company. 
 
 Frank Stenner, Joseph Gutscher and Frank Raab gave their memories 
 of the riot, all agreeing closely with the theory of the defense. Wm. Urban, 
 a compositor on the Ar better- Zeitung, after telling the same story, swore that 
 he saw something shining which he believed were revolvers in the 
 hands of the police as they came up toward the meeting. The story of the 
 explosion and the murder of the police, from the Anarchists' point of view, 
 was also detailed by Wm. Gleason, Wm. Sahl, Eberhard Hierzemenzel, 
 Conrad Messer and August Krumm. This last witness, Krumm, also testi- 
 fied that he was lighting his pipe, in company with another man, in Crane's 
 alley, at the time that the bomb was thrown, which, it will be remembered, 
 Gilmer swore had been fired in this alley by Spies and Schnaubelt and 
 Krumm declared that there was nobody in that little thoroughfare then save 
 his friend and himself. 
 
 This was not the only attack on Gilmer's veracity. Lucius M. Moses 
 had known Harry Gilmer six or seven years and would not believe him on 
 oath. John O. Brixey stated on the stand that Gilmer's reputation was bad 
 and that he was not worthy of belief. John Garrick, an ex-deputy sheriff, 
 knew Gilmer and would not believe him on oath. Mrs. B. P. Lee was an- 
 other who had no confidence in Gilmer's truth and veracity.
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Malkoff's Testimony A Nihilist's Correspondence More about the 
 Wagon Spies' Brother A Witness who Contradicts Himself Printing the Revenge 
 Circular Lizzie Holmes' Inflammatory Essay " Have You a Match About Yon? " 
 The Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand An Anarchist's Autobiography The Red Flag 
 the Symbol of Freedom The " Peaceable " Meeting Fielden's Opinion of the Alarm 
 " Throttling the Law" Expecting Arrest More about Gilmer. 
 
 THE evidence so far produced for the defendants showed that their 
 counsel had done everything possible in their efforts to offset the 
 damaging testimony of the State. They proved themselves not only fertile 
 in resources, but ingenious in the selection of witnesses and in the manner 
 of presenting their points before the jury. It was no fault of theirs that 
 they failed to make "the worse appear the better reason." They labored 
 incessantly for the cause of their clients, and they certainly called the best 
 witnesses that could be found among the Anarchists and their sympathizers. 
 
 ROBERT LINDINGER lived with Carl Richter and accompanied him to the 
 Haymarket meeting. He stood at the mouth of the alley and saw at the 
 meeting Spies, Parsons and Fielden. He did not see the gentleman on 
 trial (indicating Schwab) ; had never seen him before in his life, and he 
 (Schwab) was not on the wagon when Spies was there. He did not hear any- 
 body say, " Here come the bloodhounds," etc., saw no one in the crowd fire 
 any shots, and saw no pistol in Fielden's hand. Witness was a cornice- 
 maker, and had been in ' the country about three years. He was not a 
 Socialist, but read the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 
 WILLIAM ALBRIGHT, who stood in the alley with Krumm, stated sub- 
 stantially the same facts as given by his companion. 
 
 M. D. MALKOFF, a reporter for the Arbeiter-Zeitung, up to the 5th of 
 May, saw Parsons at Zepf's Hall from five to ten minutes before the ex- 
 plosion of the bomb. Said he : 
 
 "He was sitting at the window, north of the entrance door, in company 
 with Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The saloon was pretty crowded at 
 that time. I spoke with Mr. Allen about these parties. I think Mrs. 
 Holmes was standing and Mrs. Parsons was sitting on the window-sill right 
 on the side of Mr. Parsons. I saw them there when I heard the explosion 
 of the bomb." 
 
 On cross-examination Mr. Malkoff said : 
 
 "I have been five years in the country ; in Chicago about two years and 
 a half. When I first came to the country, I was private teacher of the 
 Russian language in Brooklyn. I taught Paesig, the editor of the Brooklyn 
 Freie Presse. He is not a revolutionist ; his paper is not a revolutionary one. 
 Then I went to Little Rock for about half a year, working as a printer for 
 the Arkansas Staats-Zeitung. Then I went to St. Louis for about three
 
 492 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 months, found no work there, and came to Chicago. I had no letter of 
 introduction to Spies when I came here. I had obtained my position at 
 Little Rock through a letter of introduction from Mr. Spies, whom I knew 
 by some correspondence in regard to a novel which Mr. Paesig and I trans- 
 lated and sold to the Arbeiter-Zeitung. It was not a revolutionary novel. I 
 did not get that letter of introduction from Mr. Spies through Herr Most. 
 I have seen Most, but don't know him personally. I know Justus Schwab. 
 I did not live with him, but had letters directed to his care. When I came 
 to Chicago I went directly to Spies. For about half a year I was without 
 employment ; then, for a year and a half, up to May 4th, I was reporter on 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung. I roomed with Balthasar Rau for about four months ; 
 part of that time was after the Haymarket meeting. I had been at Zepf's 
 Hall for more than an hour before I heard the bomb explode, part of the 
 time in the saloon, part of the time attending the meeting up-stairs. When 
 I came down again in the saloon it was a good half hour before the bomb 
 exploded. I was there alone, standing near the counter, where I had one 
 glass of beer. When I was talking with Mr. Allen, we stood on the floor 
 between the stove and the bar. 
 
 "When the bomb exploded we made a few steps toward the rear. Mr. 
 Allen thought it was a Gatling gun ; it sounded like a Gatling gun. A few 
 seconds after that the shooting began, and a good many people came to 
 the hall. A good many had been there before that. When the crowd came, 
 we rushed out the back door. 
 
 " I did not belong to any Nihilistic organization in Russia. I was not a 
 Nihilist in Russia. I am not in this country as the agent of the Nihilists, 
 or any other society in Russia. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist 
 because I was a Russian, that is all. This letter here (indicating) is in my 
 handwriting, and has my signature at the bottom. I don't remember to 
 whom I wrote it. I am now working for the Moscow Gazette, an illustrated 
 paper." 
 
 A translation of the letter heretofore referred to was introduced in evi- 
 dence, as follows : 
 
 DEAR MR. EDITOR: The articles I send you herewith you may read, put them into 
 proper form, and, if you consider them competent, reprint them in one of your papers. I 
 have also nearly completed a very interesting article treating of the secret revolutionary 
 societies of Russia, in the so-called Dekabrists that is, of 1820 to 1830. I have also 
 another one in my thoughts, but, being out of work, and having no dwelling-place, it is 
 entirely impossible to give even a few hours daily to writing. You see, I am writing in 
 German, which I can do i. e., I translate every sentence, word for word, from the Russian. 
 You have in this connection the not easy task to set the corrupted German right. I hope 
 you will pardon me for this. At the time I came over here I did not understand one 
 German word. Thanks to Wassilisson, which I translated with the help of a dictionary, I 
 have learned this little. For your letter I am very thankful to you. I would, of course, fol- 
 low your accommodating invitation, and would have left New York long ago, but unfortun- 
 ately it does not depend upon me. I am a proletarian in the fullest sense of the word, and 
 a proletarian is not favored to put his ideas into execution. 
 
 Respectfully, MICHAEL MALKOFF. 
 Care of J. H. Schwab, 50 First Street, New York. Written on the aad of October, 1883. 
 
 WILLIAM A. PATTERSON, a printer, attended the meeting at No. 107 
 Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4, in response to an advertisement in
 
 THE DYNAMITE CLOSET. 493 
 
 the Daily News, and said it was for the purpose of organizing the working 
 women of Chicago. While there, a telephone message came for a speaker 
 at Deering, and a clerk in the office answered it. That was a little after 
 eight o'clock. They wanted a German speaker, and Schwab's name was 
 mentioned. After that, witness said, he did not see Schwab. There was 
 also a call for speakers at the Haymarket. Those present at the Fifth 
 Avenue meeting were Parsons, Fielden, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes, 
 Schwab, Waldo, Brown, Snyder and some others. 
 
 HENRY LINDEMEYER, a mason, testified through an interpreter. He 
 occasionally did calcimining, and, while working at that in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, had occasion to place some things on a shelf in the closet off the 
 editorial room. He missed a brush, and looked for it on a shelf in that 
 closet. He found some papers, which he took down, but he did not find 
 his brush. "I found," said he, "no bundle, no large package, no dynamite 
 on the shelf. Saw no indication of greasiness there." 
 
 On cross-examination he testified : 
 
 " I have known Spies for seven or eight years. I am on the bond of his 
 brother, who is charged with conspiracy growing out of the Haymarket 
 trouble. I have known Schwab three or four years. Saw him at public 
 meetings, at Turner Hall and other halls. I saw Spies nearly every day. 
 He lives in my neighborhood since quite a time. I have been a subscriber 
 to the Arbeiter-Zeitung since it is in existence. The closet was in the south- 
 east part of the room, about four or five feet square, and about eleven or 
 twelve feet high, as high as the room. There was only one shelf in the 
 closet. There was a wash-stand in there, under which I kept some things. 
 I had calcimined that room a few weeks before. On the 2d of May I cal- 
 cimined the upper floor. On the 5th of May I calcimined the library. I 
 left my things in the closet from the 2d to the forenoon of the 5th of May. 
 When the police came I took them to some other place. The things I left 
 in that closet were my working-clothes and my tools. My hat and my vest 
 I had on the upper part of the shelf, and the rest on the floor. When I 
 examined the shelf, I found nothing but a small package of papers, cover- 
 ing as much space as the size of an open paper, occupying about one-quar- 
 ter of the shelf. I didn't feel on the bottom of the shelf to see if there was 
 any grease on it. There was no grease on there ; else I wouldn't have put 
 my clothes there. The shelf was about six feet from the ground." 
 
 EDWARD LEHNERT, testifying through an interpreter, said : 
 
 "I know Schnaubelt, and saw him at the Haymarket that night about 
 ten o'clock. I was standing on the west side of Desplaines Street, about 
 thirty paces from Randolph, about twenty paces south of the wagon. I saw 
 Schnaubelt about the time when it grew dark and cloudy. I had a conver- 
 sation with him at that time, at the place where I stood. The speaking 
 was still going on. It was before the bomb exploded. August Krueger 
 was present. I mean Rudolph Schnaubelt, this man (indicating photograph 
 of Schnaubelt)." 
 
 "What was the conversation? ' 
 The State objected.
 
 494 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Mr. Zeisler "We offer to show by this witness that Schnaubelt stated 
 to Lehnert that he did not understand English ; that he had expected a 
 German speaker would be present ; that no one was present who spoke 
 German except Spies ; that Spies had already made an English speech, and 
 that he did not want to stay any longer, and asked Lehnert if he would go 
 along ; that Lehnert thereupon said he did not go in the same direction ; 
 and that then Schnaubelt went away with another party. We have been 
 able to trace Schnaubelt only for a short distance on his way home. We 
 offer this conversation with Lehnert for the purpose of explaining Mr. 
 Schnaubelt's movements after meeting Lehnert." 
 
 The objection was sustained. 
 
 WILLIAM SNYDER, indicted for conspiracy in connection with the Hay- 
 market riot, and in jail since the 8th of May, said : 
 
 " I am a Socialist, a member of the American group of the Inter- 
 nationale since it was organized. I am acquainted with all the defendants 
 except Lingg. I saw Parsons and Fielden on Tuesday night, May 4 last, 
 at the Arbeiter-Zeitung building on Fifth Avenue. I had gone there pur- 
 suant to a notice of a meeting of the American group in the paper. I knew 
 nothing of this meeting of the group before I read the notice in the paper. 
 The meeting was called to order about half-past eight. Before that we had 
 waited for some time for Mr. and Mrs. Parsons. They finally came about 
 half-past eight. I was elected chairman. I asked the purpose for which 
 the meeting was called. The general topic of consideration was to get 
 money from the treasury for the purpose of furthering the organization of 
 the sewing girls of this city through Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The 
 meeting lasted about half an hour ; then nearly all of us went over to the 
 Haymarket meeting. I don't remember seeing Schwab at that meeting. 
 We walked over." Witness got on the wagon and when the police came, he 
 said, he got down first in front of Fielden. Fielden did not shoot; he 
 would have killed me if he had shot; I was south of him." They both 
 started for the alley, and there witness lost sight of Fielden. He heard no 
 reference to bloodhounds and saw no one shooting except the police. 
 
 On cross-examination Snyder said : 
 
 " I used to make addresses to the working people. Never missed an 
 opportunity to show the injustice which they are laboring under. I have 
 been chairman of the American group ; addressed meetings of the group 
 from time to time. I never talked to people on the lake front. I read the 
 Alarm every time it came out." 
 
 " How long have you been a Socialist ? " 
 
 " Well, I was born one." 
 
 THOMAS BROWN, arrested for conspiracy, belonged to the Internationale 
 for about a year and a half, and after Parsons had spoken at the Haymarket 
 he and Parsons went to Zepf's saloon. When the bomb exploded, they 
 were sitting there at a table. Fischer was there at the time. On cross- 
 examination Brown said : 
 
 " I was born in Ireland ; came to this country some thirty-four years ago. 
 The first organization of Socialists I joined was in the city of Chicago, about 
 1881. I did not know Parsons at that time. I became acquainted with
 
 HENRY SPIES' TESTIMONY. 495 
 
 Parsons about two or two and a half years ago. When the bomb exploded, 
 Parsons and I jumped up. I did not go out with Parsons from the rear 
 door. I did not go out until some time after the explosion. I next saw 
 Parsons on the corner of Kinzie and Desplaines Streets, when he was with 
 Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. Parsons asked me what I would do in his 
 case. We separated on the corner. I went north, and I think Parsons went 
 east." 
 
 " What was the conversation you had with Parsons ? " 
 "I told him I would leave for a while, under the circumstances. He 
 said : 'What do you think I had better do?' I told him : 'Suit yourself, 
 you are your own boss. You must use your own judgment.' I then loaned 
 him five dollars. Parsons did not say to me that he could not get away 
 because he had no money. He simply asked me for five dollars, and I lent 
 it to him. I did not state to the State's Attorney, at the Central Station, in 
 the presence of Mr. Furthmann, James Bonfield, Lieut. Shea and others, 
 that Parsons had said he had no money to get away with ; that I advised 
 him to go, and that I would lend him five dollars. I used to buy the Alarm 
 every time it came out, and used to read it. I had stock in the paper." 
 
 HENRY W. SPIES, a cigar manufacturer, brother of the defendant, went 
 to the Haymarket with his brother. When his brother got off the wagon to 
 hunt for Parsons, they went in a northwesterly direction from the wagon, 
 but Schwab was not there. 
 
 " Schnaubelt and my brother went together, and I and Legner followed 
 right behind them. After asking, ' Is Parsons here? ' and descending from 
 the wagon, August did not go in the direction of Crane's Alley, nor into 
 Crane's Alley. He went as far as Union Street, and in fact got down on the 
 side of the wagon, pretty near the middle of it. Just at that time the ex- 
 plosion took place. I asked him what it was. He said, ' They have got a 
 Gatling gun down there,' and at the same time, as he jumped, somebody 
 jumped behind him with a weapon, right by his back, and I grabbed it, and 
 in warding off the pistol from my brother I was shot. I don't know who did 
 the shooting. I didn't see August any more until I went home. I went to 
 Zepf's Hall, though, and inquired for him. August did not leave the wagon 
 about the time the police came, or at any time, and go into the alley. Leg- 
 ner and myself helped him off the wagon just as the explosion came. The 
 firing came from the street." 
 
 On cross-examination the witness testified : 
 
 " On the 6th of May I was arrested at my house by Officers Whalen and 
 Loewenstein. I told them when the bomb exploded I was at Zepf's Hall, 
 walked out and was shot in the door. I told them I was not at the Hay- 
 market at all, from beginning to end. That was not true when I told it to 
 them. I lied to them. I have told the truth now, when I was under oath. 
 I was afterwards brought down to the Central Station, about the gth or loth 
 of May. I was there interrogated by either Mr. Grinnell or Mr. Furthmann, 
 in the presence of Lieuts. Shea and Kipley. I was asked .whether I was a 
 Socialist. I don't believe I said I was not. I asked whether you could tell 
 me what a Socialist was. I. said I had been on business at Zepf's saloon, 
 which is a fact. I told you that I was down there for the purpose of collect- 
 ing a bill. That was true when I said it. I also told you I was down there 
 and did a large dealing in cigars. I also stated at that time and place that
 
 4 g6 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 I was not at the Haymarket from the beginning, but was in Zepf's saloon, 
 and was shot when I came out of the door at Zepf's. I also said that I did 
 not see my brother that evening until he called at the house and asked me 
 if I had a good physician. I now state that what I then said about that was 
 not the truth. I was not under oath then, and I knew the treatment which 
 my brothers had found." 
 
 AUGUST KnuEGERsaid: 
 
 " I saw there the man represented on this picture (Schnaubelt). When 
 I saw him I was standing with Mr. Lehnert on the west side of Desplaines 
 Street, about thirty to forty feet north of Randolph. I saw that man about 
 ten o'clock ; he came from the northeast. I didn't know at the time what 
 his name was, although I knew him well. Mr. Furthmann since told me his 
 name is Schnaubelt. Schnaubelt stayed there about five minutes. He 
 wanted to go home, and wanted me to go along, and I went with him down 
 on Randolph Street to Clinton. There I left him ; he went further east on 
 Randolph Street, and I turned north on Clinton Street. This is the last I 
 saw of Schnaubelt. I walked down Milwaukee Avenue and went to Engel's 
 house. I reached it about fifteen minutes past ten I don't remember 
 exactly. Mr. and Mrs. Engel were there. I stayed there and drank a pint 
 of beer. Later Gottfried Waller came in and said he came from the Hay- 
 market, and that 300 men were shot by the police, and we ought to go down 
 there and do something. Engel said whoever threw that bomb did a fool- 
 ish thing ; it was nonsense, and he didn't sympathize with such a butchery, 
 and he told Waller he had better go home as quick as possible." 
 
 On cross-examination Krueger said he was known as " Little Krueger." 
 
 "I am an Anarchist. I was arrested for a day at the North Side sta- 
 tion. I had a conversation there with Capt. Schaack and Mr. Furthmann. 
 I was shown a picture of Schnaubelt at that time. I was asked whether I 
 had ever seen that man. I don't know whether I answered, ' I might have 
 seen him,' or what I answered. I know I had seen him. There were sev- 
 eral other officers present at the conversation ; I don't know their names. 
 I told Mr. Furthmann there that I was not at the Haymarket; I told him 
 I was at Engel's house. I don't remember what I stated in regard to the 
 time when I got to Engel's house. It may be that I told him that I got to 
 Engel's house at nine o'clock and staid there until eleven, but I don't 
 remember." 
 
 ALBERT PRUESSER stated that he telephoned three times to the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung for a speaker for the meeting at Lake View. The committee from 
 the Deering factory wanted Spies. Witness was told that Spies could not 
 come, and he said it would make no difference if they sent some one else. 
 A quarter of an hour later he telephoned again and received a reply that 
 Schwab was on the way. He went to meet Schwab at the Clybourn Ave- 
 nue car. He met him on the rear platform of the car. That was half past 
 nine o'clock, or twenty minutes to ten. They went to Radtke's saloon, 888 
 Clybourn Avenue, remained there ten minutes, and then Schwab went to 
 the prairie and spoke. He spoke about twenty minutes. When he got 
 through they went and had lunch and beer at Schilling's saloon. Schwab
 
 MRS. HOLMES ON THE STAND. 497 
 
 then took a car for the city. It takes forty-five minutes to reach the corner 
 of Clark and Washington Streets, and ten minutes to the Haymarket if there 
 is no interruption. On cross-examination Pruesser stated that he had been 
 a carrier for the Arbeiter-Zeitung for a time. 
 
 JOHANN GRUENEBERG testified that he was an intimate friend of Fischer's. 
 He went to the printing establishment of Wehrer & Klein at Fischer's re- 
 quest and got some circulars with the line : " Workingmen, arm yourselves 
 and come in full force." He took them to the compositors' room in the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung and then took some down to Spies. Fischer, Spies and 
 witness had some conversation, and then he took an order from Fischer to 
 Wehrer & Klein to leave out that line. On cross-examination Grueneberg 
 stated : 
 
 " I came to this country from Germany four years ago. I have lived in 
 Chicago two years. I am a carpenter." 
 
 " Where did the armed section of the Northwest group drill ? " 
 
 " I don't know an armed section of the Northwest group. I don't know 
 of a single time that the Northwest group drilled. I know of a paper called 
 the Anarchist. I distributed it three or four times. I saw Fischer on Mon- 
 day, May 3, between five and half-past five, at the Arbeiter-Zeitung, in the 
 compositors' room. I did not see Fischer at any other place on Monday. 
 I saw him on Sunday afternoon at my house, 570 West Superior Street. I 
 did not see him Sunday morning at any place." 
 
 " Were you at home all the morning yourself ? " 
 
 The defense objected to this question. 
 
 The Court " You have put this witness on the stand for the purpose of 
 showing a thing was taken out, a particular circular. Whether he has told 
 that thing as it occurred depends in some degree upon what his associa- 
 tions, feelings, inclinations, biases are in reference to the whole business." 
 
 Mr. Black "Whether he has told the truth in regard to that depends 
 upon his bias and inclinations? " 
 
 The Court "Whether it is to be believed I don't mean whether he 
 has told the truth." 
 
 " I don't remember whether I was home on that Sunday morning," con- 
 tinued the witness. " I was not on Emma Street that Sunday morning. I 
 have known Spies a year and a half ; saw him at the Arbeiter-Zeitung and 
 at several Socialistic meetings ; once at our group, the other times I don't 
 remember where. I have known Neebe for a short time by sight. I have 
 known Schwab as long as Spies ; saw him at our group. He did not belong 
 to the group. He made a speech once every few months. I know Lingg 
 since the ist of May. I met him at the Carpenters' Union, not any other 
 place." 
 
 MRS. LIZZIE MAY HOLMES, assistant editor of the Alarm for about a 
 year, detailed what transpired at the meeting of the American group on 
 Tuesday evening, May 4th, and stated that she, in company with Mr. and 
 Mrs. Parsons and Mr. Brown, went to the Haymarket. Subsequently they 
 went to Zepf's Hall. She could not say just where Parsons was in the 
 saloon when the explosion occurred. She had not heard of the word 
 "Ruhe" at the meeting Tuesday evening.
 
 498 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 On cross-examination she said : 
 
 " My name has been Holmes since November 26th last. Before that 
 my name was Swank. All articles in the Alarm under which the initials 
 L. M. S. appear are my articles. I wrote an article under date of April 
 23d, 1886, headed, 'It is Coming.' I meant it in the same way that any 
 prophet means anything, judging from events of past history. I was a 
 member of the American group of the Internationale. That night I 
 went home with Mrs. Parsons and staid there over night. Mr. Parsons 
 did not go home that night. I left him on the corner of Kinzie. I am an 
 Anarchist as I understand Anarchy. I have known Spies about three 
 years, Fielden about four years. The latter was a stockholder in the paper, 
 and I believe complaints were directed to him. I was sometimes absent 
 for a whole week from the Arbeiter-Zeitung building. I wrote my articles 
 at home and at various places. I don't think I have ever been at the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung building more than six or eight times. I can't remember 
 where the Bureau of Information for the Internationale was. I suppose 
 it was in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 
 " I never advocated arson, or advised persons to commit arson in my 
 life. I wrote the article entitled ' Notice to Tramps,' in the April 24th 
 number of the Alarm, which reads : 
 
 " In a beautiful town, not far from Chicago, lives a large class of cultivated, well-informed 
 people. They have Shakespeare, Lowell, Longfellow and Whittier at their tongues' ends, 
 and are posted in history and grow enthusiastic over the wickedness of the safely abolished 
 institutions of the past. They say eloquent things about old fugitive slave laws, etc., which 
 made it criminal to feed and shelter a starving human being if he were black. Posted at the 
 roadside, in the hotels and stores, is a ' Notice to Tramps,' an abominable document which 
 compares well with the old notices to runaway negroes which used to deface similar buildings. 
 It is against the law to feed a tramp. You are liable to a fine if you give a cup of coffee and 
 a piece of bread to a fellow-man who needs it and asks you for it. This is a Christian- com- 
 munity, under the flag of the free. Look out, you wretched slaves. If, after toiling through 
 your best years, you are suddenly thrown out of a job along with thousands of others, do not 
 start out to hunt for work, for you will strike plenty of such towns as this. You must not 
 walk from town to town. You must not stay where you are in idleness you must move on. 
 You must not ride you have no money, and those tracks and cars you helped to build are 
 not for such as you. You must not ask for anything to eat, or a place to sleep. You must 
 not lie down and die, for then you would shock people's morals. What are you to do ? 
 Great heavens! Jump into the lake ? Fly up into the air ? Or stay have you a match 
 about you ? " 
 
 " I wrote that article deliberately; it speaks for itself. I don't think it 
 needs any explanation from me." 
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN was then put on the witness-stand and testified in his 
 own behalf as follows : 
 
 "On May 4th last I took a load of stone to Waldheim Cemetery. I 
 had engaged to speak that night at 268 Twelfth Street, and intended to go 
 there. When I got home in the evening I bought a copy of the Daily News 
 and there saw the announcement of a meeting of the American group to 
 be held at 107 Fifth Avenue, that night. I believe it said important busi- 
 ness. I was the treasurer of the American group, and as such had all the 
 money it was worth. We should have had our semi-annnal election the 
 Sunday previous ; besides, I thought that some money would be wanted, 
 as important business was announced, so I determined to go to that meet- 
 ing instead of to the meeting at which I had engaged to speak. I arrived 
 at 107 Fifth Avenue about ten minutes before eight. I was there when
 
 FIELDEN ON THE STAND. 499 
 
 some telephoning was done with reference to the Deering meeting. The 
 witnesses who have detailed that occurrence are substantially correct. After 
 I had entered the room I asked what the meeting was called for, and a 
 gentleman named Patterson, who was not a member of our organization, 
 showed me a hand-bill, which did not call that meeting, but had reference 
 to the organization of the sewing women. I paid, as treasurer, five dollars 
 to those who had laid out the costs of printing those hand-bills, and who 
 might need a little money for car-fare in going around to hire halls, and 
 other incidental expenses. Schwab must have left there about ten or 
 iifteen minutes past eight. During the progress of the meeting a request 
 was received from the Haymarket meeting for speakers, in response to which 
 Parsons and I went over. Mr. Parsons, I believe, brought his two children 
 down-stairs and gave them a drink of water in the saloon ; then we walked 
 together through the tunnel, and from about the west end of the tunnel I 
 walked with Mr. Snyder, with whom I had a conversation. Spies spoke 
 about five minutes longer after we had arrived there ; then he introduced 
 Mr. Parsons. During Parsons' speech I was on the wagon. After he con- 
 cluded I was introdcced by Mr. Spies to make a short speech. I did not 
 wish to speak, but Mr. Spies urged me, and I did speak about twenty 
 minutes. I referred to some adverse criticism of the Socialists by an even- 
 ing paper, which had called the Socialists cowards and other uncompli- 
 mentary names, and I told the audience that that was not true ; that the 
 Socialists were true to the interests of the laboring classes and would continue 
 to advocate the rights of labor. I then spoke briefly of the condition 
 of labor. I referred to the classes of people who were continually posing 
 as labor reformers for their own benefit, and who had never done anything 
 to benefit the laboring classes, but had at all times approved the cause of 
 labor, in order to get themselves into office. To substantiate this, I cited 
 the case of Martin Foran, who, in a speech in Congress on the arbitration 
 bill that was brought in by the labor committee, had stated that the working 
 classes of this country could get nothing through legislation in Congress, 
 and that only when the rich men of this country understood that it was 
 dangerous 'to live in a community where there were dissatisfied people 
 would the labor problem be solved. Somebody in the audience cried out, 
 4 That is not true,' or ' That is a lie. ' Then I went over it again, adding 
 words like these : That here was a man who had been on the spot for 
 years, had experience, and knew what could be done there, and this was 
 his testimony. It was not the testimony of a Socialist. Then I went on to 
 state that under such circumstances the only way in which the working 
 people could get any satisfaction from the gradually decreasing opportuni- 
 ties for their living the only thing they could do with the law would be 
 to throttle it. I used that word in a figurative sense. I said they should 
 throttle it, because it was an expensive article to them and could do them 
 no good. I then stated that men were working all their lifetime, their 
 love for their families influencing them to put forth all their efforts, that 
 their children might have a better opportunity of starting in the world than 
 they had had. And the facts, the statistics of Great Britian and the United 
 States, would prove that every year it was becoming utterly impossible for 
 the younger generation, under the present system, to have as good an oppor- 
 tunity as the former ones had had. 
 
 "Mr. Spies asked me, before I commenced, to mention that the 
 Chicago Herald had advised the labor organizations of this city to boycott
 
 500 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the red flag. I briefly touched on that, and told them not to boycott the 
 red flag, because it was the symbol of universal freedom and universal 
 liberty. 
 
 "I was just closing my remarks about that point, when some one said 
 it was going to rain. There was a dark, heavy cloud which seemed to be 
 rolling over a little to the northwest of me. I looked at it, and some one 
 proposed to adjourn the meeting to Zepf's Hall. Somebody else said : 
 'No, there is a meeting there,' and I said : 'Never mind ; I will not talk 
 very long; I will close in a few minutes, and then we will all go home/ 
 Then I advised them to organize as laboring men for their own protection 
 not to trust to any one else, but to organize among themselves and 
 depend only upon themselves to advance their condition. I do not think 
 I spoke one minute longer when I saw the police. I stopped speaking, 
 and Capt. Ward came up to me and raised his hand I do not remember 
 whether he had anything in his hand or not and said : ' I command this 
 meeting, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, to peaceably 
 disperse.' I was standing up, and I said: 'Why, Captain, this is a 
 peaceable meeting,' in a very conciliatory tone of voice, and he very 
 angrily and defiantly retorted that he commanded it to disperse, and called,, 
 as I understood, upon the police to disperse it. Just as he turned around 
 in that angry mood, I said: 'All right, we will go,' and jumped from, 
 the wagon, and jumped to the sidewalk. This is my impression, after 
 being in jail now for over three months, and I am telling, as near as I can 
 remember, every incident of it. Then the explosion came. I think I went 
 in a somewhat southeasterly direction from the time that I struck 
 the street. It was only a couple of steps to the sidewalk. I 
 had just, I think, got onto the sidewalk when the explosion came,, 
 and, being in a diagonal position on the street, I saw the flash. 
 The people began to rush past me. I was not decided in my own mind 
 what it was, but I heard some one say 'dynamite,' and then in my own. 
 mind I assented that that was the cause of the explosion, and I rushed and 
 was crowded with the crowd. There were some of them falling down, oth- 
 ers calling out in agony, and the police were pouring shots into them. We 
 tried to get behind some protection but there were so many trying to get 
 there that little protection was afforded. I then made a dash for the north- 
 east corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, turned the corner and 
 ran until I got to about Jefferson Street. Seeing there was no pursuit, I 
 dropped into a fast walk. I turned on Clinton, intending at that time to go- 
 home. 
 
 " Immediately after the explosion of the bomb I had possibly gone 
 three or four steps I was struck with a ball. I didn't feel much pain at 
 the time, in the excitement, but as I dropped into a walk down on Randolph 
 Street I felt the pain, put my finger in the hole of my pants and felt my 
 knee was wet. Then I concluded I had been shot. Walking down Clinton 
 Street and intending to go home, I began to think about those that had 
 been with me. Remembering about Mr. Spies being on the wagon at the 
 time the police came up, I thought surely that some one of these men must 
 have been killed from all of that shooting. I concluded to take a Van 
 Buren Street car and ride down past the Arbeiter-Zeitung building and see 
 if any one was there. I caught the car on the corner of Canal, but found 
 that it was a car that runs directly east to State Street. I left the car on 
 Fifth Avenue and walked down Fifth Avenue to Monroe Street. Of course,
 
 FIELDEN ON THE STAND. 501 
 
 I was near the place and could have walked there, but I thought I was so 
 well known in Newspaper Row by the reporters that if I should walk I 
 should be known. So I jumped on the car and stood in front of it. I 
 intended to go up to the Arbeiter-Zeitung building if I saw a light there ; 
 but there wasn't any. I alighted near the corner of Randolph Street. In- 
 tending to go up to Parsons' house, I took an Indiana Street car. When 
 we got to Clinton Street the driver said : ' Why, there is firing going on up 
 there yet,' and I saw a couple of flashes up near where I thought the Hay- 
 market was, and I said, 'If there is, I am not going up there.' I then 
 walked over on Jefferson Street north to Lake Street, and I saw a terrible 
 crowd of people around there, and thought there might be a good many 
 detectives there. So I turned back again, caught a Canalport Avenue car 
 and rode down to the corner of Canal and Twelfth Streets. There I got 
 my knee dressed by a young doctor who was on the stand here, as it 
 was becoming very painful at that time. 
 
 "I feel sure that Mr. Spies was at my side when Capt. Ward was talk- 
 ing. I did not see him after I had spoken to Capt. Ward ; I did not see 
 him leave the wagon. I jumped off at the south end of the wagon into the 
 street. While I was speaking I did not pay any attention to the people in 
 the wagon, but I think I noticed four or five there a little previous to the 
 police coming up. Mr. Snyder assisted me in getting on the wagon. He 
 got on before I did. When I got down from the wagon Snyder was on the 
 ground. I think I saw him on the sidewalk there. Of course I don't 
 remember everything as distinctly now as I did the next day. I had no 
 revolver with me on the night of May 4th. I never had a revolver in my 
 life. I did not fire at any person at the Haymarket meeting. I never fired 
 at any person in my life. I did not, after leaving the wagon, step back 
 between the wheels of the wagon and fire behind the cover of the wagon ; 
 I did not stay there. My whole course was from the wagon south, without 
 stopping, except, perhaps, for the smallest perceptible space of time, when 
 I was startled by the explosion. 
 
 " I first heard of the word ' Ruhe ' having been published in the Arbeit cr- 
 Zeitttng, and about any significance of that word, when I had been in the 
 County Jail for some days. I never had seen or heard of the word before, 
 and did not hear of it on May 4th at any time, and, as I understand it is a 
 German word, I would not have known what it meant if I had seen it. I do 
 not read German. There was no understanding or agreement to which I 
 was a party, or of which I had knowledge, that violence should be used at 
 the Haymarket meeting, or that arms or dynamite should be used there. 
 I anticipated no trouble of that character. I did not use, upon the approach 
 of the police, and did not hear from any person that night any such expres- 
 sion as: 'There come the bloodhounds; you do your duty and I'll do 
 mine.' 
 
 "The first I heard of the Haymarket meeting was after I got to the 
 American group meeting on the night of May 4th. I heard, for the first 
 time, about a meeting held by certain persons on Monday night at 54 
 Lake Street, after I had been from ten to fourteen days in the County Jail, 
 when I read a paper that the police had got track of some such a meeting. 
 I wish to say, however, that I spoke to the wagon-makers on the upper floor 
 of 54 Lake Street on that Monday night. I was never in the basement of 
 that building, except to the water-closet under the sidewalk. I did not go 
 down-stairs there at all on that Monday night, and did not hear of any
 
 502 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 meeting being held there until much later, when I read about it, as stated 
 before. 
 
 "We drilled not over six times at 54 Lake Street, but nobody ever had 
 arms there. I think it was proposed to call the organization the Inter- 
 national Rifles, but I don't think it was ever decided to call it so, as the 
 organization was never perfected, never became an armed organization. 
 We began to meet in August, and the last meetings must have been very 
 near the end of September, 1885. There was no drilling during the winter 
 and spring of i885-'86. Once a few men belonging to the L. u. W. V. came 
 in with their guns and shouldered arms, but they did not belong to the 
 American group, and that is the only time that I ever saw any arms at any 
 meeting of our organization. 
 
 "The shots that were pouring in thick and fast after the explosion of 
 the bomb came from the street I should judge from the police. I did 
 not hear the explosion of anything before the explosion of the bomb. As I 
 was rushing down the sidewalk, I heard no explosion of any arms among 
 any of the citizens who had attended the meeting. 
 
 "I remember the testimony of the detective Johnson. I did not have 
 the conversation which he testified to as having had with me in the pres- 
 ence of the older Mr. Boyd at Twelfth Street Turner Hall, nor at any other 
 place, nor at any other time. I knew that he was a detective long before 
 that, and I would not be fool enough to advocate anything of that kind, if 
 I was a dynamiter, to him. The American group was open to everybody. 
 It was not even necessary to have ten cents admission fee, but the fee was 
 set at ten cents per month to cover the expense of paying for hall rent and 
 advertising. On May 4th I returned home from my work about half past 
 five. I bought the Evening News on the sidewalk just before I went into 
 the house. 
 
 "On May 3d I took several loads of stone from Bodenschatz & Earn- 
 shaw's stone dock, Harrison Street and the river, to different places in the 
 city. I have worked for that firm three or four years. I owned my team 
 and wagon, and they hired those and my services, and paid me by the day. 
 I only worked three-quarters of a day on May 3d. Business was not brisk 
 at that time. I have been a teamster for at least six years. I was arrested 
 at my home at ten o'clock on the morning of May 5th. I was never before 
 arrested in my life. I was taken to the Central Station by four or five 
 detectives in citizens' clothes, and have been confined ever since. 
 
 " I had no examination except that I was brought before the Coroner's 
 jury on the evening of May 5th. I did not state to Officer James Bonfield 
 or anybody else, after my arrest at the station, or at any other time or 
 place, that I escaped through Crane's alley on the night of May 4th." 
 
 On cross-examination Fielden said : 
 
 "I worked in a cotton-mill in England at eight years of age, and con- 
 tinued to work in the same mill until I came to the United States. I 
 worked my way up until I became a weaver, and when I left the mill I was 
 what is called a binder ; that is, binding the warps on the beams. I joined 
 the International Working People's Association in July, 1884, by joining 
 the American group. I suppose I was an Anarchist soon after, as soon as 
 I began to study it. I suppose that I have been a revolutionist, in the 
 sense of evolutionary revolution, for some years. I don't know that I 
 have ever been positively of the belief that the existing order of things
 
 FIELD EN'S CROSS-EXAMINATION. 503 
 
 should be overthrown by force. I have always been of the belief, and am 
 yet, that the existing order of things will have to be overthrown, either 
 peaceably or by force. When I had the books of the American group it 
 had about 175 members that was last November. I don't know how 
 many have been added since. There were probably fifteen or twenty 
 ladies among the members. It was called the American group because 
 the English language was used in it. It was not confined to born 
 Americans. 
 
 " We tried to found an English-speaking group a year ago last winter, 
 on West Indiana Street. I think we had only two meetings and then 
 abandoned it. I have been making speeches for the last two or three years. 
 They were labor speeches not always Socialistic and not always An- 
 archistic ; that is, sometimes I have touched on Socialism and Anarchy ; 
 sometimes they were delivered from an ordinary trades-union standpoint. 
 I have made a great many speeches on the lake front, some on Market 
 Square, some at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, some at 106 Randolph 
 Street, some at 54 West Lake. The meetings on the lake front were on 
 Sunday afternoons." 
 
 " Did you make a speech on the night of the opening of the new Board 
 of Trade?" 
 
 " I did. I have two dollars' worth of stock in the Alarm. I was part of 
 the committee to see what should be done about the Alarm when it began 
 to get in deep water, and my name was proposed to be put on the paper as 
 the recipient of communications as to its management. 
 
 "There were possibly twelve or fifteen members of the American group 
 present at the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue on May 4th. There were Mr. 
 and Mrs. Parsons, Mr. and Mrs. Timmons, Mrs. Holmes, Snyder, Brown 
 and some others. I am not positive whether Walters and Ducy were there. 
 I think we staid there until nearly nine o'clock. Balthasar Rau came over 
 from the Haymarket and said Spies was there and a large meeting, and no 
 one else to speak. Some four or five of us went over together. I know that 
 Rau, Parsons, myself and Snyder went about together. Schwab left the 
 Zeitung office before us. I had promised, on Sunday night at Greif's Hall, 
 a man who had been to my house before, to speak at a labor meeting at 
 either 368 or 378 West Twelfth Street that Tuesday night. Of those that 
 were on the speakers' wagon, I only remember Parsons, Spies and Snyder. 
 There were some others there who were strangers to me. A boy about six- 
 teen years of age came up on the wagon and rather crowded me to one side, 
 and I told him he might as well stand down. I spoke because Mr. Spies 
 requested me to make a short speech. Mr. Parsons had spoken longer than 
 I thought he would, and I thought it was late enough to close. I don't now 
 remember whether or not I used this language : ' There are premonitions of 
 danger. All know it. The press say the Anarchists will sneak away. We 
 are not going to. ' I have no desire to deny that I did use that language. 
 If I used it and I don't know whether I did if I had any idea in my 
 mind at any time which would be expressed in that language, I know for 
 what reasons I would have that idea. I used substantially all that language 
 which Mr. English, the reporter, who was on the stand here, testified as 
 having been used by me in my speech at the Haymarket meeting. I did 
 not say that John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Patrick Henry and Hop- 
 kins said to the people : ' The law is your enemy.' If I used the language, 
 'We are rebels against it,' and I possibly did, I referred to the present
 
 504 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 social system. I don't remember that I said : ' It had no mercy; so ought 
 you.' There is not much sense in it, and I will not father it. The report 
 of my speech, as given by Mr. English, has been garbled, and it does not 
 give the connection. I don't accept that as my speech at all. I think I 
 used the language, but you haven't got the sense of it at all, in quoting it in 
 that way. 
 
 " After I left the Haymarket meeting, my first intention was to go home. 
 I cannot tell now why I changed my mind about that. Impressions some- 
 times come on a person's mind which he cannot explain why they come 
 there. I rode on the car in passing the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, instead of 
 walking, and I avoided the crowd on Lake Street, in which I thought there 
 would be lots of detectives, because I certainly didn't wish to be arrested 
 that night. Of course, I thought I would be arrested after the trouble ; 
 it was only natural to suppose I would. I did not think there was anything 
 inflammatory or incendiary in my speech. I did not incite anybody to do 
 any overt act to anybody or anything. I spoke generally, from a general 
 standpoint. I meant to say they should resist the present social system, 
 which degraded them and turned them out of employment, and gave them 
 no opportunity to get a living. Somebody threw a bomb. I did not know 
 and do not know now who it was, or anything about it. Still I know, from 
 reading of criminal proceedings, that in cases of that kind they arrest every- 
 body in order to find out who is responsible. I supposed that I, being one 
 of the participants of the meeting, would be arrested for some time, at least. 
 Knowing my innocence, I made a statement before the Coroner's jury, ex- 
 pecting that when they examined into the truth of my statement I should 
 be released." 
 
 On re-direct examination Fielden said : 
 
 "If I did make the remark about premonitions of danger in my Hay- 
 market speech, I must have meant that there were so many men striking 
 just then for the eight-hour movement that some trouble might possibly 
 originate between the strikers and their employers, as had been the case in 
 former strikes, and, knowing that all men are not very cool, and some men 
 become aggravated their condition may have a good deal to do with it 
 they sometimes commit acts which the officers of the law, in their capacity 
 as such, are compelled to interfere with. I was speaking of the general 
 labor question and the issue that was up for settlement during the eight- 
 hour movement. I had no reference to the presence of dynamite at the 
 meeting. I did not say that John Brown, Jefferson, etc., said that the law 
 was their enemy. What I said in regard to them was, that we occupied, in 
 relation to the present social system, which no longer provided security for 
 the masses, just about the position that John Brown, Jefferson, Hopkins, 
 Patrick Henry occupied in relation to the government and dictation of 
 Great Britain over the Colonies ; that they repeatedly appealed to Great 
 Britain to peaceably settle the differences in regard to the port duties, the 
 stamp act, etc., but when it could not be peaceably settled, they could not 
 submit to it any longer, and were compelled to do something else ; and it 
 was always the element of tyranny which incited strife, and as it was in that 
 case, so it would be in this. As to the use of the expressions about killing, 
 stabbing, throttling the law, I used them just as a Republican orator, in 
 denouncing the Democratic party, might say, 'We will kill it,' or 'We will 
 throttle it,' or 'defeat it,' or as one might speak of a candidate for office
 
 FIELDEN'S EXPLANA TION. 505 
 
 'We will knife him.' I used those adjectives, as any speaker would, in 
 rushing along, throw in adjectives without thinking much of what their full 
 import might be. My remarks that night were intended to call upon the 
 people to resist the present social system not by force, I had no such idea 
 in my mind that night so that they would be enabled to live ; to call their 
 attention to the fact that by the introduction of labor-saving machinery and 
 the subdivision of labor less men were continually needed, more produc- 
 tions produced, and their chance to work decreased, and that by their 
 organizing together they might become partakers in the benefits of civiliza- 
 tion, more advantageous and quicker productions." 
 
 Together with the testimony given above, of which, of course, the most 
 important was that of the prisoner Samuel Fielden, were the stories of a 
 number of other witnesses whose names have been here omitted. The rea- 
 son for this is, that while the statements of these persons were of much 
 importance in the trial of the case, to print them all would stretch this 
 book of mine out to unconscionable length. It will suffice to say that sev- 
 eral witnesses testified strongly in support of the Anarchist theory of the 
 episodes which occurred about the famous wagon at the Haymarket. Half 
 a dozen others declared that they would not believe Harry W. Gilmer on 
 oath. This statement of the evidence offered is made necessary by the 
 space at my disposal. I have tried throughout this work to be wholly fair 
 to the defense, and the reader will of course understand that these witnesses 
 corroborated the testimony of others which has been previously given in 
 full in these pages.
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 The Close of the Defense Working on the Jury The Man who Threw 
 the Bomb Conflicting Testimony Michael Schwab on the Stand An Agitator's 
 Adventures Spies in his Own Defense The Fight at McCormick's - -The Desplaines 
 Street Wagon Bombs and Beer The Wilkinson Interview The Weapon of the 
 Future Spies the Reporter's Friend Bad Treatment by Ebersold The Hocking 
 Valley Letter Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf His Memories of the Hay- 
 market The Evidence in Rebuttal. 
 
 THROUGHOUT the trial the defendants maintained an air of careless 
 indifference. Occasionally during the presentation of particularly strik- 
 ing and damaging evidence notably that of Thompson and Gilmer 
 the)' were noticed to wince, but the flush was only momentary. It was 
 apparent that the prisoners expected in some manner to extricate them- 
 selves from their perilous position, and the casual observer would have 
 supposed them involved simply in an ordinary trial. Whatever may have 
 been their real feelings, they did not betray them. After they had begun to 
 place evidence on their own behalf before the jury, they even wore a 
 certain air of cheerfulness ; and whereas previously a sort of stolidity had 
 marked their demeanor, their general bearing now was that of supreme con- 
 fidence. They evidently felt confident of having made a favorable im- 
 pression upon the jury. They possibly calculated upon their having 
 successfully impeached the evidence of Gilmer and having proven to some 
 extent their own disconnection with the Haymarket explosion. Fielden's 
 plausible explanations also, no doubt, added to their confidence. 
 
 Taking the evidence of the State as a complete exposition of the con- 
 spiracy, there seemed to be no consolation in that direction ; but their hope 
 rested in winning over the jury by raising a reasonable doubt through the 
 preponderance of offsetting testimony on their own side, and by making the 
 jury believe, by the manner of their conduct under the severe fire of the 
 prosecution, that they sincerely felt themselves innocent of all "guilty 
 knowledge." 
 
 They played their part well, and their attitude is not at all surprising 
 when their former bloodthirsty propensities are taken into consideration. 
 In an ordinary murder or conspiracy trial Fielden's statements might have 
 had some influence in mitigation of extreme punishment, but, over- 
 shadowed as it was by overwhelming counter-evidence of complicity in a 
 stupendous crime, the jury subsequently determined that it saw no way of 
 disconnecting him from the other conspirators. 
 
 The defendants pretended they had a host of witnesses beyond those that 
 they really required to prove that they had never dreamed there would be 
 a bomb thrown at the Haymarket, but that they only needed to use a few
 
 JOHN BERNETTS TESTIMONY. 507 
 
 of these witnesses to establish their innocence. Still, they put a very large 
 number on the stand. The testimony of all these pretended to show what 
 a harmless set of men the State had arrested and put on trial for their 
 lives. 
 
 The trend of much of the evidence for the defense seemed directed 
 toward proving the police responsible for the massacre, by having opened 
 fire on a " peaceable gathering ; " and, through a brother of the defendant 
 Spies, it was attempted to prove that the enmity of the police toward 
 Anarchists was so great that one of them tried to shoot the defendant in 
 the back while at the Haymarket. This brother of Spies Henry had 
 been wounded in the abdomen, and he endeavored, on the witness-stand, 
 to show that he had received the injury while suddenly pressing down the 
 revolver that was aimed at his brother. The explanation was too lame to 
 be serviceable. 
 
 At this point several witnesses testified to Lingg's presence at Zepf's 
 Hall early on the night of May 3d. Others strengthened the Anarchistic 
 theory of an alleged police attack at the Haymarket. Still others im- 
 peached the witness Gilmer's veracity. Inasmuch as I have previously 
 given in full all the evidence which these people merely corroborated, I 
 have not thought it necessary to give here their statements at length. 
 
 JOHN BERNETT, a candy-maker, said he saw the man who threw the 
 bomb. The thrower was right in front of him. The bomb " went west and 
 a little bit north." 
 
 "The man who threw it was about my size, maybe a little bit bigger, 
 and I think he had a mustache. I think he had no chin beard, and his 
 clothes were dark." 
 
 " Did you ever see that picture before? " (handing witness photograph 
 of Schnaubelt). 
 
 " Yes, sir ; Mr. Furthmann showed it to me about two weeks ago." 
 
 " Do you recognize that as being the man who threw the bomd ? " 
 
 " I guess not." 
 
 " Did you tell Mr. Furthmann so at the time ?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 On cross-examination Bernett said : 
 
 " I never could recognize anybody. I told Capt. Schaack and Mr. 
 Grinnell that the man who threw the bomb was in front of me, and I could 
 not tell how he did look. When the police came up first I stood right in 
 the middle of the alley. When the captain of the police ordered them to 
 leave that place, I heard somebody say : ' Stand ; don't run,' and there were 
 about three or four men, about the middle of the street, west of the wagon, 
 who halloaed out : ' No ; we won't do it.' That was said in English. I 
 heard Fielden say something to the officer who spoke to him, but I could 
 not hear it. The crowd began to rush, and rushed me, and I hurried out 
 as fast as I could. I got shot and fell on the sidewalk. I told Mr. Furth- 
 mann that I thought the bomb was fired from about fifteen steps south of 
 the alley I count my steps about two feet and a half. I don't think it
 
 508 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 came right from behind the boxes. From the place the bomb was thrown 
 up to the other corner the house goes up a little further on the other side 
 the distance is forty-five feet. The bomb was thrown forty-five feet south 
 of the corner of the alley. I cannot remember how far the boxes were south 
 of the alley that night there was a lamp-post, and then the boxes came. 
 I remember coming to the Central Station on the yth of May and talking 
 to Officer Bonfield in the presence of Mr. Grinnell. I don't know that I 
 said at that time that the bomb was thrown from behind the boxes, but I 
 think I am right now. I don't think I stated afterwards, some weeks ago, 
 that it was thrown some twenty or twenty-five feet south of the alley. I 
 can't remember now how many feet I stated the distance was, but I think I 
 have got it right now. On the yth of May I was brought over here by 
 Officer Bonfield and Officer Haas, so that I could see the defendants. I was 
 asked if I had ever seen them before, and I said I had seen them all before 
 on the lake front and the Haymarket. I told Capt. Schaack that I could 
 not describe the man and would not know him if I saw him, and that the 
 man's back was toward me." 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB was then called in his own behalf, and he made the 
 following statement : 
 
 " Up to the 4th of May I lived at 51 Florimond Street. I was co-editor 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. On the evening of May 4th I left home twenty 
 minutes to eight, went to the Arbeiter-Zeitung and reached there about eight 
 o'clock. I left about ten minutes later. While I was there a telephone 
 message was received asking Mr. Spies to speak at Deering. After that I 
 went over to the Haymarket to see whether I could find Mr. Spies. I didn't 
 stop long over there. I just went through the crowd, as the men out at Deer- 
 ing had been waiting for an hour already. I went over on Washington Street, 
 turned north down Desplaines Street and went across Randolph Street, and 
 north of Randolph on Desplaines I met my brother-in-law, Rudolph Schnau- 
 belt, and talked to him about the matter ; then took a car going in an east- 
 erly direction and rode up to the Court-house. At the Court-house I took 
 a Clybourn Avenue car and went to Deering's factory. Near the car stables 
 I was met by a man and asked whether I was Mr. Schwab. The man testi- 
 fied here on the witness-stand. I think his name is Preusser, as he told me 
 that night. I should judge it takes about ten minutes from the Haymarket 
 to the Court-house and about forty or forty-five minutes from there to 
 Fullerton Avenue. I stepped from the car with that man ; went up to the 
 saloon, 888 Clybourn Avenue, to see the committee, but the committee was 
 not there ; so we went directly to the prairie, corner of Fullerton and Cly- 
 bourn Avenues, and there I met some men who told me that they were the 
 committee. I talked with them some minutes, then mounted the stand and 
 made a speech, twenty or twenty-five minutes long, about the eight-hour 
 movement, to the men who had struck that same day and demanded eight 
 hours' work and ten hours' pay. I returned home about eleven o'clock at 
 night. I didn't pay any attention to the time. After the meeting was over 
 I went with Preusser to a saloon, took a glass of beer and had some lunch, 
 and then I took the next car going south. I left the car on Willow Street, 
 which is not far north from North Avenue, and walked home, which is a 
 distance of about twenty minutes' walk. 
 
 " I did not at any time while I was at the Haymarket enter Crane's alley 
 or any alley with Mr. Spies. I had no conversation with him near the
 
 SCHWAB ON THE STAND. 509 
 
 mouth of the alley. I did not walk at any time that night in company with 
 Mr. Spies on the north side of Randolph Street from the corner of Desplaines 
 down past Union Street and return to where the wagon stood. I did not, 
 in company with Mr. Spies, meet Schnaubelt when Spies handed to 
 Schnaubelt any package or anything. I did not see Spies and did not speak 
 to him at all that night at the Haymarket. I did not say anything to Spies 
 or anybody else in the mouth of Crane's alley about pistols or police, or 
 whether one would be enough. Lhad no such conversation with anybody 
 at the Haymarket or anywhere. I did not say to Mr. Spies or anybody else 
 at any time before the meeting began or at any other time that if the police 
 came we were ready for them or we would give it to them, or any words to 
 thai? effect. 
 
 " When I left the Haymarket the meeting had not begun ; men were 
 standing around on all four corners. I had seen Mr. Spies last that day in 
 the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next day in the morning, 
 when I came to the office." 
 
 On cross-examination Schwab said : 
 
 " I was a member of the North Side group of the International Working- 
 men's Association from the time it started, some years ago, until up to the 
 4th of May last. I walked over to the Haymarket from the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 that night through the Washington Street tunnel with Balthasar Rau. He 
 left me on Desplaines and Randolph ; there 1 lost him. Then I crossed 
 Randolph Street, and about the middle of Randolph Street met Mr. Heine- 
 man. I inquired of some persons whom I knew by sight whether they had 
 seen Spies. I staid there not more than five minutes, then took a car and 
 went east. I went alone. I should judge it was about half-past eight when 
 I took the car on Randolph Street and about twenty minutes of nine when I 
 took the Clybourn Avenue car and went north. I was alone on that way. I 
 don't know what time it was when I got to the saloon at 888 Clybourn 
 Avenue. From there it is about a block or a little more to the prairie where 
 the meeting was held. When I got there I spoke first to some of the mem- 
 bers of the committee to find out what they wanted me to speak about. That 
 took about five minutes. After I had spoken to the meeting I went with 
 Preusser to a saloon, corner of Clybourn and Ashland Avenues, not the 
 same saloon I went into the first time. I did not see Balthasar Rau again 
 that night." 
 
 "Are you an Anarchist? " 
 
 " That depends upon what you mean by that. There are several divis- 
 ions of the Anarchists." 
 
 " Are you an Anarchist ? " 
 
 "Well, I can't answer that." 
 
 AUGUST VINCENT THEODORE SPIES was next put on the stand to testify 
 in his own behalf. He said : 
 
 " May 4th last I was one of the editors of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. I occu- 
 pied that position since 1880. Prior to that I was engaged in this country 
 principally in the furniture business. I am a member of the Socialistic 
 Publishing Society, which is organized under the laws of the State of Illinois, 
 and by which the Arbeiter-Zeitung was published. I was an employe of that 
 society in my position as editor, and as such was subject to their control as 
 to the general policy of the paper.
 
 5io ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " At a meeting of the Central Labor Union in the evening of Sunday, 
 May 2, at 54 West Lake Street, which I attended in the capacity of a re- 
 porter, I was invited by one or two delegates to address a meeting of the 
 Lumber-shovers' Union on the afternoon of May 3, on the corner of Twenty- 
 second or Twentieth and Blue Island Avenue. As there were no other 
 speakers, I went out. When I came there was a crowd of 6,000 to 7,000 
 people assembled on the prairie. When I was invited, which was the first 
 information I received of the meeting, nothing was said to me about any 
 relationship of Mr. McCormick's employes to that meeting. I did not know 
 that the locality of the meeting was in the immediate neighborhood of Mc- 
 Cormick's. I arrived there, as near as I can judge, a little after three 
 o'clock. Several men were speaking from a car in the Bohemian or Polish 
 language ; they were very poor speakers, and small crowds of those 
 assembled detached themselves to the side and talked together. Balthasar 
 Rau introduced me to the chairman of the meeting. I don't remember his 
 name ; he testified here. I asked him if I was to speak there, and he said yes. 
 I waited for about ten minutes while reports came in from the different 
 owners of the lumber-yards as to the demand made by the union, which 
 was eight hours' work at twenty-two cents per hour. They then elected a 
 committee to wait upon the bosses to find out what concessions they would 
 make, if any. Thereupon I was introduced to address the meeting, and 
 spoke from fifteen to twenty minutes. Having spoken two or three times 
 almost every day for the preceding two or three weeks, I was almost pros- 
 trated, and spoke very calmly, and told the people, who in my judgment were 
 not of a very high intellectual grade, to stand together and to enforce their 
 demands at all hazards ; otherwise the single bosses would one by one defeat 
 them. While I was speaking I heard somebody in the rear, probably a hun- 
 dred feet away from me, cry out something in a language which I didn't under- 
 stand perhaps Bohemian or Polish. After the meeting I was told that 
 this man had called upon them to follow him up to McCormick's. I should 
 judge about two hundred persons, standing a little ways apart from the main 
 body, detached themselves and went away. I didn't know where they were 
 going until probably five minutes later I heard firing, and about that time I 
 stopped speaking and inquired where the pistol shots came from, and was 
 told that some men had gone up there to stone McCormick's 'scabs' and that 
 the police had fired upon them. I stopped there probably another five or 
 six minutes, during which time I was elected a member of the committee 
 to visit the bosses, when two patrol wagons came up in great haste on the 
 Black Road, so-called, driving towards McCormick's, followed immediately 
 by about seventy-five policemen on foot, and then other patrol wagons 
 came. I jumped from the car and went up to McCormick's. They were 
 shooting all the while. I thought it must be quite a battle. In front of 
 McCormick's factory there are some railroad tracks, on which a number of 
 freight-cars were standing. The people were running away and hiding 
 behind these freight-cars as much as they could, to keep out of the way of 
 the pistol-firing. The fight was going on behind the cars. When I came 
 up there on this prairie, right in front of McCormick's, I saw a policeman 
 run after and fire at people who were fleeing, running away. My blood 
 was boiling, and, seeing unarmed men, women and children, who were run- 
 ning away, fired upon. I think in that moment I could have done almost 
 anything. At that moment a young Irishman, who probably knew me or 
 had seen me at the meeting, came running from behind the cars ?nd said :
 
 SPIES ADDRESSING THE STRIKERS AT MCCORMICK'S.
 
 512 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 'What kind of a business is this? What h 1 of a union is that ? 
 
 What people are tfyese who will let those men be shot down here like dogs ? 
 I just come from there ; we have carried away two men dead, and there are 
 a number of others lying on the ground who will most likely die. At least 
 twenty or twenty-five must have been shot who ran away or were carried 
 away by friends. ' Of course I could not do anything there. I went back 
 to where the meeting had been, which was about three blocks away. I 
 told some of them what was going on at McCormick's, but they were un- 
 concerned and went home. I took a car and went down town. The same 
 evening I wrote the report of the meeting which appeared in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung of the next day. Immediately after I came to the office I wrote the 
 so-called Revenge circular, except the heading, 'Revenge.' At the time I 
 wrote it I believed the statement that six workingmen had been killed that 
 afternoon at McCormick's. I wrote at first that two had .been killed, and 
 after seeing the report in the five o'clock News I changed the two to six, 
 based upon the information contained in the News. I believe 2,500 copies 
 of that circular were printed, but not more than half of them distributed, 
 for I saw quite a lot of them in the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung on the 
 morning I was arrested. At the time I wrote it I was still laboring under 
 the excitement of the scene and the hour. I was very indignant. 
 
 " On May 4th I was performing my regular duties at the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 A little before nine in the forenoon I was invited to address a meeting on 
 the Haymarket that evening. That was the first I heard of it. I had no 
 part in calling the meeting. I put the announcement of the meeting into 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung at the request of a man who invited me to speak. The 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung^ is an afternoon daily paper, and appears at 2 p. M. 
 About eleven o'clock a circular calling the Haymarket meeting was handed 
 to me to be inserted in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, containing the line, ' Work- 
 ingmen, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' I said to the man who 
 brought the circular that, if that was the meeting which I had been invited 
 to address, I should certainly not speak there, on account of that line. He 
 stated that the circulars had not been distributed, and I told him if that 
 was the case, and if he would take out that line, it would be all right. Mr. 
 Fischer was called down at that time, and he sent the man back to the 
 printing-office to have the line taken out. I struck out the line myself 
 before I handed it to the compositor to put it in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The 
 man who brought the circular to me and took it back with the line stricken 
 out was on the stand here Grueneberg I believe is his name. 
 
 " I left home that evening about half-past seven o'clock and walked down 
 with my brother Henry, arriving at the Haymarket about twenty or twenty- 
 five minutes after eight. I had understood from the invitation that I should 
 address the meeting in German ; and, knowing that the English speeches 
 would come first, I did not go there in time to reach the opening of the 
 meeting. When I got there, there was no meeting in progress, however ; 
 simply crowds were standing around the corners here and there, talking 
 together. I called them together. After having looked around for a speak- 
 ers' stand we generally had very primitive platforms I saw this wagon 
 on Desplaines Street ; and being right near the corner, I thought it was a 
 good place to choose and told the people that the meeting would take place 
 there. There was no light upon the wagon. Early in the meeting I think 
 the sky was bright. I cannot tell whether the lamp at the alley was burn- 
 ing or not ; my impression is that it was. I could not say about any other
 
 SPIES ON THE STAND. 513 
 
 light. I found the wagon just where we used it. It was not an ordinary 
 truck wagon ; it was a half truck and half express wagon, the truck with the 
 box on. I don't know that there were any stakes on it ; it was a large, long 
 express wagon. I believe I spoke with my brother Henry as to the advisa- 
 bility of choosing that place. Henry was with me during the entire evening. 
 After the audience got together, somebody suggested to draw the wagon 
 into the Haymarket. I replied that that might interfere with the street 
 traffic, and that the cars would make a good deal of noise. Then I asked if 
 Mr. Parsons was present. I thought he had been invited to address the 
 meeting. I was not on the arrangement committee ; but seeing the crowd 
 and seeing that the meeting had been very poorly arranged, I took the 
 initiative. When I asked for Parsons, one of the editors of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, one Schroeder, stepped up and said : ' Parsons is speaking up on 
 the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets ; I just saw him there.' I told 
 him to go and call him. He left, but staid quite a while, and I left the 
 wagon myself, and, in the company of my brother Henry, one Legner and 
 Schnaubelt, whom I had just met, went up the street to find Parsons. 
 Schwab was not with me at that time or at any time that evening. Schnau- 
 belt told me I had been wanted at Deering, but as I had not been at hand 
 Schwab had gone out there. After I left the wagon I did not go to the 
 mouth of Crane's alley. I did not even know at the time that there was an 
 alley there at all. I did not enter the alley with Schwab, had no conversa- 
 tion with him there in which I referred to pistols and police, and in which 
 Schwab asked whether one would be enough, etc., nor anything of that kind. 
 Neither did I have that conversation with anybody else. I left the wagon 
 and moved in a southwesterly direction obliquely across the street to the 
 corner of the Haymarket. From there I went, in company with those I 
 mentioned, up on Randolph Street, beyond Union and pretty near Halsted 
 Street, but, seeing only a few people, probably twenty or twenty-five, stand- 
 ing there scattered, and not seeing Parsons, we returned, walking on the 
 north side of Randolph Street, as we had in going down. I went on the 
 wagon and addressed the meeting. I had no conversation with Schwab, at 
 or about the crossing of Union Street, in which we spoke about being ready 
 for them and that they were afraid to come. I had no such conversation 
 with any one. I don't remember exactly of what we were speaking, but 
 Schnaubelt and I, as we walked along, were conversing in German. I have 
 known Schnaubelt for about two years. I think he has not been in the 
 country more than two years. He cannot speak English at all. He wore a 
 light gray suit that night. In returning to the wagon I went from the cor- 
 ner of the Haymarket right straight to the wagon, in a northeasterly direc- 
 tion. I did not, on my return, or at any time that evening, walk with Schwab 
 across Desplaines Street to the center of the sidewalk, some fifteen feet 
 south of Crane's alley, and at that point meet Schnaubelt, and there take 
 anything out of my pocket, or otherwise, and give it to Schnaubelt, or any- 
 body else, at that location. 
 
 " I spoke about fifteen or twenty minutes. I began by stating that I 
 heard a large number of patrol wagons had gone to Desplaines Street Sta- 
 tion ; that great preparations had been made for a possible outbreak ; that 
 the militia had been called under arms, and that I would state at the begin- 
 ning that this meeting had not been called for the purpose of inciting a riot, 
 but simply to discuss the situation of the eight-hour movement and the 
 atrocities of the police on the preceding day. Then I referred to one of
 
 5 1 4 ANARCHY AND ANAR CHISTS. 
 
 the morning papers of the city, in which Mr. McCormick said that I was 
 responsible for the affair near his factory ; that I had incited the people to 
 commit violence, etc., and I stated that such misrepresentations were made 
 in order to discredit the men who took an active part in the movement. I 
 stated that such outbreaks as had occurred at McCormick's, in East St. 
 Louis, in Philadelphia, Cleveland and other places, were not the work of a 
 band of conspirators, of a few Anarchists or Socialists, but the unconscious 
 struggle of a class for emancipation ; that such outbreaks might be expected 
 at any minute and were not the arbitrary work of individuals. I then 
 pointed to the fact that the people who committed violence had never been 
 Socialists or Anarchists, but in most instances had been up to that time the 
 most lawful citizens, good Christians, the exemplary so-called honest work- 
 men, who were contrasted by the capitalists with the Anarchists. I stated 
 that the meeting at McCormick's was composed mostly of humble, church- 
 going good Christians, and not by any means atheists, or materialists, or 
 Anarchists. I then stated that for the past twenty years the wage-workers 
 had asked their employers for a reduction of the hours of labor ; that, accor- 
 ding to the statement of the secretary of the National Bureau of Labor Sta- 
 tistics, about two millions of physically strong men were out of employment ; 
 that the productive capacity had, by the development of machines, so im- 
 mensely increased that all that any rationally organized society required 
 could be produced in a few hours, and that the mechanical working of men 
 for ten hours a day was simply another method of murdering them. Though 
 every student of social phenomena admitted the fact that society was, under 
 the present condition of overwork, almost retrograding and the masses 
 sinking into degradation, still their demands have been refused. I proceeded 
 to state that the legislators had different interests at stake than those in- 
 volved in this question, and did not care so much about the welfare of any 
 class of society as for their own interests, and that at last the workingmen 
 had conceived, consciously or unconsciously, the idea to take the matter 
 in their own hands ; that it was not a political question, but an economic 
 question ; that neither legislatures nor Congress could do anything in the 
 premises, but the workingmen could only achieve a normal day's work of 
 eight hours or less by their own efforts. 
 
 " I believe when I had gone so far somebody told me that Mr. Parsons 
 had arrived. Turning around, I saw Parsons ; and as I was fatigued, worn 
 out, I broke off and introduced Parsons. I spoke in English. After intro- 
 ducing Parsons I staid on the wagon. When I stopped and Parsons be- 
 gan, I believe there were pretty nearly 2,000 people there ; it was an 
 ordinarily packed crowd. The people who wanted to listen would crowd to 
 the wagon, others would stand on the opposite sidewalk, but I did not see 
 any very packed crowd, exactly. While I spoke, I was facing, I believe, in a 
 southwesterly direction ; the bulk of the audience stood around the wagon 
 south and southwesterly toward the Haymarket. Parsons spoke forty-five 
 minutes to an hour. He stopped about ten o'clock. I had been requested 
 by several persons to make a German speech, but Parsons had spoken 
 longer than I expected, it was too late, and I didn't feel much like speaking; 
 so I asked Mr. Fielden to say a few words in conclusion and then adjourn. 
 I introduced Fielden to the audience and remained on the wagon until the 
 command was given by Capt. Ward to disperse. I did not see the police 
 until they formed in columns on the corner of Desplaines and Randolph 
 Streets. Somebody behind me, I think, said : 'The police are coming.' I
 
 SPIES ON THE STAND. 
 
 could not understand that. I did not think even when I saw them that 
 they were marching toward the meeting. The meeting was almost as well 
 as adjourned. There were not over two hundred on the spot. About five 
 minutes previous to that a dark cloud came moving from the north, and it 
 looked so threateningly that most of the people ran away, and some people 
 suggested an adjournment to Zepf's Hall ; more than two-thirds of the 
 attendants left at that time. The police halted three or four feet south of 
 the wagon. Capt. Ward walked up to the wagon. Fielden was standing 
 in front of me, in the rear of the wagon. I was standing in the middle of 
 the wagon. Ward held something in his hand, a cane or a club, and said : 
 ' In the name of the people of the State of Illinois, I command you to dis- 
 perse,' and Fielden said : 'Why, Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.' 
 And Ward repeated, I think, that command, and then turned around to his 
 men, and while I didn't understand what he said to them, I thought he sai(J, 
 * Charge upon the crowd,' or something to that effect.- I did not hear him 
 say : ' I call upon you and you to assist ; ' he may have said that and I may 
 have misunderstood him. My brother and one Legner and several others 
 that I did not know stood at the side of the wagon ; they reached out their 
 hands and helped me off the wagon. I felt very indignant over the coming 
 of the police, and intended to ask them what right they had to break up the 
 meeting, but I jumped down from the wagon. When I reached the side- 
 walk I heard a terrible detonation ; I thought the city authority had brought 
 a cannon there to scare the people from the street. I did not think they 
 would shoot upon the people, nor did I think in the least, at that time, of a 
 bomb. Then I was pushed along ; there was a throng of people rushing up, 
 and I was just carried away with them. I went into Zepf's Hall. The firing 
 began immediately, simultaneously with the explosion. I did not see any 
 firing from the crowd upon the police. I did not hear, as I stood upon the 
 wagon, either by Fielden or anybody else, any such exclamation as ' Here 
 come the bloodhounds; men, do your duty and I will do mine.' Fielden 
 did not draw a revolver and fire from the wagon upon the police or in their 
 direction. I did not, before the explosion of the bomb, leave my position 
 upon the wagon, go into the alley, strike a match and light a bomb in the 
 hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt. I did not see Rudolph Schnaubelt in the 
 mouth of the alley then or at any time that evening with a bomb. I did not 
 at that time or any other time that evening go into the mouth of the alley 
 and join there Fischer and Schnaubelt and strike a match for any purpose. 
 Schnaubelt is about six feet three inches tall, I should judge, of large frame 
 and large body. 
 
 "I remember the witness Wilkinson, a reporter of the News. He was 
 up at the office several times, but I only had one conversation with him as 
 far as I remember. He made an interview out of it. He was introduced 
 to me by Joe Gruenhut, who told me that the News wanted to have an 
 article. Wilkinson inquired as to the report of some paper that the 
 Anarchists had placed an infernal machine at the door of the house of 
 Lambert Tree, and I told him that, in my opinion, the Pinkertons were 
 doing such things to force people to engage them and to advertise them- 
 selves. He then asked whether I had ever seen or possessed any bombs ? 
 I said yes. I had had at the office for probably three years four bomb- 
 shells. Two of them had been left at the office in my absence, by a man 
 who wanted to find out if it was a good construction. The other two were 
 left with me one day by some man who came, I think, from Cleveland or
 
 516 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 New York, and was going to New Zealand from here. I used to show 
 those shells to newspaper reporters, and I showed one to Mr. Wilkinson 
 and allowed him to take it along and show it to Mr. Stone. I never asked 
 him for it since. That part of the conversation was at noon, while I was in 
 a hurry. Wilkinson came in the evening again with Joe Gruenhut, and 
 invited me to dine with him. I had just about half an hour to spend. At 
 the table we talked about an infernal machine which had been placed a few 
 days previous into an office of the Burlington and Quincy Railroad, and 
 about another placed in front of Lambert Tree's house, and I gave the 
 explanation which I have already stated. Talking about the riot drill that 
 had shortly before been held on the lake front, and about the sensational 
 reports published by the papers in regard to the armed organizations of 
 Socialists, I told him that it was an open secret that some three thousand 
 Socialists in the city of Chicago were armed. I told him that the arming 
 of these people, meaning not only Socialists but workingmen in general, 
 began right after the strike of 1877, when the police attacked workingmen 
 at their meetings, killed some and wounded others ; that they were of 
 the opinion that if they would enjoy the rights of the Constitution, they 
 should prepare to defend them too, if necessary ; that it was a known fact 
 that these men had paraded the streets, as many as 1,500 strong at a time, 
 with their rifles ; that there was nothing new in that, and I could not see 
 why they talked so much about it. And I said I thought that they were 
 still arming and I wished that every workingman was well armed. 
 
 " Then we spoke generally on modern warfare. Wilkinson was of the 
 opinion that the militia and the police could easily defeat any effort on the 
 part of the populace by force, could easily quell a riot. I differed from him. 
 I told him that the views which the bourgeoise took of their military and 
 police was exactly the same as the nobility took, some centuries ago, as to 
 their own armament, and that gun-powder had come to the relief of the 
 oppressed masses and had done away with the aristocracy very quickly ; 
 that the iron armor of the nobility was penetrated by a leaden bullet just as 
 easily as the blouse of the peasant ; that dynamite, like gunpowder, had 
 an equalizing, leveling tendency ; that the two were children of the same 
 parent ; that dynamite would eventually break down the aristocracy of 
 this age and make the principles of democracy a reality. I stated that it 
 had been attempted by such men as General Sheridan and others to play 
 havoc with an organized body of military or police by the use of dynamite, 
 and it would be an easy thing to do it. He asked me if I anticipated any 
 trouble, and I said I did. He asked me if the Anarchists and Socialists 
 were going to make a revolution. Of course I made fun of that ; told him 
 that revolutions were not made by individuals or conspirators, but were 
 simply the logic of events resting in the conditions of things. On the subject 
 of street warfare I illustrated with tooth-picks the diagram which had 
 appeared in one of the numbers of the Alarm, introduced in evidence here. 
 I said to him that I wasn't much of a warrior, but had read a good deal on 
 the subject, and I particularly referred to that article in the Alarm. I said 
 that if, for instance, a military body would march up a street, they would 
 have men on the house-tops on both sides of the street protecting and guard- 
 ing the main body from possible onslaught, possibly by shooting, firing or 
 throwing of bombs. Now, i'fthe revolutionists or civilians, men not belong- 
 ing to the privileged military bodies, would form an oblique line on each 
 side of the street at a crossing, they could then very successfully combat the
 
 SPIES ON THE STAND. 517 
 
 on-marching militia and police, by attacking them with fire-arms or dyna- 
 mite. And I used Market Square for illustration. I said there was a system 
 of canalization in large cities. Now, supposing they expected an attack, 
 they could, by the use of a battery and dynamite, blow up whole regiments 
 very easily. I don't think that I said what Wilkinson testified to here in 
 regard to the tunnel, but I may have given the talk a little color. I knew 
 he wanted a sensational article for publication in the News, but there was 
 no particular reference to Chicago, or any fighting on our part. The topic 
 of the conversation was that a fight was inevitable, and that it might take 
 place in the near future, and what might and could be done in such an event. 
 It was a general discussion of the possibilities of street warfare under 
 modern science. 
 
 "I wrote the word ' Ruhe ' for insertion in the Arbeiter-Zeitung on May 
 4th. It happened just the 'same as with any other announcement that 
 would come in. I received a batch of announcements from a number of 
 labor organizations and societies a little after eleven o'clock, in my editorial 
 room, and went over them. Among them was one which read : ' Mr. 
 Editor, please insert in the letter-box the word 'Ruhe,' in prominent let- 
 ters.' This was in German. There is an announcement column of meet- 
 ings in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, but a single word or something like that would 
 be lost sight of under the announcements. In such cases people generally 
 ask to have that inserted under the head of ' Letter-box.' Upon reading 
 that request, I just took a piece of paper and marked on it 'Briefkasten' 
 (Letter-box), and the word ' Ruhe.' The manuscript which is in evidence 
 is in my handwriting. At the time I wrote that word and sent it up to be 
 put in the paper, I did not know of any import whatever attached to it. 
 My attention was next called to it a little after three o'clock in the after- 
 noon. Balthasar Rau, an advertising agent of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, came 
 and asked me if the word ' Ruhe' was in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. I had my- 
 self forgotten about it, and took a copy of the paper and found it there. 
 He asked me if I knew what it meant, and I said I did not. He said there 
 was a rumor that the armed sections had held a meeting the night before, 
 and had resolved to put in that word as a signal for the armed sections to 
 keep themselves in readiness in case the police should precipitate a riot, to 
 come to the assistance of the attacked. I sent for Fischer, who had in- 
 vited me to speak at the meeting that evening, and asked him if that word 
 had any reference to that meeting. He said, ' None whatever ; ' that it was 
 merely a signal for the boys for those who were armed to keep their 
 powder dry, in case they might be called upon to fight within the next 
 days. I told Rau it was a very silly thing, or at least that there was not 
 much rational sense in that, and asked him if he knew how it could be 
 managed that this nonsense would be stopped ; how it could be undone. 
 Rau said he knew some persons who had something to say in the armed 
 organizations, and I told him to go and tell them that the word was put in 
 by mistake. Rau went pursuant to that suggestion, and returned to me at 
 five o'clock. 
 
 " I was not a member of any armed section. I have not been for six 
 years. I have had in my desk for two years two giant-powder cartridges, 
 a roll of fuse and some detonating caps. Originally I bought them to 
 experiment with them, as I had read a good deal about dynamite and 
 wanted to get acquainted with it, but I never had occasion to go out for 
 that purpose, as I was too much occupied. The reporters used to bother
 
 5i8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 me a good deal, and when they would come to the office for something sen- 
 sational I would show them these giant cartridges. They are the same 
 that were referred to here by certain witnesses as having been shown on 
 the evening of the Board of Trade demonstration. One of them will yet 
 show a little hole in which I put that evening one of those caps, to explain 
 to the reporter how terrible a thing it was. In fact, if that cartridge, as it 
 is, were exploded in a free place, it would just give a detonation, and the 
 concussion of the air might throw one on the floor, but it could do no harm 
 to anybody. I know absolutely nothing about the package of dynamite 
 which was exhibited here in court, and was claimed to have been found on 
 a shelf in a closet in the Arbeiter-Zeitung building. I never saw it before 
 it was produced here in court. I don't know anything about a revolver 
 claimed to have been found in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. That was not my 
 revolver, but I always carried a revolver. I had a very good revolver. I 
 was out late at night, and I always considered it a very good thing to be 
 in a position to defend myself. Strangely, I did not have that pistol with 
 me on the night of the Haymarket. It was too heavy for me, and, while 
 I took it along first, I left it with ex-Alderman Stauber on my way. I 
 guess it is there now. 
 
 " I was arrested on Wednesday morning after the Haymarket meeting, 
 about half-past eight o'clock, at the Arbeiter-Zeitung editorial room. I had 
 begun writing. I had come to the office a little after seven o'clock, as 
 usual. A man who afterwards told me he was an officer, James Bonfield, 
 asked Mr. Schwab and myself to come over to police headquarters; that 
 Superintendent Ebersold wanted to have a talk with us on the affair of the 
 previous night. I was very busy and asked him if it could not be delayed 
 until after the issue of the paper. He said he would rather have me come 
 along then, and I, unsuspectingly, went along to the station. The Superin- 
 tendent received us by saying: 'You dirty Dutch , you dirty 
 
 hounds, you rascals, we will choke you ; we will kill you.' And then they 
 jumped upon us, tore us from one end to the other, went through our 
 pockets, took my money and everything I had. I never said anything. 
 They finally concluded to put us in a cell, and then Mr. Ebersold said : 
 'Well, boys, let's be cool.' I think Mr. James Bonfield interfered during 
 the assault made upon us by Mr. Ebersold, and suggested to him that that 
 was not the proper way nor the proper place. I have been continuously 
 confined from then until now." 
 
 On cross-examination Spies stated : 
 
 " There was in fact no editor-in-chief of the Arbeiter-Zeitung ; there was 
 a kind of autonomous editorial arrangement, but I was looked to as the 
 editor-in-chief. I mean in the editorial department every one wrote what 
 he pleased, and it was published without my looking at it. I never assumed 
 any responsibility for the editorials. I never was made responsible by the 
 company for the management of the paper. Schwab's salary was the same 
 as mine ; our positions were coordinate. The management of the paper 
 was left with the board of trustees ; the editors had very little to say about 
 it. Nobody looked over the editorials before they were inserted. Contrib- 
 uted articles were looked over sometimes by one of the reporters, some- 
 times by Schwab or Schroeder, or myself. Schroeder was editor for four 
 months. I usually glanced at the paper to keep track of what it contained. 
 Fischer was merely a compositor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung ; he had nothing to
 
 SPIES' CROSS-EXAMINATION. 519 
 
 do with the editorials or management of the paper. I had nothing to do with 
 the Alarm, except for four or five weeks, when I edited it in the absence of 
 Mr. Parsons." 
 
 "Was money ever sent you for the Alarm ? " 
 
 "There was. I also paid the bills for the printing of the Alarm." 
 
 " Did you ever write contributions for the Alarm ? " 
 
 "I have occasionally, whenever they were in need of manuscript. Of 
 the bombs I had I received the two iron cast ones first. That was about 
 three years ago. A man who gave his name as Schwape or Schwoep 
 brought them to me. I only saw him once. I think he was a shoe- 
 maker, came from Cleveland, and left for New Zealand. He asked me 
 if my name was Spies. I told him yes ; and he asked me if I had seen 
 any of the bombs that they were making, or something like that. I don't 
 know to whom he referred by 'they.' He spoke of people in Cleveland 
 with whom he had associated ; I didn't ask him and didn't know what 
 class of people. I said I hadn't seen any of them. I don't remember any- 
 thing more about the conversation I had with him. I would have twelve or 
 fifteen conversations every day ; this one was out of the order of my regular 
 conversations ; my recollection is, I got rid of him as soon as he would 
 leave. He left those there ; he said he would not take them along. I didn't 
 ask him if he had any more with him. They were bombs exploding by per- 
 cussion, heavier on one side than on the other, so that when they were 
 thrown the cap would always come down. I think they were at the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung on May 4. I never saw the man before or after that. The other 
 two bombs which Wilkinson called 'Czar bombs,' a term which I never 
 used to him, were left one day, in my absence, in the office. When I came 
 from dinner I saw them on my desk and was told that a man had brought 
 them there to inquire whether they were bombs of a good construction, and 
 the man never called for them. That was about a year and a half or two 
 years ago. One I gave to Wilkinson ; the other one, I suppose, was at the 
 office ever since. I don't know what became of it and of the two iron 
 bombs. I had not seen them for some time, but I thought they were at the 
 office. I got the dynamite about two years ago from the ytna Powder 
 Company. I got two of those bars. My intention at first was to experiment 
 with them." , 
 
 "What object did you have in experimenting with the dynamite?" 
 
 " I had read a great deal about dynamite and thought it would be a good 
 thing to get acquainted with its use, just the same as I would take a re- 
 volver and go out and practice with it. I don't want to say, however, that 
 it was merely for curiosity. I can give no further explanation. I got the 
 caps and the fuse, because I would need them to experiment with. I was 
 never present, to the best of my recollection, when experiments were made 
 with dynamite. Neither bombs nor dynamite were ever distributed through 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. I did not tell Mr. Wilkinson that they were. 
 I never handled any dynamite outside of the two cartridges ; never had 
 anything to do with the distribution of dynamite. I know Herr Most : I 
 guess I have known him for three years. This letter here is from Most. 
 I do not know whether I answered that letter. I cannot remember." 
 
 " In whose handwriting is this postal card ? " 
 
 "It is Most's handwriting. I suppose I received it I see my address 
 on it. I do not remember having read that postal or this letter at this date. 
 I don't remember the contents of that letter. I have undoubtedly received
 
 520 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and read it, but don't recollect anything about it now. I never carried on 
 any correspondence with Most. I don't remember whether I answered the 
 postal card, and whether I said or wrote to Most anything in regard to the 
 inquiries made of me in this letter. I know positively I did not give him 
 the directions where to ship the material mentioned in the letter. There 
 may have been a letter addressed in my care which I may have sent to 
 Most, but I know absolutely nothing outside of that. 
 
 "As to the phrase,' The social revolution,' which occurs in my writings, I 
 mean by it the evolutionary process, or changes from one system to another, 
 which take place in society ; I meant a change from a wage system, from 
 the present relations between labor and capital, to some other system. By 
 the abolition of the wage system I mean the doing away with the spolia- 
 tion of labor, making the worker the owner of his own product. 
 
 " I was invited to go to the Haymarket meeting at nine o'clock on Tuesday, 
 by Mr. Fischer. It was about eleven o'clock when I objected to that last line 
 in the circular. I objected to that principally because I thought it was ridic- 
 ulous to put a phrase in which would prevent people from attending the meet- 
 ing. Another reason was that there was some excitement at that time, and 
 a call for arms like that might have caused trouble between the police and the 
 attendants of that meeting. I did not anticipate anything of the kind, but I 
 thought it was not a proper thing to put that line in. I wrote the ' Revenge ' 
 circular, everything except the word ' Revenge.' I wrote the words, ' Work- 
 ingmen, to arms ! ' When I wrote it I thought it was proper ; I don't think 
 so now. I wrote it to arouse the working people, who are stupid and igno- 
 rant, to a consciousness of the condition that they were in, not to submit to 
 such brutal treatment as that by which they had been shot down at Mc- 
 Cormick's on the previous day. I wanted them not to attend meetings under 
 such circumstances, unless they could resist. I did not want them to do 
 anything in particular I did not want to do anything. That I called them 
 to arms is a phrase, probably an extravagance. I did intend that they 
 should arm themselves. I have called upon the workingmen for years and 
 years, and others have done the same thing before me, to arm themselves. 
 They have a right, under the Constitution, to arm themselves, and it would 
 be well for them if they were all armed. I called on them to arm them- 
 selves, not for the purpose of resisting the lawfully constituted authorities 
 of the city and county, in case they should meet with opposition from them, 
 but for the purpose of resisting the unlawful attacks of the police or the 
 unconstitutional and unlawful demands of any organization, whether police, 
 militia or any other. I have not urged them in my speeches and editorials 
 to arm themselves in order to bring about a social revolution or in order to 
 overthrow the lawful authority of the country." 
 
 The letter referred to as that of Most, which was in German, and which 
 was dated 1884, was then put in evidence and read, as follows : 
 
 1 ' Dear Spies : Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking Valley was not written by a 
 detective ? In a week I will go to Pittsburg, and I have an inclination to go also to the 
 Hocking Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter. There Sch. 'H.'also 
 existed but on paper. I told you this some months ago. On the other hand I am in a con- 
 dition to furnish 'medicine,' and the ' genuine ' article at that. Directions for use are per- 
 haps not needed with these people. Moreover they were recently published in the ' Fr. ' 
 The appliances I can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thoroughly 
 reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds But how ? Is there an express line to 
 the place, or is there another way possible ? Paulus, the Great, seems to delight in hopping 
 around in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z. like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite
 
 PARSONS ON THE STAND. 521 
 
 general detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only 
 that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotten elements into the newspaper company than 
 are already in it. Iii this regard, the caution is important to be on the minute. The organ- 
 ization here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of the 
 North Side group in Chicago ; and then, besides this, we have also the Soc. Rev. i, the 
 Austrian League and the Bohemian League, so to say three more groups. Finally, it is easily 
 seen that our influence with the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our 
 meetings in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the time when 
 we got through weekly $1.50 to $2.00 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget to put 
 yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the English organ. He will surely 
 work with you much and well. Such a paper is more necessary as to the truth. This, 
 indeed, is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is whist- 
 ling from the last hole. Enclosed is a fly-leaf which recently appeared at Emden, and is 
 perhaps adapted for reprint. Greeting to Schwab, Rau and to you. Yours, 
 
 "JOHANN MOST. 
 
 " P. S. To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present only in general terms. 
 "A. SPIES, No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago, Illinois." 
 
 The postal card referred to was also put in evidence and read, as 
 follows : 
 
 " L. S. (Dear Spies :} I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when the telegraph 
 brought news from H. M. One does not know whether to rejoice over that or not. The 
 advance is in itself elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local, and, there- 
 fore, might not have a result. At any rate, these people make a better impression than the 
 foolish voters on this and the other side of the ocean. Greetings and a shake. 
 
 "Yours, J. M." 
 
 ALBERT R. PARSONS made the following statement in his own behalf : 
 
 " I have resided in Chicago for thirteen years. I was born June 20, 1848. 
 On Sunday, May 2, I was in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio. Came back from 
 there to Chicago on Tuesday morning, May 4th, between seven and eight 
 o'clock. I caused a notice calling for a meeting of the American group at 
 107 Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4th, to be inserted in the Daily 
 Neivs of that evening. In the evening I left my house in company with 
 Mrs. Holmes, my wife and two children, about eight o'clock. We walked 
 from home until we got to Randolph and Halsted Streets. There I met two 
 reporters that I have seen frequently at workingmen's meetings. One of 
 them was a reporter whose name I don't know ; the other was Mr. 
 Heineman of the Tribune. There Mrs. Holmes, my wife and children and 
 myself took a car and rode directly to the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue. 
 We arrived there about half-past eight and remained about half an hour. 
 After the business for which the meeting had been called was about through, 
 some one, I understood it was a committee, came over from the Haymarket 
 and said that there was a large body of people and no speakers there except 
 Mr. Spies, and myself and Mr. Fielden were urged to come over to address 
 the mass-meeting. After finishing up the work, we adjourned and walked 
 over. Fielden and myself crossed the river through the tunnel. There 
 were three or four others present, but I don't remember their names. I 
 think it was after nine o'clock when I reached the meeting on Desplaines 
 Street near the Haymarket. Mr. Spies was speaking. I managed to 
 squeeze through the crowd, was assisted upon the wagon at once by some 
 gentlemen standing about, and within a minute or two Mr. Spies concluded, 
 stated that I had arrived and would address the meeting, and asked their 
 attention while I was talking. I suppose I spoke about three-quarters of 
 an hour. At the close of my speech I got down from the wagon. I think I 
 was assisted by Henry Spies, who was standing by the wagon. Then I 
 went to the wagon which stood about fifteen or twenty feet north of the
 
 522 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 speakers' wagon, on which my wife and Mrs. Holmes were seated, listening 
 to us. I got into that wagon, asked them how they were enjoying them- 
 selves, etc., and while talking with them, about ten minutes later, a coolness 
 in the atmosphere attracted my attention. I looked up and observed white 
 clouds rolling over from the north, and as I didn't want the ladies to get 
 wet, I went on to the speakers' wagon and said : ' Mr. Fielden, permit me 
 to interrupt you a moment.' 'Certainly,' he said. And I said: 'Gentle- 
 men, it appears as though it would rain. It is getting late. We might as 
 well adjourn anyway, but if you desire to continue the meeting longer, we 
 can adjourn to Zepf's Hall, on the corner near by.' Some one in the crowd 
 said : ' No, we can't ; it is occupied by a meeting of the furniture workers.' 
 With that I looked and saw the lights through the windows of the hall, and 
 said nothing further. Mr. Fielden remarked that it did not matter ; he had 
 only a few words more to say. I went over again to where the ladies were, 
 helped them off the wagon and told them to go down to this corner place, 
 and we would all get together and go home. They walked off, and some 
 one detained me for a moment ; then I followed them and met near the edge 
 of the crowd a man whom I knew very familiarly Mr. Brown. I asked 
 him to have a drink with me, as the speaking had made me hoarse, and we 
 moved off a little in the rear of the ladies, to the saloon. There had been 
 no appearance of the police, no explosion or any disturbance up to that 
 time. As I entered the saloon I noticed some four or five gentlemen stand- 
 ing at the bar. There were possibly as many as ten people sitting at tables 
 on the other side next the wall, and about five or six men standing in the 
 center of the floor talking to each other, among whom I noticed Mr. Malkoff, 
 talking to a gentleman whom I did not know, but I supposed he was a 
 reporter. He was upon the witness-stand in this trial. I believe it was Mr. 
 Allen. The ladies took seats about ten feet from the door, in the saloon, at 
 the end of the first table, with their backs to it, looking into the street. I 
 said something to them, and I believe just then I introduced some one to 
 Mrs. Parsons. Afterwards I went to the bar with Brown, and we had a 
 glass of beer and a cigar. Then I turned around and noticed Mr. Fischer 
 sitting at one of the tables and said a few words to him and sat down at the 
 table for a few moments. Then I think I went around to where the ladies 
 were, and I was standing near them looking out and wondering if the meet- 
 ing would not close, anxious to go home. All at once I saw an illumination. 
 It lit up the whole street, followed instantly by a deafening roar, and almost 
 simultaneously volleys of shots followed, every flash of which, it seemed to 
 me, I could see. The best comparison I can make in my mind is that it 
 was as though a hundred men held in their hands repeating revolvers and 
 fired them as rapidly as possible until they were all gone. That was the 
 first volley. Then there were occasional shots, and one or two bullets 
 whistled near the door and struck, the sign. I was transfixed. Mrs. Par- 
 sons did not move. In a moment two or three men rushed breathlessly in 
 at the door. That broke the apparent charm that was on us by the occur- 
 rence in the street, and with that I called upon my wife and Mrs. Holmes 
 to come with me to the rear of the saloon. We remained there, possibly, 
 twenty minutes or so." 
 
 On cross-examination Parsons said : 
 
 " I was born in Montgomery, Alabama. Since I came to Chicago I 
 worked as a type-setter for the first eight or nine years ; then for a year and
 
 PARSONS' CROSS-EXAMINATION. 523, 
 
 a half myself and wife had a suit business on Larrabee street ; then for about 
 a year and a half myself and wife made ladies' wrappers and suits, and I 
 went out soliciting orders. For the last two years, since October, 1884, 
 I was editor of the Alarm. It was a weekly paper for about a year, and 
 then a semi-monthly. I wrote down the memorandum of my utterances on 
 the night of May 4th, which I used in giving my testimony as to my speech, 
 from time to time, as they occurred to me, and in looking over Mr. English's, 
 report. When I referred to the methods which the Chicago Times and the 
 Chicago Tribune and Tom Scott advised against striking workingmen, I told 
 them they should defend themselves against such things in any way they 
 could, by arming, if necessary. I did not mention dynamite at that meeting. 
 I possibly mentioned it at other meetings. I said nothing about bombs that 
 night, neither as a defensive means, or something to use against them. I 
 did not, when I said that the present social system must be changed in 
 the interest of humanity, explain to them how the social change should be 
 brought about, because I did not know myself. I think I told the audience 
 that the existing order of things was founded upon and maintained by force, 
 and that the actions of the monopolists and corporations would drive the 
 people into the use of force before they could obtain redress. I might have 
 stated that I am not sure. I did not tell them that the ballot was useless 
 for them because the majority was against them. That is not correct ; the 
 workingmen are vastly in the majority. I did not tell them that night that 
 the only way they could obtain their rights was by overturning the existing 
 order of things by force. I could not tell whether there were any strikers 
 present that night. There were very few Socialists present. I am a 
 Socialist. I am an Anarchist, as I understand it." 
 
 W. A. S. GRAHAM, a reporter with no Anarchistic tendencies, had inter- 
 viewed Harry Gilmer at the City Hall as to what he had seen at the Hay- 
 market and who threw the bomb. 
 
 HARRY GILMER was then recalled by the defendants and stated that he 
 had seen the gentleman (pointing to Graham) at the Central Station, and 
 that he (Graham) asked him if he could identify the man who threw the 
 bomb. Gilmer had answered that he could if he saw him. Witness did not 
 say during the conversation that he saw the man throw the bomb, but that 
 the man had his back to him and had whiskers. Witness did not say that 
 the man was of medium size with dark clothes, and that he saw him light 
 the fuse and throw the bomb.' 
 
 Mr. Graham was recalled and stated that the man (Gilmer) just on the 
 stand had told him that he saw the ma/i light the fuse and throw the bomb, 
 and that he could identify him if he saw him. Gilmer told him that the 
 man was of medium height, and thought he had whiskers and wore a soft 
 black hat, but had his back turned toward him. On cross-examination wit- 
 ness said : 
 
 " I had this conversation about four o'clock in the afternoon of May 5th. 
 I talked with him about three or four minutes. He said nothing about there 
 being more than one man at that location, a knot of men, or anything of that 
 kind. He said that one man lighted the fuse and threw the bomb ; he did
 
 524 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 not say anything about how it was lighted, whether with a match or a cigar, 
 I did not ask him that. He said he was standing in Crane's alley when it 
 was done. 
 
 This closed the evidence for the defense, and by agreement several 
 newspaper articles and an address of Victor Hugo to the " Rich and Poor" 
 were introduced. The State then proceeded to put in rebutting testimony. 
 
 DANIEL SCULLY, a justice of the peace, was first examined. He stated 
 that at the preliminary examination, held on the 25th of May, Officer Wess- 
 ler had not stated in his testimony that Stenner was the man who fired 
 the shot from the wagon ; neither had Officer Foley so stated. 
 
 " Did he, at that time, give a description of the man who fired the shot 
 over the wagon that night as a stout man with heavy whiskers, saying at 
 the same time that if he ever saw him again he thought he could identify 
 him ? " "Yes, sir. Stenner was discharged upon that examination." 
 
 INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD met Mr. Simonson, a witness in this case, at 
 the police station on the night of the. Haymarket riot. The man was intro- 
 duced to him by Capt. Ward as a member of the firm of J.V. Farwell & Co. 
 
 "We three stood together outside of the railing. Mr. Simonson 
 opened the conversation by remarking to me that he understood that the 
 horses belonging to the Police Department were getting used up with the 
 constant work they had, and that either Mr. Farwell or the firm I under- 
 stood him to say Mr. Farwell that their horses were at our service in case 
 we needed any horses. I told him that our teams had stood the work so 
 far very well, but that if the troubles continued for any length of time we 
 would likely need assistance and would call upon him if occasion demanded 
 it, thanking him for his offer. He then spoke about the trouble at McCor- 
 mick's and on Centre Avenue and Eighteenth Street that afternoon, and 
 said the police ought to have dispersed those crowds ; not to have allowed 
 them to collect. I did not, in the course of that conversation, tell him that 
 I would like to get a crowd of 3,000 without any women and children, and 
 in that case would make short work of them, or anything to that effect." 
 
 The most important part of the work done by the State at this phase of 
 the proceedings was the strong indorsement of Harry W. Gihner's veracity 
 which was produced before the jury. To the credibility of this witness, and 
 to their acquaintance with, and respect for him, the following persons testi- 
 fied : Judge Tuthill of the Superior Court, Chas. A. Dibble, John Steele, 
 Michael Smith, Benjamin F. Knowles, Chester C. Cole, ex- Judge of the 
 Supreme Court of Iowa, Edward R. Mason, Clerk of the U. S. Circuit Court at 
 Des Moines, Samuel Merrill, President of the Citizens' National Bank of 
 Des Moines, Canute R. Matson, Sheriff of Cook County, Sylvanus Edin- 
 burn, W. P. Hardy, John L. Manning, an attorney, and many others. 
 Many of these witnesses had known Gilmer in Iowa for many years ; others 
 were old acquaintances of his in Chicago; all of them swore that he was 
 worthy of belief.
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Opening of the Argument Mr. Walker's Speech The Law of the Case- 
 
 Was there a Conspiracy? The Caliber of the Bullets Tightening the Chain A 
 Propaganda on the Witness-stand The Eight-hour Movement " One Single Bomb " 
 The Cry of the Revolutionist Avoiding the Mouse-trap Parsons and the Murder 
 Studying "Revolutionary War" Lingg and his Bomb Factory The Alibi Idea. 
 
 THE evidence being now all in, Francis W. Walker, Assistant State's 
 Attorney, on the morning of August nth, began his address to the 
 jury. Although his argument was an exceedingly lengthy one, he held his 
 audience and the jury to the closest attention from the first word to the 
 last. Mr. Walker began by an examination of the law, defining what is 
 meant by the term "reasonable doubt," which he believed would be one of 
 the arguments used by the defense. Following this he read the statutes 
 showing what murder is, and what an accessory, under the laws of Illinois. 
 Under the statute, as he proved, an accessory is to be held as a principal. 
 Following this he reviewed at some length Mr. Salomon's statement, in 
 that gentleman's opening speech, that the prisoners had been guilty, if 
 they were guilty at all, of no crime more serious than conspiracy. Mr. 
 Walker held that the fact that murder had followed the conspiracy proved; 
 the conspirators murderers. His logic was clear, cogent and unanswerable.. 
 Its effect could be seen in the gloomy attention which the doomed Anar- 
 chists paid to his fatal chain of reasoning. 
 
 Leaving the authorities to one side, Mr. Walker addressed himself to> 
 the facts made manifest by the evidence. He said : 
 
 "We start out first upon the analysis of the facts of this case in this- 
 way : Was there an unlawful combination, a conspiracy, to overthrow the 
 systems of this Government upon the ist day of May, 1886? Was the 
 bomb thrown on the 4th of May in pursuance of the common design ?' 
 Are these defendants members of that conspiracy? When those questions 
 are answered in the affirmative the guilt of each and every one of these 
 defendants of murder is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. But, if we go> 
 further than that, the argument would embrace the topic : Was there a mur- 
 der committed at the Haymarket? Did the defendants aid, abet and assist 
 the commission of that act ? Or, if they were not present aiding, abetting 
 and assisting, had they advised, encouraged, aided and abetted the perpe- 
 tration of the crime ? Under either aspect of this case, the defendants are 
 guilty of murder with malice aforethought. 
 
 "Was there a conspiracy? Was there a conspiracy to culminate on or 
 about the ist day of May? Were the defendants members of that con- 
 spiracy? Was the conspiracy unlawful? Was the bomb thrown in pursu- 
 ance of the common design ? Let us investigate the facts and answer each 
 proposition." 
 
 Mr. Walker went into the peculiar fact that the bullets found in the
 
 526 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 bodies of the officers were 22 and 44-caliber ; the officers carried 38-caliber. 
 The witnesses who had appeared for the defense in this case were armed 
 with pistols of the first-named sizes. 
 
 He read to the jury many remarkable extracts from Host's writings, 
 pointing out the peculiar and criminal teachings of that Anarchist leader, 
 and showing how Spies and the others had in every detail of their connec- 
 tion with the police, after the Haymarket murders, followed the printed 
 advice given. 
 
 Following is one of the extracts from Host's book : 
 
 ' ' Shield your person as long as there is a possibility to preserve it for future deeds, but 
 when you see that you are irredeemably lost, then use the short respite to make the most of 
 it for the propaganda of your principles. We have regarded it our duty to give you these 
 
 instructions, the more so as we see from day to day 
 even people who are expert in revolutionary mat- 
 ters violating even the plainest rules. May their 
 lives be the last which are necessary in this regard. 
 
 " I read you, gentlemen, this, so that 
 we may start out from the proper stand- 
 point and position, before we argue as to 
 the merits of the testimony of the defen- 
 dants' witnesses in this case. Who are 
 they ? Who is their advisor ? Why, they 
 have started out in social life agreeing to 
 swear to perjury. They belong to the 
 Social Revolution. There is not one of 
 them, gentlemen, that bears upon his face 
 the stamp of sensibility or of heart, and 
 there can be no argument made when 
 they talk about the motive to justify mur- 
 der and the advice of murder, only from 
 the malignant heart. Here they picture 
 murder and gloat over it. They feast 
 over the description of how to poison 
 easiest, as the hyena does over the corpse of the dead. 
 
 " Host laughs in his own book. He tells to the ' mere compositor ' : 
 ' Use a dagger with grooves in it ; the poison will stay on it the more 
 readily.' And a file is adopted for the purpose. 
 
 " Gentlemen, we have found without any further analysis the reason why 
 the defendant Parsons converted the witness-stand into a propaganda. It 
 took him an hour by the clock here to repeat the substance of the speech 
 that he delivered in less than three-quarters of an hour upon the Harket 
 Square. He endeavored to deny the conspiracy by an alibi ; and I mean 
 by that the conspiracy upon the night of Hay 4th. He only said he was in 
 Cincinnati on Sunday, and did not get back until Tuesday morning. They 
 never asked him if he knew what 'Ruhe' meant. They did not ask Schwab 
 if he knew what ' Ruhe ' meant. The only defendant that they have asked 
 as to his personal knowledge of 'Ruhe' is the defendant Fielden the only 
 one, the only one from the beginning to the close of this case. 
 
 "Was there a conspiracy ? There has been a conspiracy existing in this 
 community to overthrow the law of the State of Illinois by force, for years 
 
 FRANCIS W. WALKER. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 SPIES 1 GROTESQUE VANITY. 527 
 
 and years. In 1885, upon the anniversary of the birth of George Washing- 
 ton, in the city of Grand Rapids, the arch-conspirator in this case because 
 he is the one that is the most contemptible said in the city of Grand Rap- 
 ids I refer you now to the testimony of Mr. Moulton and George Schook : 
 ' There are three thousand men, armed, in the city of Chicago, secretly 
 drilled. They are known by numbers and not by names. Whoever wishes 
 to join may join, but before you have joined you cannot know their secrets, 
 Mr. Moulton. There will be a revolution when the eight-hour movement 
 takes place. We will favor the eight-hour not because we believe in it, but 
 because it will assist us in the social revolution, and the eight-hour move- 
 ment will occur on or about the ist of May, 1886. If I fail, I shall be 
 hanged.' And then the man that puts the word 'Ruhe' for the purpose 
 of this case on the shoulder of Fischer, compares himself to George Wash- 
 ington, and in his grotesque and horrible vanity says : ' I am a rebel, and if 
 I don't succeed I shall be hanged.' 
 
 " On October, 17, 1885, in the city of Chicago, at the West Twelfth Street 
 Turner Hall, August Spies again, in a public meeting, admitted the great 
 conspiracy and again foreshadowed the coming revolution on the first of 
 May ; and this was published by his coordinate editor in the Alarm, at the 
 same office, 107 Fifth Avenue, Mr. Parsons. 
 
 "The defendant Spies has been upon the stand. He only denied as to 
 a conspiracy, and never whispered a word of denial except when he got to 
 the word ' Ruhe.' Without explanation he could never escape the effect 
 of that word, and his explanation is the evidence of his guilt ; he tried to 
 put that on Fischer. 
 
 ' 'August Spies was introduced at this point and offered the following resolutions : Whereas, 
 a general move has been started among the organized wage-workers of this country for the 
 establishment of an eight-hour work-=day, to begin on May i, 1886; whereas, it is to be 
 expected that the class of professional idlers, the governing class who prey upon the bone and 
 marrow of the useful members of society, will resist this attempt by calling to their assistance 
 the Pinkertons, the police and State militia : Therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, That we urge upon all wage-workers the necessity of procuring arms before the 
 inauguration of the proposed eight-hour strike, in order to be in a position of meeting our foe 
 with their own argument, force. 
 
 " Here is shown the sincerity of these men in their endeavor to ameliorate 
 the laborer as they call it, the wage-worker. 
 
 ' ' Resolved, That while we are skeptical in regard to the benefits that will accrue to the wage- 
 worker from the introduction of the eight-hour work-day, we nevertheless pledge ourselves to 
 aid and assist our brethren of this class with all that lies in our power as long as they show 
 an open and defiant front to our common enemy, the labor-devouring class of aristocratic 
 vagabonds, the brutal murderers of our comrades in St. Louis, Chicago and Philadelphia 
 and other places. Our war-cry is, ' Death to the enemy of the human race, our despoilers.' 
 
 "What does that mean ? It was published in the Alarm. Was there a 
 conspiracy, gentlemen, against the police on the first day of May, 1886 ? 
 After the reading, these resolutions were received with round after round 
 of applause, and the chair was about to put a vote, when Mr. J. K. Magie 
 arose and said that he understood a discussion of them to be in order. He 
 denounced the revolutionary character of the resolutions. He believed 
 that six hours of labor was enough ! This man was a labor agitator and be- 
 lieves in the amelioration of labor. 'This is the best form of government 
 that ever existed,' he said of this Republic. He is an American citizen and 
 believes in the institutions of his country. ' If there are abuses, there is a 
 proper way to correct them. Eighty per cent, of the voting population are
 
 528 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 working people ; they should strike with the ballot and not with the bullet.' 
 Then this ameliorator of labor, August Spies, supposed that Mr. Magie did 
 not like the terms in which the members of the Government were referred 
 to. The reason of this was that Mr. Magie was one of those political vaga- 
 bonds himself. There were nine millions of the best people engaged in the 
 industrial trades of this country. There were but one million of them as 
 yet organized one million, and by the way, that is significant in the fact 
 that these men fought to achieve this result all over the country. Schnau- 
 belt had said at 54 West Lake Street the night before, the 3d of May, 'We 
 must telegraph our success to all the other cities throughout the country.' 
 
 " To make the movement in which they were engaged the eight-hour 
 movement for the ist of May a successful one, it must be a revolutionary 
 one. 'Don't let us,' he exclaimed, 'forget the most forcible argument, the 
 gun and dynamite.' 
 
 " Was there a conspiracy ? Turn to the cross-examination of Wilkinson 
 by Capt. Black, and find that part where Wilkinson said he had heard Joe 
 Gruenhut say that the revolution that Spies spoke of was to occur, the con- 
 flict was actually to occur on the ist or after the ist of May, 1886. This 
 was brought out by Capt. Black himself on cross-examination of this wit- 
 ness. In the first place you must remember that Lingg was in this coun- 
 try before the Christmas of 1885, between the ist day of January and the 
 1 4th day of January. The Czar bomb, but six or eight weeks after Lingg 
 came here, was handed to Wilkinson by Spies the twin, the same bomb 
 in general construction and general make-up as that used at the Haymarket 
 on that night, made by Lingg on the afternoon of that day, or filled with 
 dynamite on the afternoon of that day." 
 
 Following this Mr. Walker reviewed Parsons' utterances in the Alarm, 
 quoting many of them. He argued that it was this sort of language and 
 the dynamite bomb at the Haymarket which accounted for the failure of the 
 eight-hour movement in the United States. 
 
 Coming to August Spies, he read from the Arbeiter-Zeitung the follow- 
 ing characteristic morceau : 
 
 " ' Six months ago, May 4th, when the eight-hour movement began' 
 this is in Spies' own handwriting 'there were speakers and journals of 
 the I. A. A.' that is the International Arbeiter Association 'who pro- 
 claimed and wrote : " Workingmen, if you want to see the eight-hour sys- 
 tem introduced, arm yourselves. If you don't do this you will be sent home 
 with bloody heads, and the birds will sing May songs upon your graves." 
 "That is nonsense," was the reply. "If the workingmen are organized 
 they will gain the eight-hour in their Sunday clothes." Well, what do you 
 say now? Were we right or wrong? Would the occurrence of yesterday 
 .have been possible if our advice had been followed ? Wage-workers, yester- 
 day the police of this city murdered at McCormick's factory four of your bro- 
 thers, and wounded more or less,' etc. ' If the brothers who defended them- 
 selves with stones (a few of them had little snappers in the shape of revolv 
 ers) had been provided with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, 
 not one of the murderers would have escaped their well-merited fate.' 
 
 "The police went up there; they were nearly being murdered with 
 stones ; the mob were throwing at them before they ever fired a shot ; and 
 this man the next day writes: 'Had they' the mob 'been provided
 
 
 THE CALL TO ARMS. 529 
 
 with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, not one of the mur- 
 derers would have escaped his well-deserved fate. ' Then see : 'As it was, 
 only four of them were disfigured. That is too bad." 
 
 "Here, here is a man that has no design upon the police, don't believe 
 in force. ' That is too bad. The massacre of yesterday took place in order 
 to fill the forty thousand workingmen of this city with fear and terror ; 
 took place in order to force back,' etc. ' Will they succeed in this ? Will 
 they not find at last that they have miscalculated ? The near future will 
 answer this question. We will not anticipate the course of events with 
 surmises.' 
 
 "That is what he himself said. If one single bomb had been used it 
 would have been different. He sees these eight thousand men at his back, 
 returns immediately to the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and writes out this, 
 (indicating the Revenge circular). What did he mean ? What did he 
 mean? 'Revenge.' He says he did not write the word 'Revenge' in 
 English. Rache, Rache, Revenge, Revenge he never denied that he wrote 
 it in the German language, nor any witness for him ; but it makes no 
 difference whether he wrote it, or whether he did not write it. He wrote 
 'To arms;' he says, 'To arms, workingmen, to arms.' What does that 
 mean ? Did anybody say at the Haymarket, ' Here come the bloodhounds ; 
 you do your duty and I will do mine ' ? Let us see. ' The bloodhounds ' 
 was the common expression from the lips of these defendants as the desig- 
 nation for the police. Spies says in English did he mean this or 
 didn't he ?" 
 
 Mr. Walker here read the text of the " Revenge " circular, both the 
 English and German versions, as given in a previous chapter, and continued : 
 
 ' ' Is that meaningless ? ' To arms, we call you to arms. ' Why, it is the 
 cry of the revolutionist ; it is the cry of the Communist ; it is the cry of the 
 Anarchist ; it is the cry of Spies and Parsons ' To arms, to arms ! ' And 
 yet the English was tame in comparison to the German version. 
 
 " Did they have no design upon individuals in this conspiracy ? Why, 
 they had the most awful, damning malice against the police. It was the 
 motive-hunting of a motiveless malignity. Without reason and without cause 
 they had individualized the police ; but Bonfield for the second time stood 
 in the way of the Social Revolution. Just see how it forces up the blood 
 of this social revolutionist : 'The bloodhounds, the police are at you, in 
 order to cure you, with bullets, of your dissatisfaction. Slaves, we ask, we 
 conjure you by all that is sacred and dear to you, avenge '- what does 
 that mean ? What difference does it make whether he wrote revenge at 
 the head of this circular or not ? He wrote it in it. What did it mean ? 
 What did those conspirators mean? 
 
 " Avenge the atrocious murder which has been committed upon your brothers to-day, 
 and which will be likely to be committed upon you to-morrow. Avenge, laboring men. 
 Hercules, you have arrived at the crossway. Which way will you decide, for slavery and 
 hunger, or for freedom and bread ? If you decide for the latter, then don't delay a moment. 
 Then, people, to arms ! Annihilation, annihilation to the beasts in human form who call 
 themselves your rulers. Uncompromising annihilation to them. This must be your motto. 
 Think of the heroes whose blood has fertilized the road to progress, liberty and humanity, 
 and strive to become worthy of them. Your brothers. 
 
 "Thousands of these were circulated throughout the city. Does that 
 mean that there was a conspiracy and no malice against individuals ?
 
 530 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "And then on Monday night a meeting at 54 West Lake Street took 
 place, which has not been denied, and there were Lingg and Engel and 
 Fischer. Engel's plan was again reiterated ; Lingg was to make the bombs, 
 and Lingg was there to say he could make the bombs. He may have been 
 to the Carpenters' meeting before that. When" he left the 54 West Lake 
 Street meeting, he met Lehman upon the way home Gustav Lehman, who 
 testified he got the bombs from Lingg and he said to Lehman, ' If you 
 want to know anything, you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue to-morrow night. ' 
 In response to the question, ' What has been going on in the meeting at 54 
 West Lake Street, in the basement ? ' 
 
 " At that meeting at 54 West Lake Street were represented all the 
 different Socialistic and Anarchistic organizations. ' Y, Come Monday 
 night,' had brought delegates, according to Waller's testimony, from every 
 group in the city. The West Side, the South Side, Southwest Side, the 
 North Side, every group was represented, and the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
 also had its delegates. The plan was arranged that on to-morrow, if the 
 revolution took place in the daytime, and the conflict had occurred, the 
 word ' Ruhe ' should be published, all the men should be at their outlying 
 groups ready to annihilate the police, the fire department, to cut the tele- 
 graph wires, and to prevent communication with the central meeting at the 
 Haymarket. Waller had suggested that this meeting be at Market Square ; 
 Fischer says : 'No; that is a mouse trap; we will make it the Hay- 
 market.' And then Spies takes it up north of the alley, north of the inter- 
 section of the street and, by the way, that block has more alleys than per- 
 haps any other block in the city of Chicago, and more means of escape 
 and locates that meeting just where he had located the street battle in his 
 description to Mr. Wilkinson, and as Parsons had explained street warfare 
 in the Alarm. 
 
 "Who called the meeting at the Haymarket to order on Desplaines 
 Street beyond the alley ? Spies. He had written with his own hand the 
 word ' Ruhe.' He was after the social revolution. Why did he move the 
 meeting to that place if he knew what ' Ruhe ' meant ? Why was he there 
 at all if he knew what ' Ruhe ' meant ? He has told. Why was he on the 
 wagon if he knew what ' Ruhe ' meant ? Why didn't he notify the police, 
 if he knew what ' Ruhe' meant, not to come to that meeting ? Why had he 
 said upon the wagon, ' If you want to do anything, why don't you do it and 
 say nothing ? ' if he knew what ' Ruhe ' meant ? Why did he leave his 
 revolver before he ever got to that meeting unless he knew what ' Ruhe ' 
 meant ? He follows out his own instructions in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, on that 
 subject, when some one wrote : 
 
 " In the action itself one must be personally at the place to select personally that point 
 on the place of the action and that part of the action which are the most important and are 
 coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the 
 whole affair. 
 
 "And he selected the place himself. Fischer says : 'No, the Market 
 Square is a mouse trap,' and they named they Haymarket, and Spies 
 designates the place of meeting and publishes the word ' Ruhe ;' and then 
 it is expected from twenty-five to forty thousand people will be at the meet- 
 ing on Haymarket Square. Eight thousand had rebelled at McCormick's ; 
 the skirmish lines had met, and it was expected that there would be twenty- 
 five thousand at the Haymarket on that night ; but there were not, and for 
 that reason this mob was not dispersed. The police could not see at any
 
 THERE A CONSPIRACY?" 531 
 
 time a meeting so large as to be beyond their control, but when this meet- 
 ing became boisterous it was after ten o'clock, two hours later than the 
 meeting was called for. If the police had been but two hours earlier in 
 dispelling the meeting the flames would have been lighted out at Wicker 
 Park ; the instrument of fire described in Herr Host's book, and found at 
 Wicker Park, was for that purpose. The Northwestern group was to meet 
 at Wicker Park, and come down past North Avenue Station. The North Side 
 group was to annihilate the North Side Station, and Lingg was at his post 
 of duty for that purpose. 
 
 "Was there a conspiracy? They take the word and Spies publishes it. 
 He says in explanation : 'Among the announcements it came to me by no 
 person of whom I am aware, no one about whom I know anything.' No 
 questions were asked. In this way the mere editor, Spies, publishes in 
 the Briefkasten the word ' Ruhe ' prominently. The Briefkasten is 
 used to answer private correspondence, personal letters and editor- 
 ials, or it is used to place the advertisements of secret meetings in, 
 and for no other purpose. 'Y Come Monday night,' is found in the Let- 
 ter-box of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. That is a secret thing, and means that the 
 armed groups shall meet at 54 West Lake Street. ' Ruhe ' was an answer 
 to no correspondent ; the word ' Ruhe ' could enlighten no ignorant man on 
 the subject alone ; and the editor-in-chief of the Arbeiter-Zeitung picked up 
 a piece of paper and wrote ' Ruhe ' on it without ever knowing what it 
 meant or where it came from, and says it was handed him among the labor 
 announcements : ' Mr. Editor, please publish the word " Ruhe " in the Let- 
 ter box prominently.' What tells you that it was a labor announcement? 
 Who ever said it was a labor announcement ? ' Ruhe,' peace, rest, quiet 
 'Ruhe' a labor announcement ! Why, who said so? It would be lost if 
 put in the announcements of labor organizations. ' Mr. Editor, pub- 
 lish the word " Ruhe" in the column where you put " Y Come Monday 
 night," the secret sign of the armed sections, and publish it prominently/ 
 Without a word he did so, and he asks you to believe it. Did he know 
 what ' Ruhe ' meant ? Why, he sent for Fischer, and Fischer told him it was 
 harmless. ' Why,' he said, ' that is foolish, Fischer ; don't do that, don't 
 do that.' Rau had only told him that it meant : ' Workmen, be at your 
 groups, keep yourselves armed and in preparation, so that if you' are 
 attacked you can defend yourselves ; workingmen, arm yourselves and be at 
 your groups.' That is what Rau said 'Ruhe' meant, and, when asked, 
 Fischer says: 'Why, that means, "Keep your powder dry," that is all. 1 
 ' Well,' he says, ' Fischer, that is foolish ; that is crazy ; why, I cannot have 
 that.' What did he think was foolish and crazy? To keep their powder 
 dry, when this man had said the day before, 'Workingmen, arm yourselves, 
 arm yourselves !' This is the explanation of the word ' Ruhe.' 
 
 " Did Parsons know of the conspiracy ' Ruhe ' ? He was a party to the 
 great conspiracy, for he had cried about April 24th for the revolution upon 
 the ist of May. That he has not denied; and to my mind he cuts one of 
 the worst figures in this case. He was born at least upon American soil, and 
 he stands here alone, alone amongst these vast hordes of witnesses who are 
 not citizens of our republic, and whose purpose is her destruction. Albert 
 R. Parsons is the only American, and he has no right, no right to belong to 
 that nationality. He never said he did not know of the conspiracy, and he 
 spoke of the 4th of May; it was said that night he staid away by the way, 
 he left this out 'I should be accused of cowardice;' but he did say, 'I
 
 532 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 would come if I were to die before morning. ' Did he know of the con- 
 spiracy? Why, he had been in it for years. He published the order of 
 street fighting in his Alarm, foreshadowing the battle in his description ; 
 and not only did he do that, but he made the alibi by calling at the Ameri- 
 can group on that night, a group organized and holding a meeting for the 
 sewing girls when not a sewing girl was present, with no one there but a 
 Nihilist, a Communist, a Socialist and an Anarchist. Mrs. Parsons was 
 there and Mrs. Holmes. Where was any sewing girl ? 
 
 " And here I want to ask you if, after hearing all the proof in this case ; 
 if, after reading Most's ' Revolutionary War,' the instructions to the Nihil- 
 ists and Anarchists ; if after reading the Alarm here ; if, after hearing the 
 testimony of the witnesses, you will here and to-day say that the men lied 
 who on that night stood when Captain Bonfield said ' Fall in ' stood there 
 when the concussion had riven to the earth sixty of Chicago's noblest men 
 because they had courage. When, out of the hundred and eighty, sixty lay 
 wounded on the ground, the other one hundred and twenty killed the revo- 
 lution with one blow. The men whose lives were spared fell in, and not a 
 man has lived to say there was a coward in the whole one hundred and 
 eighty." 
 
 In the same manner he went through the evidence proving the guilt of 
 Schwab, Fielden and Neebe. 
 
 "Was Engel in the conspiracy? He proposed the plan at both 
 meetings. He said to Captain Schaack, at the Chicago Avenue Station, 
 that 'what was in him had to come oiit,' and he called it the dangerous 
 power of internal eloquence. He planned the conspiracy of the Emma Street 
 meeting, and has been an Anarchist for years, and instructor in the use of 
 weapons, and adviser in the making of bombs. He not only was that, but 
 he absolutely and unqualifiedly advised the Socialists to buy weapons for 
 the express purpose of killing the police, maiming them, and then with all 
 the cunning of a conspirator who has placed his neck within the noose, on 
 the morning of the 4th of May he finds this infernal machine and takes it 
 to the Chief of Police, and then comes the exhibition between Captain Bon- 
 field and the leading counsel for the defense on that proposition. The 
 counsel says : ' He brought it to you freely/ and he emphasized it, and 
 then the tinner came, and the counsel says : ' What is there about this 
 piece of iron that makes you identify it ? You only made that sheet ; is 
 that all ? You just cut a piece of iron off for Mr. Engel.' The witness says : 
 ' Please look at the mark on the inside ; that is my mark.' Was Engel in 
 the conspiracy ? 
 
 " Was Fischer, the lieutenant of Spies, in the conspiracy ? Was Fischer, 
 the messenger of Spies to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street, in the con- 
 spiracy? He was at the office on Monday afternoon between five and- six 
 o'clock, when the ' Revenge ' circular was printed, and from there he went 
 to 54 West Lake Street. Was he in the conspiracy the man with the 
 revolver nearly two feet long, and with the file dagger with grooves ? What 
 does that mean ? Why, prussic acid evaporates ; it dries off the instrument. 
 'Use something with grooves.' And the revolutionists must use files that 
 are ground down, in order to have an instrument that is capable of holding 
 poison. If you remember, there was another file dagger found in the office 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung besides this one. Verdigris, which any one can 
 easily produce by dipping copper or brass into vinegar, and exposing it to
 
 BOMBS AND POISONED DAGGERS. 533 
 
 the atmosphere, may also be mixed with gum arabic and applied to weap- 
 ons, but the weapons ought to be grooved, so that the poison will remain on 
 easier and in larger quantities. That is the explanation of the file dagger 
 and the revolver. Was Fischer in the conspiracy, with the Lehr und Wehr 
 Verein belt strapped upon his person, and traveling in the streets of the city 
 of Chicago with an armament worse than any Western outlaw because no 
 outlaw ever carried on his person a dagger grooved, the slightest scratch of 
 which meant death. It was conceived by nobody except the mind of the 
 revolutionist and lieutenant of Spies. 
 
 " Was Lingg in the conspiracy? He made the very bomb that was used 
 on that night, and it was used on that night in furtherance of the common 
 design. Do you remember the analysis of that bomb ? Do you remember 
 the nuts used to fasten the half-globes together, identical with the one found 
 in the wounded man upon the night of May 4 ? Do you remember Neff's 
 testimony and Seliger's testimony that after the bomb had been thrown, and 
 Lingg was at 58 Clybourn Avenue, some one accused him and said : ' You 
 are responsible for all this see what you have done'? Hubner said: 
 'You are responsible for all this.' This does not come from the lips of any 
 indicted man, but from the lips of Mr. Neff, the proprietor at the place 58 
 Clybourn Avenue. Then Louis Lingg goes home and complains because he 
 has been upbraided for his good work in this case, and then he flees, 
 changes his appearance and he is the only living man that changes his 
 appearance in this case except the bomb-thrower. They are the two who 
 shaved and cut their hair Louis Lingg and Rudolph Schnaubelt. Was 
 Lingg in the conspiracy ? He was not only in the conspiracy, but he did 
 everything in the world to carry out his part of it that night. ' Lehman, 
 you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue to-night, and you will find out what the 
 meeting in the basement at 54 meant.' And Lehman came, and on the next 
 day he was at Lingg's house, and bomb after bomb was distributed from 
 that place before night. Where was Lingg in the morning, between eight 
 and one ? Looking after the revolution in the central part of the city. Men 
 coming and going all day after bombs and with bombs as Mrs. Seliger 
 says all day long, taking them away from that place. 
 
 "'Seliger, make haste!' 'Hubner, make haste!' ' Muntzenberg, 
 make haste ! ' ' Put the cloth over your heads so that you can't get head- 
 ache. Make haste. These bombs must be done so as to be used to-night ! ' 
 What a nice thing it would be, as he and Seliger stood at the corner of 
 North Avenue and Larrabee Street, to throw a bomb in that station, Lingg 
 says. .Then it is 10:30, and the telephone has called for assistance from 
 the North Avenue Station, and the patrol wagon goes out, and there stand 
 Lingg and Seliger with bombs, and Lingg says, ' Seliger, give me a light ; 
 they are going to the assistance of the others. It has happened ; the 
 revolution has come. Give me a light ' and here I am reminded that 
 when a man throws a bomb in furtherance of the social revolution they do 
 it by twos ; one furnishes the light and the other throws the bomb. And this 
 shows that it was not a solitary and single instance that occurred in the 
 alley south of Crane's when a match was lighted and Schnaubelt threw the 
 bomb. The same thing was duplicated by Lingg and Seliger when Seliger 
 was to furnish the light and Lingg throw the bomb. It was only because 
 Seliger hesitated that those men were not killed by Lingg at North Avenue. 
 Was Lingg in this conspiracy then ? Why, he fled the next day, and he is 
 the man who had the courage to give up all hope. You see, Lingg is a
 
 534 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 practical annihilator. He don't believe in preaching ; he believes in acting, 
 and not only believes in it, but he will do it at any time. He saw Schuettler 
 come into the room and jumped upon him the moment he passed the door, 
 with one of those large revolvers. And then you will remember the fight 
 and struggle there. Host's book says when there is a possibility to annihi- 
 late an opposing party, or where it becomes a question of life and death, 
 that death or resistance, or both, are advisable. 
 
 " That is the advice that Lingg acted on and that Spies acted on, but : 
 ' If you are sure that the arrest is made only on vague suspicion, then submit 
 to the inevitable. It is easier in such case to extract yourself again. Prove 
 an alibi.' Was Lingg in this conspiracy? Was it a Lingg bomb ? Hub- 
 ner, Neff and Seliger swear that Hubner said to Lingg, ' You are responsible 
 for this, Louis Lingg,' and they had a dispute and a violent discussion 
 when it was discovered there. After he tries to throw the bomb at the 
 station he goes home and he sees ' Ruhe,' and he is almost crazy, and he 
 wants to go to the Haymarket, and he goes back to 58 Clybourn Avenue 
 and finds that it is over and that the revolution is not accomplished ; and 
 then he gets angry because he is upraided as the one to blame for the whole 
 thing. ' You have done this,' Hubner tells him. Hubner was there all 
 day and helped to make bombs, and Muntzenberg and the Lehmans were 
 in and out all day. Was it Louis Lingg's bomb ? " 
 
 Mr. Walker then made a close examination of the evidence in rebuttal, 
 and closed his magnificent address with a high tribute to the valor of the 
 police and their services to law and order.
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Argument for the Defendants " Newspaper Evidence " Bringing 
 about the Social Revolution Arson and Murder The Right to Property Evolution 
 or Revolution Dynamite as an Argument The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue Was it all 
 Braggadocio? An Open Conspiracy -Secrets that were not Secrets The Case 
 Against the State's Attorney A Good Word for Lingg More About ' ' Ruhe " The 
 " Alleged " Conspiracy Ingham's Answer The Freiheil Articles Lord Coleridge on 
 Anarchy Did Fielden Shoot at the Police? The Bombs in the Seliger Family 
 Circumstantial Evidence in Metal Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb The Crane's 
 Alley Enigma. 
 
 ON the morning of August 12, Mr. Sigismund Zeisler opened his argu- 
 ment on behalf of the defendants. In view of the desperate condition 
 of his case Mr. Zeisler made an able and ingenious plea. His argument 
 occupied a whole day. 
 
 During the morning hour, he elaborated at some length upon his theory 
 of the law, and claimed that it was not only necessary to establish that the 
 defendants were parties to a conspiracy, but it was also necessary to show 
 that somebody who was a party to that conspiracy had committed an act in 
 pursuance of that conspiracy. Besides that it was essential that the State 
 should identify the principal. This, he held, was the law of the State and of 
 the land and of the Constitution of the United States. If the principal is 
 not identified, then no one could be held as accessory. Upon this theory 
 the case should stand or fall, and it was for this reason that the defense 
 endeavored to impeach the testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, as that testi- 
 mony, he maintained, was vital for the case. Mr. Walker, he said, had 
 stated that there was a conspiracy to inaugurate the social revolution on 
 the ist of May, citing in support of the claim the conversation between 
 Spies and Moulton at Grand Rapids, a resolution adopted at the West 
 Twelfth Street Turner Hall in October, 1885, and a conversation between 
 Spies and Reporter Wilkinson ; but after showing the general drift of those 
 conversations and the tenor of the resolutions, Mr. Zeisler contended that 
 the reports of these matters in the newspapers at the time could not be 
 accepted as evidence, as newspapers are frequently given to misstatements. 
 Then, referring to the testimony given by the parties named, he said : 
 
 "Now, what does that testimony amount to? the testimony of Mr. 
 Moulton, the testimony of Mr. Wilkinson and the testimony in regard to 
 the resolutions adopted at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall? Nothing 
 but the fact which is known to all Chicago, that the laboring classes had 
 combined to fight for an eight-hours' work-day on and after the ist of May. 
 That is one thing. And another thing, as far as these resolutions are con- 
 cerned, that it was resolved that, inasmuch as the workingmen had to anti- 
 cipate that the employers would call out the police and militia against them,
 
 536 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS, 
 
 that they should arm themselves to meet the employers by the same means 
 that they, the employers, used. 
 
 " Now, further than that, Mr. Spies has spoken with Mr. Moulton and 
 with Mr. Wilkinson about the coming social revolution ; and when asked 
 by Mr. Moulton, ' How can you ever accomplish such a result? How can 
 you ever bring about the social revolution ? Under what circumstances 
 can it be done ? ' he says it can be done at a time when the workingmen 
 will be unemployed. Substantially the same thing was said to Mr. Wilkin- 
 son at the time of that interview last January. Now, the State's Attorney 
 and his associates argue to you that Spies said himself the social revolu- 
 tion is coming. When is it coming? On the ist of May. Can that be 
 taken literally ?" 
 
 Mr. Zeisler held that in the progress of the civilized world a social revo- 
 lution was inevitable, not by the use of dy- 
 namite or force, but by the peaceable forces 
 at work among the people. 
 
 " Now, the attorneys for the State talk 
 to you about the social revolution, and try 
 to make you believe that the social revolu- 
 tion means bombs and dynamite, and killing 
 and arson and murder and all crimes that 
 we know of. Mr. Fielden on the stand gave 
 the proper expression. Asked whether he 
 believed in the revolution, he said : ' Yes, 
 in the evolutionary revolution. ' And I tell 
 you, gentlemen of the jury, this social revo- 
 lution is corning this social revolution in 
 the sense in which Webster defines the word 
 Socialism." 
 
 Mr. Zeisler next said that they had not 
 denied that the defendants had declared 
 that they would head a procession to go and 
 sack Marshall Field's or Kellogg's store, because it was a fact, but asked if 
 after such advice any one of them had taken the lead in any such proces- 
 sion. " No, sir," he said. " They went and armed themselves with beer. 
 That is what they did." On the night of the Board of Trade opening, 
 Parsons and Fielden proposed to lead the crowd to attack the groceries and 
 clothing houses, but what did they do ? They gracefully retired into the 
 room of the Arbeitcr-Zeitung office and were interviewed by a reporter about 
 the terrible effects of a fulminating cap. Did any one come up and inquire 
 why they had not led the procession to those places ? They did not, as 
 ever)-body understood what was meant. Mr. Zeisler continued : 
 
 "The listeners of these people are not very highly educated men. They 
 are laboring men who, raised in poor families, did not have the benefits of 
 a collegiate education ; men who since that time worked at manual labor 
 from the early morning until the late evening. They could not in the nature 
 of things be very intelligent and highly cultivated and educated. Now, 
 
 SIGISMUND ZEISLER. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 THE RIGHT TO PROPERTY. 537 
 
 Fielden and Parsons and Spies could not talk to those men by stating to> 
 them abstract principles of social science ; but they told them : ' Here, 
 look at this state of things. There is a man who owns three hundred mill- 
 ion dollars ; there is another man who owns one hundred million. Yoa 
 starve, you get starvation wages. Is that a just condition of things ? 
 Now, I tell you, Mr. Marshall Field, who owns twenty-five millions of dollars, 
 has no right to own them. I tell you, you have a right to take from the 
 property which he has accumulated ; part of it belongs to you. By nat- 
 ural, by equitable laws this man is not entitled to live in a palace while you 
 starve. I am going to lead you down, if you want me, at once, and we 
 will supply our wants from there.' What is that ? Is that an offer to go 
 there ? Is that an advice to go there ? It is an illustration, as you give it 
 in school to a child which cannot understand abstract principles of science. 
 When they say to them : ' You have a right to take from Marshall Field 
 and Kellogg,' that means simply in the present state of society that is. 
 allowed, but this is not a just and equitable condition of affairs, and if it 
 were as it ought to be you would have a right to share with Marshall Field 
 what he owns. Take it in this common-sense view and don't allow your- 
 selves to be deceived by declamations on the part of the attorneys for the 
 State. 
 
 "Can a revolution be made? A revolution is a thing which develops, 
 itself, but no single man nor a dozen of men can control the inauguration of 
 a revolution. The social revolution was fixed for the ist of May ! Just 
 think of it ! The social revolution, the revolution by which the present state 
 of proprietary conditions should be changed all over the world, was to be 
 inaugurated by Mr. Spies and by Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden on the 
 first day of May ! Has ever a ridiculous statement like that been made to 
 an intelligent jury? But all that is told you not because they believe it, but 
 because they want to make you blind to the real issues in this case, by tell- 
 ing you that the social revolution was coming on the ist of May, and that. 
 Inspector Bonfield by his cry, ' Fall in, fall in,' on the night of May 4th, 
 saved the country from the social revolution ; by that they want to deceive 
 you, they want to scare you, they want to show you the monstrosity of these- 
 defendants. The social revolution to be brought about or inaugurated by 
 the throwing of a bomb on the night of May 4th ! What do you take these 
 men for ? Are they fools ? Are they children ? Don't you see what their 
 ideal is, and the last aim and end of theirs ? It is the social revolution, yes, 
 but not the social revolution brought about by 'the throwing of dynamite*. 
 It is the social revolution which will give the poor man more rights and 
 which will do away with pauperism. And the means are left to the future ; 
 but for the present, in order that you may be strong and respected and be 
 a power in the land, arm yourselves, organize. That is the meaning of it." 
 
 Mr. Zeisler then touched on the preparation of bombs and dynamite 
 for that social revolution, referring to the evidence showing the finding of 
 dynamite and bombs in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. He held that Linne- 
 meyer, who calcimined the closet in which the bag of dynamite was found,, 
 had proven that there was nothing of the kind there when he went in to 
 search for a brush just immediately preceding the arrival of the police. He 
 also pointed to a contradiction in the testimony of one of the officers that 
 the dynamite was found on a floor below that of the closet, in a room not
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 used by Spies and not occupied by him at the time of the police search, 
 but in the counting-room, and then the subsequent correction by the officer, 
 on being recalled by the State, that the package was found in Spies' edi- 
 torial room. In reference to the bombs there was no secrecy, and Spies 
 .admitted that he had one more bomb than the police had discovered. That 
 information was volunteered on the witness-stand, and the possession of 
 those bombs explained. 
 
 "That is the testimony in regard to the arsenal of dynamite and bombs 
 and weapons of destruction at 107 Fifth Avenue, and Mr. Spies bragged 
 about three thousand revolutionists ready to throw bombs and to annihilate 
 the police. What was it ? Braggadocio ; the same object which all these 
 people had in advocating the use of force, in calling upon workingmen to 
 .arm themselves, to organize, to buy weapons and all that sort of thing ; and 
 the purpose for which they did it openly and publicly was the same purpose 
 Mr. Spies had in bragging that there were three thousand revolutionists to 
 ;scare the capitalists, to scare them into yielding to the demands of the 
 workingmen, to try to induce them to make concessions to the laboring 
 classes, as Mr. Fielden said in his speech on the night of May the 4th. And 
 remember, gentlemen of the jury, that it has been testified to by all the 
 witnesses who spoke in regard to the speeches and articles of these men, 
 that they always made the same argument. Now, Mr. Fielden made the 
 :same argument a hundred times before. 'The employers will not like to 
 see dissatisfied workingmen in the community, and the laborer can get some 
 relief if the employers find that there are dissatisfied workingmen in the 
 city.' That was the reason why they told them, 'Arm yourselves and 
 organize.' That was the reason why Mr. Spies bragged about the three 
 thousand revolutionists and about the bombs ready to be thrown ; that was 
 the reason why he told Mr. Wilkinson all about their plans." 
 
 Mr. Zeisler ridiculed the idea that a social revolution was to have been 
 inaugurated with the dozens of bombs made by Lingg, and held there had 
 been no preparation for it. Coming to the question of conspiracy, he said : 
 
 "What is a conspiracy? What were you used to understand by the 
 word conspiracy all your lifetime ? Isn't in the first place secrecy the test 
 of a conspiracy ? Was there anything secret about the doings of these 
 men, or about their teachings and writings ? When they vented their feel- 
 ings at 54 West Lake Street at the meeting of the American group and told 
 the people to go to Marshall Field's and Kellogg's, and offered to head the 
 procession, told them about their rights, told them to use force, told them 
 to arm themselves and to organize, the next morning the daily press of the 
 city of Chicago, which reaches five hundred thousand people, and the State's 
 Attorney's office, and the Mayor's office, and the office of every authority in 
 the city of Chicago, were informed of it." 
 
 The speaker then proceeded to define conspiracy, and said that to con- 
 stitute a conspiracy " they must agree with one another to do an unlawful 
 act ; one must have communicated the purpose to another, and the others 
 must have consented to it." Nothing of this kind had been done. They 
 had simply propounded principles and expressed truths from their stand- 
 point."
 
 WAS IT A CONSPIRACY? 539 
 
 " You remember the testimony of Officer Trehorn, who saw the dynamite 
 and the caps and the fuse on the night of the inauguration of the Board of 
 Trade building, and who the next morning says he went to Lieutenant 
 Bedell of the Cottage Grove Avenue Station and told him all about it. If 
 that was a conspiracy, and that conspiracy has existed for three years, why 
 has the State's Attorney, or his predecessor in office, yet not prosecuted 
 those who are parties to that conspiracy? The law of the State of Illinois 
 makes it his duty to prosecute every crime which comes to his knowledge. 
 He may plead that he has not known of it. If he did not, then it was culp- 
 able negligence that he did not know it. If he will answer to you that as 
 long as those people did not do any overt act there was no reason for him 
 to interfere, then I say as long as these people have not done any overt act 
 there was no conspiracy. There is no way of escaping this consequence, 
 gentlemen of the jury; to .every logical mind it is clear. Either the State's 
 Attorney himself must plead guilty to the charge of the murder of Mathias J. 
 Degan, or*every one of these defendants who cannot be shown to have 
 actually thrown or lighted the bomb must be acquitted. If it was not con- 
 spiracy then, if they had committed a crime up to the 4th of May for which 
 it was the duty of the State's Attorney to prosecute them, then what have 
 they added to make their doings murder to make them amenable to the 
 law on a charge for the highest and gravest offense, the most heinous crime 
 known to law?" 
 
 Mr. Zeisler next turned his attention to the special conspiracy entered 
 into by a number of persons at No. 54 West Lake Street and held that of 
 all the defendants it had only been shown that Engel and Fischer were 
 present. He denied that Lingg was there or that any evidence had been 
 introduced to prove it. He scored Waller and reviewed some of his testi- 
 mony, taking occasion to call the attention of the jury to the fact that the 
 man testified that the signal word " Ruhe" was not mentioned in connection 
 with the Haymarket meeting. Next he alluded to the places where some 
 of the witnesses for the State and some of those present at 54 West Lake 
 Street had been on the night of May 4, and spoke of Engel being at home 
 enjoying a social glass of beer, and the others widely scattered. " The only 
 evidence of a conspiracy was that of Seliger, who testified that Lingg had 
 asked him if he should throw a bomb. Fischer and others who saw the 
 word ' Ruhe' in the Arbeiter-Zeitung did not go to Wicker Park, but went 
 elsewhere. What does Waller's testimony say? It says that on the ap- 
 pearance of the word ' Ruhe' all should go to their meeting-places in the 
 outskirts of the city, and that none of them were to be at the Haymarket 
 except the observation committee." 
 
 "Has ' Ruhe' any reference to the Haymarket meeting ? Does it not 
 rather show that the parties who conspired there were not to take part in 
 the Haymarket meeting at all ? What, then, has the evidence in regard to 
 that meeting got to do with the case ? That much (illustrating by snap- 
 ping the fingers). 
 
 " Now, to return for a moment to Lingg's alleged attempt to throw a 
 bomb. Has there ever been heard such a ridiculous story as that ? It is
 
 540 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 an absolute falsehood upon its face. A revolutionist, a true disciple of 
 Herr Most, goes out with bombs in his pocket, next to his friends, and takes 
 a walk, and when he goes to the station and wants to throw a bomb into 
 the station he isn't even provided with a light to ignite the fuse; he has to 
 ask his friend, ' Have you got a light?' And the other one says he hasn't 
 got it or makes some kind of excuse. Don't you see that all that testi- 
 mony is given in order to show you, or in order that Mr. Seliger may show 
 himself to you as a highly moral person who has been the dupe of Lingg ? 
 He, the man who has been an Anarchist for years and years and his wife 
 herself says so he has been persuaded by Lingg to make bombs, he has 
 been misled by Lingg, has been the dupe of Lingg. Seliger, the man with 
 a full beard,* a man of over thirty years, has been the dupe of this innocent- 
 looking fellow, Lingg ! If one was the dupe of the other, then Lingg surely 
 was the dupe of Seliger. Seliger is the one who was arrested first. In 
 order to save his own worthless neck, he betrays his friend and companion 
 and swears against him, and upon the testimony of these treacherous lips 
 you are asked to convict Lingg." 
 
 Mr. Zeisler maintained that he had shown that there was no conspiracy, 
 no general conspiracy, and insisted that the alleged conspiracy of May 3 
 had no reference whatever to the Haymarket meeting ; that the throwing of 
 the bomb at the Haymarket meeting was in direct contradiction of the 
 agreement by the conspirators of May 3, and if one of them had done it, 
 he would have done contrary to the conspiracy. He then spoke of the object 
 of the Haymarket gathering and said : 
 
 "It was called for the purpose of denouncing the atrocious act of the 
 police in shooting down their brethren at the McCormick factory. That 
 was the only purpose of the meeting, as Mr. Waller testified. Of course 
 his testimony is the one that the State relies upon mostly. Now, what was 
 the occasion of calling such a meeting to denounce the act of the police ? 
 It was the meeting at McCormick's factory." 
 
 The counsel then reviewed the testimony with reference to the meeting 
 near McCormick's factory, pointing to the fact that no one had testified to 
 what Spies had actually said on that occasion, and maintained that not a 
 single witness had been produced to prove that Spies had then and there 
 incited men to riot. Witnesses for the State, he said, had shown that Spies 
 continued talking after many of the men had started toward McCormick's 
 factory. Did any one suppose he would thus quietly continue speaking 
 there if he had precipitated that riot ? Mr. Zeisler did not excuse the men 
 for stoning the factory it was wrong but he did not believe that gave 
 the right to the police to shoot at those excited people. Coming back to 
 the Haymarket, he read some of the testimony on the side of the State to 
 show that it was an ordinary, peaceable meeting, and then said that on the 
 day Spies wrote the " Revenge " circular Parsons was on his way back from 
 Cincinnati and Fielden in a suburban town in a quarry. He next proceeded 
 to show that there was no connection with the printing of the " Revenge " 
 
 * Seliger had a full beard at the time of the trial.
 
 MR. INCH AM' S ARGUMENT. 541 
 
 circular and the Monday night meeting, and said Spies knew nothing 
 about the call for that meeting. He closed by saying that the circular 
 meant simply the same thing that Fielden and Parsons meant in their 
 speeches on the evening of May 4, and that meaning, he said, he had made 
 plain in the earlier part of his address. 
 
 MR. GEORGE C. INGHAM, special counsel for the State, followed next. 
 His argument was clear, concise and to the point. He opened by citing the 
 law in the case, reading numerous authorities with reference to conspiracies 
 and commenting thereon at some length. One authority he read was " Rus- 
 sell on Crimes," to show that it was simply putting in the shape of a 
 statute that which the common law already declares to be an offense, and 
 then cited a case which arose not many years ago upon that very statute : 
 
 " Johann Most, in the city of London, was indicted, because while there 
 he published a paper advocating the assassination of the crowned heads of 
 other countries. He was indicted under that statute, and he was convicted 
 by a jury. The case went to their highest court, and I wish now to read 
 you what the Justice of that court says as to what is meant by a solicitation 
 to murder." 
 
 The opinion of Lord Coleridge was read, and Mr. Ingham continued : 
 
 "You, gentlemen, will remember that that paper (Die Frciheif) is now 
 published in the city of New York. The sentence is not given in the report 
 I read. The custom is in England that before a sentence is pronounced, 
 in case an appeal is taken, that is first passed upon, and after that the 
 sentence is pronounced. That case was decided in 1881. Shortly after 
 that John Most came to America. They probably thought the best thing 
 they could do with him was to pass upon him a light sentence and ship 
 him. At any rate they landed him here, and he started his Freiheit paper 
 in New York." 
 
 Mr. Ingham next read the case of Cox vs. The People, from the Illinois 
 Reports, and continued : 
 
 " Now, apply the law which I have read to the facts of this case. It 
 appears in evidence in this case from the documents which I have read to 
 you that these men Schwab, Fischer and Parsons were from time to 
 time in this city publishing articles printed in papers which they owned, for 
 the publishing of which Spies paid, and which they declared to be their own, 
 in which they advised the destruction of the police of this city by force, in 
 which they advised workingmen from time to time to arm themselves with 
 dynamite and be ready whenever a conflict came to destroy the police of 
 this city by force. For the publication of any one of those articles, if the 
 law had been correctly understood, those men could have been convicted 
 and punished for a misdemeanor ; and when on that night Fielden, in the 
 presence of the crowd, told the people before him assembled that the war 
 had come, that war had been declared, that they must arm themselves to 
 resist what he knew never had taken place, he was making a seditious ad- 
 dress, and for that reason, if for no other, the police force of this city had a 
 right to appear and disperse the meeting.
 
 542 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " Fielden took the stand at the Haymarket, and until he concluded every 
 sentence he uttered was a sentence seditious in its character, and which, 
 under the decisions of the Supreme Court, would alone subject him to pun- 
 ishment for misdemeanor. A trap had been laid Spies laid it ; Schwab 
 laid it ; Fischer laid it ; Engel laid it. A trap had been laid to bring out 
 the police force of this city, and that trap was baited by the speeches of 
 Parsons and Fielden. When the bait grew strong enough, the police did 
 come. The moment they got there the moment they stood opposite that 
 alley, the moment their marching motion was stopped and they stood in 
 that position where the bomb could be thrown with unerring certainty, the 
 bomb came. 
 
 "Now, who made that bomb ? You, gentlemen, have heard the evidence 
 in this case, which is not disputed. I ask you, gentlemen, to remember that 
 so far I have not alluded to a single fact about which there is or can be any 
 dispute. It is uncontradicted in this case that Louis Lingg for months had 
 
 _ __ , , been making bombs of a certain construc- 
 
 | tion. It is uncontradicted that on the 
 morning of Tuesday Louis Lingg said to 
 Seliger that he must work hard all day ; 
 that the bombs would be needed and could 
 be disposed of before night. It is in evi- 
 dence in this case that on that morning 
 Louis Lingg left that house and was gone 
 all the morning, and nothing has been 
 shown as to where he was. It is in evi- 
 dence that he came back at noon, and 
 because Seliger had filled only one bomb 
 and had then laid down on the bed and 
 gone to sleep, that Lingg upbraided him 
 and told him that this matter must be 
 hurried ; and it is in evidence in this case 
 that all that afternoon after that time men 
 were coming and going to and from that 
 house and working at that house on those 
 bombs. Men came there whom Seliger 
 knew ; men came there whom Seliger did 
 not know ; men came there whom Mrs. Seliger knew ; men came there 
 whom Mrs. Seliger did not know. She tells you that during the whole 
 of that day Tuesday men were coming and going to and from that 
 house. What for? We put one man on the stand who went to that house 
 in the afternoon ^the witness Lehman. Lehman tells you that on Tuesday 
 he was working at his trade ; that he quit his work at three o'clock in the 
 afternoon, instead of working until the afternoon was over ; that he took 
 a fellow-countryman of his, whose name I have forgotten, and with him 
 went to Lingg's house to buy a revolver ; that they went to the house and 
 dickered first about the revolver, and then went back again, and when he 
 went back the second time Louis Lingg gave him dynamite loaded 
 bombs, fuse and detonating caps ; that during the day Louis Lingg was dis- 
 tributing these bombs to different persons in the city. 
 
 "I want to call your attention to those bombs of Lingg's admitted to 
 be his bombs which he admitted to the officers that he himself made, and 
 which were found where he had sent them. Every one of those bombs is 
 
 GEORGE C. INGHAM. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 SILENT WITNESSES. 543 
 
 about three inches in diameter, as nearly as they could be made with the 
 rough material which he had. I want to call your attention to this bomb, 
 called the ' Czar ' bomb, obtained from Spies. That bomb in its appearance 
 is composed of the same sort of material that Lingg's bombs were. You 
 can see that the only difference is in the bolts ; that the bolt in the ' Czar ' 
 bomb was smaller than the bolt in the Lingg bomb. This bolt (exhibiting 
 same) would not be large enough to fasten together the three-inch bombs ; 
 it would not quite reach through. Now, suppose that Louis Lingg had this 
 bolt in his possession and wanted to make a bomb for it, what would he do ? 
 He would file off the edges here so as to make its diameter smaller. If you 
 will look at this bomb called the 'Czar' bomb, you will see that that is just 
 what has been done the edges of it filed off, and it is just in the condition 
 it was, with the exception of this scraping here, when the reporter Wilkin- 
 son got it. The result of that is that its diameter through here would be 
 shorter (indicating) than the diameter across there (indicating). What 
 else does that show ? Of course, as this was filed off, it would lessen the 
 diameter of the bomb, and when you measure this you will find that that 
 only lacks the eighth of an inch of being the same size as the bombs found 
 in Lingg's possession. In other words, if that had not been filed off as it 
 has been in order that this shorter bolt could be used, these bombs would 
 be identical in size. 
 
 " What else is there in evidence in this case in regard to bolts ? Seliger 
 tells you that he was sent after bolts that day, that he bought a lot of bolts. 
 They have been introduced in evidence. You, gentlemen, noticed it as. 
 soon as they were introduced in evidence, that the nut found in the body 
 of the Socialist, and which came out of the bomb exploded at the Hay- 
 market Square, is identically the same sort of a nut as those found on the 
 bombs in Lingg's possession on that day. 
 
 "We have placed on the stand the two most eminent chemists in the 
 city of Chicago. Those gentlemen told you that they made examinations 
 of pieces of this ' Czar ' bomb which they took from it themselves ; that they 
 made examinations of pieces of the four bombs which came from Lingg, 
 and that they examined certain articles found in Lingg's possession. And 
 what is the result ? They told you that these bombs were not made of lead 
 alone ; that they were not lead and solder alone ; that there is not in the 
 city of Chicago or known to commerce any one article of which those 
 bombs could be made, but that they are made of a mixture not only the 
 Lingg bombs, but the 'Czar' bomb. They tell you that three of the Lingg 
 bombs and the ' Czar ' bomb contained identically the same constituents, 
 without any difference whatever so far as the constituents themselves are 
 concerned, and the only difference is that between those bombs there was a 
 slight difference in the amount of the tin and the amount of the lead. They 
 told you that in the ' Czar ' bomb one per cent, or one and one-tenth per 
 cent, is tin ; that in one of the Lingg bombs one and five-tenths per cent, 
 was tin ; that in another of them two per cent, was tin. The point of it is- 
 this : that every bomb was composed of a mixture and not of any one 
 metal ; that the mixture in the bombs was as nearly identical as it could 
 be made by any man using the materials which Louis Lingg used, in the 
 way in which he used them. You will remember that he told Capt. Schaack 
 that he made these bombs with a mold made of clay ; that he could only 
 mold one or two bombs, when he had to make a new mold. If you will 
 look on the inside of these bombs you will find that they were all made by a
 
 344 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 rough mold, just as you would expect from one made with a mold of clay ; 
 the only difference being that in the case of the 'Czar' bomb it had been 
 filed off, as you can see, with a file, in order to smooth it." 
 
 Mr. Ingham then read the testimony of Walter S. Haines, one of the 
 chemists, and proceeded : 
 
 " One of these bombs which Louis Lingg admitted that he made dif- 
 fered from the others in that it contained a trace of copper. In the trunk 
 of Louis Lingg was found this piece of metal, which he had undoubtedly 
 used in making that particular bomb, and which accounts for the trace of 
 copper in it, the point being that everything found in any one of those 
 bombs was found in some shape in Louis Lingg's trunk and possession. 
 
 " The answer to all this is that the bomb, instead of being thrown 
 from the alley, was thrown thirty-five feet south of the alley. What of it ? 
 What if they have proven that ? What if they have satisfied your minds 
 clearly that the bomb came from thirty-five feet south of the alley ? Can 
 there be any question in the minds of any reasonable man that he who threw 
 that bomb, whether he stood in the alley or thirty-five feet south of the 
 alley, was one of the Anarchists associated with these men ? 
 
 " When that question is settled in your minds, that ends this case. We 
 ihave proven the conspiracy. It has not been denied. We have proven 
 that Degan died from the effects of that bomb ; it has not been denied. 
 We have proven it by circumstances making it as clear as the daylight that 
 that bomb was thrown by one of the Anarchists, and when we have done 
 that we have proven this case when we have done that we have sealed 
 the fate of these men, if jurors do their duty under the law as it is written 
 and declared. 
 
 " There was a conspiracy. These men know it and have not denied it. 
 That bomb came from that conspiracy, and the moment it resulted in the 
 death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged in the crime of mur- 
 der, and every one of these men made amenable under the law. 
 
 " The meeting came ; the crowd did not. The Haymarket was covered 
 with little groups of people scattered around. Spies goes around and picks 
 out the place for the meeting, and, although he knew that the 
 word ' Ruhe ' had been published, although he knew that these armed 
 groups were scattered all over this city, although he knew that Balthasar 
 Rau in an hour could not notify every man who knew of that plan, he him- 
 self called it to order in the very place where the police force could be 
 massed together and the most enormous destruction done. He told Wil- 
 kinson that it was discovered that bombs of composite metals were best, and 
 when on that fatal night the bomb was thrown seven men were killed and 
 sixty wounded, and to-day in a public hospital of this county, while these 
 men sit here decked with flowers, there is one man with eighteen drainage 
 tubes in his body. Was Spies right when he said that bombs of composite 
 -metal were best ? "
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Foster and Black before the Jury Making Anarchist History The Eight 
 Leaders A Skillful Defense Alibis All Around The Whereabouts of the Conspira- 
 tors The "Peaceable Dispersion" A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War Average 
 Anarchist Credibility "A Man will Lie to Save his Life" The Attack on Seliger 
 The Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower Conflicting Testimony A Philippic against 
 Gilmer The Liars of History The Search for a Witness The Man with the Miss- 
 ing Link The Last Word for the Prisoners Captain Black's Theory High Explo- 
 sives and Civilization The West Lake Street Meeting Defensive Armament Engel 
 and his Beer Hiding the Bombs The Right of Revolution Bonfield and Harrison 
 The Socialist of Judea. 
 
 MR. W. A. FOSTER was the next speaker, and he made a very strong 
 case for his clients the strongest that could be made in face of 
 the many disadvantages under which he labored in view of the evidence 
 against the Anarchists. He is a fluent, easy and graceful talker and held 
 his facts well in hand. He began in a deliberate manner, and grew at 
 times, as he proceeded, quite eloquent in his exposition of the virtues of the 
 defendants. He was pointed and caustic sometimes, but he never seemed 
 to lose the purpose of making a strong impression on the jury. The open- 
 ing of his argument was largely devoted to showing that the Haymarket 
 meeting was not riotous or boisterous, but that it had been called for a 
 peaceable purpose. Then he said : 
 
 " Take the theory just suggested by the prosecution in this case, that 
 the time had come now that was conceived of years and years ago ; the 
 time had come now which was suggested by August Spies at Grand Rapids, 
 Michigan , the time had come now which was foreseen in conversation had 
 with the various defendants to various newspaper reporters at various times 
 and various places ; the time had come now when the attack could be made 
 that was to be incited by the McCormick meeting and the McCormick riot; 
 the time had come now when by reason of the gathering of the laboring 
 people at the Haymarket Square the attempt was to be made and the 
 response was to be made effectual ; now history was to be written, now the 
 point had come when bowie knives, when sharpened files poisoned with 
 acids, when all of these implements of modern warfare, as we are told, were 
 to be turned loose upon the world ; when property rights were to be 
 destroyed, when the police were to be killed, when anyone aiding, assisting, 
 abetting, standing up for or protecting the law was to be ruthlessly slain. 
 The time had come. The men were there, the arrangements had been per- 
 fected, the police were in line, halt was made, and they were commanded to 
 disperse. The time, the grand culmination of all the arrangements and 
 conspiracies and confederations for years back had arrived the time when 
 the blow was to be struck which was to overturn civilization, which was to 
 overturn the country. 
 
 " These eight men are the leaders, they tell us. They tell us that there
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 are hundreds more that ought to have been indicted, and should be indicted 
 should be prosecuted, and should be convicted, and should be destroyed. 
 But the time had come, and the leaders and their friends, having been pre- 
 paring for years, were ready. They courted the attack they hailed the 
 day. They had pleaded for the opportunity, and the opportunity had now 
 arrived. Where are these men ? Where are the men that were to take 
 charge and carry on the warfare that had been agreed upon for the last five 
 or six years, or longer, in the city of Chicago ? Where were they ? In the 
 first place, Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fischer are at Zepf's Hall. Think of it ! 
 For six long years they had been making their preparations for the attack ; 
 for days and weeks and months they had sown and preached revolution ; 
 the skirmish lines had met, and they were prepared ; and still Parsons and 
 Fischer were quietly discussing matters between themselves over a glass of 
 beer at Zepf's Hall. They were principals in this matter, leaders in the 
 overthrowing of the Government arid the establishment of this idea. They 
 
 were at Zepf's Hall, away from any scene 
 of action. Where is Engel ? Engel, the 
 great conspirator Engel, who made the 
 inflammatory speeches at Clybourn Ave- 
 nue ? Quietly at home, engaged in a game 
 of cards with his friend not there at all. 
 There is no man that pretends or claims 
 that Mr. Engel, at the time the bomb was 
 thrown, was at the Haymarket meeting or 
 near it. 
 
 " Where was Schwab, one of the brainy 
 men of this conspiracy, a man whose pen 
 had added to its formation, whose genius 
 and whose brain had been instrumental in 
 bringing it about ? An hour's ride away, 
 at Deering, addressing a quiet meeting of 
 laboring men. 
 
 "Where was Neebe ? Neebe, one of 
 the leading conspirators, they tell us. He 
 is one of the eight heads, one of the chiefs 
 in the overthrow of the Government and 
 of property rights, and he was quietly at home. Lingg, the man who has 
 prepared the implements of warfare, the man who has taken the dynamite, 
 who has prepared the shells and loaded them, has inserted the caps and 
 the fuse and made all the preparations for the destruction of the police, for 
 the destruction of the militia and for the destruction of property every- 
 where where is Lingg? Wandering about upon Larrabee Street, in the 
 neighborhood of Clybourn Avenue. 
 
 " Where is Spies and where is Fielden ? Spies and Fielden, the only 
 remaining ones of the eight, are upon the wagon, in the presence of line 
 after line of the police, armed to the teeth, having not only the regulation 
 revolvers in their coat-pockets, but those of larger caliber, in some instances, ' 
 so far as some of the companies were concerned, in their belts. Those men 
 were quietly standing upon the wagon, right in sight and within the aim of 
 all of these murderous weapons, with the idea that an attack was to be made, 
 with the idea and knowledge that an assault was to take place, with the 
 idea and the knowledge that now the final blow was to strike which should 
 
 WILLIAM A. FOSTER. 
 
 From a Photograph.
 
 CREDIBILITY OF WITNESSES, 547 
 
 carry terror to the hearts of the capitalists and overturn society and gov- 
 ernment. They were there, quietly arguing, arguing with the police in com- 
 mand there, that the meeting was peaceable. 
 
 " But they say, gentlemen, ' Ruhe ' is a German word and means peace, 
 quiet, rest ; that because it means quiet, therefore this is what they intend 
 to have you believe that because Fielden said, 'This is a quiet meeting,' 
 or that it was peaceable, or, ' We are peaceable,' that that was the watch- 
 word which was to be an order in cipher to commence immediately an attack. 
 Now, gentlemen, I say that this is, in my opinion, an unfair deduction ; it is 
 an unfair conclusion. The testimony all agrees that Captain Ward appeared 
 there and said : ' In the name of the people of the State of Illinois, I com- 
 mand you to quietly and peaceably disperse.' That was the expression ' I 
 command you to peaceably disperse ' to which Mr. Fielden replied : ' We 
 are peaceable,' or 'This is a peaceable meeting, Captain.' Could anything 
 be more natural than that that reply should be made ? Suppose, gentle- 
 men, now, that the theory of the prosecution is right ; suppose that it was 
 the grand beginning of an uncertain end ; suppose that it was the culmina- 
 tion of the idea that had existed for years. Do you believe that bombs 
 would not have hailed from the top of every building ? Do you believe they 
 would not have been thrown from every sidewalk ? Do you suppose they 
 would not have been thrown from the rear and from the front ? In the 
 nature of things, can you, in the light of this testimony, say that because 
 some man somewhere, on account of some reason, which is not explained 
 here, which never can be explained, acting upon his own individual respon- 
 sibility, lighted a bomb and threw it, that therefore you must say that the 
 grand conspiracy, the arrangement for years and years had this result, or 
 rather that the throwing of that bomb was the result of that conspiracy ? 
 
 "But there is one thing the gentlemen have lost sight of in this case, it 
 seems tome. Of course they haven't, but in their argument they have care- 
 fully avoided it. A Socialist is not to be believed, a Communist is a liar, and 
 an Anarchist is capable of committing any crime. That is what they tell 
 us in plain language that we have produced some witnesses here who are 
 Socialists, Communists and Anarchists, and because we have done so, their 
 testimony, for that reason alone, is to be discarded. Mr. Walker and Mr. 
 Ingham both made reference to the character of some of our witnesses upon 
 the theory and upon the ground that the evidence showed that they were 
 Anarchists or Communists. Well, they were Anarchists, Socialists and 
 Communists, some of them. 
 
 " Although the gentlemen claim that a conviction might exist, leaving 
 out the testimony of Gilmer and of Thompson, they would never concede 
 that under any circumstances a conviction could be had were it not for the 
 testimony of Seliger and the testimony of Waller ; they never would con- 
 cede that, and did the gentlemen ever think, while they were presenting to 
 you the case upon which they demanded a conviction, that the very wit- 
 nesses that they proved the facts by upon which they ask you to hang 
 these men are Socialists and Communists and Anarchists ? 
 
 " Not only, then, are Waller and Seliger Communists, Socialists and 
 Anarchists, but they are State's witnesses, co-confederates and conspirators, 
 men whose testimony is regarded with disfavor and with suspicion by 
 the law. 
 
 " They tell us that a man will lie to save his life. Said Mr. W T alker, 
 ' Do you believe Mr. Spies ? Will he not lie to save his life ? ' Then I
 
 548 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 retort the argument of the gentleman upon his own head and say, ' Would 
 not Seliger lie to save his own neck ?' 
 
 "They take Mr. Seliger down and they examine him and they get his 
 statement and they reduce it to writing. The detective force is turned 
 loose upon him. His statement is not strong enough; that won't do; it is 
 not enough ; still there are missing links. ' Mr. Seliger, this statement 
 won't do; we want something stronger than that.' I can imagine I am 
 not giving the testimony now, but I can imagine how those detectives 
 would go to Seliger, carried away from his family as he was, shut up in a 
 dark dungeon, kept there day after day ' Now, Seliger, here are two pro- 
 positions : here is a rope and here is a statement; choose between them.' 
 He chose the lesser of the two evils the statement, as any man would, 
 Mr. Walker says, to save his own life. He makes the statement. He 
 goes away. I can imagine, I say, the conduct and the actions of the detec- 
 tive force as they ply him with questions from day to day. ' It won't do, 
 Mr. Seliger, it won't do. There are too many missing links. We want 
 something more. Isn't this so, isn't that so? Didn't this happen, didn't 
 that happen?' And poor Seliger, frightened, weak-minded and timid, 
 ignorant of the laws of this country, ignorant of the rights which American 
 citizens have under the laws, sits down and makes the second statement. 
 And still the thing goes on, still he is kept in confinement, still he is plied 
 with questions, still he is examined and cross-examined : ' Mr. Seliger, the 
 first statement won't do, and the second statement won't do. Mr. Seliger, 
 we want more from you than this.' And, says Mr. Walker, 'Won't a man 
 lie to save his life?' And Mr. Seliger makes the third statement, and 
 again he goes back to his dungeon, and after a while again they go to Seli- 
 ger and they say to Seliger, 'This won't do. You have made a statement, 
 you have made a second statement, you have made a third statement, but 
 still there are missing links. Isn't this so, isn't that so?' And, as Mr. 
 Walker says, ' Won't any man lie to save his life ? ' And the fourth state- 
 ment is made by Seliger. And these statements are unrolled as he sits 
 here quivering and trembling, knowing perhaps that he is destroying the 
 lives of these eight men, his former friends and associates, and questions 
 are pronounced after questions, and the testimony is introduced before you, 
 gentlemen, from a Socialist, from a Communist, from an Anarchist, from a 
 conspirator, and from a man that will lie to save his own life ; and upon 
 that testimony you are to act, and you are not to act upon any testimony 
 introduced by the defendants in this case. 
 
 "You remember the candy-maker that was brought upon the stand by 
 the merest accident. You remember the circumstance that when his 
 name was called he responded from that corner of the room (indicating) 
 none of us had ever seen him ; we didn't know it, and I don't to-day 
 hardly know how we got any information in regard to the man at all. And 
 when he came forward here you will remember that this case was delayed 
 until Mr. Zeisler and myself took him into the other room to ascertain if 
 possible why he was here and to what facts he was going to testify. He 
 came upon the stand, and what does he tell you ? He tells you that on the 
 night of the 4th of May he was at the Haymarket. He tells you that he was 
 south of the alley, and when it was rumored there that the police were com- 
 ing he started with others down. He tells you that at the time he did not 
 know how far it was south of the alley, but he knows from the location and 
 from the surroundings, and that since then he has gone there with his
 
 THE CANDY-MAN AND GILMER. 549 
 
 tape-line and he has measured it, and that it is thirty-eight feet south of the 
 south line of Crane's alley. He tells you that as they were going down, 
 when the police had come up he saw a man with this motion, indicating a 
 backward and upward motion with the right hand not with this motion that 
 Frank Walker tells about cast a burning fuse, as it went hissing through 
 the air ; that he followed it until it struck, that he looked at it until the 
 whole country around about was illuminated by the explosion and police- 
 men bit the dust. 
 
 " Is he a reliable man, gentlemen ? Is there anything wrong in his 
 character ? If there was, why, as late as two weeks before the time that he 
 testified, was Mr. Furthmann placing before him the picture of Rudolph 
 Schnaubelt ? If he was an unreliable man and they knew it, if they did not 
 believe his statement because of his unreliability, why, I say, was Mr. Furth- 
 mann two weeks before according to the testimony of the witness 
 which Mr. Furthmann has not undertaken to gainsay or deny present- 
 ing the photograph of Rudolph Schnaubelt to see whether he could identify 
 that man as being the man who threw the bomb ? If he was an unreliable 
 man, he tells us where he has worked ; he tells us where he has lived ; he 
 tells us who his associates are ; he tells us all about it. If there is anything 
 wrong, then Captain Schaack would turn loose his detectives and his police 
 and in less than an hour's time the character, the true character, the villain- 
 ous character of the man would have been exhibited before you. But 
 nothing of that kind is done. They ascertain the fact that he saw the 
 bomb-thrower they know that he saw the bomb-thrower at least, they 
 believe that he saw the bomb-thrower, and the question is, Who shall be 
 used? Shall the candy-maker be used, or shall Gilmer be used? Which 
 shall it be the candy-man or Gilmer? 
 
 " Now, you will remember that the State was two weeks putting in their 
 testimony, and you will remember that the defense was one week a week 
 and one day more. You will remember the testimony of this witness was that 
 two weeks before that time, which was one week after the State began to in- 
 troduce their testimony, Mr. Furthmann presented before his face the 
 picture of Rudolph Schnaubelt and demanded to know whether he could 
 recognize the picture as being the man who threw the tjomb. I say then it 
 seems, Mr. Gilmer to the contrary notwithstanding, that a week after they 
 had commenced the introduction of their testimony it was still a doubtful, 
 uncertain and mooted question as to where took place the throwing of that 
 bomb, and into whose hands to place it. 
 
 " What does the candy-maker say? He says honestly to Mr. Furth- 
 mann : ' I cannot recognize that man as being the man ; I don't believe that 
 that man had whiskers ; all I know is that I think he had a light mustache 
 and I think he was an ordinary-sized man ; that is all I know about him.'. 
 
 "And, gentlemen, that is a reasonable story. Hurrying away as he was 
 in that crowd, supposing that the police had come there for a purpose, see- 
 ing this thing take place and the disaster that resulted from it and the 
 excitement incident to it, would we expect that he would know or would be 
 able to see any more than that ? He did not recognize Schnaubelt as being 
 the man ; he did not recognize Fischer as being present at the time the 
 bomb was thrown ; he did not recognize Spies as being the man who lighted 
 the fuse, and the prosecution did not want him, and so they sent him back 
 to the candy-shop in obscurity, and there intended that he should remain. 
 They did not want him. Why didn't they ? They had found a conspiracy,
 
 5 50 ANAR CHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 they say, to use violence for certain illegal purposes. They had established 
 the fact of murder ; there was a missing link ; that was what was troubling 
 them, and that is what has troubled them from the beginning of this trial 
 down to the present time the missing link. Where is the man in all the 
 face of God's green earth, where is the man that can identify one of these 
 men that we will show was in any conspiracy to do anything which we 
 might criticise or object to, that is in any way responsible for what was done 
 at the Haymarket that night ? They must have the missing link, or else 
 they must fail in this prosecution. The candy-man won't furnish it. He 
 tells his story, a consistent and reasonable story. They believe his story 
 because they take him up and they exhibit to him the picture ' Is that 
 the man ? ' Oh, if he had only said, ' Yes, that is the man, that is the man. 
 that was in company with him,' how quickly the candy-maker would have 
 come before us as a witness. But no ; the man said honestly, ' I cannot do 
 that ; I was in a crowd in the darkness ; I was in the bustle and the excite- 
 ment ; I cannot do that.' They didn't want him ; they sent him home. 
 And still there is a missing link. Who is going to furnish it ? 
 
 " Gilmer comes proudly to the front. He says, 'Rather than have the 
 play stopped I will furnish the missing link.' Gilmer Harry L. Gilmer 
 the old soldier that they tell us about. I don't believe it. I don't be- 
 lieve he was ever in the army a day of his life, because I believe if he had 
 been that my brother Grinnell, of all witnesses that had been called, would 
 have asked him that very first question. Some of you gentlemen bear upon 
 your breasts the emblem of the Grand Army of the Republic ; some of you 
 were in the war and marched at the peril of your lives under the stars and 
 stripes, and you would delight in meeting a man, and delight in believing 
 in his honor and integrity, if you believed that he was engaged in the com- 
 mon cause with you in those trying days ; and still the shrewd counsel never 
 asked the question. A veteran ! Yes, a veteran of Battery D, a veteran 
 of Chicago, of the Home Rangers, a man that never smelt burnt powder in 
 his life perhaps he is the veteran soldier that is lauded before you gentle- 
 men in the argument of counsel who have addressed you on the part of the 
 prosecution in this case. 
 
 "I undertake to say, gentlemen, that all history, ancient and modern, 
 has given to the world three of the grandest, the most consummate and 
 infernal liars that ever existed since Adam first was set in the Garden of 
 Eden three names prominently that we find in the history that we are 
 making now, in modern history and in ancient, and in importance they 
 stand in the order in which I name them. First of all, greater than all, 
 above them all in infamy and falsehood, is Harry L. Gilmer ; next to him 
 comes M. M. Thompson, and third is Ananias of old, whose Christian name 
 I never heard, if, in fact, he ever had one. All history, ransacked, will fur- 
 nish no three such men as the three names that I have suggested." 
 
 Mr. Foster then adverted to some points in the management of the case, 
 and touched at some length on the fact that Gilmer had not testified before 
 the grand jury. He proceeded as follows : 
 
 "Of all the testimony that has been introduced here, the testimony of 
 Harry Gilmer is paramount. Bind the rest of it together in a sheaf, set it 
 alongside of the testimony of Harry Gilmer, and it is as a molehill compared 
 to a mountain, if the testimony of Harry Gilmer is true. If the testimony
 
 WITNESS GILMER ARRAIGNED. 551 
 
 of Harry Gilmer is true, August Spies and Mr. Fischer must die. If you 
 believe him, they must be swept from the face of the earth ; and yet Mr. 
 Grinnell, saying, ' We have nothing to conceal and nothing to hide ; ' forgets 
 to tell you that he has the man who saw Mr. Spies, in the presence of Mr. 
 Fischer, light the fuse which was thrown by Mr. Schnaubelt, and which 
 destroyed Officer Degan. He never expected to prove it. If he did if it 
 is true that he expected to, and if it is true that he had nothing to conceal 
 and nothing to hide, why, then, didn't he say it ? Why had it not been 
 published broadcast to the land by these newspaper gentlemen ? Why was 
 it that Harry Gilmer's face was not published and sent forth in every paper 
 that is published in the land ? Why was it that it was not said : ' This is 
 the man this is the man who has the testimony within his knowledge 
 which will show the connection and establish the link which fastens some of 
 the defendants, at least, to the murder of Mathias J. Degan ? ' Not a word 
 not a word upon the subject of Harry L. Gilmer, the veteran of the war, 
 the old soldier, so eloquently discoursed upon by my brother Walker. 
 Where was Gilmer then ? 
 
 " I can imagine brother Grinnell, in his anxiety and his quandary in 
 determining what course to pursue here, discussing with himself and his 
 associates as to whether or not this case should be determined upon the 
 testimony of Thompson alone, or Thompson and Gilmer mixed. It has 
 been a serious consideration on the part of the gentlemen. There can't be 
 any doubt about that. But the honest man who says, ' No, I can't identify 
 them,' is sent home, and Harry Gilmer is brought to the front. He will 
 identify Schnaubelt oh, yes ; no question about that. He will do more 
 than that ; he will identify Fischer oh, yes ; he will do more than that. 
 Fischer may prove an alibi ; they do not know whether Fischer was there, 
 but there is one man that they do know was there, and that he was there 
 all that time upon that wagon, and that was August Spies, and, if necessary, 
 Harry Gilmer will identify Spies. Now, do you believe that, gentlemen ? 
 Do you believe that? And I do not charge my brother Grinnell with put- 
 ting Harry Gilmer upon the stand knowing that he was swearing to a pack 
 of lies. Not at all ; I do not charge him with that. I charge him with 
 placing no reliance upon the man at all. I say that, if Mr. Grinnell knew 
 at the time he made his opening statement that Harry Gilmer was to come 
 upon the stand and swear to that fact, he did not do his duty as a lawyer 
 and he did not keep his pledge to the jury, and if he did not know it, it 
 shows the absolute unreliability of the testimony of Mr. Gilmer. 
 
 " Now, I say to you, gentlemen, from all the surrounding circumstances 
 in this case I say that Harry L. Gilmer and I stated to you the other 
 day that I was not in the habit of calling witnesses liars ; I preferred to pre- 
 sent their testimony under the suspicion of mistake rather than the sus- 
 picion of falsehood but I say as to Harry L. Gilmer that he is a stupen- 
 dous, colossal, a monumental liar, and there is no escape from it. Now, 
 just think of it for a moment. The world was excited; every daily paper in 
 the universe published accounts in Paris and in London, in Petersburg 
 and Vienna, on the morning following the 4th of May, citizens read of 
 the disaster of the Haymarket; the civilized world was shocked with the 
 outrage that was perpetrated there. Where was Harry Gilmer, the man 
 who could identify the man who threw the bomb, the man who could 
 identify his companion, and the man who could identify the person who lit 
 the fuse ? Where was Harry Gilmer on the 5th day of May ? He tells us
 
 552 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 he was in Crane's alley the night of the 4th ; he was there in the alley ; he 
 saw Spies ; he says, ' That is the man right over there ; that is the man 
 that threw it ; ' he saw that man right over there Spies strike a match and 
 light the fuse, and saw Fischer in his company. Schnaubelt threw it in the 
 ranks of the policemen. 
 
 " There is the missing link, and if you believe that testimony as to two 
 of these defendants, the chain is complete. Darwin is dead, but the missing 
 link has been found. The man who furnished the missing link went home. 
 The man that has seen this meandered through Crane's alley and went 
 quietly home to his roost, and he went to bed undisturbed. It is true he 
 had seen the man who threw the bomb ;' he would know him anywhere. 
 He would know him by his picture ; he knows how many buttons of his coat 
 were buttoned. He saw the man that stood by. He would know him any- 
 where. He knows what kind of clothing he had on and how many buttons 
 he had buttoned of his- clothes. He knew the kind of hat, the kind of 
 clothes. He knew the man who lit the match, who touched the fuse that 
 exploded the bomb that Schnaubelt threw. He knew him. He knew 
 whether his coat was buttoned and how many buttons. He knew all about 
 it everything that every man in the universe demanded should be known 
 by the officers of the law. And he went home and went to bed and never 
 said a word to any living soul about it. And he got up in the morning, 
 fresh upon his mind the fact of this great outrage that was perpetrated and 
 that everybody was talking about everywhere in restaurants, on the street 
 and in street-cars knowing that he was the man that could recognize 
 them all he goes and buys a paper on the street and sits down to read 
 how terrible it was, goes into a restaurant and there sits, where men were 
 conversing of the horror and of the outrage, and never opens his head in 
 regard to knowing anything about it not a word. Then he goes, after he 
 has had his 'meal,' and gets upon the car goes to the corner of Twenty- 
 second Street and Wabash Avenue, and there he meets a friend, a brother 
 painter, and they work all day, and from a third to half the time, as he states, 
 they were painting together and lapping each other's brushes as they 
 painted upon the side of the building, and when noon came they sat down 
 to discuss matters and talk, over their lunch. They speak, at times, about 
 the Haymarket meeting and the great disaster, and he never tells his friend 
 that he had seen the bomb thrown, or knew anything about it not a word. 
 The world was in flames, but Harry Gilmer was cool." 
 
 Mr. Foster continued his attention to Gilmer at considerable length, 
 making, however, no new points against him, and then proceeded : 
 
 "Now, Mr. Graham is not a Socialist. He is not a Communist nor an 
 Anarchist. He is a reporter, and I say that he is an honorable man. His 
 bearing showed it ; his countenance indicated it ; and the fact that he is 
 not attacked nor impeached, nor one word said against him, either in argu- 
 ment or in testimony, in my mind establishes it. 
 
 " Well, that didn't amount to very much. There are always knowing 
 ones around, and Gilmer was one of them. He liked to loaf about police 
 stations. He remembered the time when he was collecting the dog tax in 
 Des Moines. He associated with men that wore uniforms, and he liked it. 
 He wanted to ingratiate himself into their good opinions, and he says : ' 1 
 believe I would know the fellow. I was there. I was right in plain sight, 
 and I saw him light the fuse and I saw him toss the bomb. His back was
 
 CAPT. BLACK'S ARGUMENT. 
 
 553 
 
 to me, it is true, but I do believe I would know him.' Ah ! where was 
 Fischer then ? Where was ' that man sitting over there,' as Gilmer expresses 
 it ? Where was Spies and where was Fischer then ? Well, they hadn't 
 developed at that stage of the proceeding, that is all. They were the after- 
 birth in his testimony." 
 
 Mr. Foster went into a long and searching examination of the evidence, 
 arguing out the more important facts developed, and closing with an elo- 
 quent appeal to the sympathies of the jury. His speech was effective and 
 impressive. 
 
 On the next morning- Tuesday Capt. Black began his argument for 
 the defense, and was listened to by the jury with marked attention. He is 
 a forcible speaker and dwelt upon the testimony favorable to his side with 
 earnestness and emphasis. He traversed necessarily a good deal of the 
 ground covered by his colleagues, but he clothed his argument in captivat- 
 ing language, and made a striking and effective appeal for his clients. 
 The following will show the points he made : 
 
 "On the morning of the 5th of May, 1886, the good people of the city 
 of Chicago were startled and shocked at the event of the previous night, 
 frightened, many of them, not knowing whereunto this thing might lead. 
 Fear is the father of cruelty. It was no ordinary case. Immediately after 
 that first emotion came a feeling which has found expression from many 
 lips in the hearing of many, if not all of you : ' A great wrong has been 
 done ; somebody must be punished, somebody ought to suffer for the suffer- 
 ing which has been wrought.' Perhaps it was that feeling I know not 
 which led to the unusual and extraordinary proceedings which were taken in 
 connection with this matter immediately following the 4th of May. Per- 
 haps it was that feeling, in a large measure, which led to the arrest and 
 presentment of these eight defendants. Perhaps it was something of that 
 feeling which will explain the conduct of the prosecution in this case. I 
 am not disposed to say that there has been any willful or deliberate intent 
 on the part of the representatives of the State to act unfairly. I am not 
 disposed to charge that there has been upon their part any disposition to 
 do an injustice to any man. But in their case, as in the case of all, passion 
 perverts the heart, prejudice corrupts the judgment. 
 
 " On the night of the 4th of May a dynamite bomb was thrown in the 
 city of Chicago and exploded. It was the first time that in our immediate 
 civilization, and immediately about us, this great destructive agency was 
 used in modern contests. I beg you to remember, in the consideration of 
 this case, that dynamite is not the invention of Socialists ; it is not their 
 discovery. Science has turned it loose upon the world an agency of 
 destruction, whether for defense or offense, whether for attack or to build 
 the bulwarks round the beleaguered city. It has entered into modern war- 
 fare. We know from what has already transpired in this case that dyna- 
 mite is being experimented with as a weapon of warfare by the great nations 
 of the world. What has been read in your hearing has given you the 
 results of experiments made under the direction of the Government of Aus- 
 tria, and while you have sat in this jury-box considering the things which 
 have been deposed before you, with reference to reaching a final and cor- 
 rect result, the Government of the United States has voted $350,000 for the
 
 554 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 building of a dynamite cruiser. It is in the world by no procurement of 
 Socialism, with no necessary relationship thereto. It is in the world to 
 stay. It is manufactured freely ; it is sold without let, hindrance or restric- 
 tion. You may go from this jury-box to the leading powder companies of 
 the country, or their depots, and buy all the dynamite that you wish with- 
 out question as to your purpose, without interrogation as to your motive. 
 It is here. Is it necessarily a thing of evil? It has entered into the great 
 industries, and we know its results. It has cleared the path of commerce 
 where the great North River rolls on its way to the sea. It is here and 
 there blasting out rocks, digging out mines, and used for helpfulness in the 
 great industries of life. But there never came an explosive into the world, 
 cheap, simple of construction, easy of manufacture, that it did not enter 
 
 also into the world's combats. I beg 
 you to remember also that hand-bombs 
 are not things of Socialistic devising. 
 It may be that one or another, here and 
 there, professing Socialistic tenets, has 
 devised some improvements in their 
 construction, or has made some ad- 
 vances with reference to their composi- 
 tion ; they have not invented them. The 
 hand-grenade has been known in war- 
 fare long ere you and I saw the light. 
 The two things have come together 
 the hand-grenade, charged no longer 
 with the powder of old days, but charged 
 with the dynamite of modern science. 
 It is a union which Socialists are not 
 responsible for. It is a union led up 
 to by the logic of events and the neces- 
 sities of situations, and it is a union that 
 will never be divorced. We stand amaz- 
 ed at the dread results that are possible 
 to this union ; but as we look back over 
 history we know this fact, contradictory 
 as it may seem, strange as it may first 
 strike us, that in the exact proportion 
 in which the implements of warfare have been made effective or destruct- 
 ive, in that precise proportion have wars lost the utmost measure of 
 their horror, and in that precise proportion has death by war diminished. 
 When gunpowder came into European warfare there was an outcry against 
 it. All the chivalry which had arrogated to itself the power and glory of 
 battle in martial times sprang up against the introduction of gunpowder, an 
 agency that made the iron casque and shield and cuirass of the plumed 
 knight no better a defense than the hemp doublet of the peasant. But now, 
 instead of wars that last through thirty years, that are determined by the 
 personal collision of individuals, that desolate nations, the great civilized 
 nations of the world hesitate at war because of its possibilities of evil, and 
 diplomacy sits where once force alone was intrenched. The moral respon- 
 sibility for dynamite is not upon Socialism." 
 
 Captain Black insisted that the sole question before the jury was who 
 threw the bomb, for the doctrine of accessory before the fact, under which 
 
 CAPT. WILLIAM P. BLACK 
 From a Photograph.
 
 THE CONSPIRACY MEETING. 555 
 
 it was sought to hold the defendants, was nothing but the application to the 
 criminal law of the civil or common law doctrine that what a man does by 
 another he does himself. When the prosecution charged that the defend- 
 ants threw it, their charge involved that the bomb was thrown by the pro- 
 curement of these men, by their advice, direction, aid, counsel or encour- 
 agement, and that the man who threw it acted not alone for himself, or upon 
 his own responsibility, but as a result of the encouragement or procurement 
 of these men. He held that the State must show that the agent of the 
 defendants did the deed, and that it is not sufficient to show that the 
 defendants favored such deeds. Upon this point counsel spoke at some 
 length. Next he took up the case of one of the talesmen examined with 
 reference to his taking a place on the jury, who swore that, having been for 
 three years connected with the office of the Prosecuting Attorney in the 
 State of New York, he found in himself that the habit of thought and life 
 to which he had there devoted himself had created in him a predisposition 
 to believe every accused man guilty, which, in his own deliberate judgment 
 before God, disqualified him from sitting as an impartial juror in a criminal 
 case. The application of this case to the attaches of the State's Attorney's 
 office who had appeared before the jury' was made the most of. 
 
 After going over the evidence as to the other conspirators Capt. Black 
 came to the case against Fischer and Engel. He said : 
 
 "It is perhaps proper that, in view of the circumstance that Fischer and 
 Engel were the only two defendants at the West Lake Street meeting on 
 Monday night, I should present briefly my opinions touching that meeting 
 as relating to this case. Two witnesses, Waller and Schrade, testified as 
 to what occurred at that meeting. Waller said there were seventy or 
 eighty people present ; the other placed the attendance at thirty-five to 
 forty. Let us suppose thirty-five or forty met together in that basement. 
 In the progress of the meeting it transpired that there had been a meeting 
 of the North Side group, of which Mr. Engel was a member, on the previ- 
 ous morning (Sunday). At that meeting a resolution was adopted, which 
 was brought before the Monday night meeting for consideration, and it was 
 adopted in the manner indicated by Waller. I think I state it fairly to the 
 State and fairly to the defendants themselves, when I say that the action 
 then and there resolved upon was this, no more, no less : That if in the 
 event of a struggle the police should attempt by brute force to overpower 
 the strikers unlawfully and unjustly, those men would lend their help to 
 their fellow-wageworkers as against the police. A plan of action was sug- 
 gested by one of the group which contemplated the blowing up of police 
 stations, cutting telegraph wires and disabling the Fire Department. Every 
 particle of that resolution, gentlemen, was expressly dependent upon the 
 unlawful invasion of the rights of the working people by the police. Noth- 
 ing was to be inaugurated by the so-called conspirators, there was to be no 
 resort to force by them in the first instance. It was solely defensive, and 
 had reference alone to meeting force by force ; it had reference alone to a 
 possible attack in the future, dependent upon the action that the police 
 themselves might take. I am not here to defend the action of that meet-
 
 556 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ing. The question here is : Had that action anything whatever to do with 
 the result of the Haymarket meeting ? The action of the North Side group 
 had nothing to do with that, since the Haymarket meeting had never been 
 dreamed of or suggested at that time. By whom was the Tuesday meeting 
 suggested ? What was its scope, purpose and object ? As then and there 
 declared, it was simply to be a mass-meeting of workingmen with reference 
 to police outrages that had already taken place. Were the armed men, 
 those conspirators who met at West Lake Street, present ? ' No ; they 
 were not there.' That is the testimony of Waller and Schrade. I am not 
 here even to say that the proposition to call that meeting was a wise one. 
 The event has proven how sadly unwise it was. But I am here to say that 
 the men who in that Monday night meeting proposed the calling of the 
 Tuesday night meeting, if we take the testimony of the State itself, had no 
 dream or expectation of violence, difficulty or contest on that eventful night. 
 But before the Tuesday night meeting was proposed, a suggestion was made 
 that they ought to have some sort of signal for action, and the word ' Ruhe' 
 was suggested by somebody. Waller could not tell who suggested it ; 
 Schrade did not know it had been agreed upon. Evidently there was no 
 very clear idea that night what ' Ruhe ' did mean, because Lingg saw it in 
 the paper at eleven o'clock, and said : ' That is a signal that we ought to 
 be over at 54 West Lake Street.' Waller finally, under close examination 
 by the State, said the word ' Ruhe ' was to be inserted in the ' Letter-box ' 
 of the Arbeiter-Zeitung in the event of the time arriving for a downright 
 revolution. Had that revolution come ; had it commenced when the word 
 was put in the ' Letter-box ' ? No. When the members saw this in the 
 ' Letter-box ' what were they to do ? Go to the Haymarket and attack any- 
 body ? No. They were to go to their respective places of meeting, and 
 then, according to advices brought to them, were to determine upon a 
 course of action. It had no reference to the throwing of the bomb at the 
 Haymarket. Did that Monday night meeting pick out the man who was to 
 throw the bomb ? Did it provide that a collision between the police and 
 the people was to be brought about at the Haymarket ? Did it contem- 
 plate murder ? Not at all. When Fischer told Spies that the word ' Ruhe ' 
 had no connection with the Haymarket meeting, he spoke the truth. It 
 was a signal that the armed men should meet at the piaces designated by 
 themselves to determine what action should be taken with reference to 
 whatever might have transpired. 
 
 " But it is to be borne in mind fhat the meeting of the armed section 
 never took place. There was no meeting of the Northwest Side groups ; 
 there was no meeting of any group pursuant to the word ' Ruhe.' Were 
 any bombs to be thrown, any violence to be resorted to ? No. If the police 
 made an attack, a committee was to take word to the groups, and the 
 groups were then, and not till then, to determine what action they should 
 take in the line of offense. Does that make every man who was present at 
 the Monday night meeting responsible for the throwing of the bomb? Not 
 at all. Unless they are all responsible, it does not make Fischer and Engel 
 responsible. Engel was not at the Tuesday night meeting. Fischer was 
 there and went quietly away before the bomb was thrown. There was 
 absolutely nothing in connection with the Monday night meeting which 
 contemplated violence at the Haymarket or provided for the throwing of 
 the bomb. 
 
 " Let me call your attention, in passing, to another thing. When Waller,
 
 A PLEA FOR "THIS BOY LINGG." 557 
 
 having from some source heard of the lamentable occurrence at the Hay- 
 market, went to Engel's house, he found him drinking beer with two or three 
 friends. After listening to the details of the affair Engel said, while Waller 
 was saying, ' Let's do something,' ' You had better go home. I have no 
 sympathy with a movement of this kind. The police are of the common 
 people, and when the general revolution does occur, they should be with us. 
 I am utterly opposed to this slaughtering of them.' That is the full extent 
 of the case against these two defendants, except the further fact that Fischer 
 had a pistol and a dagger. It is not right to hang any man for the Hay- 
 market murder simply because he had a dagger or a pistol in his possession. 
 " As to Lingg, he came from that republic sitting in the center of Europe 
 preaching the everlasting lesson of liberty. He came here in the fall of 
 1885, and became a member of the Seliger household. Whatever he knows 
 of social and labor conditions in this country he learned from those about 
 him. He joined a carpenters' union, being himself a carpenter by trade. 
 He attended the meetings of that union. Young, active, bright, capable, 
 he enters the band of which they speak, and manufactures bombs. There 
 is no law against that, gentlemen ; but they claim that is a circumstance 
 from which you must draw the conclusion of his guilt, when taken with 
 other circumstances, for the Haymarket tragedy. The State put on the 
 stand one man, Lehman, to whom he gave bombs. Did he tell Lehman to 
 go to the Haymarket and use the bombs there ? No. Lehman swears that 
 he said : ' You take these and put them in a safe place.' And Lehman hid 
 them where the officer, piloted by him, found them. Does that prove that 
 Lingg sent a bomb to the Haymarket for the purpose of having somebody 
 killed? How did he come to make bombs? Was it a matter to engage in 
 on his own volition or responsibility ? No. The Carpenters' Union at one 
 of its meetings resolved to devote a certain amount of money for the pur- 
 pose of experimenting with dynamite. You may say that was not right, 
 but he was not responsible for it. There is no more reason in holding him 
 responsible for the Haymarket affair on account of his experiments than 
 there is to hold every other member of the Carpenters' Union for the same 
 thing. That is how Lingg came to make bombs. Without dynamite a 
 bomb-shell is a toy. The Lingg bombs would kill nobody unless some hu- 
 man independent agency took hold of them. Did Lingg know on Monday 
 night that one of his bombs was to be used ? He could not have known it, 
 because the testimony is incontrovertible that it was understood by the men 
 who met at 54 West Lake Street there should be no violence at the Hay- 
 market meeting. And yet the State asks you to say that Lingg shall be 
 hanged because he manufactured bombs. The man who threw the bomb 
 did the independent act necessary for its explosion. Who was that man ? 
 Was he connected with the defendants ? The evidence does not show it. 
 
 "And a word more about that. This boy Lingg was dependent upon 
 others as to his impressions of our institutions. He went to Seliger's house. 
 Seliger is a Socialist ; he has been in this country for years. He is thirty- 
 one years of age ; Lingg is twenty-one. And yet the great State of Illinois, 
 through its legal representatives, bargains with William Seliger, the man of 
 mature years, and with his wife, older even than himself, that if they will 
 do what they can to put the noose around the neck of this boy they shall go 
 scatheless ! Ah ! gentlemen, what a mockery of justice is this." 
 
 Proceeding to discuss the Haymarket meeting, he held that there was
 
 558 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 no law that could take away the right of the people to meet and consider 
 grievances. When it was proposed to adopt the Constitution, in 1787, the 
 States were so careful to preserve the rights of the people that several 
 amendments were put in. Capt. Black spoke of our forefathers, who 
 had made the name of the revolutionist immortal, and referred to the 
 meetings that had to be held as a preliminary to the great struggle. 
 It had been charged against these men that they were guilty of misde- 
 meanors for holding meetings, and they had been prosecuted for crimes. 
 Before the Constitution could receive the approbation of the States, it had 
 been necessary that the amendment providing that no laws should be 
 passed by Congress abridging free speech should be inserted. Such a pro- 
 vision had been incorporated in the first Constitution of Illinois in 
 1818, and renewed in the subsequent Constitutions of 1848 and 1870. The 
 Haymarket meeting had been called for the common good. Those men be- 
 lieved that a great wrong had been done, a great outrage committed, and the 
 rights of the citizens in that assemblage had been invaded by an unlawful, 
 unwarrantable and outrageous act. 
 
 " Bonfield, in his police office, surrounded by his minions, one hundred 
 and eighty strong, armed to the teeth, knew that the meeting was quietly 
 and peacefully coming to its close. Nay, he had said so to Carter Harrison. 
 When Parsons had concluded, Mayor Harrison went to the station and told 
 Bonfield that it was a quiet meeting, and Bonfield replied, 'My detectives 
 make me the same report.' Yet Carter Harrison did not get out of hearing 
 before Inspector Bonfield ordered his men to fall in for that death march. 
 Who is responsible for it ? Who precipitated that conflict ? Who made 
 that battle in that street that night ? The law looks at the approximate 
 cause, not the remote. The law looks at the man immediately in fault ; not 
 at some man who may have manufactured the pistol that does the shooting, 
 the dynamite that kills, the bomb that explodes. I ask you, upon your 
 oath before God, in a full and honest consideration of this entire testimony, 
 who made the Haymarket massacre ? Who is responsible for that collision ? 
 If Bonfield had not marched there, would there have been any death ? 
 Would not that meeting have dissolved precisely as it proposed to do ? 
 Did the bomb-thrower go down to the station where the police were and 
 attack them ? A bomb could have been thrown into that station with even 
 more deadly effect than at the Haymarket itself. There they were, massed 
 together in close quarters, in hiding, like a wild beast in its lair ready to 
 spring. Did the bomb-thrower move upon them ? Was there here a design 
 to destroy ? God sent that warning cloud into the heavens ; these men 
 were still there, speaking their last words ; but a deadlier cloud was coming 
 up behind this armed force. In disregard of our constitutional rights as 
 citizens, it was proposed to order the dispersal of a peaceable meeting. 
 Has it come to pass that under the Constitution of the United States and 
 of this State, our meetings for the discussion of grievances are subject to 
 be scattered to the winds at the breath of a petty police officer? Can they 
 take into their hands the law ? If so, that is Anarchy ; nay, the chaos of 
 constitutional right and legally guaranteed liberty. I ask you again, 
 charging no legal responsibility here, but looking at the man who is morally
 
 THE "MODERN APOSTLES." 559 
 
 at fault for the death harvest of that night, who brought it on ? Would it 
 have been but for the act of Bonfield ? " 
 
 Captain Black went on to say that as long as the Mayor was there Bon- 
 field could not act, but as soon as Harrison had gone the officer could not 
 get to the Haymarket quick enough. The police, the speaker urged, had 
 been searching the files of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm for years to 
 put before the jury the most inflammatory articles. After alluding to Christ 
 as the great Socialist of Judea, who first preached the Socialism taught 
 by Spies and his other modern apostles, he compared John Brown and his 
 attack on Harper's Ferry to the Socialists' attack on modern evils, conclud- 
 ing : 
 
 " Gentlemen, the last words for these eight lives. They are in your 
 hands, with no power to whom you are answerable but God and history, 
 and I say to you in closing only the words of that Divine Socialist : 'As ye 
 would that others should do to you, do you even so to them.' "
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Grinnell's Closing Argument - One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy 
 A Fair Trial The Law in the Case The Detective Work Gilmer and his Evi- 
 dence ' ' We Knew all the Facts " Treason and Murder Arming the Anarchists 
 The Toy-shop Purchases The Pinkerton Reports "A Lot of Snakes" The Mean- 
 ing of the Black Flag - Symbols of the Social Revolution The Daily News Inter- 
 views Spies the "Second Washington" The Rights of "Scabs" The Chase into 
 the River Inflaming the Workingmen The "Revenge" Lie The Meeting at the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung Office A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket The 
 Invitation to Spies - Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners Harrison at the Haymarket 
 The Significance of Fielden's Wound Witnesses' Inconsistencies The Omnipresent 
 Parsons The Meaning of the Manuscript Find Standing between the Living and 
 the Dead. 
 
 STATE'S ATTORNEY GRINNELL took Wednesday and a part of 
 Thursday in which to deliver his argument. He indulged in no flights 
 of oratory, but presented a review of the case at once able, convincing and 
 unassailable. He began as follows : 
 
 "I said to you in the opening, gentlemen, that in this country, above all 
 countries in the world, is Anarchy possible. In my investigations of this 
 case, in my conduct with it, with my knowledge of my own country and the 
 freedom we enjoy and possess, I have been led to conclude that that is 
 true. In those strong European governments, where there is monarchical 
 or strongly centralized government, they strangle Anarchy or ship it here. 
 Everybody comes to our climate ; everybody reaches our shores ; our free- 
 dom is great and it should never be abridged and here with that free- 
 dom, with that great enjoyment of liberty to all men, they seek to obtain 
 their end by Anarchy, which in other countries is impossible. As I said, 
 there is one step from republicanism to Anarchy. Let us never take that 
 step, and, gentlemen, the responsibility which has devolved upon you in 
 this case is greater than any jury in the history of the world ever undertook. 
 This is no slight or mean duty that you are called upon to perform. You 
 are to say whether that step shall be taken. 
 
 "When the Haymarket tragedy occurred, the spontaneous declaration 
 by every honest, every law-abiding man and woman in this city was : 'An 
 outrage has been perpetrated ; a great crime has been committed ; but let 
 there be a cool, unimpassioned trial and let the guilty suffer. Then and 
 not till then.' That has been the sentiment of every newspaper in this city 
 from which counsel sought to make you believe by quotations there had 
 been something said to the contrary. The little extracts and abstracts that 
 have been clipped from the newspapers that they have talked to you about 
 are such extracts as met the disapproval of the newspapers. And even as 
 to what Capt. Black referred to the other day in your hearing and which 
 Foster elaborated to you, something that some crank has written to the 
 Inter-Ocean as to what should be done with these defendants, horrifying 
 you by the recital as he did what does the newspaper say ? That the 
 man who wrote it was as bad as an Anarchist ; that we are here to maintain 
 
 5 6o
 
 THE COUNTRY'S LIFE AT STAKE. 561 
 
 the law, not break it. And that can be said of every newspaper in this 
 city. There never has been in the history of America, in the world, such 
 unanimity of sentiment as has prevailed through the length and breadth of 
 this country, not only as to the crime itself and the perpetrators, but as to 
 the perpetrators having a fair trial. And why, especially, has there been 
 so much talk about a fair trial in this case ? Because every honest, country- 
 loving American citizen knew that his country's life was at stake, and the 
 only thing to do was to demonstrate the strength of the law by a fair trial, 
 which the defendants have had." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell at this point went into a very lengthy discussion of the law 
 in the case. He showed conclusively that in a conspiracy the men who had 
 advised and abetted the commission of the crime were fully as guilty as the 
 man who had actually made himself the instrument of their deed. Inas- 
 much as the instructions given by the court to the jury are really a concise 
 and complete statement of the points of law which Mr. Grinnell and the 
 other attorneys for the State urged, I have taken the liberty to omit that 
 part of the address. 
 
 Coming to the facts in the case, Mr. Grinnell, in his examination of the 
 attempt made by the defense to impeach Gilmer's testimony, said : 
 
 "A few days, gentlemen, after the Haymarket riot, for a whole'week, as 
 is plain from the testimony in this case, and from Captain Schaack, there 
 was not the least particle of knowledge or a suspicion, great as had been 
 the crime that was committed there there was not a suspicion that it was 
 any farther-reaching than the result of these repeated inflammatory speeches 
 which our city had listened to for years. But the magnificent efforts of 
 Schaack, without my knowledge at that time, got the leading-string which 
 led to the conspiracy. Then it was, for the first time, that we knew of 
 Schnaubelt, or that we knew or suspected that a conspiracy existed at all. 
 I confess here, gentlemen, a weakness ; because, whatever may be the 
 instincts of the prosecutor, as they say, I have not been so long in this office 
 as to be callous to human sentiments and to humanity, and I have not yet 
 become so hardened that I believe everybody accused of a crime is guilty. 
 I hope in the prosecution of my duty, and in this office, that that time will 
 never come. When we had Spies under arrest, I confess to you that then, 
 and after it was developed that a conspiracy existed I confess the weakness 
 that I did not suppose that a man living in our community would enter 
 into a conspiracy so hellish and damnable as the proof showed, and our 
 investigations subsequently showed, he had entered into ; and therefore, 
 notwithstanding Gilmer's statement to us so frequently, Spies was not shown 
 to him and not identified. 
 
 " Honesty of purpose is the only thing that will determine, in every way, 
 the right from the wrong. 
 
 " It may sound to you a little out of place for me to say here that the 
 only mistake I have made the only mistake that has been pointed out to 
 you that I have made and I frankly confess it was a mistake was the 
 suggestion in my opening about the bomb-thrower. We knew the facts. 
 There was no law compelling me to make any statement. I might have 
 proceeded with the proof, if I desired, without any opening statement. I 
 did make an opening. I undertook to make it fairly and frankly and broad.
 
 562 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 I was afraid of wearying you, as I was weary myself, from the days and days 
 that we had been working here in getting a jury, and the anxiety under 
 which I labored. I said in that opening that we would show to you who 
 threw that bomb. I said in that opening that we would show that the man 
 left the wagon, lighted the match and threw the bomb. That was not ab- 
 solutely correct. I should have said that the man who came from the 
 wagon, assisted the bomb-thrower, as the proof shows, and who we knew 
 came from the wagon, was in that group, and that the bomb was thrown by 
 a man whom we would show to you. 
 
 " Gentlemen, let me proceed, as fast as I can, in the discussion of another 
 branch of this case. The gentlemen upon the other side have said to you 
 deliberately, for the purpose of gaining some favor in your eyes for their 
 clients, that this is a plain, simple case of murder, and that we have no 
 right to discuss anything or talk about anything except that which occurred 
 at the Haymarket meeting. They read some law to you, yesterday, upon 
 that proposition. It was inapplicable, and was manifestly so. There never 
 was a murder committed in the world, be it treasonable murder or the mur- 
 der for mere gain, but what the trial of the perpetrator meant an investiga- 
 tion of the life of the man who committed the murder. What had been his 
 utterances ? What has he said ? Has he threatened life ? Has he talked 
 against a system represented by police? Has 'he advised the use of dyna- 
 mite ? Has he advised the use of poison ? Has he advised the use cf the 
 pistol, the rifle, the musket, to accomplish his end ? Those are legitimate 
 sources of investigation. And further than that, as the gentlemen well know, 
 you can go back in those declarations fcr years and years, and there is no 
 statute of limitation against threats, when a repeated threat results in the 
 deed threatened. 
 
 " On the lake front, at the different halls in the city of Chicago, at 
 these Communistic or Socialistic halls, as the gentlemen called them they 
 are Anarchistic halls ; don't let us have any mistake about names and titles 
 in all these months and years there has been openly preached to the cit- 
 izens of this city treason and murder by these defendants. Why ? To 
 bring about a social revolution. And these humanitarians, these God-like 
 men, these defendants who have the similitude of Christ peace have 
 openly talked murder in our streets. I think it ought to have been stopped 
 before. I think when they made the utterance from the lake front, or 
 any other spot in the city of Chicago, that they should have been snatched 
 by policemen and' taken to the station and fined for disorderly conduct, as 
 that would be as far as they could go, except under the common-law rule 
 which provides that if they had advised murder then they could have been 
 punished for such advice. We know more law to-day than we did I do, 
 I am very glad to say." 
 
 Following this, Mr. Grinnell took up the case against each of the con- 
 spirators as follows : 
 
 "Why was Engel preparing for the purchase of a large amount of 
 arms ? That has not been disputed. There is testimony in this case that 
 Engel not later than last winter, and perhaps in the spring, negotiated for 
 a large amount of arms, with his daughter present. His daughter has not 
 been placed upon the stand to deny that fact. Why ? He was not a 
 dealer in arms. It could have been denied if not true. He is a keeper 
 of a toy-store, it appears, over on Milwaukee Avenue. These belligerent
 
 THE PINKERTON REPORTS. 563 
 
 humanitarians, these men whom Black would have you surround and cover 
 with garlands these are the men that we have demonstrated before you 
 have been buying arms and preparing for years for something. Why was 
 it that Parsons at another place, no later than last winter, or late in the fall, 
 also negotiated for a large amount of arms ? Has he denied it ? He has been 
 on the witness-stand. Why did he negotiate for arms ? For humanitarian 
 purposes ? Why, gentlemen, to dispose of the bloodhounds, the police, the 
 capitalists. That has been their cry. Their cry on the lake front and 
 everywhere has been that same treasonable, infamous cry. Is that the only 
 place they have spoken ? Their halls are all over the city. Look at the 
 testimony of Johnson, the detective, on that subject. The only testimony 
 against Johnson, the only syllable in this proof against Pinkerton's detective 
 who is called Johnson, or Jansen, is Foster's that is all, except that 
 Fielden said, as I remember, that the man O'Brien, in whose presence 
 Johnson said Fielden made the remark about a little dynamite in his pocket, 
 was not here, and that therefore he did not say it. Why, Fielden had been 
 saying it for years he had been talking it day after day and Sunday after 
 Sunday on the lake shore. 
 
 "He had been talking it year in and year out. He had been speaking 
 for dynamite and demanding its use by the workingmen, and advising them 
 to arm themselves with it for months and years. Foster said that Johnson 
 is not to be believed because he is a detective, and he delivered a very 
 pleasant lecture on that subject. I presume he has delivered it in every 
 important trial that he has ever been in. It is the ordinary language, the 
 usual philippic against detectives, I suppose. I never saw a detective on 
 the witness-stand that commended himself so favorably to the honest con- 
 sideration of any listener as did Johnson. And after he had withstood that 
 severe, critical and exasperating cross-examination of Foster, he still stood 
 there a monument of strength to the truth which he had uttered. He had 
 said nothing, gentlemen, but what had been in the public press for years 
 about these utterances ; and they have not denied a single syllable of his 
 testimony. I suppose then, gentlemen, from that follows another proposi- 
 tion that we, in the city of Chicago and elsewhere, must suffer murder, 
 must be robbed, our friends killed, our houses invaded, law set at defiance, 
 because it would be unfortunate to have anybody convicted who was guilty 
 on the testimony of the detective. Foster said there never was any great 
 murder trial in the world but what there is a detective in it. That may be 
 so. The peculiarity of this murder trial and the detective is this that 
 this report was made from day to day by the detective to his principals, 
 and by them to citizens, long before this murder. The detective that Fos- 
 ter pictures is the one who after the act goes back to make up a case. 
 This w,as making the case without thinking that it would ever take place, 
 and the actual written statements made by him from night to night and 
 from day to day were here in court ; and if they were not, the fact has not 
 been denied, and these men have been on the stand. Why didn't they 
 deny it ? Did any of them deny the existence of the armed group and the 
 marching backward and forward and the explanation of the dynamite cans 
 at Greif's Hall? No; -none of them denied it. They would have denied 
 it if it had not been so absolutely strong in its proof. The written evidence, 
 the handwriting on the wall, was against these men. 
 
 " But, not content, these revolutionists, these traitors, these men who 
 have committed treason I thank again the gentleman for the word
 
 564 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 these men who have committed treason are not content with confining their 
 power and influence to the small limits of Cook County, but Spies goes to 
 Grand Rapids and there gives utterance to these same treasonable sen- 
 tences ; and there is no doubt that other proselytes of the humanitarian 
 crowd were at other places in the country doing the same thing. It seems 
 that Parsons was at Cincinnati Sunday or Saturday before the Haymarket 
 difficulty. Was he down there for the same purpose that Spies was at 
 Grand Rapids ? And at Grand Rapids, what did Spies say ? He said that 
 the social revolution must come, would come when there were great num- 
 bers of laboring men out of employment, and foreshadowed the difficulties 
 in the ensuing year, in 1886. The great things that he was to accomplish 
 then were foreshadowed. ' But,' said Moulton to him, the other witness 
 heard the conversation, 'they will strangle you like a lot of snakes. It will 
 be murder.' ' Oh no ; oh no. No murder about this. We are humani- 
 tarians. No murder. We will succeed. It will be revolution, and I, great 
 Spies, will be the second Washington of America.' The second Washing- 
 ton of America ! ' But if you fail?' says Moulton. ' Of course, if we fail, 
 that is another thing; but we ain't going to fail.' 'Why?' 'Because 
 hundreds of thousands of laboring men will be out of employment all over 
 the United States, and they have the power.' That is the friend of the 
 laboring man, the Anarchist and friend of the laboring man, advocating 
 the destruction of property to advance the interests of the laboring man. 
 It would be a great benefit to me, with the very little property that I have,, 
 to have it destroyed ; it would enrich me so at once ! 
 
 " But that is not all and there has been no dispute about that inter- 
 view with Moulton, not a syllable of dispute about that interview from any 
 source. Counsel did not even undertake to cross-examine Moulton. His 
 intelligence was such, he was so clear-headed and concise in what he 
 uttered, that they dropped him. What was all this for? That meant prep- 
 aration and threats toward what? Toward murder, the social revolution 
 and it was murder. That is why this is competent evidence. That is why 
 the utterances of these men are material and necessary. That is why the 
 proof is overpowering. 
 
 "There is no use in my giving you the details of these speeches from 
 day to day. They have made indignant every man who has listened to 
 them or read them. They have caused other things they have caused 
 bloodshed and riot. 
 
 " Foster says to you that there is no difficulty about the black flag ; that 
 that is a flag they use over in Europe to march around with, showing their 
 humanitarian desires, or that they are hungry that that is what it means. 
 It does not mean that here. They were going to march down Michigan 
 Avenue under the black flag and strike terror to the hearts of the capitalists. 
 Didn't Fielden and Spies and Parsons and all that gang understand that 
 when the valiant crowd would march up Michigan Avenue under the black 
 flag, it meant death, no quarter, piracy ? 
 
 " But that is not all. The Board of Trade meeting occurs, and there 
 the black flag and the red flag were carried. The article has been read to- 
 you, and it is unnecessary to go into that again. And there they say that 
 that meeting was copiously supplied with nitro-glycerine pills, or some- 
 thing of that kind. They did not get at the Board of Trade, but had to 
 march clear around it, within a block of it, and then vented their spite 
 aroused by their difficulties, vented their spite in speeches from the Arbeiter-
 
 THE BLACK AND THE RED. 565 
 
 Zeitung office that night, commending their valorous deeds and acts, only 
 saying that they were preparing for them, declaring: 'We will wait for 
 some other time, when we are ready for the police.' They did not expect 
 any police that night. They thought they would march right down. The 
 police began to wake up. 
 
 " Gentlemen, the red flag has passed in our streets enough. At that 
 meeting which they comment so much upon in the Alarm and the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, representing its peculiarities, its honor, and its humanitarian in- 
 fluences, they suggest that the red flag that was carried there, and carried 
 by women, that it is the flag of universal liberty, and it is so described here 
 on the witness-stand. Ah, gentlemen, there is but one flag of liberty in this 
 land, and that is the stars and stripes. That flag is planted on our soil, and 
 planted to stay, if you have the courage to carry out the law. It is a plant 
 of liberty. 
 
 The blades of heroes fence it round ; 
 Where'er it springs is holy ground. 
 From tower and dome its glories spread ; 
 It waves where lonely sentries tread. 
 
 It makes the land as ocean free, 
 And plants an empire on the sea 
 Always the banner of the free, 
 The starry flower of liberty. 
 
 " That is the flag that these men want to wipe out and supplant with the 
 black and the red. No wonder those flags over there (indicating flags 
 offered in evidence) disturbed Foster. He is an American citizen, not 
 tinctured or tainted with any of the Anarchy of his clients. 
 
 "There is one other suggestion I want to make to you in this connec- 
 tion. I wish to hurry along and be as brief as possible. As has been said 
 to you by counsel, the case in its magnitude and scope is so great that no 
 one man can cover it. Some branches of this case, and nearly all, have 
 been well covered by Mr. Walker and Mr. Ingham, who preceded me. But 
 there is one forcible suggestion brought to my attention by. Mr. Ingham, 
 and I wish to again ask : Why all these threats ? Why all this talk ? Why 
 so many threats of murder, outside of the question of the desire to accom- 
 plish that end ? Ah ! gentlemen, it is so that the revolution could more 
 easily take place by causing terror in your hearts and my heart. That is 
 what it meant : causing terror in the heart of every American citizen, and 
 thereby making more easy the accomplishment of that which they desire 
 and preach. Why all these armed groups, scattered throughout and 
 operating in the city of 'Chicago, as they all say, as Most explains in his 
 book, as Spies explains and as Parsons and all in their speeches explain ? 
 Why this network of groups ? It was the nucleus, the foundation from 
 which that social revolution was to spring, and these armed men were to do 
 their part of the duty. There was a desire to strike terror that is the 
 watchword to strike terror to the hearts of the capitalists and their min- 
 ions, the bloodhounds of the police. That is what it meant. Threaten life 
 specific in one direction and threaten the peaceful citizens and the 
 law-abiding citizens on the other hand, so that they would throw up both 
 hands at once, and let it go on. That was their scheme. Why? Because 
 these men, in their craven spirit, supposed that one hundred thousand hon- 
 est laboring men in this town would at once wheel in behind the ranks of 
 the three thousand and mow down everybody else. Lingg, who told Capt.
 
 566 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Schaack of all the bombs, not admitting that he had made the bomb that 
 killed Degan, admitted and told Schaack that they were pills and medicine 
 for the police and capitalists. 
 
 ' They were not the friends of the laboring man, although they were 
 always talking about that in public such wonderful friends of the laboring 
 man ! Gentlemen, they wanted to kill the pystem. They said they wanted 
 to kill the system, and on the witness-stand here they said that on that 
 night of the Haymarket massacre they meant the system. What system ? 
 The system of law. They have no malice in their hearts against the seven 
 officers Oh ! no. They did not know them. It was not the seven officers, 
 as persons, they desired to kill ; but they desired to kill the officers, and all 
 of them, in order to kill the system the system of law. 
 
 " Besides the frequent declarations that have been proven here as to the 
 designs of these men foolishly and dishonestly to represent themselves as 
 the friends of the laboring man, they have said in their writings, and they 
 have preached on the stump, that the eight-hour movement, as a movement, 
 would not help the laboring man. And why ? Because the laboring man 
 must have Anarchy must have what other people have got in the way of 
 property, as they have defined in their ideas of property. Black calls that a 
 theory. 
 
 "Declarations threatening dynamite were made in our midst for the pur- 
 pose of terrorizing the people, and causing them to believe that these men 
 were more powerful than they were, and thereby causing the laboring man 
 to come to their ranks. It was a bid for the laboring man that is what it 
 was, and that is why Wilkinson's interview was so easily obtained. 
 Wilkinson interviewed these men, and published in the Daily News of the 
 I4th day of January, 1886, his interview with Spies as to the purposes and 
 objects of the revolutionists and Anarchists in the city of Chicago. What 
 did he say? He told about the bombs, the dynamite, their preparation, 
 their network of groups, their thousands of armed men. in the city of Chi- 
 cago, their drilling from day to day or week to week. He gave him a 
 sample of a bomb, and told him further that the Arbeiter-Zeitung office was 
 a place for the distribution of bombs in the city of Chicago, and upon his 
 own testimony it appears that he received bombs, as Mr. Ingham has ex- 
 plained to you, from one part of the country ; and then samples were 
 brought in two more, of which the one here presented and called the Czar 
 bomb was one. 
 
 "And now, why did he do all that? Why did this foolish man do that? 
 They want you to acquit him because he is foolish. Why did this foolish 
 man do all that ? Gentlemen, the answer is plain and simple. First, 
 vanity the second Washington of this country! God save the memory 
 of the father of our country. 
 
 " Another thing, he wanted to demonstrate through the public press to 
 the one hundred thousand honest laborers in Chicago that Anarchy had 
 come. That is what he wanted. That is why it was advertised. That is 
 why he so flippantly discussed open secrets in that way. He wanted the 
 laboring man to follow in the wake of the despoilers of our country, the 
 Anarchists. Yes, and fearing that such talk in the newspapers would scare 
 some of his conspirators and co-workers in evil, he goes to Fielden when 
 they were having a meeting at Greif's Hall a day or two after, and says to 
 him, ' Go light on that interview among our companions ; they may be scared 
 off.' He was obliged to hedge among his companions to keep them in
 
 THE RIGHTS OF "SCABS." 567 
 
 control, and by his vaporings, as they call it, seek to pull to them tne one 
 hundred thousand laborers in this town. If there had been a possibility of 
 the accomplishment of his designs, what would we have done in this city 
 with one hundred thousand men let loose ? Parsons says he was a Knight 
 of Labor. His very paper abuses Powderly, the genius and inspiration of 
 the Knights of Labor in this country. Their honest leaders in this country 
 are men who are opposed to Anarchy, and in the organization of the Knights 
 of Labor, gentlemen, the one element in it to-day which is dangerous to it 
 and the rights of the laboring man is the very element of Anarchy danger- 
 ous wherever it is. 
 
 " Parsons was buying arms, negotiating for them ; Engel was negotiat- 
 ing for them ; Lingg was making bombs ; Fischer was doing the work of 
 Spies in the promulgation of their ideas ; Fielden was making speeches 
 preparing the public ; Parsons, in his humanitarian designs against his own 
 country, where his fathers were born and lived he*was writing and speak- 
 ing for the social revolution and against all law, as was Schwab and Spies, 
 and it was to take place the ist of May, 1886. Gentlemen, as I said in the 
 opening, I say again, Spies appeared at the McCormick meeting for the 
 purpose of inflaming that crowd to the highest intensity, as expressed in 
 their editorials to the highest pitch of excitement appeared at that crowd 
 and spoke. It appears from his own lips, and appears in proof here, that 
 before he spoke there had been no riot ; that while he was speaking the 
 rioting occurred and the difficulty was precipitated. I take, gentlemen, his 
 explanation, given by himself, written that night, as the full explanation. 
 He in that article says : ' If there had been one dynamite bomb. 1 Think 
 of the horror ! It makes one's blood run cold these men deliberating 
 with such infamy the destruction of life and property in a country which 
 has freedom for its basis and freedom for its glory, and talking riot and 
 bloodshed. 
 
 "I am not going to discuss further that McCormick meeting, except to 
 make this suggestion that seems to have been omitted. It is in regard to 
 the ' Revenge ' circular. I say, gentlemen, that the basis of the ' Revenge ' 
 circular is a lie, premeditated, deliberate, infamous, and is the key-note to 
 the situation. 
 
 " McCormick had some laboring men it is the high privilege, the great 
 and high privilege of the defendants in this case to call them ' scabs.' We 
 will call them 'scabs.' They were working at McCormick's for their honest 
 daily bread. They had no fight with the world. They were seeking their 
 subsistence by daily toil. They had rights which every man should respect ; 
 they had the right to peaceful employment, of coming and going to their 
 labor as they saw fit. They came out of that great factory, only a moment 
 before teeming with the busy throb of life, to be set upon, attacked and 
 murdered by the strikers whom defendant Spies was speaking to. Who 
 there was entitled to protection, gentlemen? Was it the duty of the police 
 to protect the ' scabs,' or the six thousand, part of whom began the riot ? The 
 time that the attack occurred, gentlemen, there were only two policemen on 
 the ground. Those two policemen that came out of McCormick's factory 
 nearly lost their lives; one of them was stoned nearly to death ; secured 
 himself in a patrol box, which was afterwards pulled down, and all for what ? 
 Because a few 'scabs' coming out of McCormick's on their way to their 
 homes and their families had been attacked by the mob which Spies was 
 addressing and instigating. The two policemen called a patrol wagon in
 
 568 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 order, as was their right and duty, to protect the property of McCormick, the 
 lives of the ' scabs ' who swam the river, and the lives of the two officers who 
 were there then. He calls such protection of a few ' scabs' against this army 
 of strikers which he sought to inflame and did not entirely succeed calls 
 that transaction the bloodhounds of the police wickedly shooting down your 
 friends. It was a lie. The police were there in honored duty, protecting 
 life and property, and the mob began the fight, and not the police. Not 
 only has Spies declared in that circular that men were killed who were not, 
 but that men were injured who were not hurt ; not only that, but, pervading 
 it, the whole of it, is a lie, and the purpose of that lie was to inflame the 
 laboring men. He rushed down to his office and wrote that circular, as he 
 says, 'with his blood boiling against the outrages of the police.' Poor 
 bloodhounds of the police, who had undertaken to protect the lives of a few 
 people, and McCormick, who is unfortunate enough to own more property 
 than perhaps any of us to protect his property from being stoned, and his 
 premises pillaged, and his men murdered. He writes the ' Revenge ' 
 circular and prepares for war. 
 
 " They had prepared, before the McCormick meeting, for this difficulty. 
 At Emma Street, on Sunday, was a conspiracy meeting of these infamous 
 scoundrels, and among them was Fischer, seeking our lives seeking the 
 destruction of the law. They agreed upon the plan they agreed upon 
 ' Ruhe ' they agreed that the meeting of the armed men should be called 
 for Tuesday night. It is in the history of this conspiracy that the first 
 meeting on that Sunday contemplated the difficulties at McCormick's. 
 Where is this Thielen ? Where is this German friend this comrade? 
 He was down there with Comrade Spies, on the top of that car, and their 
 intention was to do that which was done to excite that mob. That was 
 the preliminary step in this conspiracy to the open infraction of law. The 
 general conspiracy had been going along for weeks, perhaps for months ; it 
 may be for years. But the details of the conspiracy were arranged at the 
 Emma Street meeting. Then comes the McCormick meeting, the inflaming 
 of the workingmen, and then what ? The production of the ' Revenge ' 
 circular, to still more incite them. The armed men meet at that Emma 
 Street place, where the Northwest Side group meet the group that the 
 worst Anarchists in the city belong to at that Emma Street meeting it 
 was discussed, talked about and suggested, and at that meeting it was 
 arranged and talked about as to where and how the fighting should be done 
 when the contest came. How was it to be done ? One man suggested that 
 they should go into the crowd themselves, and begin killing then and there. 
 Another says : ' That won't do ; we may come in contact with the police- 
 men or a detective and our lives' - yes, their precious lives 'might be at 
 stake.' That plan was rejected that part of it. And another thing you 
 will remember : that it was settled that the meeting should not be on the 
 Market Square, down here on the South Side, because ' it was a mouse trap,' 
 because the power of the police, the militia and everything of that character 
 was such that it was impossible to get out of the way, at Market Square, if 
 the contest came. Courageous men ! 
 
 "After Spies had written that circular, after he had had it printed, where 
 does it appear? He has it sent over to the printer by a boy ; and that cir- 
 cular, printed by him, ordered by him, is distributed broadcast through the 
 city, by whose order? By Spies'. It is another significant fact, gentle- 
 men, that it appears at every meeting almost simultaneously with the con-
 
 CURIOUS COINCIDENCES. 569 
 
 spiracy meeting ; as I remember, brought there either by Fischer or Bal- 
 thasar Rau that I would not be sure of ; but it appears almost like the 
 wind in all parts of the city, distributed from horseback, and it never could 
 have been distributed if it had not been done at the order of the arch- 
 conspirator of all, August Spies. That circular was intended to 'inflame; it 
 did inflame. It inflamed people throughout the city who read it ; it was a 
 lie. They could not know that. The police had not committed the out- 
 rages, but the mob had. There had not been that number killed nor 
 wounded. They could not know that. Their apostle, the individual who 
 has been their leader, had said, ' To arms ! ' Some answer, ' We will.' 
 That is Anarchy. Gentlemen, it is unnecessary for me to go over step by 
 step that conspiracy. It is established here so that it never can be moved. 
 Mr. Ingham and Mr. Walker went over the ground thoroughly and com- 
 pletely. The defense has seen fit to let it alone. The conspiracy was 
 established, and all the defendants show themselves as coming into it. 
 Isn't it significant that on Tuesday, on Tuesday morning, between nine and 
 ten, as I understand, Parsons appeared from Cincinnati ? What does he 
 do ? He rushes straight to the Daily News office before eleven o'clock, and 
 inserts a notice for the American group to meet at the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office, where it never had met before. For what purpose ? For the purpose 
 of ' important business.' If that had been an honest desire to have the 
 important business for the purpose of arranging the sewing girls and their 
 employment, or making a union among the sewing girls, as they now claim, 
 why didn't he say so ? Before eleven o'clock Parsons appears and has this 
 article inserted. Why? So that the main head centers of the conspiracy 
 could be readily reached when the contest came 'to its highest intensity' 
 at the Haymarket. Not another day in the whole history of this organiza- 
 tion has the American group ever met at Fifth Avenue. Why didn't it 
 meet over at the other place, at Greif's Hall, where it always met ? That 
 would not do, because there were meetings there, conspiracy meetings and 
 everything else. Whom else do we find here at this Arbeiter-Zeitung office? 
 Schwab. What for ? He was not a member of the American group ? 
 What was he there for ? He was there, too, for that purpose. He had 
 been talking and writing, as has been read to you, about Anarchy and 
 bloodshed and dynamite and rifles, and he appears at the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 office for the first time, when the American group meets; never was there 
 with them before, so far as this proof shows. 
 
 "Fischer seeks to obtain this circular printed ; that is his part of the pro- 
 gramme ; he goes out there is no dispute about these facts he goes out 
 of the meeting and finds the printing-office closed. He waits until the next 
 morning. Now, this man is a printer ; he is the friend of Spies ; he went 
 from Spies when the circular was printed ; he was in the meeting at which 
 the circular was distributed ; he knows, as a matter of fact, that Spies wrote 
 that circular, ' Workingmen, to arms.' Spies is his general, his boss and 
 chief, and the arch-conspirator. He says, 'Workingmen, to arms ! ' What 
 does Fischer say? Why, he says : ' Workjngmen, to arms,' Tn his circular, 
 and adds : 'Come in full force,' and it appears the next morning. 
 
 "Now the circular was circulated. Who was invited to speak, gentle- 
 men ? No one. Why ? Because they knew that if twenty-five thousand 
 laboring men appeared at that meeting that night in the inflamed condition 
 of this town with the results following the McCormick meeting they knew 
 that it was the bounden duty of the police to tell those men to go home.
 
 570 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 It is in proof in this case that they expected twenty-five thousand labor- 
 ing men there. They would not need a speaker. If there was no 
 speaker, then there would be tumult and crowding and jostling. 
 .Fights might occur, difficulties be precipitated, and the police inevitably 
 would have to come. How do I know that no speakers were invited ? 
 Spies said that Fischer invited him. From brother Foster's remarks I con- 
 clude that he has been on the stump a good many years out in Iowa. I 
 venture to say he never went*to a public meeting in his life, where he ad- 
 dressed it, where great crowds were assembled, where talking was to be 
 indulged in, without asking his invitor who else was going to speak. It 
 don't appear in proof here that Fischer was ever asked that question. 
 Spies was to speak in German, and that is the reason he didn't hurry to 
 the meeting. Fischer, Spies says, invited him to speak. Well, he was in- 
 vited to speak, and nobo'iy else and he has never said anything about 
 anybody else having been invited not a syllable, not a name given. In fact, 
 every other individua' that could be invited had gone elsewhere, had pre- 
 pared his alibi, had arranged for the meeting at the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, 
 at the American group ; every other speaker was there, but Spies alone was 
 invited to speak, he says, and yet he waits, he waits after getting to that 
 meeting. He does that which the design showed clearly was the intention 
 to do, to precipitate a difficulty at the Haymarket meeting, and to gain 
 results by armed men and dynamite early in the evening, and then would 
 destruction and chaos come. 
 
 "The first words of Spies' opening speech demonstrate a significant 
 thing. Why should Spies open the meeting ? Why didn't Fischer open it ? 
 Why didn't the executive committee open it ? Spies opened it. After idling 
 around there some time in regard to the matter, Spies opened the meeting. 
 Had anybody asked him to open the meeting ? Why, no. He was only an 
 ordinary invited speaker at a meeting at which no other speaker had been 
 invited, and he appears there, and the first words he says, as I will show you 
 by English's testimony, are : ' Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will be here in 
 a very short time to address you.' How did he know where they were ? 
 He had not seen them. There is no indication that he had seen Parsons 
 that day. How did he know that Parsons was not in Cincinnati ? ' Parsons 
 and Fielden will be here in a few moments.' How do you know, Mr. Spies ? 
 Why, they are over at the Alarm office, or at the Arbciter-Zeitung office, and 
 Balthasar Rau is sent over there to get them. 
 
 "And now, Belthasar Rau went from this meeting over to the Alarm 
 office, the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and invited those two people to come over 
 there, that Spies wanted some help. Why did he want help ? Well, the 
 meeting was not big enough. It was going to dissolve ; it looked as though 
 it was going to pieces; the thing was a fiasco ; he had got to keep it try 
 and see if he could not do something. And he continued, holding the 
 audience till help came, and said : ' I will say, however, first, that this 
 meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general situation of the 
 eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken place during the last 
 forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that 
 this meeting had been called for the purpose of raising a little row and 
 disturbance.' 
 
 "Now, how did Spies know that the authorities knew anything about it ? 
 Had Spies told them that there was going to be a row ? Oh, no ; he said 
 nothing of that kind ; but he said deliberately in that meeting that the
 
 THE "PEACEABLE" MEETING. 571 
 
 authorities are supposed to believe or know that a riot is going to take place 
 right there. Had the ' Revenge ' circular been circulated ? Yes. Had 
 the other circular been circulated ? Yes. What was their purpose ? To 
 make a row. Spies knew it, and he hedges in his inflammatory utterances 
 which you read between the lines. It is a Mark Antony style of oratory 
 inflames most when there is least said. He was lying about the Gatling 
 guns and the police, all for inflaming purposes, discussing that McCormick 
 matter, about which he had in the inception begun to lie, for the same pur- 
 pose. That was a very significant opening. It shows that he knew the 
 purposes and object of that meeting. Gentlemen, it was the duty of the 
 police to have disturbed and broken up that meeting in its inception. 
 Why? The whole town was aflame. You remember it. Riot had occurred 
 the day before, and the calling of a meeting upon so public a place as that 
 was ill-advised and ought not to have been done. And the police, if they 
 had walked down there thus early in the evening and dispersed it, would 
 have done what was right. But the police did not walk down there and 
 disturb the meeting; they walked down there and asked the meeting to dis- 
 perse. There is no use of talking about proof, gentlemen. Their belts 
 were on, their clubs in their sockets, their pistols in their pockets. That is 
 the fact. They marched down that street, not with the precipitation which 
 they would have you believe. They marched down that street perhaps fast, 
 but not with precipitation, not with haste. They marched down that street 
 to disperse a meeting that had talked 'To arms ; ' that had said : 'Throttle 
 the law,' and that had said enough to have caused bloodshed then and 
 there, and the only reason that more lives were not lost is because they 
 failed to come earlier. The arrangement of that meeting was that it should 
 be called, and that they should come early, and that it should be precipi- 
 tated, and blood would flow. Engel was there in the evening ; he knew 
 about it. Fischer walked up with Waller, and Waller was armed. ' Work- 
 ingmen, come armed.' A word, gentlemen, only a word, about the break- 
 ing-up of that meeting. They have played Harrison in and out of this case, 
 for the purpose of saving the defendants. Harrison, you remember, went 
 there for the purpose of ascertaining if that meeting was organized to attack 
 the freight-house of the Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad, about which you 
 remember there was some difficulty, or McCormick's, or if it was called to 
 attack any particular place. He found, from the speeches, that, although 
 inflammatory and he said so from the speeches themselves he found that 
 no particular place was pointed out for an attack. 
 
 " It was the same old speeches riot, bloodshed, the black flag, the red 
 flag, dynamite, war, to arms. And counsel upon the other side say that that 
 'To arms! To arms!' didn't mean anything. It was Pickwickian, and 
 used to round a sentence. They went down to that meeting, and Harrison 
 was there and saw that meeting and heard those speeches, and reported 
 back to Bonfield what had been the result, namely, that they had ceased to 
 become inflammatory since they had seen his face. 
 
 " Thinking that the meeting was organized for plunder at the freight- 
 house, hearing the speeches, seeing them become more moderate, Harrison 
 left, and after he is gone, then come the reports, the incendiary character 
 still increased, and when they come, they come in such shape that if Bon- 
 field had not gone down there, then and there, he would have failed to per- 
 form his duty. 
 
 " We have had enough of this. It is time it stopped. They were asked
 
 572 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 peaceably to disperse peaceably to disperse peaceably to disperse. 
 The police had their clubs in their belts, their pistols in their belts, and the 
 bomb was thrown. So say Bonfield, Wessler, Foley, Bowler, Hanley, Ward, 
 Hubbard, Haas, Hull, Heinemann and I want to suggest a word about 
 Heinemann's testimony. Heinemann said that when that bomb exploded 
 he was getting away on the east side of the street, going south. What did 
 he get ? He got the whistling of bullets past his ear. Where did they come 
 from ? Where could they come from ? Hull was on that platform up there, 
 and Owen was there, and that is where Simonson was. Hull says firing 
 began by the crowd. Well, Owen got hit up there. It had to come from 
 over there. Dr. Newman says that all sizes of bullets were found, from 
 twenty-two to forty-four, and the police did not have anything but thirty- 
 eight caliber. That was a cruel thrust for counsel to make at men standing 
 up as these men did that night death in their midst standing there so 
 nobly a thrust to save the lives or the liberty of the defendants by saying 
 that they shot each other in their fright and terror. As Wirt Dexter said in 
 a speech about that matter I wish I could deliver his words to you in 
 praising the act of the police in that transaction : How noble was their con- 
 duct ! Instead of fleeing and running, they said : 'Fall in, boys,' and the 
 city was saved. Supposing the police had fired first, after the bomb. The 
 man who threw that bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies, and threw it in 
 accordance with the general plan of conspiracy, and death was the result. 
 I cannot talk to you about families, about wives and children, but if I had 
 the power I would like to take you all over there to the Haymarket that 
 night, and with you, with tears in your eyes, see the dead and mingle with 
 the wounded, the dying see law violated, and then I could, if I had the 
 power, paint you a. picture that would steel your hearts against the defend- 
 ants. Captain Black said, in argument to you, that the State had no right 
 to do that. The State has all the rights that it could possibly possess 
 through so weak an instrument as myself. He has no more right. Did 
 Fielden shoot ? I think so. If he did not, he is made of poorer clay than 
 I take him to be. He has been saying for years : ' The bloodhounds of the 
 police should be massacred and killed.' He it was who said that he would 
 march with the black flag down Michigan Avenue and strike terror to the 
 heart of the capitalist. He it is who has said, day in and day out, since 
 living in this inhospitable country : ' Death to the police and the capitalists 
 the despoilers our despoilers death to them ! ' 
 
 " Why, do you mean to say that he would not do what he says he would 
 do ? Dr. Epler swears that he told him when he dressed the wound that 
 he was shot when he was down on the pavement, and he has not denied 
 it. That was a significant fact, gentlemen ; a very significant fact. The 
 officer who was shot thinks it was by Fielden. I-t may have been by some- 
 body else ; nobody can tell. 
 
 "Another thing. One of the officers swears that he was wounded in 
 the knee. I was not looking at Capt. Black when he motioned to you the 
 place where the wound occurred. For the purpose of correcting myself 
 and making no mistake about it, because the testimony of an officer or any 
 witness who put his finger on the spot cannot get into the record ; and I 
 found by looking at the record that he pointed his finger 'here and here.' 
 Of course there was no significance to that. So I saw the wound again. I 
 had seen it once before. The bullet went in there (indicating), and came out 
 above, going around up opposite the knee-cap, and was not from behind.
 
 WITNESSES IN PAIRS. 573 
 
 "That bomb was thrown in furtherance of a common design. No mat- 
 ter who threw it. But the gentlemen say there can be no conviction in 
 this case because we have failed to prove, or cannot prove, who threw that 
 identical bomb. That is not the law, as I explained to you yesterday. The 
 other question is, Is there anything in this case showing who did ? Gilmer 
 says that he was in the alley, and a match was lighted, and that bomb was 
 thrown by one man ; Fischer stood by, and that Spies lighted it. Is that 
 remarkable ? Spies had been advising the doing of that thing for years ; 
 and in one of the articles that has been read to you, over his own signature, 
 he says : ' Take as few people into your confidence as possible ; do it alone ; 
 in your revolutionary deeds, do it alone ; but if you have to consult any- 
 body, take your nearest friend, a man you can rely upon.' Who is Schnau- 
 belt ? Schwab's brother-in-law. Who is Fischer ? A man who got the 
 meeting up at Spies' instance, and works for Spies. Now, gentlemen, I 
 presume, and I have no doubt but what if they had raked a little more care- 
 fully, we would have found the man that said that that bomb was thrown 
 from the top of Crane's building ; you could have found the man that said 
 it came from away in the alley ; any number of men probably would have 
 put it north of the alley, and some south. The question here is, about 
 where did it come from ? The explanation of street warfare is, that it is to 
 be done near alleys. Is Spies so craven now, after the deed is done, that 
 he shall say, ' I had no hand in it,' when he had advised it for years ? 
 Gentlemen, men's lives speak for themselves. He has advised it, said it, 
 talked it, acted it. Why, the witnesses say, counsel upon the other side say 
 to you, ' Gentlemen, it is impossible that this man would do it, because no 
 man saw the light which would have flashed up in their faces.' Why, gen- 
 tlemen, they put two witnesses on the stand to swear distinctly and clearly 
 and positively that they had lighted a match and lighted a pipe, which 
 would take a good deal longer than lighting a fuse. Spies says in one 
 article : ' It never goes out in a dry night; the Anarchist fuse never fails.' 
 It could have happened ; it has been advised to "-^ppen precisely as Gilmer 
 states it. Ignore Gilmer, and the case is maae. But they want you to 
 ignore Thompson too. Why? What for? Because they heard Schwab 
 and Spies talk together. Was there anything marvelous in that? Had 
 they said anything there together that they had not been saying in public 
 for years? But supposing you ignore Thompson's testimony and say that 
 Thompson is mistaken ; then it was Schnaubelt, wasn't it ? Why was 
 Spies so confidential with Schnaubelt that night ? Where is Schnaubelt ? 
 He was the man that was arrested before the conspiracy was known, and 
 let go ; shaved his whiskers off, changed his appearance, and he has not 
 been seen since. Why was Spies so confidential with Schnaubelt ? He 
 says he did walk with him ; says that Henry Spies walked behind him. 
 
 " Gentlemen, let me show you the testimony of these people in pairs. It 
 is the most marvelous thing I ever saw in a lawsuit. Ferguson and Glea- 
 son were together. They went in pairs. You remember it. Ferguson 
 says that he was on the corner of Randolph Street when the bomb was 
 thrown. Gleason says that was not so ; they were away down next to the 
 station, more than half a block away. Ferguson says that they heard a 
 crash like the breaking of a plank or a pistol, and then the bomb exploded. 
 That is when he was on the corner of the street. Gleason says that was 
 not so ; he didn't remember of hearing anything of that kind, but they both 
 distinctly remembered of seeing, after the bomb was exploded, the police
 
 574 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 fire from that way. The Anarchists fired south, the police north. Fer- 
 guson and Gleason were south of and behind the police, yet they say the 
 police fired south, while facing north. Ridiculous. And one or the other 
 of them, I don't know or it was Taylor says that they, the police, fired 
 clear down to Madison Street, and along Madison Street. Queer that 
 nobody else heard of that. What were they shooting down there for ? 
 Richter and Liniger you remember them these are the two loving 
 friends that went to that meeting pursuant to the notice that they saw in 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung not only the notice of the meeting, but the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung contained the ' Revenge ' circular. They went to that meeting and 
 lovingly stood in the alley, midway between the edge of the walk and the 
 building, arm in arm, for over an hour. Foster knew that that was ridic- 
 ulous, and he tried to get them apart ; he asked them questions to get them 
 apart, but they clung together for over an hour, and finally moved up to 
 the lamp-post, where Taylor had been standing before the meeting began, 
 and they didn't know where the meeting was to be. 
 
 " Again Krumm stood in the alley with his back to the wall all the time 
 except when he lighted his pipe and walked backward and forward in it, 
 Albright standing with him. Krumm had his back up against that wall, 
 glued like a post for almost an hour, saving only at intervals did he leave 
 it ; and Krumm and Albright lighted their pipes, and they moved to the 
 lamp-post. The lamp-post was peopled thick. Gentlemen, it is an insult 
 to your intelligence to suggest a word about the truth of that Krumm and 
 Albright's testimony. Why, Krumm is the man that left his boarding- 
 house, boarding with Albright at that time left his house in search of a 
 friend whose name he could not give ; if he could it was indefinite and 
 that he was to meet him on the corner of Canal and Randolph Streets that 
 night somewhere. He went down to Canal and Randolph Streets, wan- 
 dered around there looking for his friend, or for somebody who said he would 
 meet him there, and then walked back to the meeting and began to look 
 for Albright, or at least he found Albright. Now, isn't that a queer 
 circumstance that they neither of them knew that that meeting was 
 going to happen, or knew that the other was to be there ; left the house 
 about the same time, and yet did not leave together, and happened to meet 
 right in that alley, with their backs up against the wall? The next pair is 
 Fischer and Wandry. That is for the alibi. Now, why doesn't Spies, who 
 was on the stand, who says he was in Zepf's, say something about Fischer 
 being there. Why wasn't Waller, who was on the stand, asked by these 
 men whether Fischer was there ? The witnesses all congregate at this 
 place, at Zepf's Hall, after the meeting, and Fischer has not been seen by 
 anybody, except Wandry. Even this respectable Nihilist from Russia don't 
 remember of seeing Fischer, and got Fischer in a great many different 
 places, as they do Parsons. Finding Parsons had got to be in several places, 
 and further, finding that they have got him down in the window, they get 
 another man there that looks like Parsons - as they did Krumm, who lighted 
 his pipe in the alley and looked so much like Spies. To digress a moment, 
 Mr. Walker never said to you, gentlemen, that the defendants' lawyers put 
 up Mr. Krumm because of his resemblance to Spies and to account for a 
 light in the alley. That was not fair. He made the declaration that the 
 other side, or somebody, had put up the job. 
 
 "We have endeavored to try this lawsuit like gentlemen. I think we 
 have succeeded on both sides. There was not that implication to be
 
 NEGATIVE PROOF ANALYZED. 575 
 
 drawn from what Walker said, but it was rather ingenious and sagacious 
 to allow you, gentlemen, to believe that we had been saying something that 
 was unfair. 
 
 "The two men that saw Schnaubelt Lehnert and Krueger. That was 
 the queerest circumstance that I have yet come across. By the way, Krue- 
 ger was in the conspiracy, was in both the meetings, with Schnaubelt, with 
 Waller, with Engel, with Lingg ; he was there, knew them all, and, although 
 he was on the stand, the gentlemen upon the other side never asked him 
 nor Grueneberg a question about the conspiracy. Neither did they ask 
 Spies, or Parsons, or Schwab. They did ask Fielden. 
 
 " August Krueger and Lehnert got this man some twenty or thirty feet 
 away from the alley and the wagon, talking in a quiet tone of voice about 
 going home. They walk a little ways together. Krueger goes one direc- 
 tion and Schnaubelt another. Black tells you that the reason of that was 
 because they could not go together any further, as their places diverged. 
 It would not have done for them to have gone together any further, because 
 Krueger went to Engel's. There were too many at Engel's it would not 
 have done. 
 
 " I believe that Schnaubelt threw the bomb. You may believe that it 
 is an unknown person threw it ; it is immaterial. 
 
 "Back and Mitlacher. Back, if I remember, is the man that appeared 
 at the Arbeiter-Zeitung office that Tuesday night, at the time of the meeting 
 of the American group. Now, what was he there for? He was a member 
 of some other group. At all events he was there, and a German ; he was 
 not an American ; he had not been here long enough, to start with, and he 
 didn't look as if he ever wanted to be one of our kind. 
 
 " Now, where did these two men stand ? They stood on the platform, 
 next to the plumber's shop, on the south side of the alley, and at least 
 thirty-five or forty feet from where that wagon was ; yet those men, one of 
 them, the tall man, says that he distinctly remembers seeing Henry Spies. 
 Why, it was a dark night, and the man couldn't see from there. And the 
 other fellow saw Henry Spies' hat. They stood there all the evening, 
 nearly ; walked up and down once in a while ; stood there all the evening. 
 That is another ridiculous suggestion. 
 
 " This alibi business and this suggestion of these pairs, couples, consti- 
 tute what Black calls proof. That is right. It is negative, and a very poor 
 negative at that. He says that that is all you could prove. Didn't see any- 
 thing, of course. 
 
 " My attention is brought to another fact. Captain Black made a mis- 
 take. I put it that way. He read Thompson's testimony to you. Your 
 (i. f., Captain Black's) shorthand writer has either made a mistake, or your 
 typewriter has. Thompson did not change, in his answers, from Spies to 
 Schwab. 
 
 " In regard to the testimony of Thompson, gentlemen, it was a remark- 
 able feature of the case that he stood that searching cross-examination with 
 such splendid equanimity, and no disturbance of what he said. And, gen- 
 tlemen, that same can be said of Gilmer. Let any of you go onto that 
 witness-stand, and let the sagacious, clear-headed Foster hammer away at 
 you two hours and a half, over some little fact, and you would see where 
 you would be. I could not stand it. There is not one man in a thousand 
 that could. And it is nothing against a man's character in the city of Chi- 
 cago that those that know well of him do not know where he lives. I do
 
 576 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 not believe that one of you gentlemen knows where I live, or where Foster 
 lives, or where Black lives. It is nothing against a man that his employer 
 sometimes speaks well of him. 
 
 " I have my attention brought I had almost forgotten it to a pecul- 
 iar circumstance about this case, and the most significant of anything that 
 I have seen in it. When Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime 
 in his office. Free speech had become so common to him free speech, as 
 they call it in this case, had become so remarkably liberal that he feared 
 nothing. Bonfield came in and arrested him. He goes over to Ebersold. 
 Ebersold, in his indignation, characterizes the crowd as you heard it here, 
 and Spies says, upon the witness-stand, that he unsuspectingly went over 
 there. If he had had his senses about him, he would have destroyed 
 ' Ruhe,' the manuscript, and everything of that character, and no traces 
 autonomous traces would be left. 
 
 " In speaking of ' Ruhe,' I want to speak of another thing. Spies said 
 that he received a communication that he was to put in prominent letters 
 in the Letter-box. Now, the bare fact of putting it in the Letter-box is as 
 prominent as it could be. It is separate and distinct. Let us see how he 
 puts it. He puts it in the Letter-box, marks a double line under it, which 
 means big letters, puts in an exclamation point at the other end, and inserts 
 it. That makes it prominent, sure. Now, what does he say about it ? He 
 unsuspectingly leaves the traces of his crime ; and there never was a crim- 
 inal, great or small, in the world, but that somewhere, at some time, com- 
 mitted a mistake. It is the little mistakes, the plain, noticeable mistakes 
 that they make, which serve for detection. ' Ruhe ' appears, and he says he 
 supposed that it was some labor organization. The idea ! Why, his labor 
 organizations are all distinct and plain. It says : ' This organization meets 
 so-and-so. That organization meets so and so.' The paper speaks for 
 itself. Talk about a labor organization putting in such a word as that 
 ' Ruhe.' whose significance is peace, quiet and rest, but which meant war 
 and bloodshed ! 
 
 " The police did not wait any too long. It has been done enough in 
 this town. It is time that we American citizens awoke to a full realization 
 of the importance of liberty and freedom of speech, and that freedom of 
 speech does not mean license to preach murder, to preach assassination, to 
 prceah crime and the perpetration of it. That is not free speech. A man 
 who does that is answerable for it, and for the result of his preaching, the 
 result of his words. If it results in crime, he is responsible himself. Gentle- 
 men, that is the law. I have gone over this case perhaps more in extenso 
 than I intended ; more perhaps than you desire to listen to ; I am through. 
 Your duty is about to begin. I felt relieved when you were selected. Some 
 of the great responsibility that has rested upon my shoulders I felt I could 
 place upon yours. It has been placed there. Gentlemen, the responsibility 
 is great. You have to answer yourselves, under your oaths, to the people of 
 the State, not to me. My duty is performed, and yours begins, and in this 
 connection, gentlemen, let me suggest to you another reason why it is im- 
 portant that you should be careful. You can acquit them all, one, or none ; 
 you can distribute the penalties as you please. To some you can administer 
 the extreme penalty of the law ; to others less than that, if you desire. To 
 some you can give life, administer punishment if you desire ; to some, years 
 of punishment. 
 
 " I have a word to say in this connection about Neebe. The testimony
 
 GRINNELLS CLOSING APPEAL. 577 
 
 has been analyzed, the testimony in regard to his connection with the 
 Arbeiter-Zeitung office ; his connection with these people from time to time, 
 the evidence that when he saw the dynamite in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office on 
 that morning when it was discovered there, which these men so infamously 
 suggest was put there by the police but I have not argued that question; 
 it looks so insulting to a man's intelligence. If that had been so, if it was 
 not there and did not belong there, they could have brought Lizius here. 
 His name is on the back of the indictment. They could have brought all 
 the employes of the office here. What did Neebe say about the dynamite ? 
 Why, he said it was stuff to clean type with, he guessed ; and he circulated, 
 not two circulars, but a lot of them. Gentlemen, I am not here to ask you to 
 take the life of Oscar Neebe on this proof. I shall ask you to do nothing in 
 this case that I feel I would not do myself were I seated in your chairs. 
 
 " This case is greater than us all, more important to the country than 
 you conceive ; the case itself and what it involves is more important than 
 all their lives, than all the lives of the unfortunate officers who bit the dust 
 that night in defense of our laws. 
 
 " Some of these people, we sincerely and honestly believe, should receive 
 at your hands the extreme penalty of the law. Spies, Fischer, Lingg, 
 Engel, Fielden, Parsons, Schwab, Neebe, in my opinion, based upon the 
 proof, is the order of the punishment. It is for you to say what it shall be. 
 You have been importuned, gentlemen, to disagree. Don't do that; don't 
 do that. If, in your judgments, in the judgment of some of you, some of 
 these men should suffer death, and others think a less punishment would 
 subserve the law, don't stand on that, but agree on something. It is no 
 pleasant task for me to ask the life of any man. Personally I have not a 
 word to say against these men. As a representative of the law I say to 
 you, the law demands now, here, its power. Regardless of me, of Foster, 
 of Black, or of us all, that law which the exponents of Anarchy violated to 
 kill Lincoln and Garfield, that law that has made us strong to-day, and 
 which you have sworn to obey, demands of you a punishment of these men. 
 Don't do it because I ask you. Do it, if it should be done, because the 
 law demands it. You stand between the living and the dead. You stand 
 between law and violated law. Do your duty courageously, even if that 
 duty is an unpleasant and a severe one."
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 The Instructions to the Jury What Murder Is Free Speech and its 
 
 Abuse The Theory of Conspiracy Value of Circumstantial Evidence Meaning of 
 a " Reasonable Doubt" What a Jury May Decide Waiting for the Verdict " Guilty 
 of Murder " The Death Penalty Adjudged Neebe's Good Luck Motion for a New 
 Trial Affidavits about the Jury The Motion Overruled. 
 
 ON the conclusion of State's Attorney Grinnell's review of the argu- 
 ments made by the defense, Judge Gary proceeded to charge the 
 jury. The hour was after the noon recess of Thursday, August 19, and the 
 presentation and reading of the instructions consumed a goodly portion of 
 the afternoon. When the court had finished the jury retired, and the fate of 
 eight men was in their hands. 
 
 The instructions given were as follows on behalf of the people : 
 
 " The court instructs the jury, in the language of the statute, that murder 
 is the unlawful killing of a human being in the peace of the people, with 
 malice aforethought, either expressed or implied. An unlawful killing may- 
 be perpetrated by poisoning, striking, starving, drowning, stabbing, shoot- 
 ing, or by any other of the various forms or means by which human nature 
 may be overcome, and death thereby occasioned. 
 
 "Express malice is that deliberate intention unlawfully to take away the 
 life of a fellow-creature which is manifested by external circumstances cap- 
 able of proof. Malice shall be implied when no considerable provocation 
 appears, or when all the circumstances of the killing show an abandoned 
 and malignant heart. 
 
 "The court instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall 
 suffer the penalty of death or imprisonment in the penitentiary for his 
 natural life, or for a term not less than fourteen years. If the accused or 
 any of them are found guilty by the jury, the jury shall fix the punishment 
 by their verdict. 
 
 " The court instructs the jury that, while it is provided by the Constitu- 
 tion of the State of Illinois that every person may freely speak, write and 
 publish on all subjects, he is, by the Constitution, held responsible under 
 the laws for the abuse of liberty so given. Freedom of speech is limited by 
 the laws of the land, to the extent, among other limitations, that no man is 
 allowed to advise the committing of any crime against the person or prop- 
 erty of another ; and the statute provides : An accessory is he who stands 
 by and aids, abets and assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting or 
 assisting, hath advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of 
 the crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages, shall 
 be considered as principal, and punished accordingly. 
 
 "Every such accessory, when the crime is committed within or without 
 this State by his aid or procurement in this State, may be indicted and con- 
 victed at the same time as the principal, or before or after his conviction, 
 whether the principal is convicted or amenable to justice or not, and pun- 
 ished as principal. 
 
 578
 
 THE COURT'S INSTRUCTIONS. 579 
 
 " The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that if they be- 
 lieve from the evidence in this case, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the 
 defendants, or any of them, conspired and agreed together, or with others, 
 to overthrow the law by force, or to unlawfully resist the officers of the law, 
 and if they further believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, 
 that, in pursuance of such conspiracy and in furtherance of the common ob- 
 ject, a bomb was thrown by a member of such conspiracy at the time, and 
 that Mathias J. Degan was killed, then such of the defendants that the jury 
 believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, to have been parties 
 to such conspiracy, are guilty of murder, whether present at the killing or 
 not, and whether the identity of the person throwing the bomb be estab- 
 lished or not. 
 
 " If the jury believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, that 
 there was in existence in this county and State a conspiracy to overthrow the 
 existing order of society, and to bring about social revolution by force, or 
 to destroy the legal authorities of this city, county or State by force, and 
 that the defendants, or any of them, were parties to such conspiracy, and 
 that Degan was killed in the manner described in the indictment, that he 
 was killed by a bomb, and that the bomb was thrown by a party to the con- 
 spiracy, and in furtherance of the objects of the conspiracy, then any of the 
 defendants who were members of such conspiracy at that time are in this 
 case guilty of murder, and that, too, although the jury may further believe 
 from the evidence that the time and place for the bringing about of such 
 revolution, or the destruction of such authorities, had not been definitely, 
 agreed upon by the conspirators, but was left to them and the exigencies of 
 time, or to the judgment of any of the co-conspirators." 
 
 " If these defendants, or any two or more of them, conspired together 
 with or not with any other person or persons to excite the people or classes 
 of the people of this city to sedition, tumult and riot, to use deadly weapons 
 against and take the lives of other persons, as a means to carry their 
 designs and purposes into effect, and in pursuance of such conspiracy, and 
 in furtherance of its objects, any of the persons so conspiring publicly, by 
 print or speech, advised or encouraged the commission of murder without 
 designating time, place or occasion at which it should be done, and in pur- 
 suance of, and induced by such advice or encouragement, murder was com- 
 mitted, then all of such conspirators are guilty of such murder, whether 
 the person who perpetrated such murder can be identified or not. If such 
 murder was committed in pursuance of such advice or encouragement, and 
 was induced thereby, it does not matter what change, if any, in the order 
 or condition of society, or what, if any, advantage to themselves or 
 others the conspirators proposed as the result of their conspiracy, 
 nor does it matter whether such advice and encouragement had 
 been frequent and long continued or not, except in determining whether 
 the perpetrator was or was not acting in pursuance of such advice 
 or encouragement, and was or was not induced thereby to commit the mur- 
 der. If there was such conspiracy as in this instruction is recited, such 
 advice or encouragement was given, and murder committed in pursuance of 
 and induced thereby, then all such conspirators are guilty of murder. Nor 
 does it matter, if there was such a conspiracy, how impracticable or impos- 
 sible of success its end and aims were, nor how foolish or ill-arranged 
 were the plans for its execution, except as bearing upon the question 
 whether there was or was not such conspiracy.
 
 580 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "The court instructs the jury that a conspiracy may be established by 
 circumstantial evidence the same as any other fact, and that such evidence 
 is legal and competent for that purpose. So also whether an act which 
 was committed was done by a member of the conspiracy, may be established 
 by circumstantial evidence, whether the identity of the individual who com- 
 mitted the act be established or not ; and also whether an act done was in 
 pursuance of the common design may be ascertained by the same 
 class of evidence, and if the jury believe from the evidence in 
 this case beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants or any of them 
 conspired and agreed together or with others to overthrow the law by force, 
 or destroy the legal authorities of this city, county or State by force, and that 
 in furtherance of the common design, and by a member of such conspiracy, 
 Mathias J. Degan was killed, then these defendants, if any, whom the jury 
 believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, were parties to such 
 conspiracy, are guilty of the murder of Mathias J. Degan, whether the 
 identity of the individual doing the killing be established or not, or whether 
 such defendants were present at the time of the killing or not. 
 
 " The jury are instructed, as a matter of law, that all who take part in 
 the conspiracy after it is formed, and while it is in execution, and all who 
 with knowledge of the facts concur in the plan originally formed, and aid in 
 executing them, are fellow-conspirators. Their concurrence without proof 
 of an agreement to concur is conclusive against them. They commit the 
 offense when they become parties to the transaction or further the original 
 plan with knowledge of the conspiracy. 
 
 " The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that circumstantial evi- 
 dence is just as legal and just as effective as any other evidence, provided 
 the circumstances are of such a character and force as to satisfy the minds 
 of the jury of the defendants' guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. 
 
 "The court instructs the jury that what is meant by circumstantial evi- 
 dence in criminal cases is the proof of such facts and circumstances con- 
 nected with or surrounding the commission of the crime charged as tend 
 to show the guilt or innocence of the party charged. And if those facts 
 and circumstances are sufficient to satisfy the jury of the guilt of the defend- 
 ants beyond a reasonable doubt, then such evidence is sufficient to author- 
 ize the jury in rinding the defendants guilty. 
 
 " The law exacts the conviction wherever there is sufficient legal evi- 
 dence to show the defendants' guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, and cir- 
 cumstantial evidence is legal evidence. 
 
 " The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that when the defend- 
 ants August Spies, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons and Samuel Fielden 
 testified as witnesses in this case, each became the same as any other wit- 
 ness, and the credibility of each is to be attested by and subjected to the 
 same tests as are legally applied to any other witness ; and in determining 
 the degree of credibility that shall be accorded to the testimony of any one 
 of said above-named defendants, the jury have a right to take into con- 
 sideration the fact that he is interested in the result of this prosecution, as 
 well as his demeanor and conduct upon the witness-stand during the trial, 
 and the jury are also to take into consideration the fact, if such is the fact, 
 that he has been contradicted by other witnesses. And the court further 
 instructs the jury that if, after considering all the evidence in this case, 
 they find that any one of said defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, 
 Albert R. Parsons and Samuel Fielden has willfully and corruptly testified
 
 THE COURT'S INSTRUCTIONS. 581 
 
 falsely to any fact material to the issue in this case, they have the right to 
 entirely disregard his testimony, except in so far as his testimony is corrob- 
 orated by other credible evidence. 
 
 " The rule of law which clothes every person accused of crime with the 
 presumption of innocence, and imposes upon the State the burden of estab- 
 lishing his guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, is not intended to aid any one 
 who is in fact guilty cf crime to escape, but is a humane provision of law, 
 intended, so far as human agencies can, to guard against the danger of any 
 innocent person being unjustly punished. 
 
 "The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that in considering 
 the case the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up doubts, nor 
 must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical or conjectural. A 
 doubt, to justify an acquittal, must be reasonable, and it must arise from a 
 candid and impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless 
 it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the graver transac- 
 tions of life, it would cause a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and 
 pause, it is insufficient to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after consid- 
 ering all the evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the 
 truth of the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt. 
 
 "The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that the doubt 
 which the juror is allowed to retain on his own mind, and under the influ- 
 ence of which he should frame a verdict of not guilty, must always be a 
 reasonable one. A doubt produced by undue sensibility in the mind of any 
 juror, in view of the consequences of his verdict, is not a reasonable doubt, 
 and a juror is not allowed to create sources or materials of doubt by resort- 
 ing to trivial and fanciful suppositions and remote conjectures as to possible 
 states of fact differing from that established by the evidence. You are not 
 at liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence you believe as men ; 
 your oath imposes on you no obligation to doubt where no doubt would 
 exist if no oath had been administered. 
 
 " The court instructs the jury that they are the judges of the law as well 
 as the facts in this case, and if they can say, upon their oaths, that they 
 know the law better than the court itself, they have the right to do so ; but 
 before assuming so solemn a responsibility, they should be assured that they 
 are not acting from caprice or prejudice, that they are not controlled by 
 their will or their wishes, but from a deep and confident conviction that the 
 court is wrong and that they are right. Before saying this, upoa their 
 oaths, it is their duty to reflect whether, from their study and experience, 
 they are better qualified to judge of the law than the court. If, under all 
 the circumstances, they are prepared to say that the court is wrong in its 
 exposition of the law, the statute has given them that right. 
 
 " In this case the jury may, as in their judgment the evidence warrants, 
 find any or all of the defendants guilty or not, or all of them not guilty ; and 
 if, in their judgment, the evidence warrants, they may, in case they find the 
 defendants, or any of them, guilty, fix the same penalty for all the defend- 
 ants found guilty, or different penalties for the different defendants found 
 guilty. 
 
 " In case they find the defendants, or any of them, guilty of murder, they 
 should fix the penalty either at death or at imprisonment in the penitentiary 
 for life, or at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of any number of 
 years, not less than fourteen."
 
 582 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The instructions given on behalf of defendants were as follows : 
 
 "The jury in a criminal case are the judges of the law and the evidence, 
 and have to act according to their best judgment of such law and the 
 facts. 
 
 "The jury have a right to disregard the instructions of the court, pro- 
 vided they can say upon their oaths that they believe they know the law 
 better than the court. 
 
 "The law presumes the defendants innocent of the charge in the indict- 
 ment until the jury are satisfied by the evidence, beyond all reasonable 
 doubt, of the guilt of the defendants. 
 
 " If a reasonable doubt of any facts, necessary to convict the accused, is 
 raised in the minds of the jury by the evidence itself, or by the ingenuity 
 of counsel upon any hypothesis reasonably consistent with the evidence, 
 that doubt is decisive in favor of the prisoners' acquittal. A verdict of 
 not guilty simply means that the guilt of the accused has not been 
 demonstrated in the precise, specific and narrow forms prescribed by 
 the law. 
 
 "No jury should convict anybody of crime upon mere suspicion, how- 
 ever strong, or because there is a preponderance of all the evidence against 
 him, but the jury must be convinced of the defendant's guilt, beyond all 
 reasonable doubt, before they can lawfully convict. 
 
 "The law does not require the defendants to prove themselves innocent, 
 but the burden of proof that they are guilty beyond all reasonable doubt 
 is upon the prosecution. 
 
 "The indictment is of itself a mere accusation and no proof of the guilt 
 of the defendants. 
 
 "The presumption of the innocence of the defendants is not a mere 
 form, but an essential, substantial part of the law of the land, and it is the 
 duty of the jury to give the defendants the full benefit of this presumption 
 in this case. 
 
 "It is incumbent upon the prosecution to prove beyond all reasonable 
 doubt every material allegation in the indictment, and unless that has been 
 done, the jury should find the defendants not guilty. 
 
 " The burden is upon the prosecution to prove by credible evidence, 
 beyond all reasonable doubt, that the defendants are guilty as charged in 
 the indictment of the murder of Mathias J. Degan ; it is the duty of the 
 jury to acquit any of the defendants as to whom there is a failure of such 
 proof. The jury are not at liberty to adopt any unreasonable theories 
 or suppositions in considering the evidence in order to justify a verdict of 
 conviction. 
 
 "A reasonable doubt is that state of mind in which the jury, after con- 
 sidering all the evidence, cannot say they feel an abiding faith, amounting 
 to a moral certainty, from the evidence in the case, that the defendants 
 are guilty as charged in the indictment. 
 
 "The rules of evidence as to the amount of evidence in this case are 
 different from those in a civil case ; a mere preponderance of evidence 
 would not warrant a verdict of guilty. 
 
 "Mere probability of the defendants' guilt is not sufficient to warrant a 
 conviction. 
 
 "Your personal opinions as to facts not proved cannot be the basis of 
 your verdict, but you must form your verdict from the evidence, and that
 
 THE COURT'S INSTRUCTIONS. 583 
 
 alone, unaided and uninfluenced by any opinions or presumptions not 
 founded upon the evidence. 
 
 "The jury are the sole judges of the credibility of witnesses, and in pass- 
 ing thereon may consider their prejudices, motives or feelings of revenge, 
 if any such have appeared, and if the jury believe from the evidence that 
 any witness has knowingly or willfully testified falsely as to any material 
 fact, they may disregard his entire testimony, unless it is corroborated by 
 other credible evidence. 
 
 " If one single fact is proved by a preponderance of the evidence which 
 is inconsistent with the guilt of a defendant, this is sufficient to raise a 
 reasonable doubt as to his guilt and entitles him to an acquittal. In order 
 to justify the inference of legal guilt from circumstantial evidence, the exist- 
 ence of the inculpatory facts must be absolutely incompatible with the 
 innocence of the accused upon any rational theory. 
 
 "The witnesses Gottfried Waller and Wilhelm Seliger are accom- 
 plices, and while a person accused of crime may be convicted upon the 
 uncorroborated testimony of an accomplice, still the jury should weigh it 
 with great care and caution, and convict upon it only if they are satisfied 
 beyond any reasonable doubt of its truth. 
 
 " If you believe from the evidence that the witnesses Gottfried Waller 
 and Wilhelm Seliger were induced to become witnesses by any promise of 
 immunity from punishment, or by any hope held out to them, that it would 
 go easier with them in case they disclosed who their confederates were, or 
 in case they implicated some one else in the crime, then you should take 
 such facts into consideration in determining the weight to be given to their 
 testimony. 
 
 "Same instruction in regard to the testimony of any other witnesses for 
 the prosecution. 
 
 " The testimony of an accomplice should be subjected to critical exam- 
 ination in the light of all the other evidence. 
 
 "A person charged with crime may testify in his own behalf, but his 
 neglect to do so shall not create any presumption against him. 
 
 "The jury should endeavor to reconcile the testimony of the defend- 
 ants' witnesses with the belief that all of them endeavored to tell the truth, 
 and you should attribute any contradictions or differences in their testimony 
 to mistake or misrecollection rather than to a willful intention to swear 
 falsely, if you can reasonably do so under the evidence. 
 
 "The jury should fairly and impartially consider the testimony of the 
 defendants, together with all the other evidence. 
 
 " If the verbal admission of a defendant is offered in evidence, the whole 
 of the admission must be taken together, and those parts which are in favor 
 of the defendant are entitled to as much consideration as any other parts, 
 unless disproved, or apparently improbable or untrue, when considered with 
 all the other evidence. 
 
 " It would be improper for the jury to regard any statements of the 
 prosecuting attorneys, not based upon the evidence, as entitled to any weight. 
 
 " If all the facts and circumstances relied on by the People to secure a 
 conviction can be reasonably accounted for upon any theory consistent 
 with the innocence of the defendants, or any of them, then you should 
 acquit such of them as to whom the facts proven can thus be accounted for. 
 
 " It is not enough to warrant the conviction of a person charged with 
 crime that he contemplated the commission of such crime. If any rea-
 
 584 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 sonable hypothesis exists that such crime may have been committed by 
 another in no way connected with the defendants, the accused should be 
 acquitted. 
 
 " If the evidence leaves a reasonable doubt of the guilt of the defendants, 
 as charged in the indictment, the jury should acquit, although the evidence 
 may show conduct of no less turpitude than the crime charged. 
 
 " The allusions and references of the prosecuting attorneys to the sup- 
 posed dangerous character of any views entertained or principles contended 
 for by the accused should in no way influence you in determining this 
 case. 
 
 " Individuals and communities have the legal right to arm themselves for 
 the defense and protection of their persons and property, and a proposition 
 by any person, publicly proclaimed, to arm for such protection and defense, 
 is not an offense against the laws of this State. 
 
 " If the defendants, or some of them, agreed together, or with others, in 
 the event of the workingmen or strikers being attacked, that they (defend- 
 ants) would assist the strikers to resist such an attack, this would not con- 
 stitute conspiracy if the anticipated attack was unjustified and illegal, and 
 such contemplated resistance simply the opposing of force wrongfully and 
 illegally exercised, by force sufficient to repel said assault. 
 
 "The burden is not cast upon the defendants of proving that the person 
 who threw the bomb was not acting under their advice, teaching or pro- 
 curement. Unless the evidence proves beyond all reasonable doubt that 
 either some of the defendants threw said bomb, or that the person who 
 threw it acted under the advice and procurement of defendants or some of 
 them, the defendants should be acquitted. Such advice may not necessarily 
 be special as to the bomb, but general, so as to include it. 
 
 "It is not proper for the jury to guess that the person who threw the 
 bomb was instigated to do the act by the procurement of defendants or any 
 of them. There must be a direct connection established, by credible evi- 
 dence, between the advice and consummation of the crime, beyond all rea- 
 sonable doubt. 
 
 " The bomb might have been thrown by some one unfamiliar with, and 
 unprompted by, the teachings of the defendants or any of them. Before 
 defendants can be held liable therefor, the evidence must satisfy you 
 beyond all reasonable doubt that the person throwing said bomb was acting 
 as the result of the teaching or encouragement of defendants or some of 
 them. 
 
 " Before a person charged as accessory to a crime can be convicted, the 
 evidence must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the crime was com- 
 mitted by some person acting under the advice, aid, encouragement, abet- 
 ting or procurement of the defendant whose conviction as accessory is 
 sought. Though you may believe from the evidence that a party in fact 
 advised the commission in certain contingencies of acts amounting to crime, 
 yet, if the act complained of was in fact committed by some third party of 
 his own mere volition, hatred, malice or ill- will, and not materially influenced, 
 either directly or indirectly, by such advice of the party charged, or any 
 party for whose advice the defendants are responsible, the party charged 
 would not in such case be responsible. 
 
 " If you find that at a meeting held on the evening of May ^d at 54 West 
 Lake Street, at which some of the defendants were present, it was agreed 
 that in the event of a collision between the police, militia or firemen, and the
 
 THE JURY'S VERDICT. 585 
 
 striking laborers, certain armed organizations, of which some of the defend- 
 ants were members, should meet at certain places in Chicago, that a com- 
 mittee should attend public places and meetings where an attack by the 
 police and others might be expected, and in the event of such attack report 
 the same to said organizations to the end that such attack might be resisted 
 and the police stations of the city destroyed, still, if the evidence does not 
 prove, beyond all reasonable doubt, that the throwing of the bomb which 
 killed Mathias J. Degan was the result of any act in furtherance of the com- 
 mon design herein stated, and if it may have been the unauthorized and 
 individual act of some person acting upon his own responsibility and volition, 
 then none of the defendants can be held responsible therefor on account of 
 said West Lake Street meeting." 
 
 Upon the conclusion of the reading of the instructions in behalf of the 
 defendants, which were read after the instructions on behalf of the people, 
 the court of its own motion gave to the jury the following instruction : 
 
 " The statute requires that instructions by the court to the jury shall be 
 in writing, and only relate to the law of the case. 
 
 " The practice under the statute is that the counsel prepare on each 
 side a set of instructions and present them to the court, and, if approved, to 
 be read by the court as the law of the case. It may happen, by reason of 
 the great number presented and the hurry and confusion of passing on them 
 in the midst of the trial, with a large audience to keep in order, that there 
 may be some apparent inconsistency in them, but if they are carefully 
 scrutinized such inconsistencies will probably disappear. In any event, 
 however, the gist and pith of all is that if advice and encouragement to 
 murder was given, if murder was done in pursuance of and materially induced 
 by such advice and encouragement, then those who gave such advice and 
 encouragement are guilty of the murder. Unless the evidence, either direct 
 or circumstantial, or both, proves the guilt of one or more of the defendants 
 upon this principle so fully that there is no reasonable doubt of it, your duty 
 to them requires you to acquit them. If it does so prove, then your duty 
 to the State requires you to convict whoever is so proved guilty. The case 
 of each defendant should be considered wfth the same care and scrutiny as 
 if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy, having violence and murder as 
 its object, is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each conspirator 
 in furtherance of the conspiracy are the acts and declarations of each one 
 of the conspirators. But the declarations of any conspirator before or after 
 the 4th of May which are merely narrative as to what had been or would be 
 done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object of the conspir- 
 acy, are only evidence against the one who made them. 
 
 " What are the facts and what is the truth the jury must determine from 
 the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any unguarded expressions 
 in any of the instructions which seem to assume the existence of any facts, 
 or to be any intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be 
 disregarded, and the evidence only looked to to determine the facts." 
 
 The jury the next day reported to the court that they had agreed upon 
 a verdict. The members were accordingly brought in, and the clerk of the 
 court read the verdict as follows : 
 
 "We, the jury, find the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab,
 
 586 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and 
 Louis Lingg guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indict- 
 ment and fix the penalty at death. We find the defendant Oscar W. Neebe 
 guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix 
 the penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for fifteen years." 
 
 This was a great surprise to the defendants, and their counsel at once 
 entered a motion for a new trial. The hearing of the motion was postponed 
 until the next term, and on the ist of October arguments were submitted. 
 The grounds upon which the motion was based were numerous. They 
 first related to a refusal of some, and a modification of several other in- 
 structions at the hands of the court asked for by the defendants ; a claim 
 that jurors had been summoned by the officers with the avowed view to 
 conviction ; improper language by the State's Attorney in his closing argu- 
 ment ; erroneous rulings of the court in regard to the competency of jurors, 
 and the refusal of separate trials for the defendants. Other grounds touched 
 on a statement made by one of the members of the jury, Mr. Adams, prior 
 to the trial, with reference to the Haymarket massacre, showing prejudice 
 against the defendants, backed by an affidavit as to what he said ; an 
 affidavit of one Mr. Love, that he met Gilmer on the night of May 4, shortly 
 after eight o'clock, and went to a saloon with him, where they and another 
 person drank beer and talked until 9:20 o'clock, and also a further reason 
 that the defendants had discovered some new evidence, to back which an 
 affidavit was submitted from John Philip Deluse, dated August 24, 1886, 
 concerning a mysterious individual who had called at his saloon, in Indian- 
 apolis, Ind., in May, 1886. 
 
 The argument of counsel on each side, on the points raised, consumed 
 several days, and finally, on the yth of October, 1886, Judge Gary, in an 
 elaborate and exhaustive opinion, overruled the motion. 
 
 The defendants then entered a motion in arrest of judgment, and this 
 was also overruled.
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 The Last Scene in Court Reasons Against the Death Sentence Spies' 
 Speech A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder Death for the Truth The Anar- 
 chists' Final Defense Dying for Labor The Conflict of the Classes Not Guilty, but 
 Scapegoats Michael Schwab's Appeal The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery 
 Neebe Finds Out what Law Is "I am Sorry I am not to be Hung " Adolph Fischer's 
 Last Words Louis Lingg in his own Behalf ' ' Convicted, not of Murder, but of An- 
 archy " An Attack on the Police "I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force- 
 propped Authority. Hang me for it ! " George Engel's Unconcern The Development 
 of Anarchy "I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System " 
 Samuel Fielden and the Haymarket An Illegal Arrest The Defense of Albert R. 
 Parsons The History of his Life A Long and Thrilling Speech The Sentence of 
 Death " Remove the Prisoners." 
 
 AFTER motion in arrest of judgment had been overruled by Judge 
 Gary, Spies was asked if he had anything to say why sentence of 
 death should not be passed upon him. The prisoner rose, with pallid 
 cheeks and distended eyes, and advanced toward the bench with a hesitat- 
 ing tread. The moment he faced the court he recovered his equanimity 
 and proceeded with much deliberation to give his reasons why he should not 
 be sent to death on the gallows. He spoke in a firm, almost a menacing 
 tone of voice, and seemed bent on posing as a martyr to the cause of the 
 laboring classes. In his very opening sentence he desired to have that un- 
 derstood. " In addressing this court," he said, "I speak as the represent- 
 ative of one class to the representative of another. I will begin with the 
 words uttered five hundred years ago, on a similar occasion, by the Venetian 
 Doge Falieri, who, addressing the court, said, ' My defense is your accusa- 
 tion. The cause of my alleged crime is your history.' " He then referred 
 to his conviction, holding that there was no evidence to show that he had 
 any knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that he had had any- 
 thing to do with its throwing. There being no evidence to establish his 
 legal responsibility, he maintained, his " conviction and the execution of the 
 sentence would be nothing less than willful, malicious and deliberate murder, 
 as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political or any 
 sort of persecution." He charged that the representative of the State had 
 " fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to con- 
 vict," and that the defendants had been convicted " by a jury picked out 
 to convict." 
 
 "I charge," he continued, "the State's Attorney and Bonfield with the 
 heinous conspiracy to commit murder." Having thus proved the truth of 
 the old adage that "no rogue e'er felt the halter draw with good opinion of 
 the law," Spies next paid his compliments to the Citizens' Association, the 
 Bankers' Association and the Board of Trade, attributing to them the 
 
 587
 
 588 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 inspiration for the attack on the Haymarket meeting, and he proceeded to 
 give an account of his movements on the night of that meeting in the com- 
 pany of Legner. He again repeated that, " notwithstanding the purchased 
 and perjured testimony of some," the prosecution had not established the 
 defendants' legal responsibility, and insisted that those who had brought 
 about their conviction were the "real and only law-breakers." When he ap- 
 proached this part of the subject Spies' anger scarcely knew any bounds. 
 He rose in a towering passion and characterized the proceedings of the trial 
 as "rascalities perpetrated in the name of the people." He continued : 
 
 "The contemplated murder of eight men, whose only crime is that they 
 have dared to speak the truth, may open the eyes of these suffering millions ; 
 may wake them up. Indeed, I have noticed that our conviction has worked 
 miracles in this direction already. The class that clamors for our lives, the 
 good, devout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their news- 
 papers and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case. By 
 simply designating the defendants as ' Anarchists,' and picturing them as a 
 newly-discovered species of cannibals, and by inventing shocking and horrify- 
 ing stories of dark conspiracies said to be planned by them, these good 
 Christians zealously sought to keep the naked fact from the working people 
 and other righteous parties, namely : That on the evening of May 4 two 
 hundred armed men, under the command of a notorious ruffian, attacked a 
 meeting of peaceable citizens ! With what intention ? With the intention 
 of murdering them, or as many of them as they could. I refer to th^e testi- 
 mony given by two of our witnesses. The wage-workers of this city b^gan 
 to object to being fleeced too much they began to say some very true 
 things, but they were highly disagreeable to our patrician class ; they put 
 forth well, some very modest demands. They thought eight hours' hard 
 toil a day, for scarcely two hours' pay, was enough. This lawless rabble 
 had to be silenced ! The only way to silence them was to frighten them, 
 and murder those whom they looked up to as their 'leaders.' Yes, these 
 foreign dogs had to be taught a lesson, so that they might never again inter- 
 fere with the high-handed exploitation of their benevolent and Christian 
 masters. Bonfield, the man who would bring a blush of shame to the man- 
 agers of the Bartholomew night Bonfield, the illustrious gentleman with 
 a visage that would have done excellent service to Dor6 in portraying 
 Dante's fiends of hell Bonfield was the man best fitted to consummate the 
 conspiracy of the Citizens' Association of our patricians. If I had thrown 
 that bomb, or had caused it to be thrown, or had known of it, I would not 
 hesitate a moment to state so. It is true a number of lives were lost 
 many were wounded. But hundreds of lives were thereby saved ! But for 
 that bomb there would have been a hundred widows and hundreds of 
 orphans where now there are few. These facts have been carefully sup- 
 pressed, and we were accused and convicted of conspiracy by the real 
 conspirators and their agents. This, your honor, is one reason why sentence 
 should not be passed by a court of justice if that name has any significance 
 at all." 
 
 Spies then adverted to the fact of his having published articles on the 
 manufacture of dynamite and bombs, and wanted to know what other news- 
 papers in the city had not done the same thing. He forgot to show, how-
 
 THE ARCH-CONSPIRATOR'S PROTEST. 589 
 
 ever, that other papers had never urged the people to use dynamite to the 
 destruction of the lives and property of the people. 
 
 Spies claimed that his only offense was in espousing the cause of "the 
 disinherited and disfranchised millions," and asked what they had said in 
 their speeches and publications. 
 
 "We have interpreted to the people their condition and relations in 
 society. We have explained to them the different social phenomena and 
 the social laws and circumstances under which they occur. We have, by 
 way of scientific investigation, incontrovertibly proved and brought to their 
 knowledge that the system of wages is the root of the present social iniqui- 
 ties iniquities so monstrous that they cry to heaven. We have further 
 said that the wage system, as a specific form of social development, would, 
 by the necessity of logic, have to make room for higher forms of civilization ; 
 that the wage system must prepare the way and furnish the foundation for 
 a social system of cooperation that is, Socialism. That whether this or 
 that theory, this or that scheme regarding future arrangements were 
 accepted, was not a matter of choice, but one of historical necessity, and 
 that to us the tendency of progress seemed to be Anarchism that is, a free 
 society without kings or classes a society of sovereigns in which the 
 liberty and economic equality of all would furnish an unshakable equilib- 
 rium as a foundation and condition of natural order." 
 
 After some further explanation of Socialism, he said : 
 
 " I may have told that individual who appeared here as a witness that 
 the workingmen should procure arms, as force would in all probability be 
 the tiltima ratio, and that in Chicago there were so and so many armed 
 men, but I certainly did not say that we proposed to inaugurate the social 
 revolution. And let me say here : Revolutions are no more made than 
 earthquakes and cyclones. Revolutions are the effect of certain causes and 
 conditions. I have made social philosophy a specific study for more than 
 ten years, and I could not have given vent to such nonsense ! I do believe, 
 however, that the revolution is near at hand in fact, that it is upon us. 
 But is the physician responsible for the death of the patient because he 
 foretold that death ? " 
 
 If the opinions of the court were good, Spies held there was "no person 
 in this country who could not be lawfully hanged," and maintained that 
 they ought to be exempted from responsibility because they had sought to 
 bring about reforms. Then he turned to the labor movement and pro- 
 nounced his anathema against the wealthy classes. 
 
 " If you think that by hanging us you can stamp out the labor movement 
 the movement from which the downtrodden millions, the millions who 
 toil and live in want and misery the wage slaves expect salvation if 
 this is your opinion, then hang us ! Here you will tread upon a spark, but 
 there, and there, and behind you and in front of you, and everywhere, flames 
 will blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out. The 
 ground is on fire upon which you stand. You can't understand it. You 
 don't believe in magical arts, as your grandfathers did, who burned witches 
 at the stake, but you do believe in conspiracies ; you believe that all these 
 occurrences of late are the work of conspirators ! You resemble the child
 
 590 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 that is looking for his picture behind the mirror. What you see and what 
 you try to grasp is nothing but the deceptive reflex of the stings of your 
 bad conscience. You want to 'stamp out the conspirators' the agita- 
 tors? Ah ! stamp out every factory lord who has grown wealthy upon the 
 unpaid labor of his employes. Stamp out every landlord who has amassed 
 fortunes from the rent of overburdened workingmen and farmers. Stamp 
 out every machine that is revolutionizing industry and agriculture, that 
 intensifies the production, ruins the producer, that increases the national 
 wealth, while the creator of all these things stands amidst them, tantalized 
 with hunger ! Stamp out the railroads, the telegraph, the telephone, steam 
 and yourselves for everything breathes the revolutionary spirit. You, 
 gentlemen, are the revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social 
 conditions which have tossed you, by the fair hand of fortune, into a mag- 
 nificent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one else has a 
 right in that place. You insist that you are the chosen ones, the sole pro- 
 prietors. The forces that tossed you into the paradise, the industrial forces, 
 are still at work. They are growing more active and intense from day to 
 day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind to the same level, to have 
 all humanity share in the paradise you now monopolize. You, in your 
 blindness, think you can stop the tidal wave of civilization and human 
 emancipation by placing a few policemen, a few Gatling guns and some 
 regiments of militia on the shore you" think you can frighten the rising 
 waves back into the unfathomable depths whence they l^ave arisen, by 
 erecting a few gallows in the perspective. You, who oppose the natural 
 course of. things, you are the real revolutionists. You and you alone are the 
 conspirators and destructionists ! 
 
 "Said the court yesterday, in referring to the Board of Trade demon- 
 stration : ' These men started out with the express purpose of sacking the 
 Board of Trade building ' While I can't see what sense there would have 
 been in such an undertaking, and while I know that the said demonstration 
 was arranged simply as a means of propaganda against the system that 
 legalizes the respectable business carried on there, I will assume that the 
 three thousand workingmen who marched in that procession really intended 
 to sack the building. In this case they would have differed from" the 
 respectable Board of Trade men only in this that they sought to recover 
 property in an unlawful way, while the others sack the entire country law- 
 fully and unlawfully this being their highly respectable profession. This 
 court of 'justice and equity' proclaims the principle that when two persons 
 do the same thing, it is not the same thing. I thank the court for this con- 
 fession. It contains all that we have taught, and for which we are to be 
 hanged, in a nutshell. Theft is a respectable profession when practiced 
 by the privileged class. It is a felony when resorted to in self-preservation 
 by the other class." 
 
 He then scored the capitalistic class, and referred to the strikes in the 
 Hocking Valley, East St. Louis, Milwaukee and Chicago. Reverting again 
 to the prosecution, he continued : 
 
 " 'These men,' Grinnell said repeatedly, 'have no principle; they are 
 common murderers, assassins, robbers,' etc. I admit that our aspirations 
 and objects are incomprehensible to some, but surely for this we are not to 
 be blamed. The assertion, if I mistake not, was based on the ground that
 
 "NOT G UIL TY, B UT SCAPE GOATS." 591 
 
 we sought to destroy property. Whether this perversion of facts was 
 intentional, I know not. But in justification of our doctrines I will say that 
 the assertion is an infamous falsehood. Articles have been read here from 
 the Arbeiter-Zeitung and Alarm to show the dangerous character of the 
 defendants. The files of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and Alarm have been searched 
 for the past years. Those articles which generally commented upon some 
 atrocity committed by the authorities upon striking workingmen were picked 
 out and read to you. Other articles were not read to the court. Other 
 articles were not what was wanted. The State's Attorney, upon those arti- 
 cles (who well knows that he tells a falsehood when h& says it), asserts 
 that 'these men have no principle.' ' 
 
 What a perversion of facts ! Some of the articles did comment on some 
 alleged atrocity, but those taken at various dates and published in a pre- 
 ceding chapter show that force by the use of dynamite was continually 
 being agitated. However, in his criticism of the prosecution Spies seemed 
 to overlook a great many points. He repeated what he had said to the Con- 
 gregational ministers at the Grand Pacific Hotel, on the gth of January, 1886, 
 with reference to Socialism, and then stated that he had seen Lingg only 
 twice before he was arrested, but had never spoken to him. With 
 Engel he had, not been on speaking terms for at least a year, and Fischer 
 had gone about making speeches against him. The article in the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung with reference to the Board of Trade demonstration, he claimed, he 
 had not seen until he had read it in the paper. In conclusion he said : 
 
 "Now, if we cannot be directly implicated with this affair, connected 
 with the throwing of the bomb, where is the law that says that ' these men 
 shall be picked out to suffer' ? Show me that law if you have it ! If the 
 position of the court is correct, then half of this city half of the popula- 
 tion of this city ought to be hanged, because they are responsible the 
 same as we are for that act on May 4th. And if not half of the population 
 of Chicago is hanged, then show me the law that says, ' Eight men shall 
 be picked out and hanged, as scapegoats ' ? You have no good law. Your 
 decision, your verdict, our conviction is nothing but an arbitrary will of this 
 lawless court. It is true there is no precedent in jurisprudence in this case ! 
 It is true that we have called upon the people to arm themselves. It is 
 true that we have told them time and again that the great day of change 
 was coming. It was not our desire to have bloodshed. We are not beasts. 
 We would not be Socialists if we were beasts. It is because of our sensi- 
 tiveness that we have gone into this movement for the emancipation of the 
 oppressed and suffering. It is true that we have called upon the people to 
 arm and prepare for the stormy times before us. This seems to be the 
 ground upon which the verdict is to be sustained. ' But when a long train 
 of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a 
 design to reduce the people under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is 
 their duty, to throw off such government and provide new guards for *heir 
 future safety.' This is a quotation from the ' Declaration of Independence.' 
 Have we broken any laws by showing to the people how the abuses that 
 have occurred for the last twenty years are invariably pursuing one object, 
 viz.: to establish an oligarchy in this country as strong and powerful and 
 monstrous as never before has existed in any country ? I can well under-
 
 592 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 stand why that man Grinnell did not urge upon the grand jury to charge 
 us with treason. I can well understand it. You cannot try and convict 
 a man for treason who has upheld the Constitution against those who try to 
 trample it under their feet. It would not have been as easy a job to do 
 that, Mr. Grinnell, as to charge ' these men ' with murder. 
 
 " Now these are my ideas. They constitute a part of myself. I cannot 
 divest myself of them, nor would I if I could. And if you think that you 
 can crush out these ideas that are gaining ground more and more every day, 
 if you think you can crush them out by sending us to the gallows if you 
 would once more have people suffer the penalty of death because they 
 have dared to tell the truth and I defy you to show us where we have 
 told a lie I say, if death is the penalty for proclaiming the truth, then I 
 will proudly and defiantly pay the costly price ! Call your hangman ! 
 Truth crucified in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, Galileo, 
 still lives they and others whose number is legion have preceded us on 
 this path. We are ready to follow. " 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB had very little to say, but what he did say was that it 
 was "idle and hypocritical to think about justice " having been done to them. 
 He criticised the acts of the prosecution in securing his conviction " for 
 writing newspaper articles and making speeches," and contended that they 
 had engaged in no conspiracy, as "all they did was done in open daylight." 
 He seemed rather vindictive toward Mr. Furthniann^ for having had the 
 articles in the Arbeiter-Zeitung translated, and excused his own inflammatory 
 utterances by holding that after the mayoralty election, in the spring of 
 1885, Edwin Lee Brown, president of the Citizens' Association, had urged 
 the people, in a public speech, " to take possession of the Court-house by 
 force, even if they had to wade in blood." Schwab touched on the labor 
 problem, drawing largely from his own experience while living among the 
 poor in Europe, and then spoke of the condition of laborers in Chicago, 
 holding that they lived in miserable, dilapidated hovels, owned by greedy 
 landlords. He continued : 
 
 " What these common laborers are to-day, the skilled laborer will be 
 to-morrow. Improved machinery, that ought to be a blessing for the work- 
 ingman, under the existing conditions turns for him to a curse. Machinery 
 multiplies the army of unskilled laborers, makes the laborer more dependent 
 upon the men who own the land and the machines. And that is the reason 
 that Socialism and Communism got a foothold in this country. The outcry 
 that Socialism, Communism and Anarchism are the creed of foreigners, is a 
 big mistake. There are more Socialists of American birth in this country 
 than foreigners, and that is much, if we consider that nearly half of all 
 industrial workingmen are not native Americans. There are Socialistic 
 papers in a great many States, edited by Americans for Americans. The 
 capitalistic newspapers conceal that fact very carefully." 
 
 In conclusion Schwab said : 
 
 " If Anarchy were the thing the State's Attorney makes it out to be, 
 how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkin and the 
 greatest living geographer, Elisee Reclus, were avowed Anarchists, even
 
 NEEB&S EXPLANA TION. 593 
 
 editors of Anarchistic newspapers ? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the 
 present. It will be realized. Reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. 
 Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human development has 
 already reached its culminating point ? I know that our ideal will not be 
 accomplished this or next year, but I know that it will be accomplished as 
 near as possible, some day, in the future. It is entirely wrong to use the 
 word Anarchy as synonymous with violence. Violence is one thing and 
 Anarchy another. In the present state of society violence is used on all 
 sides, and therefore we advocated the use of violence against violence, 
 but against violence only, as a necessary means of defense. I never read 
 Mr. Host's book, simply because I did not find time to read it. And if I 
 had read it, what of it ? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible 
 nevertheless. 1 have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb on the 
 Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use violence on 
 that or any other night." 
 
 OSCAR NEEBE followed. In his opening sentence he very correctly 
 diagnosed the situation when he said: " I have found out during the last 
 few days what law is. Before I didn't know." He, more than all the 
 other defendants, except Parsons, ought to have known the law. He was 
 a citizen, and as such he should have known the law of the land long before 
 he engaged in the inculcation of force. He spoke of his having presided 
 at Socialistic meetings, having headed the Board of Trade procession, and 
 how he happened to drive to the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung after learning 
 on May 5 that Spies and Schwab had been arrested. 
 
 The rest of his statement consists simply of abuse of the prosecution, 
 laudation of his own acts in endeavoring to ameliorate the condition of the 
 workingmen and in continuing the publication of the Arbeiter-Zeitung after 
 May 4, and a disavowal of his having distributed the "Revenge" circular. 
 In speaking of his having organized the Beer-brewers' Union and attended 
 a meeting at the North Side Turner Hall to announce the result of his 
 conference with the bosses, he said : 
 
 " I entered the hall. I went on the platform and I presented the union 
 with a document signed by every beer-brewer of Chicago, guaranteeing ten 
 hours' labor and $65 wages $15 more wages per month and no Sunday 
 work, to give the men a chance to go to church, as many of vhem are good 
 Christians. There are a good many Christians among them. So, in that 
 way, I was aiding Christianity helping the men to go to church. After 
 the meeting I left the hall, and stepped into the front saloon, and there were 
 circulars lying there called the ' Revenge ' circular. I picked up a couple 
 of them from a table and folded them together and put them in my pocket, 
 not having a chance to read them, because everybody wanted to treat me. 
 They all thought it was by my efforts that they got $15 a month more wages 
 and ten hours a day. Why, I didn't have a chance to read the circulars. 
 From there I went to another saloon across the street, and the president 
 of the Beer-brewers' Union was there ; he asked me to walk with him, and 
 on the way home we went into Heine's saloon. He was talking to Heine 
 about the McCormick affair, and I picked up a circular and read it, and
 
 594 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Heine asked me : ' Can you give me one ? ' I gave him one, and he laid 
 it back on his counter. That is my statement." 
 
 In conclusion Neebe said : 
 
 " They found a revolver in my house, and a red flag there. I organized 
 trades-unions. I was for reduction of the hours of labor, and the education 
 of laboring men, and the reestablishment of the Arbeiter-Zeitung the 
 workingmen's newspaper. There is no evidence to show that I was con- 
 nected with the bomb-throwing, or that I was near it, or anything of that 
 kind. So I am only sorry, your honor that is, if you can stop it or help 
 it, I will ask you to do it that is to hang me, too ; for I think it is more 
 honorable to die suddenly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and 
 children ; and if they know their father is dead, they will bury him. They 
 can go to the grave, and kneel down by the side of it ; but they can't go to 
 the penitentiary and see their father, who was convicted for a crime that he 
 hasn't had anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your honor, 
 I am sorry I am not to be hung with the rest of the men. " 
 
 ADOLPH FISCHER rose with some signs of nervousness and proceeded 
 slowly and deliberately with his protest. "I was tried here in this room," 
 he said, " for murder, and I was convicted of Anarchy." He objected most 
 vigorously to the charge that he was a murderer, and insisted that he had 
 had nothing to do with the throwing of the bomb. He confessed to having 
 made arrangements for the Haymarket meeting, to having been present, 
 but urged that it had not been called for the purpose of committing violence 
 or crime. He said he had been present at the Monday evening meeting, 
 of which Waller was chairman, but aside from volunteering to have hand- 
 bills printed for the Haymarket meeting he had not done anything. He 
 had invited Spies to speak at the Haymarket, and in the original copy he 
 had had the line put in, " Workingmen, appear armed ! " His reason for 
 this was, he said, that he ''did not want the workingmen to be shot down in 
 that meeting as on other occasions." He then entered into some details as 
 to his movements on the night of the Haymarket gathering and again 
 launched into a protest against the jury's verdict. He said that the verdict 
 against him was because he was an Anarchist, and " an Anarchist," he ex- 
 plained with a defiant toss of his head, " is always ready to die for his 
 principles." He concluded as follows : 
 
 "The more the believers in just causes are persecuted, the more quickly 
 will their ideas be realized. For instance, in rendering such an unjust and 
 barbarous verdict, the twelve ' honorable men ' in the jury-box have done 
 more for the furtherance of Anarchism than the convicted have accomplished 
 in a generation. This verdict is a death-blow to free speech, free press and 
 free thought in this country, and the people will be conscious of it, too. 
 This is all I care to say." 
 
 Louis LINGG was in no gentle frame of mind when he advanced to enter 
 his objection at the bar of the court. After a thrust at the court, he said 
 that he had been accused of murder and been convicted; and "what
 
 LINGG'S SUICIDE BOMBS. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. 
 
 Made of gas-pipe, six inches in length, and with a notched bolt, as shown, inserted in the bottom of 
 each. These were found in Lingg's cell, and are similar to the bomb with which he took his life. The fuse 
 is so short that explosion ensues in one second after lighting, making them fitted for self-destruction only.
 
 596 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 proof," he defiantly asked, "have you brought that I am guilty?" He 
 acknowledged that he had helped Seliger to make bombs ; " but," he stoutly 
 maintained, " what you have not proven even with the assistance of your 
 bought ' squealer,* ScUgcr, who would appear to have acted such a prom- 
 inent part in the affair is that any of those bombs were taken to the Hay- 
 market." He referred to the testimony of the experts as simply showing 
 that the Haymarket bomb bore "a certain resemblance to those bombs 
 of his," and that was the kind of evidence, he held, upon which he had 
 been convicted. He had been convicted of murder, but it was Anarchy 
 on which the verdict was based. "You have charged me with despising 
 law and order/ " he said. " What does your * law and order ' amount to ? 
 Its representatives are the police, and they have thieves in their ranks." 
 He then opened fire on me because the detectives I had sent out had broken 
 into his room, as he claimed, to effect his arrest, and insisted that he had 
 not been at the Monday night meeting, but at Zepfs Hall, at that time, 
 which I had stated to be false^ 
 
 Lingg next turned his attention to Mr. Grinnell, and accused him of 
 having "leagued himself with a parcel of base, hireling knaves, to bring 
 me to the gallows." Then the Judge came in for a scoring. " The Judge 
 himself," he held. " was forced to admit that the State's Attorney had not 
 been able to connect me with the bomb-throwing. The latter knows how 
 to get around it, however. He charges me with being a ' conspirator. ' 
 How does he prove it ? Simph* b\~ declaring the International Working- 
 men's Association to -be a * conspiracy.' I was a member of that body, so 
 he has the charge securely fastened on me. Excellent ! " He concluded as 
 follows: 
 
 " I tell you frankly and openly, I am for force. I have already told 
 Captain Schaack. If they use cannon against us, we shall use dynamite 
 against them.' I repeat that I am the enemy of the ' order ' of to-day, and 
 I repeat that, with all my powers, so long as breath remains in me, I shall 
 combat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am in favor of using 
 force. I have told Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, ' If you cannonade 
 us, we shall dynamite you.' You laugh ! Perhaps you think, * You'll throw 
 no more bombs,' but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, so 
 confident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spoken 
 will remember my words : and when you shall have hanged us, then, mark 
 my words, they will do the bomb-throwing ! In this hope do I say to you : 
 ' I despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-propped 
 authority.' Hang me for it ! " 
 
 GEORGE EXCEL appeared the least concerned of all when it came his 
 turn to respond to the court's question as to any reasons he might have 
 Pgpintit the infliction of the death penalty. He opened by setting forth his 
 arrival in America in 1872 and gave some reasons which had prompted him 
 to espouse Anarchy. It was "the poverty, the misery of the working 
 classes." People here in a free land, he said, were " doomed to die of star-
 
 EN GEL'S LAST SPEECH. 597 
 
 vation." He had read the works of Lassalle, Marx and George, and after 
 studying the labor question carefully he had come, he said, to the conclu- 
 sion that " a workingman could not decently exist in this rich country." 
 He had sought to remedy the inequalities through the ballot-box, but after 
 a time, he said, it had become clear to him " that the working classes could 
 never bring about a form of society guaranteeing work, bread and a happy 
 life by means of the ballot." He had labored for a time in the interest of 
 the Social-Democratic party, but, finding political corruption in its ranks, 
 he had left it. 
 
 " I left this party and joined the International Working People's Asso- 
 ciation, that was just being organized. The members of that body have 
 the firm conviction that the workingman can free himself from the tyranny 
 of capitalism only through force just as all advances of which history 
 speaks have been brought about through force alone. We see from the 
 history of this country that the first colonists won their liberty only through 
 force ; that through force slavery was abolished, and just as the man who 
 agitated against slavery in this country had to ascend the gallows, so also 
 must we. He who speaks for the workingmen to-day must hang. And 
 why ? Because this republic is not governed by people who have obtained 
 their office honestly. Who are the leaders at Washington that are to guard 
 the interests of this nation ? Have they been elected by the people, or by 
 the aid of their money? They have no right to make laws for us, because 
 they were not elected by the people. These are the reasons why I have 
 lost all respect for American laws." 
 
 Engel then alluded to the displacement of labor by machinery and held 
 that the amelioration of the workingmen's condition could only be effected 
 through Socialism. As to his conviction, he declared that he was not at all 
 surprised. He had learned long ago that the workingman had no more 
 rights here than anywhere else in the world. His crime, he insisted, con- 
 sisted simply in having labored to "bring about a system of society by 
 which it is impossible for one to hoard millions, through the improvements 
 in machinery, while the great masses sink to degradation and misery." He 
 believed that inventions should be free to all and touched on the aims of 
 Anarchy. In his opinion "Anarchy and Socialism were as much alike as 
 one egg is to another." Whatever difference existed was in tactics. 
 
 " It is true, I am acquainted with several of my fellow-defendants ; with 
 most of them, however, but slightly, through seeing them at meetings, and 
 hearing them speak. Nor do I deny that I, too, have spoken at meetings, 
 saying that, if every workingman had a bomb in his pocket, capitalistic rule 
 would soon come to an end. 
 
 " That is my opinion, and my wish ; it became my conviction when I 
 mentioned the wickedness of the capitalistic conditions of the day. 
 
 ' ' Can any one feel any respect for a government that accords rights only 
 to the privileged classes, and none for the workers? We have seen but 
 recently how the coal barons combined to form a co'nspiracy to raise the 
 price of coal, while at the same time reducing the already low wages of their 
 men. Are they accused of conspiracy on that account ? But when working-
 
 598 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 men dare ask an increase in their wages, the militia and the police are sent 
 out to shoot them down. 
 
 " For such a government as this I can feel no respect, and will combat 
 them, despite their power, despite their police, despite their spies. 
 
 " I hate and combat, not the individual capitalist, but the system that 
 gives him those privileges. My greatest wish is that workingmen may 
 recognize who are their friends and who are their enemies. 
 
 "As to my conviction, brought about, as it was, through capitalistic in- 
 fluence, I have not one word to say." 
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN entered into a long disquisition on the troubles of the 
 working classes all over the world, and covered much of the ground traversed 
 by him when on the witness-stand. He spoke of his having been in Eng- 
 land a Sunday School superintendent, a local preacher of the Methodist 
 Church, and an exhorter, and then chronicled his change of convictions after 
 his arrival in the United States in 1868. He branched out into an exposi- 
 tion of Socialism and cited instances of the oppression practiced on working 
 people by capitalists. He then reviewed some of the points in the testi- 
 mony against him and sought to show wherein his speeches at various 
 meetings had been incorrectly reported in the newspapers. He had neither 
 said at the Haymarket meeting, "Here come the bloodhounds," nor had he 
 fired a revolver. He claimed that the meeting had been a peaceable one, 
 and held that there had been no indication of trouble, and that his language 
 had not been incendiary. He said : 
 
 " I am charged with having said, ' Stab the law.' No one claims but that 
 it was in connection with my conception of the meaning of Foran's speech, 
 and the word 'stab' is not necessarily a threat of violence upon any person. 
 Here at your primary elections you frequently hear the adherents of different 
 candidates state before the primaries are called that they will 'knife ' so and 
 so. Do they mean that they are going to kill him, stab him, take his life 
 away from him ? They are forcible expressions very emphatic expres- 
 sions. They are adjectives which are used in different ways to carry con- 
 viction, and perhaps make the language more startling to the audience, in 
 order that they may pay attention." 
 
 In speaking of his arrest he said : 
 
 " I didn't attempt to run away. I had been out walking around the 
 street that morning, and there was plenty of opportunity for me to have 
 been hundreds of miles away. When the officer came there I opened the 
 door to him. He said he wanted me. I knew him by sight and I knew 
 what was his occupation. I said : ' All right ; I will go with you.' I have 
 said here that I thought, when the representatives of the State had inquired 
 by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, that I should have 
 been released. And I say now, in view of all the authorities that have been 
 read on the law and regarding accessories, that there is nothing in the evi- 
 dence that has been introduced to c'onnect me with that affair. One of the 
 Chicago papers, at the conclusion of the State's Attorney's case, said that 
 they might have proved more about these men, about where they were and 
 what they were doing on the 2d and 3d of May. When I was told that
 
 FIELDEN'S FINAL APPEAL. 599 
 
 Captain Schaack had got confessions out of certain persons connected 
 with this affair, I said : ' Let them confess all they like. As long as they 
 will tell only the truth, I care nothing for their confessions.' " 
 
 Fielden next dwelt upon his treatment at the Central Station, and criti- 
 cised the searching of houses without warrant. With reference to the trial 
 he said : 
 
 " We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up in 
 the slums of any city of Christendom, or outside of it, would never have 
 been convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here, if he had not 
 been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged classes. We claim 
 that we are convicted, not because we have committed murder. We are 
 convicted because we were very energetic in advocacy of the rights of labor. 
 I call your attention to a very significant fact that on this day, at this time 
 when the sentence of death is going to be passed on us, the Stock-yards 
 employers have notified their employes that they will be required to work ten 
 hours next Monday or they will shut down. I think it is a logical conclusion 
 to draw that these men think they have got a dangerous element out of the 
 way now, and they can return again to the ten-hour system. I know that I 
 had considerable to do with the eight-hour question, although I only spoke 
 once in that neighborhood, every man there being a stranger to me but I 
 went down there in March previous and made an eight hour speech and 
 formed the nucleus of an eight-hour organization there, and the Stock-yards 
 succeeded in starting the eight-hour system, though they have not been able 
 to keep it up in its entirety. We claim that we have done much. " 
 
 He predicted that it would be a grand day when everybody adopted 
 Socialism, and then touched on his own case, denying that he had entered 
 into a conspiracy. Fischer, Lingg and Engel, he said, were men with 
 whom he had not associated for a year, and therefore, he maintained, he 
 could not have heen conspiring with them. He had never, he said, seen a 
 dynamite bomb till he saw one in the court-room, and had never known that 
 dynamite was kept at the Arbeiter-Zeitung office. In concluding his speech 
 Fielden said : 
 
 Your honor, I have worked at hard labor since I was eight years of 
 age. I went into a cotton factory when I was eight years old, and I have 
 worked continually since, and there has never been a time in my history 
 that I could have been bought or paid into a single thing by any man or for 
 any purpose which I did not believe to be true. To contradict the lie that 
 was published in connection with the bill by the grand jury charging us 
 with murder, I wish to say that I have never received one cent for agitat- 
 ing. When I have gone out of the city I have had my expenses paid. 
 But often when I have gone into communities, when I would have to 
 depend upon those communities for paying my way, I have often come 
 back to this city with money out of pocket, which I had earned by hard 
 labor, and I had to pay for the privilege of my agitation out of the little 
 money I might have in my possession. To-day as the beautiful autumn 
 sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here 
 never to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow-men as 
 I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice.
 
 6oo ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will 
 live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, I 
 freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there will be a 
 better understanding, more intelligence, and above the mountains of 
 iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness and truth 
 and justice will come to bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world." 
 
 ALBERT R. PARSONS consumed a great deal of time in the delivery of his 
 speech. He began by declaring that the trial had been conducted with 
 " passion, heat and anger," and pronounced the verdict as one of "passion, 
 born in passion, nurtured in passion, and the sum totality of the organized 
 passion of the city of Chicago." For that reason he asked for a suspension 
 of sentence and a new trial. He said : 
 
 " Now, I stand here as one of the people, a common man, a working- 
 man, one of the^.masses, and I ask you to give ear to what I have to say. 
 You stand as a bulwark ; you are as a brake between them and us. You 
 are here as the representative of justice, holding the poised scales in your 
 hands. You are expected to look neither to the right nor to the left, but to 
 that by which justice, and justice alone, shall be subserved. The convic- 
 tion of a man, your honor, does not necessarily prove that he is guilty. 
 Your law-books are filled with instances where men have been carried to 
 the scaffold and after their death it has been proven that their execution 
 was a judicial murder. Now, what end can be subserved in hurrying this 
 matter through in the manner in which it has been done ? Where are the 
 ends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying seven 
 human beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold 
 and an ignominious death ? Why, if your honor please, the very method of 
 our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking-off, appeals to your 
 honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also be 
 an unjust man. Such things have been known." 
 
 Parsons acknowledged being an Anarchist and proceeded to show the 
 ends Anarchy sought. Then he asked : 
 
 "Now, what is this labor question which these gentlemen treat with 
 such profound contempt, which these distinguished 'honorable' gentle- 
 men would throttle and put to ignominious death, and hurry us like rats to 
 our holes ? What is it ? You will pardon me if I exhibit some feeling ? I 
 have sat here for two months, and these men have poured their vitupera- 
 tions out upon my head, and I have not been permitted to utter a single 
 word in my own defense. For two months they have poured their poison 
 upon me and my colleagues. For two months they have sat here and spat 
 like adders the vile poison of their tongues, and if men could have been 
 placed in a mental inquisition and tortured to death, these men would have 
 succeeded here now vilified, misrepresented, held in loathsome contempt, 
 without a chance to speak or contradict a word. Therefore, if I show 
 emotion, it is because of this, and if my comrades and colleagues with me 
 here have spoken in such strains as these, it is because of this. Pardon us. 
 Look at it from the right standpoint. What is this labor question ? It is 
 not a question of emotion ; the labor question is not a question of senti- 
 ment ; it is not a religious matter ; it is not a political problem ; no, sir, it 
 is a stern economic fact, a stubborn and immovable fact."
 
 PARSONS IN HIS O WN DEFENSE. 601 
 
 He entered into along explanation of the capitalistic system and pointed 
 to the troubles experienced by the laboring classes under the present con- 
 ditions. He spoke of capitalistic combinations and "corners," touched on 
 landlordism, discoursed on the eight-hour movement, and then reviewed 
 some of the evidence against him. Referring to the Alarm, of which he 
 had been editor, he said : 
 
 " Why, the very article that you quote in the Alarm, a copy of which I 
 have not, but which I would like to see, calling the American group to 
 assemble for the purpose of considering military matters and military organ- 
 ization, states specifically that the purpose and object is to take into consid- 
 eration measures of defense against unlawful and unconstitutional attacks 
 of the police. The identical article shows it. You forgot surely that fact 
 when you made this observation ; and I defy any one to show, in a speech 
 that is susceptible of proof, by proof, that I have ever said aught by word 
 of mouth or by written article except self-defense. Does not the Con- 
 stitution of the country, under whose flag myself and my forefathers were 
 born for the last two hundred and sixty years, provide that protection, and 
 give me, their descendant, that right? Does not the Constitution say that 
 I, as an American, have a right to keep and to bear arms ? I stand upon 
 that right. Let me see if this court will deprive me of it. Let me call 
 your attention to another point here. These articles that appear in the 
 Alarm, for some of them I am not responsible any more than is the editor 
 of any other paper. And I did not write everything in the Alarm, and it 
 might be possible that there were some things in that paper which I am not 
 ready to indorse. I am frank to admit that such is the case. I suppose 
 that you can scarcely find an editor of a paper in the world but that could 
 conscientiously say the same thing. Now, am I to be dragged up here and 
 executed for the utterances and writings of other men, even though they 
 were published in the columns of a paper of which I was the editor ? Your 
 honor, you must remember that the Alarm was a labor paper, published by 
 the International Working People's Association, belonging to that body. 
 I was elected its editor by the organization, and, as labor editors generally 
 are, I was handsomely paid. I had saw-dust pudding as a general thing 
 for dinner. My salary was eight dollars a week, and I have received that 
 salary as editor of the Alarm for over two years and a half eight dollars a 
 week ! I was paid by the association. It stands upon the books. Go down 
 to the office and consult the business manager. Look over the record in 
 the book, and it will show you that A. R. Parsons received eight dollars a 
 week as editor of the Alarm for over two years and a half. This paper 
 belonged to the organization. It was theirs. They sent in their articles 
 Tom, Dick and Harry ; everybody wanted to have something to say, and I 
 had no right to shut off anybody's complaint." 
 
 He then offered some reasons to justify his utterances on labor questions. 
 He quoted from newspapers to show their hostility to the interests of labor, 
 and he dwelt on various strikes in the United States and endeavored to 
 show how the men had been treated by corporations. The tramp question 
 was next handled, and Parsons maintained that the present social system 
 was responsible for the fact that millions did not know where to get a bed 
 or supper. He continued :
 
 602 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 I 
 
 " Who are the mob ? Why, dissatisfied people, dissatisfied workingmen 
 and women ; people who are working for starvation wages, people who are 
 on a strike for better pay these are the mob. They are always the mob. 
 That is what the riot drill is for. Suppose a case that occurs. The First 
 Regiment is out with a thousand men armed with the latest improved Win- 
 chester rifles. Here are the mobs ; here are the Knights of Labor and the 
 trades-unions, and all of the organizations without arms. They have no 
 treasury, and a Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. They cannot pur- 
 chase those things. We cannot organize an army. It takes capital to or- 
 ganize an army. It takes as much money to organize an army as to organize 
 industry, or as to build railroads ; therefore, it is impossible for the working 
 classes to organize and buy Winchester rifles. What can they do ? What 
 must they do ? Your honor, the dynamite bomb, I am told, costs six cents. 
 It can be made by anybody. The Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. 
 That is the difference. Am I to be blamed for that ? Am I to be hanged 
 for saying this? Am I to be destroyed for this? What have I done? 
 Go dig up the ashes of the man who invented this thing. Find his ashes 
 and scatter them to the winds, because he gave this power to the world. It 
 was not I." 
 
 Coming to the Haymarket meeting and referring to the presence of the 
 
 police as an affront, he said : 
 
 I 
 
 " Was not that a most grievous outrage ? Was not that a violation of 
 all of those principles for which our forefathers struggled in this country ? 
 At this juncture some unknown and unproven person throws a bomb among 
 the police, killing several men. You say that I did it, or you say that I 
 knew of it. Where is your proof, gentlemen of the prosecution ? You have 
 none. You didn't have any. Oh, but you have a theory, and that theory 
 is that no one else could have had any motive to hurl that missile of death 
 except myself, and, as is the common remark of the great papers of the city, 
 the police are never short of a theory. There is always a theory on hand 
 for everything. A theory they have got, and especially the detectives ; they 
 hatch up a theory at once and begin to follow that out. There was a theory 
 carried out during this trial. Let us examine that theory. I say that a 
 Pinkerton man, or a member of the Chicago police force itself, had as much 
 inducement to throw that bomb as I had, and why ? Because it would 
 demonstrate the necessity for their existence and result 'in an increase of 
 their pay and their wages. Are these people any too good to do such a 
 thing ? Are they any better than I am ? Are their motives any better than 
 my own ? Let us look at this thing now from every standpoint. Perhaps, 
 on the other hand, the dread missile was hurled in revenge by some poor 
 man or woman, or child even, whose parent or protector or friend was killed 
 by the police in some of their numerous massacres of the people before. 
 Who knows ? And if it was, are we seven to surfer death for that ? Are 
 we responsible for that act ? Or, might it not be that some person with the 
 fear of death in his eyes threw that bomb in self-defense ? And if they did, 
 am I responsible for it ? Am I to be executed for that ? Is it law to put 
 me to death for that? And who knows ? My own deliberate opinion con- 
 cerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing missile was the work, 
 the deliberate work, of monopoly, the act of those who themselves charge us 
 with the deed. I am not alone in this view of the matter."
 
 PAKSONS IN HIS O WN DEFENSE. 603 
 
 Monopoly, Parsons held, was responsible for the labor troubles 
 
 "What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harri- 
 son, of Chicago, has caused to be published his opinion because, mark you, 
 your honor, this is all a matter of conjecture. It is only presumed that I 
 threw the bomb. They have only assumed that some one of these men 
 threw that bomb. It is only an inference that any of us had anything to do 
 with it. It is not a fact, and it is not proven. It is merely an opinion. 
 Your honor admits that we did not perpetrate the deed, or know who did 
 it, but that we, by our speeches, instigated some one else to do so. Now, 
 let us see the other side of this case. Mayor Harrison, of Chicago, has 
 caused to be published in the New York World and the interview was 
 copied in the Tribune of this city, in which he says : ' I do not believe there 
 was any intention on the part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown 
 at the Haymarket. If so, why was there but one thrown ? It was just as 
 easy for them to throw a dozen or fifty^ and to throw them in all parts of 
 the city, as it was to have thrown one. And again, if it was intended to 
 throw bombs that night, the leaders would not have been there at all, in my 
 opinion. Like commanders-in-chief, they would have been in a safe place. 
 No, it cannot be shown that there was any intention on the part of these 
 individuals to kill that particular man who was killed at that Haymarket 
 meeting.' Now, your honor, this is the Mayor of Chicago. He is a sen- 
 sible man. He is in a position to know what he is talking about. He has 
 first-rate opportunities to form an intelligent opinion, and his opinion is 
 worthy of respect. He knows more about this thing than the jury that sat 
 in this room, for he knows I suspect that the Mayor knows of some of 
 the methods by which most of this so-called evidence and testimony was 
 manufactured. I don't charge it, but possibly he has had some intimation 
 of it, and if he has, he knows more about this case and the merits of this case 
 than did the jury who sat here. There is too much at stake to take any- 
 thing for granted. Your honor can't afford to do that. 
 
 " Is it nothing to destroy the lives of seven men ? Are the rights of the 
 poor of no consequence? Is it nothing that we should regard it so lightly, 
 as a mere pastime ? That is why I stand here at such length to present this 
 case to you, that you may understand it ; that you may have our side of 
 this question as well as that of the prosecution." 
 
 Parsons then referred to attacks of the police on workingmen's meet- 
 ings, and reviewed some of the evidence against himself, insisting that he 
 had never seen Lingg until he saw him in the court-room. 
 
 "Waller testified in chief, and reiterated it in cross-examination, that 
 Engel and Fischer, these noble and brave Germans, offered a resolution at 
 Greif's Hall, on the announcement that six men had been wantonly and 
 brutally murdered by the police at McCormick's, that if other men should 
 come into encounter with the police we should aid them ; and further swore 
 that this plan was to be followed only when the police, by brutal force, 
 should interfere with the workmen's right of free assemblage and free 
 speech. Now, then, where is the foul and dastardly criminal conspiracy 
 here ? Where is it ? So preposterous was it on its face to call such a 
 noble compact to do a lawful thing a conspiracy, that it became necessary, 
 in face of a dozen witnesses, both for the prosecution and the defense, who 
 swear that the bomb came from the pavement on Desplaines Street, south
 
 604 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 of the alley, between the alley and Randolph Street a statement made by 
 Bonfield himself to reporters about half an hour after the tragedy occurred, 
 and published in the Times, on May 5, the following morning Louis Haas, 
 Bonfield's special detective on the ground, at the Coroner's inquest, swore 
 the bomb was thrown from the east side of Desplaines Street, and about 
 fifteen feet, he believed, south of the alley, a statement confirmed by the 
 witness Burnett, for the defense, who located it fifteen feet further south 
 than Haas or Bonfield did still, on the impeached testimony of Gilmer, 
 who swore the bomb was thrown from within the alley, we are convicted, 
 because he was also willing to perjure himself by swearing that Spies lit 
 the fuse of the fatal missile. The idea of a man striking a match in an 
 alley to light a bomb in the midst of a crowd, the people and police stand- 
 ing all around him ! It seems to me that such a statement as that ought, 
 among sensible jnen, on the face of it, to carry its own refutation. Perfectly 
 absurd ! If this statement bore the semblance of truth with regard to Gil- 
 mer, or was the truth, not one of these defendants would shrink from the 
 responsibility of the right of self-defense, your honor, and of free speech, 
 and the right of the people peaceably to assemble. It is because this is 
 not the work of the Anarchists or of the workingmen that we repel the 
 charge, which proves there was no concerted action, and that it was none 
 of the plans of these groups. It is not unlawful to repel an invasion of our 
 meetings. 
 
 " About this time some one, as testified to by three reputable witnesses, 
 stopped at Indianapolis. That was in May. The Haymarket tragedy was 
 the 4th. This man testifies to that fact. A stranger stops there. He says : 
 ' I am going to Chicago. I have something that will work. You will hear 
 from it.' The man was in his cups, no doubt ; probably he drank too much. 
 The Pinkertons are not all temperance men ; they sometimes take a little, 
 and sometimes possibly take a little too much. Possibly he talked a little 
 more than he ought to have talked. Possibly he didn't care, but at any rate 
 it is sworn to that he said it. He came to Chicago, and the bomb was heard 
 from and heard around the world. Your honor, is this an unreasonable 
 assumption ? It is far more likely, much more reasonable than your honor's 
 surmise that I instigated some one to do it. 
 
 " The absolute proof that the missile thrown was not dynamite, but what 
 was known in the late civil war as an infernal bomb, is in the evidence of 
 every surgeon who testified that all incisions were clean, and that the flesh 
 was torn as from an explosive in the interior. It was testified by these sci- 
 entific men, your honor, that dynamite is percussive, and had a shell the 
 size of Lingg's manufacture, on exhibition in evidence, been thrown in the 
 closed ranks of the police, as was this infernal machine, instead of killing 
 but one on the spot, and wounding a few others, it would have blown to 
 unrecognizable fragments the platoons in the vicinity, and the wounds, where 
 there were wounds, would have been as clean as with solid projectiles. 
 
 " This was an infernal bomb from New York, brought there by the 
 Indianapolis traveler, and not a dynamite bomb, the description in its effects 
 upon its victims exactly corresponding with the description of those explo- 
 sives when once used in battle on the Potomac. The hollow bullets within 
 the shell, after entering the victim, exploded, lacerating the flesh and inflict- 
 ing ugly internal and really infernal wounds. 
 
 " Six of these condemned men were not even present at the Haymarket 
 meeting when the tragedy occurred. One of them was five miles away, at
 
 PARSONS IN HIS O WN DEFENSE. 605 
 
 the Deering Harvester Works, in Lake View, addressing a mass-meeting of 
 two thousand workingmen. Another was at home, in bed, and knew not 
 of the meeting being held at all until the next day. These facts, your honor, 
 stand uncontradicted before this court. Only one witness Gilmer and 
 his testimony is overwhelmingly impeached, as I remarked before con- 
 nected the other two two only of these men with the tragedy at the Hay- 
 market at all. 
 
 " Now, with these facts, the attempt to make out a case of conspiracy 
 against us is a contemptible farce. What are the facts testified to by the 
 two so-called informers ? They said that two of these defendants were 
 present at the so-called conspiracy meeting of Monday night. What, then, 
 have you done with the other six men who were not members who were 
 not present, and did not know of the meeting being held Monday night ? 
 These two so-called informers testified that at the so-called conspiracy meet- 
 ing of May 3 it was resolved that in the future, when police and militia 
 should attack and club and kill workingmen at their meetings, then, and 
 then only, they were in duty bound to help defend these working people 
 against such unlawful, unrighteous and outrageous assaults. That was all 
 that was said or done. Was that a conspiracy ? If it was, your honor, it 
 was a conspiracy to do right and oppose what is wrong. 
 
 " But your sentence says that it is criminal for the workingmen to re- 
 solve to defend their lives and their liberties and their happiness against 
 brutal, bloody and unlawful assaults of the police and militia." 
 
 Parsons again returned to Anarchy and defined its doctrines at some 
 length. In concluding his remarks, which consumed two hours on Friday 
 and six hours on Saturday, he said : 
 
 " The next day I saw that they were dragging these men to prison, 
 treating them in a shameful manner. I left the city. I went to Geneva, 
 111., for a couple of days ; staid there with friend Holmes. Then I went 
 to Elgin, 111.; staid there a couple of days. Then I left there and went to 
 Waukesha, Wis., where I obtained employment as a carpenter and after- 
 wards as a painter, and remained for over seven weeks in Waukesha. My 
 health was debilitated, and I went to the springs when I was thirsty. The 
 house I was working on was only half a block from the springs, and I needed 
 the recreation and the rest, and the pure air, and the water besides. When 
 I saw the day fixed for the opening of this trial, knowing I was an innocent 
 man, and also feeling that it was my duty to come forward and share what- 
 ever fate had in store for my comrades, and also to stand, if need be, on the 
 scaffold, and vindicate the rights of labor, the cause of liberty, and the 
 relief of the oppressed, I returned. How did I return ? It is interesting, 
 but it will take time to relate it, and I will not state it. I ran the gauntlet. 
 I went from Waukesha to Milwaukee. I took the St. Paul train at the 
 Milwaukee depot and came to Chicago ; arrived here at 8:30, I suppose, in 
 the morning ; went to the house of my friend Mrs. Ames, on Morgan 
 Street , sent for my wife and had a talk with her. I sent word to Captain 
 Black that I was here and prepared to surrender. He sent word back to 
 me that he was ready to receive me. I met him at the threshold of this 
 building, and we came up here together. I stood in the presence of this 
 court. I have nothing, not even now, to regret." 
 
 The speeches of the defendants occupied three days the yth to the gth
 
 606 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 of October, inclusive and when Parsons had finished the court proceeded 
 to pronounce sentence. Judge Gary said : 
 
 " I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed to 
 me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has been said which weakens 
 the force of the proof, or the conclusions therefrom upon which the verdict 
 is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know that, if the verdict 
 stands, it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already 
 sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. 
 
 " I am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condi- 
 tion, and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I shall address 
 to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say shall be said 
 in the faint hope that a few words from a place where the people of the 
 State of Illinois have delegated the authority to declare the penalty of a 
 violation of jheir laws, and spoken upon an occasion so solemn and awful as 
 this, may come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, deluded 
 and misguided men who have listened to your counsels and followed your 
 advice. I say in the faint hope ; for if men are persuaded that because of 
 business differences, whether about labor or anything else, they may destroy 
 property and assault and beat other men and kill the police if they, in the 
 discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is little 
 ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. 
 
 "It is not the least among the hardships of peaceable, frugal and 
 laborious people to endure the tyranny of mobs who, with lawless force, 
 dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, where, when and 
 upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for themselves and their fami- 
 lies. Any government that is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor 
 to secure to all within its jurisdiction freedom to follow their lawful avoca- 
 tions in safety for their property and their persons, while obeying the law ; 
 and the law is common sense. It holds each man responsible for the 
 natural and probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoever 
 advises murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant 
 to his advice, and if men band together for forcible resistance to the execu- 
 tion of the law, and advise murder as a means of making such resistance 
 effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another or to a 
 numerous class to murder men of another class, all who are so banded 
 together are guilty of any murder that is committed in pursuance of such 
 advice. 
 
 "The people of this country love their institutions. They love their 
 homes. They love their property. They will never consent that by violence 
 and murder their institutions shall be broken down, their homes despoiled 
 and their property destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect 
 and sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against their laws. 
 And those who threaten danger to civil society if the law is enforced are 
 leading to destruction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. 
 
 " The existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the 
 majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advance, by speech 
 and print, such opinions as suit himself ; and the great body of the people 
 will usually care little what he says. But if he proposes murder as a means 
 of enforcing them he puts his own life at stake. And no clamor about free 
 speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed will shield him 
 from the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to destroy.
 
 THE SENTENCE OF THE COURT. 
 
 607 
 
 The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to others, and he must not 
 arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong and that they may 
 rightfully be coerced by terror or removed by dynamite. 
 
 " It only remains that for the crime you have committed and of which 
 you have been convicted after a trial unexampled in the patience with 
 
 which an outraged people have extended 
 you every protection and privilege of the 
 law which you derided and defied the sen- 
 tence of that law be now given. 
 
 " In form and detail that sentence will 
 appear upon the records of the court. In 
 substance and effect it is that the defendant 
 Neebe be imprisoned in the State Peniten- 
 tiary at Joliet at hard labor for the term of 
 fifteen years. 
 
 " And that each of the other defendants, 
 between the hours of ten o'clock in the fore- 
 noon and two o'clock in the afternoon of the 
 third day of December next, in the manner 
 provided by the statute of this State, be 
 
 E. F. L. GAUSS. hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove 
 
 From a Photograph. the prisoners." 
 
 Capt. Black "Your honor knows that we intend to take an appeal to 
 the Supreme Court in behalf of all the defendants. I ask that there be a 
 stay of execution in the case of Mr. Neebe until the 3d day of December." 
 Mr. Grinnell "If the court please, that is a matter that usually 
 stands between counsel for the defendants and the State. Every possible 
 facility will be allowed and everything will be 
 granted you in that particular that good sense and 
 propriety dictate." 
 
 Captain Black " That is sufficient." 
 
 Thus closed the most remarkable trial which 
 ever engaged the attention of a judge and jury in 
 America. It was begun, as stated, on the 2ist 
 day of June, 1886, and ended on the 2Oth day of 
 August, thus occupying exactly two months. I 
 cannot close this chapter without paying a deserved 
 tribute to Mr. E. F. L. Gauss, who acted as inter- 
 preter throughout the trial. A very large propor- 
 tion of the witnesses testified in foreign tongues, 
 but in all the mass of testimony rendered into 
 English by Mr. Gauss, not a syllable of the transla- 
 tion was ever challenged. 
 
 Chief Bailiff Henry Severin, with his staff of twenty-six men, had charge of 
 the eight defendants. It was his duty to bring the prisoners from and to the 
 court, to preserve order in the crowded court-room, and to guard the jury, 
 escorting them to and from their hotel and in their walks, and watching out 
 to prevent any attack by the malcontents upon the officers of the court. 
 
 HENRY SEVERIN. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 In the Supreme Court A Supersedeas Secured Justice Magruder De- 
 livers the Opinion A Comprehensive Statement of the Case How Began was Mur- 
 dered Who Killed Him ? The Law of Accessory The Meaning of the Statute 
 Were the Defendants Accessories ? The Questions at Issue The Characteristics of 
 the Bomb Fastening the Guilt on Lingg The Purposes of the Conspiracy How 
 they were Proved A Damning Array of Evidence Examining the Instructions 
 No Error Found in the Trial Court's Work The Objection to the Jury The Juror 
 Sandford Judge Gary Sustained Mr. Justice Mulkey's Remarks The Law Vindi- 
 cated. 
 
 A LTHOUGH doomed to die, the prisoners did not despair. Their 
 /~\ counsel led them to believe that the State Supreme Court would cer- 
 tainly grant them a rehearing, and the first step to get their case before that 
 court was to secure a stay of the execution of the sentence. For this pur- 
 pose Hon. Leonard Swett was called into the case to assist Capt. Black, 
 and the two gentlemen accordingly went before Chief Justice Scott, and on 
 the 25th of November, 1886, secured the desired superseded*. In March, 
 1887, the appeal came before the Supreme Court of Illinois, and arguments 
 were heard in the case until the i8th of the same month, when the matter 
 was taken under advisement. Several months elapsed before a decision 
 was handed down, but meanwhile all the prisoners expressed the utmost 
 confidence in a reversal of the judgment of the Criminal Court. Their 
 counsel were alike confident of a rehearing, and sympathizers joined in the 
 hopes indulged in by the men behind the bars and their representatives 
 before the bar. 
 
 On Wednesday, September 14, 1887, however, the Supreme Court 
 rendered its decision, sustaining the findings of the lower court in every 
 particular. It was given by the full bench, and there was not a dis- 
 senting opinion. Justice Benjamin D. Magruder delivered the opinion. 
 After stating various rulings bearing on murder, conspiracy, accessory be- 
 fore the fact and other legal points involved in the case, and citing numer- 
 ous extracts from the organs of the Anarchists and Herr Most's book, he 
 reviewed the authorities given by the counsel to sustain their respective 
 sides, and then delivered the opinion of the court, as follows : 
 
 "This case comes before us by writ of error to the Criminal Court of 
 Cook County. The writ has been made a supersedeas. 
 
 " Plaintiffs in error were tried in the summer of 1886 for the murder of 
 Mathias J. Degan, on May 4, 1886, in the city of Chicago, Cook County, 
 Illinois. On August 20, 1886, the jury returned a verdict finding the de- 
 fendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Par- 
 sons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg guilty of murder, 
 and fixing death as the penalty. By the same verdict they also found 
 
 608
 
 THE SUPREME COURTS DECISION. 
 
 609 
 
 Oscar W. Neebe guilty of murder and fixed the penalty at imprisonment in 
 the penitentiary for fifteen years. 
 
 "About the ist day of May, 1886, the workingmen of Chicago and of 
 other industrial centers in the United States were greatly excited upon the 
 subject of inducing their employers to reduce the time during which they 
 should be required to labor on each day to eight hours. In the midst of 
 the excitement growing out of this eight-hour movement, as it was called, 
 a meeting was held on the evening of May 4, 1886, at the Haymarket, on 
 Randolph Street, in the West Division of the city of Chicago. This meeting 
 was addressed by the defendants Spies, Parsons and Fielden. While the 
 latter was making the closing speech, and at some point of time between 
 ten and half-past ten o'clock in the evening, several companies of police- 
 men, numbering one hundred and eighty men, marched into the crowd 
 from their station on Desplaines Street, and ordered the meeting to dis- 
 perse. As soon as the order was 
 given, some one threw among the 
 policemen a dynamite bomb, 
 which struck Degan, one of the 
 police officers, and killed him. 
 As a result of the throwing of the 
 bomb and of the firing of pistol 
 shots, which immediately succeed- 
 ed the throwing of the bomb, six 
 policemen besides Degan were 
 killed, and sixty more were seri- 
 ously wounded." 
 
 The court then went into the 
 law of accessory, confirming the 
 interpretation and ruling of the 
 trial court, that all distinction be- 
 tween principals and accessories 
 is by the Illinois statute abol- 
 ished. The issue thus became : 
 Were the defendants accessories 
 to the murder of Degan? 
 
 To find the answers to these 
 questions the court went into an 
 exhaustive review of all the evi- 
 dence in the case, covering the 
 same ground which has been gone over in the previous chapters of this 
 book. 
 
 First the bomb with which the murder had been done was considered. 
 It had been proven to be round ; to have a projecting fuse ; to be of com- 
 posite manufacture ; to contain tin and lead, with traces of antimony, iron 
 and zinc ; to have upon it a small iron nut. All these characteristics were 
 found in the bombs which Louis Lingg manufactured, and for these and 
 
 JUDGE BENJAMIN D. MAGRUDER. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 610 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 other reasons the court held that the jury was warranted in believing that 
 the bomb which killed Degan had been made by Lingg. 
 
 The purposes of the conspiracy were next inquired into, and the articles 
 in the Alarm, the platform of the Internationale and similar incendiary 
 and dangerous language from many sources are quoted in full in the opinion. 
 The organization of the Anarchists was also inquired into, and the divisions 
 into groups, the make-up of the Lehr and Wehr Verein and like matters 
 stated. The court declared this to be an "illegal conspiracy." 
 
 The damning array of evidence against the assassins was brought to- 
 gether relentlessly and completely. The speeches of the defendants were 
 sifted, their teachings examined, and there could be left in no mind a doubt 
 that these men had advised murder and arson, and that they were guilty 
 technically as well as morally. The opinion of the court was a masterly 
 presentation of the facts, and the conclusions drawn from them settled once 
 for all both the law and the equity of this celebrated case. It was evident 
 that there was law enough in America to protect society. 
 
 That the Haymarket murders were the legitimate and' expected result 
 of the teachings of the ring-leaders of the conspiracy was conclusively 
 shown with a ruthless logic that left no hope for pardon, nor for interference 
 with the law's stern course. 
 
 Lingg's case, and the case of Spies, of Engel, of Fischer, of Parsons, of 
 Neebe, of Fielden were taken up separately, examined with a care that 
 might be described as almost microscopic, and in each case there was no 
 flaw in the record no reason why these men should not pay the penalty 
 for their crime. 
 
 The concluding part of the opinion is so important from a legal stand- 
 point, and at the same time of such general interest, that I will quote it 
 entire : 
 
 "If the defendants, as a means of bringing about the social revolution 
 and as a part of the larger conspiracy to effect such revolution, also con- 
 spired to excite classes of workingmen in Chicago into sedition, tumult 
 and riot and to the use of deadly weapons and the taking of human 
 life, and, for the purpose of producing such tumult, riot, use of weap- 
 ons and taking of life, advised and encouraged such classes by newspaper 
 articles and speeches to murder the authorities of the city, and a murder 
 of a policeman resulted from such advice and encouragement, then defend- 
 ants are responsible therefor. 
 
 "It is a familiar doctrine of the law, in criminal cases, that, if a reason- 
 able doubt of the guilt of the prisoner is entertained, the jury have no dis- 
 cretion, but must acquit. The twelfth and thirteenth instructions for the 
 prosecution are objected to as not correctly stating to the jury the meaning 
 of ' reasonable doubt.' The twelfth instruction is an exact copy, verbatim 
 et liberatim, of the sixth instruction in Miller et. al. vs. The People, 39 111. 
 457, which we approved in that case, and which since that case we have 
 indorsed as correct in at least three cases, to-wit : May vs. The People, 60
 
 THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION. 611 
 
 111. 119, Connaghan vs. The People, 88 id. 460, and Dunn vs. The People, 109 
 id. 635. 
 
 " The portion of the thirteenth instruction which plaintiffs in error com- 
 plain of is that which is contained in the following words : ' You are not at 
 liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence you believe as men.' 
 This expression has been sanctioned by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania 
 as having been properly used in an instruction given to the jury by a trial 
 judge, and we are inclined to follow the ruling there laid down. That 
 court said in Nevling vs. Commonwealth, 98 Pa. St. 322 : ' The learned judge 
 then proceeded to say that the doubt must be a reasonable one, and that 
 jurymen could not doubt as jurymen what they believed as men. In 
 all this there was no error. It is the familiar language found in the text- 
 books and decisions which treat of the subject.' 
 
 " By the twelfth and thirteenth instructions, considered in connection 
 with the eleventh instruction for the State, and also in connection with the 
 definitions of reasonable doubt as embodied in the instructions given for 
 the defense, we think the law upon this subject was correctly presented to 
 the jury. 
 
 "The statute of this State provides that 'juries in all criminal cases 
 shall be judges .of the law and fact.' Instruction number thirteen and a 
 half, given for the prosecution, is objected to as improperly limiting and 
 qualifying this provision of the statute. It tells the jury, that ' if they can 
 say upon their oaths that they know the law better than the court itself, 
 they have the right to do so,' . . . but that 'before saying this, upon 
 their oaths, it is their duty to reflect whether from their study and experi- 
 ence they are better qualified to judge of the law than the court,' etc. 
 
 "The language of instruction number thirteen and a half is an exact 
 copy, verbatim et literatim, of the language used by this court in Schnier vs. 
 The People, 23 111. 17. The views expressed in Schnier vs. The People have 
 been approved of and indorsed in Fisher vs. The People, 23 111. 283, Mullinix 
 vs. The People, 76 id. 211, and Davison vs. The People, 90 id. 221. The ques- 
 tion is settled, and we see no reason to retreat from our position upon this 
 subject. 
 
 " It is also claimed that the court erred in refusing to give certain in- 
 structions asked by the defendants. The refusal of refused instructions 
 numbered 3, 8, 9, n and 18 is especially insisted upon as error. 
 
 " Instruction No. 3 was properly refused because it told the jury that 
 those of the defendants who were not present at the Haymarket, counseling, 
 aiding or abetting the throwing of the bomb, should be acquitted. Under 
 our statute and the decision of this court in Brennan vs. The People, 15 111. 
 517, the defendants were guilty if they advised and encouraged the murder 
 to be committed, although they may not have been present. 
 
 " Instruction No. 8 was wrong for a number of reasons, but it is sufficient 
 to refer to one : it assumes that ' a conspiracy to bring about a change of 
 government . . . by peaceful means if possible, but, if necessary, to 
 resort to force for that purpose,' is not unlawful. The fact that the con- 
 spirators may not have intended to resort to force, unless, in their judgment, 
 they should deem it necessary to do so, would not make their conspiracy 
 any the less unlawful. 
 
 "All that was material in instructions 9, n and 18 was embodied in the 
 instructions which were given for the defendants. 
 
 " The defendants also complain that the court refused to give an instruc-
 
 612 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 tion for them which contained the following statement : ' It can not be 
 material in this case that defendants, or some of them, are or may be Social- 
 ists, Communists or Anarchists,' etc. 
 
 " If there was a conspiracy, it was material to show its purposes and 
 objects, with a view to determining whether and in what respects it was 
 unlawful. Anarchy is the absence of government ; it is a state of society 
 where there is no law or supreme power. If the conspiracy had for its 
 object the destruction of the law and the government, and of the police and 
 militia as representatives of law and government, it had for its object the 
 bringing about of practical Anarchy. Whether or not the defendants were 
 Anarchists, may have been a proper circumstance to be considered in con- 
 nection with all the other circumstances in the case, with a view to showing 
 what connection, if any, they had with the conspiracy and what were their 
 purposes in joining it. Therefore, we can not say that it was error to refuse 
 an instruction containing such a broad declaration as that announced in the 
 above quotation. 
 
 "Defendants further complain because the instruction numbered 13, 
 which was asked by them, was refused by the trial court. The refusal of 
 this instruction was not error. It was proper enough, so far as it stated 
 that if a person at the Haymarket ' without the knowledge, aid, counsel, 
 procurement, encouragement or abetting of the defendants or any of them, 
 then or theretofore given, . . . threw a bomb among the police, where- 
 from resulted the murder or homicide charged in the indictment, then the 
 defendants would not be liable for the results of such bomb,' etc. But the 
 instruction is so ingeniously worded as to lead the jury to believe that the 
 person who threw the bomb at the Haymarket was justified in doing so if 
 the meeting there was lawfully convened and peaceably conducted and if 
 the order to disperse was unauthorized and illegal. Counsel inject into the 
 instruction the hypothesis that the bomb may have been thrown by an out- 
 side party ' in pursuance of his view of the right of self-defense.' A mere 
 order to disperse can not be an excuse for throwing a dynamite bomb into 
 a body of policemen. If the bomb-thrower had been illegally and improp- 
 erly attacked by the police, while quietly attending a peaceable meeting, 
 and had thrown the bomb to defend himself against such attack, another 
 question would be presented. The vice of the instruction lies in the insid- 
 ious intimation embodied in it, that when a body of policemen, even if in 
 excess of their authority, give a verbal order to an assemblage to disperse, 
 a member of that assemblage will be excusable for throwing a bomb, on the 
 ground of self-defense and because of the supposed invasion of his rights. 
 
 " The instruction given by the court of its own motion, and which has 
 already been referred to, is also claimed to be erroneous. So far as it 
 speaks of murder and advice to commit murder in general terms, it is suffi- 
 ciently limited and qualified when read in connection with all the other 
 instructions, to which it specifically calls attention. It does not supersede 
 and stand as a substitute for the other instructions, given for both sides. 
 It does not so purport upon its face. On the contrary, the jury are directed 
 to ' carefully scrutinize ' such other instructions, and are told that their 
 apparent inconsistencies will disappear under such scrutiny. In the last 
 sentence they are requested to disregard any unguarded expressions that 
 may have crept into the instructions, ' which seem to assume the existence 
 of any facts,' and look only to the evidence, etc. Why caution the jury to 
 disregard certain expressions of a particular kind in the other instructions,
 
 THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION. 613 
 
 if the latter were to be entirely superseded ? We do not think that the 
 instruction given by the trial judge sua motu is obnoxious to the objections 
 urged against it. 
 
 " Defendants also object to the instruction as to the form of the verdict 
 as being erroneous. It is claimed that the jury were obliged, under this 
 instruction, to find the defendants either guilty or not guilty of murder, 
 whereas the jury were entitled to find that the offense was a lower grade of 
 homicide than murder, if the evidence so warranted. This position is fully 
 answered by our decisions in the cases of Dunn vs. The People, 109 111. 646, 
 and Dacey vs. The People, 116 id. 555. If counsel desired to have the jury 
 differently instructed as to the form of the verdict, they should have pre- 
 pared an instruction, indicating such form as they deemed to be correct, 
 and should have asked the trial court to give it. They did not do so, and 
 are in no position to complain here. 
 
 "The court, at the request of the defendants, did give the jury an instruc- 
 tion defining manslaughter in the words of the statute and specifying the 
 punishment therefor as fixed by the statute. The court also gave the jury 
 the following instruction : ' The jury are instructed that under an indict- 
 ment for murder a party accused may be found guilty of manslaughter ; and 
 in this case, if from a full and careful consideration of all the evidence 
 before you, you believe beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants or 
 any of them are guilty of manslaughter, you may so find by your verdict.' 
 
 " The next error assigned has reference to the impaneling of the jury. 
 The counsel for plaintiffs in error have made an able and elaborate argu- 
 ment for the purpose of showing that the jury which tried this case was 
 not an impartial jury in the sense in which the word 'impartial* is used 
 in our Constitution. We do not deem a consideration of all the points pre- 
 sented as necessary to a determination of the case, and shall only notice 
 those that seem to us to be material. 
 
 " Nine hundred and eighty-one men were called into the jury-box and 
 sworn to answer questions. Each one of the eight defendants was entitled 
 to a peremptory challenge of twenty jurors, making the whole number of 
 peremptory challenges allowed to the defense one hundred and sixty. 
 The State was entitled to the same number. Seven hundred and fifty-seven 
 were excused upon challenge for cause. One hundred and sixty were chal- 
 lenged peremptorily by the defense and fifty-two by the State. 
 
 " Of the twelve jurors who tried the case, eleven were accepted by the 
 defendants. They challenged one of these, whose name was Denker, for 
 cause, but, after the court overruled the challenge, they proceeded to fur- 
 ther question him and finally accepted him, although one hundred and forty- 
 two of their peremptory challenges were at that time unused. They ac- 
 cepted the ten others, including the juror Adams, without objection. When 
 Adams, the eleventh juror, was taken, they had forty-three peremptory chal- 
 lenges which they had not yet used. 
 
 " Therefore, as to eleven of the jurymen, the defendants are estopped 
 from complaining. They virtually agreed to be tried by them, because they 
 accepted them, when, by the exercise of their unused peremptory challenges, 
 they could have compelled every one of them to stand aside. 
 
 " Counsel for the defense complain that the trial court overruled their 
 challenges for cause of twenty-six talesmen, to whose examinations they 
 specifically call our attention. As they afterwards peremptorily challenged 
 the talesmen so referred to, no one of them sat upon the jury. Every one
 
 614 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 of these twenty-six men had been peremptorily challenged before the elev- 
 enth juror was taken. 
 
 " After the eleventh juror was accepted, the forty-three peremptory chal- 
 lenges which then remained to the defendants were all used by them before 
 the twelfth juror was taken. 
 
 " After the defendants had examined the twelfth juror, whose name was 
 Sandford, they challenged him for cause. Their challenge was overruled 
 and they excepted. 
 
 " The one hundred and sixty talesmen who were peremptorily challenged 
 by defendants were first challenged for cause, and the challenges for cause 
 were overruled by the trial court. It is claimed that, inasmuch as the de- 
 fendants exhausted all their peremptory challenges before the panel was 
 finally completed, the action of the court in regard to these particular jurors 
 will be considered, and, if erroneous, such action is good ground of reversal. 
 We think it must be made to appear that an objectionable juror was put 
 upon the defendants after they had exhausted their peremptory challenges. 
 ' Unless objection is shown to one or more of the jury who tried the case, 
 the antecedent rulings of the court upon the competency or incompetency 
 of jurors who have been challenged and stood aside will not be inquired 
 into in this court." Holt vs. State, 9 Texas Ct. App. 571. 
 
 " We cannot reverse this judgment for errors committed in the lower 
 court in overruling challenges for cause to jurors, even though defendants 
 exhausted their peremptory challenges, unless it is further shown that an 
 objectionable juror was forced upon them and sat upon the case after they 
 had exhausted their peremptory challenges. This doctrine is ably discussed 
 in Loggins vs. State, 12 Texas Ct. App. 65. We think the reasoning in that 
 case is sound and answers the objection here made. 
 
 " In addition to this reason, we have carefully considered the examina- 
 tions of the several jurors challenged by the defendants peremptorily, and 
 while we cannot approve all that was said by the trial judge in respect to 
 some of them, we find no such error in the rulings of the court in overruling 
 the challenges for cause as to any of them as would justify a reversal of the 
 cause. The examinations, as they appear in the record, of the forty-three 
 talesmen who were challenged peremptorily after the eleventh juror was 
 accepted, show that many of the forty-three challenges were exercised arbi- 
 trarily and without any apparent cause. Such challenges were not com- 
 pelled by any demonstrated unfitness of the jurors, but seem to have been 
 used up for no other purpose than to force the selection of one juror after 
 the forty-three challenges were exhausted. 
 
 " The only question, then, which we deem it material to consider, is : 
 Did the trial court err in overruling the challenge for cause of Sandford, the 
 twelfth juror? or, in other words, Was he a competent juror? 
 
 " The following is the material portion of his examination : 
 
 " Have you an opinion as to whether or not there was an offense committed at the Hay- 
 market meeting by the throwing of a bomb ? A. Yes. Q. Now, from all that you have 
 read and all that you have heard, have you an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of any of 
 the eight defendants of the throwing of that bomb ? A. Yes. Q. You have an opinion 
 upon that question also ? A. I have. . . . Q. Now, if you should be selected as a juror in 
 this case to try and determine it, do you believe that you could exercise legally the duties of 
 a juror, that you could listen to the testimony and all of the testimony and the charge of the 
 court, and after deliberation return a verdict which would be right and fair as between the 
 defendants and the People of the State of Illinois ? A. Yes, sir. Q. You believe that 
 you could do that ? A. Yes, sir. Q. You could fairly and impartially listen to the testi-
 
 THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION. 615 
 
 mony that is introduced here ? A. Yes. Q. And the charge of the court, and render an 
 impartial verdict, you believe ? A. Yes. Cj. Have you any knowledge of the principles 
 contended for by Socialists, Communists and Anarchists ? A. Nothing except what I read 
 in the papers. Q. Just general reading ? A. Yes. Q. You are not a Socialist, I pre- 
 sume, or a Communist ? A. No, sir. Q. Have you a prejudice against them from 
 what you have read in the papers ? A. Decided. Q. Do you believe that that would in- 
 fluence your verdict in this case or would you try the real issue which is here as to whether 
 the defendants were guilty of the murder of Mr. Degan or not, or would you try the ques- 
 tion of Socialism and Anarchism, which really has nothing to do with the case ? A. Well, 
 as I know so little about it in reality at present, it is a pretty hard question to answer. Q. You 
 would undertake, you would attempt of course to try the case upon the evidence introduced 
 here, upon the issue which is presented here ? A. Yes, sir. . Q. Well, then, so 
 
 far as that is concerned, I do not care very much what your opinion may be now, for your 
 opinion now is made up of random conversations and from newspaper reading, as I understand? 
 A. Yes. Q. That is nothing reliable. You do not regard that as being in the nature of 
 sworn testimony at all, do you ? A. No. Q. Now, when the testimony is introduced here and 
 the witnesses are examined, you see them and look into their countenances, judge who are 
 worthy of belief and who are not worthy of belief, don't you think then you would be able to 
 determine the question ? A. Yes. Q. Regardless of any impression that you might 
 have or any opinion ? A. Yes. Q. Have you any opposition to the organization by 
 laboring men of associations or societies or unions so far as they have reference to their own 
 advancement and protection and are not in violation of law ? A. No, sir. Q. Do you 
 know any of the members of the police force of the city of Chicago ? A. Not one by name. 
 Q. You are not acquainted with any one that was either injured or killed, I suppose, at the 
 Haymarket meeting ? A. No. . . . Q. If you should be selected as a juror in this case, 
 do you believe that, regardless of all prejudice or opinion which you now have, you could 
 listen to the legitimate testimony introduced in court, and upon that, and that alone, render 
 and return a fair and impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased verdict ? A. Yes. 
 
 The foregoing examination was by the defense. The following was by 
 the State : 
 
 " Cj. Upon what is your opinion founded upon newspaper reports? A. Well, it is 
 founded on the general theory and what I read in the newspapers. Q. And what you read 
 in the papers ? A. Yes, sir Q. Have you ever talked with any one that was present at 
 the Haymarket at the time the bomb was thrown ? A. No, sir. Have you ever talked with 
 any one who professed of his own knowledge to know anything about the connection of the 
 defendants with the throwing of that bomb ? A. No. Q. Have you ever said to any one 
 whether or not you believed the statement of facts in the newspapers to be true ? A. I 
 have never expressed it exactly in that way, but still I have no reason to think they were 
 false. Q. Well, the question is not what your opinion of that was. The question simply 
 is it is a question made necessary by our statute, perhaps. A. Well, I don't recall 
 whether I have or not. Q. So far as you know then, you never have ? A. No, sir. Q. 
 Do you believe that, if taken as a juror, you can try this case fairly and impartially and ren- 
 der an impartial verdict upon the law and the evidence ? A. Yes. 
 
 " It is objected that Sandford had formed such an opinion as disquali- 
 fied him from sitting upon the jury. 
 
 " It is apparent from the foregoing examination that the opinion of the 
 juror was based upon rumor or newspaper statements, and that he had ex- 
 pressed no opinion as to the truth of such rumors or statements. He 
 stated upon oath that he believed he could fairly and impartially render a 
 verdict in the case in accordance with the law and the evidence. That 
 the trial court was satisfied of the truth of his statement would appear from 
 the fact that the challenge for cause was overruled. 
 
 " Therefore, the examination of the juror shows a state of facts which 
 brings his case exactly within the scope and meaning of the third proviso 
 of the i4th section of chapter 78, entitled 'Jurors,' of our Revised Stat- 
 utes. That proviso is as follows : ' And provided further, that, in the trial 
 of any criminal cause, the fact that a person called as a juror has formed an 
 opinion or impression, based upon rumor or upon newspaper statements
 
 616 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 (about the truth of which he has expressed no opinion), shall not disqualify 
 him to serve as a juror in such case, if he shall, upon oath, state that he 
 believes he can fairly and impartially render a verdict therein in accordance 
 with the law and the evidence, and the court shall be satisfied of the truth 
 of such statement.' 
 
 "In Wilson vs. The People, 94 111. 299, one William Gray was examined 
 touching his qualifications as a juror and said : ' I have read newspaper 
 accounts of the commission of the crime with which the defendant is 
 charged and have also conversed with several persons in regard to it since 
 coming to Carthage and during my attendance upon this term of court ; do 
 not know whether they are witnesses in the case or not ; do not know who 
 the witnesses in the case are. From accounts I have read and from con- 
 versations I have had, I have formed an opinion in the case ; would have an 
 opinion now if the facts should turn out as I heard them, and I think it 
 would take some evidence to remove that opinion ; would be governed by 
 the evidence in the case and can give the defendant a fair and impartial 
 trial according to the law and the evidence.' Gray was challenged for 
 cause and the challenge overruled by the trial court. We held that all ob- 
 jection to Gray's competency was clearly removed by the proviso above 
 quoted. We also there said : ' The opinion formed seems not to have 
 been decided, but one of a light and transient character which at no time 
 would have disqualified the juror from serving.' 
 
 "The expressions of Sandford in the case at bar as to the opinion 
 formed by him are not so strong as those used by Gray in the Wilson case in 
 regard to his opinion. Sandford's impressions were not such as would 
 refuse to yield to the testimony that might be offered, nor were they such 
 as to close his mind to a fair consideration of the testimony. They were 
 not 'strong and deep impressions,' such as are referred to by Chief Justice 
 Marshall when he said upon the trial of Aaron Burr for treason : ' Those 
 strong and deep impressions which will close the mind against the testi- 
 mony which may be offered in opposition to them, which will combat that 
 testimony and resist its force, do constitute a sufficient objection' to a juror, 
 (i Burr's Trial, 416.) 
 
 " Counsel for the defense seem to claim in their argument that the pro- 
 viso above quoted is unconstitutional in that it violates section 9 of article 
 2 of the present Constitution of this State, which guarantees to the accused 
 party in every criminal prosecution ' a speedy public trial by an impartial 
 jury of the county or district in which the offense is alleged to have been 
 committed.' We do not think that the proviso is unconstitutional for the 
 reason stated. The rule which it lays down, when wisely applied, does not 
 lead to the selection of partial jurors. On the contrary, it tends to secure 
 intelligence in the jury-box and to exclude from it that dense ignorance 
 which has often subjected the jury system to just criticism. A statute upon 
 this subject, similar to ours and attacked as unconstitutional for the same 
 reason here indicated, was held to be constitutional by the Court of Appeals 
 in the State of New York in Stokes vs. The People, 53 N. Y. 171. 
 
 "The juror Sandford further stated that he had a prejudice against 
 Socialists, Communists and Anarchists. This did not disqualify him from 
 sitting as a juror. If the theories of the Anarchists should be carried into 
 practical effect, they would involve the destruction of all law and govern- 
 ment. Law and government cannot be abolished without revolution, blood- 
 shed and murder. The Socialist or Communist, if he attempted to put into
 
 THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION. 617 
 
 practical operation his doctrine of a community of property, would destroy 
 individual rights in property. Practically considered, the idea of taking a 
 man's property from him without his consent, for the purpose of putting it 
 into a common fund for the benefit of the community at large, involves the 
 commission of theft and robbery. Therefore, the prejudice which the ordi- 
 nary citizen, who looks at things from a practical standpoint, would have 
 against Anarchism and Communism, would be nothing more than a preju- 
 dice against crime. 
 
 " In Winnesheik Insurance Co. vs. Schucller, 60 111. 465, we said : ' A man 
 may have a prejudice against crime, against a mean action, against dishon- 
 esty, and still be a competent juror. This is proper, and such prejudice 
 will never force a jury to prejudge an innocent and honest man.' In Rob- 
 inson et al. vs. Randall, supra, we again said : ' The mere fact, therefore, 
 that a juror may have a prejudice against crime does not disqualify him as 
 a juror. A juror may be prejudiced against larceny, or burglary, or mur- 
 der, and yet such fact would not in the least disqualify him from sitting 
 upon a jury to try some person who might be charged with one of these 
 crimes.' 
 
 " Sandford stated that he would ' attempt to try the case upon the evi- 
 dence introduced here upon the issue which is presented here.' The issue 
 presented was whether the defendants were guilty or not guilty of the mur- 
 der of Mathias J. Degan. Any prejudice against Communism or Anar- 
 chism would not render a juror incapable of trying that issue fairly and 
 impartially. 
 
 " We cannot see that the trial court erred in overruling the challenge 
 for cause of the twelfth juror. This being so, it does not appear that the 
 defendants were injured, or that their rights were in any way prejudiced by 
 his selection as a juryman. 
 
 "On the motion for a new trial the defendants read three affidavits for 
 the purpose of showing that, shortly after May 4, 1886, two of the jurors 
 had given utterance to expressions showing prejudice against the defend- 
 ants. The two jurors made counter-affidavits denying that they had used 
 the expressions attributed to them. 
 
 "We do not think that the affidavits satisfactorily proved previously 
 expressed opinions on the part of the two jurors referred to. It was a dan- 
 gerous practice to allow verdicts to be set aside upon ex parte affidavits as 
 to what jurors are claimed to have said before they were summoned to act 
 as jurymen. The parties making such affidavits submit to no cross-exam- 
 ination, and the correctness of their statements is subjected to no test what- 
 ever. We adhere to the views which we have recently expressed upon this 
 subject in the case of Hughes vs. The People, 116 111. 330. 
 
 "The defendants claim that, although they were entitled to one hundred 
 and sixty peremptory challenges, yet the State was entitled to only twenty, 
 and they charge it as error that the State was allowed to peremptorily chal- 
 lenge more than twenty talesmen. The statute says : ' The attorney 
 prosecuting on behalf of the people shall be admitted to a peremptory 
 challenge of the same number of jurors that the accused is entitled to.' 
 (Rev. Stat. chap. 38, sec. 432.) We cannot conceive how language can be 
 plainer than that here used. It explains itself and requires no further 
 remark. The defendants also claim that the trial court erred in refusing 
 a separate trial, from the other defendants, to the defendants Spies, Schwab, 
 Fielden, Neebe and Parsons. Error cannot be assigned upon the refusal to
 
 6i8 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 grant separate trials where several are jointly indicted. It was a matter of 
 discretion with the court below. We so decided in Maton et al. vs. The 
 People, 15 111. 536. We are unable to see any abuse of the discretion in 
 this case. 
 
 " Defendants also take exceptions to the conduct of the special bailiff 
 The regular panel having been exhausted and the defendants having ob- 
 jected ' to the Sheriff summoning a sufficient number of persons to fill the 
 panel' of jurors, the court appointed a special bailiff named Ryce to sum- 
 mon such persons under section 13, chapter 78, of the Revised Statutes. 
 On the motion for new trial, defendants read the affidavit of one Stevens, in 
 which Stevens swore that he had heard one Favor say that he, Favor, had 
 heard Ryce say that he, Ryce, was summoning as jurors such men as the 
 defense would be compelled to challenge peremptorily, etc. The defend- 
 ants then made a motion, based upon this affidavit, that Favor be com- 
 pelled to come into court and testify to what Ryce had said to him. The 
 refusal of the court to grant the application is complained of as error. 
 
 " The statements in the affidavit were mere hearsay and were too indefi- 
 nite and remote to base any motion upon. Moreover, if Ryce did make 
 the remark in question to Favor, it does not appear that defendants were 
 harmed by it. There is nothing to show that Ryce made any remarks of 
 any kind, proper or improper, to the jurors whom he summoned. In addi- 
 tion to this, it is not shown that the defendants served Favor with a sub- 
 poena so as to lay a foundation for compelling his attendance. 
 
 "We think that the course pursued on the trial in regard to the man- 
 ner of impaneling the jury was correct and in accordance with the plain 
 meaning of section 21, chapter 78, of the Revised Statutes. That section 
 says ' that the jury shall be passed upon and accepted in panels of four by 
 the parties, commencing with the plaintiff.' The State is not called upon 
 to tender the defendants a second panel before the defendants tender it 
 back four. 
 
 " We can not see that the remarks of the State's Attorney in his argu- 
 ment to the jury were marked by any such improprieties as require a 
 reversal of the judgment. Wilson vs. The People, supra, and Garrity vs. 
 The People, 107 111. 162. 
 
 " In their lengthy argument counsel for the defense make some other 
 points of minor importance, which are not here noticed. As to these, it is 
 sufficient to say that we have considered them and do not regard them as 
 well taken. 
 
 " The judgment of the Criminal Court of Cook County is affirmed." 
 
 After the reading of the decision, Justice Mulkey stated that it had 
 been his intention, if health had permitted, to file a separate opinion. He 
 said : 
 
 "While I concur in the conclusion reached, and also in the general view 
 presented in the opinion filed, I do not wish to be understood as holding 
 that the record is free from error, for I do not think it is. I am nevertheless 
 of opinion that none of the errors complained of are of so serious a char- 
 acter as to require a reversal of the judgment. 
 
 " In view of the number of defendants on trial, the great length of time 
 it was in progress, the vast amount of testimony offered and passed upon 
 by the court, and the almost numberless rulings the court was required to
 
 THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION. 619 
 
 make, the wonder with me is, that the errors were not more numerous and 
 more serious than they are. 
 
 " In short, after having carefully examined the record, and given all the 
 questions arising upon it my very best thought, with an earnest and con- 
 scientious desire to faithfully discharge my whole duty, I am .satisfied fully 
 that the conclusion reached vindicates the law, does complete justice be- 
 tween the prisoners and the State, and that it is fully warranted by the law 
 and the evidence."
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 The Last Legal Struggle The Need of Money Expensive Counsel 
 Secured Work of the "Defense Committee" Pardon, the Only Hope Pleas for 
 Mercy to Gov. Oglesby Curious Changes of Sentiment Spies' Remarkable Offer 
 Lingg's Horrible Death Bombs in the Starch-box An Accidental Discovery My 
 own Theory Description of the "Suicide Bombs" Meaning of the Short Fuse 
 ' ' Count Four and Throw " Details of Lingg's Self-murder A Human Wreck The 
 Bloody Record in the Cell The Governor's Decision Fielden and Schwab Taken to 
 the Penitentiary. 
 
 IN spite of this overwhelming defeat at the hands of the Supreme Court of 
 Illinois, counsel for the Anarchists did not lose hope. They at once set 
 about formulating plans to carry their case before the highest tribunal under 
 the law, the Supreme Court of the United States, and for some time they 
 labored unremittingly in preparing the necessary grounds on which to bring 
 the matter within the jurisdistion of that court. The point on which they 
 mainly relied was a constitutional question involving the validity of the jury 
 law of the State of Illinois, but time was necessary to put in proper shape 
 other questions incidental to the main issue, growing out of rulings in the 
 trial court. Meanwhile money was needed, just as it had been during 
 the trial and the appeal to the State Supreme Court. It had been resolved 
 to call into the service of the convicted men eminent constitutional lawyers, 
 of national reputation as well as of high standing before the highest tribu- 
 nal in the land, and contributions were accordingly sought throughout the 
 country by the Anarchist "Defense Committee" of Chicago, a body which 
 had been organized preceding the trial. In compliance with the call, a 
 great deal of money was subscribed, and the local counsel began to cast 
 about for legal assistance among the most noted constitutional expounders 
 in the Union, to properly prepare the case for presentation at Washington. 
 Capt. Black, to whom this duty seems to have been mainly intrusted, finally 
 decided upon Gen. Pryor, of New York, and J. Randolph Tucker, and with 
 these eminent jurists he held long consultations on the best points to make 
 before the court of last resort. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler was also called 
 into the case as special counsel for Spies and Fielden. 
 
 Finally, on Thursday, October 27, 1887, the case was brought before the 
 United States Supreme Court, and arguments were heard before a full 
 bench. Mr. Tucker was the first to speak, and held the court's attention 
 for some time, contending that the Illinois jury law was in contravention 
 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. 
 That amendment, he said, had been adopted, and had been construed by 
 the court as for the special protection of the negro, and he insisted that it 
 should be opened up for the protection of the whites as well. Upon this 
 
 620
 
 BEFORE THE HIGHEST COURT. 621 
 
 point he elaborated at some length, consuming nearly the whole time allot- 
 ted to him, and then he proceeded to show that an impartial jury had not 
 been chosen in the trial court, some men upon it reference being made to 
 Denker and Sandford having formed a newspaper opinion, but, in spite of 
 that fact, having still been admitted under the rulings of the court. The 
 first ten amendments to the Constitution, he held, limited the States in the 
 adoption of laws abridging the rights of citizens. His whole argument 
 received marked attention and was ably presented. 
 
 Benjamin F. Butler made a few points in addition to those presented in 
 his brief, but the main burden of his plea was that his clients, Spies and 
 Fielden, were aliens and had come to this country under treaties made with 
 Germany and England, long before the jury law of Illinois was passed. 
 
 Attorney-General Hunt, of Illinois, replied to the various points made 
 by the petitioners, showing that the Federal Constitution, in its first ten 
 amendments, did not restrict the rights of a State in the regulation of jury 
 selections, and that there was no refuge for any of the defendants under the 
 treaties. It was an eloquent and masterly argument, and its effect on the 
 court was subsequently shown in the decision, which closely followed in the 
 line of Mr. Hunt's position on the matters in question. 
 
 State's Attorney Grinnell was present simply to assist the Attorney- 
 General in pointing out the salient features in the record of the trial court, 
 with which he was so thoroughly familiar, but, on solicitation, he also ad- 
 dressed the court at some length. He spoke with reference to some details 
 in the trial, and made a clear and concise exposition of the case. He was 
 followed by General Butler, who spoke at considerable length, but advanced 
 no new points, except that he maintained that Spies had been compelled to 
 testify against himself. 
 
 The arguments occupied two days, and the court reserved its decision 
 until Wednesday, November 2. On that day the court decided, on the 
 claim that the first ten amendments to the Constitution limited the rights 
 of a State in the passage of laws affecting personal rights, that they "were 
 not intended to limit the powers of the State Government in respect to 
 their own citizens, but to operate on the National Government alone." 
 This had been decided more than fifty years before, and that decision had 
 been steadily adhered to ever since. " It was contended in argument," 
 said the court, "that, although originally the first two amendments were 
 adopted as limitations on Federal power, yet, in so far as they secure and 
 recognize fundamental rights, common-law rights of the man, they make 
 them privileges and immunities of the man as a citizen of the United States 
 and cannot now be abridged by a State under the Fourteenth Amendment." 
 The objections raised, in brief, were that a statute of the State, as construed 
 by the court, deprived the petitioners of a trial by an impartial jury and 
 that Spies was compelled to give evidence against himself. The statute to
 
 622 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 which special objection was made, continued the court, was approved 
 March 12, 1874, and went into force on July i of that year. The claim set 
 up by petitioners was that the trial court, acting under this law, compelled 
 them against their will to submit to a trial by a jury that was not impar- 
 tial, and thus deprived them of one of the fundamental rights they had as 
 citizens of the United States under the Federal Constitution, and that if 
 the sentence was carried out they would be deprived of their lives " without 
 due process of law." The court then referred to the peremptory challenges 
 allowed petitioners and held that with these the constitutional right of the 
 accused had been maintained. 
 
 "Although a juror called as a juryman," said the court, "may have 
 formed an opinion based upon rumor or newspaper statement, he is still 
 qualified as a juror if he states that he can fairly and impartially render a 
 verdict thereon in accordance with the law and the evidence. Indeed, the 
 rule of the statute of Illinois as construed by the trial court is not materially 
 different from that which has been adopted by the courts in many other 
 States without any legislation. We agree entirely with the Illinois Supreme 
 Court in the opinion that the statute on its face, as construed by the trial 
 court, is not repugnant to section 9 of article 2 of the Constitution of that 
 State, which guarantees to the accused party in every criminal prosecution 
 a speedy trial by an impartial jury of the county or district in which the 
 offense is alleged to have been committed." 
 
 Speaking of the alleged bias of one of the jurors Denker the court 
 says that neither party at the close of the examination challenged the juror 
 peremptorily. "When this occurred it was not denied," says the court, 
 "that the defendants were still entitled to 143 peremptory challenges, or 
 about that number." As to Juror Sandford, the court said that "at the 
 close of his examination on the part of the defendants the juror was chal- 
 lenged on their behalf for cause, and the attorney for the State, after having 
 ascertained that all the peremptory challenges of the defendants had been 
 exhausted, took up the examination of the juror." It then appearing that 
 he could render an impartial verdict, he was sworn in under the proper rul- 
 ings of the court. 
 
 As to Spies being compelled to be a witness against himself, the court 
 ruled that, inasmuch as he had voluntarily offered himself as a witness in his 
 own behalf, by so doing he had become bound to submit himself to a proper 
 cross-examination. But it was said that the reading of Most's letter was 
 not proper evidence. " That is," continued the court, "a question of State 
 law in the courts of the States, and not of Federal law. " Something was 
 said about the alleged unreasonable search and seizure of the papers and 
 property of some of the defendants, and their use in evidence in the trial of 
 the case. Special reference was made to letters from Most to Spies, about 
 which he was cross-examined; but "we have," said the court, "not been
 
 CURIOUS CHANGES OF SENTIMENT. 623 
 
 referred to any part of the record in which it appears that objection was 
 made to the use of the evidence on that account," and therefore, "as the 
 Supreme Court of Illinois says so, we cannot consider the constitutional 
 question involved." 
 
 The writ of error prayed for in the petitions and briefs filed and the 
 arguments made on their merits was therefore denied. 
 
 The late Chief Justice Waite read the decision, and there was not a dis- 
 senting opinion, thus overwhelmingly sustaining the most important rulings 
 made by Judge Gary and attesting the impregnable position taken by the 
 State. 
 
 The prisoners in the Cook County Jail were now confronted with the 
 awful fate in store for them nine days hence from the rendering of the 
 Supreme Court's decision. But, like drowning men grasping at straws, 
 they turned in the direction of executive clemency. Their counsel, Capt. 
 Black especially, entertained strong hopes of securing from Gov. Oglesby 
 a commutation of sentence to imprisonment in the penitentiary. Steps 
 were accordingly taken looking to that end. Petitions to the chief ex- 
 ecutive of Illinois were at once put in circulation for signatures, and friends 
 and sympathizers of the condemned busied themselves in writing personal 
 letters pleading for mercy. 
 
 As the day of execution approached, it was surprising to note how many, 
 who had hitherto clamored for blood in atonement for the Haymarket 
 massacre, now exerted themselves in the effort to secure executive clemency. 
 With my own eyes I saw people who had made the most fuss shouting, 
 " Hang the Anarchists! Don't give them a chance for their lives. Des- 
 troy them at once. They must be roasted out ; the balance of them must 
 leave the country," the first to weaken. They began calling the doomed 
 Anarchists " poor innocent men ; it is too bad to hang them. If they would 
 only promise to do better hereafter, the authorities ought to let them go. '* 
 There were others, again, who wished to see the laws enforced, but who 
 failed to make their true feelings known during the interval immediately 
 preceding the day set for the execution. These, when it became almost 
 certain that the Anarchists must hang, showed themselves very firm and 
 openly declared that the men fully deserved hanging, and should be hanged 
 as determined by the verdict of the jury. 
 
 Some of those who had given their moral support to the prosecution 
 even went to the extent of giving up rooms in their residences for meetings 
 of parties interested in imploring executive clemency, and avowed Anar- 
 chists and Socialists spread their feet under mahogany tables and shuffled 
 dirt-laden shoes over velvety rugs in houses that had hitherto sheltered 
 owners who, on the streets and in the marts of trade, had denounced the 
 Anarchists in unmeasured terms. But there were those who believed, from 
 the conclusion of the trial up to the last moment, that the law should take
 
 624 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 its course, and these were largely in the majority. Governor Oglesby is 
 made of stern material, but the most stern and rugged natures, with the 
 clearest perceptions of duty and the most absolute belief in guilt, would 
 have yielded to public sentiment as being the best guide in a case involving 
 the lives of human, fallible beings. Really public sentiment upheld the ver- 
 dict, and only yielded in the abatement of the sentence of Fielden and 
 Schwab as justified by the mitigating circumstances in their cases. 
 
 The day drew near for decisive action, and, on the gth of November, 
 Capt. Black, accompanied by his wife, George Schilling, Mrs. Schwab, Mrs. 
 and Miss Spies, Miss Engel, Miss Mueller, Lingg's sweetheart, and Mrs. 
 Fischer, repaired to the Capitol at Springfield, to personally intercede for 
 mercy. The " Amnesty Committee," organized shortly before to arouse 
 interest in preventing the execution, was represented by Cora L. V. Rich- 
 mond, a noted trance-spiritualistic exhorter, and a few others of less renown. 
 Mr. W. M. Salter, of the Ethical Society of Chicago, Gen. M. M. Trum- 
 bull, Henry D. Lloyd and S. P. McConnell also proceeded to the State 
 capital on special missions in behalf of one or the other of the Anarchists, 
 and besides there was a large sprinkling of labor representatives. Gov- 
 ernor Oglesby, who had meanwhile accumulated a voluminous mass of 
 letters and had received lengthy petitions from Chicago and all other parts 
 of the country, even from the Commune of Paris, met the various delega- 
 tions in his office in the Executive Department. 
 
 The first speaker was Capt. Black, who presented a long petition, which 
 he read, signed by Schwab, Fielden and Spies. It set forth the grounds 
 upon which an exercise of the pardoning power was invoked, claiming that 
 the signers were wholly innocent of any knowledge of the throwing of the 
 bomb, and giving a brief epitome of the, history of the case. It gave ten 
 reasons for asking a pardon. These reasons may be summarized as follows : 
 
 1. They were innocent of the bomb-throwing, alike in act and intent. 
 
 2. They had no knowledge of any purpose or arrangement for the throw- 
 ing of the bomb. 3. They (those present) counseled peace at the Hay- 
 market meeting and there disclaimed any purpose of violence. 4. A great 
 deal of evidence was permitted to be presented in court which had no spe- 
 cific reference to the crime charged, and an effort was made to prove that 
 their utterances and advice had reference alone to "defensive action by the 
 wage class as against any unlawful attacks upon them," and in thus pub- 
 licly expressing their sentiments by pen and speech they were not conscious 
 that they were violating the law. 5. Under a rule of responsibility allowed, 
 which was contrary to Anglo-Saxon legislation but expressed in the statute 
 law of the State, they were held to be accessories " for the act of a supposed 
 but absolutely unknown and unidentified principal, when the actor in the 
 commission of the crime charged may have acted, not as the agent, but the 
 enemy, of the accused ;" and they had been tried as "the supposed leaders
 
 ASKING EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY, 625 
 
 of a general movement or conspiracy embracing a much larger number of 
 men." 6. Their trial was at a time of great public excitement, when press 
 and public demanded their conviction as enemies of public order. 7. That 
 men were allowed to sit upon the jury with strong prejudices against them. 
 
 8. They were not tried by men according to constitutional rights, but had 
 jurors "with a prejudgment of their guilt induced and inflamed by the daily 
 reading of the papers," whose columns had never ceased to denounce them, 
 
 9. Some of them were subjected to illegal cross-examinations, and " the pro- 
 visions of the Constitution and the law were set aside, and property unlaw- 
 fully seized in unauthorized searches was introduced to bring about a con- 
 viction. " 10. They believed and charged that the special bailiff who was 
 intrusted with securing talesmen for the jury had deliberately selected men 
 whose views he was assured were hostile to them. 
 
 Capt. Black commented upon each -point made in the petition, and ex- 
 plained that up to the time of the Haymarket meeting his clients had had 
 the absolute, uniform acquiescence of the municipal authorities in all their 
 public and secret gatherings. He also read an affidavit of Otis S. Favor, to- 
 show that the bailiff had said to affiant that he was " managing this case '* 
 (meaning selection of the jury to try the Anarchists) and "he knew what he 
 was about." 
 
 The plea was an eloquent and forcible one, but the Governor never gave 
 the slightest sign as to how far it had affected his judgment of the case. 
 
 Mrs. Richmond spoke with reference to the petitions which her committee 
 had presented, containing many signatures, and explained that " the major- 
 ity of those who had signed them had done so because they considered it a 
 matter of public policy that these men should not be hanged." Another 
 reason she advanced was that " these men did not intend a murder, and the 
 fact cannot be, shown that they had any direct connection in the throwing of 
 the bomb which caused the death of Officer Degan." She held that public 
 opinion was unanimous that these men could not afford to be sacrificed. 
 "The shock upon the rising generation will be such that it will take fifty or 
 one hundred years to wipe it out, and we believe it never could be wiped 
 out from the records of this State." She asked that the sentence be com- 
 muted " on the higher ground that it should be done for the welfare of the 
 people," and then, after deploring the existence of capital punishment in 
 Illinois, she said that if mercy was shown by the Governor, his name would 
 forever be written on the scroll of humanity along with that of the martyred 
 Abraham Lincoln. " I again implore you, sir, to extend clemency to these 
 condemned men, and enroll your name among those who have dared to do 
 for humanity what all the courts of the land have denied." 
 
 Gen. M. M. Trumbull had had a pamphlet prepared respecting the trial, 
 and after presenting a copy of it to the Governor, and calling attention to 
 the fact that he had therein reviewed the unfairness of the trial, he made a
 
 626 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 few remarks, closing as follows : " In behalf of the families of these men ; in 
 behalf of the men themselves ; in behalf of thousands and hundreds of 
 thousands of people who sympathize with them in their misfortunes, I 
 implore your Excellency to show mercy in their case." 
 
 Elijah M. Haines, ex-Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives, 
 said : " I do not come here, your Excellency, like others, to appeal to the 
 executive of this State to exercise an act of clemency ; neither do I come 
 here representing petitioners. But I come here representing a sentiment 
 appealing to the executive branch of the government for an act of justice." 
 His plea was based simply on the ground of justice, not policy, and he held 
 that what had been a crime years ago was not a crime now, and that "this 
 sentence, at this time, would not have been the sentence of the barbarous race 
 that preceded us." He held that no conspiracy had been proven, and that 
 the men had been condemned to die through prejudice. He did not believe 
 in capital punishment, and concluded that "the peculiar complication of this 
 case would make the execution of these men hazardous to the best interests 
 of society." 
 
 State Senator Streeter made a short address. He began by saying : 
 "We are not here to favor any crime, but we do believe that this case 
 marks an epoch in our history ; that you and I, Governor, and the people 
 who are living, probably never met or never will again meet an emergency 
 in history like this. It is almost without parallel." He then pleaded for 
 clemency on the ground of " the common good of society," and asked the 
 Governor to give the petition a careful consideration. 
 
 Messrs. Bailey and Campbell, representing the Trades and Labor 
 Assembly of Quincy, 111., each spoke a few words for the doomed men, 
 and they were followed by William Urban, who spoke "for the German 
 workingmen of North Chicago," and presented a set of resolutions passed 
 by the Central Labor Union. 
 
 L. S. Oliver, on behalf of the "Amnesty Committee," made a few state- 
 ments and presented a petition containing 41,000 names. 
 
 Mr. Shullenberg, of Detroit, Mich., said he represented forty-five or- 
 ganizations, and he asked, on their behalf, that executive clemency be 
 extended. 
 
 C. G. Dixon, of Chicago, also submitted a long petition, and addressed 
 the Governor at some length. He was followed by Samuel Gompers, of 
 New York, President of the American Federation of Labor, who went into 
 an account of the eight-hour movement, and held that the police were 
 responsible for the Haymarket riot. He said that thousands would consider 
 that the men had been executed because they had stood up for free speech 
 and free assemblage, and maintained that throughout the civilized world 
 there had arisen a protest against the execution of the men. He concluded 
 by saying that the throwing of that bomb had killed the eight-hour move-
 
 "FATAL FACILITY OF SPEECH." . 627 
 
 ment, and that, had it not been for that, it would have been successful to a 
 great extent. 
 
 Other addresses were made by Edward King, of District Assembly 49, 
 of New York ; President Quinn, of the same organization, and George 
 Schilling. The various delegations then withdrew to permit the relatives 
 of the doomed men to confer personally with the Governor, and then each 
 in turn gave a few reasons why the Governor should be lenient. 
 
 After this conference Mr. J. R. Buchanan and Mrs. George Schilling, 
 accompanied by two friends, sought an audience with the Governor and 
 presented a personal letter from August Spies. In that letter, dated 
 November 6, among other things he wrote : 
 
 " I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one I am 
 accused of in particular. I have done that, and leave the rest to the judg- 
 ment of history. ... If a sacrifice of life there must be, will not my life 
 suffice ? The State's Attorney of Cook County asked for no more. Take 
 this, then ! Take my life ! I offer it to you so that you may satisfy the 
 fury of a semi-barbaric mob, and save that of my comrades." 
 
 This extract fully indicates the whole tenor of the letter. 
 
 Messrs. Salter, Lloyd and McConnell next visited the Governor and 
 spoke on behalf of the men. 
 
 Mr. Edward Johnson, a slate and stone dealer of Chicago, presented a 
 petition on behalf of Fielden's former employers, numbering thirty-one 
 firms, and in that document they set forth that they had known Fielden for 
 fifteen years as an honest, hard-working, sober, reliable employe, with no 
 brutal or bloody instincts, and that the only trouble with him was that " he 
 was cursed with a gift of rude eloquence, a fatal facility of speech, and had 
 a consuming desire for the praise and applause of his fellow-men, and in 
 this lay the cause of his downfall." 
 
 This petition was accompanied by a personal letter from Fielden, dated 
 November 5, 1887. After speaking of his earlier years, and his interest in 
 the cause of workingmen, the letter concludes : 
 
 " I was intoxicated with the applause of my hearers, and, the more vio- 
 lent my language, the more applause I received. My audience and myself 
 mutually excited each other. I think, however, it is true that, for sensa- 
 tional or other purposes, words were put in my mouth and charged to me 
 which I never uttered ; but, whether this be true or not, I say now that I no 
 longer believe it proper that any class of society should attempt to right its 
 own wrongs by violence. I can now see that much that I said under 
 excitement was unwise, and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that 
 I ever consciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of crime. 
 Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization which was engaged 
 at one time in preparing for a social revolution, I was not engaged in any 
 conspiracy to manufacture or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a 
 revolver in my life and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the 
 slightest idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a
 
 628 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this city, and 
 was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have always felt keenly 
 the loss of life and suffering there occasioned. 
 
 " In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I confess with 
 regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable words, I am not a murderer. 
 I never had any murderous intent, and I humbly pray relief from the mur- 
 derer's doom. That these statements are true I do again solemnly affirm 
 by every tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your Excellency will give a 
 considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to those of my im- 
 prisoned companions who have been sentenced with me." 
 
 Judge Gary and Mr. Grinnell also wrote a letter setting forth this 
 natural desire of Fielden's for applause and saying that there was no evi- 
 dence showing that he knew of any preparations to throw the bomb. They 
 believed him to have been an honest and industrious man and thought exec- 
 utive clemency in his case would be justifiable. 
 
 A letter from Schwab was also presented to the Governor. It was short 
 and read as follows : 
 
 " As supplemental to the petition heretofore signed by me, I desire to 
 say that I realize that many utterances of mine in connection with the labor 
 agitation of the past, expressions made under intense excitement, and often 
 without any deliberation, were injudicious. These I regret, believing that 
 they must have had a tendency to incite to unnecessary violence oftentimes. 
 I protest again that I had no thought or purpose of violence in connection 
 with the Haymarket meeting, which I did not even attend, and that I have 
 always deplored the results of that meeting." 
 
 This was accompanied by a letter from Judge Gary, concurring with 
 State's Attorney Grinnell's opinion that Schwab's case deserved considera- 
 tion, as the man was friendless and had evidently been the pliant tool of 
 stronger-willed men. George C. Ingham also wrote, saying that if execu- 
 tive clemency was shown to Fielden and Schwab it would not be misplaced. 
 
 While the case was thus being discussed at Springfield, Parsons, Lingg, 
 Engel and Fischer were strongly urged by their friends to send personal 
 letters appealing for clemency, but each absolutely refused. They wrote 
 letters to the Governor, but declared that they would not accept a pardon 
 unless it restored them to full liberty. They held that they had committed 
 no wrong, and hence could seek no clemency except that which would re- 
 lease them from imprisonment. 
 
 On the same day that the delegations appeared befor the Governor, Mr. 
 Vere V. Hunt went before Judge Richard J. Prendergast, of the County 
 Court in Chicago, and filed a petition to try the sanity of Lingg. He gave 
 as witnesses Dr. James G. Kiernan, George E. Detwiler, Ferdinand 
 Spies, Ida Spies, Henry Spies, Chris Spies, Mr. Kuttleman, Gustav Poch, 
 Louis Zetter, Mr. Linnemeyer and W. Bentthin. After arguments, Judge 
 Prendergast held that, in view of the judgment of the Supreme Court, affirm- 
 ing the sentence of the Criminal Court, he had no jurisdiction. The next
 
 A STARTLING INCIDENT. 
 
 629 
 
 -day Mr. Hunt presented the same petition to Judge Frank Baker, but, after 
 hearing arguments, the court declined to examine into the question of the 
 bomb-maker's sanity. 
 
 Another curious move was also made on behalf of Parsons on the day 
 preceding the execution. It was an application for a writ of habeas corpus 
 by Attorney Salomon, and was presented before Judge M. F. Tuley. The 
 .grounds on which it was based were that the judgment affirmed by the 
 Supreme Court was directed against seven men and not against one, and 
 that the prisoner, not being in court when the sentence was passed, could 
 not be executed under it. He also claimed that the death warrant was not 
 legal because it did not run in the name of the people of the State of Illi- 
 nois. Judge Tuley said the court had no power to correct any errors of 
 the Supreme Court, and that the prisoner was 
 legally in the custody of the Sheriff, and the ap- 
 plication would accordingly be denied. 
 
 While favorable results were being anticipated 
 by some as to the Governor's decision, an incident 
 occurred which dampened their expectations and 
 somewhat affected public sentiment in the belief of 
 the guilt of the conspirators. Although it proba- 
 bly had no effect on the Governor's decision, An- 
 archists at large thought it would highly prejudice 
 the case of their friends at his hands. This inci- 
 dent was the horrible suicide of Louis Lingg. 
 
 While the Anarchists were confined in the 
 Cook County Jail they were quartered in that por- 
 tion of the premises known as "murderers' row." 
 This row faces south on the first gallery, in view 
 of the entrance to the jail corridor, and had been 
 .so designated because in times past men accused 
 of murder and awaiting trial, or men convicted of murder and awaiting exe- 
 cution of sentence, were kept in the cells on that tier. Lingg, the most 
 defiant Anarchist of them all, occupied cell No. 22 ; Engel, No. 23 ; Spies, 
 No. 24 ; Schwab, No. 26 ; Fielden, No. 27, and Fischer, No. 28. During 
 Neebe's detention, before being taken to the penitentiary, he occupied cell 
 No. 21. All the prisoners were subjected to strict prison discipline. The 
 rules of the jail knew no relaxation in the case of any one brought into 
 that part of the establishment, and each regulation was carried out to the 
 very letter. 
 
 Jailor Folz is a veteran in the service, having filled the jailorship off and 
 on for twenty-two years, and he thoroughly understands all the requirements 
 in the way of jail discipline, to prevent escapes and guard against suicides 
 and assaults. I know him well, and he always has one ear and one eye open 
 
 JAILOR FOLZ. 
 
 From a Photograph.
 
 630 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to the conduct of the prisoners and the other eye and ear for his own security, 
 like a sailor who gives one-half of his body to the ship and reserves the other 
 half for his own safety. Where so many desperate characters are confined 
 it requires the utmost vigilance to keep them under control and restrain them 
 from violent outbreaks. Men whose lives have been almost a continual 
 record of misdeeds, crimes and murders are not, as a rule, easily handled, 
 and the wonder is that there have been so few to create trouble in Folz's 
 bailiwick. 
 
 One of the rules is a regular inspection of all the cells for contraband 
 articles and the exclusion of all implements calculated to aid a prisoner in 
 effecting his escape. Sometimes a revolver may be found during these in- 
 spections ; at other times a tiny saw for cutting the bars, and then again 
 some tool for cutting through the flagstones with a view to reaching the air- 
 shaft or getting into the sewer underneath ; and, though rarely, even smug- 
 gled poison has been discovered. 
 
 All prisoners are carefully searched before being locked up, but it fre- 
 quently happens that prisoners are permitted to talk with their friends 
 through the lawyers' cage. This cage is an inclosure ten by sixteen feet in 
 dimensions, with iron bars and strong wires, and while it would seem im- 
 possible to pass anything through the narrow interstices, now and then an 
 aperture is pried open wide enough to pass in contraband articles. In 
 this way many things have been found smuggled into the jail. Food and 
 delicacies handed into the jail office for prisoners are always carefully 
 examined, and this precaution was particularly exercised in the case of 
 the Anarchists as the time approached for their execution. 
 
 On Sunday morning, November 6, 1887, Mr. Folz gave orders about 
 eight o'clock to have the cells of the Anarchists searched, and Deputies 
 John Eagan and O. E. Hogan were detailed for that purpose. Lingg's cell 
 was first examined, and while the search proceeded he was locked up in 
 the "lawyers' cage." A lot of revolutionary books, copies of the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung and other papers were taken out and thrown temporarily in the 
 corridor. In one corner of the room stood a ten-pound starch-box, in one 
 nook of which there was a kerosene lamp, about which again some onions 
 were piled. Box and onions were placed on the gallery platform for the 
 time being. 
 
 The officers were next about to proceed to a search of Engel's cell, but 
 just before doing so Hogan happened to kick box, onions and all over the 
 platform, down onto the main floor. At the time some of the prisoners, 
 who were exercising themselves in the corridor, got curious as to the 
 contents of the rubbish, and, in the hope of finding something they might 
 desire, began a search of the pile. Some of them seemed particularly 
 interested in something they had discovered, and Hogan, noticing their 
 intent gaze, stopped to look at the*m. He noticed that one of the prisoners
 
 THE SUICIDE BOMBS. 631 
 
 i 
 
 had something strange in his hands. Eagan also noticed the same thing 
 and started on a run down-stairs. Arriving at the place where the knot of 
 prisoners had gathered, he found that the curious object which they were 
 scrutinizing was nothing else than a dynamite bomb. The bomb, it 
 appears, had been dashed out of the box as it fell on the floor from the 
 gallery platform above, and interest at once centered in the innocent- 
 looking box. Mr. Eagan found therein three other bombs, and they were 
 immediately taken to Jailor Folz's office. The box was next carefully 
 examined, and it was found to have a false bottom, in which the bombs had 
 been concealed. Some six days before this box had been brought into 
 the jail, and, being apparently empty, it had been passed in to Lingg. It 
 was evident that it had been made according to Lingg's instructions by 
 some handy carpenter who was a close friend, and, judging from its 
 construction, it seems to have been patterned after Lingg's trunk, which, 
 it will be remembered, also had a false bottom, and in whose secret apart- 
 ment I found a lot of dynamite, together with a coil of fuse and a supply 
 of caps. Either the bombs were in the box at the time it was brought to 
 the jail, or they must have been smuggled in through a temporarily-forced 
 opening in the wire cage. The officials incline to the former theory. 
 
 Lingg was a most interested spectator. It was evident from his actions 
 that the discovery greatly troubled him. His face became almost livid 
 with rage, his eyes fairly snapped fire, and he fumed in his cage like an im- 
 prisoned beast of prey. He was speechless with anger, and every motion 
 betrayed an energy of passion that was fearful to behold. 
 
 After a little while Lingg was taken out of the "lawyers' cage," and 
 thereafter he was confined in a cell fixed up for him on the lower floor, where 
 he could be directly under the eyes of the officials, who by this time had 
 come to regard him as a very dangerous man. At ten o'clock on the same 
 morning, I received a dispatch from the Sheriff asking me to call at the 
 jail immediately. Arriving there, I met Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and 
 after they had explained the circumstances of the morning's find, the four 
 bombs were handed to me for examination. I found that they were all 
 loaded with dynamite of the regular kind, and I gave it as my opinion that 
 they were manifestly intended for suicidal purposes, to escape the gallows. 
 I could not believe that they were made for any other purpose. Both the 
 Sheriff and the Jailor concurred in this view, and they so expressed them- 
 selves to outsiders, although sensational reports were circulated in the 
 newspapers that the bombs were smuggled in to be used especially on the 
 day of the execution, to blow the jail, prisoners and visitors to the four 
 winds. 
 
 I took charge of the bombs, ajid subsequently, at the station, gave them 
 a more thorough examination. They were all of the same size, being six 
 inches long, three-eighth gas-pipe, and one end of each had been plugged
 
 632 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 with a boiler rivet one inch long. On each rivet there had been cut 
 about a dozen notches with a sharp chisel, and after the rivets had been 
 inserted hot lead had been poured into the pipe from the top, thus fasten- 
 ing them in place. A wooden plug, through which a hole had been bored in 
 the center for the cap and fuse, had been put at the other end of each pipe ; 
 and thus plugged, with a charge of dynamite inside, it was a most destruc- 
 tive implement. The dynamite used was of the regular factory make, the 
 percussion cap of English manufacture, and the fuse of the tar-cloth, water- 
 proof kind. The fuse was cut scarcely an inch long, and a fuse of that 
 length would explode the cap as soon almost as it was ignited. I explained 
 these features in a general way to Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and told 
 them that with such a short fuse no one using one of these deadly contriv- 
 ances could light it and then throw the bomb away before it would explode. 
 It might, as I explained to them, be kept about the body or inserted in a 
 man's mouth, and in an instant after being lighted an explosion would follow. 
 
 Hence my theory was that they were designed ex- 
 clusively for suicidal purposes. A photographic il- 
 lustration of the suicide bombs appears on page 595. 
 The bomb used at the Haymarket was of the 
 kind called the " five and six seconds fuse." The 
 fuse on a bomb of that kind was cut at a length of 
 four inches, and the instruction to Anarchists in 
 handling one of them was to count four just as soon 
 as the fuse caught fire, and then throw it. If the 
 bombs found in Lingg's cell had had that length 
 of fuse, then it might have been possible that they 
 were intended for general destruction. These 
 bombs had evidently been made under instruc- 
 tions from Lingg. He was the only one who 
 made bombs by plugging up one end with lead, 
 and, whoever the party was that turned them out for him, he must have had 
 some prior experience with Lingg in bomb-making. That could be plainly 
 seen, too, in the way the fuse had been fastened in the caps. It was also mani- 
 fest that the man must have been a machinist. But no clue as to his iden- 
 tity could be secured, and, of course, Lingg never gave the slightest hint to 
 any of the officers, or even to his associates. 
 
 Thereafter, as might have been expected, Lingg was more carefully 
 watched than ever. No strange visitors were permitted to see him. The 
 discovery of the explosives had created an intense and widespread excite- 
 ment, and Sheriff Matson issued most stringent orders with reference, not 
 only to Lingg, but to all the other confined Anarchists. By these orders 
 the public was measurably reassured. 
 
 The bomb-maker had been committed to cell No. u, and e^ery article 
 
 BENJ. P. PRICE.
 
 LOUIS LINGO'S TERRIBLE DEATH.
 
 634 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 constituting its outfit had been subjected to the closest inspection. It 
 seemed certain that there could be no dynamite in that cell. Besides this, 
 Mr. Benjamin P. Price, the Jail Clerk, made it his special business to look 
 after the desperate man, and there seemed no possibility of danger from 
 that quarter. 
 
 But on the morning of the ioth of November, at 8:45 o'clock, the officials 
 as well as occupants of the jail were startled by the sound of a terrific ex- 
 plosion. Consternation seized everybody for the moment. Each surmised 
 that some sad havoc had been created in some portion of the jail, and that 
 his special section had miraculously escaped. All within the jail precincts 
 jumped to their feet, and the most eager inquiries were made as to the cause 
 of the noise. Even the inmates of the cells in the immediate vicinity of 
 the spot where the explosion had occurred thought that some other portion of 
 the building had been blown up, and they were uncertain whether the attack 
 had come from without or within. 
 
 The first idea credited the explosion to confederates of the Anarchists 
 on the outside. This was a perfectly natural conclusion. All sorts of 
 rumors about violent demonstrations and forcible attempts at rescue of the 
 doomed Anarchists were in circulation about the city, and the instant this 
 detonation was heard it was supposed that the threats had been finally car- 
 ried into effect. So loud was the report that people passing on the streets 
 surrounding the jail imagined that fearful destruction must have been 
 created inside. But after the first flush of excitement had subsided, the 
 source of the commotion was easily and. speedily ascertained. 
 
 The explosion had occurred in Lingg's cell. The night before Lingg 
 had appeared in one of his complacent moods, and when the death-watch 
 eyed him closely the next morning nothing unusual was discovered in his 
 demeanor. Lingg seemed to be resting easily on his couch, and there was 
 not the slightest indication that anything tragic was contemplated. While 
 the death-watch, Deputy Sheriff Osborne, was giving his attention to some- 
 thing else for a moment, however, Lingg saw his opportunity, rose steal- 
 thily from his bed, seized a candle that flickered dimly in a corner of the 
 cell, and, jumping back to his couch, put the bomb in his mouth and 
 applied the flame. In an instant a loud explosion followed. 
 
 Officials were soon in the cell and found Lingg lying on his side on the 
 couch, with one arm thrown over his head and the other resting on a little 
 table. A stream of blood was coursing down the pillow, and pools of it 
 had gathered upon the bedding. The deputies raised him up gently. A 
 ghastly sight met their gaze. The lower jaw had been almost entirely 
 blown away, the upper lip was completely torn to shreds, the greater part 
 of his nose was in tatters, only a fragment of his tongue remained, and 
 every vestige of front teeth had disappeared. What remained of his 
 cheeks looked like flesh torn by vultures, and every jagged part bled pro-
 
 LINGG'S HORRIBLE DEATH. 
 
 635 
 
 fusely. The inside of his upper jaw was horribly lacerated. It looked as 
 though no man could survive such a wound for a moment after its infliction. 
 And yet the bomb-maker was alive and breathing regularly. 
 
 Lingg was at once removed from the cell to a large bath-room near 
 the Jailor's office, and made as comfortable as circumstances would permit. 
 Drs. Fenger, Moyer and Bluthardt were at once sent for, and they re- 
 sponded immediately. They applied such restoratives as medical science 
 suggested, but they found no little difficulty in stopping the bleeding and 
 preventing the blood from running down the man's throat and interfering 
 with his breathing. Now and then he coughed, and with each spell 
 emitted large quantities of blood. The pallet upon, which he rested, and 
 the floor under- 
 neath, were satu- 
 rated with blood, 
 and its strong 
 flow attested a 
 superb physical 
 condition a 
 wonderful vital- 
 ity. 
 
 During all the 
 operations of the 
 surgeons Lingg 
 remained perfect- 
 ly conscious and 
 eye d them as 
 complacently as 
 though they had 
 been at work on 
 some other pa- 
 tient. He showed 
 no concern and 
 
 never quivered. While calmly stretched on the cot, he closely observed all 
 who entered the room and seemed surprised at their consternation. It was 
 only when some police officers entered to look at him that he showed signs 
 of nervousness, and then, with pantomimic flourishes of his hand, he indi- 
 cated that he desired them to leave. The signs were correctly interpreted ; 
 for the moment the officers left he quieted down easily, and a grateful look 
 from his eyes expressed his satisfaction. John C. Klein, who afterwards 
 became famous for the active part he took in the troubles in the island of 
 Samoa readers will remember that there was a great deal of diplomatic 
 correspondence on account of them, that there was even talk of war betwen 
 the United States and Germany was at that time a reporter for one of the 
 
 LINGO'S LAST WORDS. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 6 3 6 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Chicago dailies, and in that capacity was present in the room. While still 
 being operated upon, Lingg beckoned to Klein for pencil and paper, and, 
 these being handed to him, he wrote, in German : " Please support my back. 
 When- I lie down I cannot breathe." That piece of paper, stained with 
 Lingg's' blood, is still in existence, and is shown in the engraving. 
 
 Everything was done to alleviate Lingg's sufferings, but he died at 2:45 
 that afternoon. 
 
 The bomb-maker's remains were placed in a neat coffin, and Bailiff 
 Eagan was detailed to critically examine Lingg's cell. It was discovered 
 that when Lingg had lighted the bomb, which had been placed firmly 
 between the teeth, he was reclining on his cot, with his head near the wall. 
 This was indicated by the fact that Eagan found portions of the man's 
 mustache, pieces of the tongue and shreds of flesh clinging firmly to the wall 
 nearest where the head had rested. A piece of the tallow candle which 
 had stood before its tragic use in a corner of the cell was found in the bed, 
 and the wall where the head had lain was not only marred by the almost 
 direct force of the explosion, but thickly bespattered with blood. All this 
 indicated unmistakably the means Lingg had used to light the bomb and 
 the position he had assumed when applying the fatal spark. 
 
 The bomb- used was undoubtedly simi- 
 lar to the lot discovered a few days previ- 
 ously. But how it became separated and 
 in what manner it was concealed and 
 smuggled into Lingg's hands after he had 
 been placed in a new cell and put under 
 strict surveillance, are matters of conjec- 
 ture. My own theory is that Lingg had 
 a confidential friend among the smaller 
 I class of criminals. To such a friend this 
 1 bomb was intrusted for safe-keeping in the 
 I event of the discovery of the bombs in his 
 own cell, and when they were found he 
 relied on that trusted friend to help him 
 to escape the gallows. In no other way 
 could this bomb have come into the pos- 
 JOHN c. KLEIN. session of Lingg, since the prisoner had 
 
 been searched several times and nothing found upon him. A confederate 
 must have carefully kept the bomb and smuggled it to him at the last 
 moment. Everything indicated that the bomb had been part of the dis- 
 covered explosives, and its use fully corroborated the opinion I had given to 
 Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz at the time of the find, that the bombs were 
 only intended for suicidal purposes and had been brought into the jail for 
 no other object. At the time this opinion was given I was severely criti-
 
 GOV. OGLESBY'S ACTION. 637 
 
 cised by Chief Ebersold and others the newspapers especially for ad- 
 vancing such a theory. They maintained that the bombs had been brought 
 in to be thrown at the time of the execution, so as not only to kill all who 
 might become spectators, but to enable the Anarchists to escape hanging 
 by death in the general destruction around them. A few of the papers even 
 went so far as to attribute the opinion to "Schaack's stupidity." 
 
 The doomed Anarchists were closely watched when it became quite ap- 
 parent that there was no chance of their escaping the gallows either through 
 an intervention of the courts or through executive clemency. Before this, 
 however, some latitude had been allowed them. They had been watched, 
 of course, but the rigorous scrutiny subsequently adopted had not then 
 prevailed. Visitors had been admitted, and, although separate conversa- 
 tions had not been permitted, prisoners and friends had been close together. 
 No contraband articles had ever been noticed, however, the general opinion 
 among the jail officials being that, considering the prisoners were so hope- 
 ful of good results from the labors of their counsel, such a thing as suicide 
 was not contemplated by any one of them. 
 
 The first thing to arouse Jailor Folz's suspicion was Engel's action one 
 day about the ist of November. It appears that at that time Engel was 
 very nervous and restless, and secured some morphine to quiet his/ nerves. 
 He took an over-dose, and when charged with having deliberately done so 
 with suicidal intent, he stoutly maintained that he had taken too much by 
 mistake. Folz thought no man could take such a dose except with a view 
 to suicide, and he resolved to keep a close watch on Engel thereafter and 
 allow him no medicine save what was administered by a physician. The 
 others were also more closely watched after that episode. All were searched 
 at stated intervals, as I have already mentioned. 
 
 One day, while Parsons was being searched, he was handed a common 
 white shirt by Otto Folz, a son of the Jailor. Parsons looked at it for a 
 moment and then exclaimed : 
 
 " My God ! you are not going to put a shroud on a live man ?" 
 
 After the bomb discovery the doomed Anarchists were removed from 
 their old cells and placed on the lower floor, along the tier containing 
 Lingg's cell. Parsons was put in cell No. 7 ; Fischer, No. 8, and Engel, 
 No. 9. When Lingg had been removed to the bath-room, his comrades 
 were again subjected to an examinaton, and their clothes were all changed 
 in the Jailor's office. While this change was being effected, Parsons became 
 greatly agitated, and he remarked : 
 
 " If I only had one of the bombs Lingg had in his cell, I would make 
 very short work of all this." 
 
 Fischer also made a similar remark. He said that he was ready to die 
 at any time, and he did not care how he died. He was very defiant, and 
 showed that he was in earnest in his expressions.
 
 638 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Late in the afternoon of November 10, Gov. Oglesby gave his decision 
 on the various applications for mercy. It reads : 
 
 STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 10. 
 
 On the aoth day of August, 1886, in the Cook County Criminal Court, August Spies 
 Albert R. Parsons, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and 
 Louis Lingg were found guilty by the verdict of the jury and afterward sentenced to be hanged 
 for the murder of Mathias J. Began. 
 
 An appeal was taken from such finding and sentence, to the Supreme Court of the State. 
 That court, upon a final hearing and after mature deliberation, unanimously affirmed the 
 judgment of the court below. 
 
 The case now comes before me by petition of the defendants, for consideration as Governor 
 of the State, if the letters of Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis 
 Lingg demanding ' ' unconditional release," or, as they express it, "liberty or death," and pro- 
 testing in the strongest language against mercy or commutation of the sentence pronounced 
 against them, can be considered petitions. 
 
 Pardon, could it be granted, which might imply any guih whatever upon the part of either 
 of them, would not be such a vindication as they demand. Executive intervention upon the 
 grounds insisted upon by the four above-named persons could in no proper sense be deemed 
 an exercise of the constitutional power to grant reprieves, commutations and pardons, unless 
 based upon the belief on my part of their entire innocence of the crime of which they stand 
 convicted. 
 
 A careful consideration of the evidence in the record of the trial of the parties, as well as 
 of all alleged and claimed for them outside of the record, has failed to produce upon my mind 
 any impression tending to impeach the verdict of the jury or the judgment of the trial court 
 or of the Supreme Court, affirming the guilt of all these parties. 
 
 Satisfied, therefore, as I am, of their guilt, I am precluded from considering the question 
 of commutation of the sentences of Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and 
 Louis Lingg to imprisonment in the penitentiary, as they emphatically declare they will not 
 accept such commutation. Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab and August Spies unite in a 
 petition for "executive clemency." Fielden and Schwab, in addition, present separate and 
 supplementary petitions for the commutation of their sentences. While, as said above, I am 
 satisfied of the guilt of all the parties, as found by the verdict of the jury, which was sustained 
 by the judgments of the courts, a most careful consideration of the whole subject leads me to 
 the conclusion that the sentence of the law as to Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab may be 
 modified as to each of them, in the interest of humanity, and without doing violence to public 
 justice. 
 
 As to the said Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, the sentence is commuted to imprison- 
 ment in the penitentiary for life. 
 
 As to all the other above-named defendants, I do not feel justified in interfering with the 
 sentence of the court. While I would gladly have come to a different conclusion in regard to 
 the sentence of defendants August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Albert R. Parsons 
 and Louis Lingg, I regret to say that under the solemn sense of the obligations of my 
 office I have been unable to do so. RICHARD J. OGLESBY, Governor. 
 
 This removed the last hope of the Anarchists. Spies said he had been 
 prepared for the worst, and that he had only signed the petition of Fielden 
 and Schwab for clemency at the solicitation of Miss Van Zandt. 
 
 On the next morning after the Governor's decision Fielden and Schwab 
 were removed to the penitentiary at Joliet.
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 The Last Hours of the Doomed Men Planning a Rescue The Feeling 
 in Chicago Police Precautions Looking for a Leak Vitriol for a Detective 
 Guarding the Jail The Dread of Dynamite How the Anarchists Passed their Last 
 Night The Final Partings Parsons Sings " Annie Laurie " Putting up the Gallows 
 
 Scenes Outside the Prison A Cordon of Officers - Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene 
 The Death Warrants Courage of the Condemned Shackled and Shrouded for the 
 Grave The March to the Scaffold Under the Dangling Ropes The Last Words 
 ' ' Hoch die Anarchic ! " " My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech " " Let the 
 Voice of the People be Heard " The Chute to Death Preparations for the Funeral 
 
 Scenes at the Homes of the Dead Anarchists The Passage to Waldheim Howell 
 Trogden Carries the American Flag Captain Black's Eulogy The Burial Speeches 
 by Grottkau and Currlin Was Engel Sincere ? His Advice to his Daughter A Curi- 
 ous Episode Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch. 
 
 THE Anarchists of Chicago now became desperate. Many of them had 
 calculated on the worst for some time, and they had formed into small 
 groups to be better able to plot for their imprisoned friends with the least 
 possible danger of police detection. While assembling in large bodies, 
 they had discovered that many of their secrets were in my possession, and 
 after the decision of the Illinois Supreme Court they realized that it was 
 essential to the success of any movement they might decide upon to keep 
 all knowledge of it within the circle of true and trusted men. The leading 
 lights in the order accordingly resorted to private residences, as I have 
 already stated. 
 
 Sometimes they were joined in meetings of a general nature by some 
 who had previously been anti-Anarchists, but who since the decision of the 
 Illinois court had secretly expressed sympathy with the condemned men. 
 Becoming emboldened by what they thought to be a growing sentiment in 
 favor of the prisoners, these secret abettors finally threw off their masks, 
 and, openly expressing their views, many of them speedily lost the esteem 
 and friendship of neighbors by whom they had previously been highly re- 
 garded. With a view to aiding to effect a general change in public senti- 
 ment, some of these sympathizers even threw open their doors to Anarchists, 
 as I have indicated in a prior chapter. But whenever some risky project 
 was contemplated the small bands of conspirators saw to it that none but 
 avowed and tried adherents of the red flag were present. 
 
 It was at this time that the police -discovered the plot to release the 
 doomed men, and one day Detective Schuettler learned of a place where 
 numerous secret conferences were being held from time to time. He was 
 under orders of Mr. Ebersold, who had taken him away from the Chicago 
 Avenue Station with a view to crippling my force, but nevertheless the 
 detective found a way, even while engaged in other directions, to keep a 
 
 639
 
 640 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 keen eye on secret revolutionary movements. He had been too long in the 
 service to lose his interest in things Anarchistic, and he resolved to get at 
 the bottom of the rumored clandestine gatherings. 
 
 Learning that star-chamber sessions were being held in the room of an old- 
 time Communist named Theodore Appell, at No. 234 West Division Street, 
 Schuettler at once rented an adjoining room. In this appartment there was 
 a closet, and after reconnoitering about the premises at a favorable oppor- 
 tunity, he discovered that by cutting a hole in the closet wall he could 
 obtain a good view of those who might be present at future meetings. A 
 hole was accordingly cut. This gave him a fine chance both to see and 
 hear. Everything worked nicely for a time, but finally the conspirators 
 became suspicious, as they found their secrets getting beyond their own 
 circle, and, satisfied that the leakage was not due to members in their own 
 set, they instituted a search. The result was that the officer's peep-hole was 
 discovered. That closed their deliberations in that place, but they resolved 
 to take revenge on the man who had thus obtruded his attentions upon 
 them. For this purpose they decided to hold a mock meeting in the 
 old quarters, and then and there, when they were satisfied that the con- 
 cealed individual had his eye at the hole, to discharge a syringe filled with 
 vitriol. This would destroy the eye-sight as well as disfigure for life the 
 face of the man who had dared to intrude on their secrecy. I learned of this 
 plan, however, and warned the officer. Schuettler never again went near 
 that closet. But he had already gathered all the information that was 
 needed. 
 
 The conspirators left the place like young birds leave the old nest, with 
 a flop and a flourish, never to return ; but we had learned that they had in 
 view the liberation of their friends in jail. 
 
 This information put the authorities on their guard, and it is possible 
 that this timely discovery averted a jail delivery. 
 
 But the Anarchists did not lose hope. When they learned that the 
 United States Supreme Court had refused to interfere with the execution 
 they became more desperate than ever. Where before they had been 
 revengeful, they now were frantic, and their schemes now embraced more 
 drastic and destructive measures. .They considered propositions looking to 
 a blowing-up of the jail building with dynamite, and in the turmoil and 
 confusion incident to the wreckage of a part of the building and the 
 destruction of life within they contemplated a rush to the untouched 
 portion containing their comrades, whom they would thus rescue from the 
 hands of the law. This diabolical plot was earnestly debated, and about 
 the time the reds became satisfied that the Governor would not step in 
 between their convicted leaders and the gallows they even went so far as 
 to advocate an explosion that would not only rob the gallows of its victims, 
 but kill those whom curiosity might assemble about the jail a short time
 
 PLOTS ON THE OUTSIDE. 
 
 641 
 
 before the expected event. If their comrades must die, they should not 
 die alone. The disgrace of an execution must be averted, and a terrible 
 lesson imparted to the enemies of Anarchy. 
 
 But the jail officials joined m^ in most rigid measures to prevent the 
 execution of each and all of the plots, and officers and detectives were 
 stationed in goodly numbers about the building, night and day, to watch 
 the movements of suspicious characters. When the decision of the 
 Governor was finally announced 
 this vigilance was redoubled, and 
 we made sure that no secret 
 mines had been constructed under 
 any of the sidewalks surrounding 
 the building or across under the 
 alley on the west side of the jail 
 structure. 
 
 It was not only the liberation 
 of the imprisoned Anarchists that 
 was aimed at in the numerous 
 conspiracies which came to our 
 knowledge about this time. One 
 plot which was reported to me 
 embraced a wanton scheme of in- 
 cendiarism and pillage, and in 
 order to facilitate this, it was pro- 
 posed to cut off the water 
 supply of the city by demol- 
 ishing the stand-pipe in the 
 Water -works tower. In 
 
 some manner the conspira- <n 
 
 tors had learned the exact 
 
 spot in the tower where a 
 
 charge of dynamite would 
 
 accomplish the most effec- THE CHICAGO WATER-WORKS. 
 
 tive execution, and the re- From a Photograph. 
 
 ports brought to me showed that this project was debated most minutely. 
 
 For the space of two months we were required therefore to keep extra guard 
 
 over the source of Chicago's water supply, and the contemplated attack of 
 
 the reds was not attempted. 
 
 While the plots on the outside of the jail were thus met with vigilance, 
 the doomed conspirators within appeared quiet and resigned. They re- 
 ceived the Governor's decision with extraordinary composure, and, having 
 felt throughout that day that they must face the inevitable on the morrow, 
 they busied themselves in arranging their earthly affairs, writing letters
 
 642 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 to friends and relatives and giving directions as to the disposition of per- 
 sonal matters and the publication of their autobiographies and other manu- 
 scripts. Early in the evening they received their immediate friends and 
 relatives to bid them farewell, and through all that trying ordeal they 
 remained unmoved. Tears coursed down the blanched faces of wives, sis- 
 ters and daughters as the last loving words were spoken, but no emotion 
 of despair or grief seemed to agitate the men. They were solemn and stoical 
 in their demeanor, and their efforts were mainly directed to administering 
 words of cheer and consolation. When the final parting had taken place, 
 they returned to their cells, and their last night on earth was varied with 
 letter- writing and chats with the death-watch. None of them retired early. 
 Parsons did not seek his couch till after midnight, and then it was some 
 time before the rapid thoughts coursing through his brain would permit 
 him to sleep Before morning he broke the stillness of his surroundings by 
 singing a favorite song of his earlier days "Annie Laurie." The clear 
 tones echoing down the corridor startled all then awake, and prisoners and 
 death-watch eagerly inclined their heads to catch every word and note. 
 When Parsons drew near the closing stanza, his voice tripped and hesi- 
 tated, unmistakably showing that his feelings were giving way to the recol- 
 lections of former times. 
 
 Spies lay down to rest at a late hour, but his thoughts, as he chatted with 
 his death-watch, seemed busy with the events that had brought him to a 
 murderer's doom. He denounced the verdict as iniquitous, and declared 
 that the people would shortly see the error of hanging men for seeking the 
 welfare of the laboring classes. 
 
 Fischer was the quietest and most self-composed of all, and he had very 
 little to say "even to his death-watch. He soon apparently fell into a slum- 
 ber and seemed to rest easily. 
 
 Engel was also remarkably self-possessed, and he was the last to retire 
 to his couch not because of thoughts of the morrow occupying his mind, 
 but for another reason, as will appear further along. 
 
 During the latter part of the night, if any one of them had happened to 
 be awake, the horrible preparations for the execution could have been 
 distinctly heard. Around the corner, in the corridor north of the one in 
 which their cells were located, the gallows were being placed in position, 
 and, even though the sounds of the hammer were subdued, the echo plainly 
 told the character of the work the carpenters were engaged upon. It was 
 the same scaffold on which the three Italians had two years before atoned 
 for the death of a murdered countryman, and on which the murderer 
 Mulkowsky had also paid the penalty for his foul crime. It was a large 
 structure large enough to have dropped seven men had the original 
 sentence of the trial court been carried into full execution. At the end of 
 each rope one hundred and eighty pound weights were attached, so as to
 
 PREPARING FOR DEATH. 
 
 643 
 
 give a heavier fall, and, thus arranged, by daylight the trap of death was 
 ready for its victims. 
 
 When morning dawned, the four Anarchists arose early, but each seemed 
 to have had a restful night. Their demeanor had not changed perceptibly 
 from that of other mornings. After their ablutions they perused the morn- 
 ing papers and subsequently partook of breakfast, brought in from a neigh- 
 boring restaurant. They ate quite heartily, and then each turned his atten- 
 tion again to letter-writing. Their communications were mainly directed to 
 their families and to friends in the city, and some to Anarchists in other 
 parts of the country, and very nearly the last they penned were directed to 
 the Sheriff and to the Coroner and had reference to the disposition of their 
 bodies and personal effects after death. 
 
 During the fleeting morning hours, the Anarchists were visited by the 
 Rev. Mr. Bolton, of the First Methodist Episcopal Church of Chicago, 
 who came to assist ni their spiritual preparation for death, but while each 
 received him courteously, they all declined 
 his kindly proffered ministrations. They 
 had no faith in the gospel and frankly told 
 the clergyman that they did not desire his 
 services. They wanted to die as they had 
 lived, with no faith in God or man as exalted 
 above general humanity. Some of them 
 even went into discussion with the clergy- 
 man, stoutly combatting every point he made 
 to reach their hearts ; but the talk always 
 ended as it had begun in a positive refusal 
 to accept any spiritual guidance or advice. 
 The Rev. Mr. Bolton was forced to retire 
 without having made any impression, and 
 the men treated the whole matter afterwards 
 in a most indifferent and flippant manner. 
 
 While the unfortunates on the inside were apparently unmoved by their 
 impending fate, commotion and excitement prevailed on the outside of the 
 jail. At a very early hour in the morning a contingent of the police force, 
 numbering three hundred men, was detailed to preserve order and keep away 
 from the immediate vicinity of the building all persons not having proper 
 credentials or not properly vouched for. Across Michigan and Illinois 
 Streets, on the east side of Clark Street, and on Dearborn Avenue at its 
 intersections with the two first-named streets, stout ropes were stretched, 
 and within the inclosure thus formed and at the barriers squads of police- 
 men were marching up and down with glistening bayonets and Winchester 
 rifles. There were also policemen in and about the Criminal Court and 
 jail building and on the roof, commanding the streets below in all direc- 
 
 CANUTE R. MATSON. 
 From a Photograph.
 
 644 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 tions. There was thus a most complete arrangement to meet any unex- 
 pected attack or any violent hostile demonstration. 
 
 As the hour approached for the execution the streets beyond the ropes 
 became crowded with people of all grades and descriptions, impelled by 
 curiosity ; but they were all kept moving by policemen scattered along the 
 thoroughfares amongst them, so that no groups might gather and under the 
 excitement of the moment precipitate a row or a riot. Along toward ten 
 o'clock Mrs. Parsons, dressed in mourning and accompanied by her two 
 children, presented herself at the ropes and demanded admittance to see 
 her husband "murdered by law." She was, of course, delicately refused, 
 and then she endeavored to create a scene, but the police promptly called 
 a patrol wagon and sent her to the Chicago Avenue Station, where she was 
 detained until'after the execution. During the forenoon thousands of peo- 
 ple passed in the vicinity of the building, but the only satisfaction they 
 received for their pains was a sight of the somber walls of the jail at a dis- 
 tance. Taking the crowd as a whole, it was remarkably orderly, although 
 there was more or. less subdued muttering among the Anarchists who had 
 sought the vicinity only to find themselves ordered to "move on." These 
 generally sought solace for their wounded feelings in neighboring saloons, 
 where they cast dire imprecations upon the police, promising to be avenged 
 in time. 
 
 Within the jail everything was quiet, and, except for the presence of 
 those who had come to witness the execution, there seemed to be no special 
 indication of the tragedy to be enacted. The officials moved about quietly 
 while making the preliminary arrangements, and the unfortunate Anarchists 
 smoked, wrote hasty notes and chatted at intervals with their attendants. 
 
 At 11:30 o'clock Sheriff Matson, accompanied by Deputies Hartke, 
 Cleveland, Spears and Peters, County Physician Moyer and Jailor Folz, 
 started from the jail office, and repaired to the cell occupied by Spies. The 
 iron-barred door was opened, and Spies advanced to meet the Sheriff. 
 Mr. Matson at once proceeded to read the death warrant. Spies listened 
 with folded arms, and there was no indication of nervousness nor trace of 
 emotion. His feelings could not be divined from his demeanor. The facial 
 muscles remained unmoved, and no color rose to flush the usual paleness 
 of the cheeks, nor was the pallor of his face heightened when the last fear- 
 ful words of the warrant had been read. The Sheriff was visibly agitated, 
 and his voice was at times tremulous. On the conclusion of the .reading 
 Spies merely bowed his head slightly, and then stepped out into the corridor 
 in obedience to the deputies' request. Around his chest was placed a leather 
 belt about an inch and a half wide, with which to pinion his arms just above 
 the elbows, and his hands were handcuffed behind his back. Then a white mus- 
 lin shroud was thrown over him and fastened slightly at the neck and waist. 
 
 While these details were being carried out, the Sheriff was at Fischer's
 
 THE EXECUTION.
 
 646 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 cell, and the same programme of preparation was gone through with. The 
 Anarchist was manacled, pinioned and shrouded, and he gazed upon each 
 operation with curious interest, but with no sign of perturbation or weak- 
 ness. Now and then he faintly smiled, and he seemed more concerned 
 about the trepidation of the deputies than about his own situation. 
 
 Meantime the death warrant had been read to Engel, who was soon 
 arrayed in the habiliments of death. He stood it all unflinchingly, and 
 seemed even less concerned than his comrades. There was also an entire 
 absence of affected indifference. 
 
 Parsons was the last to step out of his cell, and, as he stood receiving 
 the ghastly paraphernalia, he endeavored to display no sign of fear. He 
 bore up well, although he evidently wrestled with his inner feelings. 
 
 The solemn march to the scaffold began with the Sheriff in the lead. 
 In the east corner of the north corridor stood the scaffold. Below and 
 before it were benches for the two hundred spectators. The death proces- 
 sion moved slowly and with measured tread. As it neared the corner the 
 footfalls became distinctly audible to those assembled. When the shuf- 
 fling of feet on the iron stairway leading to the first gallery, which was on a 
 level with the gallows, was heard, the buzz of conversation ceased, and 
 every eye was centered on the spot whence the Anarchists would be first 
 seen. It was only a moment, and then Spies, Fischer, Engel and Parsons, 
 one after the other, came into view, each with a deputy by his side. Having 
 reached their respective places on the trap, they faced the spectators. 
 Spies, the moment he caught sight of the audience, gave it a contemptuous 
 look, and thereafter his eyes seemed centered on some invisible object down 
 the corridor above the heads of the spectators. Fischer merely looked 
 down for a moment on the uncovered heads below, and then his eyes wan- 
 dered in various directions. Engel seemed the most unconcerned of all, 
 and swept the audience with a cool glance as though it might have been 
 composed of friends. Parsons was superbly stiff, and his gaze, after a snap 
 at those below, firmly set itself in the direction of the cell tiers. 
 
 As soon as those on the platform had taken the positions assigned, the 
 lower limbs of the four Anarchists were pinioned. This was done very 
 quickly. The nooses dangling overhead were then lifted from their hooks, 
 and Spies was the first to have the rope placed around his neck. The 
 noose had been slipped a little too tight, and, noticing the uneasiness it gave 
 him, the deputy instantly loosened it a trifle. Spies gave a faint smile in 
 acknowledgment of the kindness and again seemed at ease. Not a tremor 
 was visible during the adjustment of the rope. Another deputy next placed 
 the rope around the neck of Fischer, who, to facilitate its proper adjustment, 
 bent his tall form slightly and received it with head inclined until the knot 
 rested in its proper place under the left ear. Engel received the noose as 
 if it had been a decoration about to be placed upon his shoulders by friendly
 
 THE TRAGIC END. 647 
 
 hands, and several times he turned his head around to exchange a word or 
 two with the deputy, accompanying his whispered utterances with a smile. 
 Parsons stood unmoved when his turn came, and appeared entirely in- 
 different to the operation. Loose-fitting white caps were now produced, 
 and, as these came in sight, Fischer and Engel turned their heads slightly 
 to the left and spoke a second to their respective deputies. Spies first, 
 Fischer next, then Engel, and Parsons last, was the order in which the caps 
 were adjusted, and the heads had no sooner been enveloped, shutting out 
 forever the light of day, than all knew that the fatal moment had arrived. 
 During all the preliminary preparations not a relaxation of nerve or an 
 expression of anguish or despair had been observed. Now the tension of 
 silence was painful. But suddenly there broke from the lips of Spies an 
 exclamation that startled the auditors as if by a shock. 
 
 " You may strangle this voice," said he, in clear but subdued tones, "but 
 my silence will be more terrible than speech." 
 
 Spies had scarcely uttered his last words, when Fischer shouted : 
 " This is the happiest moment of my life. Hoch die Anarchic /" 
 Engel immediately caught up the sentiment, and in a strong voice, and 
 with a pronounced German accent, cried : 
 "Hurrah for Anarchy ! " 
 
 Parsons then lifted his voice, and in firm, deliberate tones, exclaimed : 
 "O men of America !" 
 
 Then, lowering his voice to an appealing accent : 
 " Mr. Sheriff, may I be permitted to say a few words ? " 
 Raising his voice again, without waiting for an answer, and continuing in 
 the same breath, he said : 
 
 "O men of America, let the voice of the people be heard." 
 The last word had barely escaped his lips, when the signal was given to 
 the unknown and hidden man in the sentry-box back of the platform, the 
 rope controlling the trap was cut, and four bodies shot downward into space. 
 The intervals between the adjustment of the caps, the utterances and the 
 drop were only a few moments, but they were moments that seemed like 
 hours. The first instant after the drop, the bodies all seemed motionless, 
 but immediately one after the other began violent contortions, the limbs con- 
 tracted, the breasts swelled with spasms, and the arms shook convulsively. 
 It was fully eight minutes before the last was limp and lifeless. The bodies, 
 however, were left hanging for twenty-six minutes, and then they were 
 deposited in plain coffins, ready to be turned over to their relatives. The 
 jury selected by the Sheriff to pass upon the death, as required by law, next 
 viewed the remains and then signed the usual legal certificates. Those 
 composing the jury were Dr. Ferdinand Henrotin, Dr. Denslow Lewis, 
 Dr. G. A. Hall, Dr. Harry Brown, Dr. J. B. Andrews, Dr. M. W. Thomp- 
 son, John N. Hills, William B. Keep, ex-Sheriff John Hoffman, Edwin
 
 6 4 8 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Wynn, George Lanz, George M. Moulton, John L. Woodward and H. JL. 
 Anderson. 
 
 It was subsequently ascertained that the necks of none of the Anarchists 
 had been broken, and that death had come in each case through strangula- 
 tion. 
 
 Within an hour and a half the coffins were removed, the bodies of Spies, 
 Parsons and Fischer being receipted for by a committee of the Central 
 Labor Union, and those of Engel and Lingg by a friend of Mrs. Engel. The 
 body of Lingg had reposed in the women's department of the jail. Shortly 
 before his death, the bomb-maker had expressed the wish that his body be 
 allowed to repose by the side of Engel's, and that it be given in charge of 
 Engel's family, as he himself had no relatives in America. 
 P" The remains of Spies, Fischer and Par- 
 
 sons were taken to an undertaking estab- 
 lishment at No. 596 Milwaukee Avenue, 
 and those of Engel and Lingg to a similar 
 place at No. 186 Milwaukee Avenue, and 
 there costly and ornamental coffins were 
 provided after the bodies had been first 
 embalmed. Subsequently they were re- 
 moved to the houses of their respective 
 relatives, and arrangements were at once 
 set on foot for a tremendous demonstra- 
 tion at the funeral, the following Sunday. 
 
 No sooner had each coffin been taken 
 to the relatives than hundreds of Anarchists 
 flocked in to view the remains. Others, 
 too men, women and children, moved 
 JOHN A. ROCHE. by morbid curiosity crowded in to view 
 
 From a Photograph. the dead. The families were in almost 
 
 constant tears, and deep were the lamentations over the fate of their loved 
 ones. Mrs. Parsons was in paroxysms of grief and had to be almost forci- 
 bly removed from beside the bier of' her husband. Her curses were loud 
 against the police, and she strenuously refused all comfort. At the Spies 
 residence there were copious tears, and no one was more deeply moved 
 than Miss Van Zandt. The sorrow of Mrs. Engel and her daughter was 
 more subdued, but nevertheless keen and poignant. It was the same at 
 Fischer's home. 
 
 Meantime the preparations for the funeral went on, and the committee 
 having it in charge determined that it should be conducted with the utmost 
 pomp, ceremony and display. They desired that on this occasion the red 
 flag should again be unfurled and wave over the bodies of those whom they 
 regarded as martyrs. The police learned of it, and when a committee
 
 THE FUNERAL PROCESSION. 649 
 
 waited upon Mayor Roche to secure the necessary permission for the pro- 
 cession, he set his face firmly against the red flag. 
 
 "The American flag, "said he, "is good enough for us, and it is good 
 enough for you. If that flag don't suit you, I am sorry. No red flag shall 
 ever take its place while I am Mayor of Chicago." 
 
 Sunday, November 13, came, and every Anarchistic organization in 
 the city turned out to attend the funeral. The procession, which started at 
 an early hour, first called at the Spies residence, No. 154 Bryson Street, 
 for the coffin of the editor, and then moved on to Mrs. Parsons' resi- 
 dence at No. 785 Milwaukee Avenue. After the coffin of Parsons had been 
 placed in the hearse, Fischer's house was reached, and next that of Engel, 
 and when all the hearses were in line, the entire funeral procession pro- 
 ceeded down Milwaukee Avenue, thence to Lake Street, and thence along 
 Fifth Avenue to the depot of the Wisconsin Central Railway. At each of 
 the houses of the executed Anarchists the cortege had been joined by 
 friends and by various societies of which the dead had been members, and 
 with these accessions the procession, as it finally moved on to its destina- 
 tion, numbered not less than six thousand. The hearses were loaded down 
 with flowers, wreaths and other floral tributes, and each was followed by 
 carriages containing the mourners. Close behind the Spies hearse was a 
 carriage containing Mrs. and Miss Van Zandt, mother and daughter, and 
 Mrs. Spies, the mother, and Miss Gretchen, the sister of the deceased. All 
 along the line of march, the sidewalks were thronged, and there must have 
 been over fifty thousand persons who viewed the procession as it passed. 
 Hundreds had gathered at the residences before the procession started, and 
 when they joined the throngs already on Milwaukee Avenue the streets 
 became almost impassable. Policemen were stationed at the various street 
 corners, and these gave the processionists ample room to move unimpeded. 
 The procession did not lack music, several bands having been engaged, 
 and the " Marseillaise" and " Annie Laurie" were the airs most frequently 
 heard. 
 
 The absence of the red banner on the street was commented on, but 
 with a seeming defiance of the Mayor's orders two red flags decked the 
 coffins of Engel and Lingg. What was still more significant was the fact 
 that not a single flag of the Union was borne by the procession. It was 
 only when the Anarchists reached Lake Street that the red, white and blue 
 was unfurled to the breeze, and then it was done, not by an Anarchist, but 
 by Howell Trogden, a veteran of the civil war. It was a small emblem in 
 size, and of cheap material, but he held it high above his head and proudly 
 carried- it before the cortege, clear down to the depot, greatly to the dis- 
 comfiture and chagrin of the reds. When remonstrated with by some one 
 who was in the crowd that had gathered about him and cheered him on the 
 way, he defiantly exclaimed in plain, though perhaps not elegant, language :
 
 650 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " What, furl the ensign of the nation I fought for ? Not much ! You 
 bet your life, I'll carry this flag and I'll kill the first man who tries to wrest 
 it from me. I'll shed my blood to keep it there." 
 
 And the flag was kept there. 
 
 Arriving at the depot, the various organizations boarded the trains in 
 waiting, and shortly after one o'clock all were under way to Waldheim Ceme- 
 tery, situated some nine miles west of Chicago. It was a gloomy, cold day, 
 but nevertheless an immense concourse of people followed the remains to 
 the vault in which they were temporarily deposited. Those who had im- 
 mediate charge of the funeral arrangements were Frank A. Stauber, H. 
 Linnemeyer, George Schilling, R. M. Burke, Julius Leon, Edwin Goettge, 
 Charles F. Seib, Ernst Litzman, H. Ulharn, F. G. Bielefeld, William 
 Urban, Dr. Ernst Schmidt and T. J. Morgan, all members of the Defense 
 Committee and the Amnesty Association. 
 
 After the coffins had been placed in the vault, Capt. W. P. Black took a 
 position near the entrance and delivered the funeral oration. In concluding 
 his address, he said, speaking of a day "when righteousness should reign" : 
 
 "We look forward to that day. We hope for it. We wait for it, and 
 with such a hope in our hearts can we not bring the judgment of charity to 
 bear upon any mistakes of policy or action that may have been made by any 
 of those who, acknowledging the sublime and glorious hope in their hearts, 
 rushed forward to meet it ? We are not here this afternoon to weep. We 
 are not here to mourn over our dead. We are here to pay by our presence 
 and our words the tribute of our appreciation and the witness of our love. 
 I loved these men. I knew them not until I came to know them in the time 
 of their sore travail and anguish. As months went by and I found in the 
 lives of those with whom I talked the witness of their love for the people, 
 of their patience, gentleness and courage, my heart was taken captive in 
 their cause. For this I have no apology. If any of you feel that the tears 
 are coming listen to the last words spoken by one of these, our dead. 
 
 " ' Go not to my grave with your mourning, with your lamentations and 
 tears, with your forebodings and fears. When my lips are dumb, do not 
 thus come. Bring no long train of carriages ; no hearse with waving 
 plumes, with the gaunt glory of death illumed ; but with hands on my heart 
 let me rest. Ye who are left on this desolate shore, there still to suffer 
 alone, deeply do I pity you. For me no more are the hardships, the bit- 
 terness, heartache and strife, the sadness and sorrow of life, but the glory 
 of the divine, that is mine. Poor creatures, afraid of the darkness, who 
 groan at the sight of the anguish in our silent night, go to my tomb. Peal 
 no solemn bell I am well.' 
 
 " It has been said that these men knew no religion. I repel the charge. 
 I know but one religion the religion which seeks to manifest itself by its 
 service of God or of the supreme good by its service of humanity in its 
 anguish and its hours of despair. And one of these, our dead, while within 
 the very gloom of approaching death, gave in these words : ' My religion 
 is this : To live right. To do right is to live right, and the service of 
 humanity is my worship of God.' 
 
 " I remember that back in the centuries it was written in words that shall
 
 THE ORATION AT WALDHEIM. 651 
 
 never perish : ' He that doeth righteousness is righteous, even as He is. 
 righteous.-' There is no conception possible to humanity of that which we 
 call God other than the conception which sets our life aflame ; n the service 
 of our fellow-men. But I must not keep you. There is no necessity for mul- 
 tiplying words in such a presence as this. There are times when silence is 
 more terrible than speech ; when men moving to the supreme issue of life 
 can say, standing with their feet on earth and their hands reaching out into 
 the unknown, in a sublime burst of enthusiasm : ' This is the happiest 
 moment of my life ' (the last words of Fischer), and then in that hour can 
 cheer for the cause to which they have given their lives (as Engel did), and 
 men in that hour, forgetting themselves, can speak of the voice of the peo- 
 ple (Parsons' last words) until utterance is silenced forever, what need is 
 there to stand by such men and multiply words ? 
 
 " I say that a mistake may well be forgotten in the glory of the purpose 
 which we condemn it may be through undue haste. I say that whatever 
 of fault may have been in them, these, the people whom they loved and in 
 whose cause they died, may well close the volume and seal up the record 
 and give our lips to the praise of their heroic deeds and their sublime self- 
 sacrifice." 
 
 Some weeks afterwards arrangements were made for the final interment 
 of the bodies. A suitable lot had been purchased with money collected by 
 the "Defense Committee," and accordingly on Sunday, the i8th of Decem- 
 ber, 1887, the Anarchists were invited out to Waldheim to witness the last 
 rites over the dead conspirators. It was a cold, chilling day, and only 
 about a thousand people were in attendance. The remains of the five 
 Anarchists were removed from the vault, the coffins opened and the bodies 
 viewed by all who desired. They were then placed in one grave, and a 
 heavy flagstone was lowered and firmly cemented to protect them. The 
 orators on this occasion were Mr. Buchanan, of Chicago, Paul Grottkau, 
 of Milwaukee, and Albert Currlin, of St. Louis. The tenor of Grottkau's 
 speech may be judged from the following extract: 
 
 " Those cold clods of clay were the first offerings required at our hands,. 
 but they will not be the last. Our lords believed that with them they could 
 slaughter the idea and ideals they represent. They imagined that the five- 
 fold gallows would forever choke liberty. How they have succeeded the 
 future will show. Let them erect their gallows, put them up by the million, 
 and they will never destroy the glorious principles. Not all their revolvers, 
 their armories of bayonets and Catling guns, not all their bristling rows of 
 cannon, can conquer us. (' Bravo ! ' ' Bravo ! ') From this land the fame 
 of our martyrs and our principles will go out to the whole world. Our stran- 
 gled ones are put at the head of the column. Their names will ever be the 
 brightest on history's page. Party hate or sectional strife cannot dim their 
 laurels. They were the champions of degraded and plundered humanity. 
 They fought long and manfully for us ; they died to serve us ; and more 
 than that man cannot do. It but remains for us to do our duty as they did 
 theirs. We must be moved by their spirit. All mean personal desires must 
 depart from us. We must continue our organization. We must be un- 
 swervingly loyal to the principles they taught us the great principles that.
 
 652 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 will free the wretched and enslaved proletarians and drive all injustice from 
 the face of the earth. Brothers, they (pointing to the five coffins) have done 
 their duty ; let us do ours." 
 
 Currlin closed his address as follows : 
 
 "We have been constantly bought, sold and delivered at the ballot-box' 
 (Applause.) These heroes and true men had well considered the folly of 
 relying on the ballot, and with firm hearts and resounding voices had pointed 
 out the road to the thinking and the brave. 
 
 " They are gone. Shall the sacrifice of these noble lives be fruitful or not ? 
 It will, it must be. Let the dreadful act cement us together. Let us be 
 loftier, firmer than ever. You have your Golgotha. See to it that you have 
 your Easter, and have it soon. You owe it to yourselves and your families 
 that you ever revere these dead. If at any time you become soul-weary or 
 discouraged, make a pilgrimage to this hallowed spot and be reinvigorated 
 for the strife. Let the prison, even the gallows, be powerless to overturn 
 your purpose. Let us struggle for the right, for justice, freedom, and true 
 fraternity until the nations of the earth are of us and with us, until the peo- 
 ples are regenerated, and clean hands and clean hearts have authority to 
 rule." (Applause.) 
 
 With the final burial of the dead, it may perhaps be well to inquire 
 whether one of them continued to believe in Anarchy when he saw that there 
 was no escaping from his fate. That one about whose faith there is most 
 doubt is Engel. 
 
 It is frequently the case that men condemned to death, either on the gal- 
 lows or otherwise, make a powerful effort to die bravely, and that, whatever 
 may have been their true feelings, the truth dies with them. It is seldom 
 that any one reveals from the bottom of his heart his true sentiments. In 
 this case, Engel was a man known to have been sober and sincere, who 
 believed that everything he said was true and right, and who expressed his 
 opinions freely before all his people. He professed the same sentiments to 
 the public up to the moment of his death, his last words being, " Hurrah for 
 Anarchy ! " Yet he felt differently. It is a well-known fact that people sen- 
 tenced to death adhere until the last second to the position that they are 
 right in their opinions or doctrines, or they simulate innocence. Now, aS to 
 Engel, it had been shown by the evidence that he had frequented many 
 places at night, to attend Anarchist meetings, and at many of them he deliv- 
 ered addresses. On some of these occasions he was accompanied by his 
 only daughter, a bright young girl about fifteen or sixteen years of age, and 
 she often heard him utter sentiments which she ought not to have heard. 
 But the girl could not help it. She was there, and she had to listen. After 
 these meetings they would walk home together, and the daughter's company 
 was always a source of great pleasure to Engel. She was also greatly attached 
 to her father, and, naturally, whatever she heard him say she regarded as 
 true, having the fnost implicit faith in him. Engel knew all this, and many 
 rstormy nights she would brave the weather to be at his side at meetings he
 
 EN GELS TRUE SENTIMENTS. 
 
 653 
 
 felt himself obliged to attend. She would cling to his arm, and through 
 snow and storm they would face the elements. When Engel's last night on 
 earth came, he asked the Sheriff and Jailor to permit his beloved daughter 
 to remain with him during the night, and, the officials having satisfied them- 
 selves that no sinister purpose was in view, the wish was granted. This was 
 the night of November 10, and young Mary kept her father cheerful com- 
 pany during the long hours. Engel seemed to have had something on his 
 mind, but he refrained from saying anything until shortly before the time 
 for her departure. It was evident that Engel had a deep solicitude for her 
 welfare, in spite of his pretended stolidity. In theory he had always ex- 
 pressed the greatest admiration for Louise Michel, and on every occasion 
 he had lauded that Frenchwoman for her bravery in suffering imprisonment 
 and readiness to sacrifice her life for Anarchy. But he regarded theor)' and 
 practice as separate and distinct, and in the face of death his thoughts 
 concerned them- 
 selves with the 
 future of his dear 
 child. Should she 
 espouse Anarchy 
 and follow in his 
 footsteps, taking 
 up his work where 
 he had left off? 
 This is what agi- 
 tated Engel, and 
 he soon decided 
 the issue. With 
 a serious and earn- 
 est manner, and in 
 a very strong voice, he said in German : 
 
 " Mein liebes Kind, kummere dich nicht um Anarchic. Du siehest wie 
 esmir geht. Und vergesse diese Worte nicht so lange du lebst." (Trans- 
 lated : " My dear child, do not trouble yourself about Anarchy. You see 
 my situation. Do not forget these words as long as you live." ) 
 
 I am happy to record this to Engel's credit. He was conscious that he 
 had been in the wrong for some time, and he had the manhood to warn his 
 daughter not to embrace Anarchy. He wished her to maintain a good 
 character and grow up to be a good woman. 
 
 The words I have given are true to the letter, just as they were spoken 
 by Engel to his daughter, at the time I have stated, and, no matter how 
 strenuously Anarchists may deny this, it will still remain the truth. I will 
 even add that I have no doubt that Engel's comrades entertained similar 
 sentiments. 
 
 KIERLAN'S SOUVENIR.
 
 654 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The other doomed Anarchists, however, kept their own counsel, and no 
 one seems to have been able to probe their real feelings. Spies and Par- 
 sons were decidedly reserved, and Fischer had a severe demeanor, which 
 only relaxed to intimate and trusted friends. A slight exception to his rule 
 was made in his conduct toward his death-watch, John B. Kierlan. In 
 speaking of Fischer, Kierlan, who was a deputy in the jail building, says : 
 
 "At the beginning of February, 1887, I was detailed as death-watch to 
 Fischer. When I first went on watch Fischer did not care much for my 
 company, but after a week or so we got to be friends. He asked me to 
 play cards with him, and I often joined him in a game. We played 
 for imaginary and invisible beers. Sometimes I would lose, and then 
 again he would be the loser. The one who lost generally wanted sat- 
 isfaction, and the next night we would ' saw off ' the games, and in 
 this way we were accustomed to spend our evenings together until 
 the last few nights preceding November nth. Fischer was at this time in 
 cell No. 28, second row. He became greatly attached to me, and was 
 always pleased to see me. He had more confidence in me than in any other 
 officer in the building, and I was with him nearly all the morning of Nov- 
 ember nth. When it was nearly eleven o'clock that morning he said : 
 
 '"Well, John, what about the beer you owe me? ' 
 
 "I was so greatly astonished that I could not answer him. Then 
 Fischer threw his arm around my neck and said : 
 
 "'Dear John, we must part.' 
 
 "At the same time he kissed my cheek. This was a trying moment for 
 me, as I had become greatly attached to him. While I knew him, he 
 never used bad language or said anything unbecoming a gentleman. He 
 asked me : 
 
 ' ' 'John, will you remember me ?' 
 
 " ' I said : ' Yes, but I would like to have something to remember you by.' 
 
 " He then pulled out a card from his pocket and wrote these words : 
 
 " 'Liberty or death. Adolph Fischer, Cook County Jail, November n, 
 1887.' 
 
 "This card was given to me forty-five minutes before he died, and I am 
 positive that these were the last words he wrote in his life." 
 
 A fac-simile of the card appears on another page. 
 
 The Freiheit of March i6th prints what it calls Lingg's literary testa- 
 ment. It is stated in the introduction to the article that while in prison the 
 bomb-maker carved a handsome little casket, which shortly before his death 
 he presented to Johann Most as a souvenir. In a secret compartment of 
 this casket was contained a small book, on the leaves of which Lingg had 
 inscribed his sentiments, and from which the following is extracted : 
 
 "What is Anarchy? 
 
 "A man-worthy existence for the entire term of life, guaranteed to every
 
 UNHANGED MISCHIEF-MAKERS. 655 
 
 one through complete individual liberty, all human needs being supplied by 
 means of equal participation in the enjoyment of all the products of the 
 community. 
 
 " Free society (Anarchy) finds its limits only in those of the earth. 
 
 "The object of Anarchy is to secure the greatest possible happiness to all. 
 
 "This object is attained through the total extermination of all domina- 
 tion. 
 
 " Domination is personified in exploiters (Ausbeuter) and tyrants. 
 
 "The extermination of these, in view of their sources of power, can best 
 be accomplished by means of dynamite. 
 
 "After such extermination the workingmen will organize according to 
 their inclinations, for protection and consumption. 
 
 "Centralization /. e., subordination of the different groups of produc- 
 tion and consumption under a clique composed of individuals, or even 
 under a majority of society is not advisable, because in that way another 
 domination would be established, and such would make illusory the stated 
 purpose of free society Anarchy." 
 
 In writing this book I have endeavored at all times to be fair and honest. 
 While I have done everything in my power and made use of every faculty 
 which God has given me to ferret out and to combat Anarchy, and while I 
 believe now, as I always have believed, that the men who suffered death at 
 the hand of justice in the Cook County Jail deserved their fate, I also be- 
 lieve that there are those unhanged, and who probably never will be hanged, 
 who are morally as guilty, and who deserve even a harsher fate than 
 befell the men whose lives the law demanded. For these cowards selfish, 
 sneaking conspirators as they are, who fight from ambush and take no 
 risks would not deserve even the sympathy of the poor fools whom they 
 lead to ruin. I firmly believe that Engel, Lingg and Fischer were at least 
 sincere in their convictions and honest in their belief and in their expres- 
 sions. Spies, I think, was led to his fate by vanity and a consuming desire 
 for notoriety. 
 
 In my investigations I of course looked carefully into the antecedents of 
 all the Anarchists who were arrested by my command, and I will say right 
 here that not a dishonest act, as regards the rights of property, was laid to 
 the door of any one of them. Lingg, particularly, was scrupulously honest 
 and conscientious in his dealings with his fellow-man. The day after the 
 Haymarket massacre he found himself penniless, and for that reason refused 
 at first to partake of the food offered him at Seliger's table. 
 
 " I cannot partake of what belongs to you and your wife," he said, "nor 
 of what I cannot pay for. You are as poor as I am." 
 
 "You must share with us as long as we have food," replied Seliger ; but 
 it was only after considerable urging that Lingg consented to appease his 
 hunger. 
 
 While apparent bravery in facing death on the gallows counts for noth- 
 ing I have seen craven cowards meet their doom like stage heroes I 
 
 believe that Lingg, Engel and Fischer would have died calmly and bravely
 
 656 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 even without the stimulants which are always administered to the condemned 
 before the fatal moment, and which were, of course, administered to the 
 four men before they were led to the fatal trap which hurled them into eter- 
 nity. Lingg, particularly, during the entire term of his confinement, through 
 the long months of the trial, and up to the very day when he so tragically 
 took his own life, showed a consistency and a determination which would 
 have been heroic had he not been the dupe of designing men who saw in 
 the ardor of his temperament and in the resistless force of his enthusiastic 
 energy the means to further and carry out iniquitous plots with which they 
 had not the courage to openly identify themselves. I repeat again, there 
 are those still unhanged, who are even now parading before a credible public 
 as apostles of the cause of labor, and whose cowardice keeps them out of 
 the reach of law, who deserve the greater share of public odium. Some of 
 these, and others like them, are still at work in our midst, and in the midst 
 of all communities in which the revolutionists see a chance of making prop- 
 aganda out of differences between employers and employed. I hope that 
 one result of my book may be to open the eyes of honest workingmen to the 
 fact that those who preach violence and those who stir up trouble and 
 intensify discontent are the enemies of honest labor.
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Anarchy Now The Fund for the Condemned Men's Families $10,000 
 Subscribed The Disposition of the Money The Festival of Sorrow Parsons' Post- 
 humous Letter The Haymarket Monument Present Strength of the Discontented 
 7,300 Revolutionists in Chicago A Nucleus of Desperate Men The New Organization 
 Building Societies and Sunday-schools What the Children are Taught Education 
 and Blasphemy The Secret Propaganda Bodendick and his Adventures "The 
 Rebel Vagabond" The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield Arrest of the 
 Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun Chleboun's Story Hronek Sent 
 to the Penitentiary. 
 
 THE question which will naturally present itself to the reader at this 
 time is : What is the present condition of Anarchy in Chicago ? Has 
 the frightful fate of the convicted conspirators proven a salutary lesson to 
 the others, or is the propaganda still maintained ? 
 
 Unfortunately these questions must be answered in a manner not calcu- 
 lated to allay public apprehension. 
 
 After the death and the burial of the executed leaders there was a period 
 of quietness among the Anarchists. They seemed stunned by the blow 
 which had been leveled at them, but the impression soon wore away, and in 
 a short time they were as rampant as ever. 
 
 Their first work was to provide for the families of the dead, and for this 
 purpose a fund of $10,000 was speedily raised. Of this amount, strange to 
 say, $4,000 has been invested in four per cent. Cook County bonds. This 
 amount was intended as a reserve fund for the support of the families, and 
 the rest of the money they are paying out in weekly installments to the 
 families. On New Year's Day of 1888 each of the families was presented 
 with $202 in cash, and loans have been made to Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Fielden 
 and Mrs. Engel to the amount of $400 in each case. These loans are de- 
 ducted in small amounts from the weekly allowances to these women. 
 Later in the year funds were found to send Mrs. Parsons on a lecturing 
 tour to England, an adventure which did not prove a conspicuous success 
 if the reports are to be believed, for the English discontents showed marked 
 disapproval of Mrs. Parsons' dynamite appeals. 
 
 Money is still being collected for a monument at Waldheim Cemetery 
 which shall be the shrine of Anarchist pilgrimages from every part of the 
 country. In this connection the revolutionists have established a " Festival 
 of Sorrow," as they curiously call it, upon the anniversary of the execution. 
 
 In the proceedings of commemoration held at the cemetery on November 
 n, 1888, the most interesting episode was the reading of the following 
 letter from Albert R. Parsons to his children, which had, by his instructions, 
 remained sealed for a year. It ran as follows : 
 
 657
 
 658 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 DUNGEON No. 7, COOK COUNTY JAIL, CHICAGO, ILL., November 9, 1887. To My 
 Darling, Precious Little Children, Albert R. Parsons, Jr., and his Sister, Lulu Eda Parsons: 
 As I write this word I blot your names with a tear. We never meet again. Oh, my chil- 
 dren, how deeply, dearly your papa loves you. We show our love by living for our loved 
 ones ; we also p rove our love by dying, when necessary, for them. Of my life and the cause 
 of my unnatural and cruel death you will learn from others. Your father is a self-offered 
 sacrifice upon the altar of liberty and happiness. To you I leave the legacy of an honest name 
 and duty done. Preserve it, emulate it. Be true to yourselves, you cannot then be false to 
 others. Be industrious, sober and cheerful. Your mother! Ah, she is the grandest, noblest 
 of women. Love, honor and obey her. My children, my precious ones, I request you to. 
 read this parting message on each recurring anniversary of my death in remembrance of him 
 who dies not alone for you, but for the children yet unborn. Bless you, my darlings. Fare- 
 well. Your father, ALBERT R. PARSONS. 
 
 It was a somewhat disappointing epistle, for all the Anarchists had ex- 
 pected a sensational document, as the result of such a theatrical instruction. 
 
 On the other hand the people of Chicago have not been idle. A monu- 
 ment to the memory of the murdered policemen will soon grace Haymarket 
 Square as a lasting memorial to the brave men who fell in the line of duty, 
 and as showing the gratitude of the city to its defenders. 
 
 The pedestal for the police monument was completed long before the 
 figure was ready to be placed. The foundation was begun and finished in 
 December, 1888. The cost of the pedestal, with railings, light supports, 
 and everything complete, in readiness for the figure, aggregated $5,000. 
 The contract price for the pedestal was $3,500. This was increased to 
 $4,000 by minor changes and extra work. The railings, electric lights and 
 supports, and placing the figure in position, will add another $1,000. The 
 figure itself will make the value of the monument $10,000. 
 
 The pedestal sits on a circular sub-base of dressed granite, sixteen feet 
 nine inches in diameter, elevated two steps above the foundation. A base 
 of dressed granite with Ionic cornices rests on the center of this circular 
 sub-base. The central cube, decorated with a shield on which is the coat of 
 arms of the city, supports a block bearing an inscription giving the date of 
 the riot and appropriate sentiments. Worked around these inscriptions 
 are branches and leaves of oak, indicative of strength. By a graceful series 
 of Ionic cornices the pedestal ascends to the base of the figure, the height 
 from the foundation being seven feet six inches. The pedestal is oblong,, 
 extending north and south across the circular base. Two arms of granite 
 extending from the base unite on either side the granite base of the posts 
 which support the lights. 
 
 The designer of the figure which surmounts the pedestal, and which 
 represents a police officer in full uniform with his arm extended, is Charles 
 F. Batchelder. 
 
 All of these are facts directly connected with and growing out of the trial 
 of the case. I come now to the present status of Anarchy. The authorities 
 have recognized the constant menace which the existence of this conspir-
 
 THE HAYMARKET MONUMENT.
 
 660 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 acy conveyed to the cause of law and order, and consequently the malcon- 
 tents have been watched with unceasing vigilance. Their meetings, their 
 plottings, their purposes, their plan of organization and their system of 
 propaganda we know nearly as well as they know it themselves. 
 
 The Socialists themselves estimate their numbers in Chicago at 75,000 
 men, women and children. As Socialism is the parent of Anarchy the 
 two are identical in their ultimate aims, differing only in tactics these 
 figures are significant. 
 
 The number of Anarchists in Chicago to-day is not far from 7,300 
 men and women. Of these there are thirty-five known to us to be des- 
 perate men, ready to commit murder, arson or any other crime to revenge 
 themselves upon the officers and the magistrates who were concerned in 
 bringing about the hanging of their leaders. These are the most danger- 
 ous conspirators in the body, and it may easily be believed that rather close 
 attention is paid to their movements. Next to these comes a collection of 
 some 275 men who are at heart dynamiters, and who would be ready to 
 plunge into a revolt at any moment if they were not held back by the more 
 prudent counsels of the others. These men are dangerous. Next to these 
 there is a body of about 5,000 Anarchists, who would join in a revolt if they 
 could persuade themselves or be persuaded that there was any real chance 
 for success ; but they are as a rule careful of themselves, and they are not 
 going to rush to the gallows if they can help it. Only in a time of great 
 public tumult are they to be really feared. I place in still another category 
 a body of 2,000 "sympathizers" men upon whom neither the Anarchists 
 nor society could rely. They are a doubtful class, and might easily be led 
 one way or the other by a decided victory on either side in a time of real 
 struggle. 
 
 Many women are to be found in each of these classifications, from the 
 most desperate up. There are about forty " women-workers " so called 
 who are engaged in the Anarchic propaganda in the city, six of them 
 being lecturers. They are doing a great deal of harm. 
 
 The present plans of the reds, as broadly stated by one of the open 
 leaders, contemplate the use of every force in society "the force of educa- 
 tion, the force of agitation and the force of arms ; the first now and always ; 
 the second, with great care and judgment ; the last, when the time shall 
 arrive for a strike at liberty." The reds throughout the world have learned 
 a lesson from the failure of Spies and his companions, and while their aims 
 and sentiments are unchanged, their plans have undergone considerable 
 modification. 
 
 A new system of organization has also been developed. They met at 
 first in little groups of five or ten, fearing to gather in larger numbers in the 
 excited times following the hanging. It was proposed to organize ward 
 clubs, but this was negatived because the politicians would mix up with
 
 PRESENT ORGANIZATION. 66 1 
 
 them to get their votes, and thus destroy the secrecy that they wanted. 
 Their demand was for some sort of an organization enabling many people 
 to meet together without attracting suspicion or inviting investigation 
 by the police, and this they succeeded in doing by getting up a Building 
 Society. This was followed by another and another in different parts of the 
 town. They charge an initiation of ten cents, none but approved and 
 guaranteed Anarchists are admitted, and the societies are working in full 
 force, although I doubt whether they will greatly contribute to the material 
 improvement of Chicago. The Anarchists are a very quarrelsome lot, and 
 they often get into serious disputes with each other, and thus one party, to 
 get revenge, would often come to me with information on his enemy. This 
 has been stopped by the "Building Association," which maintains com- 
 mittees to settle all quarrels between members. 
 
 Aside from a majority of the thirty-two organizations affiliated with the 
 Central Labor Union, the reds of late have been propagating the revolu- 
 tionary cause through the following societies : 
 
 1. The Workingmen's Defense Association, composed chiefly of men, 
 of which Fred Bentthin is secretary. This same organization raised the 
 money to defend the reds who were tried for the conspiracy to assassinate 
 Judges Gary and Grinnell, Bonfield and others. 
 
 2. The Pioneer Aid and Relief Society, composed chiefly of women. 
 This institution came into existence immediately after the arrest of the 
 Anarchists in May, 1886. 
 
 3. A. R. Parsons Assembly No. i. This is a reorganization of the 
 suspended or expelled Assembly 1307, once known as the Sons of Liberty. 
 It has always been a hotbed of Anarchy, and is now composed of An- 
 archists almost exclusively. Its membership is composed of such revolu- 
 tionary lights as Oliver, Holmes, Snyder, Brown, Glasgow, and other 
 fire-brands. Snyder and Brown were arrested at the time of the Haymarket 
 massacre and held in custody for months. 
 
 4. The English branch of the Socialistic Labor party, Waverly Hall, 
 122 Randolph Street. 
 
 5. The German branch of the Socialistic Labor party, 54 West Lake 
 Street. 
 
 6. The Socialistic Publishing Society, which controls the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung on the communistic plan and devotes all surplus to the cause of the 
 social revolution. 
 
 7. The " Arbeiter-Bund," or Working People's Confederation, recently 
 organized at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. This is the most violent public organ- 
 ization of Anarchists in Chicago. 
 
 It was the Arbeiter-Bund which, through its attorneys, applied to Judge 
 Tuley only a short time ago for an injunction to restrain the police from 
 interfering with meetings of Socialists and Anarchists. While the in-
 
 662 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 junction was not technically granted, still the decision was such as to render 
 the police powerless to interfere with their gatherings. The Chancellor's 
 opinion is too lengthy to print here, but it was made on a broad construc- 
 tion of the constitutional provision guaranteeing free speech. I am not a 
 lawyer, and I will not attempt to say that the learned Chancellor misunder- 
 stands the law or the Constitution, but it does seem that there ought to be 
 some provision which should make it unsafe or impossible for bloody-minded 
 revolutionists to preach their foreign doctrine in open defiance of a respect- 
 able and law-abiding community. 
 
 The impudence shown by the Anarchists, extreme Socialists and other 
 enemies of society in claiming redress under the law would seem ridiculous 
 if it were not contemptible. These agitators shout " throttle the law," and 
 then complain that their meetings are suppressed contrary to law. At their 
 meetings, in their speeches, and in other ways they cover the courts and 
 judges with opprobrium, and then apply to the courts for restraining orders 
 forbidding the police to interfere with their meetings. With yells and 
 screeches in foreign tongues they declare that the Constitution shall be 
 destroyed, and then complain that they are denied freedom of speech in 
 violation of the Constitution. Putting themselves outside the law and de- 
 manding its destruction, they at the same time demand its protection. 
 
 Other forms of public organization are the " Schulgemeinde " of the 
 Northwest Side, and the " Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein." The two last-named 
 seem to have for their special object the establishment and maintenance 
 of "Sunday schools." 
 
 Of all this more will be said hereafter, but first I will call attention to 
 the fact that the organizations named are only what appear on the surface. 
 Underlying and controlling all these is the secret organization, which in 
 Chicago consists of an "invisible committee." It must be understood 
 that the movement toward the object to which the Internationale looks 
 forward the social revolution is local, national, and international, and 
 it is probable that the committee for Chicago was appointed from the 
 headquarters of the Internationale in New York, at the suggestion of that 
 arch-conspirator and migchief-maker, Johann Most. The " invisible com- 
 mittee," although they have full direction of the movement in Chicago, 
 are supposed to be unknown to the mass of the order. They work indi- 
 vidually, and not as a body, and always quietly. Their identity they hold 
 sacredly secret. It is only when open revolutionary work has actually 
 begun that they are to come to the front. In the meantime, the open 
 workers and agitators report to the individual "invisibles," and act under 
 their advice. The " invisibles " themselves make it a point to practice 
 moderation in their public utterances to divert suspicion. The old-time 
 centralized organization, the reds believe, led to the detection and con- 
 viction of their leaders, after the failure of the Haymarket plot, and this
 
 THE SE CRE T A GITA TORS. 663 
 
 it was that made the new plan not only advisable but necessary. Decen- 
 tralization is now the ruling principle. 
 
 The public agitators are such people as Currlin, Holmes, Morgan, 
 Mikolanda, Grottkau, Mostler, Bergman, G. Smith, Poch, Mittag, Ment- 
 zer and others. They declare themselves openly as Anarchists and agi- 
 tators. They are of course well known to the police, and consequently 
 they are on the lookout not to come in contact with us. They only enlist 
 recruits, however. The secret agitators visit public meetings occasionally, 
 but they very seldom do any talking. Nobody notices them, and this is 
 what they want. They are seldom members of any " Verein," and they 
 form acquaintances on the street, in shops or saloons, but always with 
 the utmost caution until they have gained confidence. They meet at 
 private houses in parties of three or four, agitating wherever they can 
 gain a point. When charged with being Anarchists they .deny it, and 
 to throw off suspicion some of them even go regularly to church. Among 
 these there are fanatics who would do almost anything to gain their ends. 
 I know a great many of this class, and I would not believe it if I did not 
 know of my own knowledge that they are Anarchists of the purest water. 
 They are the most harmless-looking men in Chicago. 
 
 The open and public movement still goes on under cover of the cause 
 of labor. The plan of campaign is, so far as the public associations and 
 meetings are concerned, to teach Anarchy ; to create in the minds of Social- 
 istic adherents a hatred of all law and of all religion, and to inspire a spirit 
 of revenge for the execution of Spies and his comrades. Their teachings 
 are carried out by speeches more or less incendiary. 
 
 The most potent factor for evil in Chicago to-day, as heretofore, is the 
 Arbeit er-Zeitung. When this paper was first established it was delivered 
 secretly through alleyways and at back doors. Now it has a circulation 
 of 7,000 copies daily. Time was when the daily tirades of abuse scattered 
 broadcast by that sheet were viewed with indifference by the English- 
 speaking press of this city. That was in the seed-time of "theoretic" 
 and " practical " Anarchy in Chicago. Then the dire meaning of it all 
 escaped the bulk of the population. It was said and the saying was 
 flaunted in the faces of the sullen hordes until it acted like the red 
 rag on an infuriated bull that all this talk would end where it be- 
 gan in talk. The paper is more readable and interesting now than it 
 ever was. Its present editorial staff is an abler one, and understands bet- 
 ter on occasion how to convey its meaning without expressing it in so 
 many plain words. It comprises not only some of the old-time writers 
 men like Paul Grottkau and Albert Currlin but it has now at its head a 
 man of infinitely more cunning and ability than ever distinguished Au- 
 gust Spies. 
 
 Editor Jens Christensen, a native of the formerly Danish province of
 
 664 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Schleswig, is a good-looking young German, and bears quite a resem- 
 blance to his predecessor in personal appearance. He is thoroughly pro- 
 ficient not only in German, but also in English, French, and all the Scan- 
 dinavian tongues, is a scientifically trained man, and has at command an 
 arsenal of facts, arguments and deductions to be marshaled up in defense 
 of his specious pleadings. 
 
 Christensen was at one time a Socialist candidate for the German 
 Reichstag, and is now in constant and confidential correspondence with 
 the leading European prophets of destruction. Although he has been 
 in America less than a year, he has inspired in his disciples within that 
 short time a degree of confidence which Spies never possessed. He has 
 not the easy address of Spies in dealing with a crowd, and he is at all 
 times a better, more logical and more forcible writer than orator ; but he is, 
 for all that, the best public speaker the destructionists of this city have 
 within their ranks to-day. He is more suave than impassioned in his 
 speech reserved and self-possessed, and never at a loss for a reply. 
 He is a zealot and a fanatic in the cause he has espoused, and he is prob- 
 ably the only Socialist in Chicago who can give a scientific basis for every 
 dogma he announces, and a proof for every word he utters. 
 
 Since Christensen's arrival here he has been in a newspaper warfare 
 with Johann Most. He attacked Most, charging him with being an injury 
 to the cause of the revolution by his bad judgment and radical plans of 
 dynamite and other methods for the application of physical force. Most 
 has been striking back in his characteristic way, and this has brought 
 Christensen into considerable prominence. Moreover, he is a writer with 
 great executive ability. He is a man of strong convictions, evident 
 courage, but is quite a diplomat, and does not propose to follow his 
 "comrades" to the gallows by any slip of the pen or tongue if he can 
 help it. Christensen is a Socialist, not an Anarchist, he says, and yet 
 he declares with a good deal of frankness that Socialists and Anarchists 
 are pretty much the same, so far as the result sought is concerned, the 
 only essential differences being in the tactics used to reach the object 
 aimed at. 
 
 Such a man, it will be readily seen, when once started in the wrong 
 path, is a much more dangerous foe than the hot-headed, rather selfish, 
 openly ambitious Spies. And he shows his power in nothing better than in 
 his manner of conducting the avowed organ of all the destructionists. Since 
 his advent, this afternoon sheet has set the ferment of social agitation going 
 again until the movement, as a matter of fact, is to-day in reality more for- 
 midable than it was three years ago, for now it is directed by a cautious, 
 self-contained man who weighs every step before advising it, and who in all 
 things considers the question of expediency first. 
 
 The paper he presides over is a daily proof of his skill and of his capa-
 
 ANOTHER MEPHISTOPHELES. 665 
 
 city for doing harm. !< spreads the old doctrine of destruction and social 
 upheaval, but it does so in a much more insidious, in a more guarded, and, 
 probably, in a more effective manner. There is a general policy laid down, 
 and that is never deviated from. Every line that goes into the reading 
 columns of the Arbeiter-Zeitung has to serve a purpose. That purpose is ta 
 teach a lesson, to serve as one more grain of disgust with the existing state 
 of things, to render the reader more weary of the society of to-day. Every 
 piece of news is bent to that end distorted, falsified, or magnified so as 
 to "point a moral or adorn a tale." If a laborer has been cheated out of 
 his wages, for instance, by his employer, a general deduction as to all em- 
 ployers is made. If a wealthy thief escape more or less merited punish- 
 ment, the sharp edge of sarcasm and of lament over the futility of trying to 
 regenerate this world by any but "radical" means is again used. Every 
 piece of rascality, in fact, /on the part of well-to-do or highly placed men, 
 every misstep, every error, every unwise law and every unwise application 
 of a wise one all of these things and many more are seized and made to 
 serve the purpose of this personally smooth and amiable Mephistopheles, 
 and are dished up to his benighted readers, peppered, salted and seasoned 
 with Chile sauce, to make them palatable. 
 
 Thus the paper acts on that vast body of half or wholly discontented, on 
 all those who, with or without their own fault, are not as well off as they might 
 be, on all those thousands who sympathized or still sympathize with the 
 dread fate of the eight Anarchists arrested after the Haymarket slaughter, 
 as a constant irritant, distorting everything to their mental eye and keeping 
 them forever in an irritable mood and in a sort of self-made purgatory which 
 embitters even their hours of rest and recreation. That this sort of effect 
 cannot go accumulating in the minds of many thousands of men and women 
 and children without finally producing something tangible, an explosion, is- 
 self-evident and needs no emphasizing. Did space permit, I should like ta 
 give here extracts to show how insidious and subtle the poison which is 
 daily instilled into the minds of these readers. 
 
 Mr. Currlin, qx-editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, is known as the wandering 
 missionary of Anarchy. He is busily engaged in the propagation of rev- 
 olutionary ideas. His style of oratory and the general drift of his senti- 
 ments may be gathered from quotations heretofore given in this book. 
 
 George Schilling would strenuously object to being called an Anarchist. 
 But he admits being a Socialist. When asked a short time ago if he 
 expected another outbreak as the result of existing revolutionary forces, he 
 said : 
 
 " I expect something of the kind about the end of the present century 
 say in ten years. Society is just now dormant, like a river frozen in winter 
 time, but some night there will be a mighty crack in the ice, and under the 
 warming influences of evolutionary forces there will be a mighty upheaval.
 
 '666 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 There will no doubt be a squall or two before that time, but the great event 
 will not come, in my judgment, much sooner. There will be lots of men 
 and women who will not be able to see beyond the squall, and they will 
 think the time has arrived. It will come, not as the result of a conspiracy 
 of Anarchists, but as a conspiracy of all the evolutionary forces of society." 
 
 Mrs. Lucy Parsons is still an active exhorter in the cause. She is sim- 
 ply irrepressible, and has made herself obnoxious to the more peaceable and 
 conservative Socialists. To the ordinary hearer her harangues would seem 
 ridiculous, were it not for the fact that the loss of a husband by death on 
 the gallows naturally creates sympathy, even for a fanatic. 
 
 "Prison bars nor the scaffold shall ever prevent me from speaking the 
 truth," she exclaimed at a Sunday afternoon meeting of Socialists at 
 Waverly Hall a few months ago. " The ballot is useless as a remedy, and 
 a change in the present condition of the wage slave will never be brought 
 about peacefully. Force is the only remedy, and force will certainly be 
 used." 
 
 This meeting had been called to listen to a paper by Prof. Charles 
 Orchardson on "Salvation from Poverty." The speaker, deprecating the 
 incendiary arguments and appeals to forceful measures on the part of what 
 were known as Anarchists, said that Anarchy never would improve the con- 
 dition of society. He devoted himself principally to the private ownership 
 of land, and claimed that more frauds had been committed in that name 
 than in any other. Fire and murder were the sole right and title of the 
 original owners of the land, and no original robbery could be tortured into 
 a righteous transaction. The owner of the land was the owner of the in- 
 habitants. Land in Chicago originally worth $i an acre was now, in some 
 localities, worth perhaps $1,000,000 an acre. The people made this value, 
 but the land-owner reaped the benefit of the advance the people had cre- 
 ated. A land speculator was nothing but a land peculator, and held the 
 people at his mercy. The three evils of society to-day, the speaker said, 
 were private enterprise, the competitive system and private ownership of 
 land. The first remedy to be applied was the education of the people. 
 Another remedy was to adopt the single-tax theories of Henry George and 
 to establish the Australian method of secret voting, so that the employ^ 
 could fearlessly deposit his ballot without fear of discharge from his em- 
 ployer. This method would also abolish the buying and selling of votes. 
 Then men should be elected to represent the people in the halls of legisla- 
 tion and to resist the encroachments of the capitalists and monopolists. 
 Private ownership in land should be abolished, and the capitalists should 
 be compelled to stop the work of increasing poverty by curtailing the pro- 
 ductions of the labor of man. 
 
 During the discussion which followed the reading of Prof. Orchardson's 
 paper, the ringing voice of Mrs. Parsons was heard in the rear of the hall.
 
 MRS. PARSONS 1 ORATORY. 667 
 
 She had entered late, and few were aware of her presence, but she was 
 greeted with loud applause as she rapidly and defiantly made her way 
 to the front of the platform. She said : 
 
 "'I did not hear the beginning of this lecture to-day, but I heard 
 it last evening at 599 Milwaukee Avenue. I have heard what he had to 
 say about the Anarchists, and I want to say to him and to everybody else 
 that it is about time to give the Anarchists a rest. Are there not enough 
 of them dead ? Do you need to go into their graves and aid the detec- 
 tives in their work of digging up their memories for abuse and obloquy ? 
 Last night the Professor was asked what remedy he would propose if the 
 men elected to the legislature betrayed their trust and sold out their 
 poor constituents, and he then said his remedy would be to organize secret 
 societies and assassinate the men who proved unfaithful to their trusts. 
 He need not deny this, for I have witnesses here to prove that he said 
 this. And now to-day he throws his slings at Anarchy. Anarchy, as I 
 understand it, is one of the most beautiful theories, and I do not agree 
 with the speaker when he favors assassination. I hold human life too 
 sacred, and do not believe in assassinating the men who sell out. Before 
 they talk about Anarchy let them define it. It is a philosophy which 
 they do not, or will not, understand. . . - , 
 
 " Men talk about revolution as if it were a terrible thing. Every one 
 present is a revolutionist because he is poor. Every man who lives in a 
 tenement-house and wants to secure a better home is a revolutionist, 
 because the beneficial change means a revolution in his very life. I 
 know I have to be careful what I say nowadays, but I assert that any 
 and all means are justified in order to get rid of the present system of 
 wage slavery. (Loud applause.) Any means, I say. If the ballot will 
 accomplish that purpose, adopt it ; but if it will not, let us adopt some 
 more potent means. (Applause.) 
 
 "The speaker has argued in favor of Australian laws, but I know the 
 same state of society exists there that exists here, and the laws furnish no 
 remedy. Does any one suppose that the capitalists your masters will 
 ever permit you to peacefully take their lands from them while they can 
 invoke the aid of a policeman's club or a Gatling gun ? The ballot-box 
 is useless to reform the evils of society, and there is 'not a State Socialist 
 living who believes that a reform can be brought about peaceably. They 
 all admit it, but they claim that it is not policy to say so. .1 am not afraid 
 to say what I believe, whether it leads me to prison bars or the scaffold. 
 The capitalists never have relinquished anything until they were com- 
 pelled to, and they will not now, unless they have a change of heart, or 
 something of that sort. But go on voting. Vote for what you want, but 
 don't forget that the Bill of Rights gives every man the right to keep and 
 bear arms, and when you want to vote take your little musket to the polls 
 with you, and then your vote will be counted not before. Take the 
 ballot ; but first put an idea, a strong arm and determination behind, 
 and then buy yourselves good Winchester rifles. Then you will be pre- 
 pared to fight for your rights. Men who are armed are bound to be free, 
 and you are all wage slaves to-day because you are not." 
 
 Here the applause was almost deafening. Mrs. Parsons paused and 
 gazed around the room.
 
 668 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 " I do not care," said she, "whether there are any policemen or de- 
 tectives here or not, or whether the newspapers want to come out with 
 sensational head-lines about me. Go on voting, and in ten years you will 
 find yourselves where I am now. You will be no further advanced, and 
 then you will have to come to the revolution of force which I advocate now. " 
 
 Her voice rang out strong and clear, and as she finished it seemed evi- 
 dent from the loud applause that followed that the majority of those present 
 were in full accord with her sentiments. 
 
 Professor Orchardson then replied to his critic. He claimed that Mrs. 
 Parsons had begun by picturing Anarchy as one of the most lovely and 
 beautiful conditions imaginable, but before she had finished she had ad- 
 vocated murder, force, carbines and every violent measure conceivable. 
 She had claimed that Anarchy did not mean war, and in the same breath had 
 urged that all means were justifiable to secure it. " A man who undertakes 
 to philosophize upon this question," said he, " soon becomes contaminated 
 by that horrible theory Anarchism." 
 
 A few hisses were heard about the room. 
 
 "I see I have no sympathy here," he continued, "and I here declare 
 that if I live I will never speak again where Anarchists are admitted and 
 permitted to speak." 
 
 Here a storm of hisses and loud cries of "Shame " were heard on all 
 sides, and for a moment it seemed as if trouble was imminent. The chair- 
 man, however, succeeded in restoring order, and the speaker was about to 
 continue his remarks, when he was interrupted by Mrs. Parsons. 
 
 " Did you not advocate assassination in your lecture last night?" she 
 asked. 
 
 "I did not. I simply said that if humanity had sunk so low that men 
 would sell themselves out, secret societies should be formed for the purpose 
 of bringing retribution on the men who had betrayed their trusts." 
 
 " You said assassination," shouted Mrs. Parsons, "and I can prove it. " 
 
 " I never did and never will advocate the vicious, horrible and blood- 
 thirsty ideas of the Anarchists, that made it so hard to argue the Socialistic 
 question before the people," concluded the Professor, in evident disgust; 
 "and I again repeat that I never will attend another meeting where such 
 ideas are advocated." 
 
 As the speaker took his seat, he was warmly cheered by a number 
 present, but there was a loud murmur of dissent from the rear of the room, 
 where Mrs. Parsons sat surrounded by her friends. 
 
 The most conspicuous feature of the propaganda of the Internationale 
 in Chicago to-day is the Sunday school movement. There are now four of 
 these schools in successful and established operation, and a number of 
 others are fairly started. 
 
 The first was opened in the spring of 1888, at Lake View, by the
 
 670 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 "Socialistic Turn-Verein." The second was begun in August, 1888, at 
 Jefferson, by the Turn-Verein " Fortschritt. " The third was commenced in 
 September, at "Thalia Hall," by the "Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein" of the 
 Northwest Side, and the fourth was started at 58 Clybourn Avenue, by the 
 "Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein " of the North Side. The school at Lake View 
 is frequented by about 190 children ; the school of the Turn-Verein " Fort- 
 schritt " has from forty to fifty pupils ; the school of the Northwest Side was 
 visited on Sunday, December 9, 1888, by 230 children, and this Verein will 
 have to rent another hall, as the present one is not large enough to accom- 
 modate all the pupils. The North Side school was attended by about 100 
 children on the same day. All schools are under the supervision of the one 
 organized on December 9, 1888, at Aurora Turn Hall. The mam mission 
 of this school is the organization of others. It can easily be seen that the 
 schools now established are prospering, because the number of pupils is 
 increasing from day to day. The schools are of Socialistic and Anarchistic 
 origin. Nothing is taught relating to dynamite or bombs. The German 
 language is used in all the schools, and all the ordinary branches of educa- 
 tion are embraced in the curriculum, but underneath and above all is the 
 spirit of contempt for law and religion. The children are instructed that 
 religion is nothing but a humbug ; that there exists no God and no devil, no 
 heaven and no hell, and that Christianity is only a preventive system 
 adopted by the capitalists to rule the working people and keep them under. 
 After this they are to be taught the spirit of revolution. In all, the main 
 point is agitation for Socialism and Anarchy. 
 
 As showing the spirit of the Anarchist Sunday schools, I append the 
 following appeal for Christmas presents from the Arbeiter-Zeitung of Decem- 
 ber 7, 1888. It seems to me that it leaves very little to be said, except per- 
 haps to point out that 58 Clybourn Avenue is a low-class groggery, and that 
 it was in the very room in which the school is held that the Anarchists who 
 were to carry out Engel's plan on the 4th of May, 1886, secured their sup- 
 plies of dynamite and bombs : 
 
 Christmas Presents for the Scholars of the Sunday School of the North Side. 
 
 The "Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein" of the North Side held a meeting December 3d, and 
 adopted the following : A presentation of Christmas presents and a lottery for the children 
 of the Sunday school will be held at 58 Clybourn Avenue on Christmas day. Every one is 
 invited who has an interest in taking from the clergy the power over our little ones, and who 
 will help us to educate our children to become useful persons also parents, their friends 
 and business people who are willing to contribute a small sum of money for the benefit of 
 this noble cause. Leave your contributions for the presentation of Christmas presents or for 
 the dressing of the Christmas tree for the dear little ones until Saturday, December 22, with 
 the committee, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. 
 
 Receipts for presents will be published in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
 
 ARBEITER BILDUNGS-VEREIN. 
 
 Dr. E. G. Kleinoldt, who lives at 591 Sedgwick Street, is one of the 
 chief teachers. He is an enthusiast in instructing innocent children that
 
 IRRELIGIOUS SUNDAY SCHOOLS. 6;r 
 
 there is no God and no hereafter. He tells his small charges that priests- 
 and ministers alike are swindlers, and there are in this city fathers who 
 bring their children to the rear of a beer saloon on Sundays to be taught 
 such doctrine by a drunkard. 
 
 On Saturday night, December i, 1888, a dance was in progress in Yon- 
 dorf's Hall. Officer Lorch, of my command, called in to see what kind of a 
 gathering it was. Entering the hall, he saw Kleinoldt with three young 
 men, talking very busily. The officer approached near enough to hear that 
 Kleinoldt was talking about dynamite, and finally heard him tell the young 
 men how to make bombs, explaining the process in the same manner as- 
 Engel had done. He also suggested that if his hearers would make bombs 
 and put them under "the leafers of policemen," it would make the " blood- 
 hounds" jump. The officer approached Kleinoldt and said: 
 
 " This is not an Anarchist meeting. Stop your talk, or I will put you out." 
 
 Kleinoldt made some insulting remarks, and the officer took him by the 
 back of the neck and pushed him out of the hall. This was the last of him 
 there for that night, but the young men he had been talking to were not 
 Anarchists. One of the three followed him out on the sidewalk and there 
 met a friend whom he told what Kleinoldt had advised. The newcomer, 
 who happened to carry a large turkey, was a little under the influence of 
 liquor himself, but was sober enough to oppose Anarchy. He followed 
 Kleinoldt, struck him with the turkey, knocked him down and broke his 
 eye-glasses, apparently for the purpose of demonstrating to the worthy ped- 
 agogue that all people who drink too much beer are not necessarily Anar- 
 chists. 
 
 This man Kleinoldt was interviewed a short time ago by a reporter of 
 the Chicago Herald. While other Anarchist pedagogues are loth to com- 
 municate their plans and doings, Kleinoldt talked readily, and what he said 
 seems to me sufficiently interesting to repeat here. 
 
 "We do not teach Socialism or Anarchism in our Sunday-schools, and 
 the newspapers do us an injustice when they say so," said Dr. Kleinoldt. 
 " The object of our Sunday schools is to keep the children away from the 
 influence of the Jesuits, who teach the Bible, religious songs, and church 
 doctrine, subjects that are very distasteful to us who are Socialists. I was 
 one of the prime movers in the project to organize schools to be held on 
 Sundays all over the city, which shall be open to children of all parents who 
 are opposed to the hurtful influences of church instruction. While it is 
 possibly true that most of those in attendance are the offspring of Socialists 
 and Anarchists, still it is by no means restricted to them, for in one school, 
 at 58 Clybourn Avenue, as well as others, you will find those whose fathers 
 have no sympathy with our advanced ideas on sociology." 
 
 " What do you teach at these schools ? " asked the reporter. 
 
 " Our course takes in reading, writing, natural history, geography, liter-
 
 672 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 ature, general history and morality so much of ethics as young minds 
 are capable of receiving." 
 
 "And you do not teach the tenets of Anarchy? " queried the reporter. 
 
 "By no means. We say nothing of bombs, dynamite, overthrow of 
 kingdoms, uprooting of our present social system, or anything of that kind. 
 What would be the use of it ? If you had a correct appreciation of the 
 principles of Anarchy and Socialism you would readily understand that the 
 questions are too grave for the apprehension of juvenile minds. Later on 
 well, that is something else." 
 
 "Still, Doctor, your teachers are thoroughly imbued with these senti- 
 ments, and it would be only natural for you to desire, if you are honest in 
 your convictions, that these young people should grow up in your peculiar 
 faith." 
 
 "That is another matter," replied Dr. Kleinoldt, regarding the reporter 
 fixedly through his spectacles. " As the twig is bent the tree's inclined. 
 We are honest in what we profess, else why should we profess at all, since 
 we have nothing to gain but obloquy, in the present at least ? Being honest 
 and believing that our teachings are best for the human family, we should 
 be strange beings indeed if we were not anxious to have our children grow 
 up into our faith. What I have said is, and I repeat it, that we do not teach 
 Anarchistic or Socialistic principles to the pupils in our Sunday schools." 
 
 The reporter here read to the Doctor a paragraph from one of the 
 Chicago dailies to the effect that at the school held in the rear of Rachau 
 Bros', saloon, corner of Lincoln Avenue and Halsted Street, the day before, 
 a teacher had dilated upon the death of Spies and Parsons, declaring they 
 were murdered by the capitalists and that they were martyrs. 
 
 " Of that I know nothing. All I know is that such is not the design 
 of our schools. Such talk is not heard at our school in the rear of the 
 saloon at 58 Clybourn Avenue. We use the same books that are used 
 in the day schools, and what we teach is as I have told you before 
 only this and nothing more." 
 
 "Put since your teachers hold to these peculiar views, and since chil- 
 dren have investigating minds being eager to ask questions is there 
 anything to prevent teachers from defining their views even if they do 
 not enter into arguments to demonstrate the tenableness of their position ? " 
 
 " I repeat again, there are many children in attendance upon our schools 
 whose parents are not Anarchists or Socialists. Those who are hear these 
 opinions at their homes. Those who are not do not hear them." 
 
 "True; but there are some, doubtless, in every class, who have heard 
 at their homes the teachings of Anarchy or Socialism ; they may ask ques- 
 tions. Is there anything to prevent the teachers from replying to them 
 in such manner as to indoctrinate the others in this faith ? " 
 
 " It is possible, I admit. But I say again, it is not so in our school.
 
 PEDAGOGUE KLEINOLDT. 
 
 673 
 
 FRANK CHLEBOUN. 
 From a Photograph. 
 
 Indeed, most of the children are too small to know anything about such 
 matters. You will say time will correct that. I add that our primary 
 object is the education of the young people. We teach in German alto- 
 gether, because the children learn English in the public schools. They 
 all attend the latter, because it is a primary 
 principle with us that it is education alone that j 
 can make men free. In addition to the studies 
 named, we teach music and singing, and we 
 hold a session at 58 Clybourn Avenue in the 
 afternoon of each Sunday, when teachers from 
 the Workingmen's Educational Society an 
 art organization teach them drawing." 
 
 The Doctor is a short, thick-set, mild- 
 mannered man, possessed of a gentle voice, 
 and is, apparently, about thirty-five years old. 
 He spoke carefully, and without excitement. 
 " Let me tell you further," he said, after 
 a brief pause, "we do not teach anything of 
 what is termed religion, because we do not 
 believe in that. We do teach morals, the duties we owe to our neighbors, 
 the great principles of right and wrong. We desire the children to grow 
 up into Socialists, that they may be worthy successors of their parents ; 
 
 but we do not think the Sunday school we 
 have organized is the proper place to incul- 
 cate such doctrines." 
 
 " Because your pupils are too young ?" 
 asked the reporter. 
 
 "Yes, and because, as I have said, the 
 parents of some of the children do not hold 
 to our views, and it is our desire to bring 
 into our fold as many as possible, thus sav- 
 ing as many as we can from the evil influ- 
 ences of the church." 
 
 "You say you teach music and songs. 
 Do these include sacred music ? " 
 
 " Our music and songs are strictly secu- 
 lar ; we have nothing to do with anything 
 FRANK CAPEK connected with the churches." 
 
 From a photograph taken by the Police. Dr. Kleinoldt may be correct in his state- 
 
 ment that the school at 58 Clybourn Avenue has not taught Anarchy, yet 
 it is nevertheless true that at least two of the school's enthusiastic teachers 
 have dilated upon the " martyrdom " of Spies, Parsons, Fischer and Engel, 
 declaring that they died for a glorious cause, and that those officials who
 
 674 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 were instrumental in their arrest, and those who took part in the trial and 
 at the execution, are guilty of the vilest of crimes. At one of the schools, 
 a teacher even went so far as to allude to the Savior as the lazy loafer of 
 Nazareth. It will not demand a very close reading " between the lines " of 
 the interview with Dr. Kleinoldt, however, to find out that, whatever the 
 motive of those who have inaugurated this movement, the ultimate result 
 will be the same as though the open and expressed object were the dis- 
 semination of those views now universally regarded among civilized nations 
 as subversive of all government. The schools are organized for the purpose 
 of sowing in the minds of innocent children the seeds of atheism, dis- 
 content and lawlessness. 
 
 The Sunday school movement is only one feature of the general plan of 
 the revolutionists. The Socialists fear as heartily as they hate the church, 
 and of late they have had especial reason, from their standpoint, for both. 
 Both Catholic and Protestant churches located in German, Bohemian and 
 Polish sections have recently extended their facilities for reaching the youth 
 of their nationalities, and hundreds of children have been gathered into 
 Christian schools on Sundays, thus taking them for a brief while on that 
 day from the squalid streets upon which they roam without restraint, and 
 bringing them in contact with Christian influences. Even scores of chil- 
 dren of Socialistic parents have had this experience. The great aim of the 
 Internationals now, as always, is to increase their numerical strength. To 
 do this they hold it necessary to establish secular Sunday schools wherein 
 the principles of Socialism will be taught and where children will be 
 made to despise, though they may obey, the laws. 
 
 It need only be added here that all the schools of the Socialists now 
 in operation in Chicago are held either in the rear or in the basements of 
 beer saloons. 
 
 Judge Tuley, in his decision on the application for an injunction, stated 
 that "there are Christian Anarchists. " I venture the assertion, however, 
 that the learned jurist has never seen one of that class. I know that I have 
 not, and I never expect to see one. Christianity and Anarchy are entirely 
 opposite. While it is possible of course that a man professing the religion 
 of Christ should be blinded by the plausible preachings of the Anarchists, 
 still the hallucination would be only temporary. Religion and Anarchy, as 
 I understand and have seen it, do not and never will go together. 
 
 The conspirator Hronek, at his trial, was asked if he believed in God. 
 
 " I have never seen him," was the reply. 
 
 Scratch the hide of an Anarchist, and you will find an infidel or a fool. 
 An intelligent human being cannot reconcile the violent doctrines of An- 
 archy with any form of Christianity. 
 
 Charles L. Bodendick, twenty-five years old, 5 feet 4 inches tall, weighing 
 150 pounds, was arrested by Officer Hanley for robbing Justice White, March
 
 THE REBEL VAGABOND: 
 
 675 
 
 18, 1886, and was held to the Criminal Court in $1,500 bonds. He was tried 
 and sentenced to the penitentiary in Joliet for one year. During his trial ic 
 was demonstrated that he was a thorough Anarchist. The Arbeiter-Zeitung 
 then called him a "crank" and said that he was crazy. Before he was 
 arrested, however, he had made his home about the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, 
 and at that time he had been looked on as a valuable man. The poor fel- 
 low had kept hanging around there, reading their misleading trash, until 
 he was destitute and a vagrant. The next steps were robbery and the 
 penitentiary. 
 
 After his release from prison Bodendick came back to the city, and, roam- 
 ing about from place to place, finally fell into his old ways again, living on 
 wind and Anarchy. He grew more 
 desperate even than before his ar- 
 rest. He wanted to manufacture 
 something stronger than dynamite. 
 A card was given to him by Dyer 
 D. Lum, and he called at the Public 
 Library for the "Techno-Chemical 
 Receipt Book," K 4314. On page 
 30 of this book Bodendick learned 
 what he knew of the make-up of 
 explosives. He admitted that he 
 wanted to use sulphur, saltpeter 
 and soda potash. He also procured 
 other books on explosives, and he 
 finally purchased a quantity of ma- 
 terial and went to his room to ex- CHARLES L. BODENDICK. 
 
 periment. But before he had From a Photograph taken by the Police. 
 
 learned very much he was arrested. Bodendick was kept in the Central Sta- 
 tion in the sweat-box for two weeks. He was defiant at first, but finally sent 
 word to the Inspector that he wanted to talk with him. He was brought to the 
 office, and after he had given a lot of information, and promised to leave the city 
 at once, he was released. The Anarchists claim that he never did "squeal." 
 This Bodendick was an odd genius. Here is verbatim et literatim a 
 poem in which he melodiously voiced his sentiments some years ago : 
 
 THE REBELL-VAGABOND. 
 
 I live and will take the right, 
 To demand of the world abundance ; 
 To do so, I'm prepared to fight 
 the world and all its Dungeons. 
 
 Your a Loafer, says'" the upper ten," 
 You aught to go to Prison. 
 But, who are the priveledged ones 
 To loaf ? the toilers lot dissmissend ?
 
 676 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 I' ve toiled hard, sometime ago, 
 From early morn till late. 
 That I aint worth some millions now 
 Is really too bad. 
 
 You see, a generous toiling man 
 Gets never much ahead ; 
 For which a rascal allways can 
 Rob men of life and (e)state. 
 
 7-10 from what I have produced 
 
 You took in your possessions 
 
 While the toiling part you have reduced 
 
 To crime and degradations. 
 
 Not only this, nay vamper like 
 Do suck the Blood of men 
 And with the bones you take the hide 
 But, things get to an end. 
 
 That time I was quiet ingnorant 
 of, who was my enemy real, 
 That I've become to you a torment 
 Is only the result you feel. 
 
 I'll work for life and liberty, 
 For thiefs like you I wont 
 The courage that is left in me 
 Makes me a Rebell-Vagabond. 
 
 The most serious recent development of the spirit of revolt and disorder,, 
 however, is that shown in the attempt of the men Hronek and Capek to 
 assassinate Judges Gary and Grinnell and Inspector Bonfield. 
 
 In July of 1888, Judge Grinnell sent for me and told me that he had 
 been informed by a Bohemian citizen that there was a conspiracy afoot to 
 murder himself, Gary and Bonfield, and that he thought there was something 
 in the information. It appears that there were three Bohemian Anarchists, 
 John Hronek, Frank Capek and Frank Chleboun, who had determined to 
 avenge the "martyrdom," as they called it, of the Anarchist leaders. 
 Chleboun was never in real sympathy with the others, and when the affair 
 began to grow very serious he went to a Bohemian friend and confided to 
 him the plot. This gentleman at once advised Judge Grinnell. Among 
 the details was the fact that three men had examined the Judge's house on 
 July 4th, with a view to blowing it up if a good opportunity offered, and 
 the Judge remembered having seen three suspicious-looking men loitering 
 about Aldine Square on that day. They had eyed him so strangely that 
 his attention was attracted to them. This fact made him attach much 
 weight to the story he had been told. The Judge wished me to conduct the 
 investigation, but the suspects all lived in Inspector Bonfield's district, and 
 I urged that the inquiry should be made by him, of course promising to co- 
 operate as heartily as I could. After this Bonfield, the Judge and I had a.
 
 THE HRONEK CONSPIRACY. 677 
 
 conference in which we went over the whole ground. We had all the facts 
 in the case pretty well in hand. On the morning of July i7th, Bonfield was 
 ready to strike, and the arrests were made. On the evening before warrants 
 were sworn out for these three men, and at 4 A.M. Bonfield drove Lieut. 
 Elliott past Hronek's house, 2952 Farrell Street, so that he might know it. 
 Officers Rowan, Miller, Nordrum, Murtha, Styx and Meichowsky assisted 
 in the arrests. 
 
 In describing what followed Inspector Bonfield said : 
 
 " We had reason to believe that Hronek, who only occupied the two rear 
 rooms of a two-story frame dwelling, had dynamite, a revolver and a formid- 
 able-looking dagger, which we had been told was poisoned. We had also 
 been given to understand that Hronek was a reckless fellow of the Lingg 
 type and would offer a desperate resistance, and for that reason, in order 
 not to jeopardize the lives of any of our men, we thought it prudent, instead 
 of entering the house, to catch him unawares when he came out early in the 
 morning. At the side of the house is a covered stairway leading from the 
 ground to Hronek's rooms, and about seven o'clock we saw our man come 
 down these, and he was immediately arrested by Officers Nordrum and one 
 or two others. Leaving one or two men to watch the house, we took the 
 prisoner, who appeared utterly indifferent, and astonished perhaps, to the 
 nearest patrol-box, called the wagon, and sent him to Deering Street Sta- 
 tion, whence he was removed to the Central Station later on. 
 
 "We then searched the house, and in a sort of closet we found a small 
 quantity of dynamite in the original JEtna No. 2 packages. In the bed-room 
 we found our information to be true, for under the pillow on which Hronek 
 had a short time previous been sleeping we found a vicious-looking dagger, 
 in a leather sheath, and a revolver. In addition to these we also found in 
 the rooms several bombs, some of which are empty and some of which are 
 loaded. -The bombs are made of cast-iron piping, plugged at each end. 
 The pipe had been made for some other purpose and turned to that use, and 
 the bombs were four or five inches long and about an inch and a half in 
 diameter." 
 
 Frank Capek was arrested at his home, 498 West Twentieth Street, at 
 the same time as was Frank Chleboun, who was found at Zion Place. 
 Capek's house was not searched, as it was known that he had made away 
 with the dynamite that he had had there. 
 
 The arrests caused the greatest excitement in the city as soon as it 
 became generally known what was the charge. 
 
 About the truth of it there could be no doubt. Hronek was a desperate 
 fellow, quite ready and willing for any violence. He was an enthusiastic 
 Anarchist, and a great admirer of the "martyrs," as he called them, and he 
 had a regular arsenal of explosives and weapons. 
 
 Chleboun's story was a singular one. He was a tailor who had come from 
 Bohemia to Chicago in 1882. He met Hronek shortly after the Haymarket 
 riot, and the two struck up an acquaintanceship. With Frank Capek they 
 discussed Anarchy and the trial of the leaders, and all went well as long as
 
 678 
 
 ANARCHY ANDANARCHISTS. 
 
 they confined themselves to theory and beer. 
 Chleboun was one of those weak-minded people 
 who like to play at conspiracy, but he soon found 
 that he had allied himself with desperate and dan- 
 gerous men and that the chances were altogether 
 in favor of his own neck paying the penalty for his 
 comrades' work. This alarmed him, and he seems 
 to have tried to draw away from them. But they 
 would not let him. For a time he lent them money 
 and tried to get along with them, but they made 
 his life a burden to him. In October, 1887, he 
 t wanted to visit the old country, and desired to take 
 ' out citizen's papers before he left. It shows the 
 relations between the men, that Hronek and Capek would not help him to 
 get naturalized until he had formally agreed to the plot to kill Grinnell, 
 Gary and Bonfield. They, also demanded $25 from him, and he paid it. 
 He returned from Europe in December, and they at once pounced on him 
 
 again. The poor fellow 
 way to turn, and he 
 thing by making a clean 
 The trial of the 
 came on in the Novem- 
 oners secured a sever- 
 was tried, Capek's trial 
 next term. On the 
 the story of the con- 
 and in detail, and a 
 ination failed to shake 
 way. He showed how 
 
 did not know which 
 finally did the wisest 
 breast of the whole plot, 
 would-be assassins 
 ber term, but the pris- 
 ance, and only Hronek 
 being deferred until the 
 stand Chleboun told 
 spiracy at great length 
 very severe cross-exam- 
 his testimony in any 
 Hronek had planned 
 
 the murder of the three men coolly and deliberately ; how he had provided 
 dynamite made up into tin bombs, and in other ways, and had secured 
 a poisoned dagger, as well as a pistol. Capek seemed to concur in what 
 the others did, but Hronek was the undoubted leader. Among other 
 things Hronek told them was that he had met 
 Inspector Bonfield, and had had a safe chance to 
 kill him, but that he had had no arms with him 
 and could not do it. Hronek was very angry over 
 his disappointment. Chleboun described the visit 
 of the three men himself, Hronek and Capek 
 to Judge Grinnell's house in Aldine Square, and 
 the reconnoissance they made. 
 
 Dynamite was in the possession of all the par- 
 ties, and on one occasion a man named Janaus-
 
 JOHN HRONEK'S TRIAL. 
 
 679 
 
 chek tried to get Chleboun to give him an order on Mikolanda, one of the 
 open leaders, for some of the stuff. This was not done, however. 
 
 Hronek, in his own testimony, steadily denied any purpose of killing either 
 of the threatened gentlemen, but under the skillful cross-examination of Mr. 
 Elliott he failed to convince the jury that his possession of the bombs, which 
 
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 JOHN HRONEK'S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION I. 
 Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification. 
 
 he claimed had been left at his house by a man named Karefit, was innocent. 
 In fact, the testimony against him was too strong, and it was corroborated 
 in many places even by his own admissions, and the jury found him guilty. 
 He was sentenced to twelve years in the penitentiary.
 
 680 
 
 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 The trial was watched closely by the general public as well as by An- 
 archists, and among those of the red fraternity who found admission to the 
 court-room there were many curious characters. Some of these were 
 sketched by an artist of my acquaintance, and three of his sketches are given 
 on page 678. They are truthful representations of men who have not yet sat 
 for our rogues' gallery photographer, but their associations warrant the fear 
 that they will some day have their pictures taken at the expense of the tax- 
 payers. 
 
 Dept of Police, City, of Chicago. DateofAvrtst 
 
 No. Times Arrested 
 Crinil Specialty 
 
 NOTE. Please follow strictly Book of Instructions, not only as to me 
 Scars, etc. See pages 65 to 8 1 Use abbreviations as given 
 
 ment and general description, but also particularly as to Marks, 
 struction!. 
 
 JOHN HRONEK'S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION II. 
 Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification. 
 
 Portraits of Hronek taken by the police photographer are shown here, 
 and a slightly reduced fac-simile of the form now used by the Police Depart- 
 ment for identifying criminals. Formerly only front view photographs, as
 
 JOHN HROXEK'S TRIAL. 681 
 
 a rule, were to be found in rogues' gallery collections. The new method is 
 a vast improvement, and the reader will note from the details of the blank 
 that it provides all the necessary data for perfect and unmistakable identi- 
 fication. 
 
 The case against Hronek was conducted by Judge Longenecker, the 
 State's Attorney, and by Mr. Elliott, and was followed with the closest 
 attention by the people of Chicago, as it displayed in unmistakable colors 
 to what a pitch of desperation the Anarchist conspirators in this city can 
 bring themselves. 
 
 Let us hope that the lesson will prove a salutary one.
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 The Movement in Europe Present Plans of the Reds Stringent Meas- 
 ures Adopted by Various European Governments Bebel and Liebknecht A London 
 Celebration Whitechapel Outcasts "Blood, Blood, Blood ! " Verestchagin's Views 
 The Bulwarks of Society The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, 
 Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities A New Era of Revolution- 
 ary Activity A Fight to the Death Are we Prepared ? 
 
 AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, of 
 course it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here. 
 It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian gov- 
 ernments have only recently adopted most stringent measures, the effect of 
 which will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable immigrants to our 
 hospitable shores. 
 
 Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it is 
 reported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet at 
 Paris, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session delayed 
 until October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings of the 
 proposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at Zurich the 
 coming summer. 
 
 With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination of 
 the proletariat of every nation against tryanny, race hatreds are very strong 
 among the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be more 
 likely to cut a German Socialist's throat than labor with him for the over- 
 throw of the common oppressor. 
 
 The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will ask 
 the German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the Zurich meet- 
 ing, in order to give the Paris congress the more importance and avoid 
 giving any possible offense by such action as may be taken there. It is well 
 known that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate followers have no par- 
 ticular love for the dynamite faction of the Paris Communists, but there are 
 many Swiss, South Germans and Russians who are engaged in the thank- 
 less and seemingly hopeless task of reconciling national differences, and 
 these men have no small influence over their fellows by reason of their 
 intelligence and approved courage and the sacrifices they have made for the 
 common cause. By their unceasing labor a large proportion of the rank 
 and file of the German army have been won over to the Socialistic move- 
 ment, and they do not despair of allaying the French repugnance to affiliat- 
 ing with men of their own ideas from across the Rhine. 
 
 The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune on 
 the night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery,, 
 
 682
 
 VERESTCHAGIN'S VIEWS. 683 
 
 pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shrieked, 
 and fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single police- 
 man. 
 
 "Better not go in, sir," the policeman said to a correspondent who en- 
 tered the door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. " There ain't 
 no danger, but it's very unpleasant." 
 
 It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causes 
 that made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourth 
 of whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceil- 
 inged hall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from the 
 platform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called upon 
 his hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood. When- 
 ever he uttered the word "blood," the muddled and maudlin crowd set up 
 a shriek of "Blood, blood, blood ! " that was deafening. All of the women 
 and most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which they 
 waved in the air as they shrieked " Blood ! " in chorus. Then they would 
 sink back into drunken indifference till the word " blood " was mentioned 
 again. 
 
 Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor, 
 with the crowd treading on them. One woman's rags did not half cover her. 
 An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to harangue the 
 people from the platform. It was the most shameless, ribald and obscene 
 harangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman struck another with a 
 piece of a broken beer glass, and the two females began to fight like cats. 
 Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the slightest attention except 
 the policeman, who looked indifferently on. Presently one of the women 
 ran sobbing from the hall with her face streaming blood. Another woman 
 started after her, when a man made a sign to a policeman, and she was re- 
 strained. Then a neighbor plucked the correspondent's sleeve : 
 
 " Don't let that nasty scene deceive you," he said shortly, " it doesn't 
 mean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more intelligent. 
 They've left off shouting in public and begun to work under cover. This 
 thing to-night proves it." 
 
 The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent Rus- 
 sian painter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have created a 
 great sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer of great 
 ability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards Socialism, Anarchy 
 and Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent observer : 
 
 "There is no gainsaying the fact that all the other questions of our time 
 are paling before the question of Socialism that advances on us, threaten- 
 ingly, like a tremendous thunder-cloud. 
 
 " The masses that have been for centuries leading a life of expectancy, 
 while hanging on the very borders of starvation, are willing to wait no more. 
 Their former hopes in the future are discarded ; their appetites are whetted,
 
 684 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 and they are clamoring for arrears, which means now the division of all the 
 riches, and so as to make the division more lasting, they are claiming that 
 talents and capacities should be leveled down to one standard, all workers 
 of progress and comfort alike drawing the same pay. They are striving to 
 reconstruct society on new foundations, and, in case of opposition to their 
 aims, they threaten to apply the torch to all the monuments pertaining to 
 an order that, according to them, has already outlived its usefulness ; they 
 threaten to blow up the public buildings, the churches, the art galleries, 
 libraries and museums a downright religion of despair ! . . . 
 
 "My friend the late General Skobeleff once asked me, 'How do you 
 understand the movement of the Socialists and the Anarchists ? ' He owned 
 to it that he himself did not understand at all what they aimed at. 'What 
 do they want ? What are they striving to attain ? ' 
 
 " ' First of all,' I answered, ' those people object to wars between nations ; 
 again, their appreciation of art is very limited, the art of painting not 
 excluded. Thus, if they ever come into power, you, with your strategic 
 combinations, and I, with my pictures, will both be shelved immediately. 
 Do you understand this ? ' 
 
 "'Yes, I understand this,' rejoined Skobeleff, 'and from this on I am 
 determined to fight them.' 
 
 "There is no mistaking the fact that, as I have said before, society is 
 seriously threatened at the hands of a large mass of people counting hun- 
 dreds of millions. Those are the people who, for generations, during 
 entire centuries, have been on the brink of starvation, poorly clad, living in 
 filthy and unhealthy quarters ; paupers, and such people as have scarcely 
 any property, or no property at all. Well, who is it that is to blame for 
 their poverty are they not themselves to be blamed for it? 
 
 " No, it would be unjust to lay all the blame at their door ; it is more 
 likely that society at large is more to blame for their condition than they 
 are themselves. 
 
 " Is there any way out of the situation ? 
 
 " Certainly there is. Christ, our Great Teacher, has long ago pointed 
 out the way in which the rich and the powerful could remedy the situation 
 without bringing things to a revolutionary pass, without any upheaval of the 
 existing social order, if they would only seriously take care of the miserable ; 
 that certainly would have insured them the undisturbed enjoyment of the 
 bulk of their fortune. But there is little hope of a peaceful solution of the 
 question now ; it is certain that the well-to-do classes will still prefer to 
 remain Christian in name only ; they will still hope that palliative meas- 
 ures will be sufficient to remedy the situation ; or else, believing the danger 
 to be distant yet, they will not be disposed to give up much ; while the pau- 
 pers though formerly they were ready for a compromise may be soon 
 found unwilling to take the pittance offered them. 
 
 " What do they want, then ? 
 
 "Nothing less than the equalization of riches in the society to come; 
 they claim the material as well as the moral equalization of all rights, trades, 
 all capacities and talents ; as we have already said, they strive to under- 
 mine all the foundations of the existing state of society, and, in inaugurating 
 a new order of things they claim to be able to open a real era of liberty, 
 equality and fraternity, instead of the shadows of those lofty things, as 
 existing now. . . . 
 
 " I do not mean to go into the discussion of the matter ; I would not
 
 THE DEFENDERS OF SOCIETY. 685 
 
 pretend to point out how much justice or injustice, how much soundness or 
 unsoundness there is in these claims ; I state only the fact that there is a 
 deep gulf between the former cries for bread and the sharply formulated 
 claims of the present. It is evident that the appetite of the masses has 
 grown within the past centuries, and the bill which they intend to present 
 for payment will not be a small one. 
 
 "Who will be required to pay this bill? 
 
 "Society, most certainly. 
 
 "Will it be done willingly ? 
 
 "Evidently not. 
 
 " Consequently there will be complications, quarrels, civil wars. 
 
 "Certainly there will be serious complications ; they are already casting 
 their shadows before them in the shape of disturbances of a Socialistic char- 
 acter that are originating here and there. In America, most likely, those 
 disturbances are lesser and less pointed, but in Europe, in France and Bel- 
 gium, for instance, such disorders assume a very threatening aspect. 
 
 " Who is likely to be victorious in this struggle ? 
 
 " Unless Napoleon I. was wrong in his assertion that victory will always 
 remain with the gros bataillons, the ' regulators ' will win. Their numbers 
 will be very great ; whoever knows human nature will understand that all 
 such as have not much to lose will, at the decisive moment, join the claims 
 of those who have nothing to lose. 
 
 "It is generally supposed that the danger is not so imminent yet ; but, 
 as far as I was able to judge, the impendence of the danger varies in differ- 
 ent countries. France, for instance that long-suffering country which is 
 forever experimenting on herself, whether it be in social or scientific ques- 
 tions, or in politics is the nearest to a crisis; then follow Belgium and 
 other countries. 
 
 " It is very possible that even the present generation will witness some- 
 thing serious in that respect. As to the coming generations, there is no doubt 
 that they will assist at a thorough reconstruction of the social structure in 
 all countries. 
 
 "The claims of Socialists, and, particularly, the Anarchists, as well as 
 the disorders incited by them, generally produce a great sensation in society. 
 But no sooner are the disorders suppressed, than society relapses again into 
 its usual unconcern, and no one gives a thought to the fact that the fre- 
 quency of those painful symptoms, recurring with so much persistency, is 
 in itself a sign of disease. 
 
 " Far-seeing people begin to realize that palliative measures are of no 
 more use ; that a change of governments and of rulers will not avail any 
 more ; and that nothing is left but to await developments contingent on 
 the attitude of the opposed parties the energetic determination of the 
 well-to-do classes, not to yield, and that of the proletaires, to keep their 
 courage and persevere. . . 
 
 "The only consolation remaining to the rich consists in the fact that the 
 'regulators' have not had time yet to organize their forces for a successful 
 struggle with society. This is true to a certain extent. But, though they 
 do it slowly, the 'regulators' are perfecting their organization all the time; 
 yet, on the other hand, can we say that society is well enough organized not 
 to stand in dread of attack ? 
 
 "Who are the recognized and official defenders of society? 
 
 " The army and the church.
 
 686 ANARCHY AND ANA R CHISTS. 
 
 1 A soldier, there is no doubt of it, is a good support ; he represents a 
 solid defense ; the only trouble about him is that the soldier himself begins 
 to get weary of his ungrateful part. It is likely that for many years to come 
 yet the soldier will shoot with a light heart at such as are called his ' ene- 
 mies ; ' but the time is not far distant when he will refuse to shoot at his 
 own people. 
 
 "Who is a good soldier? Only ona* to whom you can point out his 
 father, his mother or his brother in the crowd, saying, ' Those are enemies 
 of society, kill them' and who will obey. 
 
 " I may remark here, in passing, that it occurred to me to refer to this 
 idea in a conversation I had with the well-known French writer and thinker, 
 Alexandre Dumas, fils, and with what success? Conceding the justice of 
 the apprehension, he had no other comforting suggestion to offer than to 
 say : ' Oh, yes, the soldier will shoot yet ! ' 
 
 " The other defender of society, the priest, has been less ill-used than 
 the soldier, and consequently he is not so tired of his task ; but, on the 
 other hand, people begin to tire of him, less heed is paid to his words, and 
 there arises a doubt as to the truth of all that he preaches. 
 
 " There was a time when it was possible to tell the people that there is 
 but one sun in the heavens as there is but one God-appointed king in the 
 country. As stars of the first, second, third and fourth magnitude are 
 grouping themselves around the sun, so the powerful, the rich, the poor and 
 the miserable surround the king on earth. And, as all that appeared 
 plausible, people used to believe that such arrangements are as they ought 
 to be. All was accepted, all went on smoothly ; none of such things can be 
 advanced nowadays, however ; no one will be ready to believe in them. . . 
 
 " Clearly, things assume a serious aspect. Suppose the day comes when 
 the priests will entirely lose their hold on the people, when the soldiers will 
 turn their guns muzzles down where will society look for bulwarks then? 
 Is it possible that it has no more reliable defense ? 
 
 " Certainly, it has such a defense, and it is nothing else but talents, and 
 their representatives in science, literature and art in all its ramifications. 
 
 " Art must and will defend society. Its influence is less apparent and 
 palpable, but it is very great ; it might even be said that its influence over 
 the minds, the hearts and the actions of people is enormous, unsurpassed, 
 unrivaled. Art must and will defend society with all the more care and 
 earnestness, because its devotees know that the ' regulators ' are not dis- 
 posed to give them the honorable, respectable position they occupy now 
 since, according to them, a good pair of boots is more useful than a good 
 picture, a novel or a statue. Those people declare that talent is luxury ; 
 that talent is aristocratic, and that, consequently, talent has to be brought 
 down from its pedestal to the common level a principle to which we shall 
 never submit. 
 
 " Let us not deceive ourselves. There will arise new talents, which will 
 gradually adapt themselves to new conditions, if such will prevail, and their 
 works may perhaps gain from it, but we shall not agree to the principle of 
 general demolition and reconstruction, when such have no other foundation 
 but the well-known thesis : ' Let us destroy everything and clear the ground ; 
 as to the reconstruction about that we shall see later on. ' We shall 
 defend and advocate the improvement of the existing things by means of 
 peaceful and gradual measures."
 
 A NEW ERA OF REVOLT. 687 
 
 That is Verestchagin's view. It is certainly original and at least presents 
 matter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though his deductions 
 are not agreed to. 
 
 Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of a 
 dynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and the 
 tracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with extensive 
 ramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles in St. Petersburg 
 were panic-stricken at the news, and the public journals, as usual, were 
 promptly forbidden publishing information, making comment, or saying a 
 word on the subject. In the meantime the police pushed investigation in 
 all directions and a large number of arrests were made. 
 
 Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of the capital 
 most important evidences of its ramifications in St. Petersburg. This 
 conspiracy was said to be more formidable than any preceding one. Nor 
 was the danger diminished by the discoveries made. The arrests were only 
 of minor people, and these maintained unbroken fidelity to their leaders, 
 refusing to divulge even the little they were allowed to know. 
 
 All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy are 
 to-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their gospel 
 of disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a better organ- 
 ized propaganda than was ever known before. People who imagine that 
 the energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that their determination 
 to wreck all the existing systems has grown less bitter, are deceiving them- 
 selves. The conspiracy against society is as determined as it ever was, 
 and among every nation the spirit of revolt is being galvanized into a 
 newer and more dangerous life. 
 
 In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs may 
 read. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretly 
 and in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now court 
 publicity. Their meetings are advertised and open any one who chooses 
 may attend and they evidently feel a confidence and security which was 
 unknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is rampant here 
 in Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy, what must 
 it be in other American cities, New York for instance, where the reds 
 have a formidable and growing organization, or in Philadelphia, Pitts- 
 burg or Cincinnati ? It is manifest that a new era of " revolutionary 
 activity " is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether the proper means 
 for meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or are being prepared. 
 
 In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracy 
 is still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the Anarchists 
 love to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move and difficult to 
 arouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional rumblings may be 
 heard of the work going on underground, which should be received as
 
 688 ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. 
 
 the danger signals they are. In London there are all the factors for the 
 most dangerous mob the world can produce. There are thousands upon 
 thousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have absolutely nothing to 
 lose save lives which they themselves hold as almost worthless, and 
 there is the constant temptation before them of wealth so great and so 
 flaunting, and of a wealthy class often so cruelly unjust, that it need never 
 be a matter of wonder when the East End of London springs at the throat 
 of the West. In England, however, nobody seems to believe that there 
 can be such a thing as a servile revolt that might occur among the 
 French or the Germans or the Russians, but never in John Bull's island, 
 and the conspirators, safely covered by the fancied security of the people, 
 are permitted to undermine at their will the fabric of English society. 
 
 In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the Red 
 Terror may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. France 
 does not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avert 
 it, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger's' 
 success. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by a 
 wild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom back 
 into the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are made 
 up, and the country has made up its mind. 
 
 In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states Switzerland, 
 Belgium and the Scandinavian countries the Socialists are busy, while 
 in Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over, it 
 is evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never before 
 displayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before which 
 foreign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very founda- 
 tions and groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these enemies of order. 
 Their fight is to the death. They will neither take nor give quarter. It 
 is war d Foutrance composition or truce is futile and foolish. 
 
 Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock ? 
 
 Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics, 
 nor their growing strength. This is methodic not a haphazard conspir- 
 acy. The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and the same 
 hands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded, calculating 
 purpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of it, the world over, 
 to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next demonstration of the Red 
 Terror will occur where its disciples are goaded to desperation under despotic 
 measures, as in the land of the Czar, or in our own country, where they are 
 allowed to preach its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of the 
 American constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell. 
 
 But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise.
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May 
 4, 1886, were as follows : 
 
 South Side, Saturday nights, 2883 Wentworth Avenue. 
 Southwest Side, No. i, Saturday nights, 691 South Halsted Street . 
 Southwest Side, No. 3, Saturday nights, 611 Throop Street. 
 Vorwaerts, Saturday nights, 204 Blue Island Avenue. 
 Jefferson, Saturday nights, at or near 1800 Milwaukee Avenue. 
 Town of Lake, No. i, Saturday nights, 514 State Street. 
 
 Town of Lake, No. 2, every other Sunday evening, in Thomas Hall, corner of Fifty- 
 eighth and Laflin Streets. 
 
 Bridgeport, Sunday afternoons, 2 o'clock, 2513 South Halsted Street. 
 
 The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows : 
 
 First Group Tuesday and Friday evenings, at Mueller's Hall, corner of Sedgwick and 
 North Avenue ; also, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, Sunday mornings, for instruction in shoot- 
 ing and rifle practice. 
 
 Second Group Wednesday evenings, and two weekly meetings, together with the North- 
 west Side Group, at 8 o'clock, at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. 
 
 Third Group Wednesday evenings at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. 
 
 No. 58 Clybourn Avenue was a general meeting-place. A general invitation was ex- 
 tended to all to come there on Sundays for practice in shooting. 
 
 List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with Sec- 
 retaries Seliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street : 
 
 William Hesse. John Nedovlacid, alias Pohl. Peter Huber. 
 
 Moritz Neff. A. Hirschberger. John Neubauer. 
 
 William Lange. Edward Schnaubelt. Rudolph Kobitch. 
 
 Balthasar Rau. John Altherr. Julius Habitzreiter. 
 
 Albert Bonien. William Buffleben. Fritz Fischer. 
 
 Michael Schwab. Carl Milbi. Albin Mittlacher. 
 
 H. Harmening. Chr. Ramm. Fritz Reuter. 
 
 William Medow. Max Mitlacher. Carl Teuber. 
 
 A. Hovestadt. Paul Grottkau. Rudolph Ohlf. 
 
 Oscar Neebe. Joseph Bach. Theodore Remane. 
 
 Franz Hoffmann. Albert Corns. E. Brassholz. - 
 
 Ch. Charlevitz. Julius Stegemann, Joseph Knochelman. 
 
 H. Kaune. Otto Habitzreiter. A. Picard. 
 
 H. Tietgens. William Hoelscher. Arthur Fritzsche. 
 
 Theodore Polling. William Ludewig. Franz Domes. 
 
 Louis Hensling. H. Perschke. John B. Lotz. 
 
 E. Buschner. A. Roehr. John Wohlleben. 
 
 Henry Bonnefoi. William Urban. Gustav Moeller. 
 
 George Meng. Ernst Altenhofer. H. Ulrich. 
 
 W. L. Rosenberg. H. Fasshauer. William Neumann 
 
 Carl Wichmann. Abraham Hermann. H. Kallina. 
 
 Ch. Mauner. Michael Hermann. August Stollidorf 
 
 Chr. Mauer. Lorenz Hermann. W. Senderson 
 
 601
 
 692 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 George Rosenzweig. 
 Robert W. Ebill. 
 S. Heidenbluth. 
 William Luetzgerath. 
 R. Lauterbach. 
 Ernst Fischer. 
 Carl Schroeder. 
 Otto Voigt. 
 Heinrich Menge. 
 John Neunkirchen. 
 William Kaune. 
 Chris Ammer. 
 Carl Leukert. 
 H. Boeltscher. 
 H. Vogelsaenger. 
 B. Leber. 
 Joseph Mattius. 
 John Holm. 
 William Walteck. 
 Carl Puder. 
 N. Willes. 
 William Linden. 
 George Menge. 
 Louis Krauthahn. 
 Wilhelm Schleuter. 
 Paul Riedel. 
 Fritz Huebner. 
 Louis Liebl. 
 Rudolph Effinger. 
 Wilhelm Lindner. 
 Conrad Meier. 
 August Baer. 
 Wilhelm Rieger. 
 Hans Reindel. 
 Rudolph Schnaubelt. 
 William Heinze. * 
 Anton Schmidt. 
 Fritz Schmidt. 
 Albert Wilke. 
 Gustav Schroth. 
 Carl Meier. 
 George Engelett. 
 H. Marcmann. 
 H. Albert. 
 Ch. Blendow. 
 August Neuhaus. 
 Chr. Hase. 
 H. C. Eden. 
 H. Thomser. 
 Claus Boege. 
 Frederick Boecer. 
 
 H. Kirvitt. 
 H. Lehman. 
 Nic Schroegel. 
 Max Biehle, 
 Andrew Decker. 
 Johann Mass. 
 Hermann Klug. 
 H. Honsel. 
 Edward Koelble. 
 Adolph Greschner. 
 Guenther Bock. 
 Fritz Bock. 
 C. Bock. 
 Fritz Linden. 
 Leo Wierig. 
 Nic Keller. 
 Aug. Wassilof. 
 Linarz. 
 Fr. Rathke. 
 Baehrendt. 
 Henry Schmidt. 
 Franz Hein. 
 Chas. Meyer. 
 Otto Bathke. 
 Louis Peters. 
 Wm. Seliger. 
 Christ Jansen. 
 Chas. Scholl. 
 B. Horschke. 
 Kinder. 
 
 Robert Moench. 
 Latinker. 
 Leopold Miller. 
 E. Trolson. 
 Otto Blonk. 
 Ludwig Sitzberger. 
 Albert Sommer. 
 Albert Dilke. 
 Alfred Bartels. 
 August Asher. 
 Henry Slvetera. 
 Hermann Pabst. 
 John Richlich. 
 Ernst J. Nitschke. 
 Fritz Roeber. 
 W. Callinius. 
 E. Hoffmann. 
 W. Matuspkirvitz. 
 Carl Pundt. 
 E. Rudolph. 
 Franz Stahr. 
 
 Hermann Weg. 
 H. Judknecht. 
 Christ. Drawert. 
 Julius Blacksmith. 
 Carl Rick. 
 Carl Leukert. 
 Gustav Stolze. 
 Edward Heis. 
 Wilhelm Waldeck. 
 Ludwig Lintz 
 August Pavel. 
 H. Hildemann. 
 - Ernst Altenhofer. 
 John Kleinsten. 
 Hermann Hoges. 
 Wilhelm Alb. 
 H. Markmann. 
 H. Albert. 
 Blendow. 
 H. C. Eden. 
 John Maas. 
 Hermann Klug. 
 H. Hansel. 
 F. Thiesen. 
 Henry Abelman. 
 Joseph Neder. 
 Leo Wierig. 
 Nic Keller. 
 Max Hollock. 
 George Binder. 
 Wm. Lueneberg. 
 Anton Besser. 
 Franz Springer. 
 O. Deichman. 
 Joseph Schramm. 
 Carl Kroger. 
 Franz Turban. 
 George Binder. 
 John Kerr. 
 Wenzel Kinzill. 
 Ernst Niendorf. 
 Theodore Blumbach. 
 H. Zwierlein. 
 August Metschke. 
 K. Kumberg. 
 Charles Lovitte. 
 H. Kauney. 
 H. Mathge. 
 Ludwig Luetzeberger. 
 Frederick Schmiecke. 
 Christ Wegemann.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 693 
 
 Carol Fischhammer. 
 E. Andauer. 
 Bernard Labor. 
 August Litch. 
 
 Names of Socialists 
 
 Fritz Kaderli. 
 Alois Preiss. 
 Anton Bonner. 
 
 Gustav Zerbe. 
 
 Carl Weidenhammer. 
 
 Berthold Bauer. 
 
 Nic Goebel. 
 
 Franz Frank. 
 
 George H. Karst. 
 
 Fritz Witt. 
 
 August Ziemann. 
 
 Rudolph Spuhr. 
 
 Ernst Blanck. 
 
 August Krause. 
 
 Wilhelm Helm. 
 
 Franz Krueger. 
 
 Frederick Luebbe. 
 
 Jacob Beck. 
 
 Hermann Wechmann. 
 
 Hermann Boese. 
 
 B. Gromall. 
 
 Fred Wessling. 
 
 Franz Schips. 
 
 Michael Michels. 
 
 John Tallmann. 
 
 Gustav Hopper. 
 
 Carl Chuast. 
 
 Nic Mueller. 
 
 Franz Schlopp. 
 
 Philipp Glaser. 
 
 John Woehrle. 
 
 Louis Boechlke. 
 
 Albert Koch. 
 
 John Voss. 
 
 Fred Heiden. 
 
 Franz Heidench. 
 
 Carl Michael. 
 
 George Bloecher, 
 
 Fred Naffs. 
 Robert Wegener. 
 
 Max Miller. 
 
 Frank Wiederkehr. 
 
 Heinrich Volkmann. 
 
 Friederich Wargowsky. 
 
 Gustav Bressmann. 
 
 Total number, 139. 
 
 Paul Polke. 
 Franz Schumann, 
 Franz Hermann. 
 
 Total number of members, 
 
 belonging to different parts 
 
 Hermann Jocks. 
 Peter Dieterich. 
 John Fromm. 
 Frederich Hanne 
 Carl Norvotny. 
 Heinrich Simon. 
 August Rieger. 
 Henry Lebierri. 
 Christ Erbman. 
 Rudolph Arndt. 
 John Sellmann. 
 William Rehfeidt. 
 Emil Kaiser. 
 Carl Swansen. 
 Louis Jansen. 
 Jacob Lieser. 
 Carl Billhardt. 
 Johann Grefflath. 
 Fritz Peters. 
 Albert Bittelkau. 
 Leo Engelmann. 
 Christ Feidler. 
 Peter Bucher. 
 George Lange. 
 August Littele. 
 Hermann Pretch. 
 Albert Fork. 
 Wilhelm Hohmann. 
 Hermann Theile. 
 Carl Heinrich. 
 Friederich Rathman. 
 Carl Wild 
 
 Wilhelm Wetendorf. 
 Carl Gerbech. 
 Friederich Assmussen. 
 Louis Griep. 
 Heinrich Zeiss. 
 Carl Mund. 
 George Schmidt. 
 August Buchwald. 
 Peter Weber. 
 Christ. Jungknecht. 
 Johann Fleischmann. 
 August Bernatzki. 
 Julius Koschnitzki. 
 
 Franz Bohl. 
 Christ. Killgers. 
 Max Hollock. 
 232. 
 
 of the city: 
 
 Bernard Kaelle. 
 Richard Wagner. 
 Christ. Schumann. 
 George Stange. 
 Johann Siegfried. 
 Frank Ehlert. 
 Heinrich Becker. 
 Johann Peters. 
 Hermann Junke. 
 Julius Beck. 
 Louis Thiess. 
 John Weber. 
 Robert Lattmann. 
 Mike Hartmann. 
 Heinrich Pressler. 
 Otto Bartell. 
 Martin Lausgres. 
 Heinrich Koehler. 
 Fritz Ceding. 
 Peter Ferneeten. 
 Louis Schroeder. 
 Heinrich Rauch. 
 John Mangels. 
 Hermann Tombrow. 
 John Koehler. 
 Wilhelm Kramp. 
 Hermann Gnadke. 
 Peter Pauls. 
 Adolph Rudemann. 
 Louis Schalk. 
 Rudolph Firo. 
 Joseph Kaiser. 
 Frank Allring. 
 Heirrich Block. 
 Carl Beck. 
 John Urech. 
 Gustav Roshke. 
 Ed. Peterson. 
 M. Grant. 
 August Hoffmann. 
 Gustav Kerstarm. 
 J. Casper. 
 Philipp Wichmann 
 John Bernier. 
 August Schnedort.
 
 694 APPENDIX. 
 
 Names of Socialistic women of North Side, 1886 : 
 
 Mrs. Back. Mrs. Fisher. Mrs. Pohl. 
 
 Mrs. W. Lange. Mrs. Wilhelmina Menge. Mrs. Neuhaus. 
 
 Mrs. Mattius. Mrs. H. Habitzreiter. Ida Schnaubelt. 
 
 Mrs. Rehm. Mrs. Elizabeth Reuter. Johanna Schnaubelt. 
 
 Mrs. Johanna Schroeder. Marie Schnaubelt. . Mrs. Schwab. 
 
 Mrs. Antonie Hoverstadt. Mrs. Lane. Mrs. Miller. 
 
 Mrs. Rosenzweig. Mrs. Hermann. Mrs. Huber. 
 
 Total number, 21.
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Portrait of the Author Frontispiece 
 
 The French Revolution The Feast of Reason .16 
 
 Storming the Bastile, . . . . . . . . . , , . . ig 
 
 Karl Marx, 19 
 
 Michael Bakounine, ............. 20 
 
 Pierre Joseph Prudhon, . . . . . . . . . . . 21 
 
 Louise Michel, .............. 24 
 
 Ferdinand Lassalle, ............. 25 
 
 Excavated Dynamite Mine in Moscow, ......... 33 
 
 "It is Too Soon to Thank God." The Assassination of Czar Alexander II., . 35 
 
 The Czar's Carriage after the Explosion, . . . . . . . . 36 
 
 Diagram of Elnikoff ' s Bomb, . . . . . . . . . 36 
 
 The Nihilists in the Dock, 38 
 
 Execution of the Nihilist Conspirators, ......... 39 
 
 The Book Bomb, ............. 40 
 
 Scenes from the Riots at Pittsburg, 1877, 5 1 
 
 The Great Strike in Baltimore The Militia Fighting their Way through the 
 
 Streets, .............. 57 
 
 The Labor Troubles of 1877 Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, Chicago, . 63 
 
 Dr. Carl Eduard Nobiling 6? 
 
 Max Hoedel, .............. 67 
 
 Banners of the Social Revolution I., 69 
 
 Carter H. Harrison, . 70 
 
 The Black Flag, 72 
 
 The Office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, 76 
 
 An Anarchist Procession, 78 
 
 The Board of Trade, 80 
 
 Banners of the Social Revolution II 85 
 
 A Group of Anarchists, ............ 87 
 
 Banners of the Social Revolution III 91 
 
 The Red Banner of the Carpenters' Union, ........ 93 
 
 Dr. Nobiling's Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of Germany 95 
 
 August Reinsdorf, "... 96 
 
 Johann Most, 100 
 
 Banners of the Social Revolution IV., ......... 109 
 
 Interior View of Neff's Hall m 
 
 A Strike The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent, . . . 114 
 
 Greif's Hall, "5 
 
 A Round-up, .............. 118 
 
 Specimen Rioters Hynek Djenek and Anton Seveski,. . . . . . 120 
 
 John Pototski and Frank Novak, . . . 121 
 
 Vaclav Djenek and Anton Stimak, 122 
 
 Ignatz Urban and Joseph Sugar, . . . . . .123 
 
 Charging the Mob at McCormick's 126 
 
 Officer Casey's Peril . .127 
 
 Franz Mikolanda, a Polish Conspirator . . .128 
 
 Fac-simile of the Famous "Revenge" Circular, 130 
 
 695
 
 696 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 The Call for the Haymarket Meeting Fac-simile I., . ' . . . . 132 
 
 Fac-simile II., . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 
 
 Neff's Hall, Exterior View, 136 
 
 The Haymarket Meeting "In the Name of the People I Command You to 
 
 Disperse," .............. 140 
 
 The Haymarket Riot The Explosion and the Conflict, . . . . 142 
 
 Inspector John Bonfield, ............ 143 
 
 Captain William Ward, ............ 144 
 
 Lieut, (now Chief) G. W. Hubbard 145 
 
 Sergt. (now Capt.) J. E. Fitzpatrick, ......... 146 
 
 Lieut. James P. Stanton, .... . . . . . . . . . 147 
 
 Lieut. Bowler, . . ; v . . . . . . . . . . 147 
 
 The Desplaines Street Station, . . . . . . . . . . .151 
 
 The Haymarket Martyrs, ............ 154 
 
 Adolph Fischer, . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 157 
 
 The Fischer Family, ............. 158 
 
 Fischer's Belt and Poisoned Daggers, . . . . . . . . .159 
 
 August Spies, .'.-.. . . . . . . . . . , 160 
 
 Miss Nina Van Zandt, ............ 162 
 
 Chris Spies, '...... 163 
 
 Miss Gretchen Spies, ............. 164 
 
 Michael Schwab, 165 
 
 Albert R. Parsons, ............. 166 
 
 Mrs. Lucy Parsons, ............. 167 
 
 Oscar W. Neebe, ... - 168 
 
 Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-Thrower, ........ 170 
 
 Balthasar Rau, .............. 173 
 
 Lingg's Candlestick, 177 
 
 Round Iron Bomb, . 180 
 
 Samuel Fielden, .............. 181 
 
 Detective James Bonfield, ............ 184 
 
 Officer Henry Palmer, ............ 185 
 
 Officer (now Lieut.) Baer, 186 
 
 Detective Hermann Schuettler, . . . .189 
 
 Detective Michael Hoffmann, . . . . . . . . . . . 189 
 
 Detective Michael Whalen, . . . . . . . . . . .189 
 
 Detective Charles Rehm, . . . . . . . . . . .189 
 
 Detective John Stift, . . ... . . . . . . . . 189 
 
 Detective Jacob Loewenstein, ........... 189 
 
 Edmund Furthmann, ............. 191 
 
 The East Chicago Avenue Station, . 193 
 
 A Back- Yard Interview, 195 
 
 A Friendly Communication, ........... 197 
 
 The Notorious Florus' Hall, .,'.-. . 203 
 
 The Shadowed Detectives, ............ 204 
 
 The "Red" Sisterhood 207 
 
 Turning the Tables,- 209 
 
 Underground "Auditors, . . .211 
 
 Betrayed by Beauty, . . ... . . . . . . . . .214 
 
 Thalia Hall, 218 
 
 Underground Conspirators, ''" . 220 
 
 Officer Nordrum, 221
 
 ILL USTRA TIONS, 697 
 
 The Scared Amateur Anarchist, . . . ; 223 
 
 Watching a Suspect, . . . . . . . , 22 , 
 
 Julius Oppenheimer's Double, ......., 231 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. William Seliger, ........ 236 
 
 A Noble Woman's lufluence A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed 239 
 
 John Thielen, . , . . . . . . . _ 24 g 
 
 Louis Lingg, the Bomb-maker, ........... 257 
 
 Lingg's Trunk 258 
 
 Coils of Fuse Found in Lingg's Trunk, . . . . . . .... . 259 
 
 Composition Bomb Found in Lingg's Room, . ' . . . . . . 261 
 
 Cast-Iron and Large Gas-pipe Bombs, . . . . / 262 
 
 Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg's Room, ....%.... 263 
 
 Gas-pipe Bombs without Fuse, ........... 264 
 
 Unfinished Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg's Dinner-box 265 
 
 Lingg's Revolver, ............. 267 
 
 A Desperate Struggle Louis Lingg's Arrest, ........ 269 
 
 Iron Bolt Found in Lingg's Trunk, . . _ . , . . . . . . 271 
 
 Lingg's Sweetheart, 274 
 
 Ladle used by Lingg in Casting, with Can of English Dynamite 276 
 
 Muntzenberg Peddling Books and Bombs. ........ 281 
 
 George Engel, .............. 284 
 
 Miss Mary Engel, ............. 285 
 
 Gottfried Waller 287 
 
 Underground Rifle Practice A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, . . 289 
 
 Numbered Plates from L. u. W. V. Rifles, ........ 290 
 
 " Liberty Hall," ............. 295 
 
 Otto Lehman, ............... 298 
 
 Gustav Lehman, ... ......... 303 
 
 Zepf's Hall, ............... 306 
 
 Timmerhof Hall, . 309 
 
 Herman Muntzenberg, ............ 313 
 
 A Hasty Toilet 325 
 
 A Dangerous Storing -Place, 327 
 
 An Obstreperous Prisoner, 329 
 
 The Conspiracy Meeting Waller Reading Engel's "Plan," . . . . . 336 
 
 The "Czar" Bomb, 343 
 
 Anarchist Ammunition I. 348 
 
 i. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached. 2. Gas -Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, 
 but loaded with dynamite. Found in Lingg's Room. 3. Bombs used in Evidence, after 
 - analysis by chemists. 4. Gas -pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius 
 Oppenheimer under a dancing -platform. 
 
 A Group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 352 
 
 The Wife -Beater's Trial, . ." . . . . . .362 
 
 An Incendiary Can, 365 
 
 Henry Spies, 368 
 
 The Larrabee Street Station, . . . . . 371 
 
 The Hinman Street Station, . . . . . 374 
 
 Neebe's Sword and Belt, 377 
 
 Anarchist Ammunition II., 381 
 
 i. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with percussion caps, to explode on 
 
 falling. 2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of infernal machines. 
 
 3, 4. Sectional Views of the "Czar" Bomb. 
 
 Hon Joseph E. Gary , 384
 
 698 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Portraits of the Jury, ............ 386, 387 
 
 Hon. Julius S. Grinnell, ........ .... 391 
 
 The Great Trial Scene in the Court-room, . . . . . . . .410 
 
 Spies' Manuscript of the Famous "Ruhe" Signal Fac-simile, .... 421 
 
 "Y Come Monday Evening " Fac-simile, ........ 422 
 
 Reduced Fac-simile of Heading of the Fackel, ........ 423 
 
 Plan of the Seliger Residence, ........... 425 
 
 Dynamite Packages, ............. 436 
 
 i. Package left at Judge Tree's House. 2. Package left at C., B. & Q. Railroad offices. 
 
 Socialistic Bombs Diagrams from Daily News of January 14, 1886 . . . 437 
 
 Chart of Street Warfare, . . . . . . . . . . . 438 
 
 Interior Plan of Greif's Hall, ........... 440 
 
 Interior Plan of Neff' s Hall, . . . . . . . . . . 443 
 
 Adolph Lieske, . *^JL - 449 
 
 Parsons' Handwriting, . . . . ......... 451 
 
 A Picnic of the ' ' Reds " at Sheffield, ......... 453 
 
 i. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the Stump. 4. " Hoch 
 die Anarchie ! " 5. Mrs. Parsons Addressing the Crowd. 6. Children Peddling Most's 
 Literature. 7. A Family Feast. 
 
 Engel's Blast Furnace, . .......... 469 
 
 Moses Salomon, . .-''.-.. . . . . . . . . '" . 479 
 
 Spies Addressing the Strikers at McCormick's, ... . . . . 571 
 
 Francis W. Walker, ............. 526 
 
 Sigismund Zeisler, ............. 536 
 
 George C. Ingham, ............. 542 
 
 William A. Foster, . 546 
 
 Capt. William P. Black 554 
 
 Lingg's Suicide Bombs, 595 
 
 E. F. L. Gauss, .... '. / 607 
 
 Henry Severin, .............. 607 
 
 Judge Benjamin D. Magruder, 609 
 
 Jailor Folz, ...'. . . . . . . . . . . . 629 
 
 Benjamin P. Price, ............. 632 
 
 Lingg's Terrible Death 633 
 
 i. Lighting the Deadly Bomb. 2. The Explosion. 3. The Deputy Entering Lingg's Cell. 
 4. The Dying Bomb-Maker in the Hands of the Surgeons. 
 
 Lingg's Last Request, ; . 635 
 
 John C. Klein, . . - , .' .. .-.' , 636 
 
 The Chicago Water-works, . . . . . . . . . ' . .641 
 
 Sheriff Canute R. Matson, ......... , 643 
 
 The Execution 645 
 
 John A. Roche. . . . . . . . . 648 
 
 Kierlan's Souvenir, ............. 653 
 
 The Haymarket Monument, ........... 659 
 
 An Anarchist ' ' Sunday-school " Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness, . . . 669 
 
 Frank Chleboun, ............. 673 
 
 Frank Capek 673 
 
 Charles L Bodendick, 675 
 
 Anarchist Sympathizers Court-room Sketches, ....... 678 
 
 Hronek's Portrait and Description I. Showing New Police Method of Identifying 
 
 Criminals, .............. 679 
 
 Hronek's Portrait and Description II., ......... 680