Attitude of the Western Whigs Toward the Convention System ; ,.r •-*. ' jtAt «*,i *v. lil’t 5.4/^ < 4 :»' * Ipi &• 'wit Mifpill BY l i- v; SIS- CHARLES MANFRED THOMPSON Reprinted from the Proceedings of the MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Volume V ATTITUDE OF THE WESTERN WHIGS TOWARD THE CONVENTION SYSTEM By Charles Manfred Thompson xj ID a- b ✓ O The present widespread agitation for the displacing of nominating conventions by preferential and mandatory primaries, is but a phase of the more general agitation for a change of government from a pure representative type to one in which the will of the people may be more quickly and effectively expressed. The question of repre¬ sentative government, which is intimately bound up with the Constitution and its development, has been, and is now, receiving with an increased interest the attention of scholars, publicists, and statesmen; but the nominating convention, which is a logical offshoot of the representa¬ tive form of American government has, until a very re¬ cent time, been the subject of minor consideration, par¬ ticularly as regards the attitude of one or the other of the great parties during the days of its infancy. The con¬ clusions herein drawn relate primarily to conditions in Illinois, but a study of the contemporary press of Ohio and Indiana seems to show that the Whigs in the three States held in general a similar attitude toward the con¬ vention system. National nominating conventions as they are known at the present time, first came into use for the purpose of expressing the will of a political party through chosen representatives, in the presidential campaign of 1832. The first in the field was that of the Anti-Masons. A little later the National Republicans held their convention, and, as had been predicted on all sides, selected Clay as their standard bearer. Last in point of time, but far more im¬ portant in results than the other two, was the Democratic p3711? The date, 1331, given for the convention that nominated Van Buren for vice-president should read 1832. 168 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Convention, which chose Van Bnren for second place on the ticket headed by Jackson. The great importance of the Democratic Convention arises from the fact that in later years those factions of the Whig Party which opposed conventions in one form or another used as the basis of their arguments against the system, the well founded charge that the Democratic Convention of 1831 was not only packed with office-hold¬ ers and hence did not represent the people at large but that it used steam roller methods in nominating Van Buren. 1 Particularly in the West, where Johnson had a comparatively strong following, was there considerable dissatisfaction with the Convention’s choice for Vice President, and this hostile feeling was accentuated when it was considered that the East had been more than pro¬ portionally represented in that body which had so sum¬ marily dismissed the claims of the “slayer of Tecumseh”. Even the anti-convention Whigs, who recognized a logical relationship between their own party and the old Nation¬ al Republicans, explained away the apparent inconsist¬ ency of their position by claiming that the body which had nominated Clay in 1831 was by no means a nominat¬ ing convention, but rather a meeting at which the oppo¬ nents of the administration met “to exchange senti¬ ments”; and to support this argument they produced ample evidence from the contemporary anti-Jackson press. 2 According to the statements of the opponents of the convention system, Clay’s selection was incidental and of secondary importance, for he was the only logical candidate of the party at that time. It was claimed, more¬ over, and with considerable truth, that the National Re¬ publican Convention was not, as was that held by the Democrats, composed of delegates, many of whom were under obligation not only to a political party with a num- 1 Alton Telegraph, May 13, 1843. 2 Utica Intelligencer (New York), August 17, 1830; Cincinnati Amer¬ ican, December 13, 1830. THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 169 ber of offices to be distributed, but what was more signi¬ ficant to a single and powerful individual. 3 The last step in the argument against the convention system, and the one that appeared most forceful, was to show the inti¬ mate relation between the old Congressional caucus and a convention made up of office-holders. Without stopping to analyze these two institutions in order to discover where the arguments used to connect them are fallacious, it is enough to state that many in both parties believed that they were differing types of the same species — in¬ stitutions created by office-holders and professional poli¬ ticians for the purpose of defeating the sovereign will of the people. The most important inimediate result of the opposi¬ tion to the convention that nominated Van Buren for the vice presidency in 1831, was a considerable accession to the ranks of the anti-administrationists. 4 In Illinois, where there had been a deep schism in the Democratic ranks over the Van Buren-Johnson contest, many of the latter’s friends denounced the methods used to defeat their champion, and soon after allied themselves with the opposition; and after the advent of the Whig Party in 1834, it is this element that kept up the anti-convention fight long after the old line National Republican-Whigs had become reconciled to the convention svstem. The %/ dictatorial and proscriptive methods of Jackson’s man¬ agers were no less in evidence in the convention of 1831 than they had been in the administration of the govern¬ ment ; and on account of these methods, those members of the Democratic Party who were becoming dissatisfied with the attitude of the administration toward national policies were forced into, or very near, the ranks of the opposition. Following the general scheme of defeating Van s Alton Telegraph, May 13, 1843. * Joseph Duncan was the most striking example in Illinois. See note at the end of this paper. 170 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Buren in 1836, by combining against him the strength of the favorite sons of many widely located sections, no Na¬ tional Whig Convention was held, and as far as the news¬ papers of Illinois disclose the fact, none was seriously considered. In accordance with precedents of 1824 and 1826, however, various candidates were brought forward by State legislatures, such as McLean in Ohio and White by the Senate in Illinois, while Van Buren received the endorsement of the House. 5 At the same time the Whigs, in the General Assembly of the latter State went on rec¬ ord against State and county conventions by “resolving, that we believe the establishment of the Convention sys¬ tem in this state, for the purpose of nominating all state and county officers, to be anti-republican, and ought not to be tolerated in a republican government. ’’ With two exceptions all the Whigs present voted for the resolu¬ tion, and with them voted five Democrats from the south¬ ern part of the State. 6 Supporting this resolution were many old line Whigs who cared little about the abstract principles upon which opposition to the convention was based, but who consid¬ ered that a pretense of believing the institution unrepub¬ lican might bring the users of it into disrepute with the voters, or compel them to abandon it entirely, with the result that a dissipation of party strength at the polls would come about through the introduction of indepen¬ dent Democratic candidates, just as had happened in the gubernatorial elections of 1826 and 1834. Closely con¬ nected with this attempt to discountenance the convention was the party caucus, which the Whigs used as a means for concentrating voting strength. Under the leadership 5 The Western Hemisphere, January 2, 1835; Illinois Senate Journal, 1835-1836, pp. 76 if.; Illinois House Journal , 1835-1836, pp. 211 fit*. « At about the same time the Democrats in convention endorsed the convention system. — See Illinois Intelligencer, October 21, 1835; also Sangamo Journal, December 12, 1835; and Illinois Advocate, December 17, 1833. THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 171 of Lincoln, Webb, Davidson, Edwards, and others, the Whig candidates were usually not allowed to multiply unduly, and in a surprisingly large number of cases slates were successfully made by a small group of Whig politicians, most of whom were members of the General Assembly. 7 The caucus was quite as unpopular among the people at large as was the convention, but the saving grace of the former institution was the lack of reliable information about it. The Democratic press protested loudly against it, but so long as no positive evidence of its existence could be brought forward, the effect of such denuncia¬ tions, from an origin so partisan as were the papers of the time, was slight. The Democratic State Convention, which chose candidates for State officers in 1838, amidst the hisses and groans of the Whig press, was stigmatized by the opposition as a ‘ 4 slaughter pen”. Yet all the evi¬ dence at hand points to the truth of the charge made by the Democrats of the time that the Whig candidate for governor, Cyrus Edwards, was chosen by a midnight caucus made up of prominent Whigs from all over the State, many of whom were office-holders. Thus charges and counter-charges of political bossism were made so repeatedly by the leaders and press of both parties, that it is a great wonder that there was not developed in the minds of the voters a very great repugnance to one or the other system. Repeated defeats at last convinced the more astute leaders of the Whig Party, that the people did not con¬ sider the growth of the convention system as a menace to their liberties. So much so did this feeling come to pos¬ sess the leaders and press, that by 1839, the desirability 7 Both parties used thfe term 11 caucus M in a very loose manner. See Cincinnati Gazette, March 4, 1830; Scioto Gazette, March 24, 1830; Cin¬ cinnati American, September 13, 1830; and State Register (Illinois), Sep¬ tember 7, 1837. 172 Mississippi Valley historical association of a nominating convention within the State was very generally recognized. In that year many Whig county conventions were held, and the culmination of the move¬ ment was the State Whig Convention, the first ever held by that party in the State, which convened at Springfield in October, 1839. At this convention, electors were chosen, committees appointed, and a definite campaign of action outlined. 8 This meeting marks the passing away of the old haphazard method of trusting to the Whig press to plan the campaign, harmonize measures, and pre¬ vent multiplication of candidates, and with the notable exception of 1842, the old plan was never again generally resorted to. Nor was this transition to a new and more definite basis of choosing candidates made without oppo¬ sition both from within and without the ranks of the party. On the one hand, the Democratic press ridiculed the Whigs for their inconsistency, and justly laid claim to the nominating convention as a Democratic institution; on the other hand, a faction of the party itself, respectable both in number and ability, opposed the innovation. Without taking the trouble to inquire closely into the real causes for the Whig successes in the Presidential election of 1840, Mr. Lincoln and others gave considerable credit for these successes to the united front of the Whig Party, which had been very generally brought about by a harmonious national nominating convention. Although the Democrats had carried the State for Van Buren, those counties and legislative districts in which the Whigs had faithfully supported the convention nominees showed an increased strength for that party. This close association of nominating conventions and political successes could have but one result: those who had favored the system during the years 1839 and 1840 were strengthened in their conviction, while the more conservative element was s Sangamo Journal, March 16, August 9, September 20, October 4 and 11, 1839. THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 173 less sure of its ground. To say the least, the convention had shown its worth from the standpoint of expediency, and with this fact established the opposition within the party retreated behind the stronghold of abstract prin¬ ciples, professing to believe that the success of the party was of less importance than the preservation of liberty in the choice of public officials. Opposition to the system continued for several years. In 1842, a regular call was made for a State "Whig Con¬ vention to nominate candidates for governor and lieu¬ tenant-governor, and to appoint correspondence and vigi¬ lance committees, but there developed such a strong oppo¬ sition to the plan, that it was thought advisable by the faction favorable to a convention to abandon it for the sake of harmony. Many county and legislative nominat¬ ing conventions were held, however, but the bright prospect of Whig success had the effect of bringing into the campaign many independent "Whig candidates, with the result that the Democrats were uniformly successful in doubtful counties and districts, and made serious in¬ roads into such strong Whig counties as Morgan, Coles, and Vermilion. 9 Heretofore there had been a studied attempt on the part of the Whig State organization, which was favorable to the convention, to keep down any general discussion on the merits of the system, in the hope that it would finally prevail. But the disorganization of the party in the campaign of 1842, due, it was said, to the absence of a State convention at which campaign plans could have been laid, convinced the friends of the nominating con¬ vention that an agitation for its general adoption was necessary before the campaign of 1844. Accordingly, at a Whig meeting held at Springfield early in 1843, a com¬ mittee was appointed to draw up an address/to the voters 9 Alton Telegraph, March 25, 1843; manuscript election returns in the office of the Secretary of State, Springfield, Illinois. 174 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION of the State; and among the issues discussed by this com¬ mittee was the convention. 10 The committee, which was composed of A. Lincoln, S. T. Logan, and A. T. Bledsoe, set forth what may well be considered the attitude of a majority of the Whig Party in Illinois towards the general system of nominat¬ ing conventions. Without wasting time to examine the principles upon which the opposition based its arguments, the address, which bears the mark of Mr. Lincoln’s hand, struck at the very heart of the question by pointing out that so long as the Democrats used the system, it was madness for the Whigs not to ‘ ‘ defend themselves with it ’ \ Thus the key¬ note of the argument as advanced by the committee was expediency. Mr. Lincoln saw clearly that the old system was productive of disorganization and defeat; and see¬ ing this, he had no scruples in placing what the opposition called the sovereign will of the people in the hands of delegates selected by the people themselves. To support the contention, that in union there is strength, the com¬ mittee cited such illustrations as Aesop’s fable of the bundle of sticks, and the biblical admonition that ‘ 4 a house divided against itself cannot stand.” In discussing previous defeats due to the absence of conventions, the gubernatorial election of 1842 received special attention at the hands of the committee. Ex- G-overnor Duncan, who had been the Whig candidate for governor in that year, was the leader of the opposition to the convention, in fact he had flatly refused to be the can¬ didate if selected by a convention of any sort. It must be remembered that Duncan was originally a member of the “whole hog” Jackson Party, but he had left that party and joined the Whigs about. 1834, because of his opposi¬ tion to the Democratic Convention of 1831 and to the io For report of committee, see Alton Telegraph, March 25, 1843. Nicolay and Hay’s Lincoln, Vol. I, p. 218, mentions the address. THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 175 general attitude of the Jackson administration toward the United States Bank. It was around Duncan as a leader that the various elements hostile to conventions had grouped themselves. As soon as the address became public, Duncan took exception to it, particularly to that part which intimated that the Whig defeat of 1842 was due very largely to his antagonism to the convention system. Very soon after the publication of the address, Dun¬ can was given an opportunity to register publicly his protest against what he considered an accusation. At a meeting of Morgan County Whigs in March, 1843, the following resolutions among others were adopted and ordered sent to Governor Duncan: 11 1. Resolved, That we do not object to a fair expression of the popular will, either through primary meetings, or conven¬ tions so constituted as to time, place, and representation, as to secure its proper expression. 2. Resolved, That when said will is expressed, it merits the most serious consideration; and that private feelings and indi¬ vidual views and preferences should yield to it unless it involves the sacrifice of principle. 3. Whereas, We believe that a late political document con¬ veys the idea that Gov. Duncan would be unwilling to accept a nomination at the hands of the people expressed through a con¬ vention ; and whereas, we believe that such an idea does not prop¬ erly express the views of Gov. Duncan: Therefore, Resolved, That Gov. Duncan, and also Judge Lockwood and Gen. Hardin, be requested to express their views to the Whigs of the district, in relation to the convention system, and whether they will consent to be candidates if chosen by the convention. Duncan’s reply to these resolutions embodies the sum total of all the opposition to the convention, besides incidentally touching on political issues about which little is known at the present time; it is therefore given in full ii Duncan’s reply is found in the Alton Telegraph for May 13, 1843, and also in the note at the end of this paper. 176 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION in a note at the close of this paper. Hence I shall sum¬ marize it very briefly, calling attention only to those ob¬ jections which seem to have been the principal article 01 faith of the opposition. Being unable to deny that the nominating convention had concentrated voting strength, and hence had secured political successes, Duncan was compelled to ignore the question of expediency and attempt to point out the dan¬ gers to the government which would result from the use of the system. To his way of thinking, nominating con¬ ventions presupposed political parties, which were not only unnecessary in a republican form of government but were dangerous to the liberties of the people. Granting the legitimacy of the convention, its personnel had been, and would no doubt continue to be, of such a nature that the free expression of the party could not be ascertained. And finally if it be granted that the will of the people should be expressed in the convention, the necessity of close organization would bring about the development of the professional politician whose very existence would depend upon office and its patronage. The evils pointed out by Mr. Duncan were too remote to have any very considerable weight in determining the attitude of the party toward the convention system. The rank; and file of the Whigs desired success, and naturally looked to the leaders for successful guidance. Whatever scruples these leaders may have had were swept away by the necessity of leading the party to victory. To continue their leadership victories must be won, and to win them the nominating convention system, which was perhaps the greatest single factor in bringing success, was taken up and used as a means of concentrating voting strength. To summarize in a paragraph, one can say that the Whigs were ostensibly opposed to the nominating conven¬ tion until the year 1839, at which time many county and State conventions were held. Prior to this time, the op- THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 177 position had been largely of mere political expediency, for the old line Whigs seem to have had no scruples in chang¬ ing their attitude when it appeared worth while to do so. Not so, however, with that element of the party which had come over from the Democrats between 1830 and 1834. Its defection from the Jacksonian ranks had a beginning in the opposition to the Convention of 1831, and ever afterwards it was the nucleus around which all those op¬ posed to the system grouped themselves. By the early forties this element had become relatively small, and with its ever decreasing influence came an increasing demand for the convention system. The stand made in 1842 by ex-Governor Duncan against overwhelming odds marks the real end of any considerable opposition to the nomi¬ nating convention by the Whigs of Illinois. 12 Note. — Duncan’s reply to the resolutions adopted by the Morgan County Whigs in March, 1843, is as fol¬ lows: Elm Grove. Gentlemen: — You will see by the foregoing resolutions, passed at a meeting of the Whigs of this county on the 22d of March, that I have been called upon to give my views to the Whigs of this Congressional District in relation to the convention system, and also, to say whether I will consent to be a candidate, if chosen by the convention. These resolutions also allude to an address made to the people of the State by Messrs. Lincoln, Logan and Bledsoe, which was prepared in obedience to a resolu¬ tion of a Whig meeting of members of the Legislature and other citizens at the capitol, on the fourth of March. It does not, how¬ ever, appear to have been presented to, or approved of, by the meeting, but was published in the Journal of the 10th. I beg leave, before answering either of the inquiries put to 12 See Alton Telegraph for February 25, March 11 and 25, April 1 and 15, and May 6 and 13, 1843. For the attitude of Quincy Whig, Alton Telegraph, Charleston Courier, and Sangamo Journal, all Illinois papers, on the question of the convention system about 1842, see Sangamo Journal, October 8, 1841. 178 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION me, to notice some of the arguments, facts and conclusions of that address in favor of the convention system; which 1 shall do, however, with reluctance, because some of them, though certainly not so intended, are considered rather reproachful to myself: and although I may point out some errors, and shall endeavor to re¬ fute the arguments and statements it contains with candor, it shall be in a spirit of the utmost kindness. This address strongly urges the convention system, and says: — “ Whether it is right in itself, we do not stop to inquire; contenting ourselves with trying to show, that while our opponents use it, it is madness in us not to defend ourselves with it. For example, look at the elec¬ tions of last year. Our candidate for Governor, with the approba;- tion of a large portion of his party, took the field without a nomi¬ nation, and in open opposition to the system. Whereever in the counties the Whigs had held conventions, and nominated candi¬ dates for the Legislature, the aspirants, who were not nominated, were induced to rebel against the nominations and to become candidates," as it is said, ‘on their own hook.’ ” This statement is generally understood, as intended to convey the idea, that my refusal to submit to a convention, had defeated the Whig party in this State at the election last summer, which I think an error; and the intimation that I had forced myself into the field, with the approbation of only a portion of the party, and that candi¬ dates for the Legislature in some of the counties were induced to rebel against nominations by conventions, either by my advice or example, is certainly incorrect, and if intended as a censure, is equally unjust. The Sangamo Journal, of the 30th March, con¬ tains an article also addressed to the Whig party, from which I make the following extract, leaving you to make the application. After urging the Whigs to adopt the convention system, it says: — “If any are foolhardy enough to run as independent candidates, let them enjoy the singularity they court, and re¬ main independent and alone; in almost every instance they meet the fate they deserve; and while they involve themselves in politi¬ cal death, amid merited obloquy and scorn , we shall regret to see any portion of the Whig party connected with them. Banish from your ranks the selfish, and time-serving politician, who, not satisfied with his own disgrace, would desire your misfortunes to cover his own defeat. ’ ’ THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 179 It is a fact known to many, that a large number of both political parties solicited me to become a candidate for Governor, as early as the winter of 1840-1, expressing their confidence that I could do something towards relieving the State from the em¬ barrassments which I had so often predicted, and had so anxious¬ ly attempted to avert, while I was Governor before. Under such influences, and with the hope that I might be able to do something, if elected by a union of both parties upon the State policy, among other good results, to allay party spirit, I made up my mind to become a candidate, provided the Whigs presented no other per¬ son; but during the fall and summer of 1841, Col. Davidson, Mr. Lincoln, Gen. Thornton, myself, and others, were all placed be¬ fore the public, and a convention was proposed to settle our re¬ spective claims. Having no wish from personal motives, either to be a candidate, or to hold the office again, and believing that defeat would be inevitable to any one nominated by a convention on party grounds, as the Whigs were in a minority of 7,000 or 8,000, I requested Mr. Lucas to announce that I would not be a candidate; which he did in the Illinoian in November, 1841. About this time I left home for New York; and on my return in 1842, in place of “taking the field ,” I found that all those gentle¬ men had withdrawn, and that my name, without my knowledge, had been placed before the public by most of the Whig presses and by popular meetings of the people. Thus made a candidate, I employed every honorable means in my power, not only to secure my own election, but to harmonize our friends; and instead of defeating the party, although I may not have received much sup¬ port from some of those who were anxious for a convention, the vote I received was usually much larger than that given to other Whig candidates in the counties, and in some instances where Van Buren men were elected, I had large majorities over my oppo¬ nents. But as my defeat is so much relied upon, as an argument in favor of the convention system, it may not be amiss to inquire whether this defeat cannot be accounted for in some other way, than the want of a convention nomination; and in my opinion it can. Does any one doubt that Mr. Van Buren’s two trips across the State, just before the election, was intended to have, and did have, the effect to rally his party, many of whom, up to that time, 180 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION were warmly supporting my election? In addition to this, my not having visited him when in Jacksonville, was magnified into a gross and personal insult, and was published all over the State for the purpose of exciting his party against me. All the public officers, and politicians of his party in the State, were put in motion ; and Young and Reynolds used the Congressional franks, to flood the State with vile slanders against the Whig party and in support of my opponent. The Whigs were generally disheart¬ ened by their defeat in other States; most of the politicians taking no part in the elections, while others were bowing and scraping to, and parading over the country with Mr. Van Buren — a fact which my opponent did not fail to notice in his speeches, as the most conclusive evidence, that all the previous charges made by the Whigs against him were false and hypocritical — which he illustrated by telling of a son of one of the leading Whigs, who, on Mr. Van Buren’s arrival at Springfield, seeing his father rush through the crowd and sieze him by the hand, did not doubt, from what he had often heard his father say of Mr. Van Buren, that he was taking him to jail, and ran home, crying, “Mother! mother! they have got the traitor at last! ’ ’ Morgan county is named in the address as one of the counties where the Whigs were defeated at the last election, by a rebellion of disappointed candidates against the nomination of a conven¬ tion. The convention in this county, I learn, was composed of but few individuals; and several precincts were unrepresented. I understand that the first resolution they passed, was an act of proscription, declaring that no one should be nominated for any office he had ever held before; and that some of the persons re¬ fused to accept. Is there any thing in this to favor conventions ? Certainly not. It only shows the great danger and impropriety of interfering with the elective franchise of men, who are re¬ solved to think for themselves. Notwithstanding the denuncia¬ tions sent forth in advance, and all that may be anticipated, I must continue to express my opposition to what is called the con¬ vention system, such as was established by Mr. Van Buren, and has been practiced by his party for the last twelve years, and which is now recommended by a portion of our friends to be adopted by the Whig party as a measure of defense. Whatever may be the motive of this recommendation, we all know that the THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 181 love of power is insatiable; that power is constantly stealing from the many to the few; and that the convention system, as used by the Van Burenites, is nothing more nor less than a contrivance of government officers, of office seekers, and men who make politics a trade, to take the selection of all public agents from the people, leaving them nothing to do but to vote as the leaders or drill- masters tell them. I admit to the fullest extent, the right, and on great occasions, the propriety, of the people to hold public con¬ ventions, either en masse or by representatives, to act or deliber¬ ate upon any subject that may interest them: and I hold that a measure or candidate, agreed upon by compromise, or a recom¬ mendation of such a convention, when it is known fairly to represent the wishes of the people or of a party, should have great weight with all, who in the main, agree with them in opin¬ ion. Acting upon this principle, it is well known, that when delegates were sent from every part of the Union to the Harris¬ burg Convention in 1839, to deliberate upon measures to drive Van Buren, (who had degraded, corrupted, and almost ruined the country,) from the Capitol, that I advanced fifty dollars to defray the expenses of the representatives from this State; and, although my favorite candidate was not selected, I gave Gen. Harrison the most cordial support. Here was a great occasion. The usurpations, corruptions, and mal-adminiistration of Government had roused the people in every part of the Union, and we all hoped that the success of the Whig party at that election would sweep Van Burenism and all its evils, from the country. It was not to be so. Although he was defeated by near 150,000 majority, the blight is still upon us. But I protest against being made responsible for it in the remotest degree. For twelve years I have been opposing the corrupting and anti-republican policy of Mr. Van Buren, the great lever of which, was this inquisition, or convention system, which he com¬ menced establishing over the whole Union for the first time, while Secretary of State under Gen. Jackson. The office holders, the office seekers, and thousands of unprincipled demagogues, in¬ fluenced by the power and patronage of the government, flocked to his standard, and were employed in organizing the friends of Gen. Jackson and those of the Secretary, into a drilled and servile party, which they then christened and have since called the Demo- 182 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION era tic party. Conventions were resorted to as the best means of perfecting this organization; and denunciation, proscription, slander and persecution, were the weapons freely used against all, and especially against the original supporters of Gen. Jackson, who opposed his ambitious views. Can stronger evidence of the evils and dangers of the convention system be desired, than the well known fact of Mr. Van Buren, a man without merit or claim upon the country, having wormed himself into the Presidential chair by it, and, in doing so, spread more corruption and discord through the country, and did more to destroy confidence in our free institutions, both at home and abroad, than he and all his friends would be able to repair if they should live a thousand years. Universal history proves that party spirit, even in its best form, when dictated by patriotism, in moments of excitement has often been made the instrument of much evil and of great oppres¬ sion. Who can doubt after the experience we have had, that the organization of people into parties, on the selfish, vindictive and proscriptive principles of Van Buren, is just as dangerous to the liberty, peace and safety of every honorable and independent citi¬ zen, as a large mercenary army of regular soldiers would be to the liberty and peace of the whole country? I consider that the Whigs, who have so long and honorably opposed this corrupt and dangerous system, would be just as unwise and inconsistent to adopt it now, even in self-defence, as this government would be to establish and maintain large standing armies in time of peace, because hereditary monarchs opposed to popular government em¬ ploy them. If we are to be made slaves, it matters not whether our masters come from the ranks of our friends or our enemies. I do, therefore, as a Whig, and as a citizen, ardently desiring the happiness and prosperity of the whole country, protest against this odious convention system, or any other principle of action, however plausibly it may be urged, “ without stopping to inquire whether it is right; ’ ’ and I dissent entirely from an opinion also expressed in this address, that “they can see nothing wrong in applying the convention system to the nomination of candidates for small offices in nowise connected with parties.” This, I sup¬ pose has particular reference to legislative conventions, such as are usually held in the slaughter pen, (as it is aptly termed) by the Van Buren party, in which the leading politicians of that THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 183 party about the seat of government, during the session of the Legislature, assemble at night to decide upon the claims of parti¬ sans, and also upon measures and elections that should be dis¬ cussed and enacted by the whole Legislature. I can view this slaughter pen or inquisition in no other light, than as an avenue through which men in power will some day lead their opponents to the block or the guillotine. It is against the spirit of freedom and of our constitution for a minority to rule; yet by this contrivance a few active poli¬ ticians about the seat of government, such as has been the case with the Kitchen Cabinet at Washington, and the Regency at Al¬ bany, can govern the legislation and manage all appointments to office. An organized party, like an army, must have captains, sub¬ alterns, and drill masters, who are commonly styled Committees of Vigilance, and expect to be rewarded for their services when successful, out of the spoils. Thus stimulated by ambition and self-interest, they meet in secret, without individual responsibil¬ ity or fear of detection, and then devise means for destroying their opponents, and for deceiving and managing the people. They are inquisitorial judges of the merits and demerits of all persons in office, and recommend rewards or punishments, not according to services rendered and to be rendered to the country, but to the party. Those leaders dictate what men and measures the party are to support; and being themselves most interested in the issue, when hard pressed resort to desperate expedients. By their peculiar situation and influence over the party for whom they act, they may with impunity promise and confer the highest military honors, grant the public arms, and the most extraordi¬ nary powers; and doubtless will, if nothing less can secure success, give the control of the government itself, to any general, priest, or prophet, as a bribe for votes enough to place their party in power. If any one supposes such a thing impossible, let them look at the political movements and legislation in our own State for the last two or three years; let them see the cringing of ambitious office seekers of both parties at the feet of the Mormon Prophet; es¬ pecially since he published his manifesto, in the shape of a procla¬ mation, declaring that he and his followers “cared not a fig for Whigs or Democrats; that they are both alike to them; that they 184 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION would go for their friends, their tried friends — those who served them they would serve again.” It is the avowal of such princi¬ ples, and by the whole legion acting and voting as one man, that this bold adventurer, in the short space of three years, has ob¬ tained control over the elections in several counties, in at least one congressional district, and at a general election, over the whole State. Formidable as this Mormon Prophet is becoming, his is not the only power ambitious of political sway, that he may take advantage of our divisions. All know that there is another large and powerful church in this country, whose faith in its head is also superior to their political opinions ; and we see by repeated accounts of late from Europe, that extensive arrangements are now making to send millions of his subjects to this country. By this party drill, the rank and file are forced to ratify every bargain made by their leaders, however repugnant it may be to their feelings, rather than split from this party, and be called traitors to their principles; for experience has shown that most men would sacrifice their country, and compromise their honor, or their principles, sooner than encounter the sneers, much less the obloquy and scorn of a party, after having firmly en¬ listed under its banners. This convention system, if adopted by both parties, will make our government a prize to be sought after by political gamblers. It throws the chains of slavery and degra¬ dation around its votaries, prostrates the fine feelings of nature, extinguishes every spark of patriotism, creates jealousies, dis¬ trusts, and angry divisions in society, and will ultimately make us an easy prey to some fiend, or despot, at the head of an army or church, whose followers, like themselves, love the spoils of power better than the liberty of their country. When those slaughter-pen conventions are held exclusively by members of the Legislature, a majority of the party holding them — which party may be barely a majority of the whole — they dictate measures which two-thirds of the Legislature might be opposed to; by which means a large portion of the Representa¬ tives are arbitrarily deprived of their constitutional rights to participate in the adoption of measures to which they and their constituents are bound to submit. These conventions teach the people to lean upon the politicians instead of investigating, acting and thinking for themselves. They will always give the party in THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 185 power great advantages over their opponents, and will enable the President of the United States, when at the head of either of the great parties, by the use of his patronage and power, nine times out of ten to re-elect himself, or to designate his successor; and it will always enable the most corrupt and active politician, who promises most offices, to get himself nominated in county or dis¬ trict conventions. In fact, I look upon the convention system as designed by its authors to change the government from the free will of the people into the hands of designing politicians, and which must in a short time drive from public employment, every honest man in the country. Is it not so to a great extent already? Witness the number of unprincipled and incompetent men which it has brought into office, and into the councils of the country. Congress is a little less than a disorderly mob, and legislatures have de¬ graded and ruined the country. Who are we required to or¬ ganize ourselves against ? Are they not our friends, brothers and countrymen? It is true, designing demagogues have poisoned their minds, excited their prejudices, and by party trammels have led them on to injure us, themselves, and their country; but time, forbearance, persevering in well-doing on our part, must convince the honest portion of our opponents that we are true friends to our country. A long period of deception and bad government on the part of their leaders, has opened the eyes of many; and it is to be hoped that they will soon throw off all party prejudice, and judge of public men by the honesty and wisdom of their measures. They will then judge correctly between the patriot, who delights in the honor, prosperity and happiness of his country, and the selfish miscreant who would divide it into parties, excite sectional and personal prejudices, array brother against brother, father against son, and the rich against the poor, that they, poor short¬ sighted wretches, might fill, for a season, some pitiful office. Such men we have among us; and I never witness the intrigues and management of one of them, without feeling the pity and con¬ tempt due to an incendiary, who would fire and desolate a city merely to plunder a single shop. Can any man at this day doubt that there is intelligence, patriotism and virtue enough in the Whig party, or in both parties, to sustain our free institutions, and carry on the govern- 186 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION ment as our fathers did, without resorting to this party drill, or without putting on the shabby old coat of Locofocoism, which all honest men among them are now getting ashamed of, made up as it is of sneers, intrigues, denunciations, and dictations of men, seeking by such means to bring the people under the control of party leaders? For myself, (and I believe it is the sentiment of every true Whig,) “I had rather enjoy one day, one hour, of vir¬ tuous liberty, than to live an eternity in bondage. ’ ’ It is my deliberate opinion, formed by long observation of the spirit of the Van Buren party, that if the Whigs shall now consent to organize and act upon the same principles, that elec¬ tions in this country will become as corrupt as they are in the rot¬ ten boroughs of England; and that the government will soon end in angry contests, civil war, and perhaps in despotism. All know the advantage that organization, subordination, and discipline, give regular troops over raw militia; but experience has shown that citizens, who feel it to be no less a privilege than a duty to defend their country, though often routed, have rarely been van¬ quished by a mercenary army, however well appointed. Who doubts that if the Whigs remain firm in maintaining the laws, the constitutions and free institutions of the country, showing on all occasions a patriotism above all selfish or party triumphs, that the virtuous portion of all parties will throw off the shackles which party machinery has imposed upon them ? Then they will as before 1830, when the republic was pure, and as in 1840, march to the polls like freemen, and vote for men and measures on their own judgment. Then those little, intriguing politicians, who have of late acquired such consequence from their participation in the management of elections, (while honest men who support the government by the sweat of their brow, are at home attending to their business,) will have to go to work, or sink into the insig¬ nificance and contempt which await the loafer and selfish hypo¬ crite ! As this address has narrowed the contest between us and the Van Buren party down to three questions, to-wit: the bank, tariff, and distribution, which I consider of minor importance, I feel bound before closing this letter, to state what I consider the most important points at issue between the parties, because, un¬ less the breaches lately made and discovered by politicians in our THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 187 Constitution are repaired, any law to protect our own industry, or to regulate the currency, will be little better than a dead letter upon the statute books. The Whig party, as I understand their principles, are for maintaining the supremacy of the law and constitution; and hold any public officer to be an enemy to his country, who usurps authority or exercises power not clearly conferred upon him by one or the other. We are for maintaining inviolate chartered rights and the public faith. We are for strict economy in carrying on the government. We are in favor of a tariff, or a tax, to support government; being levied first upon such articles as come in competition with those made in our own country; next upon all articles of luxury, leaving free of tax as far as is consistent, articles of necessity, such as are required by every family. We are for a well guarded bank, chartered by the United States, to act as a fiscal agent of the government, to regulate our currency and assist commerce, to be owned and directed chiefly by private stock-holders, who shall be responsible to Congress, or its special agent, for their strict observance of the law and their fidelity to the government. We are for reducing executive patronage. We believe that public officers were created to serve the country, and their duties should be defined by law; so that the president should have no power over them, except when unfaithful or incompetent. We believe that every private citizen and public officer should be left free to speak, act and vote according to his own judgment; and that he who attempts to control, or by an exercise of power or management of any kind, to abridge those rights, is guilty of an assault upon public liberty. We are opposed to proscription, and removals of competent public agents for their political opinions, by the executive govern¬ ment, because it degrades and enslaves the public officer, takes away his responsibility to the law and the people, and makes him at will, the servile tool of men in power. We are opposed to the ostracism practiced by Mr. Van Buren, which drove from the service of the country, many of our best, most talented, and useful citizens. 188 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION We are in favor of amending the constitution, to limit the presidential office to one term, in order to deprive the President of all motive to indulge an improper ambition. We are opposed to executive appointments of members of Congress to office, because we have had abundant evidence that it corrupts and destroys the independence of the people’s repre¬ sentatives, and turns their eyes from their constituents to the government. We are for some efficient plan to keep the press and judi¬ ciary free from executive influence. We are opposed to all executive control over public money until appropriated by law; because the Constitution wisely in¬ tended to make Congress or their agent the keeper of the public funds; and common sense teaches us that money, the lever of all power, should never be lodged with one who wields the patronage and directs the arms of the country. We are opposed to all government banks, sub-treasuries and exchequers, because either of them must greatly extend executive power, and because experience has shown that politicians, (and all government officers are of late made politicians) are not to be trusted with money. Whenever these things can be effected, and the people shall once more prefer the success and prosperity of the whole country to the triumphs of party, our Government will be pure, our liberties safe, and the people united, prosperous and happy. My answer to the inquiry, whether I will, if chosen by the convention to be held in this congressional district, accept the nomination, is, that I have no wish at this time to enter public life. I believe that every man in the country has the right to offer for any office he pleases; that he has also the right to vote for whom he pleases; that the people have the right to meet in conventions and nominate candidates; but I recognize in them no power to make me vote for a man that I do not believe to be honest, or support a measure that I do not think best for the i country; nor to commit me in any way against my judgment or my principles; and if I were anxious to be a candidate, which is most sincerely not the case, I could not with my present views * accept a nomination from a convention of any organized party. I also admit the entire right of such as may feel offended, THE CONVENTION SYSTEM 189 (though I declare no personal offence has been intended) to de¬ nounce me as much as they please for this letter, which has been written under a strong sense of duty, and not without much pain at being compelled to differ with so many of my best friends. JOSEPH DUNCAN.