LI B R.AR.Y OF THE U N I VLR.SITY or ILLINOIS e>a7s W.I7 AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC ON THE PLJlN PROPOSED BY THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS FOR EXAMIKXNa- TH£ AFFAIRS OF THE BANK. BY EDWARD COOKE, Esq. LONDON: Printed for J.J. STOCKDALE, 41, Pall Mail. 1819. PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND SIXPENCE. M. Biowii, J'jlnter, 86, Si. Martinis Lane. ERRATA. Page 12, linel, transpose the words Infports and E^orti. 16, line 5 from bottom, for cause, read /a//. 22, line 4, for /or read by. 23, line 10, for affected read effected. 25, lines 9 and 10 from bottom, for prudential and per* nicious, read penurious. ikSr A I£> I£> Hi IE ^ I RECENTLY published a short Tract, which is annexed, with a view to rectify some manifest errors, by which the public mind is deluded, m respect to the great ques- tion of our domestic Currency. I therein described the true nature oF the standard of our gold coin, tinder the law and the royal prerogative. I prosed, that the rise in the price of Gold could not be attributed to an excess of Bank Notes in circulation ; as the amount ofour circulation was extremely deficient in comparison with the proportional circulation before the war. I suggested, that the increased price of Gold Bullion, as the increased price of all other commodities, arose from our augmented taxation. I demonstrated y that any reduction of the quantity of our currency; by increasing its value, would propor« tionally increase the value and the pressure of our taxes, and thereby prevent any decrease of prices, which such a measure might seem to promise. I pointed out the evils which were to be apprehended, and which are already in a degree felt, from the reduc- tion of the amount ofour currency, and that further re- a ductions ( 4 ) ductions could only lead to stagnation of credit, and decrease of activity, and to general non-production. And in order to prevent these evils, which apparently must follow from a scarcity of currency, I suggested, that the best line for the country to pursue, was to follow tlie course of the market, and under wise regula- tions, to enable the Bank of England to discharge their Notes at all times in gold at market price. According to the line which my duty pointed out, 1 caused my suggestions to be conveyed to the members of the Committee, in order that before their ultimate de- cision on the great questions before them, the value of such suggestion^, if any, might be appreciated. .' The long-expected REPORT of the Committee of the House of Commons upon the State of our Currency, has at length been made, ^.nd abstracts of it are before the Public. If those abstracts, are true, I sorely apprehend that the public, I mean the informed and intelligent part of the public, will experience the most severe mor- tification and disappointment; because in the midst of great universal commercial distress, arising from the ■want of circulating medium, a further reduction of that medium is to be gradually and continually made, in or- der to raise the value of Bank Paper to the exchange price of gold, and keep it invariably at that price. The first step oi the process is to repay by loan, a sum of Exchec(iuer Bills, on which the Banlk had advanced to Government 10 millions ; and which Bills are now in deposit in the Bank; or, in other words, it is to annihi- late, by successive payments, 10 millions of the present currency ; the power of re-issuing, by means of discounts, which sum, or such part of it as the Bank may think pro- per, is to be left to the discretion of that Corporation. •Since this Addieiss was comnieucecl, the Kejiort has appeared in extenso. It ( ^'> ) It is absolutely necessary for the public to be fully informed of tlie nature of this transaction, which is not obvious to persons unacquainted with currenipy and finance questions. It appears from the Report of the Committee, that previous to the Restriction Act, there were in circulation 30 millions of Gold Coin and 10 or 11 millions of Bank Notes. Of this sum, the Bank possessed in deposit about 5 or 6 millions, by which their Notes were j^ayable. The remaining 2o millions had been gra- dually, from time to time, brought into circulation by- means of tbe Merchants, who had carried the Bullion they had imported througli the balance of trade, to the Mint, and had received the amount thereof again in coin. Thus our active circulation consisted of 10 millions of Bank Notes, and 25 millions of Gold Coin brought into the market by the Merchants for public and commercial convenience. When the demands of the war, panic at home, and the continental system, drove all the gold coin from circulation, it became the duty of Govern- ment to provide a substitute for what I may call the free and commercial portion of the coinage. They accord- ingly persuaded the Bank to make issues of Bank Notes in exchange for Exchecquer Bills, which were to remain in deposit at the Bank, The quantity of this deposit has varied at different times, and amounts now, as stated by the Report, to 19,438,000/. though, in order to equal the quantity of gold coin taken out of the market, it ought to amount to 95 millions. The portion of the circulation originating with the Bank, and dependent upon it, before the Restriction Acts, was 10 or 11 millions. Of this sum, they annu- ally advanced to Government 3 millions on the Land and Malt, and the remainder was circulated by dis- counting commercial bills. It ap()ears, however, from the Report, that other considerable advances were made a 2 by by the Bank to Government, from 1790 to 1797 ,- \fH^ always within the amount of the Notes outstanding. What then is to be the state of things under the new; plan ? — the circulation since 1797 having been reducec^ from above 40 millions of Coin and Bank Notes, to near 25 millions, the amount of Bank Notes at present in the market, the Bank are to have the controul of from 16 to 16 millions of this sum; and the free <-ir- culation, independent of the Bank, is to be reduced from 19,438,000/. to 9,000,000/. The whole amount of free circulation, independent of the Bank, by resorting to which the commtrcial body gained a large part of their accommodations, and which prevented a partial and monopolizing spirit in the Bank Directors, and which amounted before the war to 25 millions, and amounts now only to 19,438,000/. is to be reduced to about 9 millions. When so small a portion is thus to be left free, it is impossible to expect that a merchant can procure any accommodation at all, but at the Bank ; and the Bank will have the absolute command of the whole commercial body, and their whole transactions, without competition or appeal. Distressing and degrading as this transfer of power must be to the commercial body at lar^^e, it inust render the Bank itself a continued object of suspicion and odium. Why are these 10 n)illions to be repaid the Bank ? What is the object ? It is, as specifically stated, to give the Bank a greater controul over their issues and discounts, so as to enable them to regulate the diminution of the paper currency in such a manner as to effect, with greater celerity and certainty, the It is stated in the Report, that the Bank ulesire the repayment of these 10. millions, hut this reqa«st was founded on the supposition that they were tor jlpply large snms for accumulating Bullion. objec^t ( 7 ) abject of the Committee, viz. — The apparent reduction of the price of Gold Bullion ; but in reality to increase the value of Bank Paper. The Bank, if they, by the desire of the proprietary, who probably will be consulted on such a fundamental change of system, shall consent to this new scheme, will be placed in the most invidious and responsible J ight possible. On the one hand possessing the entire and absolute controul of commercial accommodation, they will be continually pressed to increase their issues ac- cording to the glowing wants and just claims of the commercial body : on the other hand, they will be bound by the new duty to be imposed on them by- Parliament, to confine their issues to the mere varia- tions in the price of gold, and to facilitate the pur- chase of bullion. Under the great principles of their Institution, their predominant and primary duty is to maintain public credit, increase the circulation, and to provide for the demands of growing trade and prosperity. By this novel measure, these great objects are to be considered by them of inferior and secondary importance, and the sole object of .their management, in future, is to be conlined to gBBVi'!^' the value of Bank Notes by reduc- tion of currency, and to the importation of bullion from abroad. If in the progress of the proposed system, the price of gold should rise, whilst commercial distresses and demands increase at home, in whni a perilous and odious predicament will they be placed ! If they listen to the demands of the commercial body, over whose welfare they are to have an entire controul, Chey may be forced to disobey the injunctions of Parlia- ment, and be made amenable to the House of Commons for disobedience of the law. If they should feel them- selves obliged to obey the law, wlwch they may ima- erine ( 8 ) giue to be percmpLoiy, tliey may be forced to reject the bills of the best established houses, and destroy the <;rcdit and fortunes of the most respectable firms, and briny on a train of most unmerited "bankruptcy by a reluctant, but what they may deem, a necessary obedi-^ ence to power. Surely this measure woidd be placing such a Cor- poiation as the Bank in the most invidious situation imaginable : first to impose upon them a monopoly of the supply of conmiercial wants in discounts and ac- commodation^:, and then to rob them of any discretion with respect to this njonopol}', and to confine their views to the sole purpose of purchasing Gold, and lowering its price, by the refusal of those discounts and accommodations of which the monopoly is forced upon them, and which they only can supply. Be it always considered, that the object of the mer- chant is the quantity of the whole currency, not the quantity that the Bank can controul. Whilst there is a sufficient quantity in the market, the merchants can gain discount from the Bankers, &c. as easily as from the Bank, and they naturally prefer a compctitioa against the Bank, in order to secure them against the possibility of partiality : but when once tj^ajaaonopoly of discounts is centered in the Bank, every merchant who wants accommodation is made a slave to what he may either truly or talsely conceive to be the prejudice, or the caprice, or the self-interest of the Court of Directors. further. — It seems to me that the great commercial body will, by such a measuie, be robbed of a privilege apj)roximating to a right. The commercial body, by their success in trade, had procured for this Kingdom and for their own particular advantage, a gold circula- tion to the amount of 25 millions, independent of the controul of the Bank. Whpi ( ) "When by the iinpnrnllclfd circunistances of the late war, and the extraordinary demands of CoVernment, these 2j millions were banished from circulation, the Government, in justice and gratitude, were bound to find them a substitute. The Government has found them a substitute to the amount of 19 millions, by the means of Exchecquer Bills. Is it an act of good faith and justice to rob them often millions of this sum, and by so doing to deliver their properties and transactions into the sole dominion of the Bank, who are to be en- joined to consider their interests, not as formerly, of pri- mary concern, but as a matter of secondary and subor- dinate consideration ? And this alarming measure is not to be carried into eft'ect impune, without loss : the public are to pay a considerable bonus to the Bank for accepting this odious monopoly. At present the Bank do not receive from Government S.\ per cent, on the average, for the Ex- checquer Bills they hold: if they issue their amount again in discount to the public, they will gain 5 per cent, or an addition of 1^ per cent, that is £. 1.50,000 a year on the 10 millions so taken from the free circu- lating medium. I do not enter into the profits which the Bank have bitherto made, or are hereafter to make. I consider those profits a matter of much indifference, provided they are accompanied by extensive and growing benefits to the public. If the increase of their profits, on the other hand, is to be accompanied with injury to the public, I must be jealous of them indeed. I have ever lamented, that the subject of Bank profits was id the slightest degree connected with the gie?t question at issue, with which they have no real con. ie:;ion whatever. It is of no more real consequence to • he public whether such a great corporation as the Bank make ( 10 ) hiake 10 per cent, profit on tlieir capital instead of seven,' than if 30 or 40 ;;>reat merchants make 10 per cent, in- stead of seven per cent, upon their capitals. But, un- fortunately, there are a great number of men whose igno- rance and selfishness leads them to view all the gains hf public bodies and of public men with an invklious eye,' and conceive that tb« public can never be beneficially served, so long as those who serve the public well de- rive a liberal rehiuneration for those services. If the Bank Biiifectbrtj had ever hitrbouTed a thought of taking tin ad^'antage of the facilities ttieir situation afforded, they naight; by artful and well founded publi- cations, have wc»rked up the puljlic mind to deiiiand ihe same anoouitt of circulating medium as took frtSce before the Restriction Act: on the contrary, '.itt-y seem to have done every thing in their povfifef, and at times more than theif duty, in Usniting the circulation, and reducing it nearly tO- 'S. naif of the amount which our income, compared with its affliounit before the Restric- tion Act, a«ems to require. The Committee hate certainly done justice to the Ban.k in one important instance, which indeed was never <:)ydestioned. They have shewn, in the most satisfactory tnaiiner, the solidity and solvability of the Bank, and have abundantly prored that their means of discharging all their issues have ever been, and continue to be, un- impeachably adequate. t do vmt understrmd the reasons which induced the Committee to publish in their Report the comparative views t)f the outstanding Bank Notes and advances to Government at different periods. Unaccompanied, with- out a very accurate and pellucid explication, they can^ only serve to puszle the reader; and though I know tolerably well the manner,^ of explaining them, as that explanation would not elucidate the general object of ( 11 ) my statement, I leave the labour to others. This ac- count might have been confined to the Appendix, with a just explanation of the transactions to which they allude. Publishing extracts of a Bank Ledger on one hand, and an Exchequer Ledger on the other, without shewing how they are reconciled, merely confuses, and does not instruct the Public. The next process is, that on the 1st of February next the Bank should, on demand, pay their Notes in Bullion, at 4/. Is, per ounce, till the October following; — from October to May 1821, at 3/. 19^. 6d. per ounce, — and on May 1821 at Mint price ; and that in two years from that period payments in Coin should be resumed. The real purport of this Plan, when stripped of all its graduated plausibility, is, that the Bank shall pay their Notes, on demand, in Gold at 3/. 17^. lOld. an ounce, the present Mint price, in two years from the present time; for whether they are to pay them in Bullion of pay them in Coin (sioce Coin and Bullion are of the same standard purity), is of no consequence whatever; and the world are not to be deceived by distinctions without a difl'erence. I pay little value to the machinery by which this mea- sure is to be effected, or to the graduated scale of de- scending prices with which it is to be Jiccompanied. The real and sole proposition brought forward, what- ever be the colour by which it is varnished, whatever the mask by which it is disguised, is this, and this only : — That the Bank shall be obliged and forced to pay its Notes at mint price nominally, at market price rca/ly, on the (irst of May, 1821. The decision on this point is to be final, not con- tingent ui)on circumstances, not limited by regard to the distress of our trade and manufactures, or the decay of revenue, — not susceptible of variation, not liable to b revision ; ( 12 ) revision ; — it is to be considered, if carried into a law, as the matured, consummate, and ultimate mandate of Parliament. To secure this sole object, the Bank are to be em- ployed in the purchase of Bullion, in order to fill their cofl'ers with treasure; and in the gradual reduction of the circulating medium for the purpose of raising its value to the market price of Gold. Here then is a systeu) of coercion and force, in order to bring Bullion to the Bank, and raise the value of Bank Notes : now I beg leave to submit a question, whether on the supposition, that by contracting the circulating medium, and by forced purchases of Bullion, Bank Notes can be raised to the exchange-price of Gold, and Gold Bullion be collected to a great amount in the Bank: — whether on this supposition, it will b« necessary, in order to preserve that high value in Bank Notes, and to keep the Bullion within the kingdom, to continue the system of restricted issues, which shall have produced this result ? The ordinary maxim is, cessante causa toUitur ef- fectus. Will the Committee maintain on this subject the contray conclusion, and assert, cessante caus posed, there can be nothing but delusion. It is, I suppose, from this and other circumstances, that no country ever founded its coin or currency upon the market price of gold — but all nations have regulated their currency by a fixt price or rate of value attached to the coin, as has been the invariable practice of our ancestors. The Plan of the Committee is an unprece- dented innovation ; for by it, though the market price of gold may be always called by the Mint price denomif nations, the value of our cusrency being hereafter to be denoted by its quantity alone, it will be in a state of per- petual fluctuation, in order to preserve the delusion of market price. If this new plan be framed upon true scientific prin- ciples, it must act uniformly well under all circum- stances, and the phenomena, in all circumstances, will agree to the theory. I find then from 1792 to 1797, Cold was at Mint price, but Bank Notes varied from about 8 millions to 13 millions. Here then Gold admitted a variation of 6 millions in Bank Notes, without being affected in price at all. I find ( 18 ) I find Gold. in 180S and 1S09 was at 5/. 5^. an ounce, and Bank Notes anuninted to IG or 17 millions. ■ I then find I'hat in 1S17 viud 1818, Gold was at 3/. lS>f. (Jd. and 3/. ly.v. an ounce, and that the amount of Bank Notes was about 27 niiilions; and the Com- mittee state, that unless the Bank had acted inju- diciously, the price of Gold would have been at Mint price. Here then we find that Gold may be at Mint price, when only S millions of Notes are in the market; and may be also at Mint price when there are 27 millions of Notes in the market; and also that Gold may be at 5l. 5s. an ounce, when there are 17 millions of Notes in the market. Thus, either 8 millions or 27 millions of Notes equally produce 3/. 17^. 10|rf. an ounce ; and 17 millions of Bank Notes produce 5/. 5s. an ounce. Is it upon these phenomena that the new theory has been constituted ^ that the policy not only of our ancestors, but of all civilized states is to be rejected ? and are we to be placed under a novel system, which is to be followed by perpetual fluctuations, without any sensible criterion for forming those fluctuations, or any possible scale for adjusting them ? Merely because some ingenious oentlemen insist, that Gold is Gold, and that Gold is the universal equivalent, we are to embrace this new theory in defiance of a set of phenomena which covers it with contradiction and ridicule. We are, it seems, to fix the market price of Gold, and to calculate from day to day the value of the currency by the amount of its quantity; which I consider just as ingenious an expedient as an invention for ascertaining the variations of the wind by fixing the weathercock. If I have shewn a few of the objections to what the Committee have done, I may now proceed to observe on what they have not done. ( 19 ) In the first place, they have not adverted to those bold and unproved assertions vt^ith which the tovirn has been pestered, " that our Currevcy is depreciated, and ** depreciated by excess of Issues" The Committee blinks the subject, though it refutes those rash assertions by a side-wiud proof. The amount of currency is now 2p millions: previous to the Restriction Act the Committee state it at 40 millions. Upon reference, therefore, to the comparative income of the country at the two pe- riods, our currency has experienced at least a diminu- tion of one half in amount. The Committee also having stated, that while Soxjereigns were in the market. Bank Notes were esteemed before them, (most inconsistently indeed with their views) establish the fact, as I have already observed, of the non-depreciation of Bank Notes. One cannot but smile to find several members of the Committee of 1810, so incidentally and glidingly ad- mitting the contradiction of those facts, which they had assumed as the foundation of all their doctrines. Whilst they issue new editions of their publications upon these points, it is very candid in them to subscribe their names to the refutation of the facts which their publica- tions take for granted. Nothing, however, can be more ingenious than the crane-neck turns of the Bullionists. Being forced to give up the arguments resulting from alledged deprecia- tion and excess of currency, they now insist that no- thing is so wholesome, so beneficial, as a small amount, of medium, and they refer, with great complacency, to the excessive small amount of our currency as well during the great levies of the war as at present ; from whence they infer, that a further small diminution of it, in order to insure the return of gold, cannot possibly be injurious; and this is the main and palmary argument on which they noiv rely. Thus, first they build an ar- c gument ( 90 ) gument against our currency, because it is excessively great, and now they erect another against it, because it is excessively small. Neither do I find that the Committee dwell very par- ticularly upon the cause of the rise of prices, which I attributed to taxation. In theory, prices will rise or fall in the ratio of the amount of currency: as then our currency has been diininished one half, the prices of all articles ought, accord ng to theory, to have lowered one half; on the contrary they are doubled: to account for this contradiction to the laws of theory in a quad- rupled proportion, I can find no adequate or efficient cause but increased Taxation. And if some persons doubt of the vast effect of taxation upon prices, I will illustrate my position that taxes generally increase prices in a double ratio to the tax, by adducing the common article of salt. When I was at Nantwich about twenty years ago, the price of salt at the pan was about 3|f/. a bushel. The duty upon salt is 155. per bushel. What then should be the price? I asked this morning (the 8th May) at a retail shop in Castle-street, the price of a bushel of salt of SGIbs. and was i«formed it was forty shini?igs / Such is the effect of taxation iipon price, since every one endeavours to shift the tax from himself upon the last consumer. Let us suppose it were possible to tax Bullion itself, and to leave other articles untaxed, and that we taxed Bullion three times as high as the Continent: Bullion then would be dearer in England than on the Conti- nent by the amount of the higher taxation, and of course would have a tendency to go to the Continent, where being less taxed, it would be of higher value. What does it signify in general result whether an equal tax raising prices ten per cent, be put upon all articles ge- nerally. { 91 ) nerally, without any tax upon Bullion; or a tax to the same amount be put i;pon Bulhon, taking off all taxes upon all other articles. It is known and felt by every man, that when taxes are placed upon a great number of the leading articles of any country, they affect the taxed articles in a partiailar ratio, and all other articles in a general ratio. There is no particular tax on wheat, or oats, or hay, but their prices have been doubled within these last twenty years. Can we think that Bullion alone will escape the general law ? It is this effect of taxation upon price which is the insurmountable obstacle to the plan of the Committee. We have reduced circulation in vain already, and prices have doubled upon us: let us reduce circulation more, prices will still increase. And with a diminishing currency, and the same amount in nominal quantity of taxes, they will further increase though production may diminish. If we are deceived by our theories, let us make use of our senses ; they, if we are honest and docile, will never deceive us: but if we are deter- mined to kick against the pricksy sooner than abandon false theories, I can only deprecal*^ for alas ! I cannot prevent the consequences. Little as the Committee have noticed the effect of this measure upon prices, as little have they adverted to the effect of their measure upon taxes. Must they not admit that if their scheme shall at any time raise the value of our currency 5 per tent, it will raise the value of our taxes 5 per cent,; and that such an ele- vation of price will operate as an addition of 2,500,000/. to the real pressure, though not to the nominal amount of the taxes ? Do they not know that the landed proprietors, being the last eonsttmers^ feel all c 2 taxes ( 22 ) taxes in a double ratio to the active and acquiring classes of mankind ; and that raising the value of taxes gene- rally 3 per cent, will raise the value of the taxes paid by the landed gentry 10 per cent. ? And is it not an object worth noticing, is it an object to be passed over in silence, that if their measure should increase the value of currenc}' by its scarcity 5 per cent, that the landed gentry will experience a rise in the pressure of taxes of 10 per cent, although no persons but the Government and the fund-holders will receive any benefit by this novel mode of imposing taxes by dimi- nution of currency ; with great general pressure, and no public benefit. There are some allusions in the Report to the effect of a reduction of currency upon manufactures and com- merce; but any injury, which may result from such an operation, they confine to rapid and immediate reduc- tion, not to a reduction gradual and progressive. This method of reasoning is diametrically opposite to the doctrines of all writers on the subject of currency. They argue, that provided the currency of a country becomes steady and stationary, the amount will be of trifling con- sequence, as all transiiitions will silently be adjusted to it: but that during the variations of a currency and its transactions from one state to another, all bargains and transfers will be in a state of unceriainty and confusion, and the greatest distress must be apprehended. Now I should be desirous of being informed by the Committee, upon what principles any sensible merchant would invest his capital in any transaction which requires a long pe- riod for its ultimate winding up and completion, if the Parliament shall enact that for a particular object the money market shall be placed in a gradual state of con- traction for several years, and that the difficulties of procuring ( 23 ) procuring acconimodatioiY are to be greater in proportion as the termination of his adventure approaches, when his want of accommodation will be always the greatest. In this gene!.:l theory, that the amount of a cur- rency is not so great a consequence as its steadiness, I am ready to acquiese, as true within certain limits, and in states wljose policy is severe and parsimonious; but in our particular situation, I consider it as totally false. For as we are under the necessity of raising 30 inillions of taxes to preserve us from being retrograde, and re- quire 10 millions more to place us in a true position for meeting all our difficulties ; an extensive circulation is essential to all our financial facilities, if not to our political existence. I assert, without the slightest dan- ger of contradiction from any man who seriously con- siders our burthens and the means of relieving them, that, upon every principle of true policy, our currency ought to be extended as far as it possibly can be ex- tended without real depreciation. We have a capital of 800 millions of debt to encounter : a revenue of 50 millions to raise. Are we to facilitate or to obstruct the means of reducing or alleviating the pressure of such burthens? — Can that measure then be wise and politic in our situation, which, however plausible, though disputable in theory, would to a country over- loaded with debt and taxes be uselessly oppressive and ruinous ? As to the effects then of the measure in narrowing the money market, by annihilating a considerable portion of currency, they are too obvious and too disastrous to enlarge upon. If money is power, if production is the natural consequence of money ; if wealth and revenue are the natural consequences of production ; if without money and production the poor can neither be employed nor maintained, nor revenue raised nor taxes levied ; those ( 24 ) those who diminish currency with a view to sustain and increase industry, productions, revenue and prosperity, will act as absurdly as the husbandman, who to double his crop should diminish by a moiety the quantity of seed. Let me attempt a concise statement of the general policy to be pursued as to prices, taxation, production, and prosperitij. I think the argument stands thus : — iJecrease in the amount of a currency lowers general prices, but increases the value of taxes: on the other hand, increase of the value of taxes augments general prices. When therefore currency and taxation are equal in amount, they counteract each other : but decreasing the quantity of currency has a tendency to produce stagnation ; and increasing its quantity tends to lighten taxation and increase production. If then, in a country highly taxed, the reduction of prices is counteracted by taxation, whenever a decrease of the currency is made; and increase of prices is counteracted by the decreased value of taxation whenever an increase of currency is made : and if thus the reduction or in- crease of prices is reciprocally counteracted by the effects of taxation, whether we increase or decrease the cur- rency ; it follows, that a currency ought to be gradually- increasing, because, ceteri paribus, such increase tends to augment industry and prosperity ; and not to be diminished, because diminution tends to produce non- employment and impoverishment. It will become the Legislature most seriously to ex- amine the state of the present currency, before it con- curs in any measure for reducing its amount. At present, the national currency (exclusive of private notes, which are not applicable to the payment of taxes) amounts only to Qb millions. Five millions of this sum are always in deposit (to answer the calls of private banks) : and as our { 25 ) our revenue is payable quarterly, and amounts to up- -wards of 50 millions, theexjiense of collecting included, 1?,500,000/. are allotted quarterly to the payment of taxes, and only 7,500,000/. remain for the other transactions of the kingdom. Tlie Committee now propose to take gra- dually out of circulation 10 millions, by repaying the Exchequer Bills deposited with the Bank. In what a situation then must the country be placed, distressed as it is at present for circulation, unless the amount of the sjums withdrawn from the market by repaying Exche- quer Bills be forthwith replaced, and unless the Bank be permitted to make their purchases of bullion by ad- ditional emission of Bank Notes. I recoil from expatiating upon the baleful operation which this great Innovation must have upon the amount of our taxes. They produced last year nearly 50 mil- lions, and they afford a surplus of about 2,500,000/. net for the reduction of debt: — if the circulation be reduced 5 per cent, and the same real produce continue, though reduced in nominal amount, there will be no surplus at all, and we must bid adieu to any hope of establishing a real sinking fund for ever. The Committee judiciously and wisely forbear to enter into the eftect of the value of currency upon exchanges. The doctrine assumed by the Committee of 1810, that exchanges are altered and governed by currencies, and not by balances of payments, is universally exploded and given up. But there is an observation made by the Committee respecting the very slight variation in ex- changes and the prices of gold, which has taken place in France in consequence of their contributions, which seems really most unexpected and unaccountable, when we consider the ground for the Committee's first Re- port and the second Restriction Act. What was the ground of this measure but a statement, that within the last ( ^ ) last year, 7 millions of pur Gold Coin had disappeared^ and that probably the whole was gone to the Paris Mint, as there was satisiaclory proof that a great part had ac- tually done so ? Is it then a matter of surprise that the export of money from France for contributions should not have lowered the exchanges and raised the price of gold, when they were enabled to replace the sums they exported, by the treasures of the Bank of England at Mint price? And surely it was becoming the Commit- tee t0 have noticed this obvious and notorious fact, and not to have converted a circumstance, which is decisive against their measure, into an argument in support of it? What does this fact prove, but that our Gold Coin is at the mercy of the Paris Mint? And if we should now or two years hence, without a total change in our domestic situation, open the doors of our treasure house again, whilst gold is dearer in France in respect to all commodities than in England, in consequence of our quadruple taxation, the same events will take place, and a similar exportation of our Bullion or our Coin will follow. Upon the whole what are to be the results of this Innovation .? We are to defraud the mercantile body of the greater part of the free currency to which they have almost a right. We are to subject the whole commercial concerns of the country to the monopoly of the Bank. We are to enjoin the Bank to consider the purchase and the price of gold as their primary object, and the wants of commerce as subordinate. We are injuriously to reduce the circulating medium. We are to alter the standard of value of the realm to the fluctuating price of a commodity^ and to keep that weathercock fixed by variations in the amount of cur- rency. ( 27 ) ^ »4* •'■- Our cunvtK.y is to be always the same nominaii}/, and in reality to be pevpeXuviWy Jiuctuating in value. We are to have, it is said, less trade, but of a better quality. Less manufacture probably, but I suppose of greater Talue. Less currency, but of greater value. But we aie to j)ay the same taxes, but of greater value. We are to pay the saine interest on the debt, but it is to be of greater value. And we are to have the same capital of debt, but it is to be of greater value. I entertain the highest respect for the Comniittee, and hold in the highest estimation their personal sincerity ; but I think tlie country will universally exclaim, a« soon as they understand the Report, Tanti Non est, ut placeam tibi, perire. In closing this short Address, I beg the Public to consider, that the main drift of my argument was, first, to f)rov'c that Excess of Issues, which was for many years alledged to be the sole cause of the high price of Gold, was at no time a cause at all; and this alle- gation is now abandoned by the Committee, as utterly unfounded and untenable. Secondly, to shew lliat the cause of the high price of Bullion arises from our augmented taxation, which has increased and doubled the prices pf almost every article uncheapened by machinery — a point which the Committee abstain from discussing. Thirdly, that Gold Bullion, like every other Commodity, has a tendency towards that market where the greatest quantity of commodities can be procured for it — another point which the Committee are pleased to avoid. Fourthly, that as our taxes and currency are equal in amount ; in proportion as the d • { -28 ) reduction of curFi^cy tends to lower prices, the con- sequent increased value of taxes tends to raise tliem — another point wliich the Conniiittee do not think worth enquiring into. Fifthly, that if by it forced reduction of currency, we attempt to raise Bank Notes to the market price, such an attempt will probably fail from the counteractinof pressure of our taxes, hovv' great soever may be the internal distress of our trade, liow great soever the diminution of our revenue — another point which the Committee wholly disregard. And lastly, that if by forced measures we bring Gold into the countr}^ and open the door to its exportation, it will immediately quit our market for the French or other markets, where it can conimand a greater quantity of value in commodities — another point which it is deemed wise to pass over in silence. These arguments have not been touched upon, either because they are irrefutable or contemptible : — -if con- temptible, let them be exposed artd exploded : if irrefu- table, surely they are too nearly allied, too intimately united with the subject of discussion, not to deserve a consideration of their weight and a fair appreciation of their value* If no weight is to be given to these arguments, what weight, I ask, is to be given to the argument of the Committee respectmg the effect of the quantity of our currency upon its value ? The whole system is built upon this sole principle, that hy contracting the issue of Bank NoteSy and gwing . complete controul of them to the Bank for that purpose, the Bank will be enabled to raise the value of their Notes to the market price of gold, and by vigilant regard to their quantity in future, to keep them at that price for even Is it not therefore more than extraordinary, that the Committee should terminate their labours with a con- clusion ( 29 ) elusion diametrically opposite to the very principle which they make the basis of their plan ? Let me lay before you their own peroration " Y'^oiir Committee have forborne from entering into anxj ** reasoning upon the effects produced upon the value of *' oar currency by the variations in the numerical amounts *' of the Xutes issued by the Bank of England. So many *' circumstances contribute to affect that value, such, for " instance, as the varying state of commercial credit and *' confidence — the fiuctuations in the amount of country ** bank paper — the different degrees of rapidity ivith which ** the same amount of currency circulates at different pe- *' riods — that your Committee are of opinion that no satis- *' factory cunclusiojis can be drawn from a mere reference ** to the numerical amounts of the Bank of England out- ** standing at any given time" Thus, after the fullest review, and the most elaborate investigation into the state of outstanding Notes a t different periods, the perpetual fluctuation of their quantity, and the effect of that fluctuation upon value ; and after the most decided declaration, that no satis- factory conclusion can be drawn from any inquiry or comparison ; they make this very numerical fluctuation of Notes the real standard of value, and the sole index of the price of their golden weathercock ; and they boast of be\ng able to fix it by the variations of the numerical quantity of Paper, which numerical quan- tity, at any given period, they are at the same time pleased to assure us, can satisfactorily decide nothing fipon the subject. They lay down premises which they admit to be so contradictory as to prove nothing at all ; and then advise Parliament to erect upon this sandy and shifting foundation, a solid and immutable system. THK AurnoH.