L371M. Benjamin Lundy , £ Pioneer Quaker Abolitionist, /?£?- /73 1 .. i>Y Lv*»^ PIONEER QUAKER ABOLITIONIST 1789 1839 emowa at BENJAMIN LUNDY Pioneer Quaker Abolitionist 1789-1839 COMPILED BY THE LUNDY MEMORIAL COMMITTEE OF THE JOHN SWANEY SCHOOL ALUMNI AND SOCIETY OF FRIENDS On the Occasion of the CENTENNIAL OF HIS DEATH 1939 BENJAMIN LUNDY: *" r DIED * V J Aug.22.1839' A GrlTU s^fc (jnamcd zAtcwlle .yum/Jo tyrirnt/'i wemekru, ^ilcjVam, JrlUMoii BIOGRAPHY Benjamin Lundy — 1789-1839 Born in Hardwick, Sussex County, New Jersey, January 4, 1789. Died in Lowell, LaSalle County, Illinois, August 22, 1839. Only child of Joseph Lundy and Elizabeth Shotwell ; of Thos. Lundy and Joanne Doan; of Richard Lundy II and Elizabeth Large. Married Esther Lewis of Mt. Pleasant, Ohio. 1808 — Resided in Wheeling, West Virginia eighteen months as apprentice at the sad- dlery trade, and first became interested in the wrongs of slavery. From Wheeling he went to Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, remaining several years, married Esther Lewis and set up his own business at St. Clairsville, Ohio. 1815 — Organized first abolition society. 1816 — Began publishing anti-slavery articles. Lundy Advocated: 1. That societies should be formed wherever a sufficient number of persons could be induced to join them. 2. That a title should be adopted common to all societies. 3. That they should all have a uniform constitution. 4. That a correspondence should be kept up between societies, cooperate in action, and choose delegates to meet in general convention. This plan is practically the same as that which operated twenty years afterward when it embraced nearly one thousand societies. 1819 — Found him in St. Louis working hard on the Missouri question. 1821 — Again returned to Mt. Pleasant and in January published the first issue of his newspaper, "The Genius of Universal Emancipation" — as an organ for the abolition societies which had sprung up in various localities. 1821 — Removed to Greeneville, Tennessee, where "The Genius" was published. 1823 — Rode 600 miles on horseback to Philadelphia where he first met abolitionists east of the Allegheny Mountains. 1824 — Walked on a speaking and organizing tour through West Virginia, Virginia and North Carolina, making his first address at Deep Creek, Friends' Meeting House in North Carolina. 1824 — October, established his office in Baltimore. No. 1, Volume 4 of "The Genius" was issued. Brought his family thither. 1825 — Visited the Island of Haiti in the interest of negro colonization. 1826 — Wife died leaving five small children. Placed his children with his relatives and friends and renewed his vow to devote the rest of his life to the cause of the slave. 1828 — Made a journey to middle and eastern states to arouse sentiment, organize societies and get subscribers for "The Genius." Called the first meeting in America to consider the use of free-labor products. Became the inspirer and teacher of William Lloyd Garrison. 1828 — November, a second journey to New England. 1829 — Another journey to Haiti. William Lloyd Garrison joined him in Baltimore and helped edit "The Genius." 1830 — Garrison moved to New York and established "The Liberator." Lundy moved to Washington. 1830-'32 — Travelled a great deal, visiting both Canada and Texas in the interest of colonization. 1833 — To Texas again. 1835 — Third visit to Texas. 1836 — Lundy commenced a second anti-slavery paper in Philadelphia, "The National Enquirer" published weekly. 1838 — March, Lundy retired from the "Enquirer" in favor of John Greenleaf Whittier, preparatory to removing to Illinois. May, Pennsylvania Hall, where all Lundy's possessions and valuable papers were stored, burned by mob. 1838 — September, arrived in Hennepin, Illinois. 1839 — February, established his family and printing office at Lowell, LaSalle County, Illinois. 1839 — August, ill with fever, passed away August 22. Burial, August 24, Friends' Burying Ground, on Clear Creek, Putnam Coun- ty, Illinois. Children: Susanna Maria — 1815-1899. Married William Wierman. Buried at Clear Creek. Elizabeth Shotwell - - 1818-1879. Married Isaac Griffith. Buried in Jackson County, Missouri. Charles Tallmadge — 1821-1858. Married Ellen Mears. Buried at Clear Creek. Esther — L826-1846. Buried at Clear Creek. Benjamin Clarkson — 1826-1861. Married Catherine M. Haines. Buried at Magnolia, Illinois. BIBLIOGRAPHY For the benefit of the Student of the Life of Benjamin Lundy, the following source material is listed. Life, Travels and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy, including his journeys to Texas and Mexico; with a sketch of contemporary events, and a notice of the Revolution in Haiti. Published by Wm. D. Parrish, Philadelphia, 1847. Copies in various State University Li- braries and hands of descendants. Also same revised by C. K. Adams, Philadelphia, 1874. Lawrence, Geo. A., Benjamin Lundy, Pioneer of Freedom, Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, July, 1913. Chicago Daily Tribune, Sept. 9, 1915. An article on the unveiling of the monu- ment at Lowell, Illinois. Armstrong, Wm. Clinton. The Lundy family and their descendants of whatever surname, with a biographical sketch of Benjamin Lundy, New Brunswick, N. J., Heidingsfield, 1902. Garrison, W. P. & F. J., William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879. The Story of His Life told by his children. N. Y., Century County, 1889. 4v (see V. 4, Index under Lundy, Benjamin). Landon, Fred, The Diary of Benjamin Lundy, Toronto, 1922. Reprinted from Ontario historical society's "Papers and Records" (V. 19). Landon, Fred, Benjamin Lundy, Abolitionist. Dalhousie Review (Halifax, N. S.), July 1927, Vol. VII, No. 2, pp. 189-197. Benjamin Lundy — The Genius of Universal Emancipation. Files of this great journal although generally incomplete are found in various libraries. Walsh, Annetta C, Three Anti-slavery Newspapers— found in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications. Vol. XXXI, 1922, p. 192-213. Armstrong, Wm. Clinton, Benjamin Lundy, Founder of Abolitionism. A Paper read before the Historical Club, Rutgers College, N. J. October 21, 1897. A Visit From Benjamin Lund), Found in Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, Vol. XXX, 1921. The American Conflict, Horace Greely. Vol. I, p. III. The Constitutional History of the U. S. Vol. II, p. 81-82 and p. 244-250. Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio. Vol. I, p. 312. History of the United States, J. B. McMasters, Vol. II, p. 298-212. Anti-Slavery Labors of Benjatnin Lundy. Article published January, 2, 1868, in the Independent, N. Y. City. Benjamin Lundy. A Sketch of His Life and of His Relations With His Disciple, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, embracing an unpublished letter of tribute from Garrison. This fragment, p. 501-520, is in the Ford Collection of the N. Y. Public Library. Published about 1868, in the Northern monthly. Benjamin Lundy, The First Abolition Journalist. Article by Frank B. Sanborn. The Cosmopolitan, N. Y. City, May 1889. This article was reprinted in the Friend's intelli- gencer and Journal of Fifth Month, 18th, and 25th, 1889. Burney, Wm., James G. Bumey and His Times. 1890. D. Appleton and Company. Garrison, Wendell Phillips, "In Lundy Land!' An article published in the Pa. Magazine of History and Biography, October 1895, No. 75, p. 346-350. Shotwell, Ambrose M., Benjamin Lundy, the Philanthropist. Found in Annals of Our Colonial Ancestors, p. 249-263, Published 1897. Williams, Veytrus R., Streator, Illinois. Benjamin Lundy, Pioneer, Hero and Martyr, The Interocean, a newspaper of Chicago, March 7, and March 14, 1897. Snodgrass, Joseph E., Benjamin Lundy. Excerpt, Northern Monthly, Vol. 2, No. 5. March, 1868. Baldwin, Elmer, Life History of Benjamin Lundy. Published in his History of LaSalle County, Illinois, 1877. BENJAMIN LUNDY, ABOLITIONIST 17894839 A sketch prepared on the occasion of the centenary of his death By Fred Landon, Librarian of the University of Western Ontario. © ENJAMIN LUNDY was horn in Sussex County, New Jersey, on January 4, 1789, and died in LaSalle County, Illinois, on August 22, 1839. Between those dates lies the record of a man whose great humanity, simplicity of conduct, and love of his fellow men must rank him as one of the great Christians of the nineteenth century. At the end of his days he could properly have described his life in words used by the Apostle Paul: "In journeyings often, in peril of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils of mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren. In weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness." All this he suffered on behalf of the slave who could never even thank him for what he had done. Lundy's career is of such amazing variety and color, as well as of such importance in the history of the anti-slavery movement in the United States, that it is strange how little attention he has received at the hands of historians. A sketchy biography, published shortly after his death, together with a few brief articles in various journals, comprises the literature. Yet, of this man, Garrison, most militant of the anti-slavery crusaders, who was his disciple, said: "His heart is of a gigantic size. Every inch of him is alive with power," and late in life added this tribute: "If I have in any way, however humble, done anything towards calling attention to slavery, or bringing out the glorious prospect of a complete Jubilee in our country at no distant date, I feel that I owe everything in the matter, instrumentally under God, to Benjamin Lundy." Lundy's career, though definitely committed to one great objective, may be ap- proached from various angles. He was one of the earliest among the editors of anti- slavery publications, one of the first to use the public platform for lectures on the slavery question and one of the first to bring about the formation of societies for the encouragement of the produce of free labor. As a traveller, even in a day when the whole population seemed to be on the move, his record was noteworthy. In 1830 he wrote that he had already travelled 5,000 miles on foot and more than 20,000 miles in other ways, including two voyages to Haiti. In the next five years he added to this record three journeys to Texas and other parts of Mexico as well as a journey through the western part of the British province of Upper Canada. Always his purpose was to find some means by which the lot of the slave might be ameliorated. Of his early life we know but little. His parents, Joseph and Eliza (Shotwell) Lundy were of Quaker stock. The mother died when the boy was but five years of age and his schooling seems to have been almost as limited as that of his great fellow- countryman, Lincoln. Yet, in Lundy, as in Lincoln, there was an unquenchable thirst for knowledge, and in Lundy's case such an ambition to excel that he impaired his health by striving to do work in the harvest field that taxed larger and stronger men. For the rest of his life he suffered from deafness. In appearance he has been described as of slender form, slightly under middle height, and of sandy complexion and hair. One who met him speaks of his hair and beard as red. His manners were gentle and unassuming and his whole disposition was cheerful and sprightly. His half-sister wrote of him: "Though he left us while I was yet young my recollection of him was always so gentle that I could not bear to hear a word said in disapprobation of him. . . . He was of gentle and mild manners, yet quickly perceptible of the views of others and always prepared to meet them in the way he thought best suited to them." At the age of nineteen he was seized by the prevailing restlessness of the day and removed to Wheeling, Virginia, where during the next four years he served an appren- ticeship at the saddler's trade and worked as a journeyman for eighteen months. This residence at Wheeling was of the highest importance to Lundy's later career for it was there that he first became conscious of the wrongs of slavery. In later years he wrote of this period of his life: "Then did his young heart bound within his bosom and his heated blood boil in his veins, on seeing droves of a dozen or twenty ragged men chained together and driven through the streets, bare-headed and bare-footed, through mud and snow, by the remorseless 'soul-sellers,' with horsewhips and bludgeons in their hands. It was the frequent repetition of such scenes as these in the town of Wheeling, Virginia, that made these durable impressions on his mind relative to the horrors of the slave system, which have induced him to devote himself to the cause of universal emancipation. . . . He was by these and other means made acquainted with the cruelties and the despotism of slavery, as tolerated in this land, and he made a solemn vow to Almighty God, that, if favored with health and strength, he would break at least one link of that ponderous chain of oppression, when he should become a man." Between 1810 and 1820 Lundy was gradually developing his ideas and finding his place in the great task which was to be his life work. For a brief period at Wheeling he was drawn into the prevailing looseness of life but soon gained control of himself, fulfilled his religious duties, and devoted much time to reading. When he left Wheeling, at the end of four years, he went first into Ohio, then to his old home in New Jersey and returning to Ohio, he was married to Esther Lewis. He then settled in St. Clairs- ville where he prospered and in four years found himself with property worth more than three thousand dollars. Of his situation at this time he could write: "I had then a loving wife and two beautiful little daughters. ... I was at peace with my neighbors and knew not that I had an enemy; I had bought a lot and built myself a comfortable house ; all my wants and those of my lovely family were fully supplied ; my business was increasing, and prosperity seemed to smile before me." Such was his estate when the great crisis of his life came before him. He had lamented the condition of the slave since the apprenticeship days at Wheeling but now came the question, what should he do to aid those in bondage? He began by calling in some of his friends for counsel and the result was the organization in 1815 at St. Clairsville of an anti-slavery association, called the Union Humane Society. This was followed by the publication of a circular addressed to the people of the United States urging the formation of anti-slavery societies wherever people favorable to the cause could be found; that these societies should cooperate in every possible way and that from time to time they should meet in convention to discuss policies and formulate a common program. Here was the germ of the great anti-slavery societies which arose at a later date. The next important step in Lundy's career came through his association with Charles Osborne in the publication of the Philanthropist, then printed at Mount Pleasant, Ohio. At first Lundy merely selected articles for reprinting, then he began to write articles himself and finally was invited by Osborne to join the printing business and take charge of the office. This involved abandoning his own healthy business to embark in a venture that might be regarded as quite doubtful in a material way, but Lundy did not hesitate. He had chosen his course and would follow it to the end. Loading his stock of leather goods upon a boat, and with three of his apprentices accompanying him, he left for St. Louis where he hoped to dispose of his goods to advantage. But fortune did not favor him. Business was depressed and he arrived in St. Louis late in the fall of 1819 at the very time when the disturbing issues of the Missouri question were to the fore. There is record of an anti-slavery meeting held in Jefferson County, Missouri, on April 22, 1819, at which Lundy was made secretary and was also appointed to a committee to draft an address to the electors of the county. We may surmise, therefore, that he was taking an active part in the controversy then raging over the future status of slavery within the state. He himself tells us that he returned on foot from St. Louis in the winter season, a distance of 700 miles, that he had lost some thousands of dollars and that he was detained from home a year and ten months. During Lundy's absence from Ohio, Charles Osborne had sold out his printing business and the result was that on Lundy's return from Missouri he found himself without business connection of any kind. He at first considered removing to Illinois but in the end decided to undertake the publication of an anti-slavery journal which should be his own property and in which he could set forth his own views. In January, 1821, there appeared the first number of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, pub- lication of which was to continue intermittently until Lundy's death in 1839. In the initial number Lundy set forth his purpose: "The editor intends that this work shall be a true record of passing events, and of the various transactions relative to the en- slavement of the Africans, and he hopes it may eventually prove a faithful history of the final emancipation.'' On the reverse of the title page were these words: "To the rising generation of the United States of America on whom probably depend the success and prosperity, or the downfall and utter ruin of the republic, this volume of the Genius of Universal Emancipation is most respectfully dedicated by the writer." The Genius is one of the most remarkable newspapers which appeared during the slavery controversy. No library possesses a complete file but the separate portions contained in many libraries enable us to piece together its story. It was published successively in Mount Pleasant, Ohio; Greeneville, Tenn. ; Baltimore, Washington and Philadelphia, and finally, for a few months during 1838-39 in Lowell, Illinois. But even these designated places of publication, appearing on the title pages, may mislead us for there were times when the printing was done elsewhere. In a brief sketch of Lundy, appearing after his death in the Friend of Man, the writer told of Lundy's way of issuing his paper at a time when it was presumably being published at Philadelphia. "Our printer helped him to get out one number in New York," said this writer. "His next was perhaps issued from Hudson, and the next from Rochester and so on. He carried his column rules, imprint, heading, etc. in his trunk along with his mail and direction book — and so with the help of the local printers, all over the state, he fur- nished his old subscribers, while getting new ones." This will explain why some numbers of the Genius are so rarely found in library holdings. The events of the next four years may be briefly set down. After printing eight issues of his paper in Ohio, Lundy removed to Greeneville, Tenn., where he took over the printing press on which Elihu Embree had formerly printed the Emancipator. Here Lundy learned to set type, an accomplishment which he used to advantage on his travels. In Tennessee he found himself in a hostile community and he has recorded that he was often threatened. He remained in the state, however, for three years, bringing his family on from Ohio. There is a letter extant, written by Lundy from Greeneville in September, 1823, addressed to Andrew Jackson, then a candidate for the presidency, in which he inquires from the hero of New Orleans whether or not he is "disposed to use his influence in bringing about a gradual abolition of slavery in every part of the Republic." Jackson's answer to this inquiry has not been preserved. In 1824 Lundy attended the American Convention for the Abolition of Slavery, held at Philadelphia, and there, for the first time, came in contact with some of the leaders of the movement in the older states. As the Genius had now attained a considerable cir- culation and was the only anti-slavery paper being published in the United States, he decided to remove to Baltimore and accordingly set out for the place on foot in the summer of 1824. On his way he passed through North Carolina where at Deep Creek he delivered his first lecture on the question of slavery. Later he gave almost a score of such lectures and tells us that before he left the state he had organized more than a dozen anti-slavery societies. Continuing his journey he held meetings and also organized societies in Virginia. Life in Baltimore was not uneventful for Lundy. The first issue of the Genius printed there was No. 1 of Volume IV. Within a year he was able to change it from a monthly to a weekly. He had his own printing office and in 1825 printed a small book, a life of Elisha Tyson, the philanthropist. He was outspoken in his utterances on the subject of the domestic slave trade and criticized one Austin Woodfolk with a harsh- ness which surprises the reader unless he realizes how deeply Lundy's soul had been stirred. He even proposed through his paper that Woodfolk be nominated for a seat in the Senate "to represent the numerous class of citizens engaged in the honorable business of negro-chaining, man-driving and soul-trafficking in this happy land." The outcome of these criticisms was that Lundy was violently assaulted by Woodfolk, an event which was duly chronicled in the Genius. It was during the early portion of his residence in Baltimore that Lundy made his first trip to Haiti. He had become deeply interested in the possibilities of the island as a place to which manumitted slaves might be sent and made it his special mission to find out upon what terms they would be received by the government of the black republic. His return to Baltimore was accompanied by a deep tragedy which he thus describes: "Being detained much longer than I had anticipated, my views of earthly happiness were clouded before my return, by news of the decease of my loved and cherished bosom companion, which was brought me by a vessel that arrived the day before that on which I was to sail for home. "I returned to Baltimore with a heavy heart. On our arrival the vessel was ordered to perform quarantine, and the persons on board were forbidden to land until the next day. I persuaded the captain, however, to go on shore with me at night, that I might see my little orphan children. We rowed a small boat several miles to the shore. I hastened to my dwelling, but found it deserted. All was lone and dreary within its walls. I roused some of the neighbors, but they could tell me nothing about my chil- dren. I returned with the captain before day-light to the vessel, and the next day obtained legal permission to land. On further inquiry, I found that my little ones were scattered among my friends. But 'home with all its pleasures' was gone. The soul that once animated it had been called to the realms of eternal felicity, and I was left to mourn over the desolation that remained. "I collected my children together, placed them with friends in whom I could confide, and renewed my vow to devote my energies to the cause of the slave, until the nation should be effectually roused in his behalf. I relinquished every prospect of the future enjoyment of an earthly home until the object should be accomplished." There is no more pathetic incident in Lundy's career than this return to a broken home and no more noble passage in his writings than this prompt re-dedication of himself to the "unfinished work" which lay before him. It was fittingly said of him after his death that "having resolved twenty-three years before his decease to devote his energies to the relief of the suffering slave, and the oppressed man of color, he per- severed to the end, undeterred by difficulties and undismayed by dangers, undiscouraged by disappointments and unsubdued by sacrifices. Alone, often on foot, he encountered fatigue, hunger and exposure, the frost and snows of winter, the rains and scorching sun of summer, the contagion of pestilence and the miasmatic effluvia of insalubrious regions — ever pressing onward towards the attainment of the great object to which he had dedicated his existence." In 1828 Lundy journeyed to the middle and eastern states, lecturing and obtaining subscribers to his paper. The journey brought him into contact with a number of friends of the cause, among them Lyman Beecher, in Boston. Lundy remarked to William Goodell that "Friend Lyman was very warm-hearted in the cause and encouraged him to do all he could to get up anti-slavery societies and flood the whole country with abolition tracts." "We shall never forget the animated air with which Friend Lundy related to us the particulars of this interview," Goodell wrote, but Lundy says: "I found Wm. Goodell at Providence, Rhode Island, and endeavored to arouse him; but he was 'slow of speech' and my subject." Much more important was the meeting of Lundy with William Lloyd Garrison. Garrison was an interested listener in the room where Lundy pleaded his cause before eight Boston clergymen and gained their support. A second meeting with Garrison later in the year resulted in an invitation from Lundy to Garrison to associate himself with the Genius. This connection came about in the fall of 1829 but lasted only until March, 1830. Garrison's extreme statements had involved the paper in libel suits and it was felt best to sever the connection, which was done without feeling on either side. At about the same time that Garrison joined with Lundy, the Genius added to its staff Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, who had already been a frequent contributor but who now became editor of the "Ladies Repository." Miss Chandler died in Lenawee County, Michigan, in 18^4, and Lundy edited a volume of her poetry, contrib- uting also the biographical sketch. Several of her poems first appeared in the Genius. After the departure of Garrison, the Genius once again became a monthly but as a result of the bitterness of feeling in Baltimore, which actually brought a brief im- prisonment for Lundy, the paper was removed to Washington and later to Philadelphia. At this time also began the series of lengthy journeys undertaken by Lundy in the hope of finding some land to which emancipated slaves might be sent and where they might lead a normal existence. These journeys led Lundy to Haiti for the second time in 1829, to Texas in 1831, to Upper Canada in 1832, to Texas again in 1833 and for a third visit in 1834. The journals of these Texan journeys were saved when Lundy lost all his other property in 1838 and some considerable portions of them were printed in the biography which was published in Philadelphia in 1847. The narrative of his journey to Upper Canada appeared in three successive issues of the Genius during 1832 and has been reprinted in the Papers and Records of the Ontario Historical Society. Lundy was a keen observer and his journals are filled with the record of interesting personal experiences. His ability to get along with people of all social classes and all conditions of life is everywhere in evidence. On river steamers, on stage coaches, travel- ing afoot on lone roads, he is interested always in the people he meets and sets down in quaint fashion his observations. At Monclova he attended a bull fight and has left us a graphic account of the affair. While in the same place he looked in on the gambling houses. "A great throng was present," he wrote, "but it was exceedingly quiet — far more so, I think, than it would be in one of our cities if so much liquor was displayed." On another evening he attended a ball. "Nearly all the foreigners in the place were present," he noted. "The waltz seemed to be the favorite dance. Some of the company were not entirely white. Among them were a portion of very polite people. Some young men who were very good dancers came in their working dresses. It looked strange to see a person with the complexion of an Indian, wearing a hat but no coat or vest, and dancing with a beautiful white young lady who was dressed in the richest silk." During his journey to Texas in 1833 he encountered numerous cases of cholera to some of which he was able to minister, having brought with him the formula of a remedy which seems to have been beneficial in many cases. In his journal for August 1, 1833, he tells of being overtaken by a man on horseback who had heard of this remedy and who implored him to attend his wife who had been stricken. "I complied with his request," says the journal, "and found the woman delirious, with cramps. I gave her camphor and laudanum, applied a mustard plaster, wrote directions and left some medicine. The husband offered me payment, which I declined ; he then insisted on my taking some coffee, which I accepted." On a Mississippi River steamer he encountered the same sickness and nursed a number of the stricken. Of the disease he wrote: "The cholera is an extraordinary disorder. It attacks with the ferocity of a tiger, keeps its hold like a bull-dog, and as soon as it is conquered returns to the fray." In his journeys he was often without shelter at the end of the day. "When night came," he wrote on one occasion, "I laid down on the grass by the road-side, my knap- sack serving for a pillow, and my small thin cloak for sheets and counterpane, while my hat, my staff, and my pistol smartly charged, lay at arm's length from my person. Thus, under the broad canopy of heaven, with its countless stars and distilling dews, I reposed till after midnight." By day his journey often brought him into strange company. Encountering a group of Indians he was invited by their leader to the camp where they were dressing a fine deer that they had killed. "I went with him," says Lundy, "and spent several hours of the hottest part of the day with the Indians. There, the pleasant breeze, together with Mexican sociability and Indian hospitality, rendered me exceedingly comfortable. About noon one of the men presented me with a piece of venison elegantly roasted. In return for the kindness of my Indian friends, I gave them, out of my small stock of provisions, a little fried bacon and corn bread — articles of which they were entirely destitute, and which appeared to be as great luxuries to them, as their venison was to me." Typical of the hardships which Lundy endured on his journeys to the south are the experiences described in a letter sent from Texas in September, 1833, and appearing in the Genius in October of that year. He writes from St. Antonio de Bexar where he had arrived after travelling through a cholera-stricken country where many people were dying. "I travelled on foot and alone," he writes, "often from ten to twenty-five miles without seeing a house, partly under the rays of a burning sun, and partly through drenching rains, with a knapsack weighing from 20 to 25 pounds, and the cholera frequently compelled me to stop for a day or two in order to recruit my exhausted energies, worn by excessive fatigue and the wasting effects of cankering disease. Many a time, while in this condition, I have been necessitated to sleep on the wet ground, in the open air, with no bedding but my thin cloak. . . . Time and paper would fail me to give thee an adequate idea of the difficult and dangerous vicissitudes through which I have passed." The trade which he had learned in youth at Wheeling proved of practical use on these southern journeys. Just as the Apostle Paul returned at times to his trade of tent-making, so did Lundy have recourse to his skill with leather when need for ready money arose. If possible he would get some saddlery to repair, but if this failed he would procure some leather and proceed to make belts, suspenders, bags, etc. until his immediate needs were met. At Bexar, he wrote: "I have now started a new line of business, viz., the making of shot bags from panther and deer skins. Anything for an honest living, and to keep my spirits from sinking while I am pent up here." Despite the hardships and dangers of his journeys Lundy paused from time to time to enter in his journal a description of the natural beauty of the country through which he was passing. When he came first in sight of Bexar, he wrote: "There the beautiful valley of the San Antonio River presented itself to the view, and a most grand and delightful prospect lay stretched out to the west and northwest, a vast distance. The scene had the appearance of an immense amphitheatre, within which rose the town of Bexar, appearing to good advantage, though in general but humbly built. Throughout the vast expanse before me, the woodlands and prairies were alternated in regular strips or gradations, producing an effect alike surprising and delightful." Much of his travels took him amidst large Roman Catholic populations. Though he was of another faith, his comments show utmost respect for the practices of others. At Bexar, on September 8, 1833, he writes in his journal: "Another Sabbath. This is the day set apart in the Christian calendar as the anniversary of the birth of the blessed Virgin Mary. The bells of the old church are pealing merrily, and rockets are flying briskly. As high mass is to be performed, more eclat than usual is perhaps necessary, to draw the attention of the careless and merely formal professor to the high importance of the occasion." Lundy's visit to Upper Canada (now Ontario) was made in January, 1832, in the very middle of a Canadian winter, but the difficulties of the journey are little mentioned in his narrative; rather does he emphasize his great satisfp.ction with the possibilities of the British province as a refuge for the freed Negro. His main purpose was to see for himself what was being accomplished at Wilberforce, midway between Niagara and Detroit, where about three years earlier a colony had been founded under the auspices of philanthropic Ohio Quakers. Throughout most of the Canadian journey of about 250 miles Lundy rode on top of the stage coach with the driver in order that he might see as much as possible of the area through which he was passing. His ob- servations on the physical characteristics of the country are strikingly accurate. To reach Wilberforce it was necessary to leave the stage at the village of London and walk about twenty miles to the north. In later issues of the Genius Lundy gave a lengthy description both of Wilberforce and of his journey in general. There were thirty-two families already on the land when he visited the Negro settlement, though many others had been there and gone elsewhere in the province. He found the refugees located on small cleared plots and owning some livestock. Mills were available nearby and schools and churches had already been provided. "The settlers generally are sober, industrious and thrifty," he wrote. "In their houses things mostly appear clean, neat and comfortable." Lundy was deeply impressed with the possibility of establishing Negro colonies in Upper Canada, and Wilberforce seemed to him to be important in any such general plans. "The settlement at Wilberforce will be," he wrote, "by far the most important, as there are men of known intelligence and public spirit there who will give it a con- sequence that probably will not, at least very soon, be attached to the others. It will indeed, be viewed by the colored people as a nucleus for an extensive emigration from the northern and middle parts of the union, especially from Virginia and several contiguous states. Many will go there and obtain information that will induce them to settle in other places when the price of land shall rise and more new settlements be opened. They will thus scatter over the province, some one way and some another; but many will stop here, as at a central point, which first shall have attracted their attention, and where they will find intelligent friends and brethren." Lundy's prediction was not fulfilled so far as Wilberforce was concerned, for it never grew much beyond what he himself saw in 1832; elsewhere, however, in the western section of the province, several successful colonies were established at a later date and furnished cities of refuge for the many Negroes who entered Upper Canada, particularly after the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill in 1850. Lundy was the first to disseminate in the United States information concerning Upper Canada as a land where the black man might find freedom and that information must have led many to seek the northern land where slavery was unknown. Lundy's journeys to Mexico, where he had hoped to find a home for the slave, were rendered fruitless by the revolution which made Texas first an independent republic and later a slave state. In the Genius of November, 1835, Lundy noticed the outbreak in Texas, expressing his conviction that slavery was at the back of the trouble and that independence was the goal of the American settlers in the Mexican state. At once he prepared three pamphlets dealing with the Texan question and also issued in pamphlet form a series of eight articles which he had contributed to the National Gazette. It was probably these publications which brought him into closer contact with John Quincy Adams whom he had already known for some years. In the summer of 1836 Lundy had established in Philadelphia a new anti-slavery paper, the National Enquirer and at the same time resumed monthly publication of the Genius. In the diary of John Quincy Adams we have this interesting entry made at the time of Lundy's coming to Philadelphia: "Benjamin Lundy came at six, and I walked with him to the house of his friend, James Mott, No. 136 North Ninth Street, where there was a large tea and evening party of men and women — all of the Society of Friends. I had free conversation with them till between ten and eleven o'clock upon slavery, the abolition of slavery and other topices, of all which the only exceptionable part was the undue proportion of talking assumed by me, and the indiscretion and vanity in which I indulged myself. . . . Benj. Lundy and another friend came home with me to Mr. Biddle's, and Lundy came in and conversed with me nearly another hour." It is generally believed that Lundy supplied Adams with much of the data upon which the veteran statesman based his attacks upon the Texas movement. Wendell Phillips has said of this relationship between the two men: "Any one who will examine John Quincy Adams's speech on Texas in 1838 will see that he was only seconding the full and able exposure of the Texas plot prepared by Benjamin Lundy to one of whose pamphlets Dr. Channing has expressed his obligation. Everyone acquainted with those years will allow that the North owes its earliest knowledge and first awakening on that subject to Mr. Lundy, who made long journeys and devoted years to the investigation. His labours have this attestation, that they quickened the zeal and strengthened the hands of such men as Adams and Channing. I have been told that Mr. Lundy pre- pared a brief for Mr. Adams, and furnished him with the materials for his 'Speech on Texas'." Lundy's connection with the National Enquirer terminated in the spring of 1838. His successor was John G. Whittier under whom the name of the publication was changed to the Pennsylvania Freeman. In announcing his retirement Lundy stated that it was his intention to remove to some western state where he would continue the pub- lication of the Genius. The Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society in the same issue expressed their high regard for Lundy as "one of the earliest and most unflinching friends of the man of colour .... who has been largely instru- mental in arousing an anti-slavery feeling in Pennsylvania and in promoting an effective organization." Lundy's decision to remove to a western state was probably influenced in some degree by the fate which had overtaken Elijah P. Lovejoy, editor of the Alton Observer, who had been murdered by an anti-slavery mob on the night of November 7, 1837. There was the further consideration that his children were already in the west. Lundy's arrival was a matter of great satisfaction to the anti-slavery men of Illinois who had been planning to continue the struggle in Alton by founding another newspaper. It was now determined to support Lundy in the publication of the Genius. It was hoped that his non-resistant Quaker views might be tolerated even in a community which had sunk so low in its intolerance as to descend to mob murder. Lundy's "valedictory" on leaving Pennsylvania appeared in the National Enquirer of March 9, 1838. Reviewing his connection with that paper since its establishment in 1836, he says that he had not originally planned to continue it for more than six months, his aim being to expose what he regarded as a conspiracy of slaveholders and land speculators organized to wrest Texas from Mexico. In leaving the Enquirer, however, he was not quitting the cause, however great might seem the cost of the previous years of struggle: "I have sacrificed nineteen years incessant toil (in addition to several thousand dollars of the previous earning of my own hands) .... During more than half of this period my family has been scattered. . . . My health has been injured — even my constitution is somewhat impaired." Less than two months after he had penned this message, and with the memory of the Lovejoy murder still fresh in the public mind, Lundy was himself the victim of a mob, and that in Philadelphia itself. In preparation for his journey to the west he had gathered his papers and possessions together and placed them temporarily in one of the rooms of Pennsylvania Hall. There they were destroyed when the hall was burned by a mob on the night of May 17. "Well!" he wrote, "my papers, books, clothes — everything of value (except my journal in Mexico etc.) are all, all gone — a total sacrifice on the altar of Universal Emancipation. They have not yet got my conscience, they have not taken my heart, and until they rob me of these, they cannot prevent me from pleading the cause of the suffering slave. The tyrant may even hold the body bound — But knows not what a range the spirit takes. I am not disheartened, though everything of earthly value (in the shape of property) is lost. Let us persevere in the good cause. We shall assuredly triumph yet." Such was the high crusading spirit of the man. Behind him at this time were family and home ties, his property destroyed at the hands of a mob, health impaired by the hardships which he had undergone, yet still cheerful, courageous, determined. On to Illinois. Gamaliel Bailey wrote to James G. Birney from Cincinnati at the end of August to say that Lundy had just passed through. "He is bound for Illinois, as you know," Bailey wrote. "He intends to set up his paper there." En route to the west Lundy's letters reflected his improved health and spirits and he contrasted the freedom of the prairies with the crowded conditions of city life. A letter written from Putnam County on September 19 says. "I am here among my children at last — this is emphatically one of the best and most beautiful countries that I have ever seen. You shall hear from me ere long through the Genius of Universal Emancipation." A postscript added on the evening of the same day said: "Since writing the above I have attended the (anti- slavery) convention at Hennepin. It was a tine large meeting composed of intelligent men and women. It passed a unanimous resolution to encourage the circulation of the Genius and a large number of subscriptions was immediately obtained." Thus early was he again getting into action. Twelve issues in all of the Genius were published in Illinois. Copies of all but the first of these may be found in the library of the Chicago Historical Society. Lundy, on his arrival in Illinois, had hoped to be able to purchase the press and type formerly used for the printing of the Hennepin Journal, but being disappointed in this he made Lowell his headquarters and printed his paper there, though it continued to carry a Hennepin date line. In a letter written in February, L839, he says: "I have purchased a printing orfice and established it at a new town called Lowell; but we have no post- office here vet, and the G.U.E. will be published awhile at Hennepin. I have found great difficulty in getting my printing done, but am now prepared to go on regularly as soon as I receive paper, for which I have sent to St. Louis." Lowell at that time wis a small village and Lundy describes his printing office as located "on Centre Street, in the block south of Hancock Square." His establishment consisted of a one-room building of common planks set up edgeways in which he worked and lodged. His press has been described as an "old iron half pattern of Dr. Franklin's Ramage which had to be pulled twice to get an impression of one side of his little sheet." In the earlier issues he mentions his difficulties in securing paper and in getting help. The appearance of surviving copies tells a story of type battered and worn and of columns which had to be adapted to the size of the paper that was available. The arrival of a young printer from the east, Zebina Eastman by name, solved some of the problems, for Eastman was not only a practical workman but was able also to take over some of the duties of editor, thereby freeing his master for other anti-slavery activities. By June of 1839 Lundy was able to announce that he had procured new type. He had also purchased a farm near Lowell and in the July number of the Genius we find this quaint note: "A little pressing business, out of the printing office, has again prevented the editor from devoting as much of his attention to the paper as he desired. Among other matters, a small wheat harvest required his care. We are not about to say that all country editors should be farmers — but if some that we wot of would farm a little it might enable them to act more independently than they do." In the same number of the Genius Lundy expressed his sorrow that failing health had required John G. Whittier to relinquish the editorship of the Pennsylvania Freeman: "We have felt the more anxious that the Freeman should continue under the charge of John G. Whittier, as the publication was commenced by us (under a different name) and placed in his hands, as one in whom we had full confidence on our retirement." He quotes, no doubt with some proper pride, the words of Whittier's farewell: "Let the banner which the veteran Lundy first flung out upon the breezes of Pennsylvania, and which for the last eighteen months we have endeavored to sustain and defend, amidst trial and peril, still afford a rallying point to the friends of freedom; and still offer a signal hope to the weary bondsmen in the cotton fields of the South." There was but one more issue of the Genius to which the pen of Lundy may have contributed. It contains a brief note stating that the editor of the paper has, for several days, been unable to perform the duties of his office. His complaint, a light fever, has yielded, however, to the power of medicine and he confidently hopes to be "in his element" again very shortly. But that was not to be. In the next issue, bearing a date line of August 16, the announcement was made that Benjamin Lundy had died on the night of August 22. This was signed "The Printer." The notice of Lundy's death, appearing in his own newspaper, was accompanied by a tribute to his memory so true as to fact and so fitting in its expression that it may well be made the concluding portion of this sketch: "It has become our painful duty to announce to the friends of humanity, and to the patrons of this paper, the melancholy intelligence of the death of Benjamin Lundy, long the faithful and persevering editor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation. This distinguished philanthropist closed his earthly career on the night of the 22nd of August, from the prevailing disease of the country, the bilious fever. He had been unable to at- tend to the duties of the office for two or three weeks previous, but no alarming appear- ances were observed by his friends until the day before his death. "Thus is the world called upon to lament the departure of one whose life has been devoted to benevolence and humanity — one whose strength has been exhausted, and who has literally worn himself out in the cause of the oppressed and enslaved of our land, which, for eighteen years, has been the sole and engrossing object of his pursuit, and for which he has toiled unremittingly and persevered with unwavering constancy to his end. Thousands of hearts which already beat with thankfulness for his sympathy will bleed with anguish for his departure — and unnumbered millions of disenthralled beings, in the course of time, will look back with joy to his earthly pilgrimage, and hail with blessings the name of the pioneer in the cause of their emancipation. . . . "Honor to his name and labors, and rest to his departed spirit. When those who are now called great on earth — heroes whose course has been marked with blood and misery — shall perish from the memory of men and fade from the page of history, or be remembered in the lapse of time as the presiding spirits of the events of horror — then will his humble course of life be marked with beams of light imperishable — his unassuming spirit shall meet with its rich reward — and the fame of him who lived for others' good, whose glory was not in the battlefield, but whose empire was the human heart, shall be crowned with an unfading wreath by a world redeemed from bondage." \^ 'Hl : . FOLLOWING pages comprise the last issue of the ■ » j Genius of Universal Emancipation which was edited ^^^/ by Benjamin Lundy. On page 35 he speaks of his illness, which shortly terminated in his death. In the next is- sue bearing a date line of August 16, we find the notice of his death which occurred August 22. This issue was kindly loaned to the Lundy committee by its owner, Mason Bullock of Tonica, Illinois. ilSwi OF"iTJWVi3BSA^" EMANCIPATION, in usin.— »*rat:« •trri rrn •.vscn.lJt tuvAso.. Q ',>;;>. h^i^t •*- rmS :a__ **^ «^4jalwi-. it I. s] t« the l ■» he tyranny i lie then sliows how the Southern, slaveholding politicians mano-vcrrd, to obtain the complete ascendancy in the councils of the naliuu. The sacrioee of the "American System," be contend*, "wesstrietlya bargain of slaveholders themselves, In which the industry end the interest of the free portion <>f tho nation were neither coosult- aod laid pro,tratn at the feet of the peculiar in- S»„t th- ItS Won eftSe South ^SfflBS party m , „ot yet satiated. The phantom ol abolition was advaiini.e upon Ibcm, and "welling togigau- the British Colo yieli the ■ 1,1.1, ent.of op • fuilh Of Indcpcli that slaserj ionwdby.l neiawi of Nature ami of Nit, ire', t;&.l, tin ii villi be 'he time fi.r re par a- t.rn from the fanatic, ol the North, and fur the organ izetiun of a Southern Confederacy, femnd- e.l upon the principle, of perpetual anil irre- deemable slavery, and for the annexation of Tex- as, and of a, much a* ctai be conquered of Mea- That this is and ha, for years been the policy of the- South Carotin* party, cannot admit of a doubt. And to the purpose, of this, party, no- thing would »o effectively administer a, the im- ntdiale abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, if & eould be now effected. Now, earnestly as I desire that abblt.on, a. to the peace and preservation uf the" uion, t I of language, daily ol Irec- : with e»ery breeze, an. 1 sprcadine, over the congenial alroos- phere of a soil whence they hod been first exhal- ed. Slavery in the British Colonic, was abolish- ed by the reformed Parliament of a European Monarchy — abolished upon the very principles of our own Declaration of Independence— abolish- ed, because irrefragable, irreconciliably contrary to the actual rights of mankind. What could the slaveholder do with bis own chalice returned to his own lips; He started baik tn horror from the draught, and turning round called with imploring voice upon Sepul- ved«, and Hoboes, and Sir Hobert Filmcr, and Dr. Johnson, and Soame Jenyne, for a doctrine if despotism — for a sneer upon the self-evident < trutn that nil nien arc born free and equal — for a cavil upon the avermcos >h«t fife, liberty, and , learned Doctor's parallel between freemen and fat oxen— for a physiological treatise to prove "that the negro race, from their temperament and capacity, are peculiarly suitedto be slaves nod to be the happiest of men in that condition ;" for proofs from Holy Writ tliat negroes are of the accursed race of Ham, doomed to be slaves to the end of time ; that Abraham hip! slaves, and that Joseph himself was a slave-holder under the old covenant, and On< ■« imus a slave under the new —just as Septilveda conclusively argued against I>as Casas, that the Spaniards had an unques- tionable right to exterminate the Indians, be- cause God commanded the children of Israel to exterminate the idolatrous nations of Canaan. All this, as Chancellor Harper candidly admits, is tumciently eommou-placa; but, says be, we are sometimes driven to common-places. Yes, from the Declaration of Independence, you canobt start one step without being driven to common- place; to the common-place ol immemorial tyr- anny; to the common-place divine right of kings ; to the common-place logic and morality of the Jesuits: to the common-place thumb-screws and faggot -fires of the holy inquisition. To all this enmmon-pla-.e mutt be driven whoever under- takes to justify the institution of slavery by de- crying the principles nf the Declaration of Inde- pendence. But how for has this counter-revolutionary principle of the South extended— how far is it extending! My countrymen! I wish not to alarm youv fears for the continuance of tho I'n- ion ; but vftu must look at tilings as they arc. 1 have ssid that the renunciation of the principles of the Declaration of Independence is a virtual withdrawal from the Union. There can at least be no possible, attachment to the union enter- tained bv those who have renounced thoso prin- ciples—no community of feeling with those who vvtain ami adhere to them. The two sets ol the distance of the poles from each other. \ think there can he no question that the ttr- riff >>-t, m of principle, (hy which 1 understand am not prepared to sti Kepresental ive of th which, for the immcdi six thousand slaves oi Copgr. .i, ag:.ll .-. ,11.1c. celhir llnepcr in upisositinn to the system of :<*ine phs proclaimed in the Dtclaratiou of In- dependence,) pennies the whole Stale of South Carolina, and form, the tta-is of tlw system of policy pursue.! and recommended by the leading men of that State. At the head of them is -Mr. John C Colhotin, with his sanguine tempera- ment, hi* dashing el i.jueiu-e, his » i-r-,la.ibt.ng confidence in himself, his superficial ae4u1.it. nn>? seith Human nature, ant hi *jo ocpiaint- aaca with human history; wrth bis nev*r-ht»»i- tating versality of conduct, and his ludicrously sincere claims to eous!**ea«sr J with the memory of.his premature advancement in early youth — ef his grasping ambition— ef his ble.*te.t hope, end bis mortifying <. -vptior, ot a few intelligent own, nnabls to Veep r -a -••.■■ it j him In the sud.'.cnnns nn,i ripi 'u> ■■'■ e - ;»;.:- ical pirouette*, hut Vh-.i cannot sosta n t':,-. ',,- *elre« lon^ in epp<^irii>n to any of his cir<- uu i>- inpon the inltsbi admission to It in my jiiilgment, >,i-% »!,> Pi hi North an.l Northwest, both ill and out of Con- gress, could poisihly accomplish it even in Con- gress. The Fresidonthas given pledges in ad- vance, both before and smco hi, election, that he would interpose his veto against such a bill should it ever be carried hy majorities in both Houses of Congress. To expect that majorities of two-thirds of both Houses now, or fur many years to come, would vote for this; measure a- gainst the Presidential negative, would be no- thing short of insanity. What, then, is tho meaning of that t'mmcrft'alc abolition which the American Anti-Slavery Soeietjr has mada the teat of orthodoxy to their political church? A moral and physical impossibility! In thyi last paragraph ire consider the opinion oftbe r«ws«oh(jitat<>ire»tn extremely at feults— • .baa wcuiusi! nelflni pT to show h i s error a pos_are- «Umt wiasaisW^iv eooU'din. , 3 M "objtTlTSn r» the ms»sJc of argument, adopted by the abol it." 1st >, in holding up the exasnalo of the British, while scouting the idea of paying the holders of slaves for tha)r human "property .« Herein, too, he takA* srroog riew of the subjaet- Passing For myself, fellow citizens, I freely confess that, believing as I do, that freedom is a natural and inalienable right of man, and that, by the laws of Nature and of Nature's God, bo immor- tal soul cannot be reads a eharVel, I «ju yet dis- inclined to make of these opinions articles of a religious creed with the preiansions to impose it upon others. If asked whether I cmwider it a Bin to hold a fellow creature in bondage for ! ; fe, I might answer that it wouM'b* so in me: bnt 1 am not commissioned to denounce the judgment of God uooa theee'aiio differ from oie in religious belief,whethcr npon the slavery question or up- on any other. I have heard from my Master the injunction, "Judge not, that ye be not judged," and from more than one of his Apostles the ques- tion, svho art thou that iodgest another man's servant, or another? The days of deoossneing prophecy are past ; and when I see that slavery has been permitted by Almighty God to exist from the earliest periods ot history, sacred or pro- fane, down to the present day, though I look for- ward with earnest hope and intensa desire to the day when it will be banished from my country ami from Ibe world, I have no vocation for the exercise of fbrce or constraint or injustice even for thy liberation of tho slave. If the abolition of slavery is effected in this country, it must be either by force, that is, by a civil and servile war, or bj the consent of the owners ol slaves. All the aholitionists and all the aoti-slwry societies totally disclaim all in- tention or purpose to employ or to sanction the tint the imputation of any such design to them is a sl.ii.,!, r. Immediate emancipation, tliere- fo-e, is in their purpose to be effected, with the to them. In what pa^c* ot' the volume of human mttuve they found the receipt for this balsam to it is said, made the discovery that an effusion of oil will smooth the mountain waves of a stormy sea; but no philosojiher ha: yet ap ( ieaeed to make the experiment oi pouring it into the summit of s smoking critter to extinguish the volcano with- Bxpressaing his full conviction of the honesty of the petitioners — their philanthropy, and pu- rity of purpose — he still questions the practica- bility of Ihcir measures, from the ilea ptogre» they have made in converting the mass of the American people,. — even in the North. On this {■sunt, much may he said, however, to stimulate vs to renewed exertion, notwithstanding our stora! reformation wilt naturally progress more •hwly than those aecustomed to the te!,irHgig eu,!ntion» of political parties might < xjxet. "ifml plan olVmaneitiatm-s • because lier t Constitu- tion exprei-ly denied to bet legislature the power afetnancipating slaves. Should the Con- stitution of Florida contain the ssme provision, I should i„te in the same r isuinir; but the faith of tlio nation :s already plodged to the admission of Florida on tho same terms upon which other Southtrii Stat<-s have bean admitted; and we h*T- r.o right now torequii motive annrt r. A uegatne '■- d.iti.m to that effjegaould have nnbindiu; force, ttaa it adopt- ed llf both Hou,c, of Congress; for tlicy cannot circumscribe >t he pou-vr, of their successors. But, with the exception of Florida; I icnr wool: cwint to toe a Imi.sioo of sii). new sl.ve Slate. Flaring "fully and freely exposed" hi, views witbregerj to the multitude of petitions the. entixVcd to hi, care, he winds up by reiterat- ing his utter abhorrence of the slavo system, and hit anxious desire for its extluctioo, as fol- This system beais the same relation to that of the Declaration of Independence as idol worship to t*e worship of the true God. The substitu- tion ofits creed for that of the natural rights ol man would bring him back to the alternative of the worship of Moloch and Mammon, • "And devils to adore for deities." Sioindthis svstem become the prevailing dee- Jjsjyi of tho South, it b iBipoatihle that thu Ua- >?™ri-'''l hag continue. As its avorved basis iclnsircly upcuTpiysica! force, tu physical toohr. Xu lualaju its own < itu »tt m\< u n tha inrtitn- ttac, osTreedom eLewhere. Ttus disposition is already manifested in many ways: in the brutal treatment experienced qy citizens of the free States, tf but suspected of favoring abolition in the shareholding jurisdictions — in the insolent demands upon, the (rae States to deliver up their eituens far alleged, offences against the slase lasH — in the conspiring of American slarehold- threati, of awatsii the< npl, lynching lass — is the murder of I^orejoy — in the burning of the renhsylvania Hall — in Southern commer- cial conventions to force the natural channels of trade frsra North to South — in Southern rail- ways ani basking companies combined to link the Ma^imou ef the West with the Moloch of the SootTi, and in the strains of commendation upon the lancc-robbiog practices of the Anglo Saxons, and their virtuous anhorreuce of castom- housea, embellished by their biaek-leg reverence and punctuality for their debts of honor. Fellow-citizens, when I witness scenes like these transacted in the face of day ; when 1 hear principles like these issniog from the professor's l0r J — the- chancellor's bsuids, from tiu» di- pSstl suloon, and from the land-jobber's gam- ing and dinner tajde, all in frightful harmony with one another, I hang my head in desponden- cy at prospects of the rights of man, for the short remnant of my days throughout the Union, and even in the District of Columbia, yet do I not despair for the cause of human freedom. I be- lieve the catcse which its votaries are now called to defend, and which they may yet hope to defend auitto (indicate, is that ol'oiir free institutions against the daring encroachment, of slavery up- on them. It is for them that you will have ulti- mately to stand to your arms ; and it is for them that I would gladly now see you buckle on your armor. I desire not lo interfere with the insti- tutions ot slavery where they arc established— I woitl.t not aboludi slavery without a due regard to indemnify the >la*e-hm.ler for his loss, and, to avoid the necessity for that, would begin the procets aith a generation yet unborn. I adhere faithfully to the stipulation, ol the Constitution 1.1 -: I : .0! to support; and I to; -ct for the abolition I States without the e« That the da> will f« - v. hen slsverr shall be e*tin;ui-hrd not only 111 the Oi'triet efCehun- Ata, bMM4sK~ghout our cwaotry, and throughout %■; ."jMrrT* "■■*••" °| because it has be*o explie- itly^romi^ed in the holv Scriptures, and breaose thepregress »m«nrd« that imprmement in the condition of m»n up^m earth is clearly indicated by the whole tenor nf human history. But that the day is yet far distant I am not permitted to dewbt; and that in gkt mvn country it will be orcceded hy Convulsion* and revolutioiis in the rnorajifSywHtical, a-i-i physical world, from platiou", appear- ; COnUsss- ■ „ ,„v heart, the hirtn nlttre •« Washington, Henry, JcS.nou, and tunny othat fu.naj ol fiuerty, as well a. in other parts ei tan South where slavery is siistainv.i as an' of o>« "liw/tntnWe right*." 1 shall en.une myself nt far as my own knowledge ia concerned le Vse- ginia— fee, my own dear Virginsa, whi.a, hot for slat ery, is to me the fairesl portion af the glol* — as 1 know but little from perx 1 a/ion of any other South, m State, feel di.ps . ,1 (from the knowledge give full credit lo every talu of horror srhkb I have heard from ttsem. It it sjenemlly conUndnd by th* advocates nf slavery, and indeed by many who profess to npv' pose it, that the colored rae. sie devoid m* ths* finer and acotn sensibilities 'peculiar tn avmaii Ba'ure, and that their nnlural affections arf not A^t^s^lttariswe'n, i.s wast ai ■'- .|jali, »it*V~^, ^W contenSedthat their minds are dhterenflf nrV gauii'd from those of otker m, ■. -- that they am not susceptible of mental cull nation .—there- fore they do not hesitate to prohibit them frotvsf regemng instruction of nny kind, calculated to elevate the mind or purify the heart ; and what is still more cruel, they ren, without remorse, sever the most tender tics, and quiet their eon- sciences by the assertion that "negroes ha\e not the same feeling, of affection with the white*. •• Both thee* opinion, arc altogether incorrect. I have seen the heart stricken wife weighed down with grief, and almost sinking from anguish of soul, when hot husband has ueen torn rrom hoc and sold, perhaps to replenish the pocket of his master. I have also teen the mother separated from her infant, the young child from its mother, the. brother from the inter, or the sister from the brother f and io every case have I witnessed tin avert poignant and lasting grief, which not even the fear of the ia»b conld control. Their defirn to obtain • knowledge of letters i* nXBUkablet and toe facility wish which they acquire that knowledge, when Jiermitted to receive inthuc- tion, is sufficient to convince the most sceptical that their natural capacities are not at all infe- rior to those blessed with a fairer complexion. In Virgiuia, slaveholders „ their overseent are not, as a general thing, la the habit of cruelly abusing their slaves, but there are some puttiers even there who do it, and are, from a perverted, policy, sustained by public opinion at wejl as by the laws ; tbodgb I rejoice to say that such e a ses f are not to frequent latterly, as they srere itt years gone by. With tba treatment of 6e4d hands I am not no familiar; but I ks<*> that house servants are in some families treated with great cruelty, and in ell with great injustice. They are subject to the whiazt and caprices of the youngest child about the hovaot nod often have I seen the aged servant, malt and festal*, severely ebastisod by the .young tymnt, »»■■, in infancy, they have carried on their be e» set, and dandled on their knees. Tfceyare much nee/, leetcd in vrckness, often Wisrg permitted to laxt- guish and die with no one to care for tbetn, or even administer to them a eup of cold water. { will mention one case which occurred in a fata fly of high standing in society, a* well as in tins church, and who were considered most indulgent toward their slaves. An nU man, ei 56, who had been a most faithful servant, and * (Teat favor- itc of bis deceased master, became enfeebled by hard sen ice, and was evidently sinking gradu- ally to the grave. He endeavored to keen about and to render himself useful, knowing end dread- ing the sufferings he must endure when h* be- came ilisahled. At length however he was eosst* pelted to lay bv, human nature could ksAms* no longer. His disease was consumption. He lan- guished for same months, iu a damp cellar kiteb- esn; his bed consisting of a (few botrds, laid slant- ing on a box, with some rag, spread over them, and a pillow of the same article. His mistress wa« considered a really humane woman, but had been so long aecustomed to think of the poor ne- gro a, a different and inferior order of bt»ag>, that the did Bet realize the extreme sedEtriaf ef the old man, or he» own guilt in permitting it She wossld send bin a little tea and a piece ef wheat bread morning and evening, as a great dainty, and occasionally enquire how be wass but sh* never went near him to administer cota- fogt either lo his mind or body. (The ladiet at the South seldom go into their kitchens.) A few day, before his death, it happened that 1, with my family, made-* visit to this house lo attend a jirotracted meeting. As «oem as the old man fcea/d I was there, he requested to see sne I went; ».-ut such a spectacle I had swl beheld fee years, and trust I thai! never behold again He )■ I JLHUL- —I I I IM iL — III I I I IMfawja « •» OF IMVKItfi.U- FlIAMirATlOV 6kj*:**OM*Mii » '••• ■ t fa i ii t tan ■ ,• rat liberie w) all ; I cnnno; Icll. li- ce^ (>u Iv v» • ■•„ ^ [+>::«. Ida ■: i'ii, In-ian,- at, i | ,. , „| , ,j- ( | Ma . 1.117 "fcrhutt .•-.• Su. >i i> . , .,.( iaaaaiifut primeiplr* ln coMa »^_y*- — / w the ...nd. of v.caca*fa and rJJW ~V t >B . I 1 :U> a>~ . U ..f ,;Msri'< :4r T.. - I m bell MWVID * ■ " ' > IV. T. A I ' " s- • •:. :\s. *.,.;■. ;:•'• .«*. , . . •n, a* • at 1 Mas • " 1 - :« aft*. 11 flh*fw»lr, 1 d ■■! Ml th.-.a laeW • - . 1 I 1 , areOOal of n„- pronrrdin-a 1 ill I,- I.. .1 ii ■• m nl in VtlLtJU wi Nl • I ■ <• t: . . . • ... II) ul OKI .- • k - . lal > iir.-.. 1 : . ... i,ii, 1.. it .- n » 1 ■ . •■ 1 1. „■ 1; M ■. 1 . ■ 1 . .• .1 .. a*. lk.aa K.I. . 1 . 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