THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY ^875 v3j (From the Jondon EncyclopiediaJ | \^ ISTORY RISE, PROGRESS, AND PRESENT STATE OF IN AH PARTS OF THE WORLD; IN WHICH IS DEVELOPED AN ENTIRELY NEW PRINCIPLE OF CIRCULATING MEDIUM, ' FOR THE AND TO WHICH ARE APPENDED ALL THE ACCOUNTS ANNEXED TO THE EVIDENCE AND REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF PARLIAMENT. BANK OF ENGLAND CHARTER, IN THE SESSION OF 1832. 1. BANK, Bankers, Banking. The term bank has two distinct significations; one in re- ference to commerce, implying a place of deposit or store-house ; the other relating to geography and rural economy, implying an elevation of the earth, either natural or artifiicial ; and either be- low or above the surface of the water, in rivers as well as in the ocean. It is further a technical term in law; the judges of the supreme court of law, when silting in judgment collectively, are said to sit in bank, banque, or banco. See Ju- niSPRUDENCE. It is aiso a military term, de- noting an elevation of earth within the parapet of a fortification, generally between two and three feet high, or more, according to the height of the parapet; being about four feet and a half lower than the top of the parapet, three feet broad, ascended at intervals by steps, by which the garrison get up to fire on, or observe the proceedings of, the besiegers. 2. We will novM proceed in i hc_gt deavour to illustrate the term bank, in iconSTiiciion with bankers and banking, as referable (o commerce, by showing, 1st, the prol)able odgin or deri- vation of the term; '2n(i, llie orijm or rise, and nature of banking inslitiitionsi Crd, their pro- gress, practice, and present stafej throughout the commercial world ; and 4ih, thtir influence and effect on the social and moral rialions, and con- dition of mankind. ' 3. Bank, in its present application as a com- mercial term, appears to hare had its origin in 15 A IN K Italy, whero, in the infancy of European com- merce, the Jews were wont to assemble in the market-places of the principal cities and towns, seated on benches, ready to lend money ; first on the reputation and written bond or acknowledg- ment, singly or jointly, of borrowf ; but (as will be more fully shown hereafter), , there is in the lending and borrowing of money an immuta- ble tendency to (iemoralise and derange society, confidence and iieputation soon became mere bye- words; and, instead of bonds and written obliga- tions, money wis only lent upon the security of commodity or i produce, by wliich localised places of deposit or storing became necessary ; and hence, banking, in its origin, bore an ana- logy to our present system of pawnbroking; while the term bank is supposed to have been derived from the benches and tables in the mar- ket-places, at vfhich the money-lenders used to transact their biisiness; the Italian word banco, signifying a bench, derived probably from the Greek word TiaireZa, signifying both a bench and a table, sis does also the Spanish word banco; in referfence to which the money-lenders obtained the nime of benchers or bankers ; the Jews of Lombatdy being among the first people in Western Europe who carried into practice the principle of lending money on the security of commodity ; their repositories partially obtained the name of Lombard-houses. 4. The Lombards were a Scandinavian tribe, who first figure in history about the year 378 ; but it was not till 56}8 that they established themselves in Italy; at waich period they made Pavia the capital of thei therefore, subsequent to this period that bank- ing institutions nent character, ever, appear to kingdom. It must have been, assumed any thing like a perma- Lending and borrowing, how- have prevailed in all ages, or long before the interj?ention of money, to facilitate the interchange of cjommodities ; and in all ages, as in the present day, appears to have been productive of extortion and social derangement : see the Mosaic code, Exodus, ch. xxii. v. 14 and 22, and Deuteronomy, ch. xxiv, v. 6 and 10, and by the narrative of St. Matthew, ch. xxi, v. 12, it will be seen that tables in the market or public places were in use in his day, for the accommoda- tion of money-lenders. 5. The restless disposition of the Lombards tended to excite a spirit of activity and enterprise throughout all the Italian states ; by which the people of those countries became the merchants • distributors of the products of Asia orver all tne western and northern parts of Europe. It was towards the close of the seventh century, after the Mahommedans had obtained possession of Egypt, that the chief depot of the products of the east was' transferred from Alexandria to Con- stantinople, and afterwards to Venice, that com- merce began to resolve itself into a more regu- lar system thaiihad ever before been practised, and a methodical and demonstrative order of keeping accounts was devised and adopted. See Book- keeping. This, in the progress of time, elicited new ideas on the economy of payment; and about the middle of the twelfth century the bank of Venice, so long celebrated throughout the commercial world, and which may be regard- ed CIS le foundation of the present system of banking was established ; and had the operations of the bnk of Venice been confined to the legi- timate oject of facilitating commercial inter- change, s socialising capabilities would have rendered t worthy of the celebrity it so long enjoyed; )ut, whilst the principles of its eco- nomy are entitled to the highest admiration, it seems t have been established in tyranny, with a vie/ to political aggrandisement, and throughout he whole course of its career to have been perver-^d to the worst of purposes. 6. It was the desolating system of the cru- sades, and net the socialising principle of facili- tating commecial interchange, which gave rise to the bank of Vnice. The first crusade embarked from the shore of the Adriatic, under the auspi- ces of Pope trban the Second, in 1095; and from the ascenlancy and influence which the Venetians, by tleir extensive commercial inter- course, had thei acquired over every part of Western Asia aid Europe, they became the principal agents of the crusaders, as well for the wealthy individuals who embarked in those chi- valrous exploits a; for the several governments to which they respectively belonged. The fruits of extortion, so likely to result from such a sys- tem, excited the cupidity and avarice of the Venetian senate, which led, in 1176, some say in 1157, to the establishment of the bank, under the authority and pretended guarantee of the state, the crusading agency previously having rested exclusively with individuals. 7. The origihal subscription fund of the bank of Venice was 2,060,000 Venetian ducats, equal to £433,333 ; but, hy a solemn edict of the senate, the whole trading community of the republic were compelled to deposit their money in the bank, with which a credit was opened equal to the deposit made, which could only be made avail- able for transfer, so thit not only the subscribed capital but also the aggregate amount of the depo- sits resolved themselves into a national debt. The whole amount of the intrinsic money, subscribed and deposited, having been applied by the se- nate towards aiding the views of the crusaders, and other external purposes, an ideal capital, or mere denomination of amount was thus created to adjust the operations of commercial interchange. 8. Whether the transfers at the bank in the early period of its establishment required per- sonal attendance, as is the case in transferring the national debt-stock at the bank of England in the present day ; or whether effected, on written orders corresponding to the checks in the present English practice of banking ; does not appear : but, be that as it might, derangements in the social economy of the state soon ensued ; ' the agio or difference between the current money, and transferable amounts at the bank, attained the rate of thirty per cent. Yet such was the j insidious and illusive nature of the bank system, | that the bank increased in popularity in propor- tion to the extent of the derangement which ensued ; the inconvenience frequently occasioned i in the minor transactions of commerce, as well as on occasions of citizens or strangers requiring money to defray the expenses of foreign iournevs. B A N K. 4f>S ♦ed in the course of time to the bank paying out money. Yet such was the influx of money, which the crusading armaments brought from all parts of western Europe, that after the system of making payments in money was practised, the deposits always exceeded the demands. 9. At a later period, when the \'enetians them- selves turned crusaders against the Turks, the subscription-fund of the bank was increased to 5,000,000 of ducats; the whole of which was made use of by the senate, to aid them in their operations of warfare ; and, as previously stated, throughout the whole period of its career, it was made an instrument of aggression in aid of poli- lical aggrandisement : yet such was the fortuity of circumstances, and, for several centuries having no rivalry, its integrity does not appear ever to have been questioned ; the derangements occa- sioned by the fluctuation of the agio led ulti- mately to an edict of the senate, fixing it at twenty per cent., at which rate it continued up to the period of the extinction of the republic in 1797, see Venice. 10. In the fourteenth century the Genoese began to rival the Venetians in their commerce, and in 1345 a bank was established at Genoa; but the more favorable local position of \'enice retained for it an undiminished political impor- tance, and although the Genoese were very successful in their commercial career, their bank, relatively to that of X'enice, was an insignificant establishment ; it nevertheless was enabled, in the fifteenth century, to advance considerable sums to Spain, and other governments; but in 1751 it was deemed insolvent to a very considerable amount, and in 1798 the establishment was finally dissolved and broken up by Buonaparte. 11. No further progress appears to have been made in the formation of banking institutions, until after the discovery by the Portuguese, in 1497, of the passage to Asia by the Cape of Good Hope ; and even then, more than a century elapsed before another bank was established. It was at the commencement of the seventeenth century, when Amsterdam had become the chief mart of European commerce, that a bank was established in that city in 1609; and, as the cir- cumstances which led to, and the conduct which dictated, the formation of this bank, appear to have been purely commercial and social, void of all speculative and political influence, and its economy essentially different from either those of Venice or London, it merits the most ample elucidation of the details of its systetn on our part, and the utmost attention on the part of the enquiring reader. 12. Banking, in its economy, resolves itself into three distinct orders of practice, viz. 1. of deposit, transfer, and agency; 2. of discount, simply; and, 3. of discount and circulation : a banking establishment may, therefore, be formed for carrying on either any one of these onJers of practice separately, or two, or all collectively; and either, and all of them are liable to be made instruments of oppression by partial application, or by perversion to impolitic and bad purposes : a more ample elucidation of the details of eacli order of practice will appear hereafter (see section 14.), the analysis being exhibited in ihL"; Vol. hi. place, that the distinctive character of the bank of Amsterdam may be the better understood. 13. The circumstances which gave rise to the establishing of the bank of Amsterdam, were the great variety of clipped and debased coins which its e- 'ensive commerce, at the close of the six- teent. and commencement of the seventeenth centurj_ brought into th;u city. The constant variations of value of these coins occasioned con- tinual disputes and inconveniences in the adjust- ment of payments, more especially so in the payment of foreign bills of exchange; to obviate these disputes and inconveniences, it was, that the bank was established in 1607, on the legiti- mate and social principle of deposit, transfer, and agency ; the security of the deposits being gua- ranteed by the corporation of the city, by whom its managers were appointed, and who thereby- constituted themselves the ii^ents of the establish- ment; the expenses of \\hich, and its manage- ment, being defrayed by fees on opening of accounts, transfers, Sec. This system or practice of banking, it will be seen, requires no sub- scribed or fixed capital. 14. The bank of Amsterdam received coin^ of all descriptions at a fixed value, according to their weight and fineness, deducting an amount equal to tiie expense of coinage into the standard coin of Holland ; not that tlie various coins so paid in should be converted into standard coins, but that a credit should be placed on the bank books to such an amount, after the seignorage and fees had been deducted ; the amount so credited then constituted bank-money. It was in the next place enacted, that all payments of 600 guilders, =i to £52. 10;., in amount, and upwards, whether on internal or foreign account, should be made in bank money ; and as these regulations immediately occasioned an agio or difference of value between bank-money and current money, it as immediately became com- pulsory on the part of everv- man of business either to open an account at the bank, or to sub- , ject himself to the caprice of a fluctuating agio, to enable him to make his payment through the medium of those who had un account. 15. The distinction between the practice of the bank of Amsterdam and the bank of \'enice, is this, viz. That the bank of \'enice appropriated its subscribed capital, as well as part of its de- posits, to external purposes, and created an ideal sum by means of transfers to a corresponding amount, whereby to adjust the internal payments of the public ; whilst the bank of Amsterdam retains its deposits within the walls of its own establishment; and when we come to treat of the practice of the bank of England, that will be found to present additional features of practice deserving the utmost possibl^-S^tention, as well in reference to a comparison wih the practice of the banks of X'enice and of Amaerdam, as for the influence and eflTects of its owi operations upon the general interests of the coanlvy at large. 16. In addition to the tranjftctions of the hank of Amsterdam, as detailed ia sect. 14, ibc bank also gives credit on its books u])on deposits of gold and silver bullion, at the rate of live j^er cent, below the mint price of the bullion. In making these deposits, whieh are made more tjr 2 H 466 BANK. safe keeping, and thie view of reserving them for articles of merchandise, than for conversion into coin, the bank grants a recipice, receipt, or •warrant, entitling tlie holder to take out the bul- lion again at any time within six months, upon transferring to the bank an amount of bank mo- ney equal to that for which credit had been given in its books when the deposit was made, and upon paying one-fourth per cent, for the keeping, if the deposit was in silver, and one- half per cent, if it was in gold ; the recipice ex- pressing, that in default of such payment, upon the expiration of the term of six months, the be- nefit of the recipice becomes forfeited to the bank, while the amount credited against the de- posit resolves into bank-money ; leaving a profit to the bank proportionate to the difference be- tween five per cent, below the mint price, and the value of the bullion in the market. 17. This species of deposits are, in the first instance, more generally made when the mercan- tile price of bullion is so far below the mint price as to become an article of speculation, and the profits to the bank upon this branch of its business are considerable, by the forfeiture of some of the recipices ; but more particularly so from the frequent renewals. The creditors of the bank, in bank-money, and the holders of reci- pices, are regarded by the bank as two distinct classes of creditors : hence the creditor in bank- money, having no recipice, cannot draw out bul- lion without first going to market to buy a recipice, nor can the holder of a recipice draw out his bullion, in the event of his having sold the bank- money assigned to him on making the deposit, •without first going into the market to repurchase bank money, and repissigning the same to the bank. 18. In a city of extensive and complicated commercial intercliange, like Amsterdam, these regulations of the bank necessarily occasion con- tinued demands for both bank-money and bullion, and gave rise to a system of jobbing and trick, precisely similar to the jobbing and tricking in time bargains upon the stock exchange in London ; and at one period the agio was wont to fluctuate from eight to ten per cent. To keep it •within certain bounds, however, the bank of Amsterdam resolved at all times to grant 100 of bank for 105 of current money ; or rather to sell bank-money at an agio of 5 per cent. In conse- quence of this resolution, the agio was prevented ever exceeding that rate; and the fluctuation now seldom exceeds 2^ per cent, between 1^ and 4. 19. In addition to the seignorage deducted on first opening an account with the bank in money, see sect. 14, a fee of ten guilders, z=. to 17s. 6d., is also charged; and for every renewed account, 3 guilders 3 stivers; for every transfer, 5 sti- vers, zz 2d. -fe of 9 Tipnny, and in order to dis- courage a multiplicity of small transactions, if the transfer is for less than 300 guilders, the charge is six stivers; for neglecting to balance ac- counts regularly twice a-year, a fine of twenty- five guilders is exacted; and in case of attempting to overdraw an account, a fine of 3 per cent, on the sum so attempted to be overdrawn is also levied, in addition to setting aside the order. These several fees, fines, and deductions for seignorage, together with the profits which occa- siooally arise by the sale of bank-money, to maintain an equilibrium in the agio, and the for- feiture of bullion recipices, produce a considera- ble revenue to the city, over and above what suffices to defray the expenses of the establish- ment. Public utility, however, and not revenue, was the original, and up to this time, has continued the ruling object of the establishment, and the re- venue derived from it is the natural result of its invariable rule of practice, nhich, whether the best tliat can be devised or r ot, its certainty and impartiality has obtained for it the sanction and confidence of all who have been concerned in it. 20. How far the system or practice of the bank of Amsterdam approximates to perfection or utility will more fully appear as we proceed to illustrate the various practices of banking in England, and in other parts of the world. The direction of the bank of Amsterdam is vested in four reigning burgo-masters (aldermen), who are changed every year. Each new set of burgo- masters, on induction to their charge, are con- ducted to the bank, inspect the deposits, com- par.e them with the books, and acknowledge the same upon oath, delivering it over at the end of the year with the same formal solemnity to the set which succeeds ; and highly to the credit of the corporate body of the city of Amsterdam, both in its collective, and in its individual capa- city, in reference to the direction of the bank, not only has no malversation been proved, but no imputation ever brought against them ; nor have the political convulsions, by which Holland has at times been surrounded, and in which it has been involved, ever induced the bank to swerve from the strict rule of its established regu- lations ; and such has ever been the confidence in the integrity of its director, that it has at times been the depositary of the money treasure of the opulent individuals of surrounding states. 21. Of the extent of the deposits of the bank of Amsterdam at different periods, the informa- tion is very imperfect ; it may, at times, probably, have amounted to a sum equal to five, six, or seven millions sterling, and probably more, but on an average they probably have not, at past periods, noT do not at the present time, exceed three to four millions, or from forty to fifty millions of guilders. 22. As commerce extended itself over the north of Europe, banking institutions were es- tablished in different parts of Germany, but there were none that obtained any great celebrity, except those of Hamburgh and Nuremburg. That of Hamburgh was established in 1619, on principles, and for objects, not very dissimilar to those of Amsterdam, viz. those of deposit, transfer-agency and public utility. Instead of coin the deposits are made in silver bullion of a given fineness, against which credits are opened, either for transfer, or for withdrawing the bullion at pleasure, subject only to a trifling charge for deposit, or safe-keeping. The general practice of the bank of Hamburg is less formal, and more simple, than that of Amsterdam ; and has been productive of great advantage to the city, and has maintained an unsullied integrity. The ex- penses of its management have been, and still continue to be, defrayed by fees, or transfers, &c. similar to those of Amsterdam. It was plundered of a considerable portion of its deposits by th c BANK. 467 I French general, Davoust, in 1813, a part of which were restored by the Bourbon government at the peace of 1815. 23. In 1635 the bank of Rotterdam was established, under refrulations somewhat different in detail from those of either Amsterdam or Ham- burg, but upon the principle of deposits, transfer, and agency. 24. About the sixth or seventh decenary of the seventeenth century, an individual of the name of Palmshut, in Stockholm, established a bank for the purposes of exchange, discount, and circula- tion ; that is, he bought and sold bills of exchange, lent money at interest, and issued notes, which became a circulating medium, or token of inter- ciian'^e, for tlie amount they represented ; na- turally enough, although Palmshut originally possessed, relatively, great resources, derange- ment and embarrassment soon overtook him, but inflated with his notions of ideal wealth, he ap- plied to the king, Charles XL, whom he induced to become his piitron in the formation of a royal bank, which, under Palmshut's directions, soon obtained a general confidence; and, in 1638, the direction was transferred to the assembly of the states of the kingdom, the king declaring himself, and his successors, protectors of the bank, but renouncing all interference in the dis- posal of the money. The states being thus declared guarantees, proprietors, and directors, under the regulations which they established, the bank became a bank of deposit, discount, and circulation. Depositors were allowed interest at the rate of 6 per cent. ; and the deposits, together with notes of circulation, appropriated to dis- counts, on collateral securities, at the rate of 8 per cent. The king's revenues were also depo- sited at the bank free of interest. The institution immediacely became popular, and all who had surplus money, in every part of the kingdom, poured it into the bank, so that, by the close of the century, the interest on deposits had been progressively reduced from 6 to 2 per cent., and on discounts from 8 to 3 per cent. 25. Like all institutions founded on specula- tive principles, the bank of Stockholm was soon destined to experience a reverse of fortune, and to become an instrument of politi-cal perversion. The chivalrous exploits of Charles XIL led to such a drain of the intrinsic resources of the bank, during the four years, 1714 — 1717, the period of the king's residence in Turkey, after the battle of Pultowa, and when the corrupt and profligate Goertz was minister of iinance, that the revenues usually deposited with the bank, were unequal to discharge even the in- terest, much less contribute towards any repay- ments. This dilapidation of the resources, and "credit of tiie bank, led to the mortgaging of other revenues of the crown, and a declaration on tlie part of the king, that no further drain should be made upon the bank until its resources and credit weje fully restored : these measures produced a partial reaction in favor of the credit of the bank ; but it proved only temporary', until an expedient of the minister f ioertz unexpectedly diverted all the disposable wealth of the kingdom into the bank. 26 \Vhilst the declaration and resolve of the king to restore the resources and credit of the bank were adhered to, it deprived Goertz of the adequate funds to carry on his political in- trigues, and to supply t!i< king with sufficient means to maintain his reg;il importance ; under these circumstances, he resorted first to fines and penalties, and ultimately to a species of confis- cation, by demanding all the plate, jewels, and coin in the kingdom to be placed at his disposal, for which he gave copptr tokens, representing ninety-six times the intrinsic value of the metal, (paper money in effect.) This measure led all those who possessed such disposable means to confide in the royal pledge, rather than yield to the exaction of Goertz. And they consequently in secret conveyed all their treasure to the bank. Goertz, chagrined at being thus disappointed, ap- plied to the king and adviscJ him to seize all the treasure deposited in the hank; but the king refused to comply, and prohibited (ioertz from even making any proposal on the subject, con- trary to the pledge wliich he had solemnly made. 27. This decision of the king reinstated con- fidence in, and fully re-established, the resources and credit of the bank, so that on the declaration of war against Russia, in 1 7! 1 , the bank presented the king with a donation of 100,000 Swedish silver dollars, equal to al)out 7600, and sup- plied another 500,000 dollars, as a loan without interest, and subsequently to that period it fre- quently advanced considerable sums to the crown, and to the board of manufactures under the guarantee of the states. 28. The resources and credit of the bank being thus re-established, it was divided into two departments, lane and wexel, or loan, and exchange banks ; the former corresponding in its practice with the practice originally estab- lished in Lombardy, (sec sect. 3.) and precisely similar in principle to the practice of pawn- broking in England at the jnesent day. Whilst the practice of the wexel or exchange bank, is that of deposit, discount, ;;iiil circulation. The loan bank lends money on .old and silver bul- lion, copper, and its own stock, to their full value, at the rate of three jir cent, and on three- fourths of the value of iron, at the same rate of interest ; and on lands and !:ouses at the rate of six per cent, four for interest, and two as a sinking fund, until the whole sum advanced is repaid. Jewels were at one time advanced upon, but the bank having ome been defrauded t' a considerable extent by t::ein, resolved nevei again to make advances on liiose articles. 29. The wexel or exchange bank receives money on deposit, for which it illows two per cent, and issues notes, with •ii'njg^ together with its deposits, it discounts bills cl exchange ; this S)ractice, which is the one ori^ially pursued by 'almshut, (see sect. 24.) invohjs risk, and leads to certain loss; the issuing (/notes, having no intrinsic value, sustains the l^ss as long as the notes retain coniiilence ; but kIuu that fails, de rangement necessarily cnsue^ all this befell the wexel or exchange bank of Stockholm, within the short space of twenty-five vcars ; and in 1 766 the bank was on the verge of bankruptcy and final dissolution, when, by the interference of the 2 II 2 468 BANK. states, a loan of three millions of rix dollars, equal to about £"700,000, was raised to liquidate the excess of notes in circulation ; since the period of 1766 successive regulations have been resorted to, to preserve the credit of die bank, and a committee, composed of a certain number of persons from each of the three states of tlie kingdom, viz. the nobles, clergy and burgheis, has been appointed, to inspect triennially the general state of the bank and its accounts. 30. Under the guardianship of the States, the wexel bank of Stockholm retains its place among the other institutions of the kingdom, but it has no importance externally, nor does the extent of its operations equal the operations of several pri- vate banking establishments in some of the pro- vincial towns in England ; it is the various kinds of practice of banking, however, and not the extent of the operations, which most demand attention ; and on that ground it is, that the bank of Stockholm has here been enlarged upon, much beyond what the extent of its operations would otherwise have rendered necessary. 3i. Bank of E^GLAND. — We now come, in order of time, to treat of the bank of England ; an establishment, whether considered with respect to the magnitude of its operations, or its influence upon the social relations of mankind, without a parallel in history ; and from the period of its foundation, but more especially since the period of 1793, it has become so interwoven with the government, and the collective interests of the nation, as to render it difficult to treat of one, without entering largely into the details of the other. We will endeavour, however, to confine our elucidation of the bank, as far as it is con- nected with the government and the nation, as much as possible within the limits of those cir- cumstances of the nation, in which the character and interests of the bank have been more imme- diately involved. 32. Although by its peculiar constitution, and terms of its charter, as well as in all the details of its practice, the bank of England appears to be an independent trading company, and although its operations combine all the various kinds of practice in banking (except the original one, of lending money on pledges,) viz. exchange, de- posit, transfer, discount, agency, and circulation, and each and all of these, on a more extended scale than ever was, or perhaps ever will be, practised in any ottier establishment, it is, and ever has been, from its foundation, materially connecled with all the financial operations of the government, and partakes therefore far inore of a political than of a commercial character. This indeed has been considered by some writers ."nd financiers an alarming excrescence on both our commercial and political systems. But we proceed to illustrate the progress of its career. 33. It appea.is to the writer of this paper that instead of desirableness and necessity dictating its origin, and instead of being founded like the bank of Amsterdam (see sect. 11) on the broad and social basis of public convenience and public utility, the origin of the bank of England was a mere project, which fortuitous circumstances alone have hitherto protected in an unexpected manner The original projector of this memorable institution was a Mr.W. Paterson, who, after numerous applicatiom on the subject to the privy council, at length succeeded in the the year 1693, in obtaining its consent to the project, and an act, 5th and 6th William and Mary, c. 20, tor granting to their JVlajfsties severa. rates and duties upon tonnage of ships and vessels, and upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for securing certain recom- pences and advantages in the said act, mentioned to such persons as shall voluntarily advance the sum of £1,500,000 towards carrying on the war against France ! Section lOtli of tlie said act, enacts that ' Their Majesties may make commis- sioners take subscriptions for £1,200,000. The sum of £100,000 to be annually appropriated to tlie subscribers ;' and by section 20tii it was fur- ther enacted that, 'Their Majesties may appoint rules for transferring, and make the subscribers a corporation by the name of ' The governor and company of the bank of England." 34. Under the authority of the aforesaid act, subscriptions were immediately entered into, and before the 1st of Jan. 1694, the whole sum was subscribed, and on the 27th of July, in that year, the charter of incorporation was executed, its duration being limited to eleven years, viz. from the 1st of August, 1694, to the 1st of August, 1705, after which date the corporation was deter- minable upon twelve months notice, and repay- ment of the £1,200,000 advanced. At this time (1694), the rate of interest was 6 per cent, per annum ; but by the terms of the contract for the above £l ,200,000, the corporation were to receive 8 per cent, per annum, and £4000 per annum for management, or trouble of transferring and ap- portioning the interest among the numerous subscribers. 35. Such were the circumstances, and such the origin of the bank of England, neither of which it will be seen bear any analogy to the circumstances and origin of the banks of Venice, Amsterdam', Hamburgh, or Stockholm ; but before we proceed further in exhibiting the progress of the bank of England, it may be well to show what the state and practice of banking in Eng- land was, prior to the formation of that establish- ment ; and when the circulating medium of the country was exclusively metallic. At an early period of England carrying on an external com- merce, when she received from Holland and Germany almost every species of manufacture in exchange for grain and wool, and other produc- tions of the soil and mines, England then had her loan banks, or Lombard houses, for lending money on pledges (see sect. 3), hence the etymo- logy of Lombard-street, in the vicinity of the lloyal Exchange, in London. At a more recent period the goldsmiths became the bankers, first, merely as places of deposit or safe keeping, and afterwards for discount ; and for more than a century prior to the establishment of the bank oi England, and circulation of paper money, the goldsmiths held the same rank and importance in commerce, and exercised similar functions, as the private bankers do at the present day. But the establishment of the bank of England did not merely divert the transactions of private deposit and discount into new channels, but it will be B A N K. 469 seen, as we proceed, that it had the effect of changing the whole social economy of the state 36. The Bank of England being established, the charter directed that its management shoald be vested in a governor, deputy governor, and twenty-four directors, to be elected by the liolders of the' stock, a clear possession of £500 of which for six months constitutes a qualification to vote, the qualification of a director being the possession of £2000 of the stock, of a deputy governor, £3000 of do. and of a governor £4000 of do. So fir as we have here described the transactions of the Bank of England, it seems confined to the mere raising of a loan of £1,200,000, for the use of government, at 8 per cent, per annum, and which was in fact, the foundation of the Funding System, or National Debt; to prevent enlarging upon which here, see each of those subjects under their respective heads, and in conjunction with them see also Circulating Medium, Exchange, Bills of. Exchequer Bills, Money, Paper Money, and Tallies. Of the nature and ex- tent of the practice of the Bank of England, in deposit, transfer, discount, and circulation, during the early period of its establishment, but little seems to be known ; and, indeed, for some time, its transactions seem to have been very much confined to trading in the government securities, and notes of its own circulation. At the Exchequer, then, as is still the case, accounts were kept by tallies, similar to accounts of bakers in those parts of the country where the weight of the loaf varies, and the money price remains fixed ; notches are cut in a piece of stick, to de- note so many loaves of bread, the stick is split, the buyer holding one part and the seller the other, so with the accounts of money at the Exchequer of enlightened England, at the period of establishing the Bank of England, and so the practice continued in 1826. 37. The first and second years after the establishment of the Bank, these Tallies were a trading and speculating commodity, as stock and exchequer bills are at the present day, and such was the state of the credit of the nation at that time that the tallies were at a discount of 20 to 40 per cent, against the sealed notes of the Bank, and the notes of the bank at a discount of 20 per cent, against the standard coin of the realm. With the view of equalising these disparities af value between the bank and national securities, and the standard coin of tlie realm, an act was passed in 1697, 8 and 9 Will. 3 cap. 20, empower- ing the Bank to receive subscriptions for the enlargement of their stock, four-fifths in tallies, and the remaining fifth in Bank notes. The amount of tallies ingrafted under this act was £1 ,001 ,1 7 1 . 10s. subject, like the original subscrip- tion to an interest of 8 per cent, per annum, and the charter was extended to the 1st of Aug. 1710. In 1708, another act was passed, 7 Ann. cap. 7, under which the bank further lent the govern- ment the sum of £400,000 witiiout interest ; thereby reducing the interest on £1,600,000 to 6 per cent. The Bank at this time held Exche- quer bills to the amount of £1,500,000, which, with an arrear of interest of £275,027. 1 7s. 1 0Jrf., were cancelled (funded) at the rate of 6 per cent, per annum. For these acts of condescension, the charter of the Bank was extended to Aug. 1, 1732, and the company authorised to take in subscriptions, to double their capital. In 1709 a call of 15, and in 1710 a further call of 10 per cent, was made, and in 1713 another act was passed, 12 Ann. cap. 11, extending the char- ter to Aug. 1, 1742, then, as before, determinable after twelve months notice, and repayment by the government, of all sums borrowed. 38. In 1717 another act \v;is passed, 3 Geo. I. ch. 8, authorising the fundint; of a further amount of exchequer bills of £2,000,000, at five per cent, per annum; to which rate the interest on £1,775,027 was also reduced after midsummer 1718. In 1722, by another ;ict, 8 Geo. I, cap. 21, the bank was authorised to purchase stock of the South Sea Company to the amount of £4,000,000, which stock bore an interest of five per cent, per an. but was reduced to four per cent, after mid- summer 1729. To eff"ect this purchase the capi- tal was increased £3,400,000; and in 1727, pur- suant to the act of 1 Geo. 11, cap. 8, £1,000,000 of the £1,775,027. 17s. lO^d, funded in 1708, at six per cent, was paid oil', and the interest on the £2,000,000, funded in 1717, reduced from five to four per cent, and under the autho- rity of the same act; in 1728, £1,750,000 was further advanced to government at an interest of 4 per cent.; and, in tlie following year, pursuant to the act of 2 Geo. 11, cap. 3, the remainder of the £1,775,027. 17s. lOid. funded in 1708, together with £500,000 of the amount funded in 1717, was paid off by the government; who borrowed, under the authority of the said act, the sum of £1,250,000, at an interest of 4 per cent, per annum from midsummer 1729. 39. In 1738 another act was passed, 11 Geo. II, cap. 27, authorising the paying off a further portion of the bills funded in 1717, to the amount of £1,000,000; and in 1742, by the act of 15 Geo. II, cap. 13, £l,6OO,0OO was advanced to government without interest, on condition of the bank being authorised to increase their capital stock, and the charter being extended to Aug. 1 1764. The capital stock was accordingly in- creased £840,004. 5s. 4d. The pretension set up in reference to this £1,600,000, was the reduc- tion of the rate of interest on the original £1,200,000, and the £400,000 advanced in 1708; by the receipt of which latter sum the interest on the £1,600,000 was reduced to 6 per cent. ; and, by the receipt of a corresponding sum without interest, it made the interest on the £3,200,000 equivalent to 3 per cent. But this seeming reduction in the rate of interest is a delu- sion ; for, however anomalous it may at first seem, as the rate of interest progrepsiveiy became reduced from 8 to 3 per cent, ttuJfpressure of the exaction on the people, aS'Ji'iu clearly appear hereafter, progressively and ^tlually increased. So far, therefore, from the il ,600,000 being entitled to be regarded as a b(in to the public, it appears to us as neither more nor less than a bribe to reconcile an unsuspecting people to an extension of the charter. 40. in 1746 anotlier act ^as passed, 19 Geo- II, cap. 6, authorising the fuiiding of exchequer bills, issued in anticipation of the tax on licence* L 470 B A W K for retailing spirituous liquors, to the amount of £986,800, at the rate of 4 per cent, per annum, and for authorising; the bank to increase tlieir capital stock 10 per cent, which was done in pursuance thereof. The total sum advanced by the bank to the government, now amounted to £l 1,686,800, and the capital on whicli the stock- holders divided was £10,780,000. Of the amount advanced to government £3,200,000, (see preced- ing section) was at an interest of 3 per cent. ; part of the bills funded in 1717 remained at 5 per cent, and the remainder at 4 per cent. ; in reference to which, in 1749 an act was passed, 28 Geo. II, cap. 1, determining that from Christmas 1750 the interest on the whole £8,486,800 should be re- duced to 3 J- per cent., and from Christmas 1757 it should further be reduced to the same rate as the £3,200,000, viz. 3 per cent. Fifteen years now elapsed without any change in the terms of the charter, or accounts with the government, when in 1764, pursuant to the act of 4 Geo. Ill, oap. 25, the bank advanced .£1.000,000 for two years without interest, and gave bonus to the exclicquer of £110,000, for the extension of their charter to the 1st of August 1786. 41 . In 1781, pursuant to an act passed that year, the charter was further extended to the 1st of August 1812, and £862,400 more added to the capital stock, in return for die loan of £2,000,000 for three years at 3 ])er cent.; and in 1800, pur- suant to an act of 48 Geo. Ill, thecliarter was fur- tlier extended to the 1st of August, 1833, on con- dition of advancing £3,000,000, for tlie service of the year 1800, on exchequer bills, to be discharged without interest in 1806. Such was the state of the bank of JEngland in 1800 in reference to its permanent advances to the government and ex- tent of its permanent capital, whicii we will here briefly recapitulate. In the session of parliament, 1822, an account of the total amount of debt due to the bank of England, distinguishing funded from unfunded, the periods when contracted for, &c. &c. was laid before the house (paper No. 190), which, up to the period of 1746, will be seen to correspond with the amounts previously enumerated, viz: Anno. 1738 Acts. 5W.&M. c. 20 8&9Wm.c. 19 7 Anne, c. 7 3 Geo. I. c. 8 8 c. 21 1 Geo. II. c. 8 2 — c. 3 15 — c. 13 19 c. 6 Original Subscription .... Ingrafted Tallies Exchequer-Bills cancelled . . . Advanced without interest . . . Exchequer-Bills cancelled . . . Transfer from South-Sea Company Advanced Ditto Ditto Exchequer-Bills cancelled . . . Total Sum advanced . . . Ingrafted Tallies Part of £1,775,028 Remainder of ditto And part of .£2,000,000 of 1717 Further part of £2,000,000 of 1717 Nett amount of permanent Debt in 1746, and as } it stood up to 1816 . » \ Amount. £1,200,000 1,001,171 1,775,028 400,000 2,000,000 4,000,000 1,750,000 1,250,000 1,600,000 936,800 £1,001,171 1,000,000 775,028 500,000 1,000,000 £15,962,999 4,276,199 £11,686,800 42. In 1816 a further advance was made of £3,000,000 ; and in 1823 a contract was entered into for the bank to advance the government the sum of £13,089,419, in thirteen irregular instal- ments, between the 4th of April, 1823, and the Gthof July, 1828,'ihconsideration of an annuity of £585,740 for 44years, from the 10th of Oct. 1823. The first of these transactions resolves itself into a bonus to the bank equivalent to from £7,000,000 to £8,000,000 ; thejlatter being to a certain ex- tent a conungent tibnsaction, may prove disad- vantageous to the public to the extent of from five to ten or fifteen millions, and under any circumstances that can possibly occur is equiva- lent to another bonus to the bank of at lerst £2,000,000. The first transaction is simple and conclusive, and will be seen to involve moral as well as pecuniary features, demanding the very serious consideration of the public. The other is one of the most complex and equivocal transactions which the whole history of British financiering, with all its profligacy andiortuosity, exhibits since tlie commencement of war in 1793. A more circumstantial account of the nature of both transactions will be found in their order of time further on. In the mean time, the following is a reca- pitulation of the augmentations oif capital, on which dividends were made to the proprietors of stock, viz. BANK. 47JI Anno. 1694 1697 1708 1709 1710 1722 1742 1746 1781 Original Subscription Ingrafted Tallies . . Doubled .... Call of 1 5 per cent. . Ditto of 10 percent. Additional Subscriptions Ditto Ditto . Call of 10 per Cent. Augmented . . . Augmentation. Aggregate. £1,200,000 1,001,171 2,201,172 656,204 501,449 3,400,000 840,004 980,000 862,400 £1,200,000 2,201,171 4,402,343 5,058,547 5,559,996 8,959,996 9,800,000 10,780,000 11,642,400 43. And the following shows the rate and amount of dividends, per annum, at different periods, up to 1807, viz. Amount annually Anno. Rate per cent. divided. 1694—1696 3 years 8 (actual) £90,000 1697—1707 11 9 198,105 1708—1729 22 9 to 5L (estimated) 450,000 1 1730—1741 12 6 & 51 (actual) .'■.20,200 1742—1746 5 6 & 5i 5(53,000 1747—1752 6 . 5 539,000 1753 1 4J & 5 512,050 1754—1763 10 n 485,100 1764—1766 3 5 539,000 1767—1780 14 H 592,900 1781—1787 7 6 098,544 1788—1806 19 7 814,968 1807—1815 9 10 1,104,240 1816—1823 8 — 1,4.35,300 1824—1826 3 8 1,164,240 44. Thus, as stated in sect. 39, it is seen, that •whilst the bank affects to lend the public its money at 3 per cent, per annum, the public, since 1807, have virtually been taxed at the rate of 10 per cent, to the extent of £1,164,240 per annum ; nor is this all, for, by a return made to parliament in the session of 1819 (Paper, No. 347), in addition to the above exorbitant exac- tion, resulting from the illusive and peculiarly involved nature of the transactions of the govern- ment with the bank, it appears that the following sums were divided among the stock-holders as bonuses, viz. Anno. Amount. June, 1799 May, 1801 Nov. 1802 Oct. 1804 — 1805 1806 10 per cent, on the £11,642,400 . . . 5 ■ on ditto .... £1,164,240 582,120 291 060 582 120 5 on ditto .... 5 on ditto .... 582,120 582,120 Total as Bonus . . . £3,783,780 And profuse as all this may seem in favor of the holders of bank-stock, and oppressive as it must be to the public, it sinks into comparative insig- nificance when compared with the transactions of 1816 and 1823, the nature of which shall be elucidated by and by ; it seeming first desirable to take a retrospective view of tlie transactions of the bank, independent of its permanent ad- vances and augmentation of its permanent ca- pital. 45. By the stat. of 6 Anne, cap. 22, it was enacted, * for securing the credit of the Bank of England, that no othtiv-V^ifing company in England should consist of'rtiore than six i>er- sons, empowered to issue l>ils or notes payable on demand, or for any time l»s tlian six months. And the act of 15 Geo. U. cap. 13, wliich ex- tended the privileges of the charter to 1704, also enacted, tiiat the acts of 7 and 12 Anne, and ah ail other acts for determining the corporation, should be void ; and that flic governor aiid com- pany of the bunk should renuiin a body corpo- 472 BANK. rate and politic for ever, subject to such restric- tions and regulations as were contained in the acts and charters tlicn in force, and by the same statute it was also further enacted, ' that persons forging, counterfeiting, or alterinp:, any bank- rote, bill of exchange, dividend, warrant, or any Dond or obligation, under the company's seal, or any indorsement upon it, or knowingly utter- ing the same, shall suffer death, without benefit of clergy ;' and further, ' that the company's servants breaking their trust to the company, shall also suffer death, as a felon, without benefit of clergy.' The same statute also further enacts, * tlrat when at a court of directors of the bank, neither the governor nor deputy shall attend in two hours after the time appointed for business, then any thirteen or more of the directors may choose a chairman for the time for the despatch of business, and that such court shall be as valid as if either the governor or deputy-governor had duly attended.' 46. As stated in sect. 36, the information is imperfect as to the extent of the transactions of the Bark of England in deposit, transfer, dis- count, and circulation, during the earlier period of its establishment ; nor does it appear that the notes of the bank were ever at a discount against the standard coin of the realm after 1697, until 1798. In addition to the monies permanently advanced to the government, it was the practice of the bank to advance money in anticipation of the land and malt taxes; and to make other temporary advances on exchequer-bills and other floating securities ; we have not been able to ob- tain any circumstantial account of the extent of these advances at an earlier date than 1777;. from which period an account of advances by the bank to government on land, malt, exche- quer-bills, and other securities, on the 25th of February on each of the twenty years preceding the 23th of February, 1797, was laid before par- liament, vide Appendix, second Report of the Select Committee on the Expediency of the Bank resuming Cash Payments, 1819. Commons re- print, fol. 315, of which the following is a copy viz. On the 25th Feb. Land and Malt. Exchequer-Bills. Treasury-Bills. Total. 1777 £4,912,000 £2,500,000 £7,412,000 1778 5,251,000 2,500,000 £2760 7,753,760 1779 5,682,000 2,769,000 15,664 8,466,664 1780 5,613,000 3,104,400 33,582 8,750,982 1781 5,517,000 262,230 49,541 8,188,841 1782 5,659,000 4,289,050 43,628 9,991,678 1783 4,962,000 4,662,200 4871 9,629,071 1784 3,901,000 3,641,000 23,853 7,565,853 1785 3,102,000 3,900,000 28,200 7,030,200 1786 2,307,000 4,303,200 24,672 6,634,872 1787 2,809,000 4,334,200 1696 7,144,896 1788 2,636,000 4,707,400 4299 7,347,699 1789 2,928,000 5,000,200 20,235 7,948,435 1790 2,882,000 5,006,500 20,468 7,908,968 1791 3,334,000 6,247,100 22,878 9,603,978 1792 2,802,000 6,636,600 26,999 *9,839,338 1793 2,698,000 5,939,600 52,359 9,066,698 1794 2,915,000 4,777,600 717,175 8,786,514 1795 4,291,000 4,329,000 2,117,491 11,114,230 1796 5,536,000 5,265,000 540,991 11,718,730 1 The totals in each of the five last years include £376,739 lent out of the unclaimed dividends, without interest. 47. The earliest account of the amount of bank-notes in circulation which we have been able to obtain is the following, which was deli- vered to the House, of Commons on the 18th of March, 1797, and exhibits the amount of notes in circulairOTTOn Vat' 23th of February, in each of the ten years, 17^37—1796, viz, 17,87 ... ..- .I^L. v>v £8,688,5,70,- .^. .,- ^m- 1788 . . . 'I. ": • . ' 9,370,350 ' " 1789 ..... 9,905,240 1790 10,217,360 1791 11,699,140 1792 ...... 11,349,810 1793 11,493,125 1794 10,699,520 1795 ..... 13,539,160 1796 11,030,110 As we are now approaching a most important period in the history of the transactions of the Bank of England, it will be well for the earnest enquirer after truth to bear in mind, that the ^CPte^: in circulation. up to the. period, of 179.7, "were convertible into gold on demand, at the rate of 77s. lOid. per oz.; and when the above statement is compared with the preceding one, of the amount of the temporary ;idvances to the government, and the following one, of the amount of cash and bullion in hand, and bills BANK. 473 discounted, it will be seen that the issue of notes appears to have been regulated more in reference to the amount of the temporary advances to the government, than to the means of payins them in gold on demand, as will be seen by the follow- ing statement of the amount of cash and bullion on hand, notes in circulation, bills discounted and advances to government, on an average in the months of March, June, September, and December, in each of tlie hve years, 1793 — 1796, viz. Cash and Bullion Bills Discounted. Average of Notes Average of Advanca 1 on hand. in Circulation. to Government. 1793 March . . £3,508,000 £4,817,000 £11,963,820 £8,735,200 June . . . 4,412,000 5,128,000 12,100,650 9,434,000 1 September . . 6,836,000 2,065,000 10,938,620 9,455,700 December 7,720,000 1,976,000 10,967,310 8,887,500 1794 March . . . 8,608,000 2,908,000 11,159,720 8,404,100' June . • . 8,208,000 3,263,000 10,366,450 7,735,800 Septembe' 8,096,000 2,000,000 10,343,940 6,77',>,800 December 7,768,000 1,887,000 10,927,970 7,545,100 1795 ]VIarch . . . 7,940,000 2,287,000 12,432,240 9,773,700 June . . . 7,356,000 3,485,000 10,912,280 10,879,700 September 5,792,000 1,887,000 11,034,790 10,197,600 December 4,000,000 3,109,000 11,608,670 10,683,100 1796 March . . . 2,972,000 2,820,000 10,824,150 11,351,000 1 June . . . 2,582,000 3,730,000 10,770,200 11,269,700 September 2,532,000 3,352,000 9,720,440 9,901,100 December 2,508,000 3,796,000 9,645,710 9,511,400 1797 February 26 . 1,272,000 2,905,000 8,640,250 10,672,490 48. By the above statement, it is seen, that ^■ith £8,640,250 of notes in circulation on the 25th of February, 1797, £1,272,000 value of gold only remained in the bank, whilst the de- mand for gold continued daily to increase ; under which circumstances, on the 2 2d of Fe- oruary, a committee was appointed by the privy council to investigate the affairs of the bank, which committee, on the 26th of the same month, reported, that the total assets of the bank, exclusive of the £11,686,800 permanent debt of the government (see sect.40, 41), was £17,597,298, whilst the whole of the demands upon the bank amounted to only £13,770,390, leaving a clear balance in its favor of £3,826,903, exclusive of the permanent debt due from the government. Upon this report, the privy council instantly is- sued an order prohibiting the directors of the bank from issuing any more cash (specie) in payment, until the sense of parliament on the subject was obtained. From the statement of £13,770,390 being the amount of demands upon the bank, and £8,640,250 being the amount of notes in circulation, as per statement in the pre- cedmg section, it appears that the demands of depositors and other creditors must have I amounted to £5,130,140 ; and in like manner, \£l 7,507,298 being the whole of the assets, and it 10,67'^,490 thereof consisting of claims on the pvernment, £2,905,000 in bills discounted, and ,272,000 in specie, it leaves £2,727,808 to be igned to some specified items; including, no bt the bank premises and probably some other property in fief, in houses or lands, &c. &c. The transactions and state of the Bank of Eng- land, as detailed in this section, bring its his- tory down to that eventful and important period when the peculiar nature of its connexion' with the government first openly developes itself. To obtain a more comprehensive and distinct view of the subject, the reader will do well to refer to the journals and proceedings of parliament for the year 1797, and to examine the subject attentively, in relation to the nature and amount of the loans, and extent of the revenue and expenditure of the sjovernraent at that period, as exhibited in Mr. Marshall's Statistical Illustrations of the Finances, Revenues, &c. &c. of the British Em- pire. See also the articlei Funding, Loans, Sinking Fund, and Revenue, in the subsequent parts of this work. 49. It was on a Sunday evening that the order of tlie privy council, adverted to in the preced- ing section, was transmitted to the bank, and on Monday morning the following notice was published by tlie directors of that establishment, viz. ' Bank of England, Fcbrmry 27, 1797. * In consequence of an ordgr pf his majesty's privy council, notified to the bank last night, a copy of which is hereunto annexed, ' The governor, deputy-governor, and directors of the Bank of England, think it their duty to inform the proprietors of the bank-stock, as wpU as the public at large, that the general concern* of the bank are in the most affluent and Hourish- 474 BANK. ing situation, and such as to preclude every doubt as to the security of its notes. 'The directors mean to continue their xisual discount for the accommodation of the commer- cial interest, paying the amount in bank notes ; and the dividend warrants will be paid in the same manner. (Signed) 'Francis RlAnTiN, Sec' 50. The consternation of tlie public at this notifi- cation was extreme, but as a proof of the secret workings and illusive nature of the system, a meeting was held the same day at tlie mansion house, at which the lord mayor (Watson), presi- ded, when the following resolution was unani- mously agreed to, viz. 'That we the undersigned, being highly sensible how necessary the preser- vation of public credit is at this time, do most readily hereby declare, that we will not refuse to receive bank notes in payment of any sum of money to be paid to us; and we will use our utmost endeavours to make all our payments in the same manner.' This singular specimen of sub- serviency to speculative expediency was signed by the lord mayor and all present, and ultimately obtained upwards of 3000 signatures. . We will not here enquire what portion of their names have since been exhibited on the bankrupt or other lists of insolvency ; but we must regard the conseqences to have been the degradation of an alarming portion of the total population of the kingdom to the rank of paupers, with all the consecutive concomitants of demoralisation and crime. 51. On the same day (27th Feb.), a message was delivered from the king to both houses of parliament, to the following effect, viz- 'That an unusual demand of specie having been made from different parts of the country, on the metro- polis, it had been found necessary to make an order of council to the directors of the bank, pro- hibiting the issuing of any cash in payment, till the sense of parliament could be taken on the subject.' In the upper house, Lord Grenville, who was then secretary of state for the foreign department, moved, ' That the communication from his Majesty should be taken into consider- ation the following day,' when in pursuance of the motion, after much circumlocution, Lord Grenville stated that he had two motions to sub- mit to the consideration of their Lordships, first, ' That a humble address be presented to his Majesty, to return thanks for his gracious com- munication, nnd to assure his Majesty that he might rely with the utmost confidence on the wisdom of parliament, to call forth, in case of necessity, the extensive resources of the king- dom.' This was agreed to, neniine contradicente. The other motion was for ' The appointment of a select committee of nine lords, to examine and report on the outstanding debts against the bank, the state of I'uc fuacls for discharging the same; the cause that rendered the order of council necessary, and which might justify the members of that house for taking the proper steps for the confirmation and continuance of that measure.' This motion gave rise to considerable discussion, in which the Duke of Bedford moved as an amendment, ' To leave c^-A all that part which related to the com^nittee reporting their opinioB on the continuance' of the measure.' In support of which amendment, the Marquis of Lansdowne said, ' That noble Lords would do him the jus- tice to recollect, that not one session had passed over, since the fatal commencement of the war in 1793, in which he had not, to use a vulgar but strong expression, bored their Lordships with his prophetic admonitions, and proceeded to illus- trate the nature of public credit, by saying, that it was to the people of Great Britain, what the soul of man was to his body. It was pure soul : it was immaterial in itself, and yet it was that which gave to substance its functions. It was not property, for no branch of the body could call it its own. It was not the king's credit, nor was it the credit of parliament ; it was public credit, which did not look to secuiity alone as its basis, but which always connected security with punctuality.' 52. The shock which had been given to public credit, the noble marquis stated, proceeded from deep, progressive, and accumulated causes; causes which all thinking, all honest men, had long deplored, and which had grown to a head under the unhappy and ill-requited confidence which had so fatally been placed in the king's ministers. In endeavouring to ascertain the causes that had brought on the dilemma, one cause was manifest; the inordinate increase of expenses, of places, and establishments, in every corner of the empire, which had grown to a height beyond every thing that the mind could previously have conceived ; it was, said the noble marquis, incredible and scandalous ; the increase of fees, of salaries, of places and pensions, of new boards of commission, and new appoint- ments of all kinds, had not only served to open all the gates of waste and profusion, but to beat down and destroy all the checks of control, and all the means of correction. Waste and extrava- gance had been systematised ; one scene of abuse countenanced and protected another, and all the corners of the earth were witnesses to the ruinous waste of the treasures of the British people. In this strain, with unabated ardor, did die noble marquis continue to depict the fatal consequences which must inevitably ensue from the continu- ance of such a system, and concluded a most pa- triotic appeal to the British parliament, by call- ing upon his compeers to mark his prophecy, and not to disdain his counsel, while yet in time, for said his Lordship, if you attempt to make bank notes a legal tender, then credit will perish. They may go on for a time, but their end is certain ruin. The earnestness and force of this appeal drew the Lord Chancellor from his seat, to state, 'That he had deprecated the idea of forcing bank paper into circulation, by making it a legal ten- der, and he would take upon himself to say, that it then had never been conceived, that it would I be wise or prudent to make bank notes a legal — « tender. After which, their lordships divided on the "l amendment of the duke of Bedford ; twelve for, and seventy-eight against it. After which the original motion for a committee of enquiry was carried without a division, 53. Similar proceedings took place in the commons on the same day, where, in reply to BANK. 476 some observations by Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt stated that perceiving some suspicions were entertained that the measure adopted for succouring public credit, was designed to be permanent, he assured the house, 'That nothing could be fartlier from his intention.' An amendment similar to that of the duke of Bedford, in the lords, was moved in the commons by INlr. Sheridan, which was rejected by 244 against eighty-six, when the original mo- tion for a committee was carried without a division. On the 6th of March the lords' com- mittee reported to the house that it was necessary to ' continue and confirm the measures already taken, for such time, and under such limitations and restrictions, and with such power of discon- tinuing the same, as to the wisdom of parliament might seem expedient.' And thus a system of paper money, without reference to any standard, either of value or quantity, was established, the duration and progress of which will appear, as the elucidation of the transactions of the bank is here further proceeded in. 54. On the re-assembling of parliament in November of the same year (1797", the commit- tee of secresy, appointed to enquire into the expediency of continuing the restriction on the bank, reported, that the total assets of the bank, exclusive of the £11,686,800 of permanent debt due from the government on the 11th of Novem- ber, was £21,418,640 (see sect. 48 for the amount on the 25th February preceding), and that the total amount of outstanding demands was £17,578,910, leaving a balance on that date in favor of the bank of £3,839,730. The report further stated that the advances of government had been reduced to £4,'2.')8,140, and that the cash and bullion in the bank had increased to nearly £6,500,000 or upwards, or five times its amount on the February preceding; all this be- ing true, it will be seen that the discounts of commercial bills must have been increased in the proportion of about £R,000,000 against £2,905,000, the amount in February, but it will seem, on reflection, and on comparison with the advances to the government, as exhibited in the appendix at the conclusion of this article, that the whole report was a singular misrepresenta- tion of the facts of the ca'^ •, to answer the purposes of the moment; at all events, it will be seen that both the ternporuy advances to the government, and issue of nites, progressively increased from the close (jf the year 1797 up to the peace of Amiens in 1802-3, and the following statement exhibits the progress and duration of that restriction, which the Lord Chancellor in the Lords, and the finance minis- ter in the Commons, so solemnly declared was to be only temporary. 55. The first act passed, relating to the subject was dated the 3d March, 1797, 37 Geo. Ill, cap. 28, authorising the issuing of notes for .£'1 and £2 each ; the amount of such notes in circulation on the 26th August of that year was £934,015 ; for the progressive increase of their circulation see appendix. ACTS RELATING TO RESTRICTION. Year of Reign. Date of Act. Purport and Duration. 37 Geo. III. cap. 45. — — — 91. 38 — — 1. 42 — — 40. 1 43 — — 18. 1 44 — — 1. 3d May, 1797. j 22d June, I 30th Nov. f 30th April, 1802. 28lh Feb. 1803. ]^ 15th Dec. j Indemnity for order in council, and to continue during the following month of June. Extended to one month after the meeting of the next session of parliament. Further extended to one month after the ratifi- cation of a definitive treaty of peace, which took place on the 25th March, 1802. Further extended to 1st March, 1803. Still farther, to six weeks after the meeting of the next session of parliament. Again, to six months after the ratification of i- definitive treaty of peace. This brings the history of the restriction down to a most interesting and important yjeriod of its operation ; so far, it is important to understand, tliat notwithstanding the introduction of paper as a circulating medium, gold at the rate of 77s. lOid. per ounce continued to be the legal stand- ard of value, and such was the incongruity of British legislation at this period, that whilst landlords and other creditors were authorised by law to enforce payment in gold, the acts juevi- ously enumerated precluded the gold from being li.ul, wherewith either to pay rents, or make any i^her payments; such however was the insidious N.orking of the system, that up to the period of U'OO no derangement in the social economy of the slate, resulting from such incongruity of le- gislation was perceptible. 56. In 1800 foreign gold coin commanded about 5s. to 7s. per ounce more than its equiva- lent value to British coin ; but the short peace of 1801-2 occasioned a cessation of demand, and the price again became merely nominal. From March, 1804, to October, i'h05, standard gold sold at £4 per ounce; and from October, 1805, to February, 1809, no price was auoted ; in the meantime, however, all tho gold coin of the realm had gradually d isap^.«i^ •"'i^f ^'"^r tlie quan- tity coined in each year since the restoration of Charles II. in 1663, see Statistical Illustrations, folio 47, and the article Mikt in a subsequent part of this work), partly for internal jnirposes of manufacture and oniamont, and partly in aid of the external purposes of the war; not directly and opeidy for that purpose but the excess of I: 476 BANK. \ bills drawn by the commissariat and other agents of the government, on account of the expenses of the war in different parts of the world, occasioned the bills to be drawn at a discount of 10 to 15 or 20 per cent, and at such depreciation, in- stead of being left to operate as mere extraneous equivalents of commercial exchange, they became an object of speculation against bullion, in refer- ence to the standard price of gold in England. 57. To render the circumstances of this very interesting and important period of the bank restriction act somewhat more intelligible to such readers as are not practically familiar with the complicated involutions of exchanges, it may not be irrelevant to state (taking the mint of France as the means of illustration), that according to the mint regulations of England and France, twenty- five francs, twenty centimes in France are equal to £l in England ; but, in consequence of the excess of bills above adverted to, in May, 1809, the £l English in France would not obtain more tlian twenty francs; consequently, as long as gold could be obtained in England at the mint price of 77s. lO^d. per ounce, it yielded a profit in France of upwards of 20 per cent, against that rate of exchange, but such a disparity of value, as might naturally be expected, excited a spirit of speculation and competition, which raised the price of gold to a premium equal to the discount on the bills. So that in May, 1809, gold com- manded £4. lis. per ounce; this disparity be- tween the mint and trading price of gold excited an universal hubbub in every part of the country, and in February, 1810, a committee of parlia- ment was appointed to enquire into the cause of the high price of bullion, and to take into con- sideration the state of the circulating medium, and of the exchanges between Great Britain and foreign parts. This committee sat from the 22d of February to the 25th of May, during which time it took the opinions of thirty different per- sons, whose trading transactions and influence were thought to be such as qualified them to tlirow much light on the subject; but whether ignorant of the combination of causes that did m reality produce the disparity of value, or whether selfish motives led them to conceal their better judgment, certain it is, that although much in- teresting matter-of-fact information is here and there interspersed through difterent parts of the evidence, as a whole, it is completely destitute of every thing like a solution to the question proposed. In proof of this conclusion see article Exchange, in a subsequent part of this work ; and in proof of the futility of the labors of the committee, and of the frivolousness of the evi- dence in a general sense, bullion continued gradually to advance, and the exchanges pro- gressively to depreciate, until on the 18lh Sep- tember, 1812, gold commanded £5. lis. per ounce. 58. Such an extreme disparity of value had previously excited every species of contrivance to collect gold, and was beginning to lead to such general derangements in the internal econo- my of the state, in selfish and avaricious indivi- duals availing themselves of tl.e point of law, which authorised them to demand and enforce payment in gold, in cases where by the nature of the obli- gation, payment in current money only was implied, that on the 24th July, 1811, an act was passed, 51 Geo. III. cap. 127, to make the bank of England notes a legal tender in all payments^ which by the act of the 38 Geo. III. cap, 1. (30th Nov. 1797), were only so in private transactions, after having been accepted as such, but which were ordered to be received as cash by all the collectors of taxes and duties. The title of the act for making the bank of England notes a legal tender, in conjunction with a consideration of the circumstances which led to it, is curious, and deserves attention. It is as follows, viz. ' For making a more effectual provision for preventing the current gold coin of the realm from being paid or accepted for a greater value than the current value of such coin; and for preventing any note or bill of the governor and company of the bank of England from being received for any smaller sum than the sum therein specified ; and for staying proceedings upon any distress by tender of such notes.' To continue in force till the 25th of March, 1812, and no longer. 59. By another act in the following session, 52 Geo. III. cap. 50. dated 5th May, 1812, the preceding act was extended to three months after the commencement of the next session of parlia- ment, and no longer; and by 53 Geo. III. cap. 5, 22d Dec. 1812, further extended to 25th March, 1814 ; and by 54 Geo. III. cap. 52, 4th May, 1814, to as long as restriction continues;. 54 Geo. III. cap. 19, 18th July, 1814, restric- tion extended to 25th March, 1815; 55 Geo. III. cap. 28, 23d March, 1815, further extended to 5th of July, 1816; 56 Geo. III. cap. 40, 21st May, 1816, still further to 5th of July, 1818; 58 Geo. III. cap. 37, 28th May, 1818, again to 5th of July, 1819; 59 Geo. III. cap. 23, 6th April, 1819, restriction extended indefinitely; 59 Geo. III. cap. 49, 2d July, 1819, restriction limited to 1st of May, 1823 ; and in the interim the bank empowered to exchange bullion in quantities of not less than sixty ounces for their notes, between the 1st of February and 1st of October, 1820, at any rate between 81s. and 79s. 6d. per ounce ; and from the 1st of October, 1820, to the 1st of May, 1821, at any rate be- tween 79s. 6d. and 77s. lO^d. per ounce; and from the 1st of May, 1821, to 1st of May, 1823, at 77s. 10|d. per ounce; when gold coin again became a general circulating medium, and, as will be seen by the statement at the conclusion of this article, the £l and £2 notes of the bank of England were withdrawn from circu- lation, and to meet this change in the circulating medium in the years 1821 and 1822, gold to the amount of £14,877,547 was coined at the mint. Such is the history of the bank restriction act, which in February, 1797, was in both houses of parliament so solemnly declared to be only a temporary measure, but which continued through a period of twenty-six years. 60. Preparatory to returning again to a gold circulating medium, a committee was appointed in each house of parliament, in 1819, to enquire into the state and affairs of the bank, with refer- ence to the expediency of the resumption of cash payments, when, after taking the opinion of about thirty persons, the act of 2d July, 1819, 59 Geo. BANK. 477 III. cap. 49. was resolved upon, and in the course of the enquiry on the 31st of March, 1819, the bank exhibited the followinfj account of the state of their affairs, viz. 'That the whole of the claims upon them on that date amounted to £33,948,560, of which £24,710,770 was notes in circulation, and £9,237,790 in deposits and other debts, against which their assets in cash and bullion, bills discounted, and government securities, amounted to £39,179,750, leaving a balance in favor of the bank to the amount of £5,231,190, exclusive of the £11,686,800, per- manent debt of the government, as exhibited in sect. 41, and £3,000,000 added in 1816.' Flat- tering as all this may seem on a superficial view of the subject, and confident as opinion generally was, of the country having escaped the peril, so earnestly warned of by Lord Lansdowne, in sect. 51, a short period only elapsed before the effects of the system, spectre-like, returned in a more ter- rific form than ever. Preparatory to the return to cash payments in 1823, through the years 1821 and 1822, the bank had progressively diminished the issue of its notes from an average of £22,550,000 in December, 1820, to an aver- age of £l 6,393,000 in December, 1 822 ; a depres- sion in the money value of all the products of industry, without any parallel since the com- mencement of the war in 1793, followed this diminution of circulating medium. But the ordeal of the experiment of paying gold on de- mand having been got over, the cupidity of avarice again began to operate, and notwith- standing the accession to the circulating medium of the £14,877,547 of gold coined in the years 1821 and 1822, the bank again showed a dispo- sition to force its notes into circulation, so far, that instead of gold supplying the place of paper for six weeks preceding the 5th of January, 1825, the bank of England notes in circulation again exceeded an average of £20,000,000 ; and those of country bankers had increased from £4,293, 164 in 1822, to £6,724,069 in 1824, and £8,755,307 in 1825. 61. The facility of raising money among indi- viduals, which this redundancy of circulating medium afforded, gave rise to an extent of spe- culation, far, very far, exceeding the notable South Sea and other adventures at the commence- ment of the preceding century. (See the article Company, in a subsequent part of this work, for an elucidation of the extent and consequences of the folly at both periods.) Towards the month of September, however, the speculations generally began to be considered equivocal in their results; the first perceptible shock to what is technically termed credit, was experienced on the 24th of October, in the suspension of payment of one of the most eminent commercial establishments in London, or the commercial world (Mr. S. Wil- liams, an American). After this, a month passed -a«:ay in gloomy suspense, till on the 25th of November an extensive banking establishment at Plymouth (Sir W. Elford, Bart, and Co.) was the next evidence of the unsoundness and im- policy of the paper money system, lliis failure strengthened the doubts of the stability of others, and suspicion falling on all the banking establish- ments in the west of England, it produced in London such a demand for gold, as excited ap- prehensions for the consequences to which it might lead ; in the meantime the bank of Eng- land had been progressively narrowing its issues, till the amount at the end of November was reduced again to £17,500,000. On the 9th of December the suspension of payment was announced of an extensive banking establishment at York (Messrs. Wentworth, Chaloner and Co.), having branches at three or four other towns in the county, and their owu house of agency in London ; consternation now became general, and the directors of the bank of England, who had, as we contend, contributed to bring on the de- rangement, by the facility which they afforded to get their notes into circulation, in discounting three and four months bills at 4 per cent, per annum, now as suddenly took steps which acce- lerated the derangement. On the 13th of Decem- ber the following notice was issued, viz. : — Bank of England. 'Resolved — That from and after the 13th instant, no bills or notes will be discounted under 5 per cent, per annum.' 62. This notification added considerably to the consternation : an extensive private banking establishment, deemed one of the most reputable in London, had previously suspended its pay- ments, and on the following morning two others were reduced to the same alternative ; it would be difficult, and at all events it-would exceed due limits here, to describe the dismay and confusion that now prevailed ; and with the view of endea- vouring to allay the ferment, a public meeting at the Mansion House, as on the memorable 27th of February, 1797, took place on the 13th of December, 1825, when about 700 signatures were obtained to the following resolutions : viz. * L That the unprecedented embarrassments and difficulties under which the circulation of the country at present labors are mainly to be attributed to a general panic, for which there are no reasonable grounds; that this meeting has the fullest confidence in the means and sub- stance of the banking establishments of the capital and the country, and they believe that the acting generally upon that confidence would relieve all those symptoms of distress which now show themselves in a shape so alarming to the timid, and so fatal to those who are forced to sacrifice their property to meet sudden demands upon them, which it is no imputation upon their judgment and prudence not to have expected. ' 2. That it having been stated to this meeting, that the directors of the bank of England are occupied with the remedy for a state of things so extraordinary, this meeting will refrain from any interference with the measures of the directors ot the bank, who, they are satisfied, will do their duty towards the public. .. ^ * 3. That having the nrmest coiTiidence in the stability of the public credit of the country, we declare our determination to support it lo the utmost of our power. ' 4. That it is the opinion of the meeting that declarations of a similar description with the ^ 478 B A present, in the country towns, where the banking establishments may appear to deserve them, may be productive of much benefit in restoring gene- ral confidence.' 63. Although it was generally believed that the bank of England had been drained of nearly the whole of its stock of gold, during tlie memo- rable week between the loth and 18th of Decem- ber; yet on an average of the five weeks between the latter date and the 2'2d of January, 182C, the issue of bank of England notes had been in- creased to £25,310,000.; and that this lavish ex- perimental issue did not lead to the necessity of again resorting to a restriction Act, was owing entirely to circumstances not «t all contemplated in the deliberations which led to the increased issue of notes, and which, in fact, seem to have been issued with very little calculation on the consequences to which they might lead. 64. Notwithstanding the declaration at the Mansion House, on the 13th of December, that the embarrassments and difficulties under which the circulation of the couTitry then labored, were mainly to be attributed to a general panic, for which there were no reasonable grounds; accord- ing to a return laid before the House of Com- mons on the 27th of February, 1826; in the interval of the end of October, 1825, and that date, fifty-nine banking establishments, com- prising 144 partners, had been declared bank- rupt, about twenty others insolvent, and every succeeding week continued to add from seventy to 100 merchants, manufacturers, and traders, to the bankrupt list, and thousands to the lists of insolvency ; whilst half a million of families in the several manufacturing districts were driven to the verge of starvation, in consequence of tlie destruction of confidence, and suspension of commercial operations, which the uncertain issue and uncertain value of the circulating medium in great part occasioned. 65. Having now brought the history of the bank of England from the time of its foundation down to the period of this. sheet going to press, in May, 1826, in reference to its circulation, we •will now proceed to bring down its history from sect. 44, in reference to its agency and connexion with the government. Sect. 34 shows that it originated in the raising of a loan of £1,200,000 for the use of .the government, at an interest of 8 per cent, per annum, and £4000 per annum for agency ; and that that transaction was, in fact, the foundation of the funding system, which has led to an extent and pressure of taxation without any. parallel in the history of society, and which the bank of England has been the main instrument in occasioning. Sect. 42 shows the progress of the advances made by the bank to the government up to 1781 ; which advances, in addition to the interest, were all subject to a charge for agency ; as was also all other sums raised by lottery, or borrowed by the govern- ment froir. "iiiivmaTris during the war, from 1702 to 1713, the total sum then amounting to £52,145,363. The terms of agency up to 1726 had varied according to circumstances, at which time it was fixed at £360 per million, afterwards increased to £562. lOs. per million ; after the peace of Versailles in 1 782, when the total sum N K. amounted to £24^000,000, the terms were re- duced to £450 pet million, at which rate it con- tinued up to 1807, when it was reduced to £340 per million, on £600,000,000., and £300 for every million above tliat sum ; during the exac- tion of the property tax, the bank received at the rate of £1250 per million, on such portions of the tax as weri3 paid in to the bank direct, and £805. \5sA0d. per million on about £600,000,000 paid in on account of loans between the 1st of February, 1793, and the 5th of .Fanuary, 1823; these several charges (including £4000 to £6000 per annum for management of lotteries), and most of which charges are likely to continue, at all events up to the period of the continuance of the charter in 1833, since the commencement of the present century, have averaged about £275,000 per annum. 66. Independently of the above species of agency, subject to specific charges, the whole re- ceipt of taxes of Great Britain passes through the Bank of England, which, since 1803, have averaged upwards of £50,000,000 per annum ; upon this branch of its agency the bank makes no direct charge, but as each separate depart- ment, paymaster, or accountant of the govern- ment, upwards of fifty in number, lias its se- parate account at tlie bank, and each holding a provision for the progress of its payments, it leaves a permanent balance in the hands of the bank of from four to seven millions per annum, and during several of the last years of the war from ten to fifteen millions per annum. The following is a statement of the amount in each of the eight years 1818 — 1825 according to returns made annually to parliament, viz. Years. Maximum. Minimum. Average of the Year. 1818 8,852,078 5,709,487 7,019,071 1820 5,861,631 2,246,598 3,713,442 1 7,096,874 2,302,591 3,920,157 2 7,690,046 2,867,851 4,107,853 3 8,305,174 3,698,764 5,526,635 4 10,359,773 5,000,12/ 7,222,187 5 9,239,024 3,197,190 5,347,314 67. By means of these balances, deposits or individuals, and the circulation of its notes (and the circulation of its notes, be it remembered, creates the means of the balances and depo- sits), the bank discounts the bills of indi- viduals, makes the temporary advances to go- vernment on interest, and buys exchequer bills and other government securities, bearing interest ; all these it is, in addition to the specific charge of £275,000 per annum specified in sect. 65, and 3 per cent, on the £14,686,800 specified in sect. 41, that enables the directors of the bank tc divide the enormous amount of £1,455,300 per annum among the holders of the £14,553,000 of stock, as specified in sect. 43. This profuse di- vidend occasions the nominal £l00 of stock on the bank books, to be saleable for transfer pro- portionate to the current rate of interest, be it 3, 4, or 5 per cent, per annum. Hence, on the ^ BANK. 479 lOth of May, 1816, £100 of stock commanded £262, and this leads us to an elucidation of the transaction adverted to in sect. 42. In 1816 the directors of the bank offered to lend the govern- ment a further sum of £3,000,000 during the continuance of their charter, at the moderate rate of interest of 3 per cent, per annum, the current rate then being about £4. 5s. per cent. ; and such was the blindness, as the writer of this paper regards it, of the government at that time, tliatthe Chancellor of the Exchequer actually held it up in parliament as one of the most disinterested acts of kindness and genero- sity of a public body that he had ever known : but the reader should mark the sequel. 68. There was another proposition connected with the transaction on the part of the directors of the tank, to the following purport, viz. That they should be empowered to add 25 per cent, to their then permanent capital of £11,453,330. This being complied with, what did the trans- action amount to ? Certainly to empower the then holders of bank stock to levy a contribu- tion of from £7,000,000 to £8,000,000 c" the public for their own exclusive benefit, be-^ause no new subscription was called for, nor was the £3,000,000 purported to be lent, the property of the bank, but simply a reduction of the ba- lances of the public money, which the bank held as the agent of the public ; which by tliis act they were empowered to convert either into a marketable commodity at from £262 to £220 for every £lOO, or to retain it as a permanent ac- cession of capital equivalent thereto. 69. Another transaction between the bank and the government, equally disadvantageous to the public, took place in 1823, act of 4 Geo. IV. oap. 22. This act, which, under the title of Mili- tary and Naval Pension Bill, was virtually an act to raise money for the purpose of sustaining a sinking fund, granted an annuity to the bank of £585,740 for forty-four years, from the 5th of April, 1823, in consideration of the bank payiujj to the government the sum of £13,039,419 in thirteen irregular instalments l)etween the 5th of April, 1823, and the 5lh of July, 1828. As the actual result of this transaction depends upon the rate or terms at whicli the £13,089,419 or a corresponding sum, may be expended in die purchase of 3 per cent, stock, prior to the pay- ment of the last instalment, we are of course (in May, 1826) precluded from slating with accuracy the precise extent of its disadvantage to the public. But, according to one (the eighteenth) of a series of resolutions on the state of the nation, submitted to the consideration of par- liament, by Mr. Hume, on the 4th of May, 1826, it appears that £6,917,569 of the amount re- ceived up to the 6th of January, 1826, had been expended at a rate equivalent to £7,858,188 of 3 per cent, stock, whilst the enuivalent of 3 per cent, stock given for that portion of the amount was £9,476,110, consequently a bonus to the bank equal to £1,617,922 of 3 per cent, stock ; but, by mathematically correct working of the transaction in 1824, when the 3 per cent, stock was at 95, and assuming that rate for tlie ex- penditure of the remainder of the instalments then to be paid, the result would have been on the lOlh of October, 1828, a cancelling of per- petual annuity to the amount of £365,880, leaving an excess of £219,852 per annum, payable for 38i years, equivalent to an annuity in perpetuity of £146,962 ; and supposing from the date of the last instalment in 1828, 3 per cent, .stock should recede to 60, or the rate of interest become permanent at 5 per cent, per annum, the excess of the annuity of £219,852 for 38 J- years, would, at the expiration of that period, be equal to £29,381,900 of 3 per cent, stock, or an annuity in perpetuity of £881,457, consequently a dis- advantage to the public to that extent for ever. 70. The following is a Statement of the Income of the Bank at the period of this article going to press. Interest on the £14,686,800 permanent Debt of the Government, at 3 per cent. Annuity for 44 years, from 5th of April, 1823 . • Charge for transfer of the Pui)lic Funds, and Payment of the Annuities, al)out Interest on Notes in circulation, say £20,000,000, at an average of 4 per cent. Total From which the foUoiving charges and liabilities must be deducted, viz. Salaries of about 1000 Clerks Stationary, Coals, Candles, and Hovse Expenses Repair of Buildings, Taxes, &c Composition for Stamps Loss on Bills Discounted Law Expenses, Gratuities, &c Net Income £250,000 50,000 20,000 50,000 50,000 20,000 £440,604 585,740 275,000 800,000 £2,101,344 t»^^440,000 £1,661,344 480 BANK. Being upwards of 11 per cent, on the amount of stork constituting the permanent capital annually divided upon, against which, however,£5,000,000 of the loan of 1823, for which the annuity of £385,740 was obtained, remains to be paid up ; but, if the resources of tl)e bank have hitherto been such as to enable it to advance the £8,000,000 without entrenching more than 2 per cent, upon its profuse income, but little doubt remains that it will be able to fulfil the contract witliout any further entrenchment, and if so, the whole annuity then remains clear income for the remainder of the period, viz. 38^- years. The amounts deducted from the gross income are entirely assumed, there being no authentic data before the public on the subject, they probably exceed the actual expenses. 71. In the preceding view of the total income of the bank, no notice is taken of interest on the temporary advances to the government, nor of profits by discounting, nor of interest that may be derived from the balances held by the bank, due as well to depositors as to the government ; because the first, Giat is, the temporary advances to the government wholly, and the others par- tially, merge in the aggregate amount of interest derived from the circulation of its notes. 72. Since 1826, when the preceding part of this article was written, great and important changes in the practice and principles of Bank- ing in England have taken place, the particulars and consequences of which, we will now pro- ceed to elucidate. The expiration of the Charter of the Bank of England in the present Year, [1833] occasioned in 1832, a committee of par- liament to be apjiointed " to enquire into the expediency of renejving the Charter, and into the system on which IBanks of issue in England and Wales are conducted, &c. &c." The com- mittee, which was composed of thirty-two mem- bers of the House of Commons (five a quorum), called before them twenty- two individuals, con- sidered to be practically well informed men, to whom, collectively, 5978 questions were put, whose answers fii 480 printed pages of large foolscap, upon which evidence the committee reported, "That on all the points into which they were appointed to inquire, more or less information will be found in the minutes of evidence, but on no one of them is it so com- plete as to justify the committee in giving a decided opinion ;" many of the questions apply to the effect which the Foreign Exchanges have upon the price of Gold, and their consequent influence on the internal circulating medium ; an elucidation of these subjects belongs to the articles Circulating medium, or Currency, and Exchanges, rather than to Banking; they are, however, so intimately connected with it, as to render a reference to them necessary to a com- plete elucidation ♦lier«»of: we shall, therefore, hereafter again refer to them in continuation of the present article. Inapplicable as many of the questions put by the committee were, and insufficient and unsatisfactory as its labors have been, as far as the question of a developement of the just principles of Currency and Banking is concerned, there are several accounts an- nexed to the evidence that contain information of the most important kind, and from which, many just conclusions may be drawn ; all of the most interestitig and material of these accounts will be found exhibited in four state- ments at the conclusion of this article, and they will be adverted to in detail, as we proceed in the further elucidation of the subject. 73. Independent of the Bank of England, which constitutes so prominent and important an adjunct to the great trading transactions of the Metropolis, there are also at tliis time [1833] about sixty other Banking establishments of de- posit, discount, and agency in the Metropolis, and about 650 others in different parts of Great Britain, which are also Banks of issue, as well as of deposit and agency. Previous to 1797, while all notes payable on demand were con- vertible into gold at the standard price of £3. 17*. 10|d. per. oz , or into silver at 5s. 2d. the oz., tiie practice of most of the provincial or country Bankers was, to issue notes of £5 and £lO each, and partially of £20, £30, and £50 payable on demand, at some one of the most accredited of the sixty-five to seventy Banking establishments in the metropolis. These notes it was the practice to advance, on interest, to the trading and agricultural producers of their respective districts; but as these notes, being payable on demand were, within a week of their being issued, even from themostdistantpartof the country, liable to be presented for payment, the issuer was, in all cases, required to deposit with his agent in the metropolis, an adequate sum or security for their amount, as well as being pro- vided to pay them on demand at the place from whence issued ; whereby it appears that two protecting capitals are required to keep one in circulation, and hence the difficulty on a partial view of the subject of discovering how the ad- vantage to the issuer of the notes arises, this will be explained by supposing the total amount of promissory notes issued by any one country Banker to be £20,000, a protecting capital of £5000 in the Metropolis, and £l000 or £2000 at the place of issue will suffice, the interest upon the difference will be profit, less the ex- pence of stamps, paper, and management ; three- fourths of the amount issued, on an average, keeping permanently in circulation or dormant in the drawers of the traders and farmers ; but independent of the profit derived from cir- culation, some country bankers charge a com mission of one-fourth per cent, upon all accounts which are allowed to be occasionally overdrawn ; and to such of his connections who become his creditors he generally allows interest only at the rate of two or three per cent, per annum., while he charges all his debtors four or five per cent., or some such difference. The great epoch, however, of advantage to the provincial banker commenced with the suspension of cash payments in 1797, when notes under £5 were allowed by law to be issued ; the small notes, chiefly of £l, sometimes of £2, were generally payable only at the place where issued, and consequently required no protecting capital in the metropolis, or else- where to sustain them, their circulation was maintained entirely by the credit and character of the party issuing them. Columns number BANK. 459* 3 and 4, of the Statement number IV'., will show the estimated annual amount of country bank notes in circulation, about three- fifths of the amount beinEj in notes of xl and £2, as well as the number of establishments licensed to issue the same. 74. Payment in cash being suspended (see sec- tion 55) until six months after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace, the small note circu- lation received its first check after the peace of Paris in 1814 ; but re-attained its wonted vigour agam in 1817-18, see columns 3 and 4 of statement IV. From the close of the latter year, when the return to gold payments at the standard of 1797 was determined upon, the small note circulation experienced a second check, from which an effort was made to recover it in 1822-3, but in the year 1825, in consequence of cir- cumstances detailed in sections 60 and 64, their circulation was entirely prohibited, the Bank of England having voluntarily with- drawn their small notes in 1821. • Up to the period of 1826, the practice of provincial Bank- ing in England and Wales had been carried on principally by individuals, or by partnerships of two or three ; and here and there, but very partially, of four or five members ; but the discredit which fell upon individual country bankers in 1825-6, as detailed in sec- tion sixty-four, and the disinclination of many to aff'ord any accommodation on credit, has led since that date to the formation of Joint Stock Banking Establishments, at each of the under- mentioned places, VIZ. Liverpool. Manchester, 2. Manchester and Liverpool, 9. Birmingham, 1 . Wolverhampton. Sheffield. Barnesley. Bradford. Halifax. Huddersfield. Knaresborough. York. Darlington. Lancaster, 3. Whitehaven. Carlisle, 7. Leicester. Norwich, 9. Stamford & Spalding. Gloucester. Langport, 14. Plymouth and Devonport. y The figures following certain of the places denote the number of branches respectively established by those banks. The Bank of England has also established branches at each of the eleven fol- lowing places, viz. — Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Bristol, Gloucester, Swan- .■»ea, Exeter, Norwich, Hull, and Newcastle. 75. In Scotland there are about thirty-five banking establishments, all, except three, issuing notes of £l and £2, as well as for larger amounts. The commercial banking company of Scotland, at Edinburgh, has thirty-one branches ; the bank of the British linen company, twenty-seven branches ; and the bank of Scotland, sixteen ; and eighteen other establishments have together fifty-nine branches, so that altogether there is in Scotland bttween 160 and 170 offices of discount, deposit, and agency. Of these about fifteen may be regarded as private establishments, and the remainder joint stock partnerships ; their total" issues of promissory notes amount to about £3,500,000, in the proportion of tliree-fiflhs of £l and £*2. In Ireland, subsequerUto its union Vol. III.— Part 2. with Great Britain in 1801, banking establish- ments became numerous, increasing during tlie war to sixty or seventy ; but, on the return to payment in p,old in 1823, about ten only re- mained solvent and in practice. In 1783, the Bank of Ireland was estabhshed with a capital of £600,000, afterwards increased to £3,000,000, with exclusive privileges, corresponding witli those of the Bank of Enj,fland ; the circulation of the Bank of Ireland, on an average of five years preceding 1826, amounted to about £5,000,000, in the proportion of about one-third of small notes under £5 ; and the circulation of all tiie other banks at the same time amounted to about £1,200,000. In 1825, a company was formed in London with a subscribed capital of £2,000,000, under the title of the " Provincial Banking Company of Ireland," which has es- tablished brandies at eigliteen of tlie principal towns in that country, at ;i greater distance than fifty miles from Dublm, within which limits it was precluded by the privileges of the Bank of Ireland from issuing of notes. The provincial Bank of Ireland, as well as all the banks of Scotland, like the counlry hanks of England and AVales, charge a commission on all the amounts which pass throuoji ihtir hands, and allow and charge interest in like manner. 70. In the three preceding sections we have exhibited, in brief outline, the nature and extent of the provincial banks of issue in the three several parts of the United Kingdom, preparatory to showing the way in which they are connected with the transactions of the metropolis. To the American reader of our work to whom the prac- tice of banking (in a way to which we shall hereafter advert) is so familiar, it may be inte- resting to know that, not only does the whole receipt of revenue of the United Kingdom pass through the metropolis for redistribution, but that the payments of all the great trans- actions of the kingdom are also there equalized or balanced ; this general concentration of the whole money transactions of the kingdom, gives to the private banking establishments of the metropolis, a character peculiar to themselves; they neither issue notes, nor, on the transactions of the metropolis, do they cliarge any commission, yet several of them employ from forty to sixty clerks, while their contingent expences are on a proportionate scale. Since 1824, eleven of these establishments have susiiended their payments, and the greater number of them proved great defaulters ; at the present time (1833) there are fifty-nine in operation, of which, thirty-five are located within two or three minutes' distance of the Bank of England and Royal Exchange, ten in the more western part of the city, and the remainder in Westminster. The transactions of ten of those located conti;;uous to tlie Bank of England are on a very extended scale, and among whom the a^j'^'H'v— r^ t.hfij'ni.ntry banks is principally divided ; th< transactions of ten or twelve others may be rrgiirded as inconsiderable, and each of the remaiiiJer as giving employment to from fifteen to twcnt»-five clerks. 77. The private blinking establishments of the metropolis are forn(ed of two, three, or more pariii'.rs, in very few jhstances cNcccding five; 2 11* 460* BANK. the requisite qualifications, either for commencing a new banking establishment or for being admitted a partner in an existing one, are, 1st. a money property of from £30,000 to £50,000, Qnd. prudential habits, and 3rd. a general good moral character. Tlie practice of the metropolis being for every merchant, trader, and ]irofessional practitioner to deposit his daily or weekly receipts of money with some one of the banking estab- lishments, the total number of depositors probably amount to about 30,000 ; this gives an average of about 500 accounts to each bank, supposing them equally divided ; upon these deposits no interest is given, nor, on the other hand, is any commission charged on their being withdrawn ; but, as many deposits thus made form collec- tively a large sum, the banker obtains his advan- tage by using it in the discounting of bills, it being understood between the depositor and the banker that, as a compensation for manaoing his account, the depositor will keep a permanent balance with his banker of £200, £500, or £3,000, as the case may be, according to the nature and extent of his transactions : thus, supposing a banker to have only 500 accounts, and the standing deposit of each to average only £500, this would afford a discounting capital to the banker of £250,000 ; this will serve as an example, but the deposits in each of about twenty of the principal establishments will probably average five or ten times that sum. 73. It is not what may be considered the per- manent balance of the deposits, which alone constitutes the means of advantage to the econo- mical banker. The respectable merchant and trader does not confine his balance to a specific sum ; but he provides by anticipation for his payments some days previous to their being due, and at other times his receipts come in with- out any immediate demands being made upon him : all these contingencies tend to augrrent the banker's balances, and means of discount ; and thus a thousand sums, which remaining in the hands of individuals would be useless, by being concentrated in banks of deposit become available for being made constantly active and profitable. It was with these deposits so concentrated that the Ex- chequer bills exhibited in col. 13 of statement III. were kept in circulation ; during the war from 1793 to 1816 those bills carried an interest of 3d. to d^d. per £100 per day, and, by being daily convertible, they enabled the metropolitan banker at all times to convert his depositors' balances to a profit ; but, since the termination of the war, the interest on those bills has been progressively reduced to 1 Jc/. per £l00 per day, and at that reduced rate they command a premium of from 5.?. to 35s. per £100, which renders them of very precarious advantage as absorbents of temporary balances, and confines the application of the depo- sits more exclusively to the discounting of bills of exchange. Previous lo 1825, with the exception of the government account and that of the East India Company, the Irmsactions of the Bank of England, as a bank of deposit, were compara- tively inconsiderable ; but, in consequence of the devastations at the i;lose of that year, as de- tailed in sect. 64, when six of the private bank- ing houses of the metropolis were involved in the general wreck; the distrust thereby occa- sioned led to the transfer of a number of accounts from the private bankers to the Bank of England, as may be seen by the increase of deposits, as exhibited in col. 7 of statement IV. 79. It having been shown that the interest de- rived from the deposits is the only source of emolument of the private bankers of the metro- polis upon the metropolitan part of their trans- actions, if the extent of the deposits was ascertained, their aggregate emolument might be pretty accurately determined ; but, in the ab- sence of all authentic data, the best that can be done here is to assume some basis whereby an approximation to the amount may be arrived at; the expenses of about fifteen of the principal establishments, ten in the city and five in West- minster, will approximate to £8000 per annum each, in clerks' salaries, rent, taxes, and contin- gencies; of thirty others about £5000 each, and the remaining; fifteen about £2000 each, — making a total of £300,000 per annum ; if to this we add £2000 per annum each, as the personal ex- penses of 240 principals, being an average of four partners to each establishment, £480,000 per annum more is required to meet those ex- penses, making together a total of £780,000. To meet this amount, at the present prevailing rate of interest, deposits to the amount of about £25,000,000 are required, and to be constantly employed, leaving nothing for defalcations and such like contingencies ; £25,000,000, divided among sixty establishments, gives an average of £416,600 ; when a second-rate establishment has been suspended in its operations the claims upon it have run from £300,000 to £400,000; but with from ten to fifteen of the principal houses the deposits will doubtless amount to £1,000,000 or £1,500,000, and the aggregate probably ap- proximates to £30,000,000, in the following pro- portions, viz. with the 15 principal establishments £1,200,000 each, 30 second class do. 300,000 15 minor do. 150,000 These give a total of £29,250,000, and require 30,000 depositors, in the following proportions, viz. 1 000 averaging £5000 each £5,000,000 1000 do. 3000 3,000,000 2000 8,000,000 1000 4,000,000 750 7,500,000 200 1,000,000 150 750.000 4000 do. 4000 do. 10,000 do. 5000 do. 5000 do. 30,000 £975 £29,250,000 80. As all what are termed first-rate bills, that is, bills of unquestionable validity, have for the last four or five years been discountable at the rate of 3, to 3^, or, as an extreme case, 3§ per cent, per annum, £30,000,000, allowing £5,000,000 as a necessary rest or reserve, lo meet daily contingencies (to which we shall again advert), will barely provide for the current ex- penses, in addition to which the personal ex- penses of several of the individual principals engaged in banking are stated to amount to £20,000 per annum, and a number of them to BANK. 461* £tO,000 and 5000 each ; and, at the present time, the personal expenses of the collective partners of one of the principal establishments are stated to amount to £80,000 per annum, whose fortunes at the commencement of the war in 1793 were inconsiderable, not exceeding £60,000 ; the profits of another establishment, it is pretty well understood, for two or three years previous to the termination of the war, ex- ceeded £100,000 per annum, while the personal expenses of the principal partner did not exceed £2000 per annum ; but from 1798 down to 1819, in addition to the emoluments derived from the metropolitan deposits, the emoluments derived from the agency of the country banks, as exhi- bited in col. 4 of statement IV., was very consi- derable, and equal probably to that derived from the metropolitan deposits. The emoluments of the London bankers by the agencies of the banks of Liverpool, Manchester, and Leeds, are sup- posed, at one time, to have amounted to a very considerable sum, and that one of t!ie Manchester establishments alone is stated to have been equal to £lO,000. It will not be out of place here to state that the practice of the banks in Liverpool and Manchester was and still is an exception to the practice of all the other provincial banks ; those of Liverpool and Manchester never having been banks of issue, but exclusively of agency, charging | per cent, upon all transactions : the nature of their prac- tice is, to take the bills drawn and received in payment for the produce and manufactures sold in the respective places, and supply the mer- chants and manufacturers with Bank of England rotes and cash for their current demands ; in ad- dition to which the bills so drawn in themselves constitute an important feature in the circulation of that district of the kingdom ; and, as the practice is peculiar to the district, and is as in- teresting and important as it is peculiar, it me- rits more than an ordinary share of attention from the legislative as well as general inquirer, not merely in comparison with the practice in other parts of Great Britain, but as having no compa- rison with the circulation and practice of banking in any other part of the world ; we shall therefore endeavour to show its extent and practice. 81. The imports into Liverpool, including those from Ireland, have averaged, during the last fifteen years, about £20,000,000 per annum ; and the annual value of the manufactures of the district of which Manchester is the centre have averaged about £50,000,000 per annum ; for, al- though the quantity has doubled during the period, the reduction in value has been in a ratio corresponding as near as possible with the in- crease of quantity. Upon these transactions but few bills, comparatively speaking, are created in Liverpool ; while about .£35,000,000 on London are created in Manchester, in the proportion of about £17,000,000 for tlie proportion of cottons and yarn exported, and £18,000,000 for the con- sumption and rc-distrihution of the metropolis; the remaining £'15,000,000 are paid for by other bills carried in or remitted by the country shop- keeper. (Draper.) Hence bills, as here described, to tlie amount of about £50,000,000, annually ^.ass through the hands of the Manchester bank- ers, at present (1833) eiglit in number. In Liverpool the prevailing condition of ail contracts is 'payment in approved bills, not exceeding three or four months' date ;' then, as the bulk ol" the imports into Liverpool are worked up or consumed in the district ; tlie cotton dealer, or spinner, the grocer, provision dealer, &c. obtain from their bankers in Manciiester such pottion of the bills previously mentioned as their transactions require; hence it will be seen that these bills constitute the chief circulating medium or means of exchange between the place of import and distribution. The remainder of the bills created and received in Manchester are in due course remitted to the metropolis, in exchange for such foreign produce and productions thereof as are supplied from thence into Lancashire; and then, as all the produce imported into Liverpool is drawn for at the places of export in bills payable in London, all the bills carried into Liverpool from the Manchester district are ultimately re- mitted to the metropolis, to meet the payment of the bills so drawn, en account of the imports; and, as the bills made payable in London are generally addressed to some accredited banking house, the remittances from Liverpool are com- monly made through the banking houses of that place. 82. By the preceding section it will be seen that the practice of the Liverpool and Manchester bankers consists more of endorsing and rendering valid, or approved, the bills created and received for the manufactures of the district than in re- ceiving and disbursing of cash deposits, and that it is consequently a practice requiring the utmost discretion and judgment, and differing essentially from the practice of the metropolis. The risks and liabilities of the Liverpool and Manchester bankers are exceedingly involved, inasmuch as their transactions are not confined to the bare passing through their hands the £50,000,000 per annum which the manufactures of the district give rise to, hut they exchange bills of large amount for smaller, and vice versa, as the wants and conveniences of their connexions require; and, although these transactions do not add to the aggregate liability, they add to their complication. The practice of the bankers of Leecls, of Sheffield, of Birmingham, and of all the other manufacturing districts, as well as of the provincial banks in general, is similar to that of the bankers of Liverpool and Man- chester, in regard to tln-ir endorsing and exchanging of bills, but di tiered from them in their practice, during the small note circulation, of issuing their own promissory notes to sup|)ly the current cash demands of their res]iective districts, which their £5 and £lO liotes at pre- sent in part supply ; but, as in th* case of Li- verpool and Manchester, tlic bills created in all the other manufacturinj. itistuoUhafe all drawn ujion or made payable in the metropolis, they consequently give rise /fo daily exchanucs between about thirty-liva of the metropolitan bankers to an extent incredible to persons un- acquainted in some dc;^re| with the practice of bankinii transactioiis 83. The aggregate trar actions of the metro poLlau bankers, cxclus -e of the 2 11 Bank 2 4G2* BANK. England, are stated to amount to from £3,000,000 to £4,000,000 daily, and occasionally to exceed the latter sum. The economical means devised for the daily liquidation and settlement of the claims of the bankers upon each other is the nearest approximation to perfection in social ar- rangement ever arrived at : some of the principal Westminster establishments have accounts with those in the city in a way not dissimilar to the provincial bankers; then, about thirty of the principal houses each send a clerk to a common rendezvous, where they exchange the claims of their respective houses upon each other. The place where this exchange takes place is in Lom- bard Street, in the immediate vicinity of all the principal banking houses, and is termed the Clearing House ; the first meeting takes place at one, and the last at four o'clock in the day ; and by this arrangement claims of millions are settled in an hour, with a very inconsiderable sum. To the uninitiated it may be proper still further to explain that when the merchant or trader of the metropolis accepts a bill he usually accepts it payable at his bankers ; and in like manner, in making cash payments, they give a cheque, or order, on their banker, and at the same time write across it the name of the banker to whom it will be paid, which practice serves at once as a receipt on one side and se- curity on the other, because, when so written upon or crossed, in the event of being lost, no injury can accrue to either party, inasmuch as the crossing implies that it must pass the Clearing House, and therefore prevents its being paid to any undue person. It must be under- stood, however, that the payment in cheques is not usually made for amounts less than £5 ; at one time the Bank of England would not pay or recognize cheques of less than £t0, and some houses of business make it a rule not to draw for a less sum ; but this depends entirely on cir- cumstances, and occasionally, as an exception to the general rule, a cheque may be given for as small an amount as 30s. or even 25s. 84. The following statement will suffice to show the way in which the daily transactions of those bankers who associate at the Clearing House are equalized : A B C D E F G H Totals. _£ £ £- • £- -£- £ — £ — 16,827 — £— 19,764 — £ — 82,446 A claims of 9,872 3,841 2,850 17,640 11,652 B do. 12,682 7,641 4,627 23,219 9,760 26,541 18,322 102,792 C do. 4,640 7,157 1,520 8,617 4,215 8,427 7,380 41,956 D do. 3,157 5,117 942 5,183 2,970 4,185 3,768 25,322 E do. 16,970 27,689 9,180 3,922 7,680 32,817 15,870 114,128 F do. 12,827 13,891 3,814 1,815 9,723 11,614 7,682 61,366 G do. 17,954 23,814 9,716 13,817 29,740 17,952 13,876 126,869 H do. To receive Claimed of A 21,690 14,872 9,427 4,640 14,834 9,167 13,740 88,370 89,920 102,412 44,561 33,191 108,956 63,396 114,151 86,662 643/249 12,682 4,640 3,157 16,970 12,827 17,954 21,690 89,920 do. B 9,872 7,157 5,117 27,689 13,891 23,814 14,872 102,412 do. C 3,841 7,641 942 9,180 3,814 9,716 9,427 44,561 do. D 2,850 4 627 1,520 3,922 1,815 13,817 4,640 33,191 do. E 17,640 23,219 8,617 5,183 1 9,723 29,740 14,834 108,956 do. F 11,652 9,760 4,215 2,970 7,680 17,952 9,167 63,396 do. G 16,827 26,541 8,427 4,185 32,817 11,614 13,740 114,151 do. To pay H 19,764 18,322 7,380 3,768 15,870 7,682 13,876 86,662 82,446 102,792 41,956 25,322 114,128 61,366 Il26,869 88,370 643,249 Balances . To pay 7,474 2,605 7,869 2,030 19,978 To receive 380 5,172 12,718 1,708 19,978 85. Suppose the letters A to H here to repre- sent so raany banking concerns. The lines of the first division of the statement show the amounts which each respectively claims, or has to receive, oiUhe other, and the columns the amounts which eachhas respectively to pay; while in the second division the amounts are reversed, viz. the lines show die amounts claimed, and the columns the amounts which each has to receive of the other. The tital amount carried in is £643,249, which anount, without some such mutual arrangement, would have to be paid in money twice over. It is true an exchange might take place at the counters of the respective houses, and the balances only paid or received ; but this would be attended with great loss of time and considerable payments, while, by the arrangement adopted, no money payment is necessary if the bankers have confidence in each other ; because, with the exception of an occasional very large amount, the balance notes given one day would probably equalize themselves the next, so that if each banker was to deposit F.xchequer bills for mutual security, according to the extent BANK. 463* of their respective transactions and probable oc- casional balances at the clearing house, their exchanges might continue, ad infinitum, without a shilling of money ever being required, and the banking of the metropolis resolve itself, by this practice, into a joint stock security, wi:h the su- perior advantage resulting from individual con- fidence ; while a daily account, made up in the form as exhibited above, would show tlie work- ing of the money transactions of the metropolis, in a wav-io enable just and important conclu- sions to "be drawn fromtliem. 86. According to the previous statement the aggregate balance arising out of an exchange of £643,249 is £19,978, or about 3 per cent. ; this, however, does not show the extent of money re- quisite to equalize each day's transaction, as will be seen by the account of B, which in the ag- gregate, balances within the trifling sum of £380, but which, when exhibited in detail, shows a ba- lance of £9,471, viz. Claimed B has to B has to B claims. of B. receive. pay- £ £- £ — £ — A 12,682 9,872 2810 C 7,641 7,157 484 D 4,627 . 5,117 490 E 23,219 27,689 4470 F 9,760 13,891 4131 G 26,541 23,814 2727 H 18,322 14,872 3450 102,792 102,412 9471 9091 Balancf > to receiv i 380 /r It will be seen by these statements that, how- ever irregular the claims of the respective bank- ers may be on each other, in the aggregate the balances to be received or paid exactly cor- respond with each other, and thereby it may be seen how advantageously the use of money may be economised by mutual arrangement; and it is by such arrangements that the half-yearly payment of the dividends in January and July, to the amount of £8,000,000, are effected with about £2,000,000 of money, as may be seen by llie statement No. 1 of the weekly circulation of bank notes, at p. 4pl*. To make this more in- telligible to the uninitiated it may be proper to slate, that at the National Debt department of tl:e Bank of England an order, termed a wur- rcmt, is given for the amount of the dividend, which warrant is convertible into money on de- mand, at another department of the Bank ; but when the warrant is received by such persons as keep banking accounts, it is not converted into money, but carried to their banker, and it then enters into the general exchange with the Bank of England at the Clearing House, or in account with the respective private bankers, and thus the inconsiderable sum with which the payment of £8,000,000 in amount is half-yearly effected. 87. Having thus far traced the progress of banking in Europe, from the earliest period of its practice, and shown its nature and extent in the United Kingdom at the present time, before we proceed to show its nature and extent in France and America, we will offer a few obser- vations on the prevailing excitement in England in regard to its expected future practice. That it is destined to an important change is certain, from more than one cause : the expiration of the charter, and the present ascendancy of the Bank of England, with its claim of about £33,000,000 on the government, coupled with tlie imaginary difficulties and certainly prevail- ing extensive distress of the nation, strong prepossession in favor of joint stock banks, and vulgar prejudice against private banks, are all circumstances which imply that an important change must take place. It is not, however, the question of banking, so much as of currency, that claims consideration ; whether the energies of the people shall be bound in chains, and fet- tered with logs of gold, or whether some means as elastic as their energies shall be applied, that those energies may produce their proper force and effect, is still more immediately the question which ought soon to be decided ; and without stopping to show the relative advantage or dis- advantage of national, compared with joint stock or private, banks, we will first proceed to show the basis upon which the currency, or cir- culating medium of the country, now ought to be founded : this, however, unavoidably leads us to refer to the account commonly called the National Debt, but which term is a solecism, in- asmuch as it is quite as much a credit, as it is a debt. 88. It will be seen, on reference to col. 2, of y statement II. p. 4^2*, that on an average of seven ^/y years preceding the war declared against France in February 1793, the expenditure of the go- vernment did not amount to £18,000,000, in- cluding the charges of collection of the revenue, from which amount it progressively increased to upwards of £130,000,000, in 1815, more than seven-fold ; the revenue, however, was increased only from £18,000,000 to £71,000,000, or about four-fold, the difference being effected, first, by the creation of bills, as shown in col. 13, of statement III., then funding them, and by the raising of loans, as shown in col. 3, of statement II. The most remarkable feature displayed in statement II. is, that during the first five years of the war, while the expenditure was increased from £18,000,000 to i'50,000,000, no increase of taxation, comparatively speaking, took place ; but when the operations of the war had ab- sorbed the £18,000,000 value of gold, which had been coined during the eigiit previous years (see col. 14), and placed the country in a situatioa the most peculiar, a paper circulation was resorted to (see cols. 4, 5, of statement II., col. 3 of No. IV., and sect, 73); then it was, for the first time, shown what society, when unfettered, is capable of; it enabled England to advance her revenue with increasing facility rH«»-l«*ii, and not only to con- tend single-lianded fortlie supremacy of the world, but to advance I the same time all the means of social enjoyr ent in a corresponding degree; and, in 1815, which she had fortweii y-thicc years contended. attain the object for 464* BANK. icot exhausted of, or diminished in, her re- sources, but, on the contrary, surrounded by an extent of scientific and mechanical power, a facility of interchange, and a moral force, with- out a parallel in the history of human action. 89. But what is the situation of the country row? (1833) An accursed delusion in respect to gold, like an ignis fatuus, has dazzled the understandings of men, and, with one or two al- ternations, led to eighteen years of prostration as deplorable as the previous eighteen years of advancement is even now delightful to look back upon. This declaration will doubtless in- duce the sciolist to exclaim, Oh ! here's a paper money advocate for you ! Simpletons, who do not seem to know the distinction between use and abuse, or, at all events, if they do know it, seem never to have entertained it. We will therefore show the distinction; but we must previously show the state of the annuity account, called the National Debt, in 1793, compared with its amount at the present time, and the state of the account between the Bank of England and the Government at the same two periods; and we shall then, in our development of an entirely new principle of currency, clearly show the distinction between the use and abuse of a paper circulating medium. The amount of government annuities, at the commencement of the war in 1793, was £9,200,000, reduced by the extinction of certain life and other terniinable annuities, and by redemption of land tax, &c, to about £7,200,000; the total amount now payable being £28,340,000, leaves £21,140,000 created since 1792. Now, on reference to the statement of loans raised, and bills issued and funded, cols. 3 and 13 of statements II. and III. it will be seen that every pound of these annuities was created, not for gold received, but for paper ; and for paper, if convertible at all into gold, a great part of it was at the rate of £5. 7s. to £5. lis. per ounce. Mark, then, the injustice, as well as the folly, of endeavouring to enforce the payment of these annuities, as well as all other proportionally increased amounts, in gold at the fixed rate of 77s, lO^c?. per ounce. Next, with regard to the Bank of England, sect. 42 shows the progressive increase of the subscribed capital of the Bank, from its foundation in 1 694 down to 1781, at which sum it remained fixed down to the close of the war in 1815; the two following sections show the rate of dividends and amount of bonusses derived therefrom, during the same period, and down to the present time (1833); sect. 67 shows that an augmenta- tion of £3,000,000 to the capital took place in 1816; and col. 8, of statement III., shows the amount of a further sum of between £18,000,000 and £19,000,000, which the Bank now claims of the Government, making together a total claim, as stated in sect. 87, of about £33,000,000. The amount ad vanrpd, a? explained in sect. 69, is included in the amount exhibited in col. 8. 90. The total nomiTiil value of the annuities, or, in other words, the capital of the National Debt, as it stood at tie commencement of the present year (1833), was £755,000,000, for £24,100,000 of the annuities, the remainder being life and other tertiinable annuities, except about £650,000 for interest on tlie Exchequer Bills, as exhibited in col. 13, of statement III. The £755,000,000 of capital above stated stands under twenty or more denominations of 3, Sj, and 4 per cents., distinctions as unnecessary as they are elusive ; therefore, preparatory to the adoption of the measure we are about to pro- pose, it is necessary that all the various descrip- tions of stock should be consolidated into one denomination, a measure as desirable for its own sake, as it is in reference to the proposition we are about to advance ; in reference to which it is desirable that they should be converted wholly into a 3 per cent, stock ; that being done, tht; amount of the account will somewhat exceed £800,000,000, which account is now, instead of gold, to be made the basis of the circulating me- dium of the country. Suggestions have been fre- quently and repeatedly offered for liquidating the National Debt, by converting it into currency ; but the suggestions have invariably been vague and irrational, bespeaking an entire destitution of all knowledge of the exact relation either of the debt or of currency with the aggregately com- bined interests of the nation. In the iirst place the extinction, or even diminution, of the debt is neither necessary nor desirable ; but, were it otherwise, there is no means of either extin- guishing or reducing it without producing a diminution of power in the body politic, like the loss of a leg or an arm to the body physical : from the manner in which it has grown up it has become an essential and indispensable part of the aggregate combination ; and, if it can at all be considered a grievance, it is more than compen- sated for by the scientific and mechanical power, now in operation, which the funding system has mainly been the means of creating. 91. The £800,000,000 nominal value of the annuities being made the basis of the currency, to make the currency invariable, the nominal value of the annuities must be made invariable ; and this is to be eifected by means at once simple, and as important to the aggregate in- terests of the nation as they will prove ef- fectual for the purpose of affording an inva- riable currency. The government henceforward must be the only manufacturers of the cur- rency in £l and £2 notes, as well as of larger amounts; £l00 of such notes to be always ex- changeable for £l00 of the consolidated stock, and, vice versa, the stock in like manner always exchangable for £100 of notes. The established rate of interest being 5 per cent., the difference between 3 and 5 per cent, will be the means of profit to the bankers and agents of distribution. By the adoption of such a measure, gold, like any other metal or commodity, Will find its level of value as an article of merchandize, and the energies of the country will be at once relieved from the golden fetters with whicli (heavier than iron or lead) they have for eighteen years been hound. This measure being resolved upon, the first step to be taken, after the consolidation of the stock, will be to provide notes for all appli- cants, and then settle the claim of £33,000,000 . with the Bank of England. The directors of that establishment, doubtless, imagine that they are entitled to claim £33,000,000 in gold, at BANK. 465* 77*. lO^d. per ounce; but £11,642,400 is all they are entitled to receive in gold, all beyond that amount has been created in paper, and in paper only ought it to be paid ; let, then, the claim of the Bank be settled by paying tiie sub- scribed capital back in gold, at the rate at which it was received, and the remainder in the na- tional paper proposed as the only future circu- lating medium of the country, which gold and paper would form the future capital of the Bank * of England. 92. Under the arrangement proposed in the preceding section all obligation between the Go- vernment and the Bank is dissolved; the Bank stands on its own bottom, with means and in a condition to pursue the occupation of bankers, like any other establishment, with the difference in their favor of a larger capital ; if they should prefer funding their notes, or any part of them, let them do so : another establishment upon an equal scale of efficiency would doubtless be formed ; the government business is open to the existing establishment, or to any other which may be formed ; in either case it will be the duty of the government to take care that it is transacted on the most economical terms for the public ; by economical we do not mean the lowest rate of terms, but those which afford the greatest security and facility. As the proposed currency is totally unconnected with gold, the £11,642,400, which the Bank will be entitled to receive ai 77s. lO^d. per ounce, in its settlement with the government, will be at the disposal of the Bank as merchandize, like any other metal ; should a dem.and ensue either to facilitate the transfer of capital from British to foreign secu- rity, or for procuring corn or any other article of production, the price of gold will rise in pro- portion to the demand for it, and a due equili- brium be thereby maintained. If it should he imagined that our silver currency may be ex- posed to derangement, by circulating in con-- junction with paper, we do not apprehend an inconvenience as likely to arise ; but, as it is a possible case, it may not here be irrelevant to state that the present attainment in the arts affords a substitute even for silver, more beauti- ful and equally convenient, whether in sixpences, shillings, half crowns, or crowns, and at the same time as non-intrinsic or valueless as the notes, except for their legitimate purpose of currency. 93. We have stated in a previous section that the present prevailing rate of interest does not exceed 3 to 3^ per cent. ; it may therefore be sup- posed that, if the government rate of interest is tixed permanently at 3 per cent., there will be no inducement for bankers to risk tiie circu- lation of national notes ; but the very circum- I stance of the government being always open to receive the surplus money capital at that rate, in itself would tend to enhance the rate for trading purposes; while the increased energies which a rational and compatible system of cur- rency would tend to excite, and the progres- sively increasing consumption which would necessarily ensue, wouUl enable 5 per cent, in- terest per annum to be readily paid on all money borrowed for manufacturing and trading purposes. A currency based as we have here proposed, on the capital of the national annui- ties, would not merely suiiice for all purposes of internal interchange tar more conveniently and preferably tiian gold, but it is susceptible of such an order of mana^eiinnt as to serve at all times as an indicator of the activities and con- dition of the country. 94. The present circulation of the United Kingdom may be stated as follows : viz. Bank of England notes about 18,000,000 Country Banks : England and Wales . . 7,500,000 Scotland ...... 3,500,000 Ireland 5,000,000 Gold 26,000,000 Total . . . £60,000,000 Exclusive of about £7,000,000 of silver, the cir- culation of which would not at present be al- tered by the adoption of the measure we have here proposed. The total of gold coined since the termination of the war in 1815, up to this time (1833), amounts to about £50,000,000; but the large transfers of capital from British to foreign securities, which took place more par- ticularly in 1817-18, and more or less since that date, have led to the export of about£20, 000,000 of gold, and three to five millions more has pro- bably been absorbed for manufacturing pur- poses; the proportion left for the purposes of- circulation may therefore be estimated as stated above, and £60,000,000 as the aggregate amount of circulating medium ; but it does not circulate, and hence the embarrassment which so exten- sively pervades the productive interests of the empire. It will be seen by col. 10, of statement III., that from £7,000,000 to £10,000,000 of gold is constantly dormant in the coffers of the Bank ef England; £3,000,000 to £5,000,000 more will in like manner be dormant in the drawers of the ether bankers of the kingdom ; while an equal amount of the Bank of England notes will be dormant in tlie hands of the private bankers of the metropolis, to meet sudden and unex- pected demands ; so that in reality the proportion of active circulating medium is less than £40,000,000. 95. We have shown in sect. 81 that, indepen- dent of the circulating medium exhibited above, bills of exciiange in the manufacturing districts constitute the chief circulating medium ; there is also another description of bills which are in- timately connected with the question of circula- tion, viz. the Exchequer bills, as exhibited in col. 13, of statement 111. : the function of these bills is, they are held prmcipallyby tiie metro- politan bankers, as an immediately convertible means of meeting any sudden or unusual de- mand upon them ; being a legal leader for duties of customs, excise, &c.^ lUgvar e alwa ys convert- y ible into current monei within twenty-four hours ; the Bank of Knglaad liohl a considerable amount of these bills, forlvhich they receive in- terest, giving in exchange/their own notes, bear- ing no interest. We slill offer no observation here on the irnproviilenc of sucli a system, but proceed to sliow the an )unt of national nptes likely to be required for acilitating the most ex 466 BANK. tensive interchange of productions, the way in which they would at once be put into circulation, and the consequences which would necessarily follow the adoption of such a measure. To with- draw suddenly such an amount as £26,000,000 of gold from its function as currency, and throw it at once on the market as metal, or an article of merchandize, might lead to embarrassment ; the government might therefore take all that offered, at some fixed rate to be agreed upon, in exchange for national notes ; this we will suppose to call for £15,000,000, or perhaps £20,000,000, of notes : the Exchequer bills outstanding will be seen by col. 13, of statement III. to amount to £27,000,000; the whole of these would at once be converted into currency or national notes ; and the claim of the Bank, beyond their sub- scribed capital, being about £23,000,000, in which, however, about £8,000,000 of Exchequer bills is included, leaving about £l 5,000,000 to be liquidated in currency or national notes; and, in addition to these, it is probable that from £5,000,000 to £10,000,000 more of notes would be almost immediately demanded for legitimate banking purposes in different parts of the United Kingdom. Thus the entire issue of national notes in the first instance may be estimated as follows, viz. Against gold . ' 15,000,000 Do. Exchequer bills held by private bankers, &c. . . 1 9,000,000 Do. do. by the Bank of England 8,000,000 In final settlement with do. . 15,000,000 Demanded by provincial banks 7,500,000 Total . . £64,500,000 96. It is probable, however, that a portion of the amount issued against gold, as well as to the Bank, would seek to be funded, say to the amount of about £14,500,000, leaving £50,000,000 for active circulation. Proceeding upon these pre- mises, let us, in the next place, see how the government and the public will then stand in relation to each other. The government will gain on behalf of the public, on one side, the interest on the Exchequer bills to the amount of about £700,000 per annum, and incur, on the other side, an obligatioa on the new stock to be created of £435,000 per annum, and be liable to the expense of manufacture and issue of the notes, equal probably to £200,000 per annum more ; but then the government will be in possession of from £15,000,000 to £20,000,000 value in gold, which may either be disposed of gradually, as occasion may serve, in purchase of beneficial arrangements ofintercourse with the several nations of the world, or held in whole, or in part, as a reserve for war, failure of harvests, or other contingencies : at all events an important object will be gained for all parties, by. wiihf^rav'ing it from fettering the circulation, and oTamping the productive en- ergies of the country. 97. The two objecions to a paper circulating medium are its liability to excess of issue, and imitation. The first of these objections is valid enough^ when issued r« it was by country bank- ers, upon their indiviilual credit, or as it nii^ht be if issued indefinitely by a government ; but the objection does not apply to the proposition here advanced, based, as here proposed, on the £800,000,000 of national obligation ; inasmuch as no more will be converted into currency than will be necessary for its legitimate purpose of facilitating the exchange of commodities, aiding the means of production, and advancing those improvements which the spirit of the age in- vites, and which such an order of currency is in itself calculated to promote and encourage : when it ceases to be required, and to find active and profitable employment for such purposes, it will revert back for conversion into stock, and thereby serve at all times as an indicator of the state of the activities of the nation ; and if, from any temporary current of feeling which caprice or any other cause may engender, the notes should press in, for fixed investment, to an extent indicative of an undue contraction, the quarterly payments of the government will lead to a re- issue, whereby a uniform and just equilibrium may always be maintained. The objection in re- gard to imitation is one which cannot be entirely overcome ; but the objection lies equally strong against a metallic currency, and it is question- able if recent improvements in the arts will not afford greater protection against the imitation of paper than can be obtained against the ad- mixture, or debasement, and abrasion of metal ; against which, for the purposes of cuirency, we might proceed to point out various other ob- jections, while none other of a valid nature can be brought against paper. 98. To fix permanently the rata of interest for the £800,000,000 capital stock of England at 3 per cent., while the rate of interest on the pulilic securities or stock of all other countries rates from 5 to 6 per cent., may seem to be a measure calculated to induce a transfer of the capital of England to other countries ; we will therefore now show how the attempt at a transfer of property would operate. A stockholder in England is desirous to transfer a given sum, say £5,000, of stock from England to France, or any other country; the stock in England being con- vertible on demand into currency notes at pound for pound, if the transfer is attempted to be made in gold, gold will be sought after as an article of merchandize, and a price demanded for it accordingly. A demand for such a sum as £5,000 would notprobably produce any effect on the price ; but, in proportion as the amount is attempted to be increased, a price will be demanded for gold calculated to check the operation ; so that, whatever may be the nominal rate of interest in the different countries of the world, a due equilibrium will be maintained through the medium of a fair market price for that metal. To a certain extent, transfers of capital may continue to be made, as they have hitherto been, through the medium of the export of the products of British labour; and the dcjiand for gold will not show itself until a difficulty ensues in the disposal of British productions to an addi- tional extent, corresponding with the amount de- sired or attempted tobe transferred. In lii> 14 18 1816 January . . . jj >) 15 February . j . 9 J) 13 March . . . 121 121 18 April . . . 10 14i 23 May .... 12^ 14 20 June . . . 5> 17 20 July .... 6 15 15 August . . . 5 10 12 September . . 3 n 10 October . . . 2 91 8 November . . n 7 9 December . 1 . 2\ 7 9 1817 January . . . n H 3 February ^ . . >) 4 21 'H 111. The derangement in social affairs inse- parable from such a variation in the circulating medium led to the proposal of the secretary of the treasury in December, 1815, for a new national bank, founded, as the report avowed, " on the necessity of restoring specie payments fud the national currency." The charter was confirmed by Congress in April, 1816, and ortfanised for business in .Ian. 1817, with a capital of 35,000,000 of dollars^; and by Jan. 1820, the number of other banking establish- ments had increased to 307. 1 Kotes in Number of Circula- Specie on Branches. States. tion, in Sep. 1830. hand,Jan. 1, 1832. Share- Shares of holders 100 ds. ea. Dollars. Dollars. Chief Office Philadelphia 5 872 51,028 j 1,367,180 2,811,641 I'iltsburs Pennsylvania 554,102 31,8)0 Ponland Maine J4 498 79,280 70,452 Portsmouth K.Hampshire 24 511 101,985 50,111 Boston MassBchupetts 211 11,175 271,180 326,378 Providence Rhode Island 36 1,218 113,920 ]02,6«8 Hartford Connecticut 60 1,530 171,532 28.094 New York City 373) 634,733 664,687 Utica . New York H 30,881 67,751 Buffaloe do. 258,130 103,'J3i Burlington Vermont 2 27 96,595 72,422 Baltimore Maryland C24 34,235 528,638 228,000 Washington Dist. of Col. 61 2,725 617 ,61 12 54,611 Richmond Norfollc > Virginia 268 11,617 \ 469,440 532,400 197,212 112,159 Fayetville N. CaroVna 36 2,391 713,760 18,944 Charleston S. Carolina 730 40,242 835,840 271,40(1 Savannah Georgia 42 1,981 522,605 376,642 Mobile Alabama 940,825 153,672 N. Orleans Louisiana 17 113 2,623,320 510,346 Natchez Mississippi 57,826 St. Louis Missouri 228,700 136,897 Nashville Tennessee 6 258 1,235,275 167,866 Louisville Lexington i Kentucky 22 252 1 66C,,375 908,025 217,431 91,513 Cincinnati Ohio 14 556 647,240 111,028 New Jersey 75 2.787. 1,531 / 50 V 167 \ 42--' >J branches es- Delaware 42 tablished in these Indiana 2 .States ; those at Illinois 2 Utica and Natchez Arkansas 1 appear to have been Held by Foreigners, chiefly established since English 470 84,0''.5 1829 By the U. S. Government 70,000 la Transfer 115 2,375 15347657 Totals 4072 350,000 7,038,823 , 7^ 112. The statement A, at page 49^*, shows the situation of this bank in each of tile twelve years 1819-30, according to which it appears that, at the close of the latter year, its assets exceeded its liabilities by 2,766,129 dollars; at the same time, its specie amounted to only 7,175,274, while the amount due to foreign shareholders was 8,405,500 dollars ; and while, in the event of the dissolution of the bank, 28,000,000 dol- lars in specie would be due to shareholders, in- dependent of 7,000,000 to the United States Government, the specie in all the banks of the Union (the bank of the United States included), was only 22,114,967 dollars; yet, under such circumstances, the president of the United States in 1832 refused to ratify an act of Congress for the extension or renewal of its charter. 113. The following statement shows the number of banks in operation in each state of the union in June 1830, and the aggregate amount of capital in each state, and also of the number of banks which failed between the 1st of Jan. 1811, and the 1st of July 1830, with the amount for which failed in each state. BANK. 471* Banks in Operation in the Uniterl Banks which States of North America, on the failed between 1st. of January, 1830. the 1st Jan. 1811 and July 1, 1830. STATES. No. of Amount xri Capital, 1 Massachusetts 66 in Dollars. Bks. Capitals. 20,420,000 6 850,000 2 Maine . 18 2,050,000 8 1,150,000 3 New Hamps. 18 1,791,670 2 129,600 4 Vermont . 10 432,625 5 Rhode Island 47 6,118,397 i 200,000 6 Connecticut 13 4,485,177 2 600,000 7 New York . 37 20,083.353 10 3,378,676 8 New Jersey 18 2,017,009 7 1,142,400 9 Pennsylvania 33 14,609,963 16 1,811,558 10 Delaware . 4 830,000 1 45,000 11 Do. . . 2 no return. . 12 Maryland 13 6,250,495 9 1,821,162 13 Dist. of Col. 9 3,875,794 4 1,657,460 14 Virginia . 4 5,571,100 10 421,415 15 N.Carolina 3 3,195,000 2 16 S. Carolina 5 4,631,000 1 20.000 17 Georgia . 9 4,203,029 1 480,000 18 Louisiana . 4 5,665,980 2 924,000 19 Alabama . 2 643,503 3 337,112 20 Mississippi 950,600 - 21 Tennessee 737,817 4 2.229,782 22 Ohio. . . 11 1,454,386 18 1,911,179 23 Michigan . 10,000 1 10,000 24 Florida . 75,000 . 25 Kentucky . 18 4,307,431 26 Indiana . 2 257,624 27 Illinois 2 162,910 28 Missouri . 330 " 2 400,000 110,101,898 129 24,212,339 Uanscertained principally? gg in Kentuck 114. Statement B, at page 4^*; sliows the progress of banking institutions in the United States gf North America since 1811, and the situation of all the banks of the Union in 1830, in regard to, their capital, notes in circulation, specie, and deposits. The states are there ex- hibited in five districts, for the purpose of show- ing the inequality of specie in diflfereiit parts of the Union. In the western states 2,686,396 dollars in specie are held to sustain a circulation of 4,684,860 dollars in notes ; while in the state of New York, and the adjoining states of Con- necticut on the north, and New Jersey on the south, the centre of all the activities of the Union, the circulation of 12,737,539 dollars in notes is sustained by only 2,841,746 dollars in specie. This statement is further interesting in showing the very limited amount of specie in the aggregate, with which all the exchanges between a population of 1 3,000,000 to 1 4,000,000 of people, maintaining an active and extensive intercourse with all the nations of the world, are facilitated and effected ; 22,000,000 dollars in specie, less than £5,000,000, sustains the opera- tions of 350 hanks of circulation, including the branches of the national bank, diffusing life and energy over 100,000,000 square miles of terri- tory ; we say sustains the operations of the banks, inasmuch as it forms no part of the cir- culation, but is held as a protection to the 61,000,000 of notes which, with about 10,000,000 of dollars in small coins, forms the exclusive circulating medium of that extensive and rapidly improving territory. 115. While in the act of writing the preceding sections [on the 31st May, 1833] the chancellor of the exchequer of Great Britain and Ireland was developing to parliament, in committee of the whole house, propositions for the extension of the charter of the Bank of England for a period of twenty-one years, subject " to the con- tingency, that, if at the end often years the then government should think proper to alter the system, it should have the power to give a year's notice to the Bank ; and, in that case, if the government so desired, that the charter would expire at the end of the eleventh year :" subject to this condition the chancellor of the exchequer proposed " to continue the monopoly to the Bank of England as far as regarded the metro- polis — that was, that no hank with more than six partners should be allowed to issue notes in London, or within sixty-five miles of it." It was next proposed that the Bank should make a weekly return to the treasury of the amount of bills and notes in circulation, and also of de- posits, and that the average of such issues and deposits should be published quarterly. The chancellor of the exchequer then said, " that the convertibility of bank notes to bullion was es- sential to a sound system of banking ! ! ! but having a bank secured by a ready check, such as that which he had stated, lie did not think there would be any danger in securing banks against sudden internal drains of gold. He proposed, therefore, to make Bank of England paper a legal tender in every place except at the Bank of England itself, or at its branch banks." 116. It was next proposed to diminish the capital of the Bank from its present amount of £l4,60'i,000 to about £11,000,000. and that the Bank should give the tixed sum of £120,000 per annum out of the amount now allowed by law for the management of the public banking ac- count and transfers of the national annuity account. So far in regard to the Bank of England ; when it was next proposed that every banking company of more than six partners should be a joint stock company, sucii company to be established by charter; and if using the paper of the Bank of England, may be esta- blished within the limits of the Bank of England's monopoly, viz. sixty-five miles of the metropolis : the conditions on which charters are granted to be, that when issuing their own notes half the subscribed capital shall be paid up and deposited either in the government funds, or some equally good securities, and the partners to be liable to an unlimited responsibility ; but if using the paper of the Bank of England, then only one quarter of the subscribed capital to be paid up, and the partners only liable to the amount of their shares. The government to have the power of dccicl:;?| on the propriety of granting the charters •, and with tiie view of enabling the government to know at all times the exact amoimt of country bankers' notes in circu- lation, a duty of 7s. to be cliarged on every £l00 of notes which tliey issue. A statement of the accounts of each individual bunk shouM be i 472* BANK. sent to the government, as a strictly confidential paper, not to be published separately, but to enable a general result of the banking operations of the kingdom to be given to the public pe- riodically. 117. The following is a recapitulation of the propositions in the official form, verbatim, in which they were submitted to the committee. 1. That it is expedient to continue, for a limited period, to the Bank of England, certain of the privileges now vested by law in that corporation, subject to such con- ditions as may be provided by any act to be passed for tlie purpose. 2. That, provided the Bank of England shall be bound by law to discharge, in the legal coin of the realm, all such of its debts and liabilities as shall be demanded at tlie Bank of England, or at any of the branch banks thereof, it is expedient that the promissory notes of the said corporation be made a legal tender for all sums of £5 and upwards. 3. That provision be made by law during the present session of parliament, for the re- payment to the Bank of England of one- fourdi part of the amount of the debt now due by llie public to that corporation. 4. That the rate of allowance and remunera- tion now secured by law to the Bank of England for the management of the public debt, and services rendered to the public, be continued to that corporation for the limited period to be fixed as aforesaid, sub- ject to an annual reduction of j8*1 20,000. 5. That the laws restricting the interest of money to £5 per cent, shall be repealed, so far as they relate to bills of exchange not having more than three months to run be- fore they become due. 6. That it is expedient to give facilities, by the grant of royal charters, for the esta- blishment of joint stock banks, at a certain distance from London ; but that every such royal charter shall contain certain stipu- lations to be enforced with respect to all such chartered banks. 7. That all banks issuing promissory notes payable on demaiid, shall enter into a com- position in lieu of stamp duty, at the rate of 73. for every £100 on the notes which such banks shall have m circulation. 8. That it is expedient to make provision with regard to joint stock banking companies. 118. It will be seea by the three preceding ^ sections, 115-117, that the object ;iimed at by the propositions submitted by the chancellor of exchequer to parliament, is, to establish an uniform order of paper currency, based on gold at £3. 17s. lO^d. per ounce; and to vest the con- trol of the circulation and the profit thereof in the hands of the Bank for a limited term of years, thereby continuing a monopoly (as we shall show hereafter) of the most objectionable kind, in op- position to the general voice and feelings of the bulk of the people, as well as to the prevailing tenets of the government itself. One point to which we have not yet adverted is contained in the fifth paragraph of the official propositions above ; holding tliis in view, we will now pro- ceed to sliow tiie objections to the scheme in general as well as in detad on one side, and the advantages which it promises on the other. Making tlie notes a legal tender convertible into gold only at the Bank of England itself, or its brandies, is a i)art of tlie scheme whicii lends to an enlargement of the circulation, and, as such, promises to facilitate the operations of industry ; and the sclieme is so devised as to enable tlie Bank to witiidraw all its branches for the pur- pose of concentrating the convertibility into uold in the metropolis alone; it doubtless beii.g the intention of the Bank of England to withdraw its branches wherever joint stock banks are es- tablished to circulate its paper. As far as making the notes a legal tender, the scheme is good : nor is there any objection to be offered to the general principle on which joint stock banks are proposed to be established ; and the return of their circulation, liabilities, and assets, is pro- per and commendable. 119. But the scheme is exceedingly objection- able on the three following grounds, viz. 1st. As being based on gold at a low fixed, price, instead of on the £800,000,000 capital of public annuities, as proposed in section 96. 2nd. For tlie fluctuation and variation in the rate of interest which it so strongly tends to give rise to. 3id. For the arbitrariness, and tendency to caprice, which it establishes, and threatens to cherish. It is shown to demonstration in Mr. Marshall's digest of the accounts and papers presented to parliament since 1 799, ttiat the cause of the depre- ciated value in all our manufactured productions, and consequent diminution of profits and wages, 'has arisen from the large transfer of capital fiom British to foreign securities which has taken place since 1816. It is shown that, while since that date the British government have been in- strumental in causing about £70,000,000 to be applied to the purchase of 3 per cent, stock, at rates varying from 78 to 94, equal to upwards of twenty ounces of gold, for which they received less than eleven ounces in 1813-15, a cor- responding amount of capital has been vested in the public stocks of the different nations of Europe, at an average rate of interest of about 6 per cent. Tlius, while about £2,800,000 of annual interest has been cancelled in England, and the country at large relieved from an annual taxation to a corresponding amount, about £4,500,000 of annual interest has been created abroad ; and it is in consequence of the vvay, in which these transfers of capital and payment of interest become involved with the commeicial transactions of Europe, that the whole of the in- terest on the capital so transferred, be it more, or be it less, falls wliolly and exclusively on the manufacturing and productive classes of Eng- land, inasmuch as tiie interest is paid out of those means which otherwise would remain to augment the means of payment for the products of British industry exported. 120. It is the facility which the low price of gold affords for the transfer of capital, as de BANK. 473* scribed in the preceding section, that renders it so objectionable as the basis of the circulating medium. Had the circulating medium at the termination of the war been based on the £600,000,000 of stock which the war had created, or indeed on any other internal means, and gold like any other commodity been left to find its own level in price, a converse effect would have been produced to that which has, so fatally for the productive interest of England, been produced : the transfer of capital might have taken place, but it would have confined the demand more to productions of industry at re- munerating prices, inasmuch as the predilection for bullion would have enhanced its price pro- portionate to tile demand for it, and thereby have operated beneficially to the importer of bullion on one side, as well as to the exporter of the products of British industry to Europe on the other. In the first instance bullion is ob- tained in exchange for the products of British industry, being the only commodity which a great portion of the western world yet has to give in exchange : and on this commodity the British government fixes a maximum. How palpably ridiculous, and how palpably unjust to the commercial operator to that part of the world ! He brings his bullion to a focus of operations which would probably afford him 30 to 50 per cent, more than a perverse law allows him to obtain ; and this, not to benefit the party imposing or retaining the force of that law, but to facilitate another course of operations, which portend the ruin of all the productive interests of the empire. 121. It is not, however, the commercial dis- advantage which a low fixed price of gold in- flicts on the activities of the community, that constitutes exclusively its objection as the basis of the circulating medium. The objections are numerous ; to allow the article to be demanded for one, when one and a half, or any other price would be readily given, is an absurdity too pal- pable to need further observation. The greatest objection, however, lies against the constant fluctuation to which it subjects the circulation at large, and constant uncertainty to which it exposes all the rewards of industry. A consider- able time, it is true, may pass away without any very sensible derangement being manifest; but so long as the disproportionate rate of interest in England and the other nations of the world con- tinues, so long will the tendency to the transfer of capital continue, and consequently so long will continue sudden and unexpected demands for bullion ; and, should there be another such a harvest season as that of 1816, (and we are, from year to year, liable to a succession of such har- vests, while an enlarged circulating medium would be required to sustain the enhancement of price sconsequent thereon), the increased demand for gold which would inevitably ensue would lead to precisely the opposite effect. We miglit pursue the subject to a much greater length, but we trust enough has been said to prove the folly of such a basis as gold, for the circulating me- dium of a community so constituted as that of England. 122. The space assigned for this article pre- cludes us from entering into any fuither elucida- tion of this interesting and important subject; except a few observations on the subject of Savings Banks, institutions for the deposits of small sums. — Schemes for this purpose were first suggested at the close of the last century ; but it was subsequent to the termination of the war in 1815 when they were made a government mea- sure, by a fixed rate of interest being guaranteed to the depositors. Between January 1815, and November 1830, 402 banks had been esta- blished in England and Wales; at the latter date the number of depositors amounted to 378,316, exclusive of 4278 Friendly Societies, and 1826 charitable institutions, and the total sum deposited £13,420,976; at the same date there were 73 banks in Ireland, the total numljer of depositors 34,638, and the sum deposited £945,991. The deposits in these institutions have been considered by some as evincing grow- ing prudential habits, and consequently in- creasing comfort and independence of the working classes; but this is fallacious: during the earlier years of these institutions, the rate of interest guaranteed to the depositors consider- ably exceeded the interest yielded by the public Annuity Stocks ; the more crafty, therefore, of the monied fraternity, sold 3 per cent, stock and vested it in the Savings Banks ; and to obviate the ob- stacle which the limitation of deposits in Savings Banks prescribed, being not more than £20 at any one time nor exceeding £200 per ann., the sums transferred from the 3 per cents., were deposited in the savings banks in the names of the wife, chil- dren, and relations of the parties so transferring, and by this artifice, instead of £200, from £1000 to £2000 has been annually transferred. The rate of interest on the deposits in savings banks having been lowered, the inducement to transfer from the 3 per cents, is diminished, and the transactions of the savings bapks are now more confined than heretofore to the class of per- sons for whom they were intended. The prin- ciple on which the Saving Bjnks are founded, and their economy of management, are unex- ceptionable enough, but they have, nevertheless, up to this time, had a most baneful effect. The ' deposits are vested in the 3 and 3,^ per cents, by the commissioners of the sinking fund, as the trustees of the depositors; the total sum de- posited has therefore aided the transfer of a cor- responding amount of capital from British to foreign security. For a more complete elu- cidation of the working apd effect of these transactions, see the article Savings, in the further part of this work. y 474* BANK. Statement A, showing the situation or condition of the Bank, of the United States, in each of the twelve years 1819-30. The amount of the total liabilities in column No. 7 is made up of the 35 000 000 dollars, due equally in each year to the shareholders, in addition to the amounts due to depositors, and holders of notes, as exhibited in cols. 8 and 9. 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 182.5 1826 1827 1828 1829 Bills dis- counted. 32,211 28,808 27,099 28,574 30,584 29,478 29,327 29,592 27,948 30,820 32,703 1830132,541 1 ,674 ,267 ,050 ,893 ,919 ,255 ,219 ,103 592 944 280 ,124 Domestic Bills. ^36,760 1,526,600 1,598,473 2,394,688 2,588,245 2,563,672 3,270,699 3,592,145 4,568,297 6,018,784 8,417,021 7,476,321 2 Funded Debt. 7,236, 8,258, 11,859, 13,116, 10,911, 13,373, 19,807, 17,885 17,724 17,127 13,925 11,717 3 153 701 296 004 ,700 095 ,665 ,210 ,192 ,077 ,701 .071 Real Estate. Specie. 245,846 579,152 736,370 1,393,193 1,566,728 1,745,566 2,118,560 2,298,352 2.474,750 3,876,404 4 2,743 5,214, 6,469, 3,711, 4,899 5,909 4,686 5,174 6,327 6,205 6,411 7,175 5 Total Dollars. LIABILITIES. Total Dollars. 834 773 ,224 145 686 351 557 643 758 ,107 ,998 274 45,791. 45,991, 47,599 46,927. 50,073 53,853 158,722 '57,814 159,535 61,868 165,183 '66,322 51142 96043 293 47 905 057 ,604 ,376 ,051 ,518 ,559 ,516 ,274 528,421 808,341 271,639 376,082 ,720,920 ,717,566 ,658,868 989.667 ,690,399 ,470,264 ,942,759 ,556,145 7 Proportion of Deposits. 5,734,682 6,581,628 6,990,073 6,365,570 10,401,786 12,918,108 12,885,829 H,578,323; 13,727,274: 14,454,169, 15,172,164 14,788,&09 8 Notes in circulation. 5,056,829 4,410.332 5,609,220 5,562,335 4,671,271 5.935,496 8,836.6461 10,235,528 10,808,244 12,414,390 15,011,352 13,048,984 9 %* The total liability in the last year includes 1,161,001 dollars under the head of foreign account, and 2,375,079 due from banks, and notes of ditto. Statement B, showing the progress of Banking Institutions in the United States of North America, from 1811 to 1831, and the situation of all the Banks of the Union in 1830 in jegard to their capital, notes in circulation, specie, and deposits 1 88 banks, January 1, 1811 . . Capital, Notes. Deposits. Specie. 42,610,601 22,700,000 9,600,000 United States Bank Total .... . 10,000,000 5,400,000 5,800,000 52,610,601 28,100,000 15,400,000 208 banks in 1815 82,259,590 45,100,000 17,000,000 946 do. 1816 89,822,422 68,000,000 10,000,000 307 do. 1820 102,110,611 40,641,574 31,244,959 16,672,263 United States do Total in 1820 . . . 35,000,000 4,221,770 4,705,511 3,147,977 137,110,611 44,863,344 35,950,470 19,820,240 Do., as below, in 1830 145,192,268 61,323,898 55,559,928 22,114,917 The following sho4 the state of the banks in eachoflfive divisions of the United States territory in 1829. The numbers refer to the list in section 113 : New England States Nos. 1—5 30,812,692 7,394,566 4,203,895 2,194,768 Connec. New York and Jersey i 6—8 26,585,539 12,737,539 14,594,145 2,841,746 Pennsylvania, Detiware, Mary- land and Columbia . 9—13 25,566,622 11,274,086 10,850,739 4,170,592 4 Southern States . . 14—17 17,600,129 12,183,863 6,952,094 3,046,141 7 Western Ditto . . . 18—24 Total of 33^ banks, 1830 9,629,286 4,684,860 4,180,146 2,686,396 1 10,184,268 48,274,194 40,781,119 14,939,643 United States bank/ Total 35,000,000 13,048,984 14,778,809 7,175,2^4 145,1:92,268 61,323,898 t 55,559,928 22,114,917 Proportion 7 chief cities* . . . 53,211,605 17,144,422 ' 23,137,129 7,258,025 Salem, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charlestown, and New Orleans. I. BANK. Statement showing the Weekly Circulation of Bank of England notes, in tach of the seven years which follow, viz. 1792, being the year preceding the declaration of war iili February, 1793 , 1797, being the year preceding their nonconvertibility into gold, at a fixed standard ; 1817, as the year of maximum of circulation, the increase from 1797 to 1817 having been progressive; 1822, as the minimum, on the return to convertibility into gold, at the previous standard of 1797; 1825-6, as years of great commercial activity; and 1832, as the year previous to this sheet going to press. The blank lines are drawn to show the periods when the National Debt, Dividends, or Annuities are payable. On the fifth of January and July they amount to about £8,000,000 at each period, while an increased issue of about £2,000,000 of notes is seen to suffice. The April and October payments are about £5,500,000 each. Jan. 7 14 21 28 Feb. 4 11 18 25 Mar. 3 10 17 24 31 April 7 14 21 28 May 5 12 19 26 June 2 9 16 23 30 July 7 14 21 28 Aug. 4 11 18 25 Sept. 1 8 15 20 28 Oct. 6 13 20 27 Nov. 3 10 17 24 Dec. 1 8 15 22 29 1792. -£— 10,358,730 10,818,710 11,017,540 11,065,770 11,335,940 11,428,920 11,539,060 11,148,500 11,871,760 11,707,400 11,442,850 11,596,290 11,546,080 11,649,150 11,932,330 12,387,930 12,415,530 12,415,580 12,068,510 11,896,180 11,585,560 11,406,840 11,327,590 11,161,940 11,126,330 11,494,890 11,539,880 11,903,330 11,926,670 11,822,530 11,737,120 11,566,180 11,350,130 11,005,660 11,306,240 10,975,810 10,787,650 10,999,840 10,852,080 10,966,340 10,999,690 11,489,330 11,491,630 11,474,030 11,416,970 11,117,130 10,894,620 10,981,970 11,200,850 1 1 ,083,740 11,230,810 11,289,250 1797. £ 9,185,520 9,893,340 10,550,830 10,024,740 9,667,460 9,431,550 9,137,950 8,640,250 10,416,510 10,388,640 9,999,210 10,506,320 10,946,020 11,559,910 12,618,510 12,127,770 13,055,800 13,599,060 12,217,700 11,969,250 10,892,870 11,240,910 11,236,770 10,982,640 10,290,800 10,778,100 10,781,960 11,381,670 11,262,490 11,240,100 11,111,330 11,466,560 10,955,220 10,568,210 11,439,180 11,031,770 10,716,230 10,655,850 10,654,330 10,509,840 11,780,610 12,116,960 12,451,420 11,98.3,330 11,677,550 11,313,880 11,215,330 10,688,660 11,127,510 10,759.930 11,260,2,50 11,1 39,0K0 23,950,510 28,372,199 28,175,531 28,055,261 27,703,811 27,386,121 27,518,561 27,326,221 27,182,621 26,876,061 26,593,571 26,744,801 26,912,667 26,400,271 29,071,621 28,936,241 28,666,041 28,373,961 28,040,701 27,927,361 27,964,981 27,169,441 26,449,790 26,414,580 26,060,050 26,560,660 25,800,260 30,686,720 30,759,300 30,646,840 30,920,360 30,374,260 30,112,650 29,971,699 29,543,710 28.938,560 28,712,160 28,527,061 28,559,511 28,925,911 29,293,891 30,502,360 29,981,610 29,658,950 29,544,611 29,446,071 29,050,230 28,698,540 28,465,490 27,967,590 27,770,900 27,601,180 1822. • £ 16,950,147 20,764,268 20,211,461 19,673,545 19,211,845 19,034,229 18,679,243 18,348,009 18,387,046 17,803,676 17,709,606 17,467,141 17,388,481 17,149,301 19,025,399 18,583,121 18,105,998 17,798,295 17,461,161 16,984,938 l'',036,996 16,505,296 16,785,480 16,304,807 16,404,930 17,005,527 16,834,794 20,896,904 20,579,130 19.748,395 19,287,790 18,833,458 18,503,576 18,498,856 17,464,796 17,149,134 17,540,9.55 16,796,585 16,798,699 17,231,846 16,693,871 18,387,096 17,991,058 17,753,077 17,456,991 17,382,866 17,218,660 17,457,244 16,370,602 16,088,529 16,642,042 19,483,697 1825. -£— 21,790,472 22,337,332 22,328,627 21,960,334 21,931,937 21,307,879 21,2-34,674 21,060,145 20,342,417 19,875,858 19,560,433 19,611,349 20,328,980 20,687,517 21,060,103 20,717,044 20,536,633 20,500,259 20,046,091 19,723,489 19,653,012 19,298,202 18,639,892 18,327,736 18,372,369 19,038,339 21,714,838 21,763,418 21,198,818 20,794,730 20,157,200 19,738,770 19,589,056 19,290,570 19,028,070 18,517,202 18,252,171 18,009,781 18,506,562 18,173,445 19,686,586 19,027,460 18,692,228 18,497,423 18,031,872 17,594,301 17,464,890 17,477,294 18,037,96*") 23,942,827 25,611,806 25.709,526 1826. £ 24,120,416 26,104,904 ^5,013,791 24,255,925 23,673,737 23,450,151 24,466,510 24,955,050 25,115,173 24,375,453 24,16'l,274 24,060,901 24,161^171 24,941796 1832. -£— 25,56 25,56 ,374 24,48 23,65 22,97 22,29 21,90 ,055 ,967 ,000 ,215 ,814 ',490 21,35 ,405 20,87 ,408 20,85 ,693 21,0-^ ,575 20,7f ,013 22,62 1,821 23,5( 1,518 22,8; ,630 22.8 >,220 22,6 5,454 21.9 3,284 21,6p,96l 2],3|3,029 21,431,297 21,1^,437 20,653,131 20,264,364 20,408,194 19,584,501 20,6J4,313 21,o|o,060 20,»5,943 2«r, o '"' n! », c ^ D C3 en o 10,729,520"*^ 9,674,780 1,448,220 1,465,650 1,471,540 2,634,760 2,612,020 2,968,960 4,531,270 4,860,160 4,458,600 4,109,890 4,095,170 4,301,500 5,860,420 7,114,090 7,457,030 7,713,610 8,345,540 9,035,250 9,001,400 8,136,270 7,400,680 7,354,230 6,689,130 6,437,560 1,374,850 681,500 486,130 416,730 1,375,250 661,390 416,260 356,830 320,490 306,870 299,100 4 11,647,610 11,494,150 15,372,930 13,578,520 12,574,860 12,350,970 12,546,560 13,011,010 13,271,520 12,840,790 14,093,690 14,241,360 15,159,180 16,246,130 15,951,290 15,497,320 16,455,540 18,226,400 18,012,220 19,261,630 20,370,290 17,772,470 16,794,980 17,447,360 17,290,500 17,710,740 19,250,860 20,337,030 24,092,660 21,229,220 21,564,450 19,514,020 19,730,240 19,293,270 17,752,610 5 4,662,150 4,358,160 4,723,890 5,796,830 6,130,300 4,465,000 3,903,920 6,669,160 6,151,660 5,902,080 5,177,050 5,537,370 6,223,270 6,364,550 5,523,370 5,346,450 7,891,810 5,973,020 5,702,360 4,891,530 6,148,900 8,131,820 7,062,680 10,745,840 6,858,210 8,050,240 8,676,830 12,083,620 9,980,790 11,829,3120^ ll,961,96o! 9,982,950 12,457,310 11,445,650 11,595,200 11,268,180 12,455,460 1 1,702,250 12,388,890 10,825,610 7,997,550 6,413,370 4,093,550 5,622,890 4,689,940 7,181,100 10,097,850 10,168,780 6,935,940 8,801,660 9,198,140 9,553,960 10,763,150 11,213,530 8,937,170 6 12,102,480 13,370,770 13,134,680 12,889,280 14,159,180 12,140,090 10,106,680 12,592,250 13,733,620 14,231,920 14,738,170 15,344.580 16,263,810 17,803,750 16,830,750 17,235,360 18,635,830 19,990,530 16,431,880 14,566,310 19,244,730 21,091,620 23,907,150 26,959,120 22,045,090 23,370,170 25,754,660 29,954,790 27,710,910 28,780,000 30,150,820 28,525,810 33,476,910 34,805,870 35,003,520 34,479,110 37,256,540 38,963,900 39,402,510 38,223,510 35,768,520 31,540,070 27,577,660 29,507,810 23,355,290 25,573,340 29,834,840 30,922,540 32,403,850 30,692,270 31,178,850 29,424,810 30,81.3,880 30,813,670 26,988,880 7 III. BANK. each year since 1784; and of Money raised by Loans and funding of Exchequer Bills, in each year since the commencement of the war in February, 1793; and also of the amount of Ex- chequer Bills outstanding at the end of each of the forty-seven years, 1785 — 1831 ; and of the value of gold coined within each of the seventy-eight years before mentioned. " Amount of Securities. Coin and Total Assets. Balance in favor of the Bank, Exchequer Bills out- standing. Amount of GoldCoined Years. Public. 1 UUlllUU. Private. 1 k £ f i> £ £ £ £- 1778 7,898,292 3,322,228 2,010,690 13,231,210 1,128,730 350,438 9 8,862,242 2,073,668 3,711,150 14,647,060 1,276,290 1,696,117 1780 9,145,659 1,755,371 3,581,060 14,482,090 1,347,410 none. 1 8,640,073 2,546,007 3,279,940 14,466,080 1,576,800 876,795 2 10,346,055 3,448,015 2,157,860 15,951,930 1,792,750 698,074 3 10,016,349 2,779,431 1,321,190 14,116,970 1,976,880 227,083 4 7,789,291 3,829,929 655,840 12,275,060 2,168,380 822,126 5 7,198,564 4,973,926 2,740,820 14,913,310 2,321,060 9,481,423 2,488,106 6 6,836,459 3,516,781 5,979,090 16,332,330 2,598,710 9,358,387 1,107,382 7 7,642,587 3,716,463 5,626,690 16,985,740 2,753,820 9,524,177 2,849,057 8 7,833,857 4,030,653 5,743,440 17,607,950 2,869,780 10,953,474 3,664,174 9 8,249,582 2,711,108 7,228,730 18,189,420 2,844,840 12,101,504 1,530,711 1790 8,347,387 1,984,733 8,633,000 18,965,120 2,701,310 14,334,480 2,660,521 1 10,380,358 2,222,282 7,869,410 20.472,050 2,668,300 12,8(37,156 2,456,567 2 9,938,799 3,129,761 6,468,060 19,536,620 2,705,870 14,449,889 1,171,863 3 9,549,209 6,456,041 4,010,680 20,015,930 2,780,570 17,9154,065 2,747,430 4 9,950,756 4,573,794 6,987,110 21,511,660 2,875,830 19,758,109 2,558,895 5 13,164,172 3,647,168 6,127,720 22,939,060 2,948,530 24,972,616 493,416 6 12,951,812 4,188,028 2,539,630 19,679,470 3,247,590 15,795,266 464,680 7 11,714,431 5,123,319 1,086,170 17,923,920 3,357,610 16,5J5,573 2,000,297 8 11,241,333 5,558,167 5,828,940 22,628,440 3,383,710 17,6(19,465 2,967,565 9 11,510,677 5,528,353 7,563,900 24,602,930 3,511,310 24,252,582 449,962 1800 13,975,663 7,448,387 6,144,250 27,568,300 3,661,150 31,8P8.878 189,937 1 15,958,011 10,466,719 4,640,120 31,064,850 4,105,730 25,185,241 450,242 2 14,199,094 7,760,726 4,152,950 26,112,770 4,067,680 18,436,295 437,019 3 9,417,887 14,497,013 3,776,750 27,691,650 4,321,480 23,107,615 596,445 4 14,684,686 12,314,284 3,372,140 30,371,110 4,616,450 29,516,406 718,397 5 16,889,501 11,771,889 5,883,800 34,545,190 4,590,400 31,005,210 54,668 6 14,813,599 11,777,471 5,987,190 32,578,260 4,867,350 i 31,175,942 405,106 7 13,452,871 13,955,589 6,142,840 33,551,300 4,771,360 36,005,348 none. 8 14,149,501 13,234,579 7,855,470 35,239,550 5,088,730 43,736,718 371,744 9 14,743,425 14,374,775 4,488,700 33,606,900 5,081,090 1 43,571,575 298,946 1810 14,322,634 21,055,946 3,501,410 38,879,990 5,403,080 ; 42,363,510 310,936 11 17,201,800 19,920,550 3,350,940 40,473,290 5,667,420 47.221,658 312,263 12 22,127,253 15,899,037 2.983,190 41,009,480 6,005,960 51,947,084 none. 13 25,036,626 12,894,324 2,884,500 40,815,450 6,336,340 1 54,302,987 519,722 14 23,630,317 18,359,593 2,204,430 44,194,340 6,937,800 64,T76,381 none. 15 27,512,804 17,045,696 2,036,910 46,595,410 7,631,510 46,719,432 none. 16 19,425,780 23,975,530 4,640,880 48,042,190 8,639,680 51,006,687 none. 17 25,538,808 8,739,822 9,680,970 43,959,600 5,736,090 62,025,124 4,275,337 18 26,913,360 3,991,970 10,055,460 40,960,790 5,192,270 48,871,205 2,86^,374 19 22,355,115 9,099,885 4,184,020 35,639,620 4,099,550 41,929,879 3,574 1820 21,715,168 4,472,322 4,911,050 31,098,549 3,520.880 33,700,988 949,516 1 16,010,990 4,785,280 11,869,900 32,666,170 3,158,360 32i726.123 9,520,760 2 12,478,133 3,494,947 11,057,150 27,030,230 3,674,940 36,645,240 5,356,787 3 13,658,829 4,660,901 10,384,230 28,703,960 3,130,620 34,989,508 759,748 4 14,341,127 4,530,873 13,810,060 32,682,060 2,847,220 38i84,514 32/194,233 23.V'"'3,850 4,065,075 5 19,447,588 5,503,742 8,779,100 33,730,430 2,807,890 4,580,919 6 20,573,258 12,345,322 2,459,510 35,378,090 2,974,240 5,896,461 7 18.685,015 4,844,515 10,159,020 33,688,550 2,996,280 28,153,050 2,512,037 8 19,818,777 3,762,493 10,347.290 33,928,560 2,749,710 27,862,750 1,277,784 9 19,736,665 5,648,085 6,835,020 32,219,770 2,794,960 2.'5 ,607,600 2,271,158 1830 20,038,890 4,165,500 9,171,000 33,375.390 2,561,510 27,271,650 1 19,927,572 5,281,408 8,217,0:)0 33,426,030 2,612,035 27,133,350 2 18,497,448 5,836,042 5,293,150 29,626,640 2.637,760 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 IV. 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