THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY e>7i €LASS1CS Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. University of Illinois Library MAY 2 5 w m OCT ft \ 6 r JUL 210 19/ floe 2 DEC a 1 L161— O-1096 HORACE VOL. I rHE ODES, CARMEN SAECULARE AND EPODES WITH A COMMENTARY BY E. C. WICKHAM, D.D. HON. FELLOW OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD AT THE OXFORD CLARENDON 1904 PRESS * \ L \ Ck and D and r, B and C, have been •supposed to be severally related in this way, and the readings of their imagined archetypes are indicated by Holder by the signs A', A', F, D', B'. We are supposed to have thus— to the extent that uniform readings can be obtained — a certain number of con- jecturally restored MSS. much older than any that are still extant. These and the other solitary representatives of older MSS. are again grouped into three classes. The first of these is distinguished as containing, with many faults of carelessness, and with a certain number of grammatical cor- 'rections (eg. ' videri,' against the metre in Elpod. 16. 14), little or no proof of alteration on rhetorical or general grounds. In this ; class are placed for different parts of Horace's poems A, a, R, D, r, ; M,y, E, C. The second class is supposed to show the corrections of an early and intelligent emender. That such diopOaraL existed in early times ([is stated by the Pseudo-Acron on Ars Poet. 345. And the name of one is found in the inscription which appears, in slightly different GENERAL INTRODUCTION terms, at the end of the Epodes in A, X, /, R s ,g. ' Vettius Agorius Basilius Mavortius v, c. et inl. (vir clarissimus et inlustris) excom. dom. excons. ord. (excomite domestico, exconsule ordinario) legi et ut potui emendavi, conferente mihi magistro Felice oratore urbis Romae.' Felix is not known, but Mavortius was consul in the year A. D. 527. Asterius, consul 494, is similarly connected with the history of the text of Virgil. Bentley had treated this Mavortian recension as the ultimate point to which the oldest MSS. might be expected to take us back. Keller and Holder treat it rather as the first, though not the worst, source of systematic corruption. The most important fact with respect to this class is that Keller places in it B, V with g, and in respect of many of the readings A. The third class is held to have been subjected to earlier and less intelligent corruption than the second. As a whole, therefore, it exhibits a worse text, more blunders and fatuities. On the other hand it is tenacious of the true text where the intelligent inter- polators of class 2 have obscured it. In it are placed generally F (= <£>i//), X' (= X/), u, 7r, 0-, and others. The canon on which Keller and Holder rely in using this classifi- cation is that the common reading of two classes is to be preferred to that of the third. It is essential therefore to the value of the system that the existence of the three classes should be clearly made out : otherwise it is merely the testimony of some of the older MSS. against others. It is here that criticism has been most damaging to them 1 . It is pointed out that the natural basis for the theory of a triple recension is wanting, inasmuch as the existence of three distinctive variants in doubtful passages is not only not frequent, it is confessedly extremely rare 2 . The classes are recognized not by distinctive readings but by the general type of their aberrations from the supposed original text. But here 1 I would refer for a vigorous criticism of the principles of Keller and Holder's classification to an article by Dr. James Gow in the Classical Review, vol. iv. p. 337. 2 See Dr. Gow's article, p. 339. He can find in Keller's 1 apparatus criticus' only seven cases of three substantial variants, one ascribed to each class, viz.: Od. 1. 12. 3 retinet, recinet, recinit ; 1. 12. 15 et, ac. aut : 2. 11. 24 comas, comae, comam ; 2. 13. 23 descriptas, diseriptas, discretns 1 , 3. 24. 4 publicum, Ponticum, Apulicum ; 3. 27. 55 delluet, defluit, derluat. Sat. 1. 2. 12 Fufidius, Futidius, Fusidius. GENERAL INTRODUCTION again we lack a solid ground on which to rest the division. For ifew MSS. exhibit such a type consistently. They pass from one class to another in successive pages. The grouping in pairs, which again should be a step towards the grouping in classes, is so far from being so that the two modes of relating MSS. are at times at variance. A and a, for instance, which are supposed to be derived in large part from a single archetype, are ranked often for pages together in different classes. One fatal result of this process is that the evidence for the separate existence of class I , on which Keller lays so much stress, tends to disappear. The only persistent members of it are M and y, both of them MSS. of the eleventh century. It is interesting, however, to observe that whatever weight we assign to Keller's classification of the MSS. it has no revolutionary effect upon his text. The great feature in it, after all, is the lower value attached to such MSS. as B and V. This, of course, goes Ifar in some places to decide the reading. But if we compare his text with that of the most competent and the most conservative critics who immediately preceded him we shall find the difference comparatively small. We shall see that he admits conjectures at least as largely as others, more than many, and that his con- clusions, however they were formed, are supported generally by evidence from the Scholia, or by quotations, or by considerations of style, metre, and the like \ § 7. Before we leave the MSS. it may be the place to say a few 1 Deducting questions of orthography, punctuation, &c, there are thirty- seven places in the Odes and Epodes where Kellers text (vol. i. of the larger edition) differs from that of both Ritter and Munro. Of these nine are due to his introduction into the text of conjectures (Od. 1. 7. 8 'honore,' 1. 15. 36 1 Pergameas/ 1. 16. 5 'adyti,' 1. 23. 5, 6 1 vepris ... ad ventum/ 3. 5. 15 ' trahenti/ 4. 4. 17 1 Raetis/ 4. 10. 5 1 Ligurine/ Epod. 2. 27 'frondes,' 5. 88 'humana mv^em'). Eleven are cases where readings resting on very slight MS. authority, or even upon none, have been received on other grounds, such as the authority of the Scholia, &c. (Keller, Od. 1. 3. 37 i arduum/ I. 16. 8 'si,' 1. 20. 10 i turn,' 1. 22. 2 i Mauri,' 1. 22. 11 'expeditus,' 2. 3. it * quo et,'* 2. 6. 19 'fertilis,' 3. 3. 55 ' debacchantur ' ; Ritter and Munro, 1. 17. 14 ' hie,' 2. 13. 23 4 discretas/ 3. 4. 10 'aUricis'). There are very few of the remainder where the effect of his view of the MSS. can be distinctly detected in the absence of other arguments from the Scholia, or from internal evidence ; such are perhaps 1. 8. 2 'hoc,' 3. 21. 10 ' necgleget,' 4. 9. 31 4 sileri/ Epod. 16. 33 ' flavos,' 17. 60 'proderit.' In the later editions several of these variations are retracted and the text is so much the more like that of previous editors. GENERAL INTRODUCTION words upon two subjects which present themselves very early to the reader of any notes upon Horace. Conjectural Emendation. The first has been glanced at already. I do not know that conjectural emendation has really been exceptionally busy upon Horace's text. That the two are specially associated in the minds of general readers is due doubtless, in a great measure, to their greater familiarity with the author, to the brilliancy of the conjectures them- selves, the contributions of a long series of the greatest scholars from the Renaissance onwards, particularly perhaps to the un- rivalled power, learning, and eloquence with which our greatest English scholar recommended the method and its results in his edition of the poet. There was something, however, in the nature of the critical evidence on which Horace's text rests which made conjectural emendation, if not specially necessary, at least specially tempting. Necessary of course it was not, in the sense in which it is necessary in the text of Aeschylus or of Lucretius, to restore sense or metre in a chaos ; but in a way the multiplicity of MSS. tempts us to do for one author what the poverty of MSS. almost compels us to do for another. A variety of readings, all con- sistent with metre and intelligible, and all resting on fairly equal MS. testimony, must imply the hand of one or more emenders of the text at an early period. It is a natural interpretation to assume in such a case that all alike are attempts, more or less skilful, to fill up a gap in the original authority; and this once believed, a scholar of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries may not unreason- ably think himself as competent to guess the riddle as a scholar of the fourth or fifth. It is manifest that no impassable barrier separates cases where the MSS. are divided from those where they are consentient. Division is only a sign of the disease. We have already seen that it is confessedly possible for the same blunder to infest every MS. A modern editor will probably set aside, as a rule, purely conjectural emendations ; at any rate, he will hesitate to give them the reality which is implied by printing them in the text ; not because he denies the possibility of corruptions, or does not feel the plausibility of many conjectures, but only because experience has taught us that there is no necessary limit even toj GENERAL INTRODUCTION the cleverest and most plausible guessing, and becau:e it cannot be proved that in such a text as that of Horace guessing on a large scale is necessary. One more remark may be allowed. An editor with the feelings which I have described will yet feel bound to recall, and to some extent to discuss, the more famous conjectures which have become part of the literary history of his author, and in doing so he will run the risk, at times, of seeming to treat great names ungraciously. It must be remembered therefore that to have learnt to distrust a method is not to deny the genius of those who used it, and who, by showing us its results at its best, have taught us the limits of its capability. The solid value of Bentley's edition is diminished very little by the fact that very many of his conclusions are such as we cannot now accept with any confidence or even accept at all. There is hardly a question in Horatian exegesis that is not raised by him, and raised, if at times in a form rather more logical than befits the criticism of a poet, yet always with a precision and strength, as well as with a fullness of know- ledge, which at least (and it is an editor's chief function) makes us understand and measure the difficulty. Theories of Interpolation. To the constructive criticism of previous centuries was added in the present one the destructive criticism of which the chief examples are to be found in the edition of H. Peerlkamp (Harlem, 1854; Amsterdam, 1862) and in the work of Gruppe, Minos: iiber die Interpolationen in den romischen Dichtern, Leipzig, 1859. This, like the former, proposes to carry us back beyond the age of MSS. or Scholia : unlike the former, it cannot even appeal to indi- cations of disturbance in the MSS. which would explain, if they did not require, its theories. The antecedent probability of defects in the archetype wrongly filled up cannot be denied in the face of evi- dence that such defects must actually have existed : it becomes a question of less or more. But the antecedent probability of the suppositions which are necessary to any theory of the interpolation of spurious Odes or parts of Odes cannot be so easily granted. Every known fact in the history of Horace's poems can be ex- plained without such a theory, unless indeed it be assumed that no poem or stanza which falls below his highest poetical level can be w. h. 1. b GENERAL INTRODUCTION genuine. On the other hand, as Munro pointed out ! , in his vigorous summary of the arguments against the interpolation theory, the form of Horace's poems is specially his own. We are asked to imagine that unknown poets, in the literary age of Rome, reproduced it with a skill and completeness of which the known poets who have tried to imitate it proved themselves incapable. But though Peerlkamp's method of criticism must be pronounced baseless, we may trace from it, as from its predecessor, indirect results of value in the attention which it calls to the sequence of thought, the lights and shades of style, and the varying merit of the poetry. II. THE SCHOLIASTS. § 8. The collections of Scholia on Horace which pass under the names of Helenius Acron, and Pomponius Porphyrion, can neither of them be certainly dated, and some doubt therefore hangs over their relation to one another ; neither of them is in a perfect state nor free from suspicion of interpolations. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, they must be considered' of very high value. On questions of text the authority of the commentary is at the least several centuries older than any MS. of the poet, either extant or known to us by testimony. Of course the ' lemmata,' or quoted words to which the comment is affixed, are of inferior importance, and they differ not unfrequently from the text interpreted in the commentary, and can only by themselves carry us back to the date of the oldest MSS. of the Scholia, viz. at the earliest to centuries 9-10. On questions of interpretation, and especially of allusions to customs, sites, and persons, the Scholia have value, inde- pendently of any doubt as to their writer's precise date or personal acquaintance with Roman life, from the fact that they bear evidence of having been composed by men who had in their hands early authorities which are otherwise lost to us. These are sometimes referred to by name, as Terentius Scaurus (a grammarian of Hadrian's time who wrote a commentary on the Ars Poetica) on Sat. 2. 5. 92 ; Claranus (Martial, 10. 21. 2, Seneca, Ep. 66) on Sat. 2. 3. 83; more often generally as ' nonnulli,' 'alii,' 'plerique,' i commentator' (Acr. on A. P. 120), * qui de personis Horatianis scripserunt' (Porph. on Sat. 1. 3. 21 and 91, 2. 5. 92). 1 Preface to Messrs. Munro and King's edition. GENERAL INTRODUCTION O. Keller who has collected and used with much ingenuity all the available evidence on the subject, gives the palm of antiquity to the Scholia of Porphyrion. The only limit set to their date by external testimony is to be found in the mention of Porphyrin's name by Charisius, a grammatical writer, usually placed about A.D. 400 ; but Keller thinks they are as early as A.D. 200-250. The evidence on which he relies consists wholly of indications in the Scholia themselves, such as (a) the writer's personal knowledge of Rome coupled with the fact that he never alludes to the walls of Aurelian (a.d. 271), while he recognizes the older gates, as e.g. the Porta Esquilina on Epod. 5. 100, Sat. I. 8. 1 ; (b) his use of Parthi, Parthicus, &c. as designations of the great eastern monarchy, in : several places where the Pseudo-Acron uses Persae, Persicus, a natural variation if the fall of Parthia and the rise of the Persian dynasty of the Sassanidae (A.D. 226) had taken place between the two dates ; (c) his way of speaking of the religious ceremonies of heathen Rome as though they were still observed in his own time. Contrast, e.g., his note on Od. 3. 11. 6 4 fidicines hodieque Romae sacrificiis adhiberi videmus ' with Acron's ' et in sacrifices fidicines adhiberi consueverant,' or that on Od. 2. 16. 14 'salinum, patella in qua primitiae dis cum sale dantur ' with Acron's ' patella in qua dis primitiae offerebantur,' or lastly, that on 3. 5. II ' Aeternam Vestam, propter aeternos ignis qui in ara eius coluntur' with Acron's ' aeterni ignis qui in ara eius indefesse colebatur.' The genuine Acron wrote earlier than Porphyrion, if the latter' s quotation of him on Sat. 1. 8. 25 is not an interpolation, 'memini m,e legere apud Helenium Acronem Saganam fuisse libertum Pom- , ponii senatoris qui a triumviris est proscriptus.' It is to be re- marked, however, that the statement thus quoted does not occur in j the Scholia which go under Acron's name. On the other hand, we find in them the change of tense already noticed with respect to I sacrifices, &c, which would point to their being later than the prohibition of heathen ceremonies by Theodosius in A.D. 391 ; we find (unless these be interpolations) the names of the Goths (on ' Od. 4. 15. 22), and according to one MS. of the Huns (on Od. 2. , 11. 1), and a hint perhaps of the desolation of Italy by the bar- barians (on Od. 3. 4. 16) ; and we find, subject to the same proviso, 1 Symbola philologorum Bonnensium, Lips., Teubn. 1867. b 2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION references to Priscian (fifth century) on Epp. 2. 1. 228, and to Priscian's teacher Theoctistus on Sat. 1. 5. 97. It is mainly on those grounds that Keller distinguishes the Acron who was one of the commentators used by Porphyrion from the composer or com- posers of the Scholia which now bear the name, and which were composed by some one who had Porphyrion's commentary in his hands and used it largely. These Pseudo-Acronian Scholia he relegates to the fifth century. Upon grounds on which it is less easy to feel secure in following him, he divides them into two parts ; the first (up to the beginning of the Fourth Book of the Odes with part of those in the Fourth Book and most of the Epodes) belong- ing to the earlier half of the century ; the remainder he places in the second half, and identifies as their author Fabius Planciades Fulgentius, a grammarian of that date, one of whose works, three books of mythology, is found with no mark of a new author on the same MS. with the Schol. Acron. The so-called ' Commentator Cruquianus ' is not an independent authority, the name being given to a medley of notes, in the main a transcript or paraphrase of Acron and Porphyrion, printed by Cruquius from marginal or interlinear annotations on his Blandi- nian MSS. III. EDITIONS. § 9. It may be convenient for purposes of reference to add a I chronological list of the chief editions of Horace earlier than the present century (chiefly from Mitscherlich). Fifteenth century. The i editio princeps ' is not certainly known : the title is usually- given to an edition without name or date, which is supposed to have been published by Zarotus at Milan in 1470. The first edition, which contains a commentary by a modern scholar of name, is that of Landinus (Cristoforo Landino, born at Florence 1424, died 1504), printed at Florence in 1482, and at Venice in the same year. An edition, published at Venice in 1492, contained, besides, notes by Mancineltus (Antonio Mancinelli, born at Velletri in 1452, a teacher of Orvieto). GENERAL INTRODUCTION ■ Sixteenth century. [501 (also 1503, 1509, 1 5 19, 1527), the Aldine edition, from the j press of Aldus at Venice. 1503 (also 1 5 14, 15 19), the Juntine, from that of Ph. Giunta at • Florence. 15 19, the Ascensian (Paris), from that of Badius (named Ascensius ! from his birthplace, the village of Assche, near Brussels). 1523 (Freiburg im Breisgau), ed. of Glareanns (Henri Loriti, so I named from his birthplace, the canton Glaris, born 1488, Professor at Basle 15 15-1529, retired to Freiburg, where he f died in 1563). P551 (Venice), an edition of the younger Aldus, which contained annotations by M. Ant. Muretus (born at Muret, a village near Limoges, in France, 1526, died at Rome 1585). 1555 (Basle), ed. of Fabricius (George, born at Chemnitz in 1 526, died 1571). 1561 (Lyons), ed. of Lambinns (Denis Lambin, born at Montreuil, in Picardy, 1 5 16, Professor of Greek in Paris, died, it is said, partly from the shock of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, in September 1572). C-anter (born at Utrecht 1542, died 1575), published in 1564, and in subsequent years, some 6 Novae Lectiones ' on various authors, including Horace (which are to be found in Gruter's Thesaurus Criticus, vol. iii). 1578 (Antwerp), ed. of Cruquius, Professor at Bruges. This had been preceded by partial editions in 1565, 1567, and 1573. Seventeenth century. • 1605, ed. of Dan. Heinsius, born at Ghent 1580, died at Leyden in 1665. j 1 608 (Antwerp), ed. of Torrentius (a Latinized form of the name Vanderbeken). He was Bishop of Antwerp, born 1525, died • 1595 ; his edition being published posthumously. 1613 (Paris), R. Etienne (Stephanus) published an edition with the notes of Rutgers (a pupil of Heinsius, born at Dort 1589, i in GENERAL INTRODUCTION entered the service of Gustavus Adolphus, and served as ambassador in several foreign courts, died 1625). His Venu- sinae Lectiones were not published in their entirety until Burmann's edition in 1699. 1 67 1 (Saumur), ed. of Tanaquil Faber (Tanneguy Lefevre, born at j Caen 1615, Professor at Saumur, died 1672). 1 68 1 (Paris), a translation, with notes, by A. Dacier, son-in-law of J the preceding. 1699 (Utrecht), ed. of Burmannus (P. Burmann, born at Utrecht ! 1668). Eighteenth century. 1 701 (London), ed. of W. Baxter, nephew of the nonconformist divine. 171 1 (Camb.), ed. of R. Bentley. 1 72 1 (London), ed. of Cunningham. 1728 (Paris), ed. of Sanation, a Jesuit father. 1752 (Leipsic), ed. of Gesner. 1778 (Leipsic), ed. of Jani. 1794 (London), ed. of Wakefield. 1800 (Leipsic), ed. of Mitscherlich. Of editions of this century those of which most frequent mention is made in my notes are those of Orelli, Zurich, 1837, 1852, and the new edition consider- ably altered by Hirschfelder and Mewes. Dillenburger, Bonn, 1844, 1867. Duentzer, Brunswick, 1849. Macleane, Bibliotheca Classica, London, 1853. Ritter, Leipsic, 1856. Keller and Holder, Leipsic, 1 864-1 899. Yonge, London, 1867. Munro and King, London, 1869. Nauck (7th ed n .), Leipsic, 1871. Schiitz (2nd ed".), Berlin, 1880. Kiessling, Berlin, 1884. In Macmillan's series the Odes by Mr. T. E. Page, the Satires by Prof. A. Palmer, the Epistles by Prof. Wilkins. The editions of the Scholia of which I have made use are those 1 \ GENERAL INTRODUCTION of Hauthal (Berlin, 1864) and Pauly (Prague, 1858), and more recently the edition of Porphyrion's Scholia by Holder. I have referred also frequently to Estre's Prosopographeia Horatiana (Amsterdam, 1846), Franke's Fasti Horatiani (Berlin, 1839), Horaz-Studien, Pliiss, Teubner, 1882, and Studies in the Odes of Horace, A. W. Verrall (Macmillan, 1884). The English translators of Horace, especially Conington, have often suggested a happy rendering or a new view. § 10. HORACE'S EARLY LIFE IN HIS WRITINGS. Name — Quintus, Sat. 2. 6. 37. „ Horatius, Od. 4. 6. 44, Epp. I. 14. 5. Flaccus, Sat. 2. 1. 18, Epod. 15. 12. [Of the origin of the * cognomen' nothing can be guessed. The 1 nomen ' might imply that his father, on manumission, had taken a gentile name from some member of the Horatia gens. It is now more generally believed, on a suggestion of G. F. Grotefend, that it was derived from the Horatia tribus, the one of the country tribes in which the colony of Venusia was enrolled, and to which Horace's father, as a Ubertus of Venusia, would belong.] B.C. 65. Date of Birth. — The year is given in Od. 3. 21. I, Epod. 13. 6, Epp. 1. 20. 26-28. The last reference adds the month. Suetonius completes it by fixing the day, ' Sexto idus Decem- bris,' December the 8th. Birthplace. — Sat. 2. 1. 35. Cp. Od. 3. 30. 10, 4. 6. 27, 4. 9. 2. We may compare the familiarity of his mention of scenes in Apulia, Od. 3. 4. 9-16, Sat. 1. 5. 77 ; the river Aufidus, Od. 4. 14. 25, cp. Sat. 1. 1. 58; the Fons Bandusiae (?), Od. 3. 13; Mons Vultur, Od. 3. 4. 9 ; Garganum Pr., Od. 2. 9. 7, Epp. 2. 1. 202 ; Litus Matinum, Od. 1. 28. 3, cp. 4. 2. 27, Epod. 16. 28 ; Luceria, Od. 3. 15. 7 ; the wolves on the Apulian hills, I. 22. J 3> 33- 7- See also on the fondness with which he attributes to the Apulian all Roman virtues, Od. 1. 22. 13, 2. I. 34, 3. 5. 9, 16. 26, Epod. 2. 42 \ 1 An interesting account of a visit to Horace's country Venusia, Vulfur, &c, will be found in an article by the Rev. H. F. Tozer in the Classical Review, vol, ii. p. 13 f. GENERAL INTRODUCTION Parentage. — 1 Libertino patre natus/ Sat. i. 6. 6 and 45; cp. Od. 2. 20. 6 and Epp. 1. 20. 21. Horace himself was 4 in- genuus,' i.e. born after his father had attained his freedom^ Sat. 1. 6. 8. His father* s prof ession. — 4 Coactor, ' Sat. 1, 6. 86. [Suetonius says, ' coactor exactionum,' * a collector of taxes/ He says, further, that he was a * salsamentarius,' or dealer in salt-fish, and that Horace was once taunted with this by one who said to him, ' Quotiens ego vidi patrem tuum bracchio se emungentem. 5 ] He had purchased a small estate, Sat. I. 6. 71. For Horace's feeling towards his father see Sat. 1. 6, especially vv. 89-96. Anecdotes of his childhood. — Od. 3. 4. 9 foil., Sat. 1. 9. 29 foil., 2. 2. 112 foil. Removal to Rome for his education. — Sat. 1. 6. 71 foil., Epp. 2. 2. 42. His father's care, Sat. 1. 4. 105 foil, 1. 6. 71 foil. Study under Orbilius, ' plagosus/ Epp. 2. 1. 69. [There is a short life of Orbilius Pupillus of Beneventum in Sueton. de Illustr. Gramm. Horace's epithet is quoted, and illustrated by a line of Domitius Marsus, ' Si quos Orbilius ferula scuticaque ceci- dit.'] For the subjects of his reading see 1. c. and Epp, 2. 2. 41. B.C. 44(F). Studies at Athens. — Epp. 2. 2. 43 foil. [Brutus was at Athens at the time, immediately after Caesar's murder, attending the lectures of Theomnestus the Academic, and Cratippus the Peripatetic, and wishing to be thought entirely intent on philo- sophy, Plutarch. Brut, 24.] B.C. 43, 42. Campaign with Brutus. — Epp. 2. 2. 46 foil., Sat. 1. 6. 48, Od. 2. 7. 5-14, 3. 4. 26, Epp. 1. 20. 23. [Sueton. ' bello Philippensi excitus a Marco Bruto imperatore tribunus militum meruit.'] For indications that he was with Brutus while he was still in Asia see Sat. 1. 7 Introd., Epp. 1. 11. 7 foil., and on Od. 2. 7. 6. B.C. 41. Return to Rome.—' Decisis humilem pennis, inopemque paterni Et Laris et fundi,' Epp. 2. 2. 49. [Sueton. ' Victis partibus, venia impetrata, scriptum quaestorium comparavit.' This means the place of a ' scriba,' or clerk, in the quaestor's office, and Horace's appointment to it is connected by some with his father's old employment as * coactor exactionum.'] GENERAL INTRODUCTION i.e. 38 (?). Introduction to Maecenas. — Sat. I. 6. 54 foil. The date of this is fixed by a comparison of Sat. 2. 6. 40 4 Septimus octavo propior iam fugerit annus, Ex quo Maecenas me coepit habere suorum In numero,' with the references in vv. 38, 53, 55, which seem to fix the composition of that Satire to the end of B.C. 31. See in vol. ii Introduction of the Satires, § 3. ! § 11. EXTRACTS FROM THE SUETONIAN LIFE OF HORACE. Maecenas 1 regard for him* I Maecenas quantopere eum dilexerit satis monstratur illo epi- , .rammate : ' Ni te visceribus meis, Horati, Plus iam diligo, tu tuum sodalem Ninnio videas strigosiorem ; ' ed multo magis extremis iudiciis tali ad Augustum elogio : ' Horati , r lacci, ut mei, esto memor.' I Augustus' offer to him of the post of Private Secretary. Augustus epistolarum quoque ei ofricium obtulit, ut hoc ad daecenatem scripto significat : i Ante ipse sufftciebam scribendis pistolis amicorum : nunc occupatissimus et infirmus Horatium lostrum a te cupio abducere. Veniet igitur ab ista parasitica 'aensa ad hanc regiam, et nos in epistolis scribendis adiuvabit.' ^c ne recusanti quidem aut succensuit quicquam aut amicitiam uam ingerere desiit. Extracts from letters of Augustus to him. 6 Sume tibi aliquid iuris apud me tamquam si convictor mihi jjeris : recte enim et non temere feceris, quoniam id usus mihi ecum esse volui si per valetudinem tuam fieri possit.' 1 ' Tui qualem habeam memoriam poteris ex Septimio quoque ostro audire : nam incidit ut illo coram fieret a me tui mentio : |ieque si tu superbus amicitiam nostram sprevisti ideo nos quoque vdunepf^povovfiev. 1 • ' Pertulit ad me Dionysius libellum tuum, quern ego, ut ne .ccusem brevitatem, quantuluscunque est, boni consulo. Vereri .utem mihi videris ne maiores libelli tui sint quam ipse es. Sed si GENERAL INTRODUCTION statura deest, corpuscuhim non deest. Itaque licebit in sextariolo scribas, ut circuitus voluminis tui sit oyK^hecrraros sicut est ventri- culi tui.' [Cp. Hor. Epp. i. 4. 14, 1. 20. 24.] The Compositio?i of the Carm. Saec, Book IV of the Odes, and Book II of the Epp. Scripta eius usque adeo probavit [Augustus] mansuraque perpetuo opinatus est ut non modo Saeculare carmen componendum in- iunxerit, sed et Vindelicam victoriam Tiberii Drusique privignorum suorum, eumque coegerit propter hoc tribus carminum libris ex longo interval! o quartum addere ; post sermones vero lectos quos- dam nullam sui mentionem habitam ita sit questus : 6 Irasci me tibi scito quod non in plerisque eiusmodi scriptis me cum potissimum loquaris. An vereris ne apud posteros infame tibi sit quod videaris familiaris nobis esse ? ' Expressitque eclogam illam cuius initium est ' Cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus,' &c. Of Horace's country houses. Vixit plurimum in secessu ruris sui Sabini aut Tiburtini ; dornus- que eius ostenditur circa Tiburni luculum. [The first clause might be interpreted as merely giving two alternative designations of the Sabine Farm, but the second distinctly recognizes the belief that he had besides a villa at Tibur itself, as the ' Tiburni luculus ' can hardly be other than the ' Tiburni lucus ' of Od. 1. 7. 13 ; cp. Stat. Silv. 1. 3. 74. The form, however, of the statement, ' the house is still shown,' is quite compatible with the idea that it is an addition to the original text interpolated after the tradition of a second Tiburtine villa had grown up. The passages in which he speaks of Tibur (e. g. Od. 2. 6. 5, 4. 2. 31, Epp. 1. 8. 12) are quite enough to account for such a tradition, and are inadequate to substantiate it.] Of spurious Writings att7'ibuted to him, Venerunt in manus meas et elegi sub eius titulo, et epistola prosa oratione, quasi commendantis se Maecenati : sed utraque falsa puto : nam elegi vulgares, epistola etiam obscura, quo vitio minime tenebatur. GENERAL INTRODUCTION His Death. Uecessit quinto Kal. Decembris C. Marcio Censorino et C. Asinio Gallo coss. post nonum et quinquagesimum annum [this is * a mistake, as Suetonius himself puts his birth in the consulship of L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus, i. e. in B.C. 65, which 1 would make him just short of fifty-seven on Nov. 27 B.C. 8] herede Augusto palam nuncupate, cum urgente vi valetudinis non sufficeret ' ad obsignandas testamenti tabulas. Humatus et conditus est extremis Esquiliis iuxta Maecenatis tumulum. 1 ODES CARMEN SAECULARE EPODES INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS I— III OF THE ODES L — THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE ODES. § i. The general period during which the greater number of the Odes of Books i-iii must have been composed can be fixed with some certainty. The earlier limit is fixed by the Battle of Actium. Epod. 9 was written immediately after the victory, while even the direction of Antony's flight was still unknown. Od. i. 37 is written on Cleopatra's death in the following autumn, B. C. 30. It is of course possible that some of the Odes may have been composed before the Epodes were finished, but there is none that bears any clear mark of it. In the absence of such proof the presumption is against it : for Horace's usual practice seems to be to finish one collection of poems before he begins another. There is development of style within one collection in the direction of the next, but no appearance of overlapping. That the Epodes them- selves were softening into something hardly distinguishable from the Odes, and that some of the Odes retain metres, or even the tone, of the Epodes, makes it more difficult to understand why, if particular Odes were written before 31, they were not included in the volume of Epodes. § 2. The second limit \ the latest date at which the Three Books as a whole can have been published, is fixed mainly by the re- ference in Od. 1. 12. 45-48. Marcellus died in the autumn of B.C. 23. It is inconceivable that these lines should be (as Ritter suggests) a complimentary allusion to one already dead ; an assurance to Augustus that at least the fame of his son-in-law survived ; all that the author of the dirge on Quintilius could offer to match Virgil's 4 Tu Marcellus eris.' And it is almost equally impossible that, written before his early death, they should have been published (as from other considerations it would be necessary to conclude) r | INTORDUCTION TO THE ODES, BOOKS I-III Ipithin a year or two of that great disappointment of the hopes of Rome and of the Emperor. An argument, second only in weight to this, is founded upon the [Odes (2. 10 and 3, 19) which have reference to Licinius Murena, ":he brother of Terentia, Maecenas' wife (see also on Od. 2. 2. 5). Murena was executed for participation with Fannius Caepio in ^a conspiracy against Augustus in B.C. 22. The presumption seems very strong that even if Horace's feelings would have allowed him to publish these poems, and especially Od. 2. 10, after his friend's catastrophe, he would have been deterred by the knowledge that ■he reminiscences must be displeasing to Maecenas as well as to Augustus. Franke recalls the story of Virgil's striking out the 1 praises of Gallus from the end of Georg. iv on somewhat similar ferounds. The arguments for postponing the publication of the Odes to I later date are not such as can really be set against these con- siderations. They turn mainly on Od. 1. 3, which is taken to refer • to the voyage of Virgil to Athens in the last year of his life, B.C. 19 : rand on the supposed allusions (the strongest case is Od. 2. 9) to 1 the expedition of Tiberius into Armenia, and the restoration of the standards by the Parthians in B.C. 20. Some remarks on these points will be found in the Introductions to Od. 1. 3 and 2. 9. 'There remains the possibility that these (and if these, then other) •'Odes may have been inserted after the first publication. It will be : seen that this is not likely to have been the case with 1.3; and the theory of any such insertions is perhaps hardly compatible with that j pause in lyric composition between the publication of Books i-iii and the commencement of Book iv, which is implied in Suetonius 5 ^statement, and in Horace's own words, Od. 4. 1. 1, Epp. 1. 1. 1-10. I § 3. When we pass from the general epoch to the date of special 1 Odes we are on less safe ground. A very few can be fixed with exactness. Such are 1. 31, which is written for the dedication of •the temple of Apollo Palatinus in B.C. 28; 2. 4, which Horace Mates himself in B.C. 25, by reference to his own age; 1. 24 and ( 3- 14, both of which are fixed to B.C. 24, the one by the known date of the death of Quintilius, the other by the return of Augustus from Spain. We may perhaps add a few, though in their case of course INTRODUCTION TO THE more latitude must be given, which speak in terms of near anticipa- tion of political events which can themselves be dated. Such are I. 35, which represents Augustus as on the point of starting for Britain, a purpose for which we know that he set out from Rome in B.C. 27 (see Introd. to that Ode, Dion 53. 22^ 25) ; and 1. 29, which seems to refer to preparations more or less immediately preceding Aelius Gallus' expedition into Arabia Felix in B.C. 24. § 4. Those who would go much beyond this in fixing with ; accuracy the date of single Odes have to lean a good deal on Horace's references to events on the frontier and beyond it, move- ments of the Cantabrian, the Scythian, the Parthian. In estimating the value of these it is of course necessary to be sure of the nature of the allusion. We are in danger of confusing poetry with history when we look too closely into every mention of Dacian or Indian and search the pages of Dion or Strabo for some detail that will | exactly suit it. Horace's verses are full of the feeling of the great- ness of the Roman empire, the remoteness of its frontiers, the immense charge which Caesar has taken on himself. And the names of distant and unknown places and tribes had a spell in ancient times which they have lost in days of maps and geography. Even when we come to more definite references, as those to the quarrels of Phraates and Tiridates, or to the frequent risings of the Cantabri, though we have here ample ground for dating generally the period during the course of which the poems must have been composed, and exactly, if we know the date of a special event referred to, the year before which the particular poem could not have been composed, we yet soon get to the point where the event has become a standing illustration of the vicissitudes of fortune or a statesman's anxieties, a poetical commonplace which ma> recur till it is supplanted by some fresh circumstance which strikes the poet's imagination. To this it must be added that the foreign history of the tim< is imperfectly known to us, and that some uncertainty hangs ovej the dates of several of those events which are known. § 5. It may be convenient and may save some repetitions to giv shortly in this place the few facts which are known with respect t< the Cantabrians, the Dacians and Scythians, and the Parthians ODES, BOOKS I-III to which, if to any known historical events, allusions in these Books must have reference. § 6. The Cantabri, a tribe living in the mountains of the northern coast of Spain, are named by Dion (51. 20), with their neighbours the Astures, as in arms against Rome at the time of the general pacification in B.C. 29, and as being conquered in that year by Statilius Taurus. The next mention of them is in B.C. 26 (Dion 53. 25), in which year the news of their rising reached Augustus in Gaul, and diverted him (see above, § 3) from his intended expedi- tion to Britain. He was commanding in person against them in B.C. 25, but fell ill and was detained at Tarraco for some months. In the meantime the war was concluded by C. Antistius and T. Carisius, his 'legati.' Augustus himself returned home in B.C. 24. In the same year they rose again (Dion 53. 28) and seized by stratagem and killed some Roman soldiers, but were again put down by L. Aemilius. The expressions of Od. 2. 6. 2 4 Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra/ and 2. 11. 1 'Quid bellicosus Cantaber . . . cogitet,' would be intelligible at any time during this period, and as each conquest would be thought final till the next rising, there is nothing even in the words of 3. 8. 21 (' Servit Hispanae vetus hostis orae Cantaber sera domitus catena ') to fix them necessarily to a single date. Other considerations perhaps place the Ode, as we shall see, either in B.C. 29 or in 25. The final subjugation of the Cantabri by Agrippa in B.C. 19 (Dion 54. 11) does not come within the period of Odes i-iii, but is recorded in Epp. 1. 12. 26, and alluded to in Od. 4. 14. 41. § 7. Daci, Getae, Scythae, Geloni. — There is much vagueness in the use of these names by Horace, as indeed there is confessedly in their use by prose writers of much later date. The name 'Scythae' is the most comprehensive, being used apparently for all the tribes north of the Danube and Euxine. At times it is brought into close relation with that of the Getae (as in Od. 3. 24. 11), who again are closely connected by all writers with the Daci. At other times it -is associated with the Geloni and the Tanais ('Scythicus amnis,' Od. 3. 4. 36), and denotes tribes far enough to the East to interfere in Parthian politics. The names W. H. I. c INTRODUCTION TO THE are often used merely as poetical expressions of distance, the extreme North (as in Od. 2. 20), or generally for the northern tribes, as the supposed representatives of the manlier virtues (as in Od. 3. 24) or as the objects of the vague fears of Roman statesmen (Od. 2. 11. 1). The Daci are mentioned by Dion 51. 22 as offering their services to Octavianus, and when their terms were declined by him joining Antony, to whom, however, they rendered little assistance, as they were quarrelling amongst themselves (see Od. 3. 6. 13). In B.C. 30, M. Crassus, at the bidding of Octavianus, marched northward from Macedonia, and won some victories over the Daci and Bastarnae as well as the Moesi, for which in B.C. 27 he was allowed a triumph, Dion 51. 23. From the Epitome of Livy (B. 135) it appears that Crassus was again fighting in Thrace in B.C. 25. Florus (4. 12, § 18) speaks of Lentulus driving the Daci beyond the Danube, but no date is given. His words may be worth quoting for his mention of Cotiso (Od. 3. 8. 18) and for the illus- tration of Horace's expression 'intra praescriptum equitare,' Od. 2. 9. 23 : ' Daci montibus inhaerent ; Cotisonis 1 regis imperio quotiens concretus gelu Danuvius iunxerat ripas decurrere solebant et vicina populari. Visum est Caesari Augusto gentem aditu difricillimam submovere. Misso igitur Lentulo ultra ulteriorem repulit ripam : citra praesidia constituit, sic tunc Dacia non victa sed submota atque dilata est. Sarmatae patentibus campis inequi- tant ; et hos per eundem Lentulum prohibere Danuvio satis fuit.' It is obvious that there is nothing here to fix the date of the debated Ode 3. 8. The victory of Crassus will satisfy the expres- sions of v. 18, and so would the victory of Lentulus, but this last is itself undated. The Eastern Scythians are named by Justinus as interfering in the quarrel between Phraates and Tiridates in Parthia (see the next section). An embassy of Scythians is said by Orosius (see Introd. to Od. 2. 11) to have come to Augustus while he was at Tarraco in Spain B.C. 25. 1 Suetonius, Oct. 63, calls him 'Getarum rex,' and gives a story, on Antony's authority, of Augustus having at one time promised Julia in marriage to him, and asked a daughter of his in return. ODES, BOOKS I-III § 8. Parthia. — The defeats of Roman armies under Crassus, Decidius Saxa (the legatus of M. Antony), and M. Antony himself, in B.C. 53, 40, and 36, though the objects of frequent reference in Horace's poems, and grounds of the keen interest taken in Parthian affairs, and of the stress laid on the mission of Augustus to restore Roman prestige in the East, yet all fall without the period assigned for the composition of the Odes. The only contemporaneous event of Parthian history is that which is related by Dion 51. 18, and by Justinus 42. 5. 5. Phraates IV, to whom Orodes I had resigned his throne in B.C. 38, after some years of tyranny, provoked his subjects to the point of rebellion. He was expelled, and Tiridates, another member of the Arsacid house, though his exact relationship to Phraates is unknown, was put on the throne in his place. After a short time Phraates was restored (Justinus adds, by the inter- vention of the Scythians), and Tiridates fled to seek the protection of Augustus, carrying with him the infant son of Phraates. These events are undoubtedly the objects of reference in Od. 1. 26. 5, 2. 2. 17, 3. 8. 19, and very probably also in 1. 34. 14-16 and 3. 29. 28. If we could date them therefore with certainty we should know the earliest time at which the first-named Odes at least could have been written. -And it so happens that this would incidentally throw light on one or two more points of Horatian chronology, for 3. 8 is written on an anniversary (it seems almost necessarily the first anniversary) of Horace's escape from the falling tree. To fix, therefore, the earliest date of this Ode would determine as much for the other Odes which refer to the accident, i.e. 2. 13 and 3. 4. Horace's escape again is connected (2. 17. 21-30) with Maecenas' reception in the theatre on his recovery from illness, and this in its turn gives a date of some kind to 1. 20. The date, however, on which so much depends is not itself quite free from doubt. Justinus says that Tiridates fled to Augustus, ' who was at that time fighting in Spain,' which would fix the date between B.C. 27 and 24. Dion, on the contrary, narrates the event under the year 30, and makes Tiridates find Augustus in Syria, on his progress through Asia after the battle of Actium. Mommsen (Res gestae divi Augusti, vi. 1-3) thinks the two accounts should be both accepted, as giving two stages in the negotiations of Tiridates with Augustus, but in that case the reference of Horace would probably be to the earlier c 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE one. Another point of some interest has been supposed to be involved in the date of Tiridates' flight. Two of the Odes which refer to this event (3. 8 and 29) speak also of Maecenas as burdened with cares of State in a way in which no other Ode speaks of him. 6 Mitte civilis super urbe curas,' 6 Tu civitatem quis deceat status Curas, et urbi sollicitus times/ These expressions have been usually interpreted of the powers which Augustus is known to have delegated to Maecenas during his own absence from Rome in the last year of the civil war. Dion 51. 3, Tac. Ann. 6. 11 * Augustus bellis civilibus Cilnium Maecenatem equestris ordinis cunctis apud Romam atque Italiam praeposuit.' If the later date of these Odes were adopted it would seem necessary to assume, what is probable enough in itself, but not otherwise ascertained, that the same powers were entrusted to Maecenas during Augustus' absence in Gaul and Spain in the years B.C. 27-24. II.— THE ORDER OF THE ODES, AND THEIR DIVISION INTO THREE BOOKS. § 9. In the preceding pages I have assumed the correctness of the traditional view that Books i-iii form a unity. How far parti- cular Odes or groups of Odes may have been shown to friends or given wider publicity before the whole collection was complete, it is of course beyond our power to guess : but we mean that the three Books were arranged as we have them by Horace himself, at one time, and intended to be read as a whole. § 10. This can hardly be said to rest on external evidence, for although the words of Suetonius, i tribus carminum libris ex longo intervallo quartum addere,' lend themselves to the idea of such a substantial unity of the earlier Books, they do not necessitate it ; but the internal evidence in its favour is very strong. In other cases where Horace's poems are divided into * Books,' there is a corresponding difference of personal and historical background which explains the division : these three * Books 1 reflect the same time ; all their references to persons and events point, as we have seen, to a single period of about seven years. Whatever be their ODES, BOOKS I-III principle of arrangement, whether within the separate Books or as between them, it is not chronological 1 . The only Ode that can be with confidence dated as early as B.C. 30 is 1. 37. Of two Odes which can be definitely placed in B.C. 24 one is in the third Book, the other in the first (3. 14, I. 24). Od. 1. 12 belongs almost cer- tainly to the later years of that period. The Odes which turn on the two synchronous personal events, the poet's escape from the falling tree and the recovery of Maecenas from dangerous illness, are distributed between the three Books, and the one which must be latest in composition (1. 20) is in the first Book. The view based on such considerations is seen to harmonize with indications of unity within the poems themselves. It seems to be implied in the analogy which we notice between the dedication of Epp. 1. 1 and 19, and of Od. 1. 1 and 3. 29 to Maecenas, while in each case the last poem in the collection, Epp. I. 20, Od. 3. 30, is reserved for the poet's literary self-consciousness. The references in Book iv treat the three preceding Books as a whole — as e. g. in the relation of 4. 1 to 1. 19 and 3. 26, as one of the earliest and the latest of the love Odes of his earlier poetry. Above all, it is only when this unity is recognized that we perceive that full significance in the arrangement of the Odes which the example of the Fourth Book prepares us to expect 2 . § 11. Some kind of conscious arrangement subsequent to com- position, and not chronological, is obvious on the face of the Epodes, Satires, and Epistles. There is at least the choice of the opening poem, not usually 3 , if ever, earliest in date of composition, 1 It will be noticed that if this is the case, and if also the existing arrangement of the Odes is the original one, it follows necessarily that the three Books must have been published simultaneously. The division of the Books and the order of the Odes as they are have the right of undisputed tradition. One MS. only departs from them (viz. B), and that, as will be seen from the account given of it on p. 5, bears, though in another way, witness to the usual arrangement. Diomedes, the writer on metre (quoted by Priscian and therefore not later than the fifth century), refers to the Odes by their present numbering. 2 It may be added that if, as is generally believed, Epp. 1. 13 refers to the presentation of the Odes to Augustus, it is in accordance with the current view that Horace speaks of the poems sent as Mibelli,' 'fasciculus librorum,' in contrast with his use of the singular 'libellus' of the First Book of the Satires in Sat. 1. 10. 92. 3 Epod. 1, if it refers, as seems probable, to Actium, is one of the two INTRODUCTION TO THE an apology for the style of writing as in Sat. ii or a quasi-dedicatory address as in the Epodes, Sat. i, and both Books of the Epistles. And there are reasons frequently to be detected for the juxta- position or separation of particular poems. In the Epodes, for instance, we notice especially the metrical arrangement of i-io, 11-16, 17, and the distribution at intervals of poems upon the same subject, such as those upon Canidia (5 and 17) and those in which he touches politics (1, 7, 9, 16) \ § 12. It is natural that the art expended on the arrangement of the Odes 2 should be greater. The moods which they reflect are more various, and the poems are of a kind which has more to gain by contrast or preparation. But there is a greater reason in the delicacy of the ground upon which they enter, in respect to the politics of the time. Horace has in them to justify his change of sides, neither to ignore nor to make too much of it — he has to praise with tact one, £ cui male si palpere, recalcitrat ' — he has with dignity and without offence to do justice to old friendships and old ideals. In this task he takes refuge in the irony, partly a method of his art, partly a natural instinct, ' parcentis viribus atque ex- tenuantis eas consulto,' which marks so deeply all his writings 3 . It enables him in Satires and Epistles to preach without seeming latest in the Book. In Epp. ii the first of the two Epistles is to be dated six or seven years later than the second. In Sat. ii the first Satire seems to carry in it a reference to B.C. 30, the year of the publication of the Book. 1 For instances in the Satires and Epistles, see vol. ii. pp. 14 and 210. 2 The case of Odes iv is dealt with fully in the introduction to that Book. The art of the arrangement is more generally recognized in it than in the three earlier Books, only because the material to be disposed is smaller in quantity, and because the purpose of the Book is more fully avowed. 3 On its artistic side this irony is nearly connected with another feature of his style which will be noticed on 2. 19 (Introd. and on v. 31), 3. 5. 56, and 4. 2. 57, namely his affectation, in poems where we have been wrought higher than usual, of a dull, even conventional, ending, as though the passion ought to die away in a diminuendo before the strain ceases. This again passes into the mere sense of the relief afforded by contrast, or unwillingness to dwell too long on one note. When we are discussing the motives which led to the placing of a particular poem, whether political in its purpose or not, it is not possible to draw the line exactly between these closely related feelings. ODES, BOOKS I-III to preach. In his Odes he would have his readers take him as the poet of mirth and love ('non praeter solitum levis,') never to be taken too seriously, surprised sometimes into lofty themes and genuine enthusiasm, but recovering himself before he has done injury to subjects for which he is unfit. This irony expresses itself within the Odes in many ways— in the negative form of such Odes as i. 6, 2. 12, 4. 2, in the apologetic stanza which concludes 2. 1 or 3. 3, in the half humorous way in which he recalls his share in the campaign of Philippi in 2. 7. But we miss a great deal of its effect if we do not notice it also in their arrangement. It is this rather than the mere desire for variety which dictates the distribution of the political Odes at long inter- vals. They must not seem to claim too large a share in the writer's thoughts. It rules also to some extent the particular sequence in which they are placed. The most evident instance is the elaborate prelude to B. iv ; but there is something of the same spirit in the arrangement which makes 1. 2, the political recantation and pro- fession which he sets in the forefront of the poems, follow 1. 1, in which he has apologized for the poet's art as one of the thousand unaccountable tastes of mankind ; or again in the position of I. 12, between the astrologers of Leuconoe and the coquetries of Lydia. The same effect is sought again in the light touch of ' Persicos odi ' and i Quid fles Asterie,' which follow and relieve the earnestness of I. 37 and 3. i~6. § 13. That a certain veil of irony is thrown over them increases •rather than diminishes our sense of the important place which the political Odes held in the disposition of the three Books. It may even be suggested that the triple division is due to them. Not only do they occupy prominent places in each book ; they are so disposed as to give the sense, as between the three Books, of a progress and development in the poet's political ideas. In B. i (2, 12, 14, 35, 37) the rule of Octavianus is accepted as the welcome end of the civil wars, and as the deliverance (and this is empha- sized by the place given to 37) from the alternative rule of Antony and Cleopatra with its degrading accompaniments. The tone and arguments are still to a great extent those of the Epodes. In B, ii we have less of politics ; but Ode I repeats in the form of INTRODUCTION TO THE comments on Pollio's forthcoming history the poet's disgust at the aimless bloodshed of the epoch which is closed, while 15, 16, 18, by their arraignment of social evils, prepare the way for the positive aspect of the imperial rule which is to be shown in B. iii. We notice that it is in this Book, as in neutral ground, that Horace finds place (Od. 7) for reminiscences of the part which he had him- self taken and for his tribute to the lost cause. It is in B. iii, after an exordium which calls special attention as to something of higher import than anything that has gone before, that he sets himself (Odes 1-6, 24) to describe at length the work which the new government is to do, and the solid grounds on which good citizens should accept it, as promising a regime of moderation and culture, the restoration of religion, of the military spirit, of simple living and morality. § 14. As with the political Odes, so with the others, although the chronological order of composition is in no sense the primary principle of arrangement, and is at times demonstrably departed from, Horace seems to have designedly given to each of the three Books a colour and characteristics of its own. The First contains probably on the whole his earlier compositions. In it are found most of his experiments in metre (4, 7, 8, 28), most of the Odes which seem studies from the Greek (as 10, 15, 30), or which take their starting-point (as 9, 14, 18) from some known passage of Greek poetry. The Second is the Book given most largely to personal friendship and autobiographical touches. In the Third we find what on literary grounds we feel to be Horace's maturest work— the Odes in which he attains, if not his most perfect finish, his greatest freedom ; in which the influence of Pindar seems to be supplanting that of the Lesbian poets. It is the Book in which his metrical ear seems most exacting. We may notice that the three Books are made to mark stages in the poet's literary self-confi- dence. W 7 e pass from the deprecatory and ironical tone of 1. 1, through 2. 20 in which, although he applies to himself the epitaph of Ennius, he is still thinking (as in Sat. 1. 6) of the taunts levelled at his humble origin, and finding his consolation in the favour of Maecenas, to the triumphal tone of 3. 30, in which he claims the bay as his right, and associates himself with the eternity of Rome. ODES, BOOKS I-III § 15. If we knew more of Horace's relations to private friends or public characters 1 to whom he addresses Odes, we should possibly see in more cases than we do an appropriateness in the places assigned to them. In a few cases it is evident. The position of Maecenas as the patron ' prima dictus sumraa dicendus Camena' is marked, as I have already noticed, by the dedication to him of 1. 1 and 3. 29. It is marked also by scattering the other Odes addressed to him at measured intervals as carefully as the political Odes. We are never to be long without hearing his name 2 . For the contrasted position which he occupies in B. iv, see introduction to that Book. It is interesting to notice in the first three Odes of B. i, that the name which stands next to Maecenas and Caesar is that of the poet Virgil, the friend to whose introduction to Maecenas Horace owed his fortunes. It has been pointed out as probably significant that the next three Odes addressed to real persons (4, 6, 7) bear the names of men with special claims to the emperor's favour : Sestius cos. suffect. in B. C. 23, Agrippa the victor of Actium, and (though the identification is less certain) L. Munatius Plancus, on whose proposal the title of Augustus had been bestowed by the Senate in B.C. 27. Similarly Kiessling has pointed out that Pollio, Sallustius, and Dehius, whose names stand at the head of Odes 2. 1, 2, 3, are ranked together in Sen. de Clem. 1. 10, as amongst the first of the leading citizens to reconcile themselves to Octavianus. § 16. The arrangement of the Epodes prepares us to expect that metre would have some influence in the placing of the Odes. A negative influence it evidently has, from the care with which he avoids the juxtaposition of two Odes of the same metre. In the great instance to the contrary (3. 1-6) the obvious purpose gives the greater significance to his usual practice. As a positive motive for placing particular Odes the principle has less scope, but we cannot but notice that in B. i the first nine Odes furnish specimens of nine out of the eleven metres found in the three Books, one of 1 The case of unknown names, male and female, Pyrrha, Lydia, Sybaris, and the like, stands on different grounds, and is dealt with in Appendix I. 2 The Odes addressed to Maecenas are 1. 1, 20; 2. 12, 17, 20; 3. 8, 16, 29. 1 INTRODUCTION TO THE ODES, BOOKS I-III the two exceptions being made up in Ode II. The alternation of Sapphics and Alcaics through more than half of B. ii seems another instance. § 17. As with metre so with subject and tone, the great aim in the arrangement seems to be variety. The key is to be changed as often as possible. If two or more Odes are unusually like one another they are relieved by a stronger contrast. We pass from personal topics to public, from friendship to love, from real persons to shadows, from banter to earnestness, from the philosophy of life to its pleasures, from the tone of the Stoic to that of the Epicurean. While this is the general principle, we can sometimes see, probably we oftener fail from ignorance to see, some link of association, either through similarity or contrast, which would guide the arranger's hand, consciously or unconsciously, in placing one Ode next to another. I have suggested such links sometimes in the notes, but the ground is not substantial enough for further generalization. Q. HORATI FLACCI CARMINVM LIBER PRIMVS t I Maecenas atavis edite regibus, o et praesi^ium et dulce decus meum, sunt quos curriculo pulverem £>L collegisse iuvat, metaque fervidis evitata rotis palmaque nobilis 5 terrarum dominos evehit ad deos ; hunc, si mobilium turba Quiritium certat tergeminis tollere honoribus ; ilium, si proprio condidit horreo quidquid de Libycis verritur areis. 10 gaudentem patrios findere sarculo agros Attalicis condicionibus numquam dimoveas ut trabe Cypria Myrtoum pavidus nauta secet mare. luctantem Icariis fluctibus Africum 15 mercator metuens otium et oppidi laudat rura sui; mox reficit ratis In Carminibus notantur lediones variae codicum BAaRkldcpxpiruvLyC et in locis nonnullis etiam codicum VDT€$oR s g Titulus ut dedimus aR\bZ&HP&' toW>* El ^iiiuct Polyhymnia Lesboum refugit tendere barbiton. quodsi me lyricis vatibus inseres, 35 sublimi feriam sidera vertice. II I am satis terris nivis atque dirae grandinis misit Pater et rubente dextera sacras iaculatus arces terruit urbem, terruit gentis, grave ne rediret 5 saeculum Pyrrhae nova monstra questae, omne cum Proteus pecus egit altos visere montis, piscium et summa genus haesit ulmo nota quae sedes fuerat columbis, 10 et superiecto pavidae natarunt aequore dammae. 35 inseres BAaRvC : inseris \l$ipiry 24 te AaRhfyip : et WryC XVI 8 si 7T Bentl. Q. HORATI FLACCI tristes tit irae, quas neque Noricus deterret ensis nec mare naufragum nec saevus ignis nec tremendo Iuppiter ipse ruens tumultu. fertur Prometheus addere principi limo coactus particulam undique desectam et insani leonis vim stomacho apposuisse nostro. irae Thyesten exitio gravi stravere et altis urbibus ultimae stetere causae cur perirent funditus imprimeretque muris hostile aratrum exercitus insolens. compesce mentem : me quoque pectoris temptavit in dulci iuventa fervor et in celeris iambos misit furentem : nunc ego mitibus mutare quaero tristia, dum mi hi fias recantatis arnica opprobriis animumque reddas. XVII Velox amoenum saepe Lucretilem mutat Lycaeo Faunus et igneam * defendit aestatem capellis usque meis pluviosque ventos. impune tutum per nemus arbutos quaerunt latentis et thyma deviae olentis uxores mariti, nec viridis metuunt colubras 15-28 om. B CARMINVM LIBER I nec Martialis Haediliae lupos, utcumque dulci, Tyndari, fistula 10 valles et Vsticae cubantis levia personuere saxa. di me tuentur, dis pietas mea ; et musa cordi est. hie tibi copia manabit ad plenum benigno 15 ruris honorum opulenta cornu : hie in reducta valle Caniculae vitabis aestus et fide Teia dices laborantis in uno Penelopen vitreamque Circen : 20 hie innocentis pocula Lesbii duces sub umbra, nec Semeleius cum Marte confundet Thyoneus proelia, nec metues protervum suspecta Cyrum, ne male dispari 25 incontinentis iniciat manus et scindat haerentem coronam crinibus immeritamque vestem. XVIII Nvllam, Vare, sacra vite prius severis arborem circa mite solum Tiburis et moenia Catili. siccis omnia nam dura deus proposuit, neque mordaces aliter dirTugiunt soilicitudines. 4 quis post vina gravem militiam aut pauperiem crepat? quis non te potius, Bacche pater, teque, decens Venus ? ac ne quis modici transiliat munera Liberi, XVII 9 Haediliae] haediliae (yel hediliae) BR\t, schol. ad cod. \ XXIII 1 vitas 14 comm. Cruq. : vitat codd. plerique, Acr. Porph. 5, 6 veris . . . adventus codd. Porph. : vit« ... ad ventum Muretus : vepris ... ad ventum Bentl. al. : vepris ... ad ventos Keller CARMINVM LIBER I atqui non ego te tigris ut aspera Gaetulusve leo frangere persequor: 10 tandem desine matrem tempestiva sequi viro. XXIV Qvis desiderio sit pudor aut modus tarn cari capitis ? praecipe lugubris cantus, Melpomene, cui liquidam pater ^^^Bvocem cum cithara dedit. Quintilium perpetuus sopor 5 urget ! cui Pudor et Iustitiae soror, incorrupta Fides, nudaque Veritas quando ullum inveniet parem ? multis ilk bonis flebilis occidit, nulli flebilior quam tibi, Vergili. 10 tu frustra pius heu non ita creditum poscis Quintilium deos. quid si Threicio blandius Orpheo auditam moderere arboribus fidem, num vanae redeat sanguis imagini, 15 quam virga semel horrida^ non lenis precibus fata recludere, nigro compulerit Mercurius gregi? durum : sed leviusfit patientia quidquid g : forsit aR : forsan B XXIX Icci, beatis nunc Arabum invides gazis, et acrem militiam paras non ante devictis Sabaeae regibus, horribilique Medo nectis catenas? quae tibi virginum sponso necato barbara serviet? puer quis ex aula capillis ad cyathum statuetur unctis, doctus sagittas tendere Sericas arcu paterno? quis neget arduis pronos relabi posse rivos montibus et Tiberim rev,erti, cum tu coemptos undique nobilis libros Panaeti Socraticam et domum mutare loricis Hiberis, pollicitus meliora, tendis? XXX O Venvs, regina Cnidi Paphique, sperne dilectam Cypron et vocantis ture te multo Glycerae decoram transfer in aedem. fervidus tecum puer et solutis Gratiae zonis properentque Nymphae et parum comis sine te Iuventas Mercuriusque. XXXI Qvid dedicatum poscit Apollinem vates? quid orat de patera novum fundens liquorem ? non opimae Sardiniae segetes feraces, XXIX 7-16 om. B 13 nobiles Rklfyipitu Q. HORATI FLACCI non aestuosae grata Calabriae armenta, non aurum auf ebur Indicum, non rura quae Lirii quieta mordet aqua taciturnus amnis. premant Calena falce quibus dedit fortuna vitem, dives et aureis mercator exsiccet culullis vina Syra reparata merce, dis cams ipsis, quippe ter et quater anno revisens aequor Atlanticum impune. me pascunt olivae, me cichorea levesque malvae. frui paratis et valido mihi, Latoe, dones, at, precor, integra cum mente, nec turpem senectam degere nec cithara carentem. XXXII Poscimvr. si quid vacui sub umbra lusimus tecum, quod et hunc in annum vivat et pluris, age die Latinum, barbite, carmen, Lesbio primum modulate civi, qui ferox bello, tamen inter arma sive iactatam religarat udo litore navim, Liberum et Musas Veneremque et ill! semper haerentem puerum canebat et Lycum nigris oculis nigroque crine decorum. XXXI 9 Calenam lemma Porph., Bentl 10 dives et Aairr^R dives ut BRklbtyxpuLC 18 at codd. Kelleriani omnes : ac in c se invenisse tvadunt Cruquius Bentl. : et Lambinus XXXII i Poscimur R\df\pur Acr. : Poscimus B AalvDLR s y triedes Servius de metris CARMINVM LIBER I o decus Phoebi et dapibus supremi grata testudo Iovis, o laborum dulce lenimen, mihi cumque salve 35 rite vocanti. XXXIII Albi, ne doleas plus nimio memor immitis Glycerae neu miserabilis decantes elegos, cur tibi iunior laesa praeniteat fide, insignem tenui fronte Lycorida Cyri torret amor, Cyrus in asperam declinat Pholoen; sed prius Apulis iungentur "capreae lupis, quam turpi Pholoe peccet adultero. sic visum Veneri, cui placet imparis formas atque animos sub iuga aenea saevo mittere cum ioco. ipsum me melior cum peteret Venus, grata detinuit compede Myrtale libertina, fretis acrior Hadriae curvantis Calabros sinus. XXXIV Parcvs deorum cultor et infrequens insanientis dum sapientiae consultus erro, nunc retrorsum vela dare atque iterare cursus cogor relictos : namque Diespiter, 5 igni corusco nubila dividens plerumque, per purum tonantis egit equos volucremque currum, XXXII 15 mihi cumque codd. omnes cum scholiastts : mihi, cuique Bciitl. : meciicumque Lachmann XXXIII om. B XXXIV om. B 5 relectos com. N. Heinsius JO Q. HORATI FLACCI quo bruta tellus et vaga flumina, quo Styx et invisi horrida Taenari 10 sedes Atlanteusque finis concutitur. valet ima summis mutare et insignem attenuat deus, obscura promens ; hinc apicem rapax fortuna cum stridore acuto J5 sustulit, hie posuisse gaudet. XXXV O diva, gratum quae regis Antium, praesens vel imo tollere de gradu mortale corpus vel superbos vertere funeribus triumphos, te pauper ambit sollicita prece 5 ruris colonus, te dominam aequoris quicumque Bithyna lacessit Carpathium pelagus carina, te Dacus asper, te profugi Scythae, urbesque gentesque et Latium ferox to regumque matres barbarorum et purpurei metuunt tyranni, iniurioso ne pede proruas stantem columnam, neu populus frequens ad arma cessantis, ad arma ^ 15 concitet imperiumque frangat. te semper anteit saeva Necessitas, clavos trabalis et cuneos manu gestans aena, nec severus uncus abest liquidumque plumbum. 20 XXXV 17 saeva Xldcpip-nuR 8 , 1 dura' gloss, (pxp : sen a BAaRDrLy, Acr. Porph. ut nunc leguntur, verum hanc lectionem a scholiis eorum male intellect's ortam esse putat Keller CARMINVM LIBER I te Spes et albo rara Fides colit velata panno, nec comitem abnegat, utcumque mutata potentis veste domos inimica linquis. at vulgus infidum et meretrix retro periura cedit, diffugiunt cadis cum faece siccatis amici ferre iugum pariter dolosi. serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos orbis Britannos et iuvenum recens examen Eois timendum partibus Oceanoque rubro. eheu, cicatricum et sceleris pudet fratrumque. quid nos dura refugimus aetas ? quid intactum nefasti liquimus ? unde manum iuventus metu deorum continuit? quibus pepercit aris ? o utinam nova incude diffingas retusum in Massagetas Arabasque ferrum ! XXXVI Et ture. et fidibus iuvat placare et vituli sanguine debito custodes Numidae deos, qui nuncvHesperia sospes ab ultima caris multa sodalibus, 5 nulli plura tamen dividit oscula quam dulci Lamiae, memor actae non alio rege puertiae mutataeque simul togae. Cressa ne careat pulchra dies nota, 10 39 diffingas AaRdtpDyC Acr. : defingas Bip : diffindas tt : diffi- 33 35 Q. HORATI FLACCI neu promptae modus amphorae, neu morem in Salium sit requies ped 1 neu multi Damalis meri Bassum Threicia vincat amystide, neu desint epulis rosae neu vivax apium neu breve lilium. XXXVII Nvnc est bibendum, nunc pede libero pulsanda tellus, nunc Saliaribus ornare pulvinar deorum tempus erat dapibus, sodales. antehac nefas depromere Caecubum cellis avitis, dum Capitolio regina dementis ruinas funus et imperio parabat contaminato cum grege turpium morbo virorum; quidlibet impotens sperare fortunaque dulci ebria. sed minuit furorem vix una sospes navis ab ignibus, mentemque lymphatam Mareotico redegit in veros timores Caesar ab Italia volantem remis adurgens, accipiter velut mollis columbas aut leporem citus venator in campis nivalis Haemoniae, daret ut catenis CARMINVM LIBER I fatale monstrum ; quae generosius perire quaerens nec muliebriter expavit ensem nec latentis classe cita reparavit oras; ausa et iacentem visere regiam 25 vultu sereno, fortis et asperas tractare serpentis, ut atrum corpore combiberet venerium, deliberata morte ferocior, saevis Liburnis scilicet invidens 30 privata deduci superbo non humilis mulier triumpho. XXXVIII Persicos odi, puer, apparatus, displicent nexae philyra coronae; mitte sectari, rosa quo locorum sera moretur. simplici myrto nihil allabores 5 sedulus euro : neque te ministrum dedecet myrtus neque me sub arta vite bibentem. Q. HORATI FLACCI CARMINVM LIBER SECVNDVS I Motvm ex Metello consule civicum bellique causas et vitia et modos ludumque Fortunae gravisque principum amicitias et arma nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus, periculosae plenum opus aleae, tractas, et incedis per ignis suppositos cineri doloso. paulum severae Musa tragoediae desit theatris : mox ubi publicas res ordinaris, grande munus Cecropio repetes cothurno, insigne maestis praesidium reis et consulenti, Pollio, curiae, cui laurus aeternos honores Delmatico peperit triumpho. iam nunc minaci murmure cornuum perstringis auris, iam litui strepunt, iam fulgor armorum fugaces terret equos equitumque vultus. CARM. Q. HORATI FLACCI audire magnos iam videor duces non indecoro pulvere sordidos, et cuncta terrarum subacta praeter atrocem animum Catonis. Iuno et deorum quisquis amicior Afris inulta cesserat impotens tellure victorum nepotes rettulit infer ias Iugurthae. quis non Latino sanguine pinguior campus sepulcris impia proelia testatur auditumque Me'dis FEesperiae sonitum ruinae ? qui gurges aut quae flumina lugubris ignara belli? quod mare Dauniae non decoloravere caedes? quae caret ora cruore nostro? sed ne relictis, Musa procax, iocis Ceae retractes munera neniae, mecum Dionaeo sub antro quaere modos leviore plectro. II Nvllvs argento color est avaris abdito terris, inimice lamnae Crispe Sallusti, nisi temperato splendeat usu. vivet extento Proculeius aevo, notus in fratres animi paterni ; ilium aget penna metuente solvi Fama superstes. II 5 vivit HORATI FLACCI hue vina et unguenta et nimium brevis flores amoenae ferre iube rosae, dum res et aetas et sororum fila trium patiuntur atra. cedes coemptis saltibus et domo villaque flavus quam Tiberis lavit; cedes, et exstructis in altum divitiis potietur heres. divesne prisco natus ab Inacho nil interest an pauper et infima de gente sub divo moreris, victima nil miserantis Orci. omnes eodem cogimur, omnium versatur urna serius ocius sors exitura et nos in aeternum exsilium impositura cumbae. IV Ne sit ancillae tibi amor pudori, Xanthia Phoceu, prius insolentem serva Briseis niveo colore movit Achillem ; movit Aiacem Telamone natum forma captivae dominum Tecmessae ; arsit Atrides medio in triumpho virgine rapta, barbarae postquam cecidere turmae Thessalo victore et ademptus Hector tradidit fessis leviora tolli Pergama Grais. 1 8 lavit codd. plerique, 1 lavit, antique'' schol. \

B S III carmen om. B, antecedents continuant VAR : i manifeste cohae- \ 'enf Porph. g Q. HORATI FLACCI dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae, 5 nec fulminantis magna manus Iovis : si fractus illabatur orbis, impavidum ferient ruinae. hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules enisus arces attigit igneas, 10 quos inter Augustus recumbens purpureo bibet ore nectar, hac te merentem, Bacche pater, tuae vexere tigres indocili iugum collo trahentes ; hac Quirinus 15 Martis equis Acheronta fugit, gratum elocuta consiliantibus Iunone divis : ' Ilion, Ilion fatalis incestusque iudex et mulier peregrina vertit 20 in pulverem, ex quo destituit deos mercede pacta Laomedon, mini castaeque damnatum Minervae cum populo et duce fraudulento. iam nec Lacaenae splendet adulterae 25 famosus hospes nec Priami domus periura pugnaces Achivos Hectoreis opibus refringit, nostrisque ductum seditionibus bellum resedit. protinus et gravis 30 iras et invisum nepotem, Troica quem peperit sacerdos, Marti redonabo ; ilium ego lucidas inire sedes, ducere nectaris sucos et adscribi quietis 35 ordinibus patiar deorum. 12 bibet AaRkhiT Acr. : bibit d(p\pirR*C 34 ducere AaXl Ac/. discere Rd : alto BAarLR*yC XIII 1 Bandusiae vulg. Acr. Porph. : Blandusiae aRly Diomedes XIV 6 divis RfyiPurLyC Acr. Porph. : sacris BAaXlnR*, schol. A cari RhcpxptT : clari cett., schol. 7 CARMINVM LIBER III virginum matres iuvenumque nuper sospitum. vos, o pueri et puellae iam virum expertae, male ominatis parcite verbis, hie dies vere mihi festus atras eximet curas ; ego nec tumultum nec mori per vim metuam tenente Caesare terras, i pete unguentum, puer, et coronas et cadum Marsi memorem duelli, Spartacum si qua potuit vagantem fallere testa, die et argutae properet Neaerae murreum nodo cohibere crinem ; si per invisum mora ianitorem fiet, abito. lenit albescens animos capillus litium et rixae cupidos protervae ; non ego hoc ferrem calidus iuventa consule Planco. XV Vxor pauperis Ibyci, tandem nequitiae fige modum tuae famosisque laboribus : maturo propior desine funeri inter ludere virgines 5 et stellis nebulam spargere candidis. non, si quid Pholoen satis, et te, Chlori, decet : filia rectius 11 ominatis VLPyC, interpretari videntur Acr. Porph. : nomina- tes B et cett coda, : inominatis Bentl, 14 exiget B : exigit v l Priscianus XV 2 pone RvtC h 15 25 Q. HORATI FLACCI expugnat iuvenum domos, pulso Thyias uti concita tympano. 10 illam cogit amor Nothi lascivae similem ludere capreae : te lanae prope nobilem tonsae Luceriam, non citharae decent nec flos purpureus rosae 15 nec poti vetulam faece terms cadi. XVI Inclvsam Danaen turris aenea robustaeque fores et vigilum canum tristes excubiae munierant satis nocturnis ab adulteris, si non Acrisium virginis abditae 5 custodem pavidum Iuppiter et Venus risissent : fore enim tutum iter et patens converso in pretium deo. aurum per medios ire satellites et perrumpere amat saxa potentius 10 ictu fulmineo : concidit auguris Argivi domus ob lucrum demersa exitio : diffidit urbium portas vir Macedo et subruit aemulos reges muneribus ; munera navium 1 5 saevos illaqueant duces, crescentem sequitur cura pecuniam maiorumque fames, iure perhorrui late conspicuum tollere verticem, Maecenas, equitum decus. 20 XV 16 vetulam RnLR* comm. Cruq., Porph. in prima parte scholii : vetula cett. codd. , Porph. in altera parte XVI 7-27 om. B CARMINVM LIBER III quanto quisque sibi plura negaverit, ab dis plura feret : nil cupientium nudus castra peto et transfuga divitum partis linquere gestio, contemptae dominus splendidior rei 25 quam si quidquid arat impiger Apulus occultare meis dicerer horreis, magnas inter opes inops. purae rivus aquae silvaque iugerum paucorum et segetis certa fides meae 30 fulgentem imperio fertilis Africae fallit sorte beatior. quamquam nec Calabrae mella ferunt apes nec Laestrygonia Bacchus in amphora languescit mihi nec pinguia Gallicis 35 crescunt vellera pascuis, importuna tamen pauperies abest nec, si plura velim, tu dare deneges. contracto melius parva cupidine vectigalia porrigam, 40 quam si Mygdoniis regnum Alyattei campis continuem. multa petentibus desunt multa : bene est, cui deus obtulit parca quod satis est manu. XVII Aeli vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, — quando et priores hinc Lamias ferunt denominates et nepotum per memores genus omne fastos, 29-44 om - B 4 r Alyattei com. Faber et Bent!., codd. alii al iter delirant, halialyti A 1 : haliattici R : aliat thii (pip &c. Q. HORATI FLACCI auctore ab illo ducis originem, qui Formiarum moenia dicitur princeps et innantem Maricae litoribus tenuisse Lirim late tyrannus : — eras foliis nemus multis et alga litus inutili demissa tempestas ab Euro sternet, aquae nisi fallit augur annosa comix, dum potes, aridum compone lignum : eras Genium mero curabis et porco bimestri cum famulis operum solutis. XVIII Favne, Nympharum fugientum amator, per meos finis et aprica rura lenis incedas abeasque parvis aequus alumnis, si tener pleno cadit haedus anno, larga nec desunt Veneris sodali vina craterae, vetus ara multo fumat odore. ludit herboso pecus omne campo, cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres ; festus in pratis vacat otioso cum bove pagus ; inter audaces lupus errat agnos ; spargit agrestis tibi silva frondis; gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor ter pede terram. XIX Qvantvm distet ab Inacho Codrus pro patria non timidus mori, XVII 5 ducit com. D. Heinsius Bent I. XVIII 12 pardus R\pTTU Q. HORATI FLACCI illic plurima naribus duces tura, lyraeque et Berecyntiae delectabere tibiae mixtis carminibus non sine fistula; illic bis pueri die 25 numen cum teneris virginibus tuum laudantes pede candido in morem Salium ter quatient humum. me nec femina nec puer iam nec spes animi credula mutui 30 nec certare iuvat mero nec vincire novis tempora floribus. sed cur heu, Ligurine, cur manat rara meas lacrima per genas ? cur facunda parum decoro 35 inter verba cadit lingua silentio ? nocturnis ego somniis iam captum teneo, iam volucrem sequor te per gramina Martii campi, te per aquas, dure, volubilis. 40 II Pindarvm quisquis studet aemulari, Iule, ceratis ope Daedalea nititur pennis vitreo daturus nomina ponto. monte decurrens velut amnis, imbres quern super notas aluere ripas, fervet immensusque ruit profundo Pindarus ore, 22, 23 lyrae, Berecyntiae, tibiae codd. phrique : lyra, &c. Vg BentL 28 quatient mtyC : quatiunt cett. II 2 Iule vel Iulle codd. : ille com'. Peerlkamp 6 quern . . . aluere codd. phrique Acr. : quern . . . saluere L : cum . . . saluere (vel saliere) Vbcfxp-n CARMINVM LIBER IV laurea donandus Apollinari, seu per audaces nova dithyrambos 10 verba devolvit numerisque fertur lege solutis, seu deos regesque canit, deorum sanguinem, per quos cecidere iusta morte Centauri, cecidit tremendae 15 flamma Chimaerae, sive quos Elea domum reducit palma caelestis pugilemve equumve dicit et centum potiore signis munere donat, 20 flebili sponsae iuvenemve raptum plorat et viris animumque moresque aureos educit in astra nigroque invidet Oreo, multa Dircaeum levat aura eyenum, 25 tendit, Antoni, quotiens in altos nubium tractus : ego apis Matinae more modoque grata carpentis thyma per laborem plurimum circa nemus uvidique 30 Tiburis ripas operosa parvus carmina fingo. concines maiore poeta plectro Caesarem, quandoque trahet feroces per sacrum clivum merita decorus 35 fronde Sygambros, quo nihil maius meliusve terris fata donavere bonique divi nec dabunt, quamvis redeant in aurum tempora priscum. 40 13 regesque codd. plerique : regesve Sttu Q. HORATI FLACCI concines laetosque dies et Vrbis publicum ludum super impetrato fortis Augusti reditu forumque litibus orbum. turn meae, si quid loquar audiendum, vocis accedet bona pars, et, 6 o Sol pulcher ! o laudande ! ' canam, recepto Caesare felix. teque, dum procedis, io Triumphe, non semel dicemus, io Triumphe, civitas omnis, dabimusque divis tura benignis. te decern tauri totidemque vaccae, me tener solvet vitulus, relicta matre qui largis iuvenescit herbis in mea vota, fronte curvatos imitatus ignis tertium lunae referentis ortum, qua notam duxit, niveus videri, cetera fulvus. Ill Qvem tu, Melpomene, semel nascentem placido lumine videris, ilium non labor Isthmius clarabit pugilem, non equus impiger curru ducet Achaico victorem, neque res bellica Deliis ornatum foliis ducem, quod regum tumidas contuderit minas, 49 tuque codd. recentiorum nonmtlli, Keller : isque com. Ben ioque Gow procedit BC Bentl. 58 orbem \l5uu III om. B CARMINVM LIBER IV ostendet Capitolio : sed quae Tibur aquae fertile praefluunt 10 et spissae nemorum comae fingent Aeolio carmine nobilem. Romae principis urbium dignatur suboles inter amabilis vatum ponere me choros, 15 et iam dente minus mordeor invido. o, testudinis aureae dulcem quae strepitum, Pieri, temperas, o mutis quoque piscibus donatura cycni, si libeat, sonum, 20 totum muneris hoc tui est, quod monstror digito praetereuntium Romanae fidicen lyrae : quod spiro et placeo, si placeo, tuum est. IV Qvalem ministrum fulminis alitem, cui rex deorum regnum in avis vagas permisit expertus fidelem Iuppiter in Ganymede flavo, olim iuventas et patrius vigor 5 nido laborum propulit inscium, vernique iam nimbis remotis insolitos docuere nisus venti paventem, mox in ovilia demisit hostem vividus impetus, 10 nunc in reluctantis dracones egit amor dapis atque pugnae, IV 6 propulit Xlb-nuy, schol. \

n schol. x[/irit CARMINVM LIBER IV XIII Avdivere, Lyce, di mea vcta, di audivere, Lyce : fis anus, et tamen vis formosa videri ludisque et bibis impudens et cantu tremulo pota Cupidinem 5 lentum sollicitas. ille virentis et doctae psallere Chiae pulchris excubat in genis. importunus enim transvolat aridas quercus et refugit te, quia luridi 10 dentes te, quia rugae turpant et capitis nives. nec Coae referunt iam tibi purpurae nec cari lapides tempora quae semel notis condita fastis 15 inclusit volucris dies, quo fugit Venus, heu, quove color? decens quo mqtus ? quid habes illius, illius, quae spirabat amores, quae me surpuerat mihi, 20 felix post Cinaram notaque et artium gratarum facies? sed Cinarae brevis annos fata dederunt, servatura diu parem cornicis vetulae temporibus Lycen, 25 possent ut iuvenes visere fervidi multo non sine risu dilapsam in cineres facem. XIII 14 cari codd. plerique Acr. i gemmamm preth's* : clari BAaXlg I dilapsam op KaBibpvrai, airop Kal KpiBrjP eKaaros (pepei Kal Kvapop z . Kal rais Molpais dyoven nappvxibas perd aeppoTrjTOS ip (ipvea 1 Heyne) vv^Ip, 'Evo-rdpros be rov xpdpov rrjs ioprrjs, rjp ip Tpicrlp rjpepais ip T<» rov "Apecos imreXovo-i Trebiod, Ka\ rat? 'laaLS pvgi, KaBiepovro ra reXovpepa rrapd rr)p oy6r)p rov Qvpftpibos ip rco Tdpapri. Qvovai be Beois, Ait Kal" H pa Kal 'AnoXXcopi Ka\ Arjrol Kal *ApT€fjn8i 9 Kal Trpocreri ye Mo'pais Kal ElXeiBvlais Kal Arjprjrpi Kal "Aibrj Kal Uepo-ecfyoprj. Tfj be 1 TTpcorr) roip Becopicop pvktI bevrepas a>pas 6 avroKparcop err! rqp oxBrjv rov TrorapLov ipicop 7rapao~KevaaBiprcop ftcopcop rpels dppas Bvei perd tup beKairepre dpbpa>P Kal rovs ficopovs KaBaipd^as oXokovtol ra Bvpara. Karao-KevaaBeicrrjs be crKT)vr)s bUrjP Bedrpov (poora dpdnrerai Kal irvpd, Kal vppos aberai pecocrrl TreTroirjpipos, Becop'iai re iepoTTperreis uyoprai. Kopl- 2 Coprai be oi ravra noiovpres piaBbp rds dnapxas rtip Kapncop, crlrov Kal KpiBrjs Kal Kvdpcop' avrai yap, cos e'lprjrai poi, Kal toj drjpco naprl diape- poprai. Trj be perd ravrrjp r)pepa els to KanerajXiop dpafidpres KapravBa rds pevopicrpepas Bvalas irpoo-ayayopres, iprevBeP re inl rd KareuKeva- opepop Bear pop iXBopres rds Becopias imreXovo-ip 'AkoXXcopi Kal ^Aprtpihi* 2 Trj be perd Tavrrjp rjpepa yvpalKes irrlo'rjpoi Kara rqp &pap, r)p 6 xprjvpos v7rrjy6pevo'eP i els to KaTrercoXiop o~vpeXBovo~ai Xirapevovcri top Bebp Kal vppovaip cos Bepis, t Hp,epa be rplrr] ip ro3 Kara to UaXdriop ' AivdXXupos lepoS rpls ippea walbes eiriobapels perd TrapBep&p too~ovt(op, ol irdpres dpq^iBaXeis, direp io-rip, dpqborepovs rotV yopels exopres Trepiopras, vppovs 3 1 This is literally from the inscription, if it be rightly completed, * quod tali spectaculo [nemo iterum intersit].' 2 In the inscr. 1 purgamenta ' and { summenta.' 3 Cp. Sibyll. v. 27. CARMEN SAECULARE abovcri rfj re 'EXXtjpcop Kal 'Pcopalcop cfiopfj Kal 7raiapas, di cop at imo 'P&palots (Tco^ovTai 7ToX«ts" a'XAa T€ Kara top v(f)T]yr]fjL€V0u rrapa tov Sclov TpOTTOV €7TpaTT€TO) (hp tmT tkoV \l£v <&V dl€fA€LV(V T) dp)(TJ P 0) paloop dXtoftrjTos. e £ls av hi Kal ini tcop irpaypdrccp dXrjBrj ravra etVat 7riorT€V(T(op.€V y avrov 7rapa6r)cropaL top 2tftvXXr]s XPWP^y 1^1 ^P 0 hf 1 ^ 7Ta P^ ^ripoap dpe- pijypepop' 'AXX' onorap prjKtcrTO? iktj ^poros" dpBpcoTTOtcri ZcorjS, els €T€cop €Karop deot/3o? 'AttoXXco^, 'Oo-T€ Kal 'HcXtos" KiKXrjo~K€Tai, to~a dedexBoy Ovpara Arjrotdrjs' Kai dtt&opepoi re Aaripot Uaidpe? Kovpois Kovpr^ai T€ pr)6p t\oi€V ^Adapdra)p' X^P 19 ^ Kopai \opop aural e^oup Kat ^coptf iraiboip apo~r]P ard^uy, dXXa yopqcop IldpTCDP ^cooPTcaPy ois dp(j)iBaXr)S ert (pyrXr]. At 8e y':pov fcvyXaicn bebprjpepat fjpari K€lpco Tpv^ "Hprj? napci fiapbp daibipop edpiococrai Aaipopa Xio-o-icrBooaap. " Airao-L Be Xvpara bovpai Apbpdo~ip rjbe yvpai^i, paXiara §e BrfXvre pycri. JJdpTes d* i£ olkolo (f)€peo-6a>p, oacra Kopifcip 'Eari defus 6pT]TOt(TiP dTrapxopepow /3toroto, Aaipocri /xetXt^t'oia-ti/ iXdo-para Kal paKdp€o~o~iP Ovpapidais' rd irdpra TtSrjcravpio-ptpa K€lo~8co } ' 0(ppa T€ Br)XvT€pr]cn Kal dphpaatp idpiooxrip INTRODUCTION TO THE CARMEN SAECULARE *Ev8ev Tropcrvvrjs pL€pvrjp.evos. "Hfiacri 6° terra Nu£i T €rraa(TVT€pr](TL 6eo7Tp€7rrovs Kara Ocokovs UafXTrXrjOrjS ayvpa' (nrovbr) be yeXvri pept^So). Tavrd tol ev (j)p€o~\ o~fj(TLV del pcp.vrjp.evos elvai, 35 Kal cot ivaaa \6rtoum, named from the island Icaria, just west of Samos : Cretuum (Od. I. 26. 2), south of both the last, washing the island of Crete. 16. metuens, 'at the moment when he fears/ His repentance 4 BOOK I, ODE I, 8~2 9 is as short-lived as that of the Generator Alfiiis 5 in Epod. 2. Cp. Od. 2. 16. 1-4, where the point is the same, ' Otium Divos rogat in patenti Prensus Aegaeo.' 18. quassas, though their state bears witness to the risks of the trade. pauperiem. The ' pauperies,' which the trader is represented here and in Epp. 1. 1. 46 as flying ' per mare, per saxa, per ignis,' is not ' want 5 (' egestas '), but a modest competence, such as Horace tells us was the school of the ancient Roman heroism, Od. 1. 12. 44 I Saeva paupertas et avitus apto Cum lare fundus, 5 such as he attri- butes to his own father, Sat. 1. 6. 71 ' macro pauper agello.' pati, for the inf. see App. 2. § 2. 19. Massici, a wine grown near Sinuessa in Campania. 20. solido de die. He is speaking probably not of letting the Jestivities of the evening encroach on the day's work (' tempestivum conviviunV Cic. Mur. 6. 13, &c), but of breaking the continuity of business hours. Compare for the metaphor, Varr. R. R. 1. 2 'diffindere insititio somno meridiem,' and Horace himself, Od. 2. 7. 6, 7 ' morantem saepe diem mero Fregi.' Seneca was probably thinking of this place when he wrote, Ep. 83 i hodiernus dies solidus est, nemo ex illo mihi quicquam eripuit.' 22. lene, not so loud as to disturb slumber. caput, Virg. G. 4. 368 ' caput unde altus primum se erumpit Enipeus.' sacrae. All springs were sacred. Cp. Od. 3. 13. The epithet adds to the feeling of the happy influences of the spot. 23. lituo tubae, ' stridor lituum clangorque tubarum,' Luc. 1. 237. The ' lituus ' was a curved horn emitting a shrill note, used by the cavalry— the ' tuba' was straight, and belonged to infantry. 24. matribus detestata, cp. Epod. 16. 8 4 parentibusque abomin- atus Hannibal. 5 Cicero uses 'detestatus 5 as a passive, De Legg. 2. II. 28. 25. manet, ' stays all night' ; cp. Sat. 2. 3. 234 e In nive Lucana dormis ocreatus, ut aprum Cenem ego. 5 love, of the air, Od. 1. 22. 20, 3. 10. 8, Epod. 13. 2 ; cp. Virg. G. I. 418 ' Iuppiter uvidus, 5 and G. 3. 435 ' sub divo. 5 27, 28 must mean ' if the moment be sufficiently exciting.' If no deer had been sighted, if the boar was still safe in the netted enclo- sure, the huntsman might go home for the night, teretes, sc. ' de tereti fune factus,' Schol. It seems doubtful whether it would give the idea of ' closely twisted 5 and so 1 strong ' (cp. ' teretes catenae,' Luc. 3. 565) or 6 slight. 5 Cp. Plin. N. H. 11. 28 of the spider 5 s web ' filum teres. 5 Marsus, for the form see on Od. 1. 15. 10. 29. doctarum, i. e. a poet's. The epithet is derived from the 0-0^)69 aoidos of heroic times, bv M01V edldn^c (Horn. Od. 8. 481), the Muse, the daughter of Memory. The poet learnt and remem- bered rather than created. It is appropriated here and elsewhere by a Roman poet with a feeling that it describes his art also. It is 0 THE ODES OF HORACE on a knowledge and imitation of Greek models that Horace rests his own title to fame. The lute which his muse strings is the ' lute of Lesbos.' hederae. The ivy crown belongs to the poet (Virg. E. 7. 25, 8. 13) as inspired by Bacchus; cp. Juv. 7. 64 ' dominis Cirrhae Nisaeque,' Hor. Epp. I. 19. 4. 30. dis miseent superis, not merely like ' evehit ad deos ' above — 'glorify me, make me as happy as the gods,' — but * admit me to a happy dreamland,' to the Mova&v vdivai^ the ' pii luci ' of Od. 3. 4. 5 foil. ; cp. 3. 25. 1 foil. 32-34. tibias . . . barbiton. The two instruments are intended to include all varieties of lyric poetry ; see on Od. 3. 4. 1-4, and cp. 1. 12. 1, 2. They are divided here between Euterpe and Poly- hymnia. In one of the two passages referred to they are both attributed to Calliope, in the other to Clio. For the plural ' tibias/ cp. Od. 4. 15. 30, Epod. 9. 5, and see Diet. Ant. s. v. The refer- ence is to the double pipe— two pipes used at the same time — one of a higher the other of a lower pitch. Cp. Herod. 1. 17, where the ai\o\ avbprfioL Kai ywaiKrfioi are generally interpreted in this way. 34. Lesboum barbiton. The Greek form of adj. and subst. seems to point to the imitative character of the poetry which he aspires to write : see on Od. 1. 32. 3, and on 4. 6. 29. It is to be noticed that Horace prefers in the Odes the Greek form Helenen, Cypron, &c., in the Satires and Epistles the Latin Helenam, &c. 35. vatibus. The Greek lyric poets— for on Horace's showing they had as yet no Roman rival. Cp. Od. 4. 3. 13, and note the change of tone. He there claims as his own, by gift of the public voice, the place which here he looks for at the hands of a patron. 36. feriam sidera. ' I shall raise my head till it strikes the stars.' A common Greek trope. Sapph. Fr. 9 \jsavetp noKov (Wei 1*01 ovpov(o dv. Ode II 4 We have seen and felt enough of the wrath of the gods. Our population is thinned by civil war, while the Parthians defy us in safety. What god can save our falling empire, or atone for our guilt ? Apollo ? Venus ? our father Mars ? nay rather Mercury, who is amongst us in human shape, and submitting to be called Caesar's avenger — you must be our prince. Long may you live— stay the civil war, and chastise the Parthians ! ' There is nothing to fix with exactness the date of the composition of the Ode. The portents spoken of are without doubt those which followed the death of Caesar, B.C. 44 (Dion 45. 17, cp. Virg. G. 1. 466 fOii.. Tib. 2. 5. 71 foil., Ov. Met. 15. 782 foil.), and therefore, however early we put the Ode, years must have elapsed since their occurrence. They are recalled dramatically, not happening at the 6 BOOK I, ODE I, 29— ODE II, 12 1 moment. The Ode is fitly placed in the forefront of the three Books, ' as containing once for all Horace's palinode and ' apologia.' He is ( professing and explaining his conversion to Caesarism. He has thought over the signs of divine wrath which followed Caesar's death, and learnt that the act of Brutus was a crime. The space of time during which he was learning the lesson is lost to sight. The political point of view is an advance on Epodes 7 and 16. The f scelus ' of Epod. 7 is summed up in one act of profitless and sacrilegious bloodshed. A remedy for the evils of the state has been seen more practical than that proposed in Epod. 16. But the grounds alleged are still substantially the same, weariness of the civil war with its horrors at home and impotence abroad. There is no forecast as in Book iii of the special results social and moral to be looked for from the new regime ; but in the choice of ' the gentle Maia's son,' the god of peaceful arts, of persuasion and of commerce, as the deity whom he sees incarnate in the Avenger,' he indicates the nature of the rule he looks to. Virg. Georg. 1. 466 to the end, should be compared with the Ode as affording a parallel both in sentiment and in many points in expression. 1* terris misit. A common poetical dative, Od. 1. 12. 59 ' mittes fulmina Juris' ; Virg. Aen. 2. 398 'demittimus Oreo.' dirae. A word properly of augural signification, 'of bad omen,' ' dm cometae,' Virg. G. 1. 488; 'dirae aves,' Tac. Ann. 12. 43. Dillenburger points out that though put only with the last of the two subst. after Horace's manner, it qualifies both. He gives the following list of instances, Od. 1. 31. 16, 1. 34. 8, 2. 8. 3, 2. 19. 24, 3. 2. 16, 3. 11. 39, 4. 14. 4 ; see on Od. 1. 5. 6. 2. Pater. Od. 3. 29.^44 ' Nube polum Pater occupato.' rubente, red from the flames of the bolt which he is launching. 3. sacras arces, ' temple and tower ; ' the Capitoline hill with its two summits, one occupied by the Arx, the other by the temple of Jupiter. 6. Pyrrhae, the wife of Deucalion. The downfall of rain was so great that the world looked for a return of Deucalion's deluge ; cp. Virg. G. 1. 468 e Impiaque aeternam timuerunt saecula noctem.' monstra, anything strange and portentous ; used in Virg. Aen. 3. 582 of the noises of Aetna; Aen. 7. 21, of the transformations wrought by Circe. questae, as a Greek might have used dyavn narpl deivcos crfyayivTi ripcoprja'ai, and the temple of Mars Ultor, of which the fagade still stands in the Forum Augusti, was built in fulfilment of a vow made by him, ' bello Philippensi pro ultione paterna suscepto.' Suet. Oct. 29 ; cp. Ov. Fast. 5. 569. 45-50. Cp. Virg. G. 1. 503 ' Iampridem nobis caeli te regia, Caesar, Invidet atque hominum queritur curare triumphos, Ouippe ubi fas versum atque nefas,' &c. 47. nostris vitiis iniquum, f intolerant of,' ' non diutius nequa mente vitia ferentem.' 48. aura tollat, keeps up the character of the winged Mercury, ever ' on tip-toe ' for flight. 49. triumphos. ' Caesar triplici invectus Romana triumpho Moenia,' Virg. Aen. 8. 714 ; * Curulis triumphos tres egit, Dalmati- cum, Actiacum, Alexandrinum : continuo triduo omnis,' Suet. 10 BOOK I, ODE II, 31— ODE III Oct. 22. This was in B.C. 29. The Senate offered him a triumph on other occasions, as in B.C. 25 after his campaign in Spain, but it was refused. 50. pater. The title of ' Pater patriae ' was not solemnly given to Augustus by the Senate till B.C. 2, but, as Ovid says, Fast. 2. 127, it was only the ratification of a title which had been long given him by popular usage : * Sancte Pater patriae, tibi Plebs, tibi Curia nomen Hoc dedit ; hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen Eques ; Res tamen ante dedit.' It was a title familiar to Roman ears, having been given by the Senate to Cicero (Juv. 8. 243), and in earlier times to Camillus by the army (Liv. 5. 49) ; and 1 Parenti patriae' had been the inscription placed by the people on the column erected in the Forum to Julius Caesar's memory, Suet. Jul. 85. Horace promises (Od. 3. 24. 27) a similar title to any one who will venture to restrain the licence of the time, pointing, of course, to Augustus, ' Si quaeret Pater urbium Subscribi statuis, indomitam audeat Refrenare licen- tiam.' princeps. Od. I. 21. 14, 4. 14. 6. According to Mommsen and Professor Pelham (Journal of Philology, vol. viii. p. 322 f.) this title which Octavianus took was not a shortened form of 6 princeps senatus,' although he held that dignity, but of ' princeps in republica,' 6 princeps civitatis,' ' first citizen,' a phrase which had been used informally of Pompey by Cicero (ad Fam. 1. 9) and by Jul. Caesar of himself (Suet. Jul. 29). It was therefore a title probably that grew, and was not conferred at any definite date. 51. He is to restore the disturbed order of things, vv. 21, 22, to stay the civil war, and to retrieve the military glory of Rome, which had been tarnished by the defeat of Crassus in B.C. 53, and Antony in B.C. 36. equitare, Od. 2. 9. 24. 52. Caesar. The true name of the incarnate Mercury is reserved to be .the last word left on our ears, the word that stills all the fears and satisfies all the doubts of the preceding stanzas. ODE III 1 O SHIP, in which Virgil is sailing to Greece, carry thy precious burden safely. It is a dreadful risk, the sea. He was a hard, bold man who first ventured upon it. The gods meant it to be a barrier impassable, butjnan delights in disobedience. Prometheus brought fire on earth and sickness with it. Daedalus tried to fly. Acheron was no barrier to Hercules. Where shall we stop ? and when will Jove be able to lay aside his bolts of wrath ?' This Ode has been often referred to the voyage of Virgil to Athens, from which he returned only to die in B.C. 19. This, however, would fix its composition four years later than the date which on other grounds we assign to the publication of Books i-iii; nor is it an Ode which is likely to have been inserted after publica- 1 1 THE ODES OF HORACE tion. Given to the world in Virgil's lifetime, it is playful and affectionate, but it would seem cold and irrelevant to be published after his early death, and in a volume in which it was the sole record of their friendship. Franke felt the difficulty so much that he proposed to read 6 Ouintilium ' for ' Vergilium,' thinking that he could trace a correspondence between this Ode and i. 24, especially in v. 11 'heu non ita creditum.' It has even been suggested that it may have been another Vergilius, as is the case no doubt with Od. 4. 12. The simplest solution is that the reference is to another voyage. All we know even of the voyage in B.C. 19 is due to the fragmentary biography which goes by the name of Donatus, and which is not supposed to be earlier than the fifth century. It is one of the many instances of Horace's careful placing of his Odes that the Ode placed next to those which express his devotion to Maecenas and to Caesar should be one that bears the name of the friend to whose introduction (Sat. 1. 6. 54) he owed his acquaintance with the former, and therefore with the latter— the author of his fortunes and his literary ideal. The form of the Ode may have been suggested by a poem of Callimachus, the beginning of which is preserved : — a vnis a to fxovov (f)eyyos e/JL >v to y\vKv Tas £oas apTTci^as, 7TOTL tv Zavos LKvevycai \ifJLevoo~K07rco. , Statius' Propempticon Metio Celeri, Sylv. 3. 2, is in great part an expansion of Horace's poem. We may contrast Horace's wishes for the voyage of an enemy, Epod. 10. The tirade against sea-travelling as one form of man's restless audacity is in part playful ; and as Prof. Sellar (Roman Poets of the Augustan Age, p. 120) suggests, adapted to Virgil's own temperament and expressed feelings : but Horace recurs to the idea that commerce and the mingling of nations are against nature and a source of evil, and that if the golden age could return they would cease; Od. 3. 24. 36-41, Epod. 16. 57-62. Cp. Virg. E. 4. 32-39 ; and Hesiod epya kcu fjfiepm 236. Metre — Third Ascleftiad. 1-7. sic . . . regat . . . reddas. This may be taken, ' Pay back (may Venus so guide thee),' &c, a wish, with a parenthetical wish for that which is necessary to its accomplishment. But 'sic' in wishes, as in protestations, seems always to involve a condition ; see Conington's note on Virg. E. 9. 30 'Sic tua Cyrneas fugiant examina taxos, . . . Incipe'; cp. Od. 1. 28. 25. 'May you suffer shipwreck if you do not pay back/ &c. The prayer is illogical, for if the ship did suffer shipwreck on the voyage it could not land Virgil safely. But the ship is personified, and charged by its hopes of happiness to perform a certain task; and what happiness can a ship look for but calm seas and favouring winds ? I. potens Cypri, for the gen. cp. Od. 1. 5. 15 'potenti maris BOOK I, ODE III, 1-9 deo'; I. 6. 10 'musa lyrae potens.' He is addressing Venus ('marina,' Od. 3. 26. 5, 4. 11. 15); she was worshipped at Cnidus under the name of e^/rXota, Paus. I. 1. 4. Cp. Ov. Her. 19. 160 ; Auso Venus ipsa favebit, Sternet et aequoreas aequore nata vias.' 2. fratres Helenae, 'Castor and Pollux/ Od. 4. 8. 31 'Clarum Tyndaridae sidus ab infimis Quassas eripiunt aequoribus ratis/ Cp. I. 12. 25 foil., 3. 29. 64. They were especial protectors of sailors, who saw their presence in the electric lights which are said to play about the spars of a vessel at times after stormy weather in the Mediterranean, and which are now called St. Elmo's fire. It is these, and not the constellation Gemini, that are the 'lucida sidera.' Cp. Statius Pro. Met. Cel. & 'Proferte benigna Sidera, et antennae gemino considite cornu.' 3. regat, for the number, see on v. 10. pater, ' Aeolus,' from Horn. Od. 10. 21 ; cp. Virg. Aen. 1. 52. 4. aliis, ' all others,' cp. Sat. 1. 10. 77, an uncommon use, but found even in good prose; 'vulgus aliud trucidatum,' Liv. 7. 19. It is perhaps rather in its sense of dXXolos than of dXXos, ' those of other kinds.' Iapyga, 'albus Iapyx,' Od. 3. 27. 20. The N.W. wind, which got its name in the mouths of those who crossed from Brundisium to Dyrrhachium, on whom it blew from the 6 Iapygium Promonto- rium ' in Apulia, and to whom it was the most favourable wind. 6. finibus Atticis, * ambiguum utrum u debes finibus Atticis " an "finibus Atticis reddas,'" Porph. It is really governed dno koivov, as grammarians say, by both. This is a construction which Horace often adopts for the sake of brevity, and to avoid clumsy and unmanageable pronouns and particles. Compare the position of 1 consiliis ' in Od. 2. 1 1. 11 ; of sibi ' in 3. 8. 19 ; of ' cantare ' in Sat. 1.3. 2. The metaphor of a 'depositum ' (Statius Silv. 3. 2. 5 'Grande tuo rarumque damus, Neptune, profundo Depositum') is sustained through the words ' creditum,' ' debes,' ' reddas ' ; with i incolumem' the 6 safety ' of Virgil becomes again more prominent than the 1 entireness ' of the repayment. 8. et, ' and so.' It couples two descriptions of the same action, first in its relation to Virgil, then in its relation to Horace, cp. 2. 2. 10, 4. 13. 10. animae dimidium, i secundum illam amicitiae definitionem <£i\la eori fxia tyvxh iv ftvolv (rdofiacnv^ Porph. ; Call. Ep. 43 rj/iKTv fxev yj/vx^s €tl to TTveov, ^fiLdV 6* ovk ot'S' | €it "Epos etV 'Aidrjs fjpncKjc, nXrjv agaves. Cp. Od. 2. 17. 5 'te meae partem animae.' 9. robur et aes triplex. The original of this and other ex- pressions of the kind is the Homeric o-idrjpeos Qvp.6s, II. 21. 357; o~idr)p€iov rjrop, 24. 205. Jani took the words as = ' robur aeris triplicis,' quoting Virg. Aen. 7. 609 'aeternaque robora ferri.' But the accumulation i oak and triple brass ' is like Aesch. P. V. 244 o-L^T]p6 4>l\ol, ov yap irco tl kcikcov odarjfJLOves clfxep' ov jitv drj rode fietfoi/ eVi Ka<6v, r) 6Ve k.t.A. and as neither 4 passi peiora ' nor ( passi graviora ' are a literal rendering of anything in Homer, it seems to follow that Horace had seen this part of the Aeneid, when he so wrote. 32. iterabimus, ' take again to the boundless sea,' which he had just crossed from Troy. It gives much more force to the dreariness of ' ingens ' than to suppose that they had landed for the night in their flight, see on v. 23. Ode VIII 6 Lydia, your love is ruining young Sybaris. He is no more to be seen on horseback, in the Tiber, at wrestling matches, quoits, javelin-throwing. He is lost to manly life like Achilles in his woman's dress.' The name of 1 Sybaris/ at least, is chosen to suit the ideal character. Metre — The Greater Sapphic. 4. patiens, in age and strength capable of bearing, as Juv. 7. 33 'aetas Et pelagi patiens et cassidis atque ligonis.' 5. militaris, as a soldier, in soldierly exercises. For these, cp. Od. 3. 7. 25-28, 3. 12. 7-9, S. 2. 2. 9 foil., Epp. 1. 18. 52, A. P. 379. 6. equitat. It wil] be seen in the apparatus criticus to the text that the majority of MSS. give 4 equitet . . . temperet.' The indicative is more lively than the continuation of the indirect question ; and the mood of 4 properes ' and ' oderit ' will account for copyists giving the subjunctive. Bentley remarks that they would have completed their work, and written 4 timeat,' 4 vitet/ ' gestet/ if they had not been stopped by the metre at i timet.' Gallica ora = ' ora equorum Gallicorum ' : the best Roman horses came from Gaul, Tac. Ann. 2. 5 'fessas Gallias ministrandis equis.' lupatis, sc. ' frenis/ bits roughened with jagged points like wolves' teeth, used for taming the fiercer horses. 'Asper equus duris contunditur ora lupatis/ Ov. Am. 1. 3. 15; Virg. G. 3. 208 * duris parere lupatis.' 25 THE ODES OF HORACE 8. olivum, i.e. the oil with which wrestlers anointed themselves, so that it stands for the ' palaestra.' 9. sanguine viperino, held to be a deadly poison, Epod. 3. 6. 10. armis, the ' arma campestria ' of A. P. 379, the ' discus ' and the javelin. The bruises would be due to the * discus,' which was not a hollow ring, as our quoit, but a solid disc, of a foot in diameter, held between the fingers and the inside of the forearm : see the description of its use in Stat. Theb. 6. 616 foil., esp. v. 670 ' verset Quod latus in digitos, mediae quod certius ulnae Conveniat.' It well might leave marks on the arm. 12. trans flnem expedito qualifies ' disco' as well as 'iaculo' ; for the object in throwing the ' discus ' was only to throw it the greatest distance. For a description of the game, see Horn. Od. 8. 186 foil. That which Ulysses threw vnepTrraro o-r^fxara 7rdvro)v | pipcfra Oe(ov curb x* L pos- 1 Expedire,' 4 to send it clear beyond.' 14. filium Thetidis. How Achilles was concealed by his mother in woman's disguise, and how he was discovered by the way in which he handled some weapons which Ulysses introduced in a pack of female wares, is told by Ovid, Met. 13. 162 foil. The story is post-Homeric. Ode IX ' It is midwinter. Well, pile on more logs, and bring out larger supplies of wine. When the gods will, spring will come back. Do not look forward. Each day that you get is so much gained. Enjoy it. Love and dance and play while you can, for old age is coming.' The lessons of Epicureanism drawn for winter, as Ode 4 drew them for spring. The opening is copied from Alcaeus, Fr. 34 : — v€t fjL€V 6 Zev?, itc opavco piyas X€ifjLcov y 7rerrdyaatu 5' vddrcov poal. 7rvp, iv be Kipvais oivov d^eiSea)? fieXixpdv, avrap du(pi Kopaa fiakflaKov dji^nlOr] yv6x o7ro / X7ro ' s '- Tne 'levis turba/ the * shadowy throng,' ei'SwXa Kafiovrcop, are distinguished from the fewer 'piae animae.' 17. reponis. The 're' gives the idea, of ' aside,' 'out of the way,' 'in safety,' ' in repose.' So Virg. Aen. 6. 655 ' tellure re- post^.' 18. coerces, of keeping a flock together, preventing them straying by the way, Od. 1. 24. 18. Hermes carries pa&dov xp V(T ^ r ] v when he drives the suitors' souls to Hades in Horn. Od. 24. I foil. Ode XI ' Do not go to the Astrologers, Leuconoe. Better bear life as it comes ; enjoy the present, and think as little as possible about the future.' On the ' mathematici ' see Diet. Ant. s. v. Astrologia ; 'genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur,' Tac. Hist. 1. 22. Horace himself was not above an interest in the superstition of the day, see Od. 2. 17, and Sat. 1. 6. 113. The name of Leuconoe is chosen doubtless in part at least as a pretty sounding name which suits the Choriambic metre, as Neobule and Liparaeus suit the Ionic a minore of Od. 3. 12. It is possible also that Horace may have looked to its etymology, but it is hard for us to say whether it would have conveyed a com- plimentary sense or the reverse ; ' Candida' or 'clara mente' say some of his editors, ' empty-minded ' say others. Pindar's XevKal (ppeves, Pyth. 4. 1 94, which is quoted in support of the latter view, seems rather to imply ' malignity ' than ' folly.' M etre — Second A sclepiad. 1. tu, see on Od. 1. 9. 16. The use of the pronoun emphasizes the prayer, ' Pray do not.' quaesieris, Madv. § 386. The usual tense in prohibitions 29 THE ODES OF HORACE addressed to the second person. ' Hoc facito ; hoc ne feceris,' Cic. Div. 2. 61, so Od. I. 18. I 'nullam . . . sevens arborem.' 3. numeros, 'tables,' ' calculations/ Juv. 6. 576. Cic. Div. 2. 47 'rationes Chaldaeas.' ut melius, oa-co fteXriov, ■ How much better is it ! ' so in prose, Cic. Mil. 24 ' Ut contempsit ac pro nihilo putavit,' &c. 4. seu . . . seu. It is a question whether the apodosis is to be looked for in 'ut melius,' &c, or in 'sapias.' Perhaps the latter is best, as avoiding an awkward break in the run of v. 6. 5. debilitat, breaks the force of, beats the waves on the rocks till they are tired. pumicibus, of any rocks 'vesco sale peresa' (Lucr. 1. 326) ; so Virg. Aen. 5. 214. 6. sapias, Od. 1. 7. 17. liques, ' clear/ This was done either with a linen strainer, or by other means, such as those described in Sat. 2. 4. 55. spatio brevi, ' by the thought of the little span of life. 5 7. dum loquimur, imitated by Pers. 5. 153 4 Vive memor leti : fugit hora ; hoc quod loquor inde est.' 8. carpe diem. What is the metaphor? Is it of plucking a flower; 'velox Flosculus angustae miseraeque brevissima vitae Portio,' Juv. 9. 126? or perhaps rather (as Orelli) 'snatch,' ap7rafe, ' fugitiva gaudia carpe,' Mart. 7. 47. 11, 4 catch them by the sleeve as they run ' ? Ode XII. £ WHAT man wilt thou sing of, Clio? what demigod? what god? — sing of, till the hill of Helicon rings his name again, or the woods of Haemus follow to listen, as they did when Orpheus sang ? What god, but Jove first, and Pallas next, Liber, Diana, Phoebus. For demigods, Hercules and the Twin Brethren who calm the stormy sea. And of men: Romulus and all the Roman worthies ; Marcellus, the lustre of whose name grows with each generation ; the Julian house, which outshines all others as the moon outshines the stars ; Caesar, the hope of the human race, the vicegerent of Jove himself. 5 The framework of the Ode is suggested by the opening of Pind. 01. 2 ava£i(f)6pfiiyy€ $ vfivoi tlvcl 6eov, tlv rjp(oa y riva 8' aubpa KeXab^aofjLcv ; If we compare this Ode with the Second it carries Horace's acceptance of the Caesarean regime a step further. That Ode welcomes it as the end of civil war, this as the crown of Roman history. The place given to Marcellus in the climax suggests a special occasion and gives a limit of date to the Ode, see Introd. to Odes i-iii. § 2. It cannot have been written and can hardly have been published after his untimely death in the autumn of B.C. 23. 3o BOOK I, ODE XI, i— ODE XII, 25 It links his name too closely to the Julian house to have been written before Augustus had given unmistakeable proof of his intentions towards him. It is natural to think of his betrothal and marriage to Julia in B.C. 25. See on v. 47. 1. lyra vel acri tibia, see on Od. 1. I. 32, and on 3. 4. 1. 2. sumis celebrare, App. 2. § 1. Clio, see on Od. 1. 1. 32. 3-6. Clio is to sing, not Horace, and so the song will be sung in the Muses' haunts on Helicon (in Boeotia), on Pindus (in Thessaly, Virg. E. 10. 11), or on Haemus, the old home of Orpheus (in Thrace, Virg. G. 2. 488). 3. iocosa imago, Od. 1. 20. 7 ; in neither case is any specially freakish echo intended. 5. oris, not confined to the seashore, Od. 1. 26. 4. 7-13. A reminiscence of the power of song. He implies, 'let your song be such as that. 5 7. temere, ' pell-mell,' ' nullo ordine,' in their hurry to hear. 9. arte materna, Calliope's, Virg. E. 4. 57. 11. blandum ducere, App. 2. § 2. 13. dicam, a usual word with Horace for 'canere,' 1 praedicare,' cp. Od. 1. 17. 19, 1. 19. 12, 1. 21. 1, 3. 4. I, &c. parentis, 1 the sire ' of gods and men. The v. 1. ' parentum,' was due to a misunderstanding of the purpose of the Ode, as though it was simply to i praise famous men and the fathers who begat us.' With the ' Quid prius dicam?' cp. Virg. E. 3. 60 ' Ab love principium, Musae,' Theoc. 17. 1 ; and for the whole order of the objects of the poet's praises, cp. 4. 15. 28-32 'deos . . . virtute functos duces * . . progeniem Veneris.' 14. qui res, &c, Virg.~Aen. 1. 230 'O qui res hominumque deumque Aeternis regis imperiis.' 15. mundum, surrounding space. 16. horis, like the Gr. &pais, ' seasons' ; so again A. P. 302 ' sub verni temporis horam.' 17. unde, 'from whom, 5 of a person, Od. 1. 28. 28, Sat. 1. 6. 12, 2. 6. 21. The Schol. quote Virg. Aen. 1.6* genus unde Latinum.' Cp. the use of 1 undique,' Od. 1. 7. 7. 18. secundum, Cic. Brut. 47. 173 i nec enim in quadrigis eum secundum numeraverim aut tertium qui vix e carceribus exierit cum palmam iam primus acceperit/ 21. proeliis audax. Bentley, followed by Ritter, puts the stop after instead of before these words, making them an epithet of Pallas, who is pre-eminently ' Armipotens, 5 ' Bellipotens,' &c. But Bacchus is ' idem pacis mediusque belli ' in Od. 2. 19. 28. 22. Virgo, Diana, the huntress. 25. Aleiden puerosque Ledae. A comparison of Od. 3. 3. 9 foil. ' Hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules ' (cp. also Od. 4. 5. 35) and Epp. 2. 1. 5 foil., seems to show that here also a comparison is hinted between Augustus and the heroes named. The calming 3i 1 THE ODES OF HORACE of the stormy waters in v. 27 foil, is therefore not without signi- ficance. 26. Horn. II. 3. 237 Kdaropd & ImrodafMOP kcu irvi; ayaObv IIoXu- $€VK€d. pugnis, 7rvyfjLaxLq, ' boxing/ 27. alba stella, see on Od. 1. 3. 2 ; 'alba,' probably as bringing back clear weather, as 'albus Notus, 5 Od. 1. 7. 15. 29. agitatus umor, ' the wind-driven spray.' It has been blown high up the rocks, now it streams down them and is not blown up again. 31. ponto is a local ablative, where in strictness we require ' in pontum,' as motion is expressed, Virg. G. I. 401 'campo recum- bunt ' ; cp. Aen. 5. 481 ' procumbit humi bos.* 34. superbos Tarquini fascis. The apparent mention of Tarquinius Superbus among the Roman worthies has troubled commentators from the Scholiasts downwards. The latter are driven to take the words impossibly of Tarquinius Priscus. A com- parison of Virg. Aen. 6. 817, 818, seems to show that it is no merit of Tarquin, but the glory of the Regifugium that Horace is recalling. His selection of Roman names will then be, the Founders of Rome's warlike fame and of her law and religion, the first instance and the latest of devotion * pulchra pro libertate,' the representatives of her military spirit, (1) as to contempt of death, (2) as to loyalty and simplicity of life. Bentley, in his wish to bind Horace to a chrono- logical order which in such cases he never follows, would rob him of the credit of the tribute to a lost cause (see on Od. 2. 7) by reading ex mera conj. 'anne Curti.' 37. Regulum, see on Od. 3. 5. Scauros. The reference is probably, as Kiessling suggested, to a story told of M. Aemilius Scaurus and his son (3 and 4 in Diet. Biog 4 s. v. i Scaurus '). The son had shown cowardice in the war against the Cimbri, and on returning home was ordered from his father's presence, and feeling the disgrace put an end to his own life. They are named as illustrating the old military spirit. 38. Paulum, L. Aemilius Paulus, the Consul who refused to leave the fatal field of Cannae, Liv. 22. 38 foil. 40. Fabricium, C. Fabricius Luscinus, Cos. B.C. 282 and 278; ' parvo potentem Fabricium/ Virg. Aen. 6. 844. The story of his refusal to avail himself of treachery against Pyrrhus is told by Cicero, Off. 3. 22 ; stories of his contended poverty by Val. Max. 4. 3. 6 ; cp. Cic. Tusc. 3. 23. 41-44. ( He and Curius of hair unkempt were bred to do good service in war, and Camillus too, by stern poverty and the ancestral farm with its cottage home to match.' They were ' rusticorum mascula militum proles,' Od. 3. 6. 37. 41. incomptis, cp. Od. 2. 15. 11 ' intonsi Catonis,' of Cato the Censor. Pliny (N. H. 7. 59) says that the first 'tonsor' was brought to Rome from Sicily in B.C. 300, and that Scipio Africanus was the first Roman who was shaved daily. To have lived before 32 BOOK I, ODE XII, 25-57 the days of barbers implies antiquity, and the absence of softer modern habits. Curium, M. Curius Dentatus, who as Consul won the battle of Beneventum, B.C. 275. He is a standing example of ancient Roman simplicity. ' Qui Curios simulant/ Juv. 2. 3; cp. id. 11. 78 foil. Cicero, de Sen. 16. 56, numbers him among the worthies who ' a villa in senatum arcessebantur.' 45. £ As a tree grows by the unmarked lapse of time, so grows the glory of Marcellus' ; so the glory of the house, dating at least from the captor of Syracuse (B.C. 212), is now culminating in the young Marcellus. occulto, as Lucret., of the wearing away of iron by infinitesimal decrements, ' occulte decrescit vomer in arvis,' 1. 315. 47. Iulium sidus, 1 the star of Julius ' is the same as i Caesaris astrum,' Virg. E. 9. 47, the comet which appeared after Julius Caesar's death. Here it stands for the name and greatness of the Julian house. The closeness of the conjunction of Marcellus and the Julian house lends colour to the suggestion that the occasion of the Ode was the marriage or betrothal of the young Marcellus to Julia. 51. fatis, as often 'fato. 1 The fates are not here personified. secundo Caesare, * with Caesar for thy second.' Some editors, as Kiessling, see a definite reference to v. 18 in which Horace had denied that there could be a ' second ' to Jupiter. The flattery would be gross for Horace, and if it were meant it would be more unmistakeably expressed. If not intended, however, the repetition is a defect in art. For a similar one see on Od. 3. 4. 49. 53-57. He — it is only a choice of triumphs, we do not know what the first will be — shall rule the world. 53. Latio imminentis. For the exaggeration cp. Od. 3. 6. 9-16. 54. iusto, ' well-earned.' 55. subieetos, &c, 'that border the land of the rising sun'; so in Liv. 2. 38. 1 4 campus viae subiectus ' ; ' sub ' of succession. orae, see on v. 5. 56. Seras, Od. 1. 29. 9, 3. 29. 27, 4. 15. 23. They stand with Horace for the peoples of the extreme East. He probably knew nothing of them except that silk came across Asia from them, Virg. G. 2. 121. As described by ancient geographers, 'Serica* is supposed to correspond to the north-west provinces of the present empire of China. 57. te minor, 1 while he bows to thee,' Od. 3. 6. 5 ' Dis te minorem quod geris imperas.' It is not merely a division of sovereignty, ' Caesar on earth, Jove in heaven' (cp. Od. 3. 5. 1), but the two sovereignties are connected. The rule of Caesar is the restoration of religion. latum. The MSS. are fairly divided between * latum ' and ' laetum ' ; ' latum ' seems to sum up the feeling of the last stanza best, ' laetum ' would mean ] to its joy.' w. h. i. 33 d THE ODES OF HORACE 59. parum castis. Lightning striking a place was held to prove that it had been polluted by some crime, and the spot was covered lest any should tread on it. Diet. Ant. s. v. c bidental,' and cp. Hor. A. P. 471 ; so that Horace, with a more general meaning, selects a particular instance, popularly recognized, of the moral government of Jove, ' Caelo tonantem credidimus Iovem Regnare.' Ode XIII 4 It is torture to me, Lydia, to hear you for ever praising Telephus. Love as passionate and boisterous as his is not the love that lasts. Happy they that are bound in that true chain ! ' Metre — Third Asclepiad. 1. Telephi . . . Telephi, 'of Telephus— always Telephus/ The repetition is emphatic; cp. Epod. 14. 6, and one interpretation of Virg. E. 7. 70 ' Ex illo Corydon, Corydon est tempore nobis.' The name of Telephus recurs in 3. 19. 26 and 4. 11. 21, and always of the same ideal character, a youth, ' puro similis vespero, ? whose beauty brings the ladies to his feet. 2. roseam. Virg. Aen. 1. 402 gives Venus a ' rosea cervix.' It seems to describe the pink blush of life and health. cerea. Servius, on Virg. E. 2. 53, explains this epithet as meaning ' soft,' 4 supple/ Flavius Caper, a grammarian older than Servius, quotes the passage as running 'lactea . . . bracchia,' and interprets it ' Candida/ which may mean either that he had found ' lactea ' (possibly as a gloss on ' cerea ') or that he had interpreted ' cerea,' ' white,' and then forgotten the exact word which Horace had used instead of the simple ' Candida.' 4. difficili, xaXe7ra>. The ancients believed the liver to be the seat of passion, attributing anger and even madness to fullness of bile. ' Difficilis ' is used properly of a man who is ill-tempered, as A. P. 173 'difficilis, querulus ' : the epithet is transferred to the bile which is supposed to make him so. 5. nec mens nee color. Almost a zeugma, like Virgil's ' incep- toque et sedibus haeret in isdem,' Aen. 2. 654, the use of the same verb of a mental and a physical fact ; * my mind reels and my colour comes and goes.' 6. manet. The singular is strongly supported by Bentley on grammatical grounds, and is found in B. Most of the other MSS. have 6 manent,' an alteration, no doubt, to suit the supposed necessity of the metre — but it is one of the cases noticed on Od. 1. 3. 36. 8. quam : best taken, as Kiessling, with ' penitus,' ' how deep go the slow fires that consume me.' 14. perpetuum, 'constant.' 34 BOOK I, ODE XII, 59— ODE XIV i$. oscula = ' labella,' i the pretty lips,' Virg. Aen. i. 256 1 Oscula libavit natae.' 16. quinta parte. Ibycus according to Athenaeus, 2. p. 39 B, called honey %warov pepos rrjs dpfipoaias. And the Scholiast, on Pind. Pyth. 9. 116, says that honey had been said to be dtKarov pepos rrjs aSavaaias. It is possible that Horace may have had some such words in his head in giving this numerical ratio of the sweetness of Lydia's lips. Another suggestion to which Orelli inclines, is that he is thinking of Pythagoras' division of the elements, earth, air, fire, water, and ether, the ttz\xktov op, nepnTT] ovcrta, ' quinta essentia,' the most perfect element ; so that ' quinta pars ' will mean the ' purest and best ' of her nectar. This is the proper meaning of the word ' quintessence ' which was adopted, with other words of the Pythagorean philosophy, by the Alchemists, and passed from their use of it into common language. 20. suprema citius die, ' sooner than at death.' We may say that 'citrus' is used for 6 citius quam,' as 'amplius' and 4 plus ' ; ' neque enim plus septima ducitur aestas,' Virg. G. 4. 207 ; or that the ablative does double duty, as the ablative of comparison and of the point of time. Cp. Od. 4. 14. 13 'plus vice simplici.' Ode XIV The ship addressed has just escaped from a storm, its mast broken, its hull shattered, its sails in ribands. The harbour is in sight. The wind is rising again. It is warned not to drift back into a sea in which it cannot live. Quintilian (8. 6. 44) makes the Ode his illustration of the meaning of the term 4 allegoria' : ' Ut " O navis referent," &c, totusque ille Horatii locus quo navem pro republica, fluctuum tempestates pro bellis civilibus, portum pro pace atque concordia dicit.' And the poem of Alcaeus, which looks like its model, was believed by the ancients to be an allegorical description of the political troubles of Mytilene : — do~vvtTr)iM twp dpepoap crrdcriv' to fxev yap evdev Kvpa KuXtVSeraf, to 5' ev6€i>* afxp,es 6° av to p.€o~o~ov vd'i (popovfjceda o~vv /zeXaiVa, Xupodvi fxo^^e^Te? /xeyaXa) paka' 7T€p p.ev yap aWXo? lo-ToneSav e^et, XaI(/)off 8e irdv i^dbrfkov rjdrj Ka\ XaKidts peya\ai KaT ouro. )(6\aioi 8' ayKvpai ... (Fr. 18 Bergk.) As long as we are content with Quintilian's general exposition, all is simple. The allegory is satisfied when the commonwealth, in danger of relapsing into civil war, has become a sea- wearied ship, 35 D 2 THE ODES OF HORACE drifting back into the storm. The masts, the sails, the pine of Pontus, the Cyclades, belong to the ship, and we must not look for their exact counterparts in the State. Here, as with other alle- gories, we are beset with difficulties the moment we attempt to fit the details more exactly. It has been argued, for instance, from vv. 17, 18, that Horace speaks of the ship as if he had himself left it (but see notes on those verses), and that the subject of the L Ode must, therefore, be not the State but the Republican party. Why, others ask, is it a Pontic pine, not some other — Idean, per- haps, as more suitable to the mythical origin of Rome ? Acron suggested an answer, which has since been developed into a whole theory of the purpose of the Ode. Pompey was the conqueror of Mithridates of Pontus. The ship, therefore, represents the fortunes of his son, Sextus Pompeius, whom Horace would dissuade from embarking again in war with Octavianus after the treaty of Misenum, B.C. 39. This view, if. there were no other reason against it, would carry the Ode into the time of the earliest Epodes. The difficulties of interpretation seemed so great to Muretus, Dacier, and Bentley, that they refused to allow the Ode to be allegorical at all. On our view there will be nothing to fix it to a definite date. The ship is in sight of harbour.' This distinguishes the Ode from Epodes 7 and 16 (see the Introductions to them). It is not yet moored beyond the reach of the wind. So long as the most timid politician could see in any movement a thought of renewed resis- tance to the rule which had saved Rome from anarchy, so long might Horace have vented his fears, or appealed to the fears of others by this allegory. A more plausible suggestion of Torrentius, which Franke adopts, finds an occasion for the Ode in B.C. 29, when Augustus, according to the statement both of Suetonius (Oct. 28) and of Dion (52. 1), entertained the thought of abandoning the supreme power which had just fully come into his hands. Dion gives a speech of Maecenas on that occasion, in which he uses the very allegory of the Ode. It is however certain that Horace drew his image, not from any speech of Maecenas, but from Alcaeus. Dion may more probably have taken it from Horace. The image of a ship for the State is an old one. See, inter alia, Aesch. Sept. c. T. 1, Soph. O. T. 25, Plat. Rep. p. 488, Theognis, 671-682. Metre — Fifth Asclepiad. 1. referent . . . novi, a double statement. Fresh waves are rising, and they will carry thee back. Horace speaks of the civil war under the same metaphor in Od. 2. 7. 15 ' Te rursus in bellum resorbens Unda fretis tulit aestuosis,' and in Epp. 2. 2. 47 ' Civilis . . . belli . . . aestus ' ; although in those cases it is individuals, not the State, who are battling with the waves. 2. fortiter occupa portum, ' make a brave effort and gain the 36 BOOK I, ODE XIV, i- 1 7 harbour first/ i. e. before the fresh waves prevent you. The ship is still outside the bar. 4. nudum, supply ' sit,' as also after ' saucius.' Orelli speaks of this as 6 miro zeugmate ex v. "gemant " v. "sit" elicere,' and thinks it far more poetical to make ' gemant' the verb to all three c'auses. But it is a harsher zeugma to speak of a broadside swept bare of rowers as ' groaning ' in the same sense as yardarms. And if ' gemant ' apply to all three subjects, the 4 antennae ' are left with- out any special description of the injury done to them. For 'vides ut . . . gemant,' the particular sense of Seeing' being lost after a time in the more general notion of ' perceiving,' cp. Od. 3. 10. 5-8 • Audis quo strepitu ianua . . . remugiat Ventis, et positas ut glaciet nives Iuppiter,' and Virg. Aen. 4. 490 'mugire videbis Sub pedibus terram et descendere montibus ornos.' 6. sine funibus. They are the vtto^cohcitci of Plat. Rep. p. 616 C 5 cp. Acts xxvii. 17 (3orj6€iais £xp<* VTO i v7to£cdvpvvt€s to ttXouw, ropes passed round the hull to prevent the timbers starting. 7. durare, Virg. Aen. 8. 577 ' durare laborem.' carinae, apparently a plural for a sing., the keel and all that belongs to it, the timbers that start from it, the hull, the bottom. Bentley takes it as a proper plural, ' Other ships about you.' 8. imperiosius, ' too tyrannous/ ' peremptory.' The sea insists on breaking in, will have no refusal. 10. non di, sc. ' sunt integri.' The images of gods which were carried on board as a protection to the ship ; Pers. 6. 30 ' Iacet ipse in litore, et una Ingentes de puppe dei.' 11. Pontica, cp. Catullus, ' Dedicatio Phaseli,' 4. 13 ' Amastri Pontica, et Cytore buxifer,' &c. 12. nobilis, with ' silvae,' 'a forest of name, 5 cp. Od. 3. 13. 13 ' fies nobilium tu quoque fontium. 5 14. pictis puppibus, Virg. Aen. 5. 663. Ships in Homer are fiikroTTaprjoi. Seneca, perhaps thinking of this place, Ep. 76 ' navis bona dicitur non quae pretiosis coloribus picta est, . . . sed stabilis et firma et iuncturis aquam excludentibus spissa.' timidus, * in the time of his fear.' 15, 16. nisi debes . . . cave, ' unless thou art doomed to make sport for the winds, take good heed,' i. e. if it is any use to warn you, be warned. ' Cave,' absolutely, as in Epod. 6. 11 'cave . . . cave. 5 1 Debere ' is 4 to be bound to give ' ; it may be, because we have received an equivalent ; it may be, as here, by some irrever- sible law outside of us, as we talk of death as the ' debt 5 of nature : 1 debemur morti nos nostraque,' A. P. 62. The position of ' cave ' gives it the necessary emphasis. 17, 18. Here Horace seems to be thinking of the Commonwealth as much as of the ship. The contrast is between the two moments, a few hours ago when the ship was struggling for existence in the storm, and now when it is at the haven 5 s mouth, but still not quite safe. His feeling towards it then was ' a hopeless heart-sickening,' now it is ' a fond yearning and anxious care.' 37 THE ODES OF HORACE 1 8. desiderium does not necessarily imply regret for what is lost or impossible to get, see for instance, Od. 3. 1. 25 i desiderantem quod satis est/ 19. nitentis, 'fulgentis Cycladas,' Od. 3. 28. 14, of their marble rocks. Perhaps there is a notion of tempting to the eye but destructive. Ode XV Kereus becalms Paris, as he flies with Helen, to foretell to him his own fate and the destruction of Troy. ' Hac ode Bacchylidem imitatur ; nam ut ille Cassandram facit vaticinari futura belli Troiani ita hie Proteum,' Porph. (The last word is a slip arising from a reminiscence of the prophecies of Proteus in Horn. Od. 4.) The same statement is repeated by a Scholiast on Stat. Theb. 7. 330. The fine verses which Clement of Alexandria quotes, without giving the name of their author (Strom. 5. 731 6 AvpiKos cjjrjai), and which have been commonly believed to belong to this poem (o> Tp&ts 'Ap^tXoi, kt\.) have been found in the papyrus, the text of which was published by the British Museum in 1897, to belong to another poem of Bacchylides and to be part of a speech supposed to be delivered in the Trojan assembly by Menelaus. The imagery of Horace's Ode is really Homer's rather than that of the Greek lyrists, cp. Od. I. 6. A Scholiast calls the Ode an allegory of Antony and Cleopatra, and that explanation of it is adopted by several editors, Landinus, Baxter, and Sanadon. Ritter draws the parallel out in detail. Paris, hidden by Venus in Helen's chamber, is Antony taking refuge in Cleopatra's ship at Actium, &c. The theory cannot be pro- nounced probable, although it is true that elsewhere (see additional note to Ode 3. 3) Horace seems to have thought of Antony and Cleopatra while telling of Troy and Helen. Mitsch. remarks that, to the Scholiast very possibly the suggestion was due to the position of the Ode. The key which had unlocked the last was applied to this. Compare the relation of the next two Odes to one another. The Ode is imitated by Statius, Achill. i. 20 foil. Metre — Fourth Asclepiad. 1. pastor, Virg. Aen. 7. 363 ' Phrygius pastor.' 2. perfidus hospitam, ' his hostess,' cp. Od. 3. 3. 26 ' famosus hospes.' The great sting of Paris' offence was that he fd^wf geviap rpenre^av Kkoiraicri yvvaiKos, Aesch. Ag. 401. For the relation of the two adjectives, cp. 3. 7. 13 ' perfida credulum.' 3. ingrato, to the winds themselves, as in Virg. Aen. 1. 55 6 111 i indignantes magno cum murmure montis Circum claustra fremunt.' 5. Dill 1 *, remarks on the weight given to the words 'Nereus fata ' 33 BOOK I, ODE XIV, 18— ODE XV, 18 by their reservation to this place, the name of the speaker, and the nature of his words. They bespeak attention for the prophecy which follows. mala avi, Od. 3. 3. 61 1 alite lugubri ' ; Epod. 10. 1 ' mala alite ' ; Od. 4. 6. 23 ' potiore alite/ like the Gr. opvis, otWd?. 7. rumpere, by a zeugma (Madv. § 478, obs. 4) with ' nuptias ' and ' regnum.' The union of the two objects under the one verb helps the feeling that the same blow will effect both purposes. 9. Hom. II. 2. 388 l$ptoCT€L fJL€V T€V T^Xa/JLOiV . . . l8pO)(T€L $€ T€V L7TTTO?. 10. quanta funera, ' what a scene of death ! ' Virg. Aen. 8. 537 ' Heu quantae miseris caedes Laurentibus instant.' See Fore, for this use of 6 quanta ' with a plural, even where we should rather expect ' quot.' The strongest instance quoted from an Augustan writer is Prop. 1. 5. 10 ' Ac tibi curarum milia quanta dabit.' It is poetical, and seems to include the notion of magnitude as well as of number, 'What a mighty host of cares!' moves, used, without any definite metaphor, of ' setting in motion,' 6 beginning,' ' causing.' Dardanae, Od. 4. 6. 7. The poets, and especially Horace, use the names of nations and tribes as adjectives instead of the fuller derivative forms in -ius or -icus. ' Marsus aper/ Od. 1. 1. 28; ' Medum flumen,' 2. 9. 21 ; ' Afro murice,' 2. 16. 35 ; 6 Thyna merce,' 3. 7. 3. They extend the liberty even to the proper names of individuals, as here; cp. C. S. 47, Od. 4. 5. I ' Romulae genti ' ; Virg. Aen. 6. 877 ' Romula tellus.' 12. currusque et rabiem, her rage is one of its own weapons, as Aeneas in Virg. Aen. 12. 107 ' acuit mentem et se suscitat ira ' ; and Hecuba, in Ov. Met. 13. 554 'se armat et instruit ira.' For the union of abstract and concrete, Orelli quotes Hom. II. 4. 447 crvv p efiakov pivovs, crvv 5* *yx €a KaL j^eW dvdpcov, and Hor. Od. I. 35. 33 'cicatricum et sceleris.' 13 foil. Hom. II. 3. 54 ovk av rot xpalapri iciSapis rd re beep* *A