THE UNIVERSITY OF ILUNOIS UBRARY 37S B2S4s 1873 Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library APR 2 m 2 3 L161— H41 Digitized by the Internet Archive • in 2017 with funding from, ' University of Illinois Urbane-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/superiorinstructOObarn 'i. S>' /■' ■ *' / {, P; ■ '". J ' ■■':v '■' U ■ \(i ..-t '■;S ' 1 ; t s - j 'y>U^ it , . < v ■■ V, TiiEnF'^-yrF t:-e "EG 18 1933 !JN!VfR$!iY OF i.LliMGlS NATIONAL EDUCATION. AN ACCOUNT HISTORY, ORGANIZATION, ADMINISTRATION, STUDIES, DISCIPLINE AND STATISTICS OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF EVERY GRADE AND FOR ALL CLASSES IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. By henry BARNARD, LL.D. NOW READY. FAementary and Secondanj Instruction in the German States : Anhalt, Austria, Baden, Bava- ria, Brunswick, Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Hesse- Darmstadt, Liechtenstein, Lippe-Detmold, Lippe- Schaumburg, Luxemburg and Limberg, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Nassau, Oldenburg, Prussia, Reuss, Saxony, Saxe Altenburg, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Wei- mar, Waldeck, Wurtemberg, and the Free Cities, \with a general summary of the Educational Systems and Statistics for the whole of Germany. 856 pages. Price, $4.50. Sewed and in paper covers. Elementary and Secondary Instruction in Switzerland (each of the 23 Cantons), France, Bel- gium, Holland, Denmark, Norway and Sweden, Russia, Turkey, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. 800 Pages. Price, $4,50. Sewed and in paper covers. 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The German States. — Viz : Anhalt, Austria, Baden, Bavaria, Brunswick, Hanover, Ilesse-Cassel, Ilesse-Darmstadt, Liechtenstein, Lippe-Detmold, Lippe-Shaumberg, Luxemburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau, Oldenburg, Russia, Eeuss, Saxony, Saxe-Al- tenburg, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe- Weimar, Schwarzburg, Waldeck, Wurtemberg, and the Free Cities, together with a Summary of the Educational Systems and Statistics for the whole of Germany. II. Switzerland, France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway and Sweden, Russia, Turkey, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain. III. Great Britain and the American States — with a comparison of the systems and con- dition of Public Schools of the Elementary and Secondary Grades in the United States, with those of the more advanced States of Europe. Part III. Universities, Colleges, and other Institutions op Superior In- struction IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. Part IY. Professional, Class, and Special Instruction. Volume I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. Scientific and Technical Schools preparatory to the occupations of Agriculture, Architecture, Commerce, Engineering, Manufacturing, Mechanics, ISIining, Navigation, &c. Normal Schools, Teachers Institutes and Associations, and other Agencies for the Profession- al Training and Improvement of Teachers. Military Schools and Courses of Instruction in the Science and Art of War by Land and Sea. Preventive and Reformatory Schools and Agencies for Neglected, Truant, Vicious, and Crimi- nal Children and Youth. Professional Schools, Associations, and Legal Requirements respecting the Practice of Law, Medicine, and Theology. Female Education : or Public Schools and other Institutions for the Education of Girls. Institutions and Special Instruction for the Exceptional Classes — the Deaf-mute, Blind, Feeble-minded, Orphan, &c. Part V. Institutions for Supple»ientary Instruction. To provide for the Deficiencies or the Continuance of the Instruction given in Regular Schools, (such as Libraries, Lectures, Special Classes.) Part VI. Societies and Museums for the Advancement op Arts, Educa- tion, Literature, and Science. Part VII. Catalogue of the best Publications on Schools and Education I IN Different Countries. I TERMS : Each Volume will be complete in itself, and will contain at least seven hundred pages, of the same size type and paper, as the American Journal of Education, and will be forwarded by mail, express, or other- wise, according to the directions, and at the risk and expense of the person ordering the same. Orders will be received for any one of the Volumes in advance of publication at $3.50 per copy sewed and in paper cover, for which at least $4.50 will be charged after pubheation. Persons ordering any volume will be notified when the same is ready for delivery and it will be forward, ed, on receiving the subscription price according to the above terms. HENRY BARNARD, Publisher of American Journal of Education.* Hartford, Conn ^ii^frior lustructiott AN ACCOUNT 0 F r? r-^ 181 uNivt5isnv Of i UNIVERSITIES AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTI-ON IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. By henry BARNARD, LL. D., LATE UNITED STATES COMJIISSIONER OF EDUCATION. REVISED EDITION. HARTFORD: OFFICE OF AMERICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION. LONDON : TRUUNER & CO., PATERNOSTER ROW. 37 ? 1 ^ 7 '' PREFACE. This volume is composed of chapters on Superior Instruction in 0 different countries, which have appeared as articles, original and 6 selected, in successive numbers of the American Journal of Edu- cation^ in prosecution of a plan announced in the original prospectus 01 of that periodical, to give a comprehensive survey of the whole Q field of systems and institutions of education in different ages, ri under different conditions of government and religion. They are issued in this form as contributions only to the material for a historical development of this department of public instruction. HENRY BARNARD. Hartford, Conn., July, 1873. -■a o 851873 ■ rt* D®«*r ■ ' vt '/ V^v'. • .•'-/rvi'v.- ^*. fc? .#.■ ■T>- '-y^’ ■' • V.v\ HiT' A --t .f-. ■ - / . ill. \./ i\ , ,v w i *K^.3=^ • . ., ' :'£^ ■" fli - -, ' ■ % V--, /{ '■‘!;tru<^f ' ill a ■■V. InK fiiitfjjti'rtli ,*'.i»lrjiJti'. .,4 ■•>{■{■ i\ :'\^ ' **'< VivA'^viM, ’ftilX W r:“'- • ^ ,•>♦^< <»»■ f *‘>*!Ktyn>rjf' jf ': ■ '''\ --^ ',sf >«». «:ii ‘^^VrG. V v1’'^ ‘ '''^’^’ Eti-''' r-ky^-- r .' yfcv'.^'T liMAVriAH YjlV?5lii • r ‘ 4^\. W. . • r^iy ' .. ^'.\ r- -/i ‘ -ys, „ , \ i'rt, ^'py I >vY'>. >:♦■■■ V,.' ■^;v .' ■ '■ mis?? ■■ ■■ : CONTENTS 1. Germany 1-448 11. Italy 449-682 III. Netherlands 689-752 lY. France 758-882 Y. Switzerland 888-848 YI. Denmark, Norway, Sweden 849-864 YII. Eussia 865-880 YIII. Greece and Turkey 881-896 IX. Spain and Portugal 897-912 X. Great Britain 918-944 XL American States 945-992 Index to Superior Instruction 988-1000 ■rt', ». -r/. ■■. '.? ' r'^.’r- ■ ' • '■-' ■V»;f;*‘: - I. ; /n 'J • V‘ :■* -cTjj ■^y l-^sp- ■f.'‘ • ■• . ■ : .'.* •‘i,. : i '-'■ ’« ■<• ■- ■■ !•-. M . V^' A, i ''. 5 .>, .«■ ■_♦•>.■;;>• •V. r .,... •'SdiQ^O .. ... •. V .V..’.- i-08 - '. 088 8 v’"' •. • * * '. ciOB V.-.. .s,’.,. ■ .f VOO ,<:>t *0 . •; , . ..^. ,. , >•■9 » if ‘ ■ ,<: .( ‘ > , I I \ : 1 .»v.? y... yja,tt. jr ^ ■’ . , . . ,> .Ilf i-v^... .. , ..,■■■ ..'..j-iz^.i'-r : . , / . . . / \ :'f \,- . , ...Vi VVX /.7r> v- . . ,ntV^ .V ...;',! 'iVSyi: V r/.‘i<^ .{XI, rf { /. . -. 'V '*.w^f> ;-X!'>v' v! .'. ^ .f . . . { . , I m i' - t'*; - ' ,r,' V; ■'■’,-;’ii:ry'‘ ■ »■■■; '". ■ 'v vi V'' :,,f -..^ /'u /•; •' ..'.JHi>T4>‘; , 1., t»;'.!,' ■ ■■- .■>-<^*,n4''ij '4"7'' have the books of Greece as a perpetual memorial ; and copies there have been, since the time that they were written ; but you need not go to Athens to procure them, nor would you find them in Athens. Strange to say, strange to the nine- teenth centuiy, that in the age of Plato and Thucydides, there was not, it is said, a bookshop in the whole place : nor was the hook trade in existence till the very time of Augustus. Libraries, I suspect, were the bright invention of Attalns'or the Ptolemies; I doubt whether Athens had a library till the reign of Hadrian. It was what the student gazed on, what he heard, what he caught by the magic of sympathy, not what he read, which was the education famished. He leaves his narrow lodging early in ths morning ; and not till night, if' even then, will he return. It is hut a crib or kennel, — in which he sleeps when the weather is inclement or the ground damp ; in no respect a home. And he NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS. xxix goes out of doors, not to read the day’s newspaper, or to buy the gay shilling volume, but to imbibe the invisible atmosphere of genius, and to learn by heart the oral traditions of taste. Out he goes ; and leaving the tumble-down town behind him, he mounts the Acropolis to the right, or he turns to the Areopagus on the left. He goes to the Parthenon to study the sculptures of Phidias ; to the temple of the Dioscuri to see the paintings of Polygnotus. We indeed take our Sophocles or ^schylus out of our coat-pocket ; but, if our sojourner at Athens •would understand how a tragic poet can write, he must betake himself to the theatre on the south, and see and hear the drama literally in action. Or let him go westward to the Agora, and there he Avill hear Lysias or Andocides pleading, or Demosthenes haranguing. He goes farther west still, along the shade of those noble planes, which Cimon has planted there ; and he looks around him at the statues and porticos and vestibules, each by itself a work of genius and skill, enough to be the making of another city. He passes through the city gate, and then he is at the himous Ceramicus ; here are the tombs of the mighty dead ; and here, "we will suppose, is Pericles himself, the most ele- vated, the most thrilling of orators, converting a funeral oration over the slain into a philosophical panegyric of the living. Onwards he proceeds still ; and now he has come to that still more celebrated Academe, which has bestowed its own name on Universities down to this day ; and there he sees a sight which ■will be graven on his memory till he dies. Many are the beauties of the place, the groves, and the statues, and the temple, and the stream of the Cephissus flowing by ; many are the lessons which will be taught him day after day by teacher or by companion ; but his eye is just now arrested by one object ; it is the very presence of Plato. He does not hear a word that he says ; he does not care to hear; he asks neither for discourse nor disputation ; what he sees is a whole, complete in itself, not to be increased by addition, and greater than anything else. It will be a point in the history of his life ; a stay for his memory to rest on, a burning 'thought in his heart, a bond of union with men of like mind, ever afterwards. Such is the spell which the living man exerts on his fellows, for good or for evil. How nature impels us to lean upon others, making virtue, or genius, or name, the qualification for our doing so ! A Spaniard is said to have traveled to Italy, simply to see Livy ; he had his fill of gazing, and then went back again home. Had our young stranger got nothing by his voyage but the sight of the breathing and moving Plato, had he entered no lecture-room to hear, no gymnasium to con- verse, he had got some measure of education, and something to tell of to his grandchildren. But Plato is not the only sage, nor the sight of him the only lesson to be learned in this wonderful suburb. It is the region and the realm of philosophy. Colleges were the inventions of many centuries later ; and they imply a sort of cloistered life, or at least a life of rule, scarcely natural to an Athenian. It was the boast of the philosophic statesman of Athens, that his countrymen achieved by the mere force of nature and the love of the noble and the great, what other people aimed at by laborious discipline ; and all who came among them were submitted to the same method of education. We have traced our student on his wanderings from the Acropolis to the Sacred Way ; and now he is in the region of the schools. No awful arch, no window of many-colored lights marks the seats of learning there or elsewhere ; philosophy lives offt of doors. No close atmosphere oppresses the brain or inflames the eyelid ; no long session XXX NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS. stiffens the limbs. Epicurus is reclining in his garden ; Zeno looks like a divinity in his porch ; the restless Aristotle, on the other side of the city, as if in antagonism to Plato, is walking his pupils off their legs in his Lyceum by the Ilyssus. Our student has determined on entering himself as a disciple of Theophrastus, a teacher of marvelous popularity, who has brought together two thousand pupils from all parts of the world. He himself is of Lesbos ; for mas- ters, as well as students, come hither from all regions of the earth, — as befits a University. How could Athens have collected hearers in such numbers, unless she had selected teachers of such power? it was the range of territory, which the notion of a University implies, which furnished both the quantity of the one, and the quality of the other. Anaxagoras was from Ionia, Cameades from Africa, Zeno from Cyprus, Protagoras from Thrace, and Gorgias from Sicily. Andromachus was a Syrian, Proajresius an Armenian, Hilarius a Bithynian, Philiscus a Thessalian, Hadrian a Syrian. Home is celebrated for her liberality in civil matters ; Athens was as liberal in intellectual. There was no narrow jealousy, directed against a Professor, because he was not an Athenian ; genius and talent were the qualifications ; and to bring them to Athens, was to do homage to it as a University. There was brotherhood and citizenship of mind. Mind came first, and was the foundation of the academical polity; but it soon brought along with it, and gathered round itself, the gifts of fortune and the prizes of life. As time went on, wisdom was not always sentenced to the bare cloak of Cleanthes ; but, beginning in rags, it ended in fine linen. The Professors became honorable and rich; and the students ranged themselves under their names, and were prOud of calling themselves their countrymen. The University was divided into four great nations, as the medieval antiquarian would style them ; and in the middle of the fourth century, Proaeresius was the leader or proctor of the Attic, Hephaestion of the Oriental, Epiphanius of the Arabic, and Diophantus of the Pontic. Thus the Professors were both patrons of clients, and hosts and proxeni of strangers and visitors, as well as masters of the schools : and the Cappadocian, Syrian, or Sicilian youth who came to one or other of them, would be encouraged to study by his protection, and to aspire by his example. Even PJato, when the schools of Athens were not a hundred years old, was in circumstances to enjoy the otium cum dignitate. He had a villa out at Heraclea; and he left his patrimony to his school, in whose hands it remained, not only safe, but fructifying, a marvelous phenomenon in tumultuous Greece, for the long space of eight hundred years. Epicurus too had the property of the Gardens where he lectured ; and these too became the property of his sect. But in Roman times the chairs of grammar, rhetoric, politics, and the four philoso- phies, were handsomely endowed by the State ; some of the Professors were themselves statesmen or high functionaries, and brought to their favorite study senatorial rank or Asiatic opulence. Patrons such as these can compensate to the freshman, in whom we have interested ourselves, for the poorness of his lodging and the turbulence of his companions. In every thing there is a better side and a worse ; in every place a disreputable set and a respectable, and the one is hardly known at all to the other. Men come away from the same University at this day, with contradic- tory impressions and contradictory statements, according to the society they have found ther^; if you believe the one, nothing goes on there as it should be: if you believe the other, nothing goes on as it should not. Virtue, however, NE'.OIAN.— UNlVURSltY OF AtilEXS. Xxxi and decency are at Iciist in the minority every where, and itnder some sort of a cloud or disadvantage ; and this being the case, it is so much gain whenever an Ilerodcs Atticus is found, to throw the influence of wealth and station on the side even of a decorous philosophy. A consular man, and the heir of an ample fortune, this Herod Was content to devote his life to a professorship, and his fortune to the patronage of literature* He gave the sophist Polemo about eight thousand pounds, as the sum is calculated, for three declamations. He built at Athens a stadium six hundred feet long, entirely of white marble, and capable of admitting the whole population. His theatre, erected to the memory of his wife, wa^ made of cedar wood curiously carved. He had two villas, one at Marathon, the place of his birth, about ten miles from Athens, the other at Cephissia, at the distance of six ; and thither he drew to him the elite, and at times the whole body of the students. Long arcades, groves of trees, clear pools for the bath, delighted and reciniited the summer visitor. Never was so brilliant a lecture-room as his evening banqueting-hall ; highly connected students from Home mixed with the sharp-Avitted provincial of Greece or Asia Minor; and the flippant sciolist, and the nondescript visitor, half philosopher, half tramp, met with a reception, courteous always, but suitable to his deserts. Herod was noted for his repartees ; and Ave have instances on record of his setting doAvn, according to the emergency, both the one and the other. A higher line, though a rarer one, was that allotted to the youthful Basil. He was one of those men Avho seem by a sort of fascination to draAV others around them ca^cii Avithout wishing it. One might have deemed that his gravity and his reseiwe Avould have kept them at a distance; but, almost in spite of himself, he AA'as the center of a knot of youths, who, pagans as most of them were, used Athens honestly for the purpose for AAdiidi they professed to seek it; and, disappointed and displeased with the place himself, he seems nevertheless to have been the means of their profiting by its advantages. One of these AA^as Sophronius, who afterwards held a high office in the State : Eusebius was another, at that time the bosom-friend of Sophronius, and aftei'Avards a Bishop. Celsus too is named, who afterwards Avas raised to .thc goAnrnment of Cilicia by the Emperor Julian. J.ulian himself, in the sequel of unhappy memory, Avas then at Athens, and known at least to St. Gregory. Another Julian is also mentioned, Avho was afterwards commissioner of the land tax. Here Ave have a glimpse of the better kind of society among the students of Athens ; and it is to the credit of the parties composing it, that such young men as Gregory and Basil, men as intimately connected with Christianity, as they were well known in the Avorld, should hold so high a place in their esteem and love. When the tAvo saints were departing, their companions came around them with the hope of changing their purpose. Basil persevered, but Gregory relented, and turned back to Athens for a season . — Rise of Universities. Macaulay. — University Teaching at Athens. Dr. Johnson used fo assert that Demosthenes spoke to a people of brutes ; — to a barbarous people ; — that there could be no civilization before the invention of printing. There seems to be, on the eontrary, every reason to believe, that in general intelligence, the Athenian populace far surpassed the loAver orders of any community that has ever existed. It must be considered, that to be a citizen was to be -a legislator, a soldier, a judge, — one upon Avhose voice might depend the fate of the wealthiest tributary state, of the most eminent XXXll UNIVERSITY TEACHING AT ATHENS. public men. The lowest offices, both of agriculture and of trade, were, in com- mon, performed by slaves. The state supplied its meanest members with the support of life, the opportunity of leisure, and the means of amusement. Books were indeed few; but they were excellent; and they were accurately kno.wn. It is not by turning over libraries, but by repeatedly perusing and intently contem- plating a few great models, that the mind is best disciplined. Demosthenes is said to have transcribed six times the history of Thucydides. * * Books, however, were the least part of the education of an Athenian citizen. Let us for a nfoment transport ourselves, in thought, to that glorious city. Let us imagine that we are entering its gates in the time of its power and glory. A crowd is assembled round a portico. All are gazing with delight at the entab- lature, for Phidias is putting up the frieze. We turn into another street; a rhapsodist is reciting there ; men, women, children are thronging round him : the tears are running down their cheeks ; their eyes are fixed ; their very breath is still, for he is telling how Priam fell at the feet of Achilles, and kissed those hands, — the terrible,— the murderous, — which had slain so many of his sons. We enter the public place; there is a ring of youths, all leaning forAvard, with sparkling eyes, and gestures of expectation. Socrates is pitted against the famous atheist, from Iona, and has just brought him to a contradiction in terms. But we are interrupted. The' herald is crying — “ Room for the Prytanes.” The general assembly is to meet. The people are swarming in on every side. Proclamation is made — “ Who wishes to speak.” There is a shout, and a clap- ping of hands ; Pericles is mounting the stand. Then for a play of Sophocles ; and away to sup with Aspasia. I know of no modern university which has so excellent a system of education. Knowledge thus acquired and opinions thus formed were, indeed, likely to be, in some respects, defective. Propositions which are advanced in discourse gen- erally result from a partial view of the question, and cannot be kept under ex. amination long enough to be corrected. Men of great conversational poAvers almost universally practise a sort of lively sophistry and exaggeration, which deceives, for the moment, both themselves and their auditors. Thus we see doc- trines, which cannot bear a close inspection, triumph perpetually in drawing rooms, in debating societies, and even in legislative and judicial assemblies. To the conversational education of the Athenians I am inclined to attribute the great looseness of reasoning Avhich is remarkable in most of their scientific writ- ings. Even the most illogical of modern writers would stand perfectly aghast at the puerile fallacies which seem to have deluded some of the greatest men of antiquity. Sir Thomas Lethbridge Avould stare at the political economy of Xenophon ; and the author of Soirees de Petersbourg would be ashamed of some of the metaphysical arguments of Plato. But the very circumstances which retarded the growth of science were peculiarly favorable to the cultivation of eloquence. From the early habit of taking a share in animated discussion, the intelligent student would derive that readiness of resource, that copiousness of language, and that knowledge of the temper and understanding of an audience, which are far more A^aluable to an orator than the greatest logical powers. — > Complete Works of Lord Macaulay , Vpl. VII. Athenian Orators. DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. xxxiii EXTENSION OF GREEK INFLUENCE. Looking at Athens as the preacher and missionary of Letters, and as enlist- ing the whole Greek race in her work, who is not struck with admiration at the range and multiplicity of her operations? At first, the Ionian and iEolian cities are the principal scenes of her activity ; but, if we look on a century or two, we shall find that she forms the intellect of the colonies of Sicily and Magna Gnecia, has penetrated Italy, and is shedding the light of ^philosophy and awakening thought in the cities of Gaul by means of Marseilles, and along the coast of Africa by means of Gyrene. She has sailed up both sides of the Pluxine, and deposited her literary wares where she stopped, as traders now- adays leave samples of foreign merchandise, or as war steamers land muskets and ammunition, or as agents for religious societies drop their tracts or scatter their versions. The whole of Asia Minor and Syria resounds with her teach- ing; the barbarians of Parthia are quoting fragments of her tragedians ; Greek manners are introduced and perpetuated on the Hj^daspes and Acesines; Greek coins, lately come to light, are struck in the capital of Bactriana ; and so charged is the moral atmosphere of the East with Greek civilization, that, down to this day, those tribes are said to show to most advantage, which can claim relation of place or kin with Greek colonies established there above two thou- sand years ago. But there is one city which, though Greece and Athens have no longer any memorial in it, has in this point of view a claim, beyond the rest, upon our attention ; and that, not only from its Greek origin, and the memorable name which it bears, but because it introduces us to a new state of things, and is the record of an advance in the history of the education of the intellect; — I mean, Alexandria. ALEXANDER AND ALEXANDRIA. Alexander, if we must call him a Greek, which the Greeks themselves would not permit, did that which no Greek had done before; or rather, because he was no thorough Greek, though so nearly a Greek by descent and birthplace, and by tastes, he was able, without sacrificing what Greece was, to show him- self to be what Greece was not. The creator of a wide empire, he had talents for organization and administration, which were foreign to the Athenian mind, and which were absolutely necessary if its mission was to be carried out. The picture, which history presents of Alexander, is as beautiful as it is romantic. It is not only the history of a youth of twenty, pursuing conquests so vast, that at the end of a few years he had to weep that there was no second world to subjugate ; but it is that of a beneficent prince, civilizing, as he went along, both by his political institutions and by his patronage of science. It is this union of an energetic devotion to letters with a genius for sovereignty, which places him in contrast both to Greek and Roman. Caesar, with all his cultiva- tion of mind, did not conquer in order to civilize, any more than Hannibal ; he must add Augustus to himself, before he can be an Alexander. The royal pupil of Aristotle and Callisthenes started, where aspiring statesmen or gen- erals end ; he professed to be more ambitious of a name for knowledge than for power, and he paid a graceful homage to the city of intellect by confessing, when he was in India, that he was doing his great acts to gain the immortal praise of the Athenians. The classic poets and philosophers were his recrea- 3 A XXXIV DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. tion ; he preferred the contest of song to the palaestra ; of medicine he had more than a theoretical knowledge: and his ear for music was so fine, that Dry- den’s celebrated Ode, legendary as may be its subject, only does justice to its sensitiveness. He was either expert in fostering, or quick in detecting, the literary tastes of those around him ; and two of his generals have left behind them a literary fame. Eumenes and Ptolemy, after his death, engaged in the honorable rivalry, the one in Asia Minor, the other in Egypt, of investing the dynasties which they respectively founded, with the patronage of learning and of its professors. ALEXANURI.\N LIBRARY AND UNIVERSITY. Ptolemy, upon whom, on Alexander’s death, devolved the kingdom of Egypt, supplies us with the first great iiustance of what may be called the es- tablishment of Letters. He and Plumenes may be considered the first found- ers of public libraries. Some authors indeed allude to the Egyptian ‘king, Osymanduas, and others point to Pisistratus, as having created a precedent for their imitation. It is difficult to say what these pretensions are exactly worth : or how far those personages are entitled to more than the merit of a concep- tion, which obviously would occur to various minds before it was actually ac- complished. There is more reason for referring it to Aristotle, who, from his relation to Alexander, may be considered as the head of the Macedonian lite- rary movement, and whose books, together with those of his wealthy disciple, Theophrastus, ultimately came into the possession of the Ptolemies ; but Aris- totle’s idea, to whatever extent he realized it, was carried out by the two Mace- donian dynasties with a magnificence of execution, which kings alone could project, and a succession of ages secure. For the first time, a great system was set on foot for collecting together in one, and handing down to posteritjq the oracles of the world’s wisdom. In the reign of the second Ptolemy the number of volumes rescued from destruction, and housed in the Alexandrian Library, amounted to 100,000, as volumes were then formed; in course of time it grew to 400,000; and a second collection ^vas -commenced, which at length rose to 300,000, making, with the former, a sum total of 700,000 vol- umes. During Caesar’s military defense of Alexandria, the former of these col- lections was unfortunately burned; but, in compensation, the library received the 200,000 volumes of the rival collection of the kings of Pergamus, the gift of Antony to Cleopatra. After lasting nearly a thousand years, this noblest of dynastic monuments was deliberately burned, as all the world knows, by the Saracens, on their becoming masters of Alexandria. A library, however, was only one of two great conceptions brought into ex- ecution by the first Ptolemy; and as the first was the embalming of dead genius, so the second was the endowment of living. Here again, the Egyptian priests may be said in a certain sense to have preceded him ; moreover, in Athens itself there had grown up a custom of maintaining in the Prytaneum at the public cost, or of pensioning, those wlio had deserved well of the state, nay, their children also. This had been the privilege, for instance, conferred on the family of the physician Hippocrates, for his medical services at the time of the plague; yet I suppose the provision of a home or residence was never con- templated in its idea. But as regards literature itself, to receive money for teaching, was considered to degrade it to an illiberal purpose, as had been felt DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. XXXV in the instance of the Sophists ; even the Pythian prize for verse, though at first gold or silver, became nothing more than a crown of leaves, as soon as a suflicient competition was secured. Kings, indeed, might lavish precious gifts upon the philosophers or poets whom they kept about them ; but such practice did not proceed on rule or by engagement, nor imply any salary settled on the objects of their bounty. Ptolemy, however, prompted, or at least encouraged, by the celebrated Demetrius of Phalerus, put into execution a plan for the formal endowment of literature and science. The fact indeed of the possession of an immense library seemed sufficient to render Alexandria a University; for what could be a greater attraction to the students of all lands, than the oppor- tunity afforded them of intellectual converse, not only with the living, but with the dead, with all who had any where at any time thrown light upon any sub- ject of inquiry ? But Ptolemy determined that his teachers of knowledge should be as stationary and as permanent as his books; so, resolving to make Alexandria the seat of a Studium Generate^ he founded a college for its domi- cile, and endowed that College with ample revenues. It was called the Museum, — a name since appropriated to another institution connected with the seats of science. Its situation affords an additional in- stance in corroboration of remarks I have already made upon the sites of Uni- versities. There was a quarter of the city so distinct from the rest in Alexan- dria, that it is sometimes spoken of as a suburb. It was pleasantly situated on the water’s edge, and had been set aside for ornamental buildings, and was traversed by groves of trees. Here stood the royal palace, here the theater and amphitheater; here the gymnasia and studium; here the famous Scrapeum. And here it was, close upon the Port, that Ptolemy placed his Library and College. As might be supposed, the building was worthy of its purpose ;, a noble portico stretched along its front, for exercise or conversation, add opened upon the public rooms devoted to disputations and lectures. A certain number of Professors were lodged within the precincts, and a handsome hall, or re- fectory, was provided for the common meal. The Prefect of the house was a priest, whose appointment lay with the government. Over the Library a dig- nified person presided, who, if his jurisdiction extended to the Museum also, might somewhat answer to a medieval or modern Chancellor; the first of these functionaries being the celebrated Athenian who had so much to do with the original design. As to the Professors, so liberal was their maintenance, that a philosopher of the very age of the first foundation called the place a “ bread basket,” or a “ bird-coop ;” yet, in spite of accidental exceptions, so careful on the whole was their selection, that even six hundred years afterwards, Am- mianus describes the Museum under the title of “ the lasting abode of distin- guished men.” Philostratus, too, about a century before, calls it “a table gathering together celebrated men :” a phrase which merits attention, as testi- fying both to the high character of the Professors, and to the means by which they were secured. In some cases, at least, they were chosen by conewsus or competition, in which the native Egyptians are said sometimes to have sur- passed the Greeks. We read, too, of literary games or contests, apparently of the same nature. As time went on, new Colleges were added to the original Museum ; of which one was a foundation of the Emperor Claudius, and called after his name. It can not be thought that the high reputation of these foundations would xxxvi DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. have been maintained, unless Ptolemy had looked beyond Egj'pt for occupants of his chairs; and indeed he got together the best men, wherever he could find them. On these he heaped wealth and privileges ; and so complete was their naturalization in their adopted country, that they lost their usual sur- names, drawn from their place of birth, and, instead of being called, for in- stance, Apion of Oasis, or Aristarchus of Samothracia, or Dionysius of Thrace, received each simply the title of “ the Alexandrian.” Thus Clement of Alex- andria, the learned father of the Church, was a native of Athen^. A diversity of teachers secured an abundance of students. “ Hither,” says Cave, “ as to a public emporium of polite literature, congregated, from every part of the world, youthful students, and attended the lectures in Grammar, Rhetoric, Poetry, Philosophy, Astronomy, Music, Medicine, and other arts and sciences;” and hence proceeded, as it would appear, the great Christian writers and doctors, Clement, whom I have just been mentioning, Origen, Anatolius, and Athanasius. St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, in the third century, may be added; he came across Asia Minor and Syria from Pontus, as to a place, says his namesake of Nyssa, “to which young men from all parts gathered together, who were applying themselves to pliilosophy.” As to the subjects taught in the Museum, Cave has already enumerated the principal; but he has not done justice to the peculiar character of the Alex- andrian school. From the time that science got out of the hands of the pure Greeks, into those of a power which had a talent for administration, it became less theoretical, and bore more distinctly upon definite and tangible objects. The very conception of an endowment is a specimen of this change. Without yielding the palm of subtle speculation to the Greeks, philosophy assumed a more masculine and vigorous character. Dreamy theorists, indeed, they could also show in still higher perfection than Athens, where there was the guaran- tee of genius that abstract investigation would never become ridiculous. The Alexandrian Neo-platonists certainly have incurred the risk of this imputation ; yet, Potamo, Ammonius, Plotinus, and Hierocles, who are to be numbered among them, with the addition perhaps of Proclus, in spite of the frivolousness and feebleness of their system, have a weight of character, taken together, which would do honor to any school. And the very circumstance that they originated a new philosophy is no ordinary distinction in the intellectual world : and that it was directly intended to be a rival and refutation of Christianity, while no great recommendation to it certainly in a religious judgment, marks the practical character of the Museum even amid its subtleties. So much for their philosophers: among their poets was Apollonius of Rhodes, whose poem on the Argonauts carries with it, in the very fact of its being still extant, the testimony of succeeding ages either to its merit, or to its antiquarian import- ance. Egyptian antiquities were investigated, at least by the disciples of the Egyptian Manetho, fragments of whose history are considered to remain ; while Carthaginian and Etruscan had a place in the studies of the Claudian College. The Museum was celebrated, moreover, for its grammarians ; the work of Hephaestion da Metris still affords matter of thought to a living Professor of Oxford, Dr. Gaisford;” and Aristarchus, like the Athenian Priscian, has almost become the nick-name for a critic. Yet, eminent as is the Alexandrian school in these departments of science, its fame rests still more securely upon its proficiency in medicine and mathe- DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. XXXVll matics. Among its physicians is the celebrated Galen, who was attracted thither from Pergaraus; and we are told by Ammianus (of the fourth century), that in his time the very fact of a physician having studied at Alexandria, was an evidence of his science which superseded further testimonial. As to mathe- matics, it is sufficient to say, that, of four great ancient names, on whom the modern science is founded, three came from Alexandria. Archimedes indeed was a Syracusan ; but the Museum may boast of Apollonius of Perga, Dio- phantus, a native Alexandrian, and Euclid, whose country is unknown. Of these three, Euclid’s services to Geometry are known, if not appreciated, by every school-boy ; Apollonius is the first writer on Conic Sections; and Dio- phantus the first writer on Algebra. To these illustrious names may be added, Erastosthenes of Cyrene, to whom astronomy has obligations so considerable; Pappus; Theon; and Ptolemy, said to be of Pelusium, whose celebrated sys- tem, called after him the Ptolemaic, reigned in the schools till the time of Co- pernicus, and whose Geography, as dealing with facts, is still in repute. Such was the celebrated Studium or University of Alexandria; for a while, in the course of the third and fourth centuries, it was subject to reverses, prin- cipally from war. The whole of the Bruchion, the quarter of the city in which it was situated, was given to the flames ; and when Hilarion came to Alexan- dria, the holy hermit, whose rule of life did not suffer him to lodge in cities, took up his lodgment with a few solitaries among the ruins of its edifices. The schools, however, and the library, continued ; the library was reserved for the Caliph Omar’s famous judgment ; as to the schools, even as late as the twelfth century, the Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, gives us a surprising report of what he found in Alexandia. ‘‘Outside the city,” he says, a mode of speaking which agrees with what has been above said about the locality of the Museum, “is the Academy of Aristotle, Alexander’s preceptor; a handsome pile of build- ings, which has twenty Colleges, whither students betake themselves from all parts of the world to learn his philosophy. The marble columns divide one College from another.” ROMAN IMPERIAL OR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Though the Roman schools have more direct bearing on the subsequent rise of the medieval Universities, they are not so exact an anticipation of its type, as the Alexandrian Museum. They differ from the Museum, as being for the most part, as it would appear, devoted to the education of the very young, withoiit any reference to the advancement of science. No list of writers or of discoveries, no local or historical authorities, can be adduced, from the date of Augu.stus to that of Ju-stinian, to rival the fame of Alexandria; we hear on the contrary much of the elements of knowledge, the Trivium and Quadrivium; and the Law of the Empire provided, and the Theodosian Code has recorded, the discipline necessary for the students. Teaching and learning was a depart- ment of government; and schools were set up and professors endowed, just as soldiers were stationed or courts opened, in every great city of the East and West. In Rome itself the seat of education was placed in the Capitol ; ten chairs were appointed for Latin Grammar, ten for Greek; three for Latin Rhetoric, five for Greek; one, some say three, for Philosophy; two or four for Roman Law. Professorships of Medicine were afterwards added. Under Grammar (if St. Gregory’s account of Athens in Roman times may be applied xxxviii DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. to the Roman schools generally), were included knowledge of language and meter, criticism, and history. Rome, as might be expected, and Carthage, were celebrated for their Latin teaching; Roman Law is said to have been taught in three cities only, Rome itself, Constantinople, and Berytus. The study of grammar and geography was commenced at the age of twelve, and apparently at the private school, and was continued till the age of four- teen. Then the youths were sent to the public academy for oratory, philoso- phy, mathematics, and law. The course lasted five years ; and, on entering on their twentieth year, their education was considered complete, and they were sent home. If they studied the law, they were allowed to stay (for instance, in Berytus). till their twenty-fifth year; a permission which was extended in that city to the students in polite literature, or, as we should say, in Arts. The nunlber of youths, who went up to Rome for the study of the Law, was considerable; chiefly from Africa and Gaul. Originally the Government had discouraged foreigners in repairing to the metropolis, from the dangers it natu- rally presented to youth ; when their residence there became a necessary evil, it contented itself with imposing strict rules of discipline upon them. No youth could obtain admission into the Roman schools, without a certificate signed by the magistracy of his province. Next, he presented himself before the Magister Census, an official who was in the department of the Prsefectus Urbis, and who, besides his ordinary duties, acted as Rector of the Academy. Next, his name, city, age, and qualifications were entered in a public register; and a specification, moreover, of the studies he proposed to pursue, and of the lodging-house where he proposed to reside. He was amenable for his conduct to the Censuales, as if they had been Proctors; and he was reminded that the eyes of the world were upon him, that he had a character to maintain, and that it was his duty to avoid clubs, of which the Government was jealous, riotous parties, and the public shows, which were of daily occurrence and of most corrupting nature. If he was refractory and disgraced himself, he was to be publicly flogged, and shipped off at once to his country. Those who ac- quitted themselves well, were reported to the Government, and received public appointments. The Professors were under the same jurisdiction as the students. Of the schools planted through the Empire, the most considerable were the Gallic and the African, of which the latter had no good reputation, while the Gallic name stood especially high. Marseilles, one of the oldest of the Greek colonies, was the most celebrated of the schools of Gaul for learning and dis- cipline. For this reason, and from its position, it drew off numbers, under the Empire, who otherwise would have repaired to Athens. It was here that Ag- ricola received his education; “a school,” says his biographer, “in which Greek politeness was happily blended and tempered with provincial strictness.” The schools of Bourdeaux and Autun also had a high name ; and Rheims re- ceived the title of a new Athens. This appellation was also bestowed upon the .school of Milan. Besides these countries, respectful mention is made of the schools of Britain. As to Spain, the colonies there established are even called, by one commentator on the Theodosian code, “literary colonies;” a singular title when Rome is concerned; and, in fimt, a considerable number of writers of reputation came from Spain. Lucan, the Senecas, Martial, per- haps Quintilian, Mela, Columella, and Hygiuus, are its contribution in the course of a century. CHARLES STUART PARKER. XXXIX HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF CLASSICAL STUDIES.* The Greek and Latin tongues, with the literature to which these tongues are the keys, obtained their foothold in the schools of Christian nations, not be- cause the study of a dead language was the best mental discipline for young students, or the only means of th'eir acquiring a masterly freedom in the use of their own tongue, but because at the time they were introduced into schools, as branches of study, they were the languages of educated men, and were em- ployed for public business, literature, philo.sophy, science and religion. Once introduced, they have retained their position partly for the same reasons, and partly by the influence of endowments and the force of habit. Greek Language. It arose from the relations in which the Greek and Latin languages have stood, in the past, to the whole higher life, intellectual and moral, literary and scientific, civil and religious, of Western Europe. Greeks and Romans, as well as Jews, are our spiritual ancestors. They left treasures of recorded thought, word, and deed, by the timely and judicious use of which their heirs have be- come the leaders of mankind. But they left them in custody of their native tongues. After Alexander, the Greek tongue spread widely through the East, and be- came the means of blending Oriental with Western modes of thought. Com- merce prepared the way for liberal intercourse. Ideas were exchanged freely with reciprocal advantage. But the Greek, offering new philosophy for old re- ligion, obtained for Europe the more precious gift — X,ou- consequent upon the barbarian inroads, as various passages in these Essays have already suggested. His restoration lasted for four centuries, till Universities rose in their turn, and indirectly interfered with the efficiency of the Seminaries, by absorbing them into the larger institution. This inconve- nience was set right at a later period by the Council of Trent, whose wise regu- lations were in turn the objects of the jealousy of the Josephism of the last century, which used or rather abused the University system to their prejudice. The present policy of the Church in most places has been to return to the model both of the first ages and of Charlemagne. To these Seminaries he added, what I have spoken of as his characteristic in- stitution, grammar and public schools, as preparatory both to the Seminaries * Newman’s Rise and Progress of Universities. Schools of Charlemagne. DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERlOIl INSTRUCTION. xlv and to secular professions. Not that they were confined to grammar, for they recognized the irivium and quadrivium ; but grammar, in the sense of litera- ture, seems to have been the principle subject of their teaching. These schools were established in connection with the Cathedral or the Cloister; and they re- ceived ecclesiastics and the sons of the nobility, though not to the exclusion of the poorer class. Charlemagne probably did not do much more than this ; though it was once the custom to represent him as the actual founder of the University of Paris. But great creations are not perfected in a day; without doing every thing which had to be done, he did many things, and opened the way for more. It will throw light upon his position in the history of Christian education, to quote a passage from the elaborate work of Bulasus, on the University of Paris, though he not unnaturally claims the great Emperor as its founder, maintain- ing that he established, not only the grammar or public schools already men- tioned, but the higlier Studia Generalia. It is observable that Charles, in seeking out masters, had in view, not merely the education of his own family, but of his subjects generally, and of all lovers of the Christian Religion ; and wished to be of service to all students and cul- tivators of the liberal arts. It is indeed certain tliat he sought out learned men and celebrated teachers from all parts of the world, and induced them to accept his invitation by rewards and honors, on which Alcuin lays great stress. ‘ I was well aware, my Lord David,’ he sajs, ‘ that it has been your praise- worthy solicitude ever to love and to extol wisdom ; and to exhort all men to cultivate it, nay, to incite them by means of prizes and honors ; and out of divers parts of the world to bring together its lovers as the helpers of your good purpose; among whom you have taken pains to secure even me, the meanest slave of tliat holy wisdom, from the extremest boundaries of Britain.’ It is evident hence, that Charles’s intention was not to found any common sort of schools, such, that is, as would have required only a few instructors, but public schools, open to all, and^ possessing all kinds of learning. Hence the necessity of a multiplicity of Professors, who from their number and the re- moteness of their homes might seem a formidable charge, not only to the court, or to one city, but even to his whole kingdom. Such is the testimony of Egin- hart, who says: ‘Charles loved foreigners, and took great pains to support them ; so that their number was a real charge, not to the Palace alone, but even to the. realm. Such, however, was his greatness of soul, that the burden of them was no trouble to him, because even of great inconveniences the praise of munificence is a compensation.’ Charles had in mind to found two kinds of schools, less and greater. The less he placed in Bishops’ palaces, canons’ cloisters, monasteries, and elsewhere ; the greater, however, he established in places which were public, and suitable for public teaching ; and he intended them, not only for ecclesiastics, but for the nobility and their children, and on the other hand for poor scholars too; in short, for every rank, class, and race. He seems to have had two institutions before his mind, when he contem- plated this object; the first of them was the ancient schools. Certainly, a man of so active and inquiring a mind as Charles, with his intercourse with learned persons and his knowledge of mankind, must have been well aware that in former ages these two kinds of schools were to be found everywhere; the one kind few in number, public, and of great reputation, possessed moreover of privileges, and planted in certain conspicuous and central sites. Such was the Alexandrian in Egypt, the Athenian in Greece; such under the Roman em- perors, the schools of Rome, of Constantinople, of Berytus, which are known to have been attended by multitudes, and amply privileged by Theodosius, Justinian, and other princes ; whereas the other kind of schools, which were far more numerous, were to be found up and down the country, in cities, towns, villages, and were remarkable neither in number of students nor in name. The other pattern which was open to Charles was to be found in the prac- xlvi DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. tice of monasteries, if it really existed there. Tlie Benedictines, from the very beginning of their institution, had applied themselves to the profession of lite- rature, and it has been their purpose to have in their houses two kinds of school, a greater or a less, according to the size of the house; and the greater they wished to tlirow open to all students, at a time when there were but few laymen at all who could teach, so that externs, seculars, laymen, as well as clerics, might be free to attend to them. However, true as it was that boys, who were there from childhood intrusted to the monks, bound themselves by no vow, but could leave when they pleased, marry, go to court, or enter the army, still a great many of the cleverest of tliem were led, either by the habits which they acquired from tlieir intercourse with their teachers, or by their per- suasion, to embrace the monastic life. And thus, while the Church in conse- quence gained her most powerful supports, the State, on the other hand, was wanting in men of judgment, learning, and experience, to conduct its affairs. This led very frequently to kings choosing monks for civil administration, be- cause no others w'ere to be found capable of undertaking it. Charles then, consulting for the common good, made literature in a certain sense secular, and transplanted it from the convents to the royal palace ; in a word, he established in Paris a Universal School like that at Rome. Not that he deprived monks of the license to teach and profess, though he certainly limited it, from a clear view that that variety of sciences, human and profane, which secular academies require, is inconsistent with the profession and devotion of ascetics ; and accordingly, in conformity to the spirit of their institute, it w'as his wish that the lesser scliools should be set up or retained in the Bishops’ palaces and monasteries, while he prescribed the subjects which they were to teach. The case was different with the schools which are higher and public, which, instead of multiplying, he confined to certain central and celebrated spots, not more than to three in his whole empire — Paris, and in Ital}^, Pavia and Bologna. But, after all, it was not in an Emperor’s power, though he were Charle- magne, to carry into effect in any case, b}' the resources peculiar to himself, so great an idea as a University. Benefactors and patrons may supply the frame- work of a Studium Generale ; but there must be a popular interest and sj’-m- pathy, a spontaneous cooperation of the many, the concurrence of genius, and a spreading thirst for knowlelge, if it is to live. Centuries passed before these conditions were supplied, and then at length about the year 1200 a remarkable intellectual movement took place in Christendom ; and to it must be ascribed the development of Universities, out of the public or grammar schools, which I have already described. No such movement could happen, without the rise of some deep and comprehensive philosophj'^ ; and, when it rose, then the ex- isting Trivium and Quadrivium became the subjects, and the existing seats of learning the scene, of its victories ; and next the curiosity and enthusiasm, which it excited, attracted larger and larger numbers to places which were hitherto but local centers of education. Such a gathering of students, such a systematizing of knowledge, are the notes of a University. The increase of members and the multiplication of sciences both involved changes in the organization of the schools of Charlemagne ; and of these the increase of members came first. Hitherto there had been but one governor over the students, who were but few at the most, and came from the neighbor- hood; but now the academic body was divided into Nations, according to the part of Europe from which they joined it, and each Nation had a head of its own, under the title of Procurator or Proctor. There were traces of this di- vision, as we have seen in a former chapter, in Athens; where the students were arranged under the names of Attic, Oriental, Arab, and Pontic, with a protector for each class. In like manner, in the University of Paris, there DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. were four nations, first, tlie French, which included the middle and south of France, Spain, Italy, and Greece; secondly, the lilnglish, which, besides the two British Islands, comprehended Germany and Scandinavia; third!}', the Norman; and fourthly, the Picards, who carried with them the inhabitants of Flanders and Brabant. Again, in the University of Vienna, there were also four nations, — Austria, the Rhine, Hungary, and Bohemia. Oxford recognized only two Nations ; the north English, which comprehended the Scotch ; and the south Elnglish, which comprehended the Irish and Welsh. Tlie Proctors of the Nations both governed and represented them ; the double office is still traceable, unless the recent Act of Parliament has destroyed it, in the modern constitution of Oxford, in which the two Proctors on the one hand represent the Masters of Arts in the Hebdomadal Board, and on the other have iu their hands the discipline of the University. And as Nations and their Proctors arose out of the metropolitan character of a University, to which students congregated from the farthest and most various places, so are Faculties and Deans of Faculties the consequence of its encyclopaedic profession. According to the idea of the institutions of Charle- magne, each school had its own teacher, who was called Rector, or Master, In Paris, however, where tlie school was founded in St. Genevieve’s, the Chan- cellor of that Church became the Rector, and he kept his old title of Chancellor in his new office. Elsewhere the head of the University was called Provost. However, it was not every one who would be qualified to profess even the Seven Sciences, of which the old course of instruction consisted, though the teaching was only elementary, and to become the Rector, Chancellor, or Prov- ost, of the University ; but, when these sciences became only parts of a whole system of instruction, which demanded in addition a knowledge of philosophy, scholastic theology, civil and canon law, medicine, natural history, and the Semitic languages, no one person was equal to the undertaking. The Rector fell back from tlie position of a teacher to that of a governor ; and the instruc- tion was divided among a board of Doctors, each of whom represented a special province in Science. This is the origin of Deans of Faculties; and, inasmuch as they undertook among themselves one of those departments of academieal duty, which the Chancellor or Rector had hitherto fulfilled, they naturally be- came his Council. In some places the Proctors of the Nations were added. Thus, in Vienna the Council consisted of the Four Deans of Faculties, and the Four Proctors. As Nations preceded Faculties, we may suppose that Degrees, which are naturally connected with the latter, either did not enter into the original pro- visions of a University, or had not the same meaning as afterwards. And this seems to have been the case. At first they were only testimonials that a resi- dent was fit to take part in the public teaching of the place ; and hence, iu the Oxford forms still observed, the Vice-Chancellor admits the person taking a degree to the “lectio” of certain books. Degrees would not at that time be considered mere honors or testimonials, to be enjoyed by persons who at once left the University and mixed in the world. The University would only con- fer them for its own purposes; and to its own subjects, for the sake of its own subjects. It would claim nothing for them external to its own limits ; and, if so, only used a power obviously connate with its own existence. But of course the recognition of a University by the State, not to say by other Uni- xlvili DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. versities, would change the import of degree, and, since such recognition has commonly been granted from the first, degrees have seldom been only what they were in their original idea ; but the formal words by which they are de- noted, still preserve its memory. As students on taking degrees are admitted “legere et disputare,” so are they called “ Magistri,” that is, of i\\q schools ; and “ Doctors,” that is, teachers, or in some places “ Professors,” as the let- ters S.T.P. show, used instead of D.D. I conclude by enumerating the characteristic distinctions, laid down by Bulfeus, between the public or grammar schools founded by Charlemagne, and the Universities into which eventually some of them grew, or, as he would say, which Charlemagne also founded. First, he says, they differ from each other ratione disciplines. The Scholae Minores only taught tlie Trivium (viz.., Grammar, Logic, Rhetoric,) and the Quadriviurn {viz., Geometry, Astronomy, Arithmetic, and Music,) the seven liberal Arts ; whereas the Scholae Majores added Medicine, Law, and Theology. Next, ratione loci; for the Minores were many and everywhere, but the Ma- jores only in great citie.s, and few in number. I have already remarked on the physical and social qualifications necessary for a place which is to become the seat of a great school of learning: Bulaeus observes, that the Muses were said to inhabit mountains, Parnassus or Helicon, spots high and liealthy and se- cured against the perils of war, and that the Academy was a grove ; though of course he does not forget that the place must be accessible too, and in the high- way of the world. “That the city of Paris,” he says, “is ample in size, largely frequented, healthy and pleasant in site, there can be no doubt.” Frederic the Second spoke the general sentiment, when he gave as a reason for establishing a University at Naples, the convenience of the sea-coast and the fertility of the soil. We are informed by Mataraorus, in his account of the Spanish Universities,* that Salamanca was but the second site of its Univer- sity, which was transferred thither from Palencia on account of the fertility of the neighborhood, and the mildness of its climate. And Mr. Prescott speaks of Alcala being chosen by Cardinal Ximenes as the site for his celebrated foundations, because “ the salubrity of the air, and the sober, tranquil com- plexion of the scenery, on the beautiful borders of the Ilenares, seemed well suited to academic study and meditation.” The third difference between the greater and lesser schools lies ratione fun- datorum.. Popes, Emperor.^, and Kings, are the founders of Universities ; lesser authorities in Church and State are the founders of Colleges and Schools. Fourthly, ratione privilegiorum. The very notion of a University, I believe, is, that it is an institution of privilege. I think it is Bulasus who says, “ Stu- dia Generalia can not exist without privileges, any more than the body without the soul. And in this all writers on Universities agree.” He reduces those privileges to two heads, “ Patrocinium ” and “Prsemium;” and these, it is ob- vious, may be either of a civil or an ecclesiastical nature. There were for- merly five Universities endowed with singular privileges: those of Rome, of Paris, of Bologna, of Oxford, and of Salamanca; but Antony a Wood quotes an author who seems to substitute Padua for Rome in this list. Lastly, the greater and lesser schools differ ratione regiminis. The head of a College is one; but a University is a “respublica litteraria.” * Hispan. Illustr. t. p. 2, 801. 1. UNIVERSITIES OF GERMANY. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE GERMAN UNIYERSITIES. BY KARL VON RAUMER. INTRODUCTION. The following Contributions to the History and Improvement of “ The German Universities'''' constitutes the fourth volume of Prof. Raumer’s '''‘History of Pedagogics f and was translated from the last German edi- tion, for the '‘'•American Journal of Education^ by the Associate Editor, Mr. Frederic B. Perkins, Librarian of the Connecticut Historical Society. Prof. Raumer introduces his work with the following quotation, on the title-page, from Savigny’s '‘'‘History of the Civil La-wT “The Universities have come down to us as a noble inheritance of former times; and we are bound in honor to leave tliem to future generations with their condition improved as fur as possible, and injured as little as possible.” The work is dedicated by the German author TO THE STUDENTS OF THE PAST AND PRESENT, WHO HAVE BEEN MY COMPANION.S FROM 1811 TO 1854, I I DEDICATE THIS BOOK, IN TRUE AND HEARTFELT LOVE. H The Preface is as follows : — The reader here receives the conclusion of my work. It is a contribution to the history of the universities. "When I commenced it, I hoped Qpnfidently to be able to make it greater ; but in proportion as I gained an insight into the difficulty of the enterprise of writing a complete history of the German universities, my courage failed. Many, of the difficulties which the his- torian of the German people has to overcome, are here also found in the way, and in much increased dimensions. If -all the German universities possessed the same features, if the character- istics of one of them — important modifications excepted — would stand for all, then the task of their historian would, apparently, be quite simple. But how different, and how radically different, are the universities from each other ! Even the multiidicity of the German nationalities, governments, and sects had much to do in distinguishing them. To compare, for instance, the universities of Gottingen and Jena, as they were at the beginning of the present century; what a contrast appears between them ! And how much greater is the diflerence between these two Protestant universities and the Catholic one of Vienna! Further than this, each single university undergoes such changes in the course of time, that it appears, as it were, different from itself. To instance the Uni- versity of Heidelberg : Catholic in the beginning, it became Lutheran in 1556, Reformed in 1560, Lutheran in 1576, Reformed again in 1583 ; afterward came under the management of the Jesuits ; and, at the destruction of their order, returned to Protestantism. 4 INTRODUCTION. To these difficulties, in the way of the historian of all the German universities, is added this one : that the most important sources of information fail him ; as we have, namely, but few competent histories of single universities — such, for ex- ample, as Kliipfel’s valuable History of the University of Tubingen.’''' These considerations will sufficiently excuse me for publishing only contribu- tions to a history of the German universities, which will sooner or later appear. What I have added under the name of “Academical Treatises,” is also a con- tribution to history ; for the reason that these treatises will, of necessity, not be worthless for some future historian of the present condition of our universities. In conclusion, I desire gratefully to acknowledge the goodness of Chief Libra- rian Hoeck, for books furnished me from the Gottingen library. Mr. Stenglein, librarian at Bamberg, also most willingly furnished me with books from it. The use of the Eoyal Library at Berlin was also afforded me, with distinguished friendliness and kindness ; for which I would once more most heartily thank Privy Councilor and Chief Librarian Pertz, and Librarians Dr. Pinder and Dr. Friedlander. Erlangen, %tli April .^ 1854. Karl von Eaumer. NOTE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. In order to a full understanding of the basis upon which the university system of Germany rests, and to furnish the data for a comparison between our American colleges and professional schools, and the cor- responding institutions of higher learning and special scientific instruc- tion in Europe, there are from time to time published in the American Journal of Education^ accounts of the Gymnasia, Latin Schools, Lycea, and other institutions of secondary education, and also of the Polytechnic Institutions, Schools of Arts, Science, Agriculture, &c., of the principal states of Europe. In this place we can merely remind the reader that, in order justly to estimate the absolute and relative excellence and value of the German universities, and their sy.stems, as compared with our American colleges, he must always bear in mind the great differences between the states of society in which the two classes of institutions exist, the different ages of their undergraduates, the different classes of avocations into which their graduates enter, and the different tests of attainment which are applied to these graduates before their entrance into actual life. University of Wisconsin, Madison, June 4^A, 1859. CONTENTS Pagb. [NTRODUCTrON . 3 I. Thk German Universities. From the German of Karl von Raumer 9 I. Historical 9 ]. Introduction. Universities of Salerno, Bolojina, and Paris 9 2. List of German Universities, with date of their foundation 10 3. The German Universities in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth centuries 11 A. Charters, or Letters of Foundation 11 B. The Pope and the Universities 12 C. The Emjjeror and the Universities 16 D. Organization of the earliest German Universities 17 a. The Four Nations. Four Faculties. Rector. Chancellor. Endowments. 18 b. Tlie Four Faculties 20 1. Faculty of Arts 20 2. Faculty of Theology 21 3. Faculty of Canon and Civil Law 24 4. Faculty of Medicine 26 c. Customs and Discipline 27 4. University of Wittenberg and its relations to the earlier Universities 30 5. History of the Customs of the Universities in the Seventeenth Century 37 A. The Deposition 42 B. Pennalism 52 6. History of the Universities in the Eighteenth Century 52 A. Nationalism. National Societies 52 B. Students’ orders 56 7. History of the Universities in the Nineteenth Century 58 Introduction ; the author’s academical experience ! 59 A. Entrance (W; Halle, 1799; a preliminary view 59 B. Gottingen ; Easter 1801 to Easter 1803 59 C. Halle ; Easter 1803 to Sept. 1805 68 D. Breslau; 1810 to 1817 76 a. Establishment of the .Tena Burschenschaft, July 18, 1816. Wartburg Festi val, Oct. 18, 1817 80 b. Establishment of the general Burschenschaft, in 1818 91 E. Breslau, 1817 to 1819 92 a. Sand 102 b. The consequences of Sand’s crime. Investigations. Breaking up of the societies. Destruction of the Burschenschaft 124 F. Halle, 1819 to 1823 136 Conclusion 153 II. Appendix 155 I. Bull of Pius II., creating University of Ingoldstadt 157 , II. List of Lectures in the Faculty of Arts in 1366 159 HI. Bursaries 160 IV. The ‘‘ Comment” of the National Societies 161 V. Statutes 165 A. Constitution of the General German Burschenschaft 165 B. Tlie Jena Burschenschaft 168 VI. The Wartburg Letters 183 VH. Bahrdt with the iron forehead 186 VHI Substance of Tubingen Statutes for organizing a students’ committee 187 6 CONTENTS. Page. IX. Extract from an Address of Prof. Heyder, at Jena, in 1607 188 X. Synonyms of “ ” 191 XI. Meyfart’s ^'•Jlretinus" or Student Life in the Sixteenth Century 191 XII. Grant of Privileges by Leopold I. to the University of Halle 192 XIII. Works referred to 253 XIV. The Universities in the summer of 1853 198 HI. Academical Treatises 201 1. Lecture system. Dialogic instruction 201 2. Examinations 206 3. Obligatory lectures. Optional attendance. Lyceums. Relations of the philo- sophical faculty and their lectures, to those of the professional studies 213 4. Personal relations of the professors and students 229 5. Small and large universities. Academies 230 6. University instruction in elementary natural history 241 7. Student songs 245 Conclusion 049 Index 255 1. HISTORY OF THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. I. THE GEMA^f UXIVERSITIES. (Translated from the German of Karl von Raumer for this Journal.) I. Introduction. The foundation of the earliest German universities took place at a time when both Italy and France had long possessed them. Tacitus’ saying of the youth of Germany, Sera juvenum puhertas^" is equally applicable to the development of her intellect. Among the oldest universities of the middle ages,^ we may here remark upon three — Salerno, Bologna, and Paris. The school of Salerno was an extremely ancient school of medicine ; a sort of isolated medical faculty, which had no special influence upon subsequent universities. At the University of Bologna, law was the leading study. The ori- gin of the university is obscure. At the diet of lioncaglia, in 1158, it received from Frederic Barbarossa a grant of privileges which has often been referred to on occasion of the issue of charters to later Ger- man universities.! The organization of the University of Bologna was materially different from that of all the later German universities. This appears from the fact, that in it only the foreign students {advence forenses) had at l^ologna, complete rights of membership. They chose the rector, and their assembly, summoned by the rector, was the proper university. In this assembly the teachers and professors had no voice, but were wholly dependent upon ’the rector and the university .J; This single fact show's clearly enough, that Bologna was not the model of the Ger- man universities. Paris served in that capacity, especially for the earliest; such as Prague, Vienna, Heidelberg, &c. The University of Paris differed from that of Bologna chiefly in that theology was its prominent study, § and also in respect to its organiza- tion. At Paris, the authority w’as exclusively in the hands of the teachers, the scholars having no part whatever in it. As a rule, only actual professional instructors could be members of the governing as- sembly, and other graduates only on extraordinary occasions. ♦ The following brief sketch I gather chiefly from the clear and thorough account of Savigny. {IlUtory of the Roma7i Jurisprudence in the Middle Ages, vol. ii. 2d ed. 1834.) t Compare, further on, the charters of Archduke Rudolph and of Albert of Austria, to the University of Vienna. $ For later extensions and changes in the university, see Savigny, 1. c. § In Paris, however, only the canon law, proceeding from the Church, could be read, — not the civil law ; and this prohibition was not removed until 1679. 10 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. Both teachers and scholars were divided into four nations: French, English or Gernoan, Picard, and Norman. Each nation had a procu- rator at its head ; as their subsequent derivatives, the four faculties, had each a dean. The rector was chosen only from the faculty of arts (of philosophy), and, indeed, only from masters in that faculty. To the university belonged colleges, some of which were foundations for the poor, and others pension (boarding) institutions for those in good circumstances. One of these colleges was the Sorbonne, founded in the year 1250. In discussing the German universities, especially the oldest, we shall repeatedly refer to the organization of the University of Paris. We have no complete body of statutes of this university, but can arrive at a near approximation to them, from various sources. For some of the German university statutes, as for instance those of Vienna, repeatedly declare that they wholly follow the organization of the Paris univer- sity; so that we may consider them, in substance at least, as repre- senting those which formed there, in fact if not in statutory form, a common law. II. List of the German Universities in the Order of their Foundation. The universities of Germany were founded in the following order : a. In the \Uh Century. Cologne, 1388. 1. Prague, 1348. 2. Vienna, 1365. 3. Heidelberg, 1386. 6. Erfurt, 1392. t. In the \hth Century. 6. Leipzig, 1409. 10. Ingolstadt, 1472; transferred to 7. Rostock, 1419. Landshut in 1802, and in 1826 8. Creifswald, 1456. to Munich. 9. Freiburg, 1457. 11. Tubingen, 1477. 12. Meiitz, 1477. c. In the \Uh Century. 13. Wittenberg, 1502; removed to 18. Jena, 1558. Halle in 1817. 14. Frankfurt, 1506 ; removed to Bres- lau in 1811. 15. Marburg, 1527. 16. Konigsberg, 1544. 17. Dillingen, 1549. 19. Helmstadt, 1576 ; dissolved 1809. 20. Altorf, 1578 ; dissolved. 21. Olmvitz, 1581. 22. Wurzburg, 1582. 23. Gratz, 1586. 24. Giessen, 1607. 25. Paderborn, 1615. 26. Rinteln, 1621 ; dissolved in 1809. 27. Salzburg, 1623. 28. Osnabriick, 1630. 29. Linz, 1636. 86. Breslau, 1702. 37. Gottingen, 1737. 89. Berlin, 1809. 40. Bonn, 1818. d. In the Vith Century. 80. Bamberg, 1638. 31. Herborn, 1654. 32. Duisburg, 1655; dissolved. 33. Kiel, 1665. 34. Inspruck, 1672. 35. Halle, 1694. e. In the 18^A Century. 38. Erlangen, 1743. /. In the \Uh Century. 41. Munich, 1826. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 11 III. The German Universities of the 14th and 15th Centuries. A. CHARTERS. The origin of the universities of Bologna and Paris is uncertain, as is that of the two English universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The origin of every German university, however, is known. German princes, either temporal or spiritual, founded them, except a few, such as Erfurt, Altorf, Strasburg, and Cologne, which were founded by hon- ored town magistrates. The memory of these founders has been ac- knowledged by naming the universities after them.^ That such a grateful memory is well deserved, appears from the charters which they gave to the universities ; which show clearly the sincere benevolence, and noble princely conscientiousness, with which they cared for the temporal and eternal well-being of their subjects, as well as their real respect for learning, and recognition of its value to men. These characteristics are to be discovered even in the decree issued by the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa at the Diet of Roncaglia, a. d. 1158, in favor of the teachers and students of Bologna ; and which has furnished a precedent for many charters given to universities by later princes. In this decree the emperor promises his protection to the students and professors during their journeys to and from the university city, and their sojourn there. “For,” he says, “we hold it proper, if all those who do well deserve in all ways our approbation and protec- tion, that we should protect with special affection against all injury, those through whose learning the whole earth will become enlight- ened, and our subjects will learn to be obedient to God, and to us, his servant.” For, the decree continues, who will not sympathize with those who, when they have left their native land and exposed them- selves to poverty and peril for the love of learning, often suffer misuse , from the vilest of men, without reason ? And the emperor threatens all, even the authorities, with fines and other penalties, if they shall disobey the decree. From all the charters of foundation of the German universities, from the most ancient time down to the present, it would be difficult to select one better than another by way of example. All of them, so far as I know, display the same noble benevolence. Archduke Rudolph IV. of Austria, in his charter j- to the University of Vienna, founded by him in 1365, declares, “that as God has placed * As, Albertina, Julia, Euperta, &c. Sometimes a university has a double name: for the founder and for a restorer or some important benefactor. Thus, the University of Erlangen ij named Frederico-Alexandrina, from the first founder, Margrave Frederic, and tlie restorer. Mar grave Frederic Alexander. t Schlikenrieder, 10. 12 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. liiin in antliority over important territories, he owes thanks to him, and all benefits to his people. A profound obligation, therefore, rests upon him, to make such ordinances in the territory under his govern- inent, as shall cause the grace of the Creator to be praised, the true faith to be spread abroad, the simple instructed, the justice of the law maintained, the human understanding enlightened, the public good promoted, and the hearts of men prepared to be illuminated by the Holy Ghost. And if the darkness of ignorance and of error were dis- pelled, then would men, applying tliemselves to divine wisdom, which enteis into no wicked soul, bring forth from their treasuries things new and old, and bear much fruit on earth. In order, therefore, to do something, though but a little, in token of gratitude to God, and to his honor and praise, and for the benefit of the human race, he has determined, upon ripe consideration, to found in his city of Vienna a university {studium generale)." In this university, continues the de- cree, shall be read, taught, and studied, that sacred science which we call theology, the natural, moral, and polite arts and sciences, canon and civil law, medicine, and other approved studies. Similar terms are used by Rudolph’s brother in the charter which lie granted to the University of Vienna in 1387.* It is his sense of Christian obligation that causes him, in return for the princely station intrusted to him by God, to thank the Giver, and to exercise conscien- tio-us care for the temporal and eternal good of his subjects ; and the university lies near his heart, because these good objects will be pro- moted by it. Duke Ludwig of Bavaria expresses similar sentiments in the charter of foundation of the University of Ingolstadt, granted by him in the year 1472.f Among the blessings, he says, which the grace of God peimits to men in this transitory world, learning is of the first. For by it the way to a good and holy life is taught, the human reason enlightened in right knowledge, and trained to good habits and morals, the Christian faith promoted, and justice and the common good estab- lished. “And as,” he continues, “we are mindful that the divine mercy has for a long time maintained our predecessoi’s and ourselves in princely honor and glory, and has in a sensible manner guided our })eo],)le and our kingdom, we recognize it as our duty to give thanks for this goodness, and to exert our earnest and assiduous industry that learning shall be instilled into men’s minds, that their senses and reason may be enlightened, the Christian faith extended, and justice, good morals, and good conduct promoted. And, therefore, to the praise of * Schlikenrioder, 93. t Mederer, iv. 42. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 13 Almiglity God, the strengthening of Christendom, the good of all be- lieving men, the common profit, and the promotion of justice, we have founded a university in our city of Ingolstadt.” Five years later, in the charter of foundation of the University of Tubingen, in 1477, Count Eberhard* says that “he has often had it under consideration how he might best set about undertaking 'some enterprise well pleasing to the Creator, and useful for the common good and for his own subjects. He had arrived at the conclusion that lie could begin nothing better and more pleasing to the eternal God, than to prepare means for the instruction of good and well-intentioned youths in the liberal arts, and in learning, so that they may be enabled to recognize, fear, and obey God. In this good belief, he has deter- mined to found a school for human and divine learning.” Many like examples of the God-fearing spirit of the German princes, temporal and spiritual, could be adduced, testifying to their pure and noble objects in founding universities. In reading these testimonies, the belief is necessary, that God’s blessing must rest upon institutions so evidently founded for his glory and the benefit of men. And that these pious expressions were not mere empty or hypo- critical ones, not corresponding with the truth, appears from the many pro'ofs of real love which the princes have bestowed on the universities, as well at their first foundation as in succeeding times ; such as gifts, immunities, protections, honors, (fec.f As peace and quiet are necessary to students, Duke Rudolph of Austria gave to the University of Vienna a large and retired tract of land, with all its houses, gardens, &c. He promised to all its teachers and scholars coming thither, and to their servants and goods, his safe conduct, which they were to obtain from the authorities when- ever they should enter his territories ; and the same promise was made for their return. If they sutler any damage, it is to be made good to them. Neither are they to pay any toll for their property or goods. J; All the officers of the university, even including the beadles, he freed from all assessments and imposts. To these prerogatives Rudolph added this : that members of the university, even in criminal cases, should be almost or quite altogether under the jurisdiction of the Rector’s Court. ♦ Kliipfel, p. 2. t It is not my design to give full accounts of the endowments, immunities, fee., of single uni- versities, particularly as Meiners, Dieterici, Koch, &c., have written upon them. I sliall cita only a few items in relation to them, especially such as have most connection with the intellec- tual history of these institutions. t “ And if any one shall presume to receive any toll or custom for passing such goods, let him know that he shall incur our heavy indignation.” 14 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. The endowments of the different universities were derived not from the single source of gifts by the princes who founded them — each university has a financial history of its own. The Popes, in particu- lar, gave much assistance to them, by granting them various sorts of income from the property of the Church — benefices, tithes, &c. After the Reformation, the property of many convents was given to the universities; and at the dissolution of the Society of Jesuits, in 1773, their estates were distributed, even to Catholic universities.f B. THE POPE AND THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. In early times, when the German princes desired to found a uni- versity, they commonly made previous application to the Pope, to issue a bull for granting the foundation and its privileges. Thus, Clement VL, in 1347, issued a bull for founding the University of Prague; Urban V., in 1365, for that of Vienna; Alexander V., in 1409, for that of Leipzig; Pius II., in 1459, for that of Ingolstadt. In like manner, in 1389, Urban VI. granted to the city of Erfurt permission to found a university. The contents of these bulls were in substance always the same. The Pope, as head of all the faithful, declared it his duty to do all in his power to promote the prosperity of learning, by which the glory of God is spread abroad, and the true faith, law and justice, and human happiness, are promoted. Therefore he willingly authorizes the foundation of a university {studium generate)^ as prayed for, and grants it all the privileges of universities already existing, which are commonly cited by name. In particular, he grants to the four facul- ties the right to teach, and to promote the scholars, according to rule, by gradations, to be bachelors, licentiates, and masters ; and he author- izes those so promoted to teach everywhere. It was this permission especially, which, according to the early doctrine, the Pope only could grant, as standing at the head of all Christendom. J'rom this circum- stance also, it may be, the name studium generale is derived ; not from the fact that the institution includes all four of the faculties, but because the graduates of a university founded by the Pope, were rec- ognized as such by all the Christian universities of Europe, and so bad the })rivilege of teaching everywhere-! * See Meiners, lUstory of Universities, &c., 2, 8, &c. t Tliat of Praffiie, for instance. Tomek, History of the University of Prague, 340. X Urban V.. in his bull of 13G5, constituted the University of Vienna of three faculties, but witliont a theolojiicul one. This omission was supplied by Urban VI., by his bull of 1884, in which he ^'ranted the reque-^t of Duke Albert: “We have deigned, out of our apostolical be- nignity, to grant that in the same university lectures on sacred theology may be publicly read, and that the lionors and degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and master, in the said theology, may THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 15 Tlie bull usually corupliiiientcd the city in which the university was to be established, d'hus, Ingolstadt is praised for its pure air, and its abundance of the necessaries of life; and it is observed that there is no other university within a circuit of a hundred and fifty Italian miles. Frankfurt, in like manner, is praised for its healthy air, its Nvealth in the means of life, and its abundance of proper lodgings for students ; and Leipzig, not only for the productiveness of its vicinity and its favorable climate, but because the citizens are polite and of good morals.^ The Pope’s bull designated some high ecclesiastic as chancellor of the university, one of whose duties was to be, to see that degrees were orderly conferred. At Prague, for instance, the Archbishop of Prague was made chancellor ; at Vienna, the Provost of the Church of All Saints ; at Frankfurt, the Bishop of Leubus, probably ; that is, by great glasses, beakers, and cans. There they bound themselves to each other, with cursing and swearing, to live and die like brothers for the welfare of each other. But scarcely would an hour or half an hour go by, when from one word, or one cup which one had got more or less than another, arose a great quarrel ; and those who a little before had been willing to praise each other to the heavens, both by word and writing, were abusing each other and pulling each other by the hair.”* We have many descriptions of the vile and abandoned student-life of the period of Pennalism ; the following very lively one is from the pseudonymous Philander von Sittewald : f “ Meanwhile I saw a great chamber ; a common lodging-room, or museum, or study, or beer-shop, or wine shop, or ball-room, or harlot’s establishment, &c., &c. In truth I cannot really say what it was, for I saw in it all these things. It was swarming full of students. The most eminent of them sat at a table, and drank to each other until their eyes turned in their heads like those of a stuck calf. One drank to another from a dish — out of a shoe ; one ate glass, another dirt ; a third drank from a dish in which were all sorts of food, enough to make one sick to see it. One gave another his hand : they asked each other’s names, and promised to be fi iends and brothers forever ; with the addition of this clause, ‘ I will do what is pleasant to you, and avoid what is unpleasant to you ;’ and so each would tie a string off his leather breeches to the many-colored doublet of the other. But those with whom another refused to drink acted like a madman or a devil ; sprang up as high as they could for anger, tore out their hair in their eagerness to avenge such an insult, threw glasses in each others’ faces, out with their swords and at each other’s heads, until here and there one fell down and lay there ; and such quar- rels I saw happen, even between the best friends and blood relatives, with dev- ilish rage and anger. There were also others who were obliged to serve as waiters and pour out drink, and to receive knocks on the head and pulls of the hair, and other similar attentions, which the others bestowed on them as if on so many horses or asses ; sometimes drinking to them a dishful of wine, and singing the Bacchus song, or repeating the Bacchus Mass — ‘ 0 vitrum gloriomm!’ Resp. 'Mihi gratissimum !' — which waiters were termed by the rest, Bacchants, Bennals, hou.se-cocks, mother-calves, sucklings, quasimodogeniti ; and they sang a long song about them, beginning — ‘ Proudly all the Pennals hither are gathered. Who are lately newly feathered, And who at home have long been tethered. Nursing their mothers.’ And which ends — ‘Thus are all of the Pennals treated. Although they all are very conceited.’ ♦ Schroder’s Trumpet of Peace, 33; in Schottgen, p. 40; and compare Meyfart's description, Appendix X. t Sixth Tale, Part i. Given by Schottgen, p. 35. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 45 “ At the conclusion of these ceremonies and songs they cut off their hair, as they do that of a professing nun. From this, these students are called Scho- risten, also Agirer, rennalisirer ; but among themselves they call each other gay, free, honest, brave, or stotit-hearted students. “ Others I saw wandering about with their eyes nearly shut, as if they were in the dark, each with a drawn sword in his hand, which they would strike on the stones till the sparks flew ; then would cry out into the air so that it would give one a pain in the ears ; would assault the windows with stones, clubs, and sticks, and cry out. Here, Pennal ! here, Feix ! here, Bech ! here, caterpillar ! here, Mount-of-Olives-man ! with such a tearing and striking, driving and running about, cutting and thrusting, as made my hair stand on end. Others drank to each other oft’ seats and benches, or off the table or the floor, under their arms, under their legs, on their knees, with the cup under them, over them, behind them, or before them. Others lay on the floor and let it be poured into them as if into a funnel. “Soon the drinking-cups and pitchers began to fly at the doors and the stove, and through the windows so outrageously, that it provoked me ; and others lay there, spewing and vomiting like dogs.” A second description of this abominable student-life is given by Schottgen, from a work published at Giessen,'^ which states that “ the Schorists, at the Pennal feasts, when they have eaten and drank to their satisfaction, are accustomed to carry off movables, books, manu- scripts, clothes, and whatever else they happen to find ; and, moreover, to be guilty of all manner of insolences, such as breaking down and destroying stoves, doors, windows, tables, and chests. “And, further, the younger students have been made to copy all sorts of writings, to wait, to go of eriands, even ten and twenty miles and more. If one of these maleferiata and Pennal-flayers happens to choose to have something copied, the junior must be at hand to serve as his scribe ; has he guests and friends with him, the young man must be there to wait ; is there any thing else to be done or to be obtained, or to be brought from any of the neighboring villages, the young fellow must go at his order, and be his servant, messenger, and porter. Does he choose to walk, the junior must attend as his body-guard ; is he stupidly drunk, the novice must not flinch nor budge from him, but must remain close at hand as if he were his master, must serve him and help him along the street. Is he sick, the juniors must wait on him by turns, so that he need never be alone ; does he wish for music, if the junior is skilled in it he must be his musician, all night long if he desires it. Is any thing else whatever required, the new-comer is set about it, and he must be forthcoming, even if he were sick in bed from his discipline, and at midnight. Does the older student get into a quarrel or a fight, the junior must carry his sword to him, and be ready for assiduous service in the matter. Would he gratify his vile desires with blows, the junior must suffer the blows and boxes on the * Schottgen, p. 46; from Pennaliemi Ahrogatio et Prqfligatio ex Academia Uasso Lis- eena." Giessen, 1660, folio. 46 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. ear wliich come from his cursed and devilish passion ; must patiently endure the most shameful personal abuse, and must let the other work his entire will upon him as if he were nothing but a dog. In short, he treats him like a slave, after his own hateful will, almost more harshly than the harshest tyrants or most shameless men could do ; and what is still more, although these tormentors inflict the most un- endurable tortures upon these young people, they must preserve per- petual silence about it, and must not dare to open their lips or com- plain to any one, even to the academical authorities ; or othei wise they will never be ‘absolved’ and admitted to become students ; which threat terrifies them so much, that they would suffer the most severe and vilest shame and torment ten times over rather than to inform any one about it.” We find a third description in a rescript of Duke Albrecht of Saxony to the University of Jena, in 1624.'^ He says : “ Customs be- fore unheard of — inexcusable, unreasonable, and wholly barbarian — have come into existence. When any person, either of high or low rank, goes to any of our universities for the sake of pursuing his studies, he is called by the insulting names of Pennal, fox, tape-worm, and the like, and treated as such ; and insulted, abused, derided, and hooted at, until, against his will, and to the great injury and damage of himself and his parents, he has prepared, given, and paid for a stately and expensive entertainment. And at this there happen, without any fear of God or man, innumerable disorders and excesses, blasphemies, breaking up of stoves, doors, and windows, throwing about of books and drinking-vessels, looseness of words and actions, and in eating and drinking, dangerous wounds, and other ill deeds ; shames, scandals, and all manner of vicious and godless actions, even sometimes extending to murder or fatal injuries. And these doings are frequently not confined to one such feast, but are continued for days together at meals, at lectures, publicly and privately, even in the public streets, by all manner of misdemeanors in sitting, standing, or going, such as outrageous howls, breaking into houses and windows, and the like ; so that by such immoral, wild, and vicious courses not only do our universities perceptibly lose in good reputation, but many parents in distant places either determine not to send their children at all to this university — founded with such great expense by our honored ancestors, now resting in peace with God, and thus far maintained by ourselves — or to take them away again ; so that if this most harmful state of affairs is not ended and removed out of the way at the begin- * Dated Dec. 9 ; given by Meyfart, p. 205. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 47 ning, it may well happen that very soon no students whatever will be left in the place, and that this institution, which even in these careful and perilous times is so useful in advancing the glory of God, spread- ing abroad his name, which alone makes blessed, the promotion of all good and liberal arts, and the maintenance of spiritual and temporal government, which depends on them, may go entirely to ruin.”^* Much influence was exerted by a work upon Pennalism, entitled, “ Christian Recollections of the Orders and Honorable Customs intro- duced in many of the Evangelical Universities in Germany, and of the barbarous ones now for some years crept in during these miserable times, by Johannes Matthseus Meyfart, Doctor in the Holy Scrip- tures and Professor in the Ancient University of Erfurt : Schleissin- gen, 1636.” The author will be remembered by many readers by his hymn, “Jerusalem, thou lofty builded city,” and by his two works “ On the Heavenly Jerusalem,” and “ On the Four Last Concerns of Men.” It may be imagined what the feelings of one who found such pleasure in the great themes of eternity would be in respect to the immoral and vicious courses of the students of his university.f In se- vere anger against it, he describes it in the coarsest terms, only caring to make his account true and comprehensive. His anger sometimes carries him beyond moderation, and even to injustice to the Lutheran Church ; but the substantial truth of his description of Pennalism is shown by its agreement with those of his con tern poraries.J Although in earlier times part of the students lived immorally, still new-comers could easily avoid them, and follow their own course. But during the ascendency of Pennalism this was substantially impos- sible, as appears by a letter of the well known Schuppius to his son, who was about entering the university. He says to him : “You may imagine that at the universities they sup clear wisdom up by spoon- fuls, and that no folly is to be seen in any corner, but when you come there, you must be a fool for the first year. You know that I have spared no pains or money upon you, and that you have not grown up behind your father’s stove, but that I have carried you about from one ])lace to another, and that already a great lord has looked upon you with pleasure and given you a place at his table. But you must for- get this. For it is a part of wisdom to be foolish with the age, and to give in to its manners so far as conscience will allow. Let yourself be plagued and abused for this year, not only in good German but in s'ang. When an old Wetterauer or Yogelsberg Milk Cudgel steps up * Luchtenius says of Pennalism, even in 1611 : “ It cannot be said how it produces all manner of corrupt ways, destroys all discipline, and evidently cools down a love of learning.” t M.-yfart was born at Jena in 1590, and died at Erfurt in 1642. i Appendix X. 48 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. and pulls your nose, let it not appear singular to you ; endure it, and harden yourself to it. ‘‘Olim meminisse juvabit,^ I warn you faith- fully against becoming yourself one of the gang of Schorists after the Pennal year is over.”^ Whether the son followed this advice after enduring the frightful Pennal life for a whole year, is very doubtful. “ The end of the Pennal year,” says Schottgen, “ was the absolution ; in which a member of the whole Landsman nsch aft ‘absolved’ them, after the conclusion of the year, and declared them real students. For this purpose the poor Pennal was obliged first to go round to all the members of the Landsmannschaft, and request them to permit him to be released from his slavery. If he found grace in their eyes, he had now to furnish an absolution feast. After this he was a student, and there forthwith entered into him seven evil spirits, who made him torment the Pennals just as he had himself been tormented.” The various governments now undertook to put an end to these evils, but after a time they found that successful efforts were impossible singly. For if an ill-conducted Schorist were sent away from Leipzig, he would go to Jena, and be received with open arms by his com- panions there. For this reason several universities, as Wittenberg, Konigsberg, Marburg and others, associated together and made stat- utes in common against the practice.! Still they accomplished no more than other single universities with their innumerable prohibitions and severe punishments. In 1654, the German princes took occasion, at the Diet of Ratisbon, to procure the following ordinance “ Whereas we have taken into careful consideration the severe and bitter afflictions, especially the bloody and wearisome war, with which Almighty God, in his justice, is disciplining our beloved fatherland and the German nation, together with other neighboring kingdoms and countries, and have still more ripely considered the causes whereby these evils have come upon a country and people so remarkably prosperous, we have found not to be the least, among other fearful vices which have come into vogue not- withstanding both the first and second tables of the Ten Command- ments of God, that most harmful and disorderly custom which has crept into the universities of Germany, called Pennalism ; by which certain young persons, reckless, wicked, evil-trained, and neglecting all Christian discipline, waylay in the most scandalous manner those who come from other places to the universities from trivial-schools, pseda- ♦ Schuppius’ '‘'•Friend in JVeed,” i. 252. + These statutes are given in Arnoldt (i. 438), and were confirmed by Elector George William. (Ibid. 444.) Schiittgen (p. 140) gives the same information from the orations of Schuppius. X Schottgen, 149. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 49 gogiiims, or gymnasiums, to acquire various learning in the classical tongues, liberal arts, philosophy, or in the higher faculties, as well as those who are born and brought up in the places where such univer- sities are, — who treat them barbarously, not only with insulting scoffing gestures and words, but with dishonorable and abominable abuses and blows, and often demand of them such service and waiting on as a rea- sonable master would hesitate to require from the least of his servants, — but also oblige these new students, at coming and going, and when- ever else they choose, to furnish them with feasts and entertainments; so that the money which their parents, often with the utmost difficult 3 q in these times, when money is so scarce, have given them to maintain them through the year, must be squandered in one and another drink- ing-bout and feast ; so that many good minds are driven desperate by such ‘ exagitations’ and ‘ concussions and the result is, that many well- begun courses of study are obstructed, and parents disappointed in the hopes they have conceived, as well as the church, the government, schools and the commonwealth, deprived in the most unjustifiable man- ner of useful instruments.”^ But this ordinance in like manner failed of its effect ; and successful steps in the business were only first taken from 1G60 to 1662. Saxony was first ; Peunalism being driven out from her universities of Witten- berg, Jena, and Leipzig, by the regulation that a student expelled from one of them for that reason, should not be admitted into either of the others. This example was followed by the universities of Ilelmstadt, Giessen, Altorf, Rostock, Frankfurt, and Kdnigsberg. In 1664, Elector Friedrich Wilhelm powerfully confirmed the Konigsberg anathema against Pennalism, by an edict, in which he expresses great indigna- tion against the mode in which students newly come to the university are “held in servitude for a year,” and demoralized through and through. And he adds: “This vicious and disorderly life so well pleases the Pennals, that they forget their freedom, and take so much pleasure in their servitude, hard as it is, that they not only do not shame to recognize this slavery by assuming disreputable costumes and other outward distinctions and disgraces, but even hold them a credit ; and thus come to inspect the usurped authority of their disorderly seniors more than the regular power of the established academical magistracy.”! It was only after the extinction of Pennalism, which w’as finally de- stroyed about 1660, that well-meaning students could employ their time well at the universities. This appears by the following letter * This ordinance is followed by the prohibition of Pennalism issued by Duke Eberhard of WUrtemberg, in 1655. (Kliipfel, 184.) t Arnoldt, i. 446. No. 16.— [VoL. VI., No. 1.]— 4 4 50 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. from Dr. Haberkorn, at Giessen, to Dr. Weller, April 6, 1661.'*' He writes: “The condition of our university since we have utterly de- stroyed the Pennal system, is quiet and prosperous. The number of students does not ■ decrease, but increases. The ridiculina: and other features of the accursed Pennalism have entirely ceased, so that I liardly seem to be rector, although I yet hold that office. Many pa- rents thank God with uplifted hands, and wdsh our university much of the divine blessing. I remember to have earnestly urged your high- worthiness, at Frankfurt, to push your efforts to banish this hell-hound out of all the universities in the Roman Empire ; but that in spite of all the pains that could be taken, it could not be done. Now, how'- ever, I doubt not your high-w^orthiness wdll make use of your great in- fluence and good fortune, to banish this deviltry at least out of the Saxon universities. For our example shows clearly that the object is proved practicable, and that the devil wdll fail of his purpose, how'ever much pains he takes to maintain his kingdom of Pennalism.” To return once more to the history of that vile custom. It has been observed that the old practice of the Deposition may have given rise to Pennalism, and that it was made a cloak for it; and also, that thoroughly organized societies of students made opposition to all dis- cipline, and this not only in single universities, but that there existed a league embracing several of them, which prevented the operation even of the severest regulations. These societies w^e have referred to as “ nations but they had nothing in common wdth the “nations” of an earlier period. The lat- ter, as w'e have seen, w^ere openly established and recognized corpora- tions, who elected procurators, took part in the government of the university, &c. ; whereas the “nations” of the 17th century corre- sponded to the Land smannschaf ten!" \ This is clearly shown by a “ programme” issued by the University of Leipzig in 1654, at expelling a Schorist. “From this,” says Schottgen,;}; “we see that the Schorists had their ‘ nations,’ and in them seniores^ fisci^ and a fiscal officer; that they had a correspondence with other universities, and that when one university would endure one of their number no longer, they pro- ♦ Schottgen, 111. t It has been stated that Duke Rudolph organized four “ nations” at the University of Vienna, os having taken that of Paris for a model. Each of these included students from the most dif- ferent and distant countries :—e. g., the Saxon nation included Treves, Bremen, and Prussia. The Landsmannschaftm, on the other hand, belonged to the countries after which they wero named. Thus, in the 17th century, at Tubingen, the students from Hohenlohe organized the New Wiirtemberg Landsmanmchaft ; those of Ulm the Danubia; those of Old Wiirtemberg the W'iirtcmbergia, and the Swiss the Helvetia. (Kliipfel, 293.) $ Sclibltgen, 103. The “nations” thus broken up at Leipzig, had no relation whatever to the four old “ nations” which e-xisted from the foundation of the university until 1830. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 51 vided for liiiii elsevhere ; that they held those dishonorahle who re- vealed any matter to the authorities, and persecuted them everywhere.’’ From a similar document of November 13, 1659, we see in still greater detail, “that each ‘nation’ had its seniors, directors, fiscal department, and even its beadles, who held their offices by turns, some for a longer and some for a shorter time. New-comers had to submit to be ‘in- scu-ibed’ in one of these. They were cited before the Schorists, and their cases adjudicated ; and every one who according to this tribunal was guilty of any thing, was fined in money or in an entertainment. Any one who told tales out of school, or went to the authorities to complain, was held dishonorable.” What a devilish sort of authority the “seniors” of these nations practiced, appears from an example given by Schottgen."'^ In 1639 a student named lloldorff complained to the prorector at Rostock, that “as his Pennal year was out some days since, and he was required to jiroceed to Copenhagen to enter into an employment there, he had gone to Ilopner, as senior of his nation, and had asked to be absolved, lie answered, however, that it had been decided in the nation that he must stay six weeks over his year; and therefore he required him to stay. He went to him again and asked amicably that he might be absolved ; to which Ilopner answered that he must remain, and should ; and that if he did not complete his year, and six weeks, six days, six hours, and six minutes besides, he would be sent for. He asked him a third time to absolve him ; but Ilopner answered no less positively that if he did not stay, and went, he would surely be sent for.” Hop- ner afterward cited Holdorff before him, and because for fright he did not appear, that senior and four others broke into his lodgings at night with drawn swords. As the tyranny of Pennalism was based on these nations, and oper- ated by means of them. Elector Friedrich Wilhelm, in the rescript already quoted, ordains with great justice, “that the most injurious system of Pennalism, as well as the national organizations, shall be wholly broken up and destroyed.”! The truth of the fuitlier allega- tion in the same rescript, viz., that Pennals have become so coi’rupted by their disorderly life that they have forgotten tlieir freedom, and take pride in their severe servitude, appears from the following fact. When the Elector of Saxony’s ordinance against Pennalism in Leipzig was published in 1661, “ more than two hundred Pennals got together, * P. 94 Schottgen took the account from a university protocol. t Arnoldt, i, 44S. The attempt made by the University of Konigsberg, in 1679, to legalize four nations — Pomeranian, Silesian, Prussian, and Westphalian— and to exercise authority over them, failed. Arnoldt, i. 261. 52 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. and foolishly swore to adhere to the practice of Pennalism, and not permit it to perish. They, however, soon thought better of it.”* But were these associations destroyed, together with Pennalism, in the year 1662 ? By no means. We shall see that the Burschenschaft substantially put an end to Pennalism, although it may be said to have continued to exist in the Landsmannscliaften^ but not in its earlier coarse and abominable phase. YI. History of the Universities in the Eighteenth Century. A. Nationalism. — The Landsman nschaften. Pennalism, as we have seen, was based upon the national organiza- tions. When it was suppressed, in the year 1662, it was asked whether it was extirpated from the roots, or, in other words, whether these organizations also were suppressed ? The answer given was, by no means. It is, however, not easy to substantiate this answer by facts, ddie national organizations being strictly forbidden, it was necessary to conceal their existence by all possible means. The statutes of one of the LandsmannHchaften^ for example, provide that a new member, at his entrance, shall give his word of honor “that he will never reveal what happens at any time within the society, that he will always be diligently watchful against renouncers (students belonging to no so- ciety), and will never reveal that such a society exists, and will even endeavor to cause the contrary to be believed. But in case he shall be seriously questioned on the subject by the police or the rector, he must lie stoutly, and be willing to give up his existence at the univer- sity for the sake of the society.”* In such secrecy, it is natural that the Landsmanmchaften, as long as they were prohibited, should come to light only occasionally. We will give a few examples. In 1682, twenty years after the suppression of Pennalism, there arose a great tumult of the students in Leipzig, upon the prohibition of the national organizations by an electoral rescript, and it required the severest penalties to carry out the rule.f In 1717 there arose, all at once, at Halle, a multitude of Lands- mannschaften ; Meiners names twelve. They chose seniors and sub- seniors, and openly wore colors as marks of distinction, as those of the Marches of Pomerania, &c. These associations were immediately prohibited by a royal rescript.^ The Lund Htnannschaf ten were forbidden at Rostock § in 1750, at ♦ Ilaupt, 204. t Gretschel, 274. X Meiners {Tliatory^ iv. IC3) says ttiat these associations were in fact suppressed. But quaere, §Ib. pp. 163-174. THE GEItMAX UNIVEUSITIES. 53 Jena in 1VG5 and 1778, at Kiel in 1774, at Gutting-en in 17G2, at Er- fui t in 1794, in Prussia and at Altorf in consequence of the decree of the diet of 1795. In 181G, when the B arschenschaft was organized, Landsmannschaften existed in most of tlie universities, and a contest took place between them and the B arschenschaft. From two of these academical prohibitions, it appears that Pennal- ism still survived in the Londsmanmchofteii. Thus the Rostock law of 1850 says: “Pennalism, that barbarous custom, barbarously named, having been driven into exile from our universities, for their good, let Nationalism also, with the evils which come with it, be put away from our course of education. Therefore, if any one shall attempt to set on foot any thing either of the name, or the thing itself, who shall assume the title of senior, . . who shall subject to himself new-comers or others, or annoy them, or shall exact money from them, even a penny, him we shall estimate altogether unfit to be a member of this academy.” The law of the University of Kiel, of 1774, is still more severe: “ Any one daring to introduce or establish the infamous custom of Pennalism, condemned and proscribed by all good and wise persons, or to call together seditious assemblies, or to set up the national socie- ties, or to annoy students lately come to the university, by the exac- tion of money, or entertainments, or other unjust treatment, shall be subjected to penalties, to be determined in each case, and shall be put away, as an enemy and traitor to the university.” That Pennalism still prevailed in Gottingen, appears from a rescript of Mlinchhausen to the university, of 1757 ; which directs care to be taken, “ that neither shall newly arrived students, by the post or other conveyance, be made sport of; nor shall such students as use, for their own pleasure, to form the acquaintance of new-comers, and to that end to put themselves in their way, obtain them lodgings and strike up friendships with them, be permitted to practice such pre- sumptuous means of coiTupting young persons.”* Kliipfelf gives a striking sketch of the Landsmannschaften or Corps. “Each Corps,” he says, “ is divided into regidar and irregular members, Corps-burschen, and Renoncen. Only the former are full members of the associa- tion, and form its nucleus ; the others, as their name indicates, are such as do not claim full members’ rights, but attach themselves to the Corps for the sake of its protection and influence. In like manner the Renoncen are in a sort of novitiate, where every one wishing to join the Corps has to reniain for a time. * Mciners, ii. 210. t Pp. 293-398. It must be understood that KlUpfel's description does not apply equally to all the Corps (Landsmannschaften National Societies), and much less to all their individual mem- bers. I know very estimable persons, and myself had e.xcellent pupils, belonging to Corps of the better sort But this does not impair the general correctness of his picture. 54 niF. GERMAN UNIVEUSITIES. until lie can claim full membership. A(lmis.sion is attended with cei tain cere- rnonie.s, frequeutl)- with a sort of catechisatiou on the Coimaent and principles of the associaiion, tiie attaching a ribbon, the communication of tlie cipher of the association, and the kiss of brotherhood. At the head of the organization, and chosen from among members, for one 3mar, stands a senior, a consenior, a secretarj’, and a number of special committeemen (weitere Chargirte), pro[)or- tioned to that of the members. All these together constitute the council, which resolves absolutely upon all matters connected with the Corps, attends to its connections abroad, presides at its regular festivals, and to which the unconditional obedience of every member is due. Each Corps has, besides, minor distinctive peculiarities, to which it is a point of importance to adhere without variation. The various Corps are connected together by their com- mon object of maintaining the Comment,''' and of keeping up their fantastic and brilliant phase of student-life. The co-operation necessary for these pur- poses is kept up by the convention of seniors, and the convention of committee- men. These hold the place of supreme authority among the students, and seek to maintain their position by means of the rule, tliat every student who would have a voice in public matters must belong to an association and act through his Senior ; that the Convention of Seniors alone shall give laws, direct festivals, and put forth decisions ; and that any one opposing its deter- minations or disobeying its decisions on points of honor, &c., shall, by so doing, incur the condemnation of infamy. “ From these societies, and among them, there grew into existence a kind of student life, social among its members, and jovial to others. Tlieir mem- bers had frequently been friends at the inferior schools ; each upheld all, and all each : the consciousness of belonging to an organization gave a certain con- fidence and freedom to their manners ; prominent and favorite persons, such as every Corps contained, planted and cherished a cheerful and bold spirit. At the same time, each society strove to outdo the rest in the splendor and solemnity of their society and anniversary feasts ; and there was always a mag- nificent display when whole Corps, with all their dependents, met at some fes- tival, and the society colors vied with each other in display. “But dangerous and grievous harms began to show themselves, derived from the Corps organization. “d'he Circuli Fratrum, or circles of brothers, were intended to be societies of intellectually educated young men, of an age most susceptible to lofty ideas, and who were summoned to mental growth in an atmosphere such as, when kept in motion by the flights of genius, will stimulate the noblest powers. But these circles became too exclusively mere open convivial societies of good- fellows, aiming chiefly at pleasure, and very often at exceedingly material pleasures, without any higher purpose, or broad and inspiriting beliefs. This emptiness and insipidity must, of course, very soon become irksome to intel- lects and spirits of the higher class. These would not suffer themselves to be hidden under showy externals and pompous public appearances. The brother- hood among the brethren of the societies, which was held upas one of the chief aims of the mganization. was not always that true friendship so delightful to the hearts of the young, which forms a basis for lifelong a.ssociations, although the Corps-statutes expressly prescribe such ; for the real basis of friendship was frequently wanting, namely, true respect, arising from noble aims and goodness of character. The Corps was altogether unfit to be a school for such virtues ; the system of subordination to the seniors was opposed to noble im- pulses. The ambition of becoming one of that number perverted and destroyed friendship. The less the interest felt in intellectual things, so much the greater was the power of sensual influences ; and the ]uinciple adopted by the Corps, that the private life of a member was no concern of the whole body, as long as he did not endanger what the Comment held as their honoi', inclined towards a tolerance in respect to morals, which was only too well adapted shamefully to j)ervert the moral perceptions of a young man, and to lead him off into a vicious course of sensual and dissolute indulgence in which many have been ruined, but from which the Corps, as such, never saved one. “ The state of feeling within these societies may be judged of from the pro- * A sort of constitution. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 55 visions in the statutes and the Comment, wliich require tluit any memhev liav- ing a venereal disease shall notify tlie fact at the heer-house (Kneipe), and shall sutfer a penalty if he fight a duel while ill. It is demonstrable, also, that the Corps-festival often ended in mere orgies ; and many unfortunate and per- verted youth were first induced to procure membership and standing in socie- ties for the sake of their vicious indulgences. At Tubingen, it has happened that a whole Corps has become corrupted. This same low condition of morals is indicated more and more by the meetings at the Kneipe, where the beer- laws (Bier-Conment) were so easily made an instrument of vulgar drunkenness, and where the abilities of honor, as well of individual members of the same Corps, as of the different Corps themselves, was determined by the standard of their capacity for drinking, whose highest grade, that of Beer-king, was given for the abilit}'- to dispose of eighty pints (schoppen). “ With this coarseness and even vulgarity of tone, which soon prevailed in the Corps, was connected the misuse of the Comment as a stimulus to duel- ing, and the bullying (pauksucht) and ‘ renowning ’ which were its consequen- ces. No one was thought honorable except such as were ready to give satisfaction on the dueling-ground ; and he was a jolly respectable Bursch, and the pride of his society was such a one as had already fought many duels, and was known as a keen and powerful swordsman. To become such was the aim of their ambition. Quarreling, insults, provoking conduct, a touchiness carried so far as to be ridiculous, and innumerable duels were the consequence. To make up the full number of a hundred duels was the only ambition of many students ; and while learned studies suffered in this state of things, social life was an unpleasant existence upon a continual war-footing, in whicli those unacquainted with weapons were entirely defenseless. Indeed, to behave toward these last in a manner usually reckoned utterly dishonorable, was no prejudice to the honor of a Bursch, and to break one’s word of honor to a Phi- lister was only a matter of sport. The societies were also in a state of constant excitement and irritation against each other. The privilege of changing freely from one Corps to another availed nothing ; for any one who had in- sulted one, was obliged, before he could enter another, to fight duels all round with the former ; nor could a new Corps establish itself on a received footing except by fighting itself into recognition. A continual rivalry, also, gave abundance of occasion for constant quarrels, which ended in duels for the honor of each man’s country ; in which every member of the Corps, as the lot or the decision of the senior should determine, was obliged to fight for the honor of the society. In this manner it came to pass, lastly, .that the whole body of students were, by means of the Corps, only divided into larger parties ; and that much the largest number had to submit to be tyrannized over by a minority of the members of the Corps, and even by a still smaller number, namely, the Convention of Seniors, which, as we have seen, was constituted by no means of the most respectable, but only of the most bullying of the students.” With this description of Klupfel’s may be compared the Comments of two of the Corps, given in the Appendix, and agreeing entirely with him.* The Comment treats chiefly of honor, how it may be pre- served, attacked, and regained when lost. The sword is the talisman of honor. Accordingly, much of the Comment discusses the duel, and how it may be occasioned and fought. Nothing is said of good morals; and, on the contrary, more than one paragraph betrays how low was the condition of the Corps in this respect, and proves only too clearly the truth of Klupfel's description. This author cites, in another place, the technical terms of the societies. The Comment defines the names Fox, Brand.fox, Young Bursch, Old See Appendix III. 56 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. Bursch, Mossy Ilead.'^ “ Every student not a member of a society is a reuouncer.” One not holding himself subject to the Comment was a “savage” or a “finch,” and on such, when opportunity offered, pun- ishment was inflicted with a whip or a stick. “The Comment,” observes Kliipfel, “was probably modeled upon the ceremonial of the later chivalry and court life, as developed at the court of Louis XIV. Most of the French technical terms used in it are from this source.”f Such words, in part in distorted forms, are numerous; including Comment, Comment suspendu, Satisfaction, Avantage^ Touche, Secundieren^ Renommieren, Renonce, Maltraitionen, Char'gierte, &c.J According to Kliipfel, the rapier with the plate- shaped guard came also from France.§ ' After the period of the dominion, and indeed tyranny, of the Lands- mannschaften, in the German universities, dating from the sixteenth century, there ai-ose against them, in succession, two violent adversa- ries; first the Students’ Orders, and afterwards the Burschenschaft. The latter, as we have seen, definitely put an end to Penualism. B. Students’ Orders. These arose about the middle of the eighteenth century. The first prohibition of them appeared at Gottingen, in 1748, and was repeated in 1760 and 1762.|| In the latter year appears the first trace of the same at Erlangen,^ in 1765** at Tubingen ; in the same year, 1765, ap- peared the first prohibition of them at Jena, and another in l767.ff A third came out in 1795, in connection with an imperial edict against secret societies; and a similar one was then issued in the Prussian universities and at Altdorf.J;]; In 1802, Meiners announces, with sat- isfaction, of Gottingen, §§ that “it is now some years since the strictest inquiry could detect any of the orders at our university ;” although he naively adds, in a note, that “ within a very short period traces of an order have been discovered.” An accident, as I myself remember, led to this discovery. A student was drowned, and in sealing up his ♦ Comment (App. HI.), § 16-22, For Fox, was used, in the seventeenth century, Feux. Schottgen's very full list of nicknames of Pennals contains no other now used. The name Schorists, for students who have passed through their Pennal year, has also gone out of use. t KlUpfel, 182. % Butmann would even derive Ve7‘schiss (dishonor), from verjus. § Kliipfel, 184. The opinion of those who find, in the present students’ duels, a trace of the mediieval German chivalry, is contradicted by KlUpfel’s view, which is certainly correct, of their French origin. There is a difference as wide as the heavens between a chevalier of the time of Louis XIV. and a German Ritter of the time of Hohenstaufen ; and as much between a duel upon a point of honor and a decision of God by means of a joust. D Meiners, '■^Constitution and Administration of the German Universities," ii. 296, t Englehardt, 177. ** Kliipfel, 279. ft Meiners, '•'■ Ilistoryf »fec., iv. 169. Xt Ibid., 174. , §§ Meiners, “ Constitution," &c., ii. 302. TflE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 57 effects, a list was found of names of members [Konstantisten). Thus the orders lasted until the first years of the nineteenth century. At the time of the rise of the Burschensckaft (1810), they seem to have disappeared. I fiud no record of any contest of the Burschensckaft with the orders, but only against the Landsmannschaften. What distinction existed between these Orders and the Landsmann- schaften or Nations? There must have been one, because they were always at enmity. Meiners says that they had much in common in their organization, and that the orders differed from the Landsmann- schaften “only in that they admitted members without regard to their nationality.” This was, it is true, one distinction, but not the only one ; a second was, the adoption by the orders of symbols analogous to those of the Free Masons. Thus, there were found, in 1765, “traces of a lodge of Free Masons among the students at Tubingen.” Kliipfel says, “most of the orders in the universities were off-shoots of Free Masonry.”^ In like manner, Englehardt saysf that the Order of the Cross, founded in 1762, was organized throughout in the forms of Free Masonry. “In the place of assembly of the order, there was a basin with water, whose symbolic meaning was explained to those initiated ; a statue of friendship, and one of virtue, skulls, a cross of the order, with sun, moon, and stars, and a crucifix.” The university senate reported, in 1767, that it had taken away some insignia of an order from some students, and that the orders, in spite of prohibitions, were universal, both in Erlangen and the other German univei’sities, and that scarcely a student could be found who did not belong to au order. In 1770 the Order of Coopers was discovered, which held lodges, had degrees, and had a destructive influence.]; The Black Order, or Order of Harmony, arose in 1771, at Erlangen, and had members in Nurembei’g and Coburg. Its grand lodge was in Brunswick. In 1797 were found in the papers of this order catechisms of the first, second, and third grades, with symbols having au et'hical signification. “The ceremonies of admission were adopted from the Free Masons, with whom the Black Order seems to have maintained very friendly relations. The statutes of this order named Pythagoras as their first known master.” So much will serve to describe this order as such ; and it also appears that they were not confined to the universities, nor to students. The same was the case with the Constantists, who existed at Halle in 1786, and had afterward (about 1798), members in civil and military stations at Berlin. Their laws seem to have included * Kliipfel, 280. t Englehardt, 178. $ Ib., ISO, 183, 181. 58 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. the reckless Jacobinical religious and political opinions; and the Prussian ministry believed “that the revolutionists sought to make use of the students in their designs.”"* From the foregoing, it seems that the orders were especially active in the second half of the eighteenth century, and only lasted into the first years of the nineteenth century ; that they were entirely distinct from the Landsmanmchaften^ having no regard for nationality, as the latter did; having also symbols and degrees, and being in connection with orders outside the universities; neither of which was the case with the Landsmannschafkn. Considering the existence of so essen- tial differences, it is not to be wondered at that the two organizations w^ere in a state of bitter enmity. VII. History of the Universities in the Nineteenth Century. Introduction. — My own Academical Experience. From the description of the Landsmannscliaft and orders, I might pass at once to the Burschenschaft. But the question might justly be asked, Were there not, in these earlier times, some students who did not belong to these orders; or would it not be worth while to consider them? There certainly were many such ; but it is difficult to find much in- formation about them, for the very reason that they did not swear to any standards or emblems, nor were organized as an associated body, under common statutes. They did not, however, live in entire isola- tion, but in friendly circles ; and they were united by a friendship which needed no statutes. These circles, moreover, had a very definite char- acter : a common ideal, common labor, endeavors after a common purpose. I have known several such circles, and have belonged to them. It appeared to me that a simple description of my own student-life will afford a more lively picture of such a circle, than to give an abstract characteiiz ition of them. But the idea carried me further. Why should I, I asked, confine myself to my experience as a student? Why not add that of my life as a professor ? I entered the university in the first year of this century, 1801, and from that time to 1854, with comparatively small intervals, I have lived in the German universities. Having been a professor since 1811, I have, as such, stood in close personal relations with the students, and have taken sincere and active interest in their weal and woe. I give, therefore, after ripe consideration, an account of all that was * The Jena ordinance against the Orders, in 17G7, names the Orders of Hope (Esperance), tiiat of Concord or of the Cross, the Coopers', and that of the Lilies. THE GERMAN UNIVER6ITIES. 59 important in my academical life and experience, in clironological order; having liad excellent opportunities of consulting the best oral and written sources, and testimony on the spot, as to matters at a distance, and having observed the influence of whatever happened, upon the university where I might happen to be at the time. A. Going to Halle, in 1799. Preliminary View. Fifty-five years have passed since my first glance into university-life. I had left the Joachimsthal Gymnasium, at Herlin, and was going to visit my elder brother, Friederick, then a student at Ilalle. lie, and other previous school-fellows, took me with them to the lectures. There I heard, for the first time, F. A. Wolf, whose lecture-room was crowded full, and who made a profound impression upon me. I thought it very singular, during the lectures of Master Giite on Isaiah, to hear the poor old man every moment interrupted by “ Fst !” on which, according to the custom, he was obliged to repeat what lie had been saying. I also visited the fighting- rooms, where I was intro- duced to the greatest fighter and bully for the time being. He was a great stout Bursch^ in very simple costume — shirt, drawers, monsti’ous pantaloons, and on his head a lofty stunner., i. e., a three-cornered hat, with one corner brought forward to protect his eyes. This ogre made such an impression upon me, that I was at the trouble, some years afterward, of inquiring what had become of him. I found that he had become tutor in the family of a miller, wliere he had every thing free, and a fixed daily allowance of nine pots of beer. There could scarcely be a greater contrast than after this visit to the fighting-i“oom, an excursion which I took on the Saale by moonlight, in listening to the melancholy notes of the Frenchdiorn at a distance. This short visit to Halle was a foretaste, indeed, of all the pleasures and sorrows which I experienced there some years later. B. Gottingen. Easier, 1801, to Easter, 1803. I left the Gymnasium at Easter, 1801, and went, in company with my friend, now Privy Councillor of Finance, Sotzmann, to Gottingen, by way of Thuringia. We passed through Weimar. How glorified, to my youthful imagi- nation, did every thing appear in this home of the greatest genius of Germany! I watched everywhere for Goethe, Schiller, and Herder. I had, how'ever, only the pleasure of becoming acquainted with the latter, mv father havincj mven me a letter of introduction to him. He ' y O O 60 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. received me in a very friendly manner, and invited me to supper, where I found Consistory-Councillor Gunther. It may be imagined how I hung upon every word fiom Herder. Fifty-three years have passed since that evening, but I can yet hear his observations on the idea of character. As he was in the habit of doing in his writings, he did orally; beginning with the word itself, as derived from ;^apa(7(7eir’, &c. From various remaiks of Herder and Gunther, I saw, with sor- row, that there was a division among the heroes of Weimar ; a division with which I afterward became acquainted from Goethe’s “ Truth and Poetry from my Life.” As I write this title, I lose all courage to give a more detailed account of Herder, in thinking of Goethe’s incred- ibly correct and most masterly description of him. On arriving at Gottingen, I took lodgings in the house of an instru ment-maker named Kriimer, which I mention for a reason that will soon appear. My father intended me for a jurist. I commenced my studies by attending lectures on the Institutions, from Councillor Waldeck, taking notes industriously. At the same time I procured a book then uni- versally used, Hopfner’s Institutions, and made use of it in studying, along with my notes on Waldeck’s lectures. To my astonishment, I found such an entire agreement between the book and my notes, that I gave up taking notes at all, but took Hopfner to lectures, to follow along in it. Unfortunately, I sat pretty near the lecturer’s chair, and Waldeck espying my book, his keen eyes recognized it. To do this, and to break out into the most violent and pitiless attacks upon Hopfner, were the work of the same moment. My situation was not the most comfortable, as I had not the remotest intention of provoking old Waldeck. He did not, however, la}^ it up against me, but was very friendly, when I attended his lectures on the Pandects, in the winter term, and afterward gave me an excellent testimonial, earned, how- ever, with infinite discomfort. He lectured on the Pandects three hours daily! Fie belonged entirely to the old school of jurists; his edition of Heineccius’ Compendium of the Institutes is now used only at Coimbra. In the summer term of 1802, I attended the lectures on civil law of one who prepared the way for the subsequent school of Savigny — namely, Hugo. His lectures, in connection with which we had ques- tions in jurisprudence to solve, were marked by critical acumen ; and his relentless controversial powers, not seldom directed against Waldeck as a representative of the old school, did not at all displease us. Hugo also wrote the sharpest reviews in the Gottingen papers, otherwise chiefly of a neutral character. I remember one such, an THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 61 attack on Malblanc’s Pandects, under wliicli a reader Lad written ^ Hunc tu Romane caveto^* 111 Illy fourth term I turned my attention, with my father’s consent, to political economy, attended Sartorius’ lectures on politics, and studied for myself. Smith’s celebrated work on the Wealth of Nations. These, my professional studies at Gottingen, I pursued, in truth, not with much love of them, but still constrained myself to a considerable degree of industry. In each term I attended one or two courses not juridical. Thus, for two terms I attended the valuable mathematical lectures of Thi- baut, brother of the celebrated jurist; and applied myself with the greatest assiduity to algebra, in which my friend Sotzmann gave me the most faithful and patient assistance. At another time I attended Bliimenbach’s lectures on natural his- tory. Most of his hearers cared little for any knowledge of the sub- ject, but attended for the amusement of the entertaining accounts — of shaved beai’s, earth-eating Otornaks, &c. — which he used to narrate with superabundant humor. After the lecture we often went to Putter’s house, where we were entertained with a quartette, in which he himself played first violin. The excellent old man used to be pleased to have us for an audience. I also attended Blumenbach’s lectures on mineralogy, without hav- ing the remotest idea that I should ever myself become a professor of natural history and mineralogy. A course by Fiorillo, on the history of art, was very instructive, al- though he did not speak German very correctly. Thus he would say, that “ in this century there arose a fury for spires ;”f meaning a passion for building them. Ilis principal subject was the history of painting. He described the various schools of painting, and the most celebrated artists of each ; mentioned the localities of the chief works of each master, and exhibited copper-plates of the most remarkable. In connection with Fiorillo’s course, I made excursions to Cassel, only five miles distant. Tischbein, director of the valuable collection of paintings there, was very kind in giving access to them. I became quite intimate with Hummel, from Naples, a shrewd and agreeable man.| In Gottingen I made the acquaintance of Riepenhausen, the engraver on copper. His two sons, both known as artists, and of whom one is * Snvigny has given an excellent account of Hugo, t The mispronunciation cannot be transferred to English. — [^TransJ] X Napoleon had the Cassel gallery carried to France, and its finest pictures, such as Claude Lorraine’s Four Hours of the Day. were made over to the Empress Josephine, at Malmaison, and afterward were taken to St. Petersburg by Alexander. 62 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. yet living at Rome, were my friends. Among the works of the father are his widely known copies of Hogarth’s pictures, to wliicli Lichteii- berg wrote an explanation. Riepenhausen possessed a treasure of Diirer’s engravings, from copper and w'ood, then valued only by a very few' amateurs, and consequently not so costly a luxury as at present. The oftener I examined these, the more I liked them ; and now I can- not look enough at the St. Jerome, the Hubert, the Melancholy, and many others. My elder brother, a student before me in Gottingen, w’as w'ell knowm to Music-director Forkel. I inherited the acquaintance, and the more easily, as he and I lived in the same house. At this time he stood quite alone in the musical world. A scholar of Emanuel Bach, of Hamburg, he had an unbounded reverence for ^Emaiiuers father, the great Sebastian Bach, and played his compositions for piano-forte and organ in a masterly style, after the manner which had descended from liim.^ Almost all other music w^as strange and unpleasant to him, and his over-severe criticism upon the celebrated and splendid over- ture to Gluck’s Iphigenia in Aulis, gave dissatisfaction to many, and with good reason. This criticism would, of course, be unfair, because Forkel judged of all music, even Gluck’s, by the pattern of that of Sebastian Bach. One who should take Palladio for the normal archi- tect, or Michael x\ugelo for the normal painter, wmuld judge wrongly of the Strasburg Minster, and of Correggio. Thus, as Forkel disliked all the universally liked modern music, the fiiends of it disliked him ; and many left him, also, because they were entii'ely unable to com- prehend Sebastian Bach’s compositions. By means of my brother, I took piano-forte lessons of Forkel. He made me begin, not on his grand piano, but on a common Silbermann’s instrument, with learning the touch, and the production of a pure tone, and then proceeded to exercises, and thence to the “ Inventions” which Bach wrote for the piano. I studied, also, modern languages. I took French lessons of a French abbe, wdio, with undoubting self-sufFiciency, considered French literature elevated high above that of all other nations. He hardly knew' what to say wdien I praised Shakspeare — that mo)i8treP 1 re- member how', once, he was almost beside himself at my translating to him a passage bom Lessing’s “Dramaturgy,” beginning with the woi'ds, “ Let any one name to me a composition of the great Corneille which I cannot improve. What wdll you bet ?” “ Who is this Monsieur * Forkel published several collections of Sel)a.stian Bach’s compositions for the pi.ano. But the works of this profound master were not valued by the public at lar^je, until Mendclssolin, in 1S2S, summoned to life some of them, which had slept as silent us death, in manuscrija, lor a hundred years. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 63 Lessing,” he nshed, “ wlio dares to come out in this way against the great Corneille ?” And the explanations which Lessing added could not satisfy him at all. I learned Spanish with the theologian Tychsen, who was long em- ployed in the Escurial ; and with the friendly and thorough Beneke, I read Shakspeare. With my love of art was connected also love of nature. In every vacation I used to take journeys. At Whitsuntide, 1801, with Meckel, the anatomist; Luden, the historian; and some other friends, I visited the Hartz. There was collected on the Brocken a cheerful company of some forty students from different universities. In the Michaelmas vacation of 1801 I went to Hamburg; at Easter, 1802, to Berlin; at Michaelmas, 1802, to Switzerland, and down the Ilhine, from Basle to Coblentz. As appears — or ought to — my jour- neys were mostly on foot; as, fortunately, the seductive railway was not in existence; — fortunately, I mean, in reference to the journeys of students. Not that I would have them, as I did in my youth, plod through the sandy deserts of the Mark, Pomerania, and Lunebiii-g, on foot ; although even those routes have their enjoyment when traveled with congenial and cheerful friends, who, in spite of wind and weather, bad roads, and worse inns, remain courageous and cheerful, and never despair as long as the money lasts. But I heartily pity those students who go fi-om Frankfort to Basle by railway, and see all the magnifi- cence of the Rhine and its beautiful mountains, with their castles, and strong old towns, flit swiftly past their eyes without leaving one single fixed and clear picture. The custom of students’ journeys began first to obtain, as far as I know, in the beginning of this century ; especially long ones. When, in the Michaelmas vacation of 1802, I went from Gottingen to Stutt- gart, with four acquaintances, and challenged them there to proceed with me to Switzerland, the thing seemed to them impossible. They were so far from accepting my proposal, that one of them made a wager with me that I would not enter Switzerland. I won the wager. Traveling is of the greatest value to students. How otherwise could they use their vacations ? Most of them go home. The moi-e indolent of them are often an annoyance at home, and even to the W'hole neighborhood, by their foolish tricks, and return, tired out, to the university, having learned nothing in the vacation, but forgotten much. And even to the industrious, the season is not one of active exertion. They probably do not desire to be entirely at leisure, and often fall into an unfortunate way of half working and half not, in which their heart is only half in what they do. So they return to the 64 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. univeisity without being either satisfied or refreshed Avith their vacation. The case is far otherwise Avith students Avho spend tlieir vacation in traveling. To begin with a very obvious remark, it is a good thing that the money which others often Avaste so uselessly, should be spent in a pleasure so elevating as that of traveling. Traveling — that is, of industrious students — makes a pause in their studies, so that they do not work, year in and year out, like soulless machines wound up and set going. This pause, raoreoA^er, is not a useless, wearisome, and enervating idleness; on the contrary, traveling necessarily excites a most vivid activity of mind; for the traveler can- not be satiated with examining all the beauty Avhich appears every- where, in nature and art. I shall never forget how overpowering was my first impression upon seeing the Alps, the Rhine country, the ocean ; and the Strasburg Minstei', the cathedral of Cologne, and juany other such things. All such things are deeply impressed on the mind of the youth, and he collects in his memory a treasure of splendid pictures which he can recall with pleasure in after years, perhaps when unable to leave home. IIoav he Avill learn, also, in such journeys, to knoAV his beautiful German fatherland, and to love it Avith youthful affection ! But enough of traveling, the pleasure of my youth, and by the memory of it, of my old age. Having sketched the bright side of life at the University of Gottin- gen, I must not hide the dark side. Whoever has read, with attention, Meiners’ “ Oiganization and Management of the German Universities,” has found an account of this dark side in the former days of Gottingen. The book appeared in 1802, Avhen the author Avas prorector there. Ilis description throAVS the strongest light upon the traits of the University of Gottingen ; and how does he begin ? What does he say, tor instance, ot the students ? lie speaks especially of those from leading families; who, he thinks, give tone and character to the university. As at that time such young men “of condition” studied almost nothing but juiisprudence, this fact seems to have been the cause of Meiners’ statement, that in Ger- many jurisprudence “undeniably held the highest place, medicine the second, theology the third.” Meiners discusses the duel like a pedant trying to appear a man ot the woi-ld, and therefore quite unable to “ touch the honor” of those of high condition ; and, indeed, having more consideration for that than tor his own dutv as rnagnijicus. He repeatedly uses the term “a young man of condition,” in speaking of challenges and duels by such persons. His tone is very different in speaking of the poor students of his THE GERMAN" UNIVERSITIES. 65 tliird faculty, the theological. “At our university,” he says, “the period seems to me not hir distant, when it will be universally con- sidered not only punishable, but ridiculous, for future teachers of Christ’s religion to be demanding satisfaction with the sword for insults received.” These future teachers of .Christ’s religion, then, were at that time never persons “ of condition.”'^- Among other objections to the examinations at Gottingen, Meiners cites this: that the wealthy would go to other universities to escape them ; and that they would occasion “still fewer well-born and wealthy young men to devote themselves to the sciences than heretofore.” But he says nothing against the half-yearly examinations of the poor beneficiaries (mostly theological students). While he is very tender of all considerations which might restrain the wealthy and well-born from studying at Gottingen,f he gives advice, on the other hand, for preventing the poor from attending the university. “ Even a mod- erate number of industrious young persons,” he says, “ with whom no fault can be found, who cannot support themselves through the course, are a great evil.” Meiners’ remarks on gaming, as follows, are also characteristic : “ Playing hazard will never he stopped at universities where man}" wealthy young men of family are gathered together. . . . Sons hear and see it going on from their earliest childhood, and imitate their fathers in it as early as possible. ... A few years since, certain persons convicted of playing hazard, declared before the court that they had played the game from their childhood in their parents’ houses, that they thought it justiliable, that they knew no other game, and that they should continue, when they had leisure, to play it ; and they were content to suffer the legal penalty for it when dis- covered. Even tutors believe it to he a good plan to play hazard under proper oversight — on the principle of acquainting young people with such games, and of teaching them early to play with moderation.” J Every count sat, at lecture, at bis own table — the “count’s table;” they were addressed separately, at the beginning of the lecture, by the title of “High and well-born lord count,” and paid a double fee.§ These quotations sufficiently show that, when I came to Gottingen, students from high finnilies did actually give tone and character to the university. This shows why Meiners laid so extraordinarily much stress on the behavior of the students; caring more for the varnish on their education than for the education itself. lie would have the way of thinking of the high nobility prevail at the university ; and hence his opinions on tlie duel, playing hazard, &c. In like manner he * Meiners afterward adheres to the unanswerable judgment upon the duel, given by his col- league, the theologian Micliaelis. t Even his opinions on the duel clearly indicate tliis delicacy. + Meiners, 2S0. § Meiners, IS9. lie mentions, also, other privileges of counts; such as the entering their names at coming in a separate book ; liaving a seat before the court, &c. No. 17. — [VoL. VI., No. 2 .]— 0 5 G6 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. expresses himself, with remarkable tenderness, in disagreement with the strictness of the Gottingen academical laws, not only against wild howling in the streets, but against singing; against cries both oi 'pereat and vivat. According to him, the whole university ought, like the single stu- dents, to be always careful of its manners, and never be disagi-eeable to any high personages passing through it. I had, unfortunately, an opportunity to become well acquainted with the dark side of this varnished academical outside behavior, by means of a very dear school-fellow who went from the Gymnasium, a year before me, to Erlangen, and thence, the next year, to Gottingen. Through him I became acquainted with some students who, as indeed gradually became apparent to both of us, lived in a manner altogether vicious. Nothing was at first perceptible, except that they were pas- sionate hazard-players. As to Meiners’ remark, that it is not strange that the sons of good families, who have, from childhood, been used to see their fathers playing, should bring a fondness for it to the univer- sity with them, the case was exactly reversed with me. I was earn- estly warned, by my parents, against dissipation ; but they never thought of warning me against playing hazard, for the game never entered into their minds. Thus it happened that I was led into play- ing. The game did not seem to me a sin, but a matter of indifference. But what a life did it lead me into ! The passion got entire possession of me, and made me indifferent to every thing which I had before loved most. It was as if my heart had frozen to ice within me. I thank God, that after a little, I had the great good fortune to have ill-foitune at play, which brought me to reflection upon this unholy and devilish occupation, and caused me to make a fixed resolution to give it up at once, and forever. At the gaming-table I found out how terribly vicious were the lives of these men — most of them being loathsomely syphilitic. God pre- served me from any dissipation in that direction, however, by means of the advice which my father had impressed strongly on me, and the fearful warnings which I saw before my eyes. And yet these men belonged to that “well-born” class who passed for refined people, who understood good mannei's, and who were everywhere invited to par- ties, and who shone in them. My glance into this abyss of moral destruction made so profound an impression upon me that, for a time, I even shut myself up misan- thropically from everybody. It still remains with me, and subsequent experience has strengthened it. It may be imagined how much pleasure I received when the Burschenscka/t took ground earnestly and THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. C7 strongly against sucli abominations ; and how decidedly I thought it my official duty, as professor, to speak everywhere in favor of that body. To my encouragement, I found an exceedingly true friend, al- together the opposite of these rouh ; an anima Candida^ the true son of his mother, remarkably interested in his profession, that of juris- prudence, and moreover, a competent mathematician. This was the present Senior of the University of Tubingen, Chief Councillor of Jus- tice von Schrader. Not to conclude the account of my Gottingen experiences with a discord, I will mention an occurrence which put me into the greatest excitement. This was the coming of Goethe, who, in the summer of 1801, went to Pyrmont by way of Gottingen. Scarcely had it become known that he had taken lodgings at the Crown Inn, when we, his enthusiastic admirers, determined to give him a vivat^ at the risk of being taken up by the catch-poles. We agreed to meet in the evening, before the Crown — Achim Arnim,^ Kestner,f Blurnenbach’s son, with others, being the most active. We were all punctual at the moment. Arnim commenced the vivat^ and we all joined in right heartily, but thought best instantly to scatter in every direction.^; On his return from Pyrmont, Goethe spent a longer time in Gottin- gen, lodging at Kramer’s house, where I myself lodged. Though this delighted me much, I was still too diffident to approach him, though I saw him often. One evening he took supper with some professors and students, at a club, presided over by Bouterwek and Reinhard,§ and which had been sportively named the Improvement Club. Some pedantic, stiff professors gave us to understand that it did not corre- spond with this name, that we gave Goethe’s liealth, with cheers, at table, although it was done with .great enthusiasm. || * In the summer term of ISOl I was much with Arnim and Brentano; both had been my friends at school. t This, I believe, was the same who died at Rome two years ajro, universally lamented. We called him Lottiades, for (i reason which appears from his mother's correspondence, the publi- cation of which, by my dear friend. Councillor R. W'agner, was so much disliked by many persons. X I was much pleased to find this virat mentioned by Goethe (Bor.?'.!.', 1S40, part 27, p. SI), lie says, ‘•Rutting up at the Crown, in Gdttinsren, I observed, as twilight came on. a movement in the street: students came and went, disappeared in side streets, and appeared again in groups. At last tlierc arose, all at once, a friendly vivat! and in a twinkling every thing was silent. I was informed that such demonstrations were prohit.ited. and was the more pleased because they had only dared to greet me from the street, in passing by.” So little did the curii- tor 'perpetuus of the University of Jena sympathize with this over-scrupulous j.rohibition I § Editor of Burger’s Poems. 1! Goethe’s W’orks, xxvii. 9‘2. lie gives a very ludicrous account of a night-scene at Kramer's house, when, between the barking of dogs and Miss Kramer’s pra;ticiug trills, he fell almost into despair. I have ofleti heard the singer, my fellow-lodger. 68 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. C.— Halle. At Easter, 1803, I left Gottingen and went to Halle, the reputation of which was then very high, on account of the celebrated physician, Reil, and F. A. Wolf. I had labored excessively at Gottingen. The library, access to which was made very easy to me through Beneke’s friendly interposition, had betrayed me into an immoderate amount of reading. Some recreation was absolutely necessary for me. This I found, by liiring a summer lodging along with friends, among whom were some previous school-fellows. We fixed ourselves in the house known as The Bunch of Grapes, beautifully situated, between Halle and Giebichenstein, whose garden looked down from a height upon the Saale. AVe occupied ourselves mostly with reading some of the great poets. AVe formed a society, which we called by the somewhat doubtful name of the Esthetic Society ; whose members applied them- selves in part to philosophical studies, and in part to poetry. AA^e met weekly, and contributed in turn, manuscript articles of the most vari- ous kinds — historical, aesthetic ; some poems, translations, prose and poetical. AA^e reckoned ourselves of the school of Schlegel. AVith him I had previously, while at the Gymnasium, come into contact in a singular way. Kotzebue had written his “Hyperborean Ass,” a satire on the brothers Schlegel. One of our teachers, who hated the broth- ers, committed the mistake of reading this composition to us in the class. How this should have appeared to us as it did, when our teacher was so high an authority to us, I do not know. But as we did not like it, he himself permitted us, after it, to read A. AAA Schle- gel’s answer to it, “The Triumphal Arch of Ilei’r von Kotzebue,” and then the various writings of the romantic school, of Tieck, Wack- enroder, Novalis, &c. The opinions of these writers upon the heroes of ancient and modern times had great weight with us. Dante, Shak- speare, Cervantes, &c , whom they praised enthusiastically, were read by us with eagerness ; while we neglected other authors, such as AVieland, for example, who had before been earnestly recommended to us."^ In the AA^hitsuntide vacation of 1 803 I visited Dresden and the Saxon Switzerland. The Dresden gallery of paintings, in particular, attracted me. It would cany me too far, were I here to speak of the pictures which gave me always increasing pleasure; especially the * Wieland liad pn-viously ranked as the representative of the golden age of German litera- ture. esi)ecifilly hi.s AgatJn n and Oheron, It, is incredihle how Ids authority was shaken by the few lines of the Citacio EdicUtlis. in the Athena'iim, ii. 840. Our eyes were first opened, at a subsequent time, to man;’ doubtful and exceptionable views of the romantic school. TIIK GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. Cd Sistine Miulonna — that apparition from a hio-lier world —of the Correo- gios, Holbein’s Madonna, the Christ of John Bellini, Von Ruysdael’s and Claude Lorraine’s landscapes. At Michaelmas, 1803, I left my summer lodging and went to Halle, where again I lodged in the house with dear friends. One was the excellent Winterfeld, who was even then living entirely in the element of music. Unfortunately, we had some other fellow-lodgers, who lived in so shamefully debauched a manner, that at Easter, 1804, I gave up my boarding-place, and procured one in the house of the well-known eclectic philosopher, the aged Eberhard. He had formerly been a preacher at Chari ottenburg, near Berlin, and was thence invited to become professor of philosophy at Halle. His bearing was that of a polished and educated Frenchman ; such as used to be that of many educated Beiliners. He belonged to the circle of Nicolai, that of the Universal German Library [Allegemeine Deutscher Bibliothek\ which so long wielded the critical scepter of the German literary world. Hamann and F. H. Jacobi, at an earlier period, and afterward Fichte, Goethe, Schiller, and the romantic school, attacked the intellectual despotism of that periodical, and it is now obsolete. I listened with the greatest interest to Wolf; attending all his lec- tures, from Easter, 1803, to September, 1804, except his course on Matthew, which I designedly omitted, not wishing to become familiar with his views in that direction. Those which I did attend were on the History of Greek Literature, the Satires and Epistles of Horace, the Menon of Plato, the Iliad, and the Clouds of Aristophanes. As I have, in the second part of this work, attempted to describe Wolf’s character, I will here only mention with gratitude that he assisted me in a friendly manner, with advice and books. A companion and dear friend at the university, Immanuel Bekker, was at that time my most faithful, pains-taking, reliable teacher. He will remember how, in the summer of 1804, we read Greek, Avith little intermission, from early in the day until late at night, often in the open air, in the most beautiful spot of the lofty bank of the Saale, at Giebichenstein. At the end of fifty years, his old scholar would once more offer him hearty thanks. In the summer of 1804 Goethe came to Halle, and lodged, not as previously at Gottingen, in the sa*me house with me, but opposite me, at Wolf’s house. The street was not very wide, and I could, there- fore, see him often, especially when he sat at the window with Wolf. But I did not speak to him even this time ; not until the year 1808, when I was introduced to him in Carlsbad, as a pupil of Werner, from Freiberg. Goethe’s deep interest in geognosy, especially in Werner’s 70 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. system, made him put himself on very friendly terms with me, and he questioned me very fully about life and instruction in Freiberg. The baths of Lauchstedt are two miles from Halle. The Weimar stage company came thither every summer for several years. Goethe’s biography tells how much he was interested in the artistic training of this troupe, and how much pains he took to substitute classical plays for the usual miserable ones. It may be imagined how much delight this theater afforded us. They represented Julius Caesar, Othello, The Natural Daughter, The Bride of Messina, William Tell, and Jerv and Bately. When Friedrich Schlegel’s Alarcos was produced, we thought it our duty to support the tragedy against the anti-Schlegelian party, although our admiration, being founded on principle, was somewhat cool. Wallenstein’s Camp was excellently given. The numerous per- sons, notwithstanding the apparently confused and pell-mell movements of the piece, represented in a manner so wonderfully good, one artistic group after, another, that we seemed to hav'e before our eyes, in the little theater, the whole of the rude and troubled life of the Thirty Years’ War. This picture of restless, homeless warfare, in the constant face of death, made a profoundly tragic impression upon the spectators. Schiller came to Lauchstedt, being then near the end of his life. While Goethe, in the beauty and pow'er of full health, wore an impe- rial geniality of aspect, Schiller had nothing extraordinary or imposing in his appearance, but seemed modest, reflective, and withdrawn within himself. We approaclied the great poet as much as civility permitted, and ate at the public table with him, where I had the good fortune to sit nearly opposite him. In the evening we gave him a vivat, with music. The wretched band of music had been directed to play melodies to songs by Schiller; but they only knew that threadbare and almost vulgarized one of “Pleasures, rays of beauteous gods.” But the kind-hearted poet did not shame our good-will, and thanked us most heartily. At Michaelmas, 1804, I had to leave the university and go from Halle to remain in my father’s house at Dessau. This parting from the university was very painful to me. I had to give up so much in which my whole soul was interested, to lose sight of aims in life just coming into view, to resign all my wishes and hopes, and to enter a prosaic every-day life among law-papers.* While in this uncomfort- able state of mind, I received a letter from an intimate friend at Halle. “ You must,” he said, “positively come back to Halle for one half year. Steffens is come; only become acquainted with him; he is exactly * Such was, with myself and many other of my student friends, the opposition of the ideas of student-life and Philister-life. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 71 the man for you.” This letter only expressed my own ardent desires, and I earnestly besought my father to permit me to return once more to Halle. Although my joy was great at his consent, still I had no idea how profound an influence that consent was to have upon my whole after-life. To return to my university life. Having returned to Halle, I attended Steffens’ lectures on the inter- nal history of the earth. These had a very remarkable influence upon me. Above all, I was impressed with Steffens’ great idea that the earth has a history. This idea was neither brought out as an appa- rition of earth-giants, so as to prevent bold investigations by mere men, nor as a mere accident, without connection or basis. I learned, for the first time, that Werner had based a history of the development of the earth upon observations made at the present day ; how the old- est mountains contain no traces of fossil animals and plants; how these are gradually found in the younger mountain formations, and stand out individually from the general mass of the stone. Man, according to Steffens, was the most individualized and independent creature ; the crown and key-stone of the earthly creation. Steffens’ “ Contributions to the Internal History of Haturef so full of genius, were the basis of his lectures. He himself considered these views as the masterpiece of his life. He wrote them at Freiberg, in 1801, under the inspiration of Werner’s explanation of the epochs of mountain formations, but had based more deeply and developed more widely the views of his master. This he did in one treatise in them, entitled, “ Proof that nitrogen and carbon are the representatives of magnetism in chemical processes.” A second treatise is entitled, “Nature, by its whole organization, seeks only the most individual development.” Here Steffens steps behind Werner’s scientific circle, and characterizes, in sketches full of genius, the development of the classes of animals, from the lowest to the highest, as one graded indi- vidualization. He closes with the words, “ He whom nature permits to find her harmonies within himself, who finds a whole infinite world within himself, is the most individualized creation ; and is the consecrated priest of nature.” Goethe and Schelling had the greatest influence upon Steffens, he having become acquainted with them while a young man, in 1799. This occasioned the dedication of his contributions to Goethe ; and the work itself shows a close adherence to Schelling. But how thoroughly is Steffens’ work forgotten ! It is sad to see how eagerly, and with what restless haste the present generation drives forward, looking and aspiring forward only, without looking back at 12 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. all upon the past. And yet very much could be learned from our pre- decessors. They did not divide and lose themselves in an infinite number of single things; indeed, compared with ourselves, tliey pos- sessed but a small ti easure of knowledge. But they were faithful in a few things, and put their money at usury ; holding their intellectual powers compactly together, and living in great presentiments. They drew the sketches for mighty edifices. And even though tliey had not building materials enough to complete them, and sometimes used bad ones, still their successors cannot exalt themselves over them for it, merely on the ground of liaving had access to the richer and better materials which, in the course of time, have accumulated. Indeed, they have even the stronger claim to rank as masters, because, with such materials, they built in a firm, symmetrical, and workmanlike manner. Before veiy long I came in closer contact with my beloved teacher, and visited him daily. He introduced me to the family of his father-in- la^v. Kapellmeister Reichardt in Giebichenstein, whose hospitable dwell- ing was visited, for longer or shorter periods, by the most eminent men, such as Goethe, Jean Paul, Voss, Fichte, Schelling, brothers Schlegel, Tieck, Novalis, Arnim, &c. The most prominent members of the University of Halle were also to be seen in the family circle of the Reichardts. Thus, Wolf was often at Giebichenstein. But the most intimate member of the circle was Schleiermacher, who had been invited to Halle together with Steffens, and was his most intimate* friend. Their mutual relations will elucidate what Goethe says of his connection with Schiller. That is, they w^ere of the most entirely opposite nature and character, and, for that very reason, were supple- mentary and attracted to each other. Steffens, then thirty-one years old, was a handsome, intellectual man, very lively, easily excited, often flying into a great passion, though of the utmost goodness of heart, imaginative, truly eloquent; indeed a born orator, hurried on by the fullness of his own feelings, and therefore carrying away his hearers by his enthusiastic speech. His lectures, in which, as in the ancient natural philosophy, science rose upon the wings of poetry, absorbed us wonderfully. His oration for war, delivered at Breslau, in Febru- ary, 1813, had a most powerful influence; and a second, against the French, at the market in Marburg, in October, 1815, to the people gathered about him, so excited them that such partisans of the French as happened to be there were scarcely rescued from their hands by being locked up in the common prison. Schleiermacher was entirely different from Steffens; being a small, quiet, and thoroughly discreet man. In society he never fell into THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 73 liaraiigues. He attended closely to what others said, understood it clearly, and agreed or opposed, with his well-known and peculiar dia- lectic keenness and skill. He never was seen excited into a passion ; and even when his anger was aroused, he expressed it'powerfully, but always calmly, and not without measure. He maintained constant control over himself, enough to enable him to fix his attention upon things for the full comprehension of which he had no gift; and thus always appeared judicious, even in respect to matters not fiimiliar to him. The almost tyrannical dominion which he had and exerted over himself, was shown, even most strikingly, in little things. In a contro- versy, for example, whether the Low German pi’onunciation of sp, st,, &c., was more correct and euphonious than the South German, which would say schp, scht, as in schpitz for spitz^ he declared for the for- mer. But, it was answered, why do you not pronounce accordingly in the desk? Instead of alleging in reply his habitude from youth up, lie said “I will, beginning with next Sunday;” and I have been assured that he never afterward violated the promise. Many students became followers of Steffens and Schleiermacher. These w'ere divided according to their preferences for science or the- ory, or for the lectures of one or the other. But this never grew into the distinct development of two opposing schools, or even parties. As the two teachers were friends, who pi'omoted each the good of the other, so the same w'as true of the pupils of each. It was also a characteristic fact that neither Steffens nor Schleiermacher was jealous of the pupils of the other. I never attended one lecture of Schleier- macher, and yet he was, in every respect, as friendly to me as he could have been to his most faithful and punctual hearer. He saw how pro- foundly I was interested in the results of geological investigations, and thought it entirely a matter of course that I should adhere especially to Steffens. I once had the confidence to say, in the presence of Stef- fens and Schleiermacher, that I was no friend to dialectical talking backward and forward, of long circuits about the truth, but that I preferred profound and compact aphorisms, which bring the truth directly before the eye, are simple in foi’m, and need no such para- phrases. With the greatest reverence and love for our teachers, such was the freedom with which we might express ourselves before them. Accordingly, my presumptuous self-confidence in this case Avas wisely answered, and they gave me examples in Socratic dialectics, with friendly irony; but this without any the least disturbance of my relations with Schleiermacher. It may, perhaps, be thought that the conversations and discussions in our circle were too exclusively on scientific subjects. But this was u THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. not at all tlie case. The most eager zeal of our scientific convei sations ■was relieved by the participation of ladies in them ; and the talking ceased whenever their very excellent singing commenced. They exe- cuted with pure and beautiful voices, and in a pure style, the best music from Palestrina, Leonardo Leo, Durante, Handel, and others. This side of our academical life I felt obliged to glance at; indeed no one could omit it who should desire to characterize the influence of Steffens and Schleiermacher at that important period."^ I was so fortunate as to spend, also, the summer term of 1805 at the iiniversity.f In that summer Gall visited Halle, and lectured on his theory of the brain, which was then making a great excitement. Ac- cording to him, definite local protuberances of the skull indicate defi- nite endowments ; organs of good and bad qualities. Thus, he found an organ for religion, and one for murder, and another for theft. Gall had more remarkable hearers in Halle than anywhere else; eminent men with eminent skulls, which we, the other hearers, during the lec- tures, used diligently for models. Above all, there was Goethe’s mag- nificent head, whose lofty, mighty forehead showed no particular prominent organ; thus indicating a great, symmetrical, all-sided, calm organization. Near him sat Wolf, whose forehead, by the prominence over the eyes and at the root of the nose, indicated critical tendencies. Steffens, Schleiermacher, and Reil were also among the audience. At the end of Gall’s lectures, Steffens made known that he should come out against them. The new osteological theory of predestination had displeased him; and doubly, because it threatened to interfere with established things to an incredible extent. He delivered three lectures, which have appeared in print. A faithful teacher should be interested, not only in his own special * Steffens’ Autobiography^ Varnhagen’s Recollections (vol. ii.), and Sclileiermacher’s let- ters of the period, all agree with me in this. But this is not the place to describe fully the pleasant garden life of Giebichenslein, or the never to be forgotten evenings with Steffens, t In the beginning of the spring a very dear friend, Bartholin, and I, accompanied Steffens and Schleiermacher to the Petersberg, where we staid from Friday to early Sunday morning. On Saturday we saw a most beautiful sunset, whose silence was broken only by the sound of tho bells of innumerable villages, ringing from the plain below us. We sat until after midnight, enjoying a most lively conversation between our teachers. This, however, ended early Sun- day morning, for Schleiermacher was to preach the sermon on the death of the late queen dow- ager of Prussia, at nine o’clock, in Ilalle. In order to meditate the better, he walked twenty or thirty steps in advance of us. We arrived at Halle so late that he had barely time to dress in the utmost haste and ascend the pulpit; yet no one could see in the sermon any marks of his almost sleepless night and journey on foot; so clear and thoughtful was it. I felt obliged to mention this pleasure excursion, as it had so important an influence upon the mutual under- standing, recognition, and friendship of Schleiermacher and Steffens; as appears from Steffens’ account, and from a letter of Schleiermacher to Frau Ilerz. In one point I quite agree with Schleiermacher; namely, in his statement that he and Steffens were accompanied by two students. Till? GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. Vo followers, but in every thing which may promote the development of the individual gifts of each of his hearers. Such a faithful teacher was Steffens; who urged me earnestly to go to Freiberg and attend Werner’s lectures. I had been pi-ofoundly stimulated by Steffens, and even almost daz- zled by his brilliant fireworks, compounded of varied pictures of nature, and vast predictions; and Werner’s geognostic expositions affected me like a mild light; quieting and calming. He was not so mystical, nor poetically comprehensive as Steffens ; but he gave me firmness and fixed views ; and the sense of truth, founded directly upon the mountains, and comprehended by a clear and intelligent mind. After the close of Werner’s lectures I returned to Halle, remained there until September, 1816, and then returned to Freiberg, In Octo- ber the terrible period of the French domination commenced. After the battle of Jena, Napoleon came to Halle and dissolved the univer- sity. Steffens returned to Denmark; and Wolf, Schleiermacher, and Reil were afterward invited to Berlin. Jerome, when king of West- phalia, re-established the university at Halle. Steffens returned, but complained, with a sad heart, of the entire destruction of the pleasant life formerly existing there. And how could it flourish and blossom under the hateful dominion of foreigners, so degrading to Germany ? Before I now take leave of Halle for many years, I will name some few of those who studied there between 1799 and 1806 ; Achim Arnim, Von der Hagen, Nasse, and my brother Friedrich, among the earlier ones; and later, Boeckh, Immanuel Bekker, the theologians Theremin, David Schultz, Scheibel, Strauss, Kniewel, Neander; and also Yarnhagen, Winterfeld, A. Marwitz, Dahlmann, the younger Scharnhorst, Przystanowski. Most of these belonged to the circle of Steffens and Schleiermacher,^ and have since become known and celebrated as authors; and many more might be named, who have not written, but who have proved themselves, and still are proving them- selves, in actual life, most valuable men. The well-known and remarkable variety of character among those just mentioned is the best proof that there was in Halle, at that time, no such uniform school as was that of Hegel afterward. In Wolf, Schleiermacher, and Steffens, we had three teachers of character so different that it was impossible to be imitating them all. This directed us the more to the noble, free spirit of all three ; who cared not at all for a troop of parroting and aping scholars. ♦ Part of them are described in Steffens’ ^^Autobiography," vol. v. ; and by Yarnhagen, in his ‘■'Recollections. ’ THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. It was asked whether, in a history of the German Univei'sities, there would be nothing* to be said of any students except such as belonged to the societies — Landsmannschaften and Orders? And the answer was, theie were many students who belonged to no such soci- ety, but formed circles of friends, without any statutes whatever, but yet with a very definite character, with common ideals, a common work, and an endeavor after a common purpose. I said that I had known such circles, and had been a member of them. It seemed to me very difficult, and indeed impossible to describe these circles by any abstract representations; and I therefore resolved to give, instead, some account of my own student life. If any reader is dissatisfied at my giving so many details of my own pursuits, I may reply that this has served the purpose of exhibiting a picture of my own variously directed industry. Many others, of like views with myself, labored in like manner. Even in Gottingen, and much more strongly in Halle, we had, firmly fixed before us, a noble ideal of mental development, which we labored after with the most persevei’ing effort.- In order to fill up the chasm between my student life and my aca- demical professorship, I may mention brietiy that I studied from 1806 to 1808 at Freiberg; made some geognostical journeys in company with a dear friend. State Councilor Von Engelhardt, lately deceased, in Dorpat; lived in Paris from September, 1808, to June, 1809;'^ went in October, 1801), to Pestalozzi, at Yverdun, remained there to the end of April, 1810; wrote my fii st book in the summer of 1810, at Nuremberg, at the house of my beloved friend Schubert, then went to Berlin, and there received an official appointment, in December of the same year. D. — Breslau. (1810-181'7.) In December, 1810, I was appointed private secretary to Chief Mining Superintendant Gerhard, who was at the head of the Prussian department of mines. I accompanied him on his official journeys, and thus came to Breslau, in May, 1811. Here he directed me to make out instructions for a geologist who was to be sent to investigate the Silesian mountains. These, as I drew them, required a great deal from the geologist. When I handed them to the superintendent, he returned them to me, much to my astonishment. “The instructions are for yourself;” said he, “ you are to make the examination.” I left immediately, and although it was in the heat of summer, ♦ An account of my life and studies at Freiberg and Paris is given in my “ Miscellaneous Works" part ii. i)p. 1-35. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 11 made my trip tlirongh the mountains with great zeal. At this time tlie University of Breslau was organized. The appointees might be divided into three classes. The first were accomplished Catholic pro- fessors, some of them having formerly been Jesuits, and all having be- longed to the Catholic University at Breslau, founded in 1708. The second were Protestant professors, members of the University of Frank- fort, dissolved in 1810. Among these were the lexicographer and philologist, Schneider; the theologian, David Schultz; the physician, ]>erends, (fee. In the third class were men invited from very various places : as Link, Steffens, Von der Hagen ; the mathematician, Braudes ; the old Sprickmann, formerly a member of the Gottingen Society ; Passow, my brother Friedrich and myself ; and, a little later, Wach- ler. My appointment was that of Professor of Mountain Mineralogy. Having come to Breslau, I received, for use in my lectures on oryctognosy, an exceedingly meager collection of minerals. They came originally from the minister, Count Reden ; but unfortunately. Chief Mining Superintendent Karsten had already selected out the best part of them for the Berlin collection. I was placed in a most uncomfortable condition, for the specimens given me were not sufficient for my use in teaching; and were, besides, so dirty that I had my hands full in cleaning them during the winter term of 1811-12. Under these circumstances, I was almost glad to serve two mas- ters — for besides my professorship, I was appointed Mining Councilor in the mining department of Breslau. In this capacity I continued my investigations of the Silesian mountains during the summer of 1812. Teaching mineralogy, in the absence of the necessary means, could not, of course, give me mucdi pleasure. I was in the case of a profes- sor of exegesis without a Bible, a professor of the Roman law without the Pandects, an anatomist without a subject. I had, nevertheless, in the winter term of 1812-13, five hearers; who, as I very soon saw, imbibed a general impression that mineralogy could be taught without minerals. I cannot tell how painful these lectures were to me, and how I tor- mented myself in trying to do what was impossible. The s})ring of 1813 freed me from my comfortless position. Of Napoleon’s army, smitten by God, only a remnant I’eturned from Russia. The time for freeing Germany was come; the King of Prussia had, by his procla- mation of February, summoned volunteers to Breslau, where he him- self, Bliicher, Stein, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, and the best blood of his people were gathered. Crowds of youth, gathering to the call of their king, burned with zeal to be led against the French, and to free their fatherland from the tyranny of Napoleon. But the king hesitated 78 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. louff before declarino- war. Steffens, without waitino; for this declara- tion, delivered that remarkable and enthusiastic oration to the stu- dents, in which he called upon them to take up arms for their country. This was a torch thrown upon powder ; Steffens had spoken out what Iiad long been in the hearts of the youths. All offered themselves for service, except those for whom it was an absolute impossibility. The academical lectures were discontinued at once ; military drills took their place, and all Breslau was one great encampment. Steffens was placed in the guard ; and has himself related his ex- perience during the war. I entered the Silesian militia, and was after- ward appointed on Bliicher’s general staff. I have described my life, during that extraordinary period, in a little work entitled Recollec- tions of the years 1813 and 1814.” In June, 1814, I returned from Paris to Breslau. The university was still in disorder, and I had leisure to complete my researches in the mountains. During the winter of 1814-15, its members gradually reassembled. Having labored unremittingly, almost four years, to procure the purchase of a collection of minerals, I at last succeeded in having purchased the collection of the deceased mineralogist, Meuder; which was considered the best in Freibeig, after that of Werner. My thoughts were now fully occupied with the hope of thenceforth fulfilling effectually my vocation as a teacher, when suddenly the news came, “He is out again — Napoleon has escaped from Elba;” and soon, “ He is in Paris.” Most of the volunteer youth were still with their standards; older volunteers agreed to serve again in case of need; although this did not appear to exist, all the allied forces being yet in readiness for immediate service. The battle of Belle Alliance and the second taking of Paris brought the war to a close. AVhile the thoughts of all had hitherto only extended to the rescue of Germany from the French tyranny, they now included the purpose of freeing and purifying her from evils whi.di were in part ancient and deep-rooted, and in part only the conse(pience of the poisonous French influence. The younger portion of Germany, especially, was seized with a noble enthusiasm. The influence of the war of freedom upon the uni- versities was immeasurable. The young men, who at the summons of the king had entered the army by thousands, and had fought honor- ably in its great battles, returned to the universities in 1815 and 1810, to continue the studies which the war had interrupted. In the short space of three years, in which Europe lived through more than in three centuries before, was our youth metamorphosed. Enchanted, as it were, previously, in the chains of ignoble and even vulgar academi- THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 19 cal habits, tliey now felt themselves released, by the most lofty experi- ences. Thus they were delivered from the tyranny of false honor, and saw the Comment in its true form, as did Titania her beloved, when fieed from her delusion. True honor and courage, devoted to the cause of their country alone, were substituted in the place of that imp, the frantic “point of honor,” which was, by an unnatural, sickly sensi- bility, finding itself wounded everywhere, and seeking duels about nothing at all.'^ These contemptible customs, partly derived from the French, must have appeared in a sufficiently disgraceful light to young men who had fought at Dennewitz and Leipzig. As in relation to honor, so, in the place of the former foolish aca- demical looseness of morals, were substituted, in the students who re- turned from the war, purer moral ideas and principles. The reality of life and death had appeared to them, and had made an impression upon them. Many of the volunteers had been Turners before the war ; and they returned to those exercises after it, with redoubled zeal. The student songs, partly renommist and obscene, partly absurdly sentimental, were replaced by others, pure and powerful ; and especi- ally by patriotic ones. The love of country, awakened and strengthened in the volunteers by the war, longed after the unity and unanimity of Germany. The Landsm.annschaften^ at enmity among themselves, appeared to them enemies of that unity and unanimity. Together with patriotism was awakened in them a respect for Christianity ; a feeling, though indistinct and undeveloped, that Ger- many, without Christianity, is helpless and lost. Their motto in the war was, “ With God, for king and fatherland.” It is not to be wondered at that youths, who had fought like men for their country, should after the war have conceived the idea that that country, freed and consecrated by the blood of the martyrs who fell in battle, should now go forward, purified and renewed. All these elements, springing from the war of freedom, found their expression in the Burschenschaft, which was intimately connected with the Turners. Of these we shall now proceed to speak. *■ Most of the previous duels in Halle had originated “on account of the broad stone.” If two students met upon thi-s neither would turn out; or if he did, he made just as little room as possible, so as not to appear a coward. If they touched, even in the least, the rule was tliat a challenge followed. This “broad stone” was the summit stone of a somewhat arched pave- ment. In order to put an end to these pitiful duels, the pavement was altered so that the “broad stone” disappeared. It is referred to in the somewhat vulgar student-song, “0 Jerum, Jerum, Jerum. 80 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. a. Founding of the Jena Burschcnschcft^ June 18, 1816. — Wartharg Festival^ October 18, 1817. In various universities, the idea prevailed of founding a students’ society, in which the new mental elements and ideals which we have mentioned, should take a form, and be called into activity. Jena was foremost, and established a Burschenschaft, June 18, 1816, the anniver- sary of the battle of Belle Alliance."^ On the 11th of August, 1817, the Jena Buischenschaft sent the following circular to the Univer- sities of Berlin, Breslau, Erlangen, Giessen, Gottingen, Greifswald, •Heidelberg, Kiel, Konigsberg, Leipzig, Marburg, Rostock, and Tiibingen. “Jena, August 11, 1817. “ Greeting : — “ Dear Friends : — As the jubilee of the Reformation is to he celebrated in this year, we wish, undoubtedly in common with all good German Bursclien, since all men, everywhere, are intending to celebrate well this festival, to cele- brate it also, in our own way. In order, however, not to come into cullisieti with the other festivities, which might easily be disturbed by ours, and as the celebiatiou of the victory of Leipzig will fall upon the 18th of October, 1817, we have agreed to observe this festival on that day, at the Wartburg, near Eisenach ; firstly, because the fixing of that day will give sullicient time fur attending the festival, without making it nece.ssary to neglect any thing of im- portance ; secondly, because tho.se most distant would, perhaps, not attend for the sake of the festival ; and lastly, that we may observe a festival in three interesting portions,— for the Reformation, for the victory of Leipzig, and bn- the first free and friendly gathering of German Rur.schen, from most of the German Universities, upon the third great jubilee of the Reformation. “ With reference to this triple purpose, the festival itself is so arranged that we shall assemble, in the market-i)lace of Eisenach, on the 18tli of October, as soon as it is light, proceed to the Wartburg, and listen to a prayer ; then that we shall assemble again at about 10 a. m., either in the oi)en air, or in tlie Minnesinger-hall if it rains, when an address will be delivered ; then to take breakfast, and to put off dinner until after the divine service, appointed at 2 p. M., of the 18th of October, by the Consistory of the Grand Duchy of Weimav, in which most of us will wish to take part, in order then to partake of that meal together, in the Minnesinger hall. In the evening we may conclude with a bonfire for the victory, and a joyous feast. To this festival day we invite you, in the most friendly manner, and re(piest you to be present in as great number as possible ; and in case this cannot be, at least, that you will take part by a delegation. It is hoped that all who are to be pre.sent will be in Eisenach on the 17th of October. Every comer is to go to the Wreatli of Rue Inn, on the market-place, so that, in case there is not room for him there, he may be a.ssigned lodgings ; which arrangement is necessary, provier so great as we could wish. Of so much, however, we can assure you with cer- tainty ; that Burschen from this place will be present with you, and that their number will not be less than twenty. In respect to the song, we promise that it shall he sung in common at the Wartburg, as well as the others that shall be sent in ; and we will not fail to send it to you in time. “ If this pleasant gathering of good Burschen at the Warthurg shall be numer- ous enough, the occasion will be an excellent one for considering many mat- ters of general importance. “ Fare you well, until we shall ourselves greet you as friends, and celebrate, as Germans, the memory of our great countryman, who will always be our most perfect representative of German national excellence.” This letter, and the other answers given in the Appendix"^' vrere written without any concert whatever ; which renders their agree- ment together remarkable, and a proof of the universality of the nev/ spirit which had been awakened by the war of freedom. We will not criticise the style of some of these letters. Wlien youth of strong and ardent character experience a profound moral change, this begins with feeling, and only afterward develops into a clear and conscious character. In its first stage, there is a sort of minority ; a want of skill in verbal expression, which gives an air of affectation to their unripe and exaggerated style, without any real falseness. The reply of the Rostockers, alone, is not liable to this charge ; it sounds like jesting at the new period; but they “jested at themselves, and knew it not.” After the Jena Burschenschaft had received these answers, they presented to the prorector, September 21, the following paper: “An earnest wish was simultaneously expressed, in various quarters, fv)r tlie celebration, this year, at the Wartburg, of the great festival of the Reforma- tion, with ceremonies at which delegates from all the German Universities are to be present ; and it also seemed to be a])propriate that the invitations should come from Jena. Tiiese universal wishes have been complied with, and all the German Universities n()ti{ient lie vowed freely that he would undertake to maintain such a character continually, or tliat he would disappear, a ^Yretched mass of dross. Thus he acts not for himself, but for all of us, since we are all one spirit, — a pure spirit. And all this he said so clearly, so loftily, with a peacefulness so powerful as I never saw. I lost all feeling of straufreness, and was drawni to him as a brother in freedom. God help 1” (pp. 168, 169.) The contrast between Sand and K r comes out more strongly in the following important extract from his diary : ‘‘ November 2. Victory, unending victory ! To will to live according to my own convictions, in my own way, with an unrestricted will, beyond which nothing in the world pertains to me before God ; to maintain, with life and death, among the people a state of pure uprightness (that is, the only condition consistent with God’s commands), against all human sentiments ; to desire to introduce, by preaching and dying, a pure humanity among my German nation. This seems to me altogether another thing from living in renunciation of the people. I thank thee, O God ! for thy grace. What infinite power and blessing do I discover in my own will ; I doubt no more ! This is the condition of true likeness to God.” (p. 170.) A letter to Lis mother contains expressions quite similar. In this he says : “ K r. as you correctly judge, seems to me an acute and powerful mind ; for he has deep and firm convictions, and an individualized and powerful will ; and thus has the impress upon him which we derive from God. But his con- viction is a distinct disgust at every thing that exists ; at all being, life, and effort ; he endeavors boldly to destroy the form of every thing, and even him- self, as he now exists ; he has no pleasure in his existence, in the world, or in his nation. Humanity, which should be to him a pure and holy picture, such as we know it to be displayed in Jesus, our Saviour, counts with him for noth- ing ; is to him nothing but a delay in individuality — in evil. “ And therefore, dear mother, I must say to you, that among our people I know bolder and nobler heroes : and that in the path in which K r thrusts me backward, and kills me, I feel myself drawn toward them with inexpressible power. Like him, they recognize no human attainment more holy than the good of the highest divine grace, likeness to God ; the possession, by man, of an individual conviction and will for himself. In this belief they are wholly without doubt, and as strong in their wills as K r ; but their convictions look toward active life and pleasure in striving ; and if they could have their own way,- they would insist on introducing among our German people that ]uire condition of humanity in which every one caq train himself to every thing for which God has ordained him ; they would glorify humanity in our nation ! And since they have attained to this condition, not one doubt has assaulted their souls ; they have not even trembled. “ Of this mental pleasure, and this victory, I experience some indications ; and therefore I quite give up K r. My inherited feelings had alieady disin- clined me to his views ; but now I possess a faith, the loftiest belief upon this earth ; and this alone I will enjoy.” (pp. 171, 172.) Who were these bolder heroes to whom Sand felt himself attracted with such inexpressible power, and from whom lie expected such transcendent benefits to his fatherland ? Late researches, and especially a wmrk entitled “ The German Youth in the Late Burschenschafts and Turning indicate, with the utmost clearness, that Sand alluded to Karl Follenius and his followers. The author of the above-named work (Robert Wesselhoft), thus describes his first visit to Follenius : 112 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. “ He received us like old acquaintances. We called each other thou ; he was hearty and easy, open and confiding, without requiring that any one should at once unconditionally reciprocate all this. But tliere was in his demeanor, Ins attitude, the tone of his voice, his emotions, and looks, in short, in the whole man, something noble ; peace, power, clearness, a seriousness almost proud ; an individuality, which insensibly secured a remarkable degree of respect from all near him. And in his morals he was as strict, as pure, and as chaste as in his language ; and we have found no one like him, or certainly no one equal to him, in purity and vigor of morals and manners.”*”^ P'ollenius lectured on the Pandects. Ills “philosophy was, throngh- out, practical. He required all that is recognized by the human reason as good, beautiful, and true, to be accomplished by means of the moral will. . . . The State must be organized correspondently with the reason of the members of it.”f In this manner, proceeds our author, Folleuius developed a degree of self-consciousness that was astonishing : “ He was bold enough to assert that his own life was such as reason required. With an indescribable expression of contempt in his features, he accused those of cowardice and weakness who imagine that the knowledge of truth and beauty, and especially of their highest ideals, could be disjoined from living them out, practicing them, realizing them in their widest extent. For he as- serted that man’s knowledge of good and right never exceeds his power and his will ; and that the latter are limited only by the former. “ It will be readily understood that these proud sentiments gave the more offense in proportion as Folleuius’ own life furnished fewer opportmdties for disputing his positions. All that could be alleged against him amounted to the charge, that he was deficient in a certain humility and modesty. But tins accusation could not provoke, from one who saw his superiority recognized, any thing more than a compassionate laugh, which said, clearly enough, ‘Ye weaklings! Your envious vanity and vile weaknesses are remarkably shrewd !’ ” J Folleuius required, unconditional acquiescence iu, or difference from Lis views. “ While in Giessen, he had driven his opponents to this position, and main- tained his own ascendency, because he had control ot the existence of the Giessen Friends known by the title of Black. But at Jena be had not this control. ”§ “As soon as Follenius defined this unconditionality in its whole extent, all seemed to bow before the boldness of his conceptions. The conviction that showed itself so profoundly and strongly, commanded respect, but it was felt that it was respected only as it existed in Follenius, and could not be separated from him. But his hearers did not yet understand themselves thoroughly enough to be able at once to be clear in tliis feeling. But they were sensible of some oj^position of thoughts within themselves which prevented them from resisting, with Follenius, all history, and all things, both past and future, and from as- serting, with him, that whatever had happened had been brought about by men, and that it might just as well have been otherwise, had men followed a better knowledge, and been willing to put the reason in possession of all its rights. But Follenius claimed that he possessed this better knowledge. Politi- cally, he was piirely republican ; for he would construct the State as it should be, from the individual man as he should be ; and he thought himself compe- tent to represent the latter, and, therefore, authorized to require as much from others. And this he required unconditionally ; concluding that any one who would accept this unconditionally, would also accept unconditionally the re- publican frame of government. Any one accepting his system became ‘ uncon- Germun Youth" &c., p. 65. tib., p. 71. t Ib., p. 72. § Ib., p. 73. THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 113 ditione