We pledge ourselves anew to the Constitutional doctrines andtraditions 
 of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and example of a long 
 line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of 
 the last National Convention of the party— Democratic Platform, 
 
 WILL IAM H. ENG LISH. 
 
 His Record as a Civilian in the 33d, 34th 
 and 35th Congresses. 
 
 His “Teachings and Example,” 
 
 The Floridas and Texas, in 1845, were admitted into the Union as slave 
 States. Out of the Louisiana territory purchased of France in 1803 hy the Uni¬ 
 ted States, Louisiana in 1812, and Missouri in 1820, were formed into slave States 
 and admitted into the Union. In the 8th section of the act of March 6,1820, ad¬ 
 mitting Missouri, Congress adopted what is known in history as the “Missouri 
 Compromise ”—a stipulation, as one of the conditions of Missouri’s admission as 
 a slave State , “that in all that territory ceded by France to the United States un¬ 
 der the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36° 30' of north latitude, not in¬ 
 cluded within the limits of the State [Missouri] contemplated by this act, slavery 
 and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the 
 par ties, shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited.^ 
 
 This great landmark, hxing the boundary between Slavery and Freedom, 
 was extended in 1845 by the resolutions admitting Texas into the Union, and 
 was not disturbed by the compromise of 1850. Consequently, in 1854, at the 
 date of the Kansas-Nebraska act, this compromise was a law of the land. In 
 1820 its passage was claimed as a victory for the South —a triumph of slavery, 
 In the language of Senator Benton, of Missouri, “ it was a law forced by the 
 South upon the North.” Hitherto all its benefits had inured to slavery. But 
 Kansas, in 1854 a new object of pro-slavery rapacity, being a part of the “ Lou¬ 
 isiana purchase,” and north of 36° 30' north latitude, this compromise prohib¬ 
 ited the introduction of slavery within its limits. Hence the “pro-slavery 
 Propaganda” arrogantly demanded its repeal. The Democracy obsequiously 
 responded by the incorporation into the Kansas-Nebraska bill of its 14th sec¬ 
 tion, which declares *that “ the 8th section of the act of March 6, 1820,” embracing 
 the Missouri Compromise , “ being inconsistent with the principles ” of the compro¬ 
 mise of 1850, “is hereby declared inoperative and void ”—that is, hereby repealed. 
 
 • That was the situation when the Hon. William H. English, the Democratic 
 candidate for Vice-President, became a member of the 33d Congress. Did 
 Mr. English range himself on the side of freedom J ? On the contrary, did he 
 not vote for the “ Kansas-Nebraska infamy”—vote to repeal the Missouri Compro¬ 
 mise—vote to destroy a great “ landmark of freedom”—in support of the “Propa¬ 
 ganda,” a pro-slavery minority, as the dominant class of the Nation ? And what 
 was the result of such “teachings and example?” A protracted, sanguinary, 
 and cruel struggle on the plains of Kansas between Slavery and Freedom. 
 
 Even while the repeal was pending in Congress the Propaganda was ac- 
 tiyely but secretly populating Kansas with armed emissaries. The supporters 
 of the President and of Senators in the plot circulated the story that no one 
 would be allowed to settle on the lands of that Territory until they had been 
 surveyed and were offered for sale by the Government. In the meantime 
 delegations of the Indians occupying the lands were rushed on to Washington, 
 treaties made with them extinguishing their title, and the agents of the Prop¬ 
 aganda in Missouri privately telegraphed of the fact, with instructions to 
 locate upon the lands. Thus a multitude of Missourians, armed and confed¬ 
 erated m s'ecret lodges— “Blue Lodges,” “ Kickapoo Bangers,” “Sons of the 
 South,” “Social Baucis,” “Friends ’ Society,” et al., with passwords, sigms, and 
 grips, by which their members were known to each other — were enabled to 
 settle upon some of the best lands in the Territory in advance even of a public 
 knowledge of the extinguishment of the Indian title. 
 
 It should be borne in mind that thk “ Constitution and the Union,” “North¬ 
 ern aggression,” “non-intervention,” and “popular sovereignty,” were the phari- 
 
2 
 
 gaical cries under which the “ Propaganda” operated its plot against Freedom, 
 with which it cloaked its treason to liberty and free institutions; as “ law and 
 order' 1 ' 1 was the fraudulent cry under which it justified the massacre and out¬ 
 rage in Kansas of the friends of Freedom. 
 
 None understood that better than the Hon. William H. English. Never¬ 
 theless, in the House, in the debate upon the repeal of the Missouri Compro¬ 
 mise, Mr. English exclaims: “I want no better platform than the Constitu¬ 
 tion”—that is, the Constitution with the pro-slavery interpretation of tli© 
 “ Propaganda.” He affirms that he is “sworn to cnpport” that instrument— 
 that as “a good citizen” he is bound to support the “constitutional rights” of 
 the South — the rights of slavery in its desolating march for the conquest of 
 Freedom. He even indulges in the almost blasphemous cant of the “ Propa- 
 ganda ” about the divine blessings of slavery to the African race. He declares— 
 
 I do notdoubt that its [slavery’s] existence in the United States will, by colonization 
 and otherwise, be made under Divine Providence a moans of Christianizing, civilizing, and 
 regenerating the whole African raoe, now but one degree removed from the brute creation. 
 
 Unwittingly, however, Mr. English describes the real situation, the real 
 issue involved—the usurpation, the lawless claim of a minority to dominate the 
 majority. He very innocently affirms: “The white population of the North 
 doubles that of the South;” “ a majority of the [white] inhabitants of the 
 South do not own slaves,” nor do they desire slavery. Nevertheless, at the 
 command of a pro-slavery minority, a great “landmark of freedom,” a formid¬ 
 able barrier to the barbarous progress of slavery, was stricken down and 
 destroyed, and that as a “ constitutional right” of the South. That Mr. Eng¬ 
 lish calls “ a vindication of the sovereignty of the people.” In his indignation 
 he denounces all allied in hostility to the new projects of the “ Propaganda” 
 as a disreputable commingling of— 
 
 • Black^spirits and white, 
 
 Blue spirits and grey, 
 
 and as fouler in all the elements of their organization, as in their purposes, 
 than the witches’ broth in Macbeth! No such organization should command 
 his sympathy and support, His allegiance was due to the South—to the Con¬ 
 stitution and slavery; and he pledges the Northern Democracy—“the great 
 mass of the Democracy North—to stand firm by their Southern brethren.” Mr, 
 English, indeed, apparently delights in the prospect of strife. He exclaims: 
 
 Hay on MacDuff, 
 
 An,d damned be him that first cries, “Hold, enough !” 
 
 Thus encouraged, thus assured of the support of the Democracy, North and 
 South, the “ Propaganda” let loose upon Kansas all the demons of disorder 
 and strife—plunder, conflagration, assassination, and massacre; and for years, 
 supported and protected‘by the Democratic administration at Washington, by 
 officers appointed by the President, by courts and juries, and the United 
 States troops, maintained a reign of terrorism and blood through the most law¬ 
 less and criminal acts. Freedom was outlawed—Slavery was enthroned as King. 
 
 Elections in the territory under the Kansas-Nebraska act were all brutal 
 farces. The first, those for delegate to Congress (November 29, 1854,) and for 
 the choice of a territorial legislature (March 30, 1855,) were held under Gov- 
 ernor Keeder’s proclamations, which required all persons presenting them¬ 
 selves a§ voters to swear that they were bona fide residents of Kansas. But a 
 few days previous to the election for delegate General Stringfellow, of Mis¬ 
 souri, in an address to a crowd at St. Joseph, Missouri, published the follow¬ 
 ing as the law of the “ Propaganda” for the government of the election : 
 
 I tell you to mark every scoundrel anlong you that is the least tainted with Freesoilism 
 
 or Abolitionism, and exterminate him. Neither give nor take quarter from the d-d rascals. 
 
 I propose to mark them in this house, and on the present occasion, so you may crush them 
 out. To those who have qualms of conscience as to violating laws, State or National , the time 
 has come when such impositions must be disregarded, as your rights and property are in 
 danger; and Iadvise ybu one and all to enter every election district in Kansas in defiance of 
 Reeder and his vile myrmidons and vote at the point of the bowie-knife and revolver. 
 Neither give nor take quarter, as our case demands it. It is enough that the slave-holding in¬ 
 terest wills it, from which there is no appeal. What right has, G-overnor Reeder to rule Mis¬ 
 sourians in Kansas ? His proclamation and prescribed oath must be repudiated. It is your 
 interest to do so. Mind that slavery is established where it is not prohibited. 
 
 Accordingly, the Missourians, in gangs aggregating thousands, armed with 
 muskets, revolvers, and bowie-knives, and supported by cannon, also “plen¬ 
 tifully supplied Avith whisky and rations,” and “ carrying their own tents,” 
 invaded Kansas, appeared at and seized every poll in the territory, expelled 
 the lawful judges and resident voters, and rolled up “ decisive majorities” for 
 the Propagandist candidates. Thus General Whitfield was elected delegate 
 to Congress ; and nearly eAmry pro-slavery candidate to both houses of the 
 territorial legislature. The Squatter Sovereign, a pro-slavery organ published in 
 
3 
 
 Missouri, in noticing the entry on their return of some of these “emigrants to 
 Kansas” into Independence, Missouri, declares : 
 
 They [the emigrants] were preceded by the Westport and Independence brass bands 
 They came in at the west side of the public square and proceeded entirely around it, the 
 bands cheering us with fine music and the emigrants with.good news. Immediately follow¬ 
 ing the hands were about 203 horsemen in regular order ; following these were 150 wagons, 
 carriages, &c. They gave repeated cheers for Kansas and Missouri. They reported that not 
 an anti-slavery man will be in the Legislature of Kansas—we have made a clean sweep. 
 
 At a subsequent election, held under all the forms of the law, Gov. Reeder 
 was chosen delegate by a large majority of the actual residents of the Terri¬ 
 tory, and he contested Whitfield’s seat in the National House of. Representa¬ 
 tives. In that contest Mr. English opposed a motion to investigate the Propa¬ 
 gandist outrages in Kansas. In his disgust at the motion he raises the cry of 
 ‘'Blade Republican,” “ Black Republican,” and labors to overwhelm with con¬ 
 tempt and odium the friends of Freedom and a free ballot. His reasoning in 
 support of Whitfield is equally characteristic. He argues substantially: At 
 the first election, under Gov. Reeder’s own proclamation, General Whitfield 
 had an overwhelming majority—2,900 votes to 36 magnanimously conceded to 
 Reeder—an almost unanimous vote. Where at that election were the friends 
 of Reeder ¥ If violence had been used, if outrages and wrongs had been perpe¬ 
 trated in Kansas, if the friends of Reeder had been violently ejected from the 
 polls, the North, the friends of Freedom and law, were the aggressors. It was their 
 hostility to the subjugation of Kansas by the “Propaganda,” which had “ pro¬ 
 voked retaliation by the people of Missouri,” by the law-abiding Border Ruffians, 
 led by the amiable and valiant Stringfellow. Manifestly, to Mr. ENGLiSH’smind, 
 the proposition to investigate was positively monstrous. He exclaims : 
 
 Why, sir, grant the powers asked for [to send for persons and papers] and one half of the 
 dissatisfied spirits of Kansas will be brought here to give evidence—to say nothing of the 
 Freesoil zealots and “willing witnesses” from other quarters-^-and all at the expense of the 
 Government. 
 
 Hence, by his voice and vote. Mr. English opposed all inquiry into the 
 outrages and frauds of Whitfield’s so-called election. 
 
 The Legislature thus elected, this “Bogus Legislature,” met July 2, 1855. 
 To some of the members, returned as described above, Gov. Reeder refused 
 the usual certificate of election, and ordered new elections at which, in the 
 absence of the Missourians, Free State men were elected by the actual residents. 
 The Legislature, without a hearing, promptly rejected the Free State men, 
 and seated the Propagandists chosen by the Missourians. The few Free State 
 men admitted to seats resigned, refusing to hold seats in such a “bogus body,” 
 and the Propagandists in consequence obtained unanimous control of both 
 houses of the Legislature. In violation of the Kansas-Nebraska act, and over 
 the veto of the Governor, it transferred the territorial seat of government from 
 Pawnee to Lecompton on the Missouri border. It enacted a law requiring 
 northern emigrants to take an oath to support the “ Fugitive-slave law,” the 
 Kansas-Nebraska act, and the acts of their “Bogus Legislature,” and one 
 authorizing the marshal of the Territory to confine prisoners in the jails of 
 Missouri. -It adopted as the laws of Kansas the pro-slavery code of Missouri— 
 a body of barbarous acts—“a bloody and brutal code”—which made a servile 
 allegiance to slavery the only condition upon which an emigrant might settle in 
 Kansas. All liberty of speech, all freedom of press, all the rights of person 
 and property, were rudely stamped out; and the courts and juries were con¬ 
 verted into engines of tyranny. “No person conscientiously opposed” to 
 slavery, or “who does not admit the right to hold slaves,” could be a juror in 
 cases where the question of slavery was involved, or in which was involved 
 “the punishment of crime against the right to such [slave] property.” All 
 blacks or mulattos were regarded as slaves. In every case the negro was com¬ 
 pelled to prove his freedom, not the master or claimant his right of prop¬ 
 erty in the black. The writ of habeas corpus and appeals to the United States 
 Supreme Court were prohibited in all cases where slavery was interested—in 
 cases “involving the question of personal freedom,” and the whipping post 
 was established for the punishment of offenses by the slaves. The “speaking 
 or writing,” or the introduction into the Territory of any writing or publica¬ 
 tion denying “Hie right to hold slaves in Kansas,” was made a felony punish¬ 
 able by “ imprwpnment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years. 11 All 
 printing or publications, or the introduction into Kansas of any print or pub¬ 
 lication, calculated to cause “rebellious disaffection” among the slaves in the 
 Territory, or to induce them to escape, was made a felony punishable by “ im¬ 
 prisonment at hard labor for a term not less than five years. 1 
 
 White slavery, indeed, was enacted under the most revolting forms. Every white 
 person convicted under these laws, and sentenced to a term of years at hard 
 labor, was “ deemed a convict, 11 and “while engaged at such labor,” either for 
 the public or for individuals who might buy his services, was “to be securely 
 
4 
 
 confined by a chain six feet in length, of not less than four-sixteenths nor more 
 than three-eighths of an inch links, with around ball of iron not less than four nor 
 more tha n six inches in diameter a ttached, which chain shall be securely fastened 
 to the ankle of such convict with a strong lock and key 11 or ( ‘by other chains or 
 other means, at the “ discretion' 1 ' 1 of the jailor. “ Two or more such convicts shall 
 be fastened together by strong chains with strong locks and keys. 11 
 
 Hence, for the exercise of the freedom of speech, for the extraordinary 
 crime of printing or publishing anything denying the legal existence of slavery 
 in Kansas, or resisting its introduction into the Territory;, a white man, no 
 matter how high his standing, or how pronounced his abilities and worth, 
 might be reduced to a bondage even more revolting than negro slavery, ironed 
 and forced to labor for the public or for some vulgar or brutal Border Ruffian. 
 Nor did such degrading and cruel enactments, such violations of the Constitu¬ 
 tion and the rights of personshmder it, satisfy the pro-slavery spirit which domi¬ 
 nated in the Legislature. It must have blood. Hence, to “ decoy, entice, or 
 carry away out of this Territory” any slave, “with intent to effect or procure 
 the freedom of such slave,” was made a capital offense, punishable with death! 
 
 Every “free white male inhabitant, 11 every Missourian, in the Territory on 
 election day was declared a citizen and voter ; but the bulk of the actual resi¬ 
 dents were practically disfranchised—all who refused to swear to support the 
 “Fugitive Slave acts,” the Kansas-Nebraska act, and the laws of the “Bogus 
 Legislature.” In joint session of the two houses, this “Bogus Legislature” 
 elected as local or county officers—as judges, magistrates, sheriffs, constables, 
 et at. —all pro-slavery men, many of them non-residents, and for long terms— 
 some of them for six years; and a law was enacted “ to organize*.discipline, 
 and govern the militia of the territory.” The people were not allowed to elect 
 even a corporal. The governor was to appoint the generals and colonels; 
 the colonels to appoint the captains, and the captains the lieutenants, ser¬ 
 geants, corporals, and musicians, and one half of all the male residents of the 
 territory of military age were on election day required to assemble as militia 
 under the orders of pro-slavery officers. The House Committee which in 185G 
 investigated “Kansas Affairs” says in its report: 
 
 “ Every Election has been controlled, not by the actual settlers, hut by citizens of Mis¬ 
 souri ; ancl as a consequence every officer in the Territory, from constables to,legislators, ex¬ 
 cept those appointed by the President, owe their po sition to non-resident voters. None have 
 been elected bythe settlers, and your committee hav e been unable to find that any political 
 power whatever, however unimportant , has been exercised by the people of the Territory .” 
 
 In an address at Easton, Pa., Governor Reeder sadly admitted: 
 
 It is, indeed, too true that Kansas has been invaded, conquered, subjugated by armed 
 forces from beyond the borders, led by a fanatical spirit trampling under foot the principles 
 of the Kansas bill and the right of suffrage. 
 
 Hence, Governor Reeder refused to recognize the “ Bogus Legislature,” 
 anti to enforce its barbarous laws. Having thus incurred the displeasure of 
 the “Propaganda,” he was removed bythe President, and, to save his life, was 
 forced to flee from the territory. He was succeeded as Governor by Wilson 
 Shannon, of Ohio. In an address to the Missouri Ruffians Shannon pro¬ 
 nounced the laws of the “Bogus Legislature” constitutional, andhe attempted 
 to enforce them with relentless barbarity. The “Free State” men, their lives 
 and property in hourly peril, with no hope of protection for either from courts 
 or laws or from the territorial government, now decided to act. They issued 
 a call for the election of a Constitutional Convention by the bona fide settlers 
 of the Territory. The Convention met at Topeka. It adopted a Constitution 
 outlawing slavery, and provided for the election of a State government under it. 
 The Constitution, ratified by a vote of the actual settlers, was dispatched to 
 Congress, a State government was elected, the officers of which met and or¬ 
 ganized March 4, 1856, at Topeka, subject, of course, to the decision of Con¬ 
 gress upon their petition for admission as a State. 
 
 But these proceedings, instead of meeting with any favor or sympathy at 
 Washington, were denounced by the President and Senate as revolutionary— 
 as constituting rebellion and treason against the authority and laws of the 
 United States. The President in proclamation and message indorsed the 
 “Bogus Legislature,” and Governor Shannon was instructed to employ the 
 United States troops, all the powers of the National Government in the Terri¬ 
 tory, to enforce its infamous laws. General David R. Atchison, of Missouri, 
 an ex-Senator of the United States, and but recently, as late as 1854, the pre¬ 
 siding officer of the American Senate, now took the field with Stringfellow as a 
 leader of the marauders. Under Atchison’s public appeals to the South for money 
 and men for the subjugation of Kansas, a savage banditti poured into Kansas. 
 A regiment recruited in the Carolinas, Alabama, and Georgia, arrived under a 
 Major Buford, with similar organizations from all parts of the South, and 
 united with the Missouri Border Ruffians. In Missouri United States arsenals 
 
5 
 
 were plundered to arm its ruffians. Others were equipped by Governor 
 Shannon from the territorial arms quota furnished by the War Department, 
 and all were taken into the pay of the United States under calls of sheriffs 
 and the United States marshal as posses to execute the laws. 
 
 Again and again was Kansas invaded from Missouri by armed barbarians 
 under General Atchison. In a speech at Platte City, Mo., in describing these 
 raids, Atchison boastingly declares : 
 
 The Abolitionists of the North said and published it abroad that Atchison was therewith * 
 a bo\vie-fcnife and revolver , and by God 'twas true ! I never did go into that Territory, and I 
 never intend to go into that Territory , without being prepared for all such kind of cattle. 
 
 And the most revolting atrocities were perpetrated with absolute impu¬ 
 nity. Indeed, Governor Shannon encouraged them by his example. Says an 
 eye witness: 
 
 In one instance Governor Shannon himself accompanied Colonel Titus and Colonel 
 Preston with thirty or forty United States troops to the house of Mr. Hazeltine, near Bloom 
 ington. There were no persons in the house except the wife of Mr. Hazeltine and their children, 
 the oldest of whom was hut five years of age. They proceeded to search the house, Governor 
 Shannon remaining outside, armed with a Sharp’s rifle. After Colonel Preston had searched 
 the house, the Governor ordered Colonel Titus to search it again, saying: ‘God damn him, 
 he is there.’ Mrs. Hazeltine asked the Governor what her husband had done ? He replied : 
 ‘Goddamn him, I will show him if 1 get hold of him. 1 will tear his God damned heart out 
 of him; and if you don’t lookout, you will share the same fate, God damn you.’ After remain¬ 
 ing there about three-quarters of an hour, during which time they continued to curse and 
 abuse the sick and helpless wife, they left threatening vengeance "on Mr. Hazeltine should 
 they succeed in finding him. 
 
 Chief Justice Lecompte lent the influence of his example. In that he 
 was emulated by Associate Justice Cato, by the United States marshal, by 
 sheriffs, and every officer of the judiciary in Kansas. Under “eloquent” ad¬ 
 dresses from Lecompte “Free State” men were ordered by Vigilance Commit¬ 
 tees to leave the Territory. Under his charges to the grand jury the officers 
 elected under the Topeka Constitution were indicted for treason, were arrested, 
 refused bail, and confined for months in loathsome jails. The Topeka or “Free 
 State ” legislature, attempting to assemble, were dispersed by the United States 
 troops. Its members were arrested and imprisoned. 
 
 Buford’s men and the Missouri banditti, spreading oyer the Territory, 
 rioted in murder and plunder. The “Free State” men of Leavenworth, its busi¬ 
 ness men and some of the most respectable in Kansas, were forced on steam¬ 
 boats, and compelled to return North, and their houses plundered and burnt. 
 
 Hundreds were forcibly ejected from the Territory by brigands organized 
 as Vigilance Committees and “Law and Order” associations. The banks of the 
 Missouri were guarded by armed mobs under Atchison and Stringfellow, steam¬ 
 boats were boarded, trunks broken open and rifled, and their owners forced to 
 return North. The U. S. mail was captured and plundered. “ Men were at¬ 
 tacked on the highway, robbed, and subsequently imprisoned. Others were 
 seized and searched, and their weapons of defense taken from them without 
 compensation. Horses were frequently taken and appropriated. Oxen were 
 taken from the yoke while plowing and butchered m the presence of their 
 owners.” Towns like Ossawatomie were assaulted, sacked a*id burnt—their 
 citizens massacred, or, with the women and children, compelled to fly. 
 
 No condition or age or sex was spared the most brutal indignities. William 
 Phillips, a citizen of Leavenworth, a distinguished lawyer of much worth, was 
 seized, carried across the river into Missouri, and one side of liis head shaved; 
 he was then stripped naked, tarred and feathered, rode on a rail a mile and a 
 half, put up at auction and sold as a slave for one dollar, and ordered to leave 
 Kansas. He was subsequently brutally murdered, his house sacked and burnt. 
 Preachers of the gospel were ridden on rails, and “ thrown into the Missouri, 
 fastened to logs and left to drift down its muddy, tortuous current.” A candidate 
 for the Legislature was brutally gashed with knives and hatchets, and then, 
 weltering in blood, was trundled along with gaping wounds to fall dead in the 
 face of his wife. The act deprived her of reason. In the mere wantonness of 
 murder, “Free State ” men, on trifling wagers, were killed and scalped. 
 
 Lawrence, the principal town in Kansas, was made to suiter every outrage. 
 Its inhabitants were “Free State” men—the town the citadel of t he “Free State” 
 movement. Three times was it beleaguered by the Border ltuffians. Twice 
 were they baffled of their prey. Its hotel, a fine and costly structure, owned 
 by a “Free State” man, and its two newspapers, able “Free State” organs, were 
 by the grand jury of Douglas county indicted as nuisances. An army of Mis¬ 
 sourians under Atchison, with Buford’s men, acting as a posse to Sheriff Jones, 
 beleaguered tlffi town. In vain its law-abiding people appealed to Gov. Shannon 
 for protection; he would not interfere. The law and the processes of the courts 
 must be enforced. In vain they pleaded that they had violated no law—that 
 they had resisted no process of the courts. The Governor was inexomble. 
 Sheriff Jones, with Atchison, entered Lawrence and demanded the surrender 
 
6 
 
 of a few small cannon in possession of tlie town and all the arms of its people. 
 The cannon were surrendered. Private arms were not given up. 
 
 Upon the surrender of the cannon, General Atchison mounted one of the 
 captured pieces and addressed the brigands in the following language: 
 
 This day , boys , lama Kickapoo Ranger. This day is the most glorious of my life. By 
 God, this day have we entered Lawrence witli Southern rights inscribed, upon our banners, and 
 not one damned Abolitionist has dared to tire a gun. A glorious victory , boys , by God ! We have 
 entered tlie damned city and to-night the Abolitionists will learn a Southern lesson that they 
 will remember to the day of their death , That emigrant aid hotel, with her port-holes, must 
 this day be tested and it blown to hell. The damned Abolitionist presses must go into the 
 Kaw Biver and there soak out some of their darkey love. And now, boys, we will go in with 
 our honorable Jones, [the Sheriff, who had just ridden up to them,] and test the strength of 
 that damned Free State hotel, and teach the Emigrant Aid Society that Kansas shall be ours, 
 If the men or women undertake to stop us we will hang them , by God. A lady is entitled to the 
 protection of every gentleman, and I trust that ladies will be respected by all gentlemen. Rut 
 when a woman takes upon herself the garb of a soldier by carrying a Sharp's rifle , then she is 
 no more worthy your protection than a savage brute. She is no longer a woman , and , by God , 
 treat her as you find her , and trample her under foot as you would a snake. I now give you 
 into the hands of Sheriff Jones, to become his posse , and assist him in enforcing the laws of 
 Kansas. Come on, boys, to your duty to yourselves, and to your Southern friends. Your 
 duty 1 know you will do faithfully, and if a man or woman dare to stand before you blow them 
 to hell with a chunk of cold lead ! 
 
 Tlie hotel was reduced to ashes. The material and type of the “Free State’ 7 
 organs were destroyed, and thrown into the river; the dwelling of the Hon. 
 Charles Robinson, the Governor elected under the Topeka constitution, was 
 burned; the women and children driven in terror from their homes, and the 
 town sacked. Everything valuable was stolen—letters, valuable papers, arms, 
 and money—even the clothing of the women and children, and what the ruf¬ 
 fians could not carry off they destroyed 
 
 All over Kansas similar atrocities were perpetrated in the name of the 
 law, by the officers of the law. The “Free State” men finally took up arms; 
 and after a series of sanguinary conflicts, in which many valuable lives were 
 lost, expelled the barbarous banditti from the soil of Kansas. 
 
 Meanwhile Governor Shannon had been removed. General Geary, who 
 succeeded him as Governor, finding himself powerless against the Missouri 
 borderers, resigned, and the Hon. Robert J. Walker was appointed. 
 
 The bogus pro-slavery legislature adopted a call for a Constitutional Con¬ 
 vention preliminary to admission into the Union as a State. The apportion¬ 
 ment of the law under which it was held disfranchising the “Free State” men, 
 they refused to participate in this election, and consequently the convention 
 was composed wholly of the most violent Propagandists. It met at Lecomp- 
 ton in September, 1857, but immediately adjourned over until after the election 
 for a territorial legislature. At this election the “Free State” men won a 
 complete victory. They polled 7,680 votes to 3,700 by the Propagandists, 
 elected 9 of the 13 councilmen, and 27 of the 39 representatives. 
 
 The “ Bogus Convention” reassembled at Lecompton. It adopted what L 
 known as the Lecompton Constitution, which established slavery over Kansas, 
 and provided for submitting its slavery clause to the registered voters of the 
 Territory, but tinder such conditions as to render it a practical fraud. The 
 ballots were to read The Constitution with Slavery ,” or “ The Constitution 
 without Slavery. ” In either case the constitution would be adopted. It also 
 provided for the election of a State government and a member of Congress; 
 deprived the legislature of all practical power by providing that all existing 
 territorial laws not repugnant to the constitution shall continue in force until 
 altered, amended, or repealed by a legislature assembled under the constitution; 
 and provided that all the “bogus” officials, civil and military, of the Territory 
 shall continue in office until superseded by the authority of theState. It also pro¬ 
 vided that no amendment to the constitution shall be made previous to 1864. 
 
 Even Governor Walker, a pro-slavery man, indignantly condemned such a 
 document. It nevertheless was indorsed by the President and his Cabinet, 
 and under it Congress by message was asked to admit Kansas as a State. 
 
 In consequence ol this Propagandist deviltry for the subjugation of Kan¬ 
 sas, a natura l outcrop ot the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a mighty strug¬ 
 gle, from 1854 to 1*860, in Congress and the country, was maintained between the 
 friends of free and slave Kansas—between the friends and opponents of a free bal¬ 
 lot—the friends and opponents of the right of a majority to rule! What, in that 
 conflict, was the attitude of Wm. H. English 7 Was itnottliat of an opponent of free 
 Kansas—an opponent of a free ballot and of the right of a majority to ruie? 
 
 As we have seen, Mr. English voted in the first instance for the “ Kansas- 
 Nebraska infamy”— for the repeal of the Missouri Comprofnise, and for a 
 renewal of the slavery agitation which enabled tlie “Propaganda” to precipi¬ 
 tate the South into rebellion, and to involve the North in an appalling war for 
 the preservation of the Union! He voted against all investigation into the 
 sanguinary and brutal Propagandist outrages in Kansas and voted to seat in 
 
7 
 
 tli© House the Kansas pro-slavery delegate elected through outrage and fraud. 
 At the second session of the 34th Congress Mr. English voted against the Grow 
 bill, which denounced the pro-slavery legislature of Kansas as chosen in vio¬ 
 lence and fraud— as “usurpers” —which repealed its “cruel and oppressive 
 laws,” and provided for the organization and government of the Territory by 
 its actual or bona fide settlers; or, in other words, Mr. English voted to 
 maintain “the brutal pro-slavery code of Kansas,” and to justify the “Border 
 Ruffians” in their outrages and crimes for the subjugation of Kansas! 
 
 THE OUTRAGE ON SENATOR SUMNER. 
 
 The Hon. Charles Sumner, in the Senate of the United States, on the 19th 
 and 20th of May, 1856, dared, in severe but parliamentary language, to denounce 
 the “crime against Kansas”—dared to arraign its authors and supporters as 
 guilty of crimes against Humanity and Freedom! For that, for the exercise 
 of a plain constitutional right, for the. performance of a duty which, as a 
 Senator, he owed to the Nation and his State, Mr. Sumner, two days later, was 
 assaulted in the Senate by Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, Says the 
 Hon. Anson Burlingame, in a speech in the Elouse : 
 
 The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner] sat in the silence of the Senate Chamber 
 engaged in the employments appertaining to his office, when a member from this House, who 
 had taken an oath to sustain the Constitution, stale into the Senate— that place which hacl 
 hitherto been held sacred against violence—and snWte him as Cain smote his brother. * * * 
 
 One blow was enough; but it did not satiate the wrath of that spirit which pur¬ 
 sued him through two days. Again and again, quicker and faster, fell the leaden blows until 
 he was torn away from his victim , when the Senator from Massachusetts fell into the arms of 
 his f riends, and his blood ran down on the Senate floor. 
 
 The whole Nation was startled, outraged, by this transfer to the United 
 States Senate of the murderous methods of the “Border Ruffian” for the sup¬ 
 pression of free speech. The House promptly investigated. Its committee 
 reported a resolution for the expulsion of Brooks and the censure of his ac¬ 
 complices, Keitt, of South Carolina, and Edmundson, of Virginia. Every 
 law-abiding man throughout the civilized world condemned and reprobated 
 Brooks’ act. But William H. English did not feel it so deeply. As he voted 
 against the repeal of the “brutal code of Kansas,” so Mr. English voted 
 against the resolution for the expulsion of Brooks, and for the censure of his ac¬ 
 complices, Edmundson and Keitt! As he voted to protect the “Border Ruffian” in 
 his tyranny and crimes, so Mr. English voted to shield Brooks and his accom¬ 
 plices from the consequences of their attempted assassination of Charles Sumner! 
 
 And the animus or spirit which manifestly influenced these votes charac¬ 
 terizes Mr. English’s congressional career dining all this great struggle be¬ 
 tween Freedom and Slavery! 
 
 In the 33d, 34th, and 35th Congresses, while supporting the Propagandist 
 measures for the aggrandizement of slavery, Mr. English proudly announces 
 the doctrines of his political faith. He also treats us to an elaborate indictment 
 of the Republican party. Its heaviest count is, that in every State where the 
 Republican party had obtained control it had instantly banished the infamous 
 “Black Code” with which the Democracy had disgraced the Statute Book— 
 had remodeled the institutions of the State in conformity with the civilization 
 and progress of the age. It had even admitted that the African was a human 
 being capable of improvement like other men, had admitted him to colleges 
 and established schools for his instruction—had even established precedents 
 which admitted that by labor and culture he might become a lawyer or doctor or 
 a member of any learned professipn. To Mr. English’s comprehensive states¬ 
 manship, therefore, the Republican was a sectioual party—“a party with one 
 idea, and that one idea is the negro! ” He exclaims: 
 
 Separate them [the Republicans] from Sambo and Cuffee and they are as helpless as 
 babes. * * * How long will it be [if the Republicans obtain power] before Hon. Pompey 
 Smash, Frpd. Douglas, or some other kinky-headed and thick-lipped darkey presents himself 
 here, all redolent with the peculiar odor of his race, to claim a seat as one of the people’s repre¬ 
 sentatives. 
 
 Hence, in Mr. English’s judgment, the salvation of the Nation, the per¬ 
 petuity of its institutions, and the liberties and rights of its people, rested 
 wholly upon the pro-slavery Democracy. 
 
 All around him, in both Houses of Congress, as throughout the South, was 
 heard the defiant and treasonable declaration that if the North closes us out 
 of the Territories, if it elect a President upon an anti-slavery platform, the 
 Union will be dissolved. All around him was heard the barbarous doctrine 
 that “ Slavery ts national — Freedom sectionaV ’—that “slavery is the natural and 
 normal condition of the laborer' 1 ' 1 —that “slavery is right and necessary whether 
 
8 
 
 white or black!” At his very side Lawrence M. Keitt, of South Carolina, an¬ 
 nounced as a cardinal doctrine of Democratic faith that— 
 
 Slavery is a great primordial fact, rooted in the origin of things. As a corollary to this 
 it may he safely deduced that the existence of laborers and mechanics in organized societies 
 was the result of the partial and progressive emancipation of slaves. * * * History tells 
 us also that when the [white] working classes stepped out of the condition of bondage by 
 the process of emancipation, they branched into four constantly recurring subdivisions—the 
 hireling , the beggar , the thief , and the prostitute , which have no general existence in 
 slave countries unless there have been a commencement of emancipation. 
 
 The North at the same moment was also aflame at the infamous dragoon¬ 
 ing of its cities in the execution of the “Fugitive slave law.” The venerable 
 Josiah Quincy, sen., in 1854, in Boston, Mass., exclaimed: 
 
 What has been seen, what has been felt, by every man, woman, and child in this 
 metropolis and in this community, and virtually by every man, woman, and child in Massa¬ 
 chusetts ? We have seen our court-house in chains, two battalions of dragoons, eight com¬ 
 panies of artillery, twelve companies of infantry, the whole constabulary force of the city 
 police, the entire disposable marine of the United States, with its artillery loaded for action, 
 all marching in support of a pretorian band consisting of 120 friends and associates of the United 
 States Marshal, with loaded pistols and drawn swords, in military costume and array—for. what 
 purpose? To escort and conduct a poor trembling slave from a Boston courthouse to the fet¬ 
 ters and lash of his master! 
 
 Nevertheless, Mr. English “proudly” announces his fealty to the Democ¬ 
 racy—not to the Douglas Democracy—he belonged “to no such party”—but 
 “to the great Democratic party”—to the “Propaganda!” Instead of denoun¬ 
 cing Keitt and his barbarous doctrines, he applauded him as a distinguished 
 leader of the Democracy! Instead of denouncing the treasonable doctrines 
 of secession, he admitted the right, but pleaded that his associates, the Propa¬ 
 gandist leaders, would not exercise the right—that they would stay in the 
 Union, not for the sake of the Union, nor for the -institutions and liberties 
 which it guarantees, but for the sake of the Northern Democracy, who would 
 be sacrificed by the Republicans if abandoned by the Propaganda. He and the 
 Northern Democracy were ready to vote all they demanded. They were 
 troubled with no “sickly sentimentality on the subject of slavery.”’ As hfi 
 had voted to sustain the brutal pro-slavery code of Kansas, and the outrages 
 by which it was maintained, so he was ready to vote for the extension of slavery 
 —to admit slave States, to vote for the enforcement of the “Fugitive slave law,” 
 to dragoon the North into obedience to its mandates—to coerce every Northern 
 freeman to become a slave hunter at the command of the Propaganda ! 
 
 In that spirit, and with that declaration of principles, Mr. English addressed 
 himself to the solution of the pending Lecompton issue. Senator Green’s bill 
 for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution passed the 
 Senate, but was defeated in the House. In the Senate Mr. Crittenden, of Ken¬ 
 tucky, had offered a substitute. In the House Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsyl¬ 
 vania, also moved the Crittenden substitute, which was adopted by that body, 
 but the Senate refusing to concur, a committee of conference was asked. Mr. 
 William H. English, as chairman of the House branch of that commit¬ 
 tee, reported what was called the “ English bill” for the admission of Kansas. 
 It sets out with the patent falsehood that the Lecompton Constitution, the vi¬ 
 olent product of the Missouri Ruffians, was framed by the people of Kansas. 
 It then provides for the submission of the Constitution to a vote of the people 
 of the territory, but meanly attempts to bribe the majority to accept a Consti¬ 
 tution, to winch they had again and again expressed their repugnance, by 
 large donations of public lands for “school purposes,” “for the support of a 
 State University,” and “for the purpose of completing the public buildings”— 
 by grants of “five per cent, of the net proceeds of the sales of all the public 
 lands within the State for the purpose of making roads and internal im¬ 
 provements” and of “salt springs” for the use of the State. If the people re¬ 
 jected these munificent donations, Kansas was to be remanded to a territorial 
 condition, and prohibited from coming in under any other constitution until it 
 had the full population of 93,340. Either Slave Kansas or no Kansas. 
 
 Under tlie dragooning and influences of the President, aided by Cornelius 
 Wendell with the plunder from the public printing, this bill finally passed 
 both Houses. But the people of Kansas, indignant at so disreputable a propo¬ 
 sition, a bribe for the abandonment of great principles, and being no longer 
 under the terrorism of the Missouri Ruffians, rejected it by an overwhelming 
 majority. The Nation in its judgment ratified that of the people of Kansas. 
 Mr. English and all from the North concerned in the Lecompton plot were 
 relegated to private life, and the attempt now by the Democracy, by his nom¬ 
 ination as Vice President, to restore Mr. English to public life will be de¬ 
 feated by an overwhelming majority of the American people.