THE UNIVERSITY
OF ILLINOIS
LIBRARY
From the collection of
James Collins,
Drumcondra, Ireland.
Purchased, 1918.
M 1491 ml
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2016
https://archive.org/details/lettersofmostrevOOmach
I
I
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THE LETTERS
OF .THE
MOST REVEREND JOHN MAC HALE, D.D,
UNDER TIIEIR RESTECTIVE SIGNATURES
HIEROPHILOS ; JOHN, BISHOP OF MARONIA; BISHOP OF KILLALA ;
AND
ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM.
DUBLIN:
PUBLISHED BY JAMES DUFFY,
10, WELLIN' GTON- QU AY .
1847.
DUBLIN:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM HOLDEN,
10, Abbey-street.
TK
Y3
hi\ l 4^ i *WV 1
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TO THE HEADER
Of the following’ Letters, some have been already
diffused in previous editions, others have appeared in
the public journals, and a considerable number is now
published for the first time, forming; a larg’e portion of
the volume. Since the publication of the earlier letters
of u Hieropliilos,” nearly a quarter of a century has
passed over, carrying* with it, in the silent celerity of
its course, almost an entire g-eneration of readers. To
many of those who have since grown up, filling the
gradual void occasioned by those who have gone before
them, those letters will not altogether appear bereft
of novelty. But novelty itself has its countervailing
drawbacks, though one of the most charming sources
of attraction. Literary productions seem to he regulated
by the same laws, and liable to the same casualties as
the productions of nature or the human race ; and the
embrowned complexion, hearing evidence to the action
of time and labour, is often no less grateful than the
437992
4
TO THE READER.
more fresli and florid colours, which, in youthful
compositions, may be signs of a hectic, as well as of a
healthful constitution, and may, therefore, he equally
the harbingers of vigour, or of a premature decline.
It is, however, less to the artificial skill of composi-
tion, than to the value of the materials out of which
they have been wrought, the portion of the letters
already published, has been indebted for a large share
of adverse, as well as favourable attention. On the
hearts and understanding of the Irish people, the in-
teresting topics out of which they grew, are not soon
likely to lose their hold. The social, as well as moral
blessings that follow in the train of knowledge ; the
malignant influence of the tyranny that first strove to
seal, and of the treachery that is since labouring to
poison its salutary fountains ; the necessity of an educa-
tion entirely free and Catholic for the Catholic people —
Catholic in its conductors, in its books, in its living
instructions, — in short in its influences on the senses
and the hearts of the growing generation, with the like
free privilege to all others of adopting their own fa-
vourite systems; the bigotted monopoly of the Pro-
testant establishment, to which the freedom of education
has been hitherto, and yet continues to be sacrificed :
the necessity of a great reduction of that useless, nay,
noxious establishment, which encumbers the country,
standing in the way of statesmen in any effort to
achieve its regeneration; the miseries entailed on the
people of Ireland by the forcible and fraudulent ab-
straction of its legislature, growing with each succes-
*
TO THE READER.
sive year., until they at length broke forth in an awful
national famine, and likely to accumulate into a series
of similar disasters, until that fountain of public misery
is sealed, by the solemn restitution of its own Parlia-
ment; — these and subordinate subjects, of a similar
tendency and spirit, form the leading themes of this
series of letters. Of those grievances, some will soon,
I trust, be matters of history. Until then, they shall
not cease to interest, to engross, nay, to agitate, the
public mind.
t In the meantime, it will require the most incessant
vigilance, not to be surprised into the toils that are art-
fully laid, for perpetuating the miseries of the country,
by ensnaring the freedom of its religion. Among those
whose influence is chiefly aimed at, are the Catholic
Bishops and clergy of Ireland. Their vigilance alarmed
the enemies of the Catholic faith; their firmness filled
them with despair. They were ever found united with
their flocks, borrowing vigour and courage from that
Apostolic stem, whose root is at Borne, and on which
the Irish portion of the Catholic Church has been early
engrafted. The aim is now to sever them, if possible,
from their flocks, as well as from the rock of Peter.
The present destitution is deemed by those, whose God
is Mammon, an auspicious time to try the experiment ;
and whilst numbers of the people are starving without
relief, measures are in contemplation to make a cheap
purchase of the fidelity of their clergy. Instead of
leaving them, as heretofore, solely in connexion with
the people ; the policy is now to bring them into
6
TO THE READER;
anomalous alliances with those of an alien creed, for
the purpose of standing* as useful outposts for its pro-
tection, and to place them in an isolated independence
on their beloved flocks, by endeavouring to make them
sharers in the patronage of the crown, and in the gold
of the treasury. Against the success of those schemes,
a portion of those letters is directed ; and, with the
primitive Fathers as my guides — the sacred Canons of
the Church as beacon lights to direct me — with the
successors of St. Peter proclaiming the sacred rights
of the episcopacy to he still intact — calling on them
to assert those rights against the violent rush or more
subtle insinuation of modern errors, and imparting to
every See in union with that rock, a portion of the
firmness and immobility of the Apostolical substruction
on which it reposes \ it has been, and ever shall be, my
untiring aim to lend my aid, in protecting from open
or ambushed aggression from any quarter, the rights
and virtue of the Hierarchy of Ireland.
The strong impression of the injustice with which We
have been treated, has been deepened by contemplating
the far happier lot of other countries, less favoured by
soil or climate. The letters written from some of the
principal places on the Continent, and occasionally
touching on this painful contrast, are now published
for the first time. The period in which they were
written, was during a respite from the harrassing
labours undergone in the year 1831, in endeavouring
to mitigate a calamity such as the present, but which
was far less awful in its range and its intensity. The
TO THE READER.
7
smiling* fields^ the comfortable cottages, the contented;
nay; the cheerful countenances you generally meet in
those calumniated regions; soon convinced me that
some of their venal defamers only laboured to avert;
by their caricature of the miserable condition of other
countries; the execration which their oppression of the
people of Ireland; had earned. Not the least consoling-
circumstance in this visit to those countries; was the
practical knowledge it afforded of the authentic claims
of Ireland to its ancient fame; and of the veneration in
which the memory of its saints and sages is embalmed.
On either side of the Rhine; as well in France as all
over the German Mesopotamia; and along the Alps
and Apennines; there is scarcely a place of note that
is not redolent of Irish sanctity. The paths of our
countrymen you can track by the streaks of glory
that still linger on the lands which they traversed •
and in the sanctuaries of their most magnificent
cathedrals; as well as in the hearts of their present
inhabitants; their ashes or their memories are devoutly
enshrined.
But it was Rome; “ the eternal city/* of the u seven
hills” that chiefly attracted and fixed my contempla-
tions. It was not with a view of any attempt that
would he as vain as presumptuous, to describe the
countless monuments of its arts, its history, and its
profane and sacred empire. For such Herculean toils,
individuals of congenial constitution, appear to he horn
and to be trained. Such were Donatus, the learned
Jesuit of Sienna, and Grsevius, and Nardini, and
8
TO THE READER.
Pitisco, whose lexicon is one of the richest, as well
as readiest of the treasuries of Roman antiquities and
literature. Such, too, were Winkleman and Lipsius,
the one eminent for his rare collection of Roman
monuments, the other for his learned dissertations on
the military and political institutions, that contributed
to extend and consolidate the Roman power. To
collect the gleanings of such industrious and success-
ful workmen, would not be worth the toil, even were
one possessed of taste and leisure for such labours; and
to exhibit, as the result of one’s own research, those
masses of antiquarian wealth which were dug and
disinterred by their industry ; would be to incur the
reproach from which Lipsius himself was not free, of
appearing in his classical descriptions to be only a
personification of the ancients; so identically did he
appear clothed in the majesty, nay, the very form of
that ancient eloquence, which he literally, and, perhaps,
unconsciously, transferred to his own writings. Far,
then, from entertaining the ambitious project of de-
scribing Rome, and its pyramids, its aqueducts, its
triumphal arches, its churches, and its fountains ; mine
was only the humble task, or, rather, amusement, of
noting down the few reflections which occurred to me,
by way of coincidence or contrast, as I strayed over
its “seven hills,” so celebrated in classic, as well as in
mystic story. Seen in this way, the vast region of
of Rome, will present a variety of views to every ob-
server. In short, ardent as was my early enthusiasm
for visiting the “ eternal city” and its ancient hills, it
TO THE READER.
9
was my devotion to the shrine of the Apostles in the
Vatican, on the other side of the Tiber, that chiefly
led me to this venerable spot ; and these brief and
simple letters are only intended as authentic memorials
of that devotion — in imitation of the ancient pilgrims,
who hoped, that their humble offerings would not be
disdained acceptance, among* the gorgeous votive gifts,
with which more favoured personages, had decorated
the walls of its temples.
JOHN, ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of the Nativity
of our Blessed Lord, 184G.
CONTENTS
LETTJ5E.
I — On the natural progress to infidelity, when one abandons the Catholic
Church
II — To the Catholic Clergy of Ireland, on the subject of the Kildare-street
Society. Their confidence in any system of education but a Catholic
one, misplaced
III — On the Kildare-street Society. However flourishing, it, and every
such association, must assuredly fall
IV — A reply to “ Bibliophilos” on the same subject ...
V. — In reply to “ Bibliophilos”
VI — In reply to “ Bibliophilos”
VII — On Intolerance and Exclusive Salvation. If a crime, the Sectaries
not free from the reproach
VIII — On the Kildare-street and similar anti- Catholic Societies
IX — To the Most Rev. Dr. Manners, Protestant Archbishop of Canter-
bury, and Primate of all England, on the question of Divorce between
George IV. and his Queen. The Protestant Church the footstool of
the State
X— On the Kildare-street Society
XI — In reply to “Bibliophilos.”
XII — On the Conversion of a Protestant Lady to the Catholic Church ...
XIII — To the English People, on the state of Ireland, and the causes of
its discontent. Ireland less known and cared for in England, than the
distant Indies.
XIV — To the English People, on same subject Allegiance to the throne
faithfully fulfilled by the Irish people
XV — To the English People, on same subject. Zeal and labours of the
Catholic Clergy
XVI — To the English People, on same subject. The anti-Irish and anti-
Catholic prejudices, perpetuated from age to age, one of the most
prolific and active springs of the miseries of Ireland
XVII — To the English People, on same subject. A few are enabled, by
professing the favoured creed, to exercise an unjust and oppressive
ascendancy ...
XVIII — To the English People, on same subject
XIX — To the Most Rev. William Magee, D.D., &c., Protestant Arch-
bishop of Dublin, in reply to a Charge teeming with offence to
Catholics
TAGF.
9
1.3
17
22
29
36
42
47
51
57
61
66
68
71
75
78
85
88
92
xn
CONTENTS.
LETTER. PAGE-
XX — To the Most Rev William Magee, D.D., &c., Protestant Archbishop
of Dublin, on the same subject ... ... ... ... ... 98'
XXI — To the Right Honourable George Canning, on the necessity of re-
pealing all the penal laws affecting Catholics ... ... ... 104
XXII — To the Right Honourable George Canning. Every people fashioned,
more or less, by the good or bad influence of the laws by which they
are governed ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 107
XXIII — To the Right Honourable George Canning. All other political
remedies delusive, as long as the vitiating gangrene of bad laws is
suffered to destroy society ... ... ... ... ... 110
XXIV — To the Right Honourable George Canning. Ireland an exception
to that civil liberty which is the boast of the British Constitution ... 114
XXY — To the Right Honourable George Canning. The Protestant Estab-
lishment fluctuating in its own creed, and yet intolerant of the settled
and sincere religious belief of others ... ... ... ... 119
XX YI — To the Right Honourable George Canning. Bigotted and intole-
rant exhortations of the Protestant Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam,
seconded by the Polemical Writings of Declan ... ... ... 123
XXYII — To the Right Honourable George Canning. The iniquitous
claims of the Protestant Establishment to Tithes, cruelly aggravated
by the harsh mode of their exaction ... ... ... ... 128
XXYIII — To the Right Honourable George Canning. Futility of the
comparison instituted between private property and that claimed by
the Protestant Church. The former connected with the public good —
the other only productive of public misery ... ... ... 132
XXIX — To the Right Honourable George Canning. The physical wants
of the people to be relieved before other public measures are discussed
or adopted ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 138
XXX — To the Right Honourable George Canning. The Catholic Church
the best friend of education — equally solicitous for those comforts of
the people, that are overlooked by those who affect such a zeal to edu-
cate them ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 144
XXXI — To the Right Honourable George Canning. The hypocrisy by
which those associations are swayed who talk so much about educa-
tion, whilst with the utmost Stoicism they can see the people starve 148
XXXII — To the Right Honourable George Canning. Not a shadow of an
argument for protracting the repeal of the odious penal code ... 151
XXXIII — To the Protestant Archbishop of Tuam, on a Charge delivered
by him in the Protestant Cathedral of Killala ... ... ... 156
XXXIV — On the new Reformation in Cavan ... ... ... 163
XXXV — A Reply to an Article in the Quarterly Review, relative to the
Letters of “Hierophilos.” ... ... ... ... ... 173
XXXVI — To Lord Bexley, in reply to his Lordship’s Letter in the
Morning Chronicle, on the College of Maynooth, and the Letters of
“ Hierophilos.” ... ... ... ... ... ... 180
XXXVII — To the Protestant Archbishop of Tuam, on his project of
carrying on a Mission among the Catholics ... ... ... 186
XXXVIII — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the grievous des-
titution of the people ... ... ... ... ... ... J 90
XXXIX — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the same subject,
and on th6 rapacity of Landed Proprietors, by whom it is caused or
aggravated ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 196
XL — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on same subject, and on the
necessity of legislative measures to prevent its recurrence ... 205
CONTENTS.
»
JLETTGlt.
XLI— To the Right ITonourahle the Earl Grey, on same subject, and on
the necessity of the use of Flour, and of exporting the Potato, in
order to escape the recurrence of famine
XLH To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle , on the bigotry that
laboured to withdraw the Grant from the College of Maynooth
XLIXI — The Coronation of William IV., King of England, the H’j
and St. Thomas of Canterbury
XLIV Fall of Warsaw — the servitude produced by the French Re-
volution, &c. Fontainbleau — the prison of the Pope— the tomb of the
power of Napoleon
XLV — A View of the Alps ; the Lake of Geneva ; the central point
from which Heresy and Infidelity strove to destroy the Catholic
Religion
XL VI — The Happy Valley ; Mont Blanc ; the pious and secluded Pastor
of Chamounie
XLVII — The Passage of the “ Tete noire,” and the Simplon; German
influence beyond the Alps, illustrated in the mixed architecture of
the Cathedral of Milan ; St. 4 Charles Borromeo; St. Francis of Sales...
XLVIII — Bologna ; its University, Museum, &c. ; Benedict XIV. ; Bobio
St. Columbanus
XLIX — Fiesole ; St Donatus, or Donagha, an Irishman, its Bishop ; his
eulogy of Ireland ; Florence ; its collections of the Works of Art ; its
General Council ; its celebrated men
L — Sienna ; its celebrated Popes ; distinguished as the birth-place of St.
Catherine, one of the most influential persons of her age ...
LI — The Palatine, the centre of the Seven Hills; its ruins
LII — The Capitoline, the next in renown of those composing the sur-
rounding circle
LIII — The Quirinal Hill, primitively, as well as. appropriately, called the
Hill of Contests
LIV — Mount Ccelius ; the Colosseum ; St. Gregory the Great ; St. John of
Lateran
LV — The kindred Hills of the Esquiline and Viminal ; the Baths of
Titus; St Mary Major; the Church of St. Lawrence
LVI — Mount Aventine, on the banks of the Tiber; Church of St. Paul ;
the Church of the same Apostle, called the Three Fountains
LVII — The Vatican ; Church of St. Peter ; High Mass sung by the Pope
on Christmas Day
LVIII — My first visit to the Pope ; a Manuscript Letter of Mary, Queen
of Scots; the Tombs of O’Neill and O’Donnell on the Janiculum;
excursions to Subiaco, &c. ; Holy Week and Easter Sunday at St.
Peter’s
LIX — Naples ; Mount Vesuvius ; Miracle of the Blood of St. Januarius ;
Pompeii ; Pestum ; Amalphi; Sorento; Salerno; Pope Gregory VII.
LX — Monastery of Monte Cassino ; Feast of Corpus Christi ; Feast of SS.
Peter and Paul ; my last visit to the Pope
LXI — To Earl Grey, on the contrast between the happiness of the people
on the Continent, and the misery of those of Ireland ... ...
LXII — The Holy House of Loretto ; its successive translations, first from
Nazareth to Dalmatia, and again over the Adriatic Sea into Italy ...
LXIII — Ravenna ; its decay and solitude ; Tomb of Dante ; Ferrara ;
Alphonso ; Tasso; Ariosto; Venice; its glory, its guilt, and its
decline; Paintings of Titian ; Monument of Canova
XUl
PAGE.
209
214
222
227
231
235
238
243
24G
251
253
258
262
265
270
273
275
280
285
291
295
298
300
XIV
CONTENTS.
LX TV — Padua; Verona; Trent; its celebrated General Council; a
Painting of the Fathers over the great Altar of the Church ... 304
LXV — Singular solicitude of the Scotch Reviewers about the fate of the
Portuguese, Spanish, and Italians, whilst they are utterly indifferent
to the successive persecutions inflicted on the Catholics of Ireland, in
order to maintain the ascendancy of the Parliamentary Church ... 307
LXVI — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the necessity of a
legislative measure to annihilate the Established Church in Ireland ... 313
LXVII — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the impolicy and
injustice of the threatened act of coercion ... .. ... 319
LXVIII — To the Lord Bishop of Exeter, on the noxious influence of the
Protestant Establishment ... ... ... ... ... 327
LXIX — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the Repeal of the
Legislative Union ... ... ... ... ... ... 335
LXX — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey, on the distress of the
poor, still aggravated by cruel scenes of eviction from their homes ... 342
LXXI — To the Right Honourable the Earl Grey. The Catholic Clergy
charged with Priestcraft, because they shield the people against their
oppressors ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 346
LXXII — Tobarnavian ; the Irish names of places all over Ireland singu-
larly expressive of their qualities ; legendary traditions of this foun-
tain, connected with the popular stories of Fion and his followers, &c. 357
LXXIII — To the Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Killala, on my trans-
lation to the Metropolitan See of Tuam ... ... ... 362
LXXIV — To his Grace the Duke of Wellington, on the essential injustice
of paying Tithes, in any shape, for the support of the Protestant
Establishment ... ... ... ... ... ... 364
LXXV — To the Catholic Clergy of the Diocess of Tuam— a Pastoral
on the eve of an Election, cautioning the faithful against bribery and
perjury, and exhorting them to fulfil their duty as Christians ... 368
LXX VI — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the unheeded
destitution of the suffering people, whilst a noxious establishment is
the object of legislative solicitude ... ... ... ... 372
LXXVI1 — To the Right Reverend Dr. Bloomfield, Lord Bishop of Lon-
don, in reply to an unprovoked attack of his Lordship ; contrast
between his preaching, at the Coronation of William IV., and an
humble Capuchin, preaching before the Pope ... ... ... 381
LXXVTII — To the Editor of the Courier , in repy to some bigotted re-
marks of the Rev. Mr. Stanley, since become one of the Protestant
Bishops of England ... ... ... ... ... ... 388
LXXIX — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education. The disregard of its framers to the authority of
the Bishops ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 392
LXXX — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education — a preponderance of influence in its Board, vested
in rancorous, anti-Catholic bigots ... ... ... ... 394
LXXXI — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education, and Poor Laws, both the offspring of feelings hos-
tile to Catholicity ... ... ... ... ... ... 401
LXXXII — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education. Contrast between that system and the Catholic
education, sought in the petitions, &c., of the Catholic Bishops ... 407
LXXXIII — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education. Dr. Whateley’s offensive attacks on the Catholic
Church ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 415
CONTENTS.
LETTER. 1
LX XXIV— To the lliglit Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education Jealousy of the Protestant Prelates, lest the
titles of the Catholic Bishops should interfere with their temporali-
ties ; the series of the Archbishops of Tuam up to the last Catholic
Archbishop mentioned by Ware; the Cross erected by Hugh O’Hoissin,
first Archbishop of Tuam, and Turlogh O’Connor, Monarch of Ireland
LXXXV — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the National
or Government System of Education, a progeny of Boulter’s scheme
of Charter Schools. If innocuous, the praise is due to the zeal and
vigilance of the Catholic Clergy ...
LX XXVI — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the odious
measure of the rent-charge ; its mockery and delusion ; no hope for
freedom of education in Ireland, as long as the tithes, in any shape,
and the ascendancy of the Establishment, are maintained ...
LXXXVII — To the Roman Catholic Clergy and Faithful of the Diocese
of Tuam, on the subject of National Education — a Pastoral Instruction
LXXXV III — To his Grace the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, on the inalienable
rights of every Bishop not to be interfered with by any Government
Board, or any of its functionaries, in the religious education of his flock
LXXXIX — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell. The Lutheran
Heresy propagated in England, by corrupting the teaching in the
Colleges and Universities. Analogy of this policy with that pursued
by modern statesmen ...
XC — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the same subject ...
XCI — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education, and the poisoning of the minds of youth through
alien teachers from Germany, as it is now sought, through alien Scotch
and English teachers ...
XCII — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the Canonical
Titles of the Catholic Bishops to their respective Sees, and the insult-
ing condescension of acknowledging the names of Priests and Bishops,
without acknowledging their rights and titles to their respective
Parishes and Sees
XC III — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the system of
National Education, and the corruption of the Universities and Colleges
XCIV — To the Venerable the Clergy and Faithful of the Archdiocese of
Tuam, on the Society for the Propagation of the Faith
XCV — To the Venerable the Clergy and Faithful of the Archdiocese of
Tuam — a Lenten Pastoral
XCVI — To his Grace the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, on the arrangement
offered in vain by the assembled Bishops for a change in the National
system of Education, and rejected by the Lord Lieutenant
XCVII — To his Grace the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, on the same subject,
and on the justice and necessity of each one confining himself to his
own jurisdiction, and the care of his own fold
XCVIII — To the Clergy and Faithful of the Diocese of Tuam, on the
calumnious reports of the Hibernian Bible Societies — recent allies of
the National Board
XCIX — To the Honourable Lord Clifford, on the unwarrantable inter-
ference of officious Englishmen, as well as Irishmen, at Rome, in the
concerns of the Irish Church
C — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the destitution of
the people ; their astonishing patience under such privations
Cl — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the uncanonical
Bequests Bill. Treacherous and atrocious, because, under the guise of
offering a boon, it surpasses preceding enactments, in some of its penal
inflictions
XV
‘AGE.
423
435
444
452
468
481
484
492
497
503
510
515
521
530
537
542
557
561
XY1
CONTENTS.
LETTER. PAGE
CII — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the Bequests
Bill. No change made in the obnoxious principles of the bill. The
only one is the recognition of Bishops by their surnames, instead of
their Sees ; a mode as offensive as it is attempted to be made fashionable
with court officials, and of which the obvious aim is to deny them
spiritual jurisdiction ... ... ... ... ... ... 565
CIII — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the Bequests
Act. This measure attacks the sovereign jurisdiction of the Almighty
over his creatures — unites with the disabling clauses of the Emanci-
pation Act to inflict injury on the religious orders — strives to transfer
to an uncanonical junta of various creeds the rights and jurisdiction
of the Catholic Hierarchy — is opposed by the greater number of that
body — will dry up the sources of charity... ... ... ... 574
Cl V— To the Very Rev. and Rev. the Clergy and Eaithful of theDiocess of
Tuam, on the various bad fruits of the Bequests Act springing from
principles opposed to the Catholic Religion — a Pastoral Instruction ..." 580
CY — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the Bequests
Act. The obvious tendency of the measure to reduce the Catholic
Hierarchy to the level of the Protestant Establishment, and make it a
subservient tool to the Minister of the day for the achievement of his
political projects. “Discreet Catholics” — no protection to their
religion. Some of the Members of the House of Commons would
support any measure, however injurious to religion, bringing them
wealth and patronage ... ... ... ... ... ... 585
CVI — To the Right Honourable Sft Robert Peel, Bart., on the Infidel
Colleges. The Maynooth endowment, a screen to hide from view and
from execration, the scheme of the Infidel Colleges ... ... 592
CVII — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the Infidel
Colleges. The analogy of the History of Ireland and the attachment
of the people to their Faith, shows the fatuity of the project. The
violence offered to religion and science, in striving to divorce such
kindred objects ... ... ... ... ... ... 598
CVIII — To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., on the Infidel
Colleges. The pretended amendments of the measure, only fresh and
more penal aggravations of its odious enactments ... ... 599
CX — To the Very Rev. and Rev. the Clergy and Eaithful of the Arch-
diocese of Tuam — a Pastoral Instruction on the punishments inflicted
by God ou those who abandon or compromise their faith ... ... 603
CIX — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the severe destitu-
tion caused by the failure of the Potato crop, and the necessity of timely
measures to meet the awful calamity ... ... ... ... 609
CXII — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the same subject.
The tardiness of our rulers in providing against the coming famine ... 612
CXIII — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the same subject.
The folly, as well as cruelty, of discussing theories on the causes of
the failure of the potato crop, instead of extending immediate relief
to the people, who are dying of starvation ... ... ... 615
CXIV — To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, on the famine now
so fatally raging throughout the land. Ireland brought to this lament,
able crisis, of being unable to contend with the calamity, by a natu-
ral and successive series of causes and effects, springing from the
abstraction of her native legislature. Criminal apathy in the neglect
of providing food, and sacrificing to the cruel theories of political
economy, the valuable lives of a most patient people ... ... 616
LETTERS,
< fc .
LETTER I.
Maynooth College,
9 January 29, 1820.
®v(Aochx.x.Yi<; ya,% p,u9of — O dyssey.
For slander stings the soul — P ope.
In a late number of the Dublin Journal , which came into my
hands, I observed some critical strictures on the lives and writings
of our celebrated historians, Hume and Gibbon. I cast my eye
over the article, rather with a view to amuse myself, than with
a hope of extracting much information from that writer’s criti-
cism. I considered it one of those tasteless articles which the
barrenness of his materials obliges him sometimes to insert :
such were his dull extracts on the feats of knight errantry,
in which he must have imagined that his readers had returned
to the days of boyhood, as the insipidity of the grotesque ad-
ventures, was not relieved by one particle of skill in the plan,
or elegance in the composition, of the story. If the writer had
contented himself with filling the chasms of his journal with
articles merely uninteresting, I should only smile at his imbecility ;
but when they have generally for object, the aspersion of a large
and respectable portion of society, then our pity for his weakness,
is warmed into indignation for his malevolence. Such is the
tendency of the article to which I have alluded.
After some flimsy observations on the writings of Hume and
Gibbon, he tells us in a very sapient tone, that if the process of
the latter’s religious changes had been reversed, by passing from
Paganism to Popery, and from Popery to Protestantism, there he
would finally have rested his conviction. — Wise and incontro-
B
10
LETTER I.
vertible conclusion ! The comprehensiveness of this writer dis-
dains the slow and gradual process of enquiry, and his sagacity
discovers inferences which would have escaped less discerning
intellects. I should wish to learn from what premises he has
deduced such a consequence. I know of no a priori principle
that could warrant its extravagance ; and if we recur to the less
fallacious criterion of experience, the history of the sectaries that
sprung from the bosom of Protestantism, should have pointed out
to him an opposite train of argument.
History furnishes us with numberless examples of persons —
nay, of nations — passing from Paganism to Popery, and reposing
there. It has preserved instances too, of many reconciled from
Protestantism to Popery, and enjoying all the tranquillity of a
settled conviction. As I must suppose that the writer of this
article has some acquaintance with biography, I will now spare
myself the necessity of swelling this letter by detailing a
variety of examples. But I have scarcely read of any passing
from the extreme of Infidelity to the opposite one of Popery ;
and gently returning to the well-poised mean of the Protestant
religion. Did the writer but advert a little, to the bent of
the human mind, he would discover, that after freeing itself
from the burden of authority, it proceeds by an easy and
natural consequence, to the extreme of licentiousness. Thus
we find Protestantism, soon after its establishment, producing
Socinianism ; Socinianism refined into the more philosophic name
of Unitarianism, until the private spirit, like fame, acquiring
strength in its progress, has closed its career in Deism and
irreligion. In this manner we can trace to the principles of
Protestantism all the errors that have, for three centuries,
assumed and disgraced the name of Christianity.
This truth is further exemplified in the life of Mr. Gibbon.*
He tells us himself that early in life he imbibed the spirit of
religious controversy ; that the eagerness of his curiosity prompted
his enquiries beyond the polemics of his own sect, and that the
result of his labours was a sincere conversion to the Catholic faith.
He tells us further, that his conversion was achieved by the
writings of Bossuet ; a compliment extorted from his prejudice
and his pride, by the genius of the illustrious prelate. But how
was this conviction conquered ? The youth, by following the
genuine principles ot the Protestant religion — thinking for him-
self — had abandoned the faith of his fathers, and incurred the
inexpiable guilt of apostacy. This was a crime which no integrity
of life could atone for, and no brilliancy of talent could redeem.
To cure him of his distemper he was sent to breathe the lighter
atmosphere of Lausanne. He could not be ignorant of the object
* See his own Memoir of his Life and Writings.
LETTER I.
11
of his exile. He felt his father’s displeasure, and was threatened
to be disheired if he did not retrace his steps. Such is the boasted
freedom of the Protestant religion.
Whoever then reflects on the influence of temporal motives on
a mind young, sanguine, and aspiring, in which the principles of
religion were not suffered to ripen, will not be surprised at his
desertion of the Catholic communion —
For present joys are more to flesh and blood
Than a dull prospect of a distant good.
Even this apostacy is honourable to the Catholic faith. His first
enquiry, and consequent conversion, the fruits of an unfettered
freedom of judgment, prove the insecurity under which he
laboured in the Protestant faith. But on being compelled to
desert the pale of the Catholic church, he was far from taking
shelter in the communion which he first abandoned. He had too
much discernment not to be disgusted with the half faith and
half philosophy of the Protestant religion; and, therefore, the
same insecurity of mind that first prompted him to abjure its
tenets, made him now push them to the farthest verge of their
application, until at last he sought repose in absolute infidelity.
The writer of the article tells us that Mr. Gibbon was armed with
as much logic and general argument when he abjured the
Catholic religion, as the defenders of that religion generally
possess. Waving that point, Mr. Gibbon’s logic and criticism
cannot be a cause of alarm to the Catholic, or of triumph to the
Protestant, when we reflect that he rejected the Pope’s su-
premacy because he believed, though contrary to the evidence
of history, and the admission of Protestants, that St. Peter never
came to Rome ; and disbelieved the real presence, because
mysteries are not capable of physical demonstration.
Such was the revolution of Mr. Gibbon’s religious opinions —
a revolution naturally arising f; rom the genius of the reformation,
and exemplified in the character of many eminent men. If any
one can rest his conviction in the Protestant religion, he can rest
it in what is unsettled and undefined. For what is the Protestant
religion but a negative system, fashioned to the genius of every
clime, and bending to the caprice of every teacher — incorporating
in its creed, doctrines the most discordant — and concealing, by a
community of name, sectaries the most irreconcilable. — Epis-
copalian in England — rejecting Episcopacy as anti-Christian in
Scotland and Geneva — in the expositions of Drs. Marsh and
Burnet making the thirty-nine articles the standard of ortho-
doxy — in the moderation of Dr. Hoadly enlarging the terms of
communion — but in the unbounded liberality of Dr. Watson,
admitting the human race, by adopting the phrase of Tacitus as
its maxim, “sentire quae velis, et quae sentias , dicer e” No wonder
12
LETTER I.
that a system so loose and arbitrary should conduct its votaries
to downright scepticism. It has been well remarked by Rousseau,
that the philosopher who rejects Revelation, and the Catholic
who admits it without reserve, are both consistent. But the
Protestant, who attempts to steer a middle course, by adopting
for his religion an unnatural mixture of faith and freedom, ex-
poses himself to the just ridicule of either.
To take up half on trust, and half to try,
Call it not faith, but bungling bigotry.
I dread, that my letter has extended beyond its just limits.
From the copiousness of the matter, it has swelled to a size greater
than was first intended. In conclusion, I would advise the Dublin
Journal to spare his oblique reflections on the Catholic religion.
For the work of abuse, indeed, he may be fitted, as it requires
not much capacity ; but for wielding the weighty weapons of
controversy, nature never destined him. He may occasionally
fling his objurgations at the errors of Popery, of which he
probably knows as little as of the mythology of the Zendavesta.*
As well might the lowly workman cast an artist’s glance over
the vastness of St. Peter’s, and rise to its sublimity, as the
Dublin Journal attempt to comprehend the grandeur of Christ’s
spiritual edifice, and feel the beauties of its proportions.
Hierophilos.
* The Zendavesta, also known by the name of Zend, is the code of laws and
religion which the Persians are supposed to have received from Zoroaster. See
D. Herbelot, Bibliotheq. Orient ., p. 917.
LETTER II.
13
LETTER II.
TO THE CATHOLIC CLERGY OF IRELAND.*
Feb. 12, 1820.
Aifrut; y ctv veov scvfya. yegoaregov z^zi^zc^cn Odyssey.
Awful th’ approach, and hard the task appears,
T’ address with wisdom men of riper years. — Pope.
To persons whose breasts are burning with zeal, and whose
minds are the repositories of knowledge — whose virtues have
been proved in the most trying period of our history, and who
have gathered wisdom from experience — admonition may seem
unseasonable and obtrusive. However, as all are not equally
sensible of the danger which menaces the religion, of which
they are naturally the guardians, it may not be useless to ad-
dress the great body of the Catholic priests ; and if the prelates
should be respectfully reminded of their trust, they will pardon a
freedom which will be always tempered with reverence for so
venerable a body.
During the short period which has passed before my observa-
tion, revolutions have arisen that have had no parallel in history.
Among those, I have watched the progress of a society the most
singular in its composition, and yet the most systematic in its
operation, of any that hitherto appeared — a society that is
spreading with rapid increase, and profusely scattering its colo-
nies over different quarters of the globe. Of the object and ten-
dency of these societies (for now they are multiplied), no one
needs information who has glanced over the reports that inveigh
with such holy warmth against the superstitions of Popery.
Although I have not been unobservant of their movements, I was
hitherto silent, either because I saw the danger too distant to
excite alarm, or from a consciousness of my own inability to
arrest its progress. I knew that ere they reached the firm
array of the Catholic Church, they had a warfare to carry on
with those who were attached to no particular creed, and those
of the Established Church, on whom its faith sits so loosely, as to
become an easy prey to every adventurous enthusiast.
That great numbers are now detached from the Established
Church, and ranged under the standard of one or other of those
societies, the complaints of our Protestant ministers bear ample
* It is singular that the very subject of anti-Catholic education, which twenty-
five years ago almost opened the series of those letters, is that which still most
excites the hope of the enemies, or the fears of the friends, of Ireland.
14
LETTER II.
testimony. Flushed with the confidence inspired by such a de-
fection, they are now making redoubled efforts to carry their
system into the heart of the Catholic population. But, thank
God, they have met with a firm and decided resistance. Mor-
tified by defeat, they have not resigned the hope of conquest ;
and while they seem to suspend their hostility, they have only
changed their method of attack. It is true, that now their tone
is altered : their professions are become more liberal ; but you
may rest assured that it is only for the purpose of stealing into
your confidence, and disarming that opposition which harsher
methods could not subdue.
If the men of rank, and weight, and character in the country,
are sincere in their endeavours to diffuse education, unembittered
by religious bigotry, it is not difficult to put that sincerity to the
test. If I could offer an advice, I would suggest that you should
avail yourselves of the favourable moment of the accession of
his present Majesty. Convey to the throne the sincere expres-
sion of your condolence and congratulation, and to parliament
a petition for a portion of those grants that are given for the
purposes of education. If but a small sum of money were put
into the hands of each of the Catholic bishops, schools could be
established for educating the Catholic children ; and a few tracts,
containing a simple summary of religious and moral principles,
might be circulated among them. This would be a method less
expensive to the subscribers, less derogatory to the dignity of
the sacred volume, than that which is now pursued, and still less
prejudicial to the peasantry, as it would save them from the
danger of extracting from its contents a dark and desperate
fanaticism. If the legislature should acquiesce in the prayer of
such a petition, I am sure they would find it to their account, in
the growing attachment of the people for so liberal and concili-
ating a system. If you should be disappointed in that appeal,
make still an experiment on those who are loudest in the praise
of education. But if they should refuse their aid to any plan
that will not be regulated by the principle of these societies, is
it not then clear, that whatever may be their pretensions, their
purpose is proselytism ?
It is to be regretted that some uniform system of defence has
not been hitherto adopted. If some have evinced a steady zeal
in opposing the designs of the Gospellers, others have aspired to
the merit of a more prudent line of conduct. Thus the activity
of some is neutralized by the passiveness of their colleagues, and
the enemy is strengthened by the evidence of indecision in your
councils.* It is not by desultory efforts, however ably conducted,
* It would appear as if those lines were prophetic of the present position of
the Catholic body, when the adverse movements of a few weaken that force
which union would render irresistible in securing the blessings of free education.
LETTER II.
15
that the enemy is to be defeated, but by a compact well-regulated
plan, originating with the bishops, and adopted by the great body
of the clergy. The exertions of the societies cannot be any
longer contemplated with indifference. It is then the duty of
these whom the Holy Ghost has placed as bishops, to rule the
Church of God,* to provide for its defence. Let the more humble
labourers in the ministry be assiduous in instructing their flocks,
and dispensing to them the truths of Christianity, in language
adapted to their simple comprehensions. Let them, in the words
of St. Paul to Timothy, “ Preach the word, be instant in season,
out of season, reprove, intreat, rebuke with all patience and doc-
trine.” Thus you will remove these causes of complaint, on
which our enemies dwell with rapture, and refute the insidious
slander, that the people are consigned to a studied and systematic
ignorance. Hitherto some irresolution might be excusable, from
an anxiety to discover the sentiments of Pome. Now that plea
is removed, her accredited document is before you, deploring the
delusion practised on the people, and cautioning the pastors from
suffering the growth of weeds in the vineyard confided to their
care. Do not then suffer yourselves to be over-reached by the
arts of the designing. Let not too confiding a disposition betray
you into a security which you may have afterwards cause to
deplore. Recollect how the unsuspecting simplicity of many was
duped, in the reign of Constantius, by those who were practised
in the intrigues of the Arian faction. Judging of the sincerity
of others by the singleness of their own minds, they were se-
duced into measures at which they afterwards startled.
Far be from me the wish to impede the current of information
that is now working its way through the humble classes of
society. Far be it from me to endeavour to embitter it by the
infusion of religious acrimony. I should, if possible, give it a
wider and more rapid diffusion, and purify it from every ingre-
dient that could infect its salutary qualities. But as this cannot
be done while there exists a suspicion, that, under the mask of
educating, there lurks a design of proselytizing the people, let
the abettors of the Bible-system remove the cause of such well-
grounded distrust : let them not insist on the introduction of the
Bible, and our prelates in their wisdom will determine what
books may be substituted. With regard to the latitude allowed
to private families, that, too, may be safely entrusted to the same
discretion. I may be permitted to add, with Mr. Lingard, that
it is not the spirit of the Catholic Church to lock up the Scrip-
tures from the laity, unless compelled by necessity.
How often must it be asserted that the Bible, the most sublime
of all compositions, is not a book fitted for the unripe under-
* Acts xx.
16
LETTER II.
standing of a school-boy ? Written in a language which has
ceased to be the vehicle of familiar intercourse, its truths are
often veiled in the necessary obscurity of an obsolete idiom.
Imparted to a people of ardent feeling and warm fancy, its lan-
guage is enlivened by all the animation of oriental metaphor,
and obscured by allusions to now unknown customs. Yet this is
the book which, it is confidently asserted, is adapted to persons
of every age and condition. Nay more, it is not only to be
indiscriminately circulated, but put into the hands of the pea-
santry, without notes to illustrate its meaning, or pastors to
enforce its authority. The simplifying process that pervades
natural philosophy is now reaching religion itself, and the elixir
of life has been discovered in the all-healing qualities of the
Bible. If people are discontented, give them the Bible, and it
will appease them — if they are hungry, the Bible will satisfy
them — if they are out of employment, the Bible will give them
occupation — in short, the Bible will remove every discontent,
and assuage every suffering. But it must be the pure simple
Bible, without the admixture of such abominations as notes, or
creeds, or commentaries ; because these spiritual alchymists have
discovered that the least particle of human authority infects the
blessedness of the inspired volume. I will not now draw out the
dark catalogue of errors to which an undisciplined perusal of the
Scriptures gave rise. But I must say, that while I read the evi-
dence of their obscurity in the comment which the finger of his-
tory has traced, in the dire disorders of fanatics of every age,
I cannot resign my conviction of the danger of their indiscrimi-
nate diffusion. Men of warm and benevolent feeling are often
caught by delusive theories for promoting the happiness of the
human race. That such men are engaged in the Bible-system,
in justice to human nature, I must admit. It were to be wished,
however, that they listened to the sober lessons of experience.
But that there are others, actuated more by a deadly hostility to
the religion, than by compassion for the ignorance of the people,
I am equally convinced. Hence, their unyielding perseverance
in their own plan, in opposition to any improvement that may be
proposed. Education coming from such men I should receive
with the most timid and scrupulous caution. Better listen in
time to the admonition —
Aut ulla putatis
Dona carere dolis Danaum ? *
than afterwards to deplore, in the language of the same poet,
the blindness which made you insensible to your danger.
* Somewhat is sure designed, by fraud or force ; —
Trust not their presents, nor admit the horse.
LETTER III.
17
Captique dolis lachrymisque coacti
Quos neque Tydides nec Larisseus Achilles ;
Non anni domuere decern, non mille carinae.*
But I hope better things. The zeal which supported your pre-
decessors in an open contest, will now arm you with vigilance
against a more covert hostility. To conclude : to you religion
looks for support against fanaticism — to you the repose of the
country against those who would shake it with a religious war-
fare — to you the peasantry, already too irritable, look for aid
against those who would enflame them with a biblical frenzy —
and to you the growing generation, who hunger for instruction,
turn with fervent hopes, that while food is administered to their
minds, you will not suffer their faith to be poisoned. I cannot
more appropriately close this address than in the words of the
dying Mathathias to his children — “ Now, therefore, 0 ! my
sons, be ye zealous for the law, and give your lives for the cove-
nant of your fathers ; and call to remembrance the work of the
Fathers, which they have done in their generations, and you
shall gain great glory and an everlasting name.”f
IIlEROPHILOS.
LETTER III.
Mavnooth College,
March 4, 1820.
Turn Vero Manifesta Jides , Danaumque patescunt,
Insidice. — Virgil.
And now his faith was manifestly clear’d,
And Grecian frauds in open light appear’d Dryden.
Yes, the designs of the Bible Society are at length unmasked —
the visor which bigotry has worn is now torn oft*, and her object
is held up without disguise to the observation of an impartial
public. In my last I ventured to assert that the abettors of that
system, were animated by a secret hostility to the Catholic
religion. The assertion may have been deemed hazardous;
* What Diomede, nor Thetis greater son,
A thousand ships, nor ten years’ siege had done,
False tears, and fawning words, the city won Dryden.
f I. Machabees, ii, 50, 51 .
18
LETTER III.
however, it has been justified by the result of the last meeting —
a result which has imposed on the Gospellers the necessity of
coming to a fair and open contest. Thanks to the intrepidity of
Mr. O’Connell, who was not to be appalled by the frightful array
which bigotry had drawn up against him. I look upon the last
meeting as auspicious, because it brings the principles of the Society,
uncoloured by specious pretences, before the tribunal of public
opinion. I should hope there is an end to all suspicions on the
one hand, and to all palliatives on the other ; and now that every
subterfuge is removed, the system must stand or fall by its own
intrinsic merit. For eight years and more, have the Catholics
been assailed by the emissaries of this Society ; and if they
were incredulous enough to distrust its object, they were sure to
be taxed with bigotry and superstition.
Doubtless, the consequences of the last meeting will furnish a
rich theme for pathetic declamation. The young aspirants
after literary fame will soon take occasion to pour out their
pity or indignation at the incurable folly and stubborness of the
Irish. But while they deplore our perverseness, we shall be
content with the arguments furnished by the names of Leinster
and Cloncurry, to justify our distrust. While these benevolent
noblemen thought, that to circulate knowledge was the object of
the Kildare-street Society, they cordially lent it their support ;
but, on learning that a proselytizing principle was its treacherous
purpose, they indignantly disclaimed any alliance with so unholy
a project. Well might Mr. O’Connell make them a present of
their majority; when the corner-stone is removed, it is easy to
predict the fate of the edifice. The generosity of such conduct
will not be unappreciated ; and, while I dwell with pleasure on
the virtues of the Duke of Leinster, I should not withhold the
meed of gratitude from the son of Curran, who emulates the spirit
of his illustrious father, and breathes a portion of that eloquence
which often struck dumb the advocates of illiberality.
To Mr. North, the advocate of the Bible Society, I beg leave
now to address myself. In your eloquent address to the Society,
I have no doubt, Sir, but you imagined you w r ere asserting
knowledge against ignorance, and religion against superstition.
It would be derogatory to the known benevolence of your
character to make any other supposition. But I regret, Sir, that
your zeal for a favourite opinion has led you to underrate the
powers of your own mind. You assert that the Scriptures are
obvious to every capacity ; for you never discovered any diffi-
culties in them, nor were you ever enlightened by commentators.
It might be an incalculable loss to mankind, were you to divert your
attention from the study of the law, which you may be destined to
illustrate, to the heavy pages of Polus or of Lightfoot : and hence,
it is not surprising that you were not enlightened by their labours.
LETTER III,
19
You have discovered no difficulties in the Scriptures ! ! I will not
suppose that you have not read them ; it would be injurious to
your piety ; though it must be confessed that the genius of your
eloquence is fonder of lingering on Parnassus than on Sion;
nor does it breathe those deep inspirations from Siloa’s brook that
are found in our immortal countrymen, Burke and Curran.
But as you have discovered no difficulties in the entire of the
Scriptures, I congratulate the public on the important truth.
Perhaps you would favour us with an antidote against the
Apocalyptic mania that has, for near three centuries, diseased
the intellect of the sister country. You, Sir, have discovered no
difficulties in the Scriptures ; they, therefore, are obvious to every
capacity. Admirable conclusion ! — Were I to assure you that
I discovered no difficulties in the law, and hence it was obvious to
every individual, you might be inclined to bend the gravity of .
your muscles. If, however, you have been enabled to sound the
depths of the Scripture, imagine not that all are equally gifted.
What may be clear to some, may be comparatively obscure to
others ; and, while the mind of Mr. North sheds a train of glory
over the path of its enquiry, others must grope their way by the
feeble lights of criticism and conjecture. I will not, Sir, dispute
the supremacy of your intellect, but without meaning disrespect,
I must assert, that after some attention to the inspired volume,
I have been led to embrace a different opinion. It is but right
to respect each other’s honest conviction.
Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim
To the Bible Association I would now direct myself, in the
name of the people of Ireland, in language which, if all could not
be supposed to utter, all would understand.
If you had tendered to us the blessings of education solely,
we would have accepted the boon with hearts full of thankfulness,
we would have gladly hailed the dawning of a spirit which
mitigated the rigour of former times, and our gratitude would
consecrate the remembrance of our benefactors. But, alas ! we
have been duped by hollow professions ; and while persuasion
sleeked the tongues of our deceivers, we were not aware of the
“ venom that was under their bps.” You give us the Bible, but
we, whose lot is labour, have not time to peruse its contents.
Why withhold from us the Catechism, a regular system of faith
and morals, compiled from the Scriptures by the zeal of our
pastors, and best fitted to our necessities ? But still, if you give
us the Bible, why take away the spirit that enlivens and informs
it. In reading over its mysteries, like the Eunuch of Ethiopia,*
who was bewildered by the visions of Isaiah, we would be obliged
* Acts, viii, 26„
20
LETTER III.
to cry out, How can we understand, unless some one point out the
meaning ? Take not then from us the anchor of our faith, lest,
loosened from its hold, we be drifted to and fro by every wind
of doctrine. Talk not to us of the illuminations of the spirit ;
uninformed as we are, we have heard of its extravagancies.
Leave us the simple uniformity of our creed, and we will not
envy you the diversity of your Babel dialects. Spare your
invectives against the despotism of our pastors. Under circum-
stances the most discouraging, they have ministered to our
spiritual wants, and explained the truths of the Gospel to those
to whom they were inaccessible. Loosen not the firm hold they
have on our gratitude; our fortunes have been bound by a
kindred sympathy, and, when every other hope was dashed, the
accents of the pastor were the sweetest solace of our afflictions.
Our religion is said to be superstitious ; still we are able to un-
derstand that it -is the only one that ascends to Christ. While
you then may boast of the charms of novelty, we feel that a
religion, hoary with the honours of eighteen centuries, has the
strongest claims on our veneration. Do not ask us, how do we
know its antiquity ? It is as easy to trace back the series of our
pontiffs as the succession of our kings ; and it is as easy to date
the era of a spiritual rebellion, as the epoch of a revolution and
the establishment of a new dynasty. If our religion be super-
stitious, it is a superstition we share with the most enlightened
nations, and the purest ages of the Church : unreasoning then
as our faculty is, it is not difficult for us to discover the supe-
riority of our faith to a religion fanciful in its creed, confined in
its extent, and recent in its origin. These are the arguments
that have been pressed upon our attention ; they are obvious to
our capacity, they are analogous to the plan of Providence in
enlightening the poor as well as the rich, and, as we are conscious
of our weakness, that very consciousness gives them force irre-
sistible. We cannot pretend to half the lights of those who
disagree among themselves ; we would therefore tell you, in the
language of one of your own members, “ do not pull down one
system until you establish another — endeavour to adjust your
own differences before you can lay claim to our confidence.”
Too long has our country been torn by religious discord; we
hoped that the spirit of charity had hushed it to repose. Suffer
us, then, to enjoy the quiet convictions of our religion, and do
not blow up all the bad passions by the unhallowed breath of
fanaticism. If, under an influence that preaches patience and
respect to the constituted authorities, some of our brethren are
unfortunately turbulent, you ought to tremble for the conse-
quences when a fanatic might point to every man in power, as
one of the odious characters denounced by the Hebrew prophets.
As you value, then, the peace of the country, leave us in the
LETTER III.
21
enjoyment of the only legacy that has been left us. You may
enlighten our minds without insulting our religion.
Such is the language which the Irish people would now address
to you ; and, give me leave to add, in reply to the sciolists who
associate our religion with ignorance, that it is the religion which
inspired the muse of Yida, and sublimed the eloquence of Bossuet.
It has satisfied the inquisitive mind of Pascal, and has been illus-
trated by the labours of the early Fathers. If, then, the Catho-
lics are reproached with superstition, they will be consoled by
treading in the path which Leo and Chrysostom have trodden.
I hope that the prelates will not be inattentive to the appeal that
has been made to them. If there be a disposition manifested to
contribute to the progress of education, they will surely encou-
rage so liberal a proposal ; by training up the youth of Ireland
to reading and learning the Christian doctrine, their minds would
be prepared to benefit by the instruction of the clergy.
A word at parting to the Dublin Journal. It must, I suppose,
be his impartiality that made him withhold from the public the
proceedings of the last meeting. Although I deplore, perhaps,
more than the Journal the excesses of the peasantry, I cannot but
admire the ingenuity that could compare them with the treason
of Thistlewood. He has disclaimed a wish to attack the Catho-
lics ; if he confines himself to this negative merit, we will dispense
with his advocacy. I may have occasionally an eye to the
columns of that paper, and, if he should be disposed to forget
his apology, he may rest assured that he may have occasion to
favour the public with another specimen of the delicacy of his
ideas, and the politeness of his language.
IIlEROPHILOS.
22
LETTER IV.
LETTER IV.
Maynooth College,
April 1, 1820.
To; rot iTrtrXviru (AvSotatv tpoTatv.
Ai-^/ci re tyvhoTrtfrog ‘vyeKercct xogog u^^uTroifftv., — Iliad.
Then hear my counsel, and to reason yield ;
The bravest soon are satiate of the field — Pope.
My last letter has been honoured, it seems, with the perusal
and attention of one of the Evangelical Association. As I
presume that my readers cannot feel much interested in the
personal merits of two rival writers, I will not waste my time,
nor their patience, in returning the compliments which “ Biblio-
philos” has been pleased to bestow upon me. I shall not, there-
fore, stop to analyse his composition, although it has strong
claims to praise; nor shall I enquire after what model of the
ancients or moderns it has been fashioned. For aught that
regards the present controversy, it is to me a matter of indiffer-
ence, whether my adversary chooses to stray on the banks of
the Peneus or “ the flood of Chobar,”* and crop the flowers of
his diction in the vale of Tempe or of Hebron.
But there is another species of literature which he seems to
have cultivated with success, and which seems to have given a
dignified cast to his style. That he is deeply read in the cere-
monial of chivalry, his manner bears striking evidence : while
the bucklers, and lists, and lances, that figure in his letter, reveal
the breathings of a mind burning for the combat, the measured
tone of his language shows that he is not more anxious to distin-
guish himself by his prowess than his politeness. I would
recommend a portion of his civility to those who sour the most
sacred subject by the most offensive acrimony. To engage with
such a champion cannot be an ungracious task. Although it
may be a loss of time, there is little danger of a loss of temper ;
and, though the justness of his cause, or the temper of his
weapon, should fail to secure success, he is sure to enlist the
public sympathy by the courtesy of his demeanour. After this
salutation, it may be necessary to proceed to try the strength or
weakness of my adversary. I must remark, however, with
regard to his unmerited attack on the Weekly Register , that I
will be content to make so respectable a paper the vehicle of my
thoughts, while I cannot imagine that the elegance of “ Biblio-
* A river in Chaldea, frequently mentioned in Ezekiel. See i, ii, x, chapters, &c.
LETTER IV.
23
philos” will ever borrow a richer tinge from the medium of the
Dublin Journal .*
As his first observations may be considered as feeble outposts
to guard the citadel, they shall not detain me long. However,
they exhibit a specimen of his skilful disposition ; calculating, no
doubt, that though his cause was not staked on their strength,
they might exhaust the patience of his opponent. How does he
acquit the Education Society of the charge of bigotry and into-
lerance ? By the most unheard-of mode of justification. Little
did I imagine that I should find a writer, jealous of the nicest
civilities of life, the panegyrist of the most outrageous violation
of decorum. Little did I imagine that the advocate of liberality
and freedom would applaud that monopoly of mind which
laboured to wrest from others the invaluable privilege of discus-
sion, which itself exclusively arrogated. “By the unqualified
disapprobation and dismissal of Mr. O’Connell’s motion, they
asserted the purity of their views, they vindicated their honour,
and confirmed the confidence of their country.” A novel way of
winning confidence, indeed !
If any circumstance could rivet still more closely the distrust
of the country, it is the proceedings of the last meeting. If
their conduct was as blameless as they boasted — if the principles
and practice of the society were in unison — why not fearlessly
court investigation ? Surely, such solicitude to dismiss Mr.
O’Connell’s motion, betrays a consciousness that there was some-
thing within too tender to sustain a public scrutiny. It is in
vain that he may reason on the virtues and benevolence of the
members. No, not all the speculations of “ Bibliophilos,” how-
ever ingeniously clothed, and pointedly expressed, can resist the
stubborn testimony of the facts that are on record ; and, “ though
they should multiply to themselves the herb borith,” it will not
blot out the deep impression. If he should ask, what could
induce persons to devote their time, “ gratuitously,” to such an
object, I will refer him to the speech of Lord Cloncurry, who
had an opportunity of drawing aside the veil that covered the
mystery of their proceedings.
From his Lordship has transpired the important secret, that
some of the members of the society were drawn within its magic
circle, not more by the invitations of the spirit, than by the
attractions of the treasury. But as this part of the letter
furnishes a finer specimen of the rhetoric than the reasoning of
* The three letters of “Bibliophilos” appeared in the columns of the Dublin
Journal. It is long since defunct ; but the spirit of bigotry by which it was
animated appears to have transmigrated to some of its successors. It is but
justice, however, to that journal to state that it made congruous atonement for
its offensive attacks on the Catholic religion, as well as on the first letters of
“ Hierophilos.”
24
LETTER IV.
my adversary, I envy not the society the aid of his declamation.
I am myself unwilling to confound all its members — I have
before acknowledged that it is patronised by some whose motives
are above impeachment — but even the great and the good may
be deceived by splendid projects, and the worthless endeavour to
hide their own littleness under the shadow of their virtues.
Fallit enim vitium specie virtutis et umbra.
As to Mr. North, if he is not cased in the panoply of “ Biblio-
philos,” he would probably dispense with the officious advocacy
of his friend. Surely, I have no enmity to that gentleman.
That he is an excellent pleader, I am ready to acknowledge;
but though I might bow to his opinion on a point of law, I
might consider him an unsafe guide in concerns of religion. I
will bear willing testimony to the eloquence of his panegyric of
the Scripture at the late meeting ; yet I have read still more
fervid eulogies from persons who believed not a tittle of their
inspiration. But, really, the subject is too important to hinge
on the opinions of any individuals ; I will, therefore, beg leave
to allow Messrs. North and O’Connell, as they are perfectly
competent to the task, to defend their own cause.
I know not how my supposed address to the Irish people,
which he has been pleased to call eloquent, but fanciful, is
affected by his observations. I have not violated the congruity
of character, by putting reasoning into their mouths too abstruse
for their simplicity ; nor have I paid the dangerous compliment
to their ignorance of erecting it into a tribunal of religious
truth. Although they might be capable of comprehending the
few arguments with which I furnished them, still might they
require the aid of the good and benevolent. It is rather strange
to deny to the people the apprehension of a few obvious prin-
ciples, who, if we believe our adversaries, are capable of ranging
with safety through the inspired volume, and understanding with
ease the visions of Ezekiel.
As to his picture of the turbulence and immorality of the Irish
people — a picture which, “ by its dark colouring and distorted
features, betrays the hand of an enemy” — I must remark that I
was not the apologist of their innocence ; but, until he shows
that they are below the level of their neighbours, who are
amply provided with Bibles, and that the Bible is a panacea
for the evils which he exaggerates, it is quite unnecessary to
dwell upon the subject. To whom does he refer me for informa-
tion ? — to vague and nameless authorities, or the more suspicious
reports of the Bible Societies ! I question whether he has ever
waded through the shapeless mass ; he seems to have shown
more anxiety for the improvement of his time and talents, than
to have wasted his attention on such whining compositions.
LETTER IV.
25
When he introduces the Catholic prelates, and forcibly classes
them with these “errant saints,” to depose in favour of his
system, they must surely appreciate the compliment of being
put in such good company. I did expect from the sobriety of
“ Bibiiophilos,” a more temperate allusion to Scripture than to
apply the words of Daniel to persons, of whom some might be
more strongly marked by the denunciation of another prophet.*
But as I would tremble to introduce lightly the words of the
inspired writings, perhaps, they would find themselves appro-
priately habited in the costume of an English poet : —
In gospel-phrase their chapmen they betray.
Their shops are dens, their buyers are their prey ;
All hands unite, of every jarring sect,
They cheat the country first, and then infect.
We now come to the last and greatest point of “ Bibiiophilos,”
for which he seems to have reserved all the resources of his
skill and dexterity. To this part, as it is one of vital import-
ance, I invite my reader to come with a severe, unbiassed, and
discriminating judgment.
As I would not expect, from the ingenuousness of my oppo-
nent, that he would recur to the subterfuges of little polemics, I
am willing to believe that he has rather mistaken than misrepre-
sented my meaning. He says, I have appealed to the practice
of the Church; and after coming up with a heavy phalanx of
the Fathers, triumphantly concludes that I had no claim to their
support. I know not how this is reconcileable with the anxiety
he feels to know my opinion on the diffusion of the Scriptures —
an opinion which, according to him, I have studiously disguised.
Lest, however, I should fall into a similar mistake, of mis-stating
his letter, I subjoin his own words : — “ On the circulation and
perusal of the Scriptures, and their introduction into schools, the
only question at issue, ‘ Hierophilos’ has judged it unnecessary
or unadvisable to hazard an opinion.”
I am, therefore, opposed by the authority of the Fathers on a
point on which he says I have not expressed my sentiments.
My expressions were, that the religion of the Catholics was the
religion which was illustrated by the early Fathers, and that
they would be consoled in treading the path which Leo and
Chrysostom had trodden. I would wish to know, will he under-
take to combat this assertion ? If not, his long array of Fathers
will not bear on my position. The Fathers have said nothing
which, if understood in the spirit it was spoken, the most rigid
Catholic would not subscribe to, without any impeachment of his
orthodoxy. Fortunately, I have answered him by anticipation.
* Jeremias, chap, xxiii, v. 31, &c. : — Behold, I am against the prophets , saith
the Lord, who use their tongues, and say, “ the Lord saith it.”
C
26
LETTER IV.
From the attention he bestowed on the last, I may presume he
has read my other letters. In one of them I have unequivocally
asserted, that it never was the spirit of the Catholic Church to
withhold the Scripture from the people, unless compelled by
necessity. As my sentiments are in perfect accordance with this
spirit, he may be induced to think, that “ Hierophilos” and
“ Bibliophilos,” though evidently assumed for the purpose of
invidious contrast, are not irreconcileable characters. So far,
then, we agree. But, to allay the triumph he may feel on this
admission, I must add, that I have too much respect for the
sacred volume to make it the play -thing of every school-boy;
and too strong a conviction of man’s weakness, to allow him to
wander through it without a guide. He, as an abettor of the
Bible system, will controvert either position. Here, then, we
are at issue. As the question is stripped of every circumstance
that could perplex its simplicity, let us examine who is most
likely to be supported by the authority of the Fathers.
According to his reasoning, the Fathers have recommended
the reading of the Scriptures to the faithful : therefore, the
system of the Education Society is sanctioned by the practice of
the purest ages of Christianity. This is a conclusion that
stretches beyond the extent of his premises. If he does not see
a wide disparity in the cases, perhaps I could furnish him with a
supposition more analogous to the present circumstances.
If, after the Catholics began to breathe from the persecution
of Yalens, a society had been formed to circulate the Scriptures
among the Catholics, composed of Arians and Donatists, and
Nestorians, and Eutychians of a later period, and, to complete
the aggregate, of a few Catholics, whose guileless simplicity
betrayed them into a support of the system. The more exalted
members of the society, probably sincere, profess they have no
wish to disturb the religious scruples of the Catholics, and hence
retire to a secure distance from the din of the fanatics ; while
the more busy agents push on the god-like work of distributing
the Scriptures, accompanying them with the most exasperating
comments on the tyranny of the priests, and the most sarcastic
commisseration of the ignorance of the people. They tell them
that hitherto they have been detained in the most degrading
ignorance ; and that now, by seeing the light with their own
eyes, they will renounce the guilt of exalting to the honours of
the divinity one who was clothed in the infirmities of man. If
the first fervour of the zealots should occasionally subside, let
us suppose that a seasonable contact with the Imperial Exche-
quer restores their languid energy —
For gain has wonderful effects,
T* improve the factory of sects.
LETTER IV.
27
Will “ Bibliophilos” say that such a system would have been
sanctioned by the Fathers ? Ignorant he musf be of the stern-
ness of their principles, if he could entertain a supposition so
revolting to the tenor of their lives. Had St. Augustine been so
yielding, he would not have waged an alternate and unremitting
war with the Pelagians and Donatists of his day ; and had St.
Chrysostom courted the favour, he never would have fallen a
victim to the revenge of Eudoxia. Really the Fathers were not
sufficiently enlightened for the enlarged liberality of the present
times ; and though they knew and practised Christian charity,
perhaps, as well as our modern orators, they never could
“ extend their view to the expansive circle of universal religion.”
This, or similar language, now so familiar with all who aspire to
the praise of eloquence and evangelism, is what Persius would
call —
Grande aliquid quod pulmo animae praelargus anhelet.*
This general view of the subject must, I am sure, convince
every reader of the inconclusiveness of the reasoning of my
opponent. Lest, however, it should be imagined that I shrink
from the Fathers, I intreat his attention to the continuance of
this very weighty subject. As the ground is of my adversary’s
choosing, I will track him in his own path ; and I must, there-
fore, be excused if the reader finds no grateful pauses to solace
the weariness of the way. It may not be unnecessary to direct
the attention of “Bibliophilos” to a canon of criticism which
reason and candour will approve. When the Fathers wrote
against the Pagans, who despised the authority of Scripture, or
preached against the faithful, who were regardless of its pre-
cepts, we are naturally to expect from them the most animated
language, in enforcing the utility, or arraigning the neglect of
the inspired writings. But, again, when they pointed their
reproofs against the rashness of the sectaries, who perverted
their meaning, they dwell with serious solemnity on the necessity
of treading over the sacred ground with a trembling and respect-
ful caution. The contrast between his quotations and mine, from
the same Fathers, will illustrate the truth and justness of this
principle : —
“ They abandon the rule of truth, who interpret the Scrip-
tures contrary to ecclesiastical tradition.” — Clement of Alex-
andria, 7th Book of Sentences.
* All noise and empty pomp, a storm of words,
Labouring with sound, that little sense affords. — Dryden.
Lines truly characteristic of some of our much admired oratory ; which, by
losing sight of the chaste and simple models of antiquity, has adopted a vitiated
style, in which the most ordinary thought struggles under the cumbrous weight
of unnecessary ornament.
28
LETTER IV.
44 As often as the heretics (the reader will pardon the offen-
siveness of the expression, for it is not mine) produce the
canonical Scriptures, which every Christian believes, they seem
to say, 4 Behold, the word of God is made the inmate of your
houses.’ But we ought not to believe them, nor to stray from
the older ecclesiastical tradition, nor to believe otherwise than
according to what has been delivered to us by the succession of
the Church of God.” — Origen, Homily on St. Matthew, 29.
44 Will every one who pleases be the judge of those books,
although he is not able to point out his master, nor the time he
spent learning them, nor exhibit any of those qualities necessary
to form a judgment of books. But I know that it is not lawful
for every individual to subject to his own private judgment the
things that are spoken in the oracles of the spirit.” — St. Bazil’s
7 5th Epistle to the Inhabitants of Neoaccesaria.
44 In expounding the Scriptures, we ought to feel the same
alarm as persons putting to sea ; not so much from the dangers
of the deep, as because we are unskilful navigators.” — St. Chry-
sostom, Homily on Mathusalem.
44 Without being previously instructed in poetry, you would
not attempt Terence without a master. Asper, Cornutus, Dona-
tus, and numberless others, are necessary for interpreting each
of the poets ; and do you rush into the sacred books without a
guide, and dare to explain them without a master ? And, again,
if every art, in order to be attained, requires a master, what
can argue a prouder temerity, than not to learn the sacred books
from their lawful interpreters ?” — St. Augustine, On the Utility
of Believing — the 7th and 17 th chapters.
I have reserved this Father for the last place, both because he
is last in the order of time, and, also, because he affords me an
opportunity of taking my adversary on his own ground, and
giving a triumphant answer to his interrogatory, where he
undertakes the task of interpreting Mr. North’s opinion. With
Saint Augustine on my side — for, I confess, I revere the un-
fashionable epithet — I need not fear the formidable union of Mr.
North and his interpreter. As I do not mean to fatigue his, nor
my own, patience with further quotations, I would recommend
the above-mentioned treatise to the perusal of 44 Bibliophilos,” as
it was addressed to Honoratus, whose opinions on the plainness
of the Scriptures seem to have been cast in the same mould as
his own.
I have now taken a patient review of the Fathers, and fur-
nished a simple method of disengaging the different passages
which might perplex an illiterate mind. I, too, then, may con-
fidently appeal to the judgment of the severe and the impartial,
whether the Fathers are favourable to the uncontrolled perusal
of the Scriptures, on the principles of the Education Society.
LETTER V.
29
I hail the spirit of wholesome curiosity that has directed “ Bib-
liophilos” to those venerable guides, and that has given me an
opportunity of introducing them to my readers. They may, on
the first appearance, make an unfavourable impression ; but, like
many other characters of solid, though unostentatious, merit,
they will improve on a more familiar acquaintance. However I
may rejoice, I fear that his indiscretion will not be much ap-
plauded by his Biblical brethren. The aid of the Fathers has
been long since despaired of, as they were found uniformly
enlisted on the side of the Catholics ; nor will all the ingenuity
of “ Bibliophilos” be able to reduce them to the flexible fidelity
of Swiss auxiliaries.
Hierophilos.
LETTER V.
Maynooth College,
April 29* 1820.
Acetone,
b veictg, sgw uvrrfvrivti ' — Phocyclides.
Strife kindles strife, inflicts a deadly smart,
Wliile soft persuasion steals upon the heart.
The public has been favoured, at length, with another epistle of
“ Bibliophiles.” After the candid and pacific temper which he
displays, together with an intention of retiring from the contest,
it would be ungenerous to treat him with hostility. Still, the
interest of truth may require that I should rectify his misappre-
hensions.
Having bestowed very high compliments on the superior
excellence of my last letter, he ascribes, with evident complacency,
much of the real, or fancied improvement, to the influence of his
own admonition. I should be sorry to deprive him of such an
innocent source of vanity. But, perhaps, on reflection, he might
be induced to ascribe the imaginary amendment to a calmness
which was not to be disturbed by his provocation. On finding
that the intemperance of his opponent was not likely to furnish a
theme for ridicule; and dreading, perhaps, that his favourite
weapons might be successfully pointed against himself, he has
been induced to resume the former dignity of his style. Without,
however, wasting time on a subject comparatively uninteresting,
it is impossible not to admire the playful versatility of this writer ;
who, after drawing me into an extensive field of discussion,
dexterously eludes the arguments with which he was unwilling
to grapple, and shifts the last scene of the controversy to the
sixteenth century, for the purpose of pronouncing a fervid pane-
gyric on the labours of the reformers.
Similar is the artifice, by which he endeavours to turn the
arms of his adversaries against each other. After failing by open
force, he has had recourse to stratagem, and flings the torch of
discord among his opponents, by insinuating that “ Hierophilos” is
their secret foe, or that he shows his friendship like the elephants
of Pyrrhus, whose undistinguishing rage had trodden upon their
friends as well as on their enemies. Surely they will not listen
to the insidious suggestion. He frankly confesses that the Fathers
have deserted his standard. Yet, I know not why he should
complain that I have not pressed his retreating steps, unless he
LETTER VI.
37
were conscious of being formidable, even in his flight, by display-
ing the dangerous dexterity of the Parthian.*
To illustrate the advantage of the perusal of the Scriptures,
he directs my attention to the sixteenth century, and exhorts me
to contrast its splendour with the darkness of the preceding
period. My curiosity is then solicited to some of the writers of
my own creed, who have confessed the magnitude of the abuses
that oppressed the Catholic Church. Without mentioning the
names of those from whom he has probably drawn his information,
it must be confessed that there have been some writers, who,
affecting to rise above the tameness of their cotemporaries,
abjured the spirit of the religion, of which they retained the
profession, and fancied they were displaying a superiority of
intellect by the freedom of their censures on the Church which
they dishonoured. Yet, they have generally distinguished
between the faults of men, and the abuses incorporated with
religion. They have not justified the temerity that would deny
the doctrine of indulgences, on account of the ignorant exagge-
rations of some of its abettors ; nor applauded the insubordination
that would annihilate the Pope’s spiritual supremacy, on account
of the rapacity of some of his ministers.
In return, I beg leave to refer him to the candid, as well as
illiberal Protestant writers, f who have shown how little of the
light of the sixteenth century is to be traced to the Reformation.
It sprung from other causes, over which the reformers had no
control ; — the invention of printing — the impulse given to the
human mind by the spirit of commercial enterprize, and the
discovery of new nations — but chiefly, to the fall of Constantinople
in the preceding century, from which the seeds of science were
scattered over Europe, and reared in the Italian soil, by the
cultivation of the Bishops of Rome. Hence, Bolingbroke, speak-
ing of the liberality with which learning was encouraged by the
Fifth Nicholas, and the other Pontiffs of the illustrious house of
the Medici, makes an observation more deserving of the gratitude
than the irony of a generous mind, that the “ Popes were the
* Parthumque fidentem fuga versisque sagittis. — Virgil, Georg. III.
Terga conversi metuenda Parthi. — Seneca, CEdip.
f Of the latter class, see Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, 12th Vol., 66th Chapter.
Of the former class, see Roscoe’s life of Leo X. 1st and 4th Vols. octavo edition.
It is with pleasure I introduce the name of this learned and candid author,
who, in a work embracing much of these invidious topics, so warmly agitated
between Catholics and Protestants, has kept the balance with a firmer hand than
writers of much more pompous pretensions to neutrality. In the fourth volume
he shows what little effect the reformation had upon literature, if we except the
polemical tracts, which were calculated to exasperate, rather than humanize the
temper of the times. In the first, he gives a narrative of the learned men who
formed societies in Rome and Naples in the 15th century, and shows that
learning was already shedding a strong and steady light over Europe, before its
peace was disturbed by the sound of the reformation.
38
LETTER VI.
first to touch the talisman that dissolved the fabric of their own
greatness/' To those, then, who have not examined their
characters, and scrutinized their motives, he may extol the merit
of the worthies of the Reformation. He will, however, excuse me
if, on the faith of history, I should represent them as men whose
religion was profaneness, whose politics were anarchy, and whose
morality was licentiousness* — men, whose renowned chief re-
formed the discipline of the cloister by a double violation of its
most solemn engagements, and, like his predecessor of Mecca, of
still more daring impiety,
Then beckons some kind Angel, from above,
With a new text to consecrate their love.
Indeed, it is unfortunate for the advocates of the Bible to have
the merits of the first abettors of the system, the subject of such
frequent animadversion. It is unwise in them to impose on
their adversaries the hard necessity of offending some of their
dearest prejudices, by exhibiting the true characters of the re-
formers to the gaze of the world. Better let them sleep in peace,
until the lurid glare of their vices is lost in time ; and when, like
the predatory founders of ancient cities, their memory recedes
into legendary dimness, then may they exalt them to the honours
of an apotheosis.
But what are the advantages that resulted from an in-
discriminate perusal of the Scriptures ? History has recorded
them in all the wild varieties of error. When Luther first arose,
he preached to the people the widest latitude of religious faith,
adjuring them to appeal to the Bible only, as their creed, and
their conscience as its interpreter. For a while he was heard as
an oracle, and enjoyed a monopoly of apostleship. Soon, how-
ever, the success of the reformer diffused among his disciples the
spirit of a dangerous rivalship. They, too, erected the standard
of revolt, and divided with the patriarch the allegiance of his
followers. His haughty soul was mortified by the partition of his
empire. In vain did he threaten to rivet the chains which he
struck off ; in vain did he appeal to the evidence of the divine
word ; the divine word was mute, and its fragments were idly
brandished against each other, by the adverse fury of the sec-
taries. All who addressed the people confidently appealed to
the Scripture, to give a sanction to their own pretensions, and
inveighed against the despotism of any church which could not
sustain the test of enquiry.
* I could illustrate every member of this sentence, by a peculiar reference to
each of the reformers. Without drawing on my fancy, I could exhibit the
edifying pictures they drew of each other. But I should dread to offend the
delicacy of my readers, by such disgusting representations, for, such is the
coarseness of their expressions, that it could not be endured by the decency of
modern manners, or the dignity of modern language.
LETTER VI.
39
The artifice was not novel ; it has been practised in every age,
and once betrayed into the errors of the Manicheans the inquisitive
mind of St. Augustine. I will take occasion to quote the affecting
passage at a future period. Still the artifice succeeded ; the
people were loosened from the holding of the ancient faith, and
have been drifted for three hundred years on the tide of human
opinion, without being able to find resting place.
As if aware of the inevitable consequences of such a system,
my antagonist gives up the hope of union, and enquires in a
tone of despondence, where a directing authority is to be found ?
He may recollect that I have already shown its necessity and
existence. He may recollect that Christ commands acquiescence
in its decisions, under the most awful denunciations. I will,
therefore, content myself now with observing, that a tribunal, to
which Christ commanded all to appeal, cannot be inaccessible ;
and that a Church, of which he requires all to be members, can-
not be obscure in its characters, or difficult in its approaches.
The sincere enquirer after truth may soon discover a large
society, invested with the splendid characters of the true Church,
and justly likened, by Christ himself, to a city on the mountain
top, lighting, by the blaze of its watch-tower, the steps of the
wanderer. Really the conclusion of his own letter should furnish,
in my mind, the strongest proof of this authority. Unable to
extricate himself from the difficulties resulting from its rejection,
he is obliged to extend salvation indiscriminately to the professors
of every creed ; and, by one dash of his pen, to efface every
feature between a Christian and an Infidel.
Such are the lamentable lengths to which modern liberality
conducts its votaries ; and hence their severity against the stern
intolerance of the Catholic Church. As the length of my present
letter prevents me from pressing the subject, I may soon take
occasion of giving a fair and accurate view of this appalling
tenet. It may be useful to correct the mistakes, not only of the
Protestants, but of some of my Catholic brethren, to show that
the interests of truth are not incompatible with true liberality ;
and that the strong conviction of its possession, instead of relax-
ing the charities of the human heart, has given, in every age,
the strongest spring to its benevolence. I would exhort 4 4 Bibli-
ophilos” to consider well the boundaries between science and
religion ; and to reflect that great improvement in the one, is
often associated with great errors in the other. Hence, when I
reflect that the country on which Tacitus bestowed the epithet of
despectissima pars generis humani, (“ the most despised portion
of the human race,”) was the sole repository of Heaven’s reve-
lation, while Rome sat in darkness, I can listen with pity to
the invectives of a neighbouring nation against the religious
ignorance of our own. Nay, when I contemplate the singular
40
LETTER VI.
lot of that nation, poised in the happy mean between demo-
cracy and despotism, — enriched with the treasures of every
art, and ennobled by the conquest of every science — her chief
city 4 4 the mart of the nations, and her traders, the nobles of the
earth,” — still more agitated by religious factions than the waves
that are breaking round her cliffs, I am obliged to characterise
her in the language of one of the divinest of our own bards,
A wand’ring bark, upon whose path-way shone
All stars of Heav’n, except the guiding one.
And now that my adversary, on retiring, has been pleased to
express a desire of a more unreserved correspondence : if he
means a private interview, I should gladly meet his wishes, if I
thought it would lead to any satisfactory results. If he means,
however, that I should give my name to the public, I beg leave
to decline the proposal, though I purpose to give expression to
no sentiment which I would be ashamed to avow. While I must
consider his conjectures highly flattering, he may rest assured,
that whatever be the station of 44 Hierophilos,” he has written
with the impression, that, where there is argument, it wants not
the aid of the magic of a great title ; and where there is none,
no title can supply its deficiency. He feels that, in other con-
tests, the actors may well exhibit themselves to the admiration
or ridicule of the public ; but that religious controversy is too
sacred a subject, for vanity to presume to thrust her little figure
into the fore-ground. Unwilling, then, to dissipate the conjec-
tures that are collecting around any individual, he is content
with the soft obscurity of a private character, and smiles at the
competition of his cotemporaries, to jostle into fame. If my
adversary has determined to take his final leave, it is only justice
to his merit to acknowledge that he has written, in defence of his
cause, with elegance and ingenuity. He may be convinced, that
I will always respect the honest convictions of a liberal mind ;
and, perhaps, derive some satisfaction from the assurance, that I
have given to the candour and acquirements of 44 Bibliophilos,” a
notice, which, on harsher provocation, I refused to the graduated
sons of the University.
I may be permitted, however, to pursue my original purpose,
of denouncing the designs of the Bible Societies, and cautioning
my Catholic countrymen against the treachery of their friend-
ship. To throw some light upon the subject, it may be neces-
sary to inform the public, that a meeting of the Sunday School
Societies took place at the Rotunda, on the 19th of April last.
It would naturally be expected, that the proceedings of men,
who pretend to act upon the most honourable principles, would
be accessible to my curiosity. But, strange to say, I was denied
admittance, on pretence of having no ticket ; but to show that
LETTER VI.
41
by this was meant a positive exclusion, where I was directed to
for a ticket, none could be procured. This is the boasted pub-
licity of their proceedings. But, I suppose, they profited by the
indiscretion of the Kildar e-street meeting ; and, finding it made
the subject of discussion by the profane pen of “ Hierophilos,’ ,
they were resolved to protect their own against any sacrilegious
intrusions. Hence, the mysteries of Eleusis were never guarded
with a more jealous vigilance. But they may rest assured that
no secrecy will secure their designs against detection and ex-
posure. In the hope that some gifted writer would rise, to assert
the majesty of the Catholic discipline and doctrine, against the
dreams of these speculatists, I have listened in silence to their
clamorous egotism ringing in my ears. The day, I trust, is not
distant, when my hopes will be realized ; but, in the meantime,
they may be convinced, that I will occasionally watch their con-
duct, concluding, in the words of the pious Bishop of Alba, to
whom literature is more indebted than to the whole group of
cotemporary reformers —
Induat in facies centum, centum ille figuras
Ipse adero retegamque dolos fcecundaque fraudis
Agmina disjiciam et magna virtute resistam.*
Hierophilos.
* Let them, like Proteus, all their arts display.
And shift their fraudful forms night and day ;
Their toils are vain, for mine shall be th’ employ,
Their wiles to baffle and their force destroy. — Vida’s Christiad.
An epic poem, which rivals the Eneid in the sweetness of its versification, as it
immeasurably surpasses it in the sacredness and majesty of its theme. When
the above passage, prophetic of its destruction, was applied to the Kildare-street
Society, its advocates fancied it had taken such root in the country, that they
could smile at the harmless menace. Yet ten years did not elapse, when it was
obliged to yield to the united zeal and energy of the Catholic people. Such,
too, will, assuredly, be the fate of all other systems of education not based on
Catholic principles. They may amuse or deceive for a time; but, after the
lapse of a few years, there will not be a trace of their existence.
D
42
LETTER VII.
LETTER VII.
ON INTOLEEANCE AND EXCLUSIVE SALVATION.
Island of Arran,
Aug. 13, 1820.
Loiige aliud studium atque alios adcincta labores
Non tamen absistam coeptum detexere munus — Virgil.
Though other labours destined to pursue,
My promis’d purpose I shall keep in view.
Before I can be prevailed upon to return the salutations of the
other personages who have condescended to solicit the corres-
pondence of “ Hierophilos,” it may be expected that I should
conclude my observations on the letter of my late more talented,
though, perhaps, less titled, opponent.
I am willing to believe that his remarks on the Catholic
Church were less the misrepresentations of an angry polemic,
than the effusions of a heart teeming with benevolence to man-
kind. It is painful, then, to combat principles which, from their
amiability, must have many admirers; and the writer who
undertakes their refutation, must often array against himself
the kindest feelings of the human heart. Though there is no
objection more frequently urged against the Catholic Church
than its intolerance, yet there is none more destitute of argu-
ment, when stripped of the exaggerations with which it has been
generally invested. The argument is generally addressed to the
feeling or the fancy, rather than to the judgment of the reader ;
and as readers blessed with a slender shade of judgment may
possess an abundant stock of either, it is not difficult to bring
conviction to such understandings. Provided the writer possesses
a peremptory tone of assertion — that he is capable of animating
his composition with some eloquence, and sharpening it with
some ridicule, and of infusing into the whole a seasonable portion
of sensibility — he is sure, without one particle of argument, to
lead captive the understandings of his readers. Hence, the
hollow declamations of some modern speakers about universal
charity — a charity which, it is to be feared, evaporates, through
its extent, and burns with little intensity for any individual;
and hence their unsparing invectives against the principle of
exclusive salvation. More intolerant than the church they con-
demn, they arrogate the right of exacting exclusive acquiescence
LETTER VII.
43
to their opinions, and treat with a contemptuous compassion all
those who would refuse to bow to the supremacy of their under-
standings.
Much of the misapprehension which exists on this subject has
arisen from confounding two principles that ought ever to be
separated — theological and civil intolerance; and as Catholics
are known invariably to hold the one, the disingenuity of their
enemies has connected with it the imputation of the other. The
principle of civil intolerance, either as it regards sovereigns or
citizens, forms no part of the doctrine of the Catholic Church ;
and that it is not practically illustrated in the lives of its mem-
bers, their conduct in the interchanges of every social duty, with
persons of every communion, bears ample and decisive evidence.
It would be superfluous, then, to rebut a charge, which the
evidence of their lives has more triumphantly refuted. The
other consists in this, that while Catholics are under the con-
viction that their church is the true one, they must necessarily
hold that all who reject it are in error, and, of course, if it be
wilful, liable to the awful consequences with which Christ has
threatened such contumacy. Such is the tenet which has roused
so much hostility against the Catholic Church; such are the
grounds on which we are reproached with impiously usurping
the prerogatives of the Deity, and presumptuously deciding on
the destinies of man. A few reflections will show how unjust
and inconsequent is the accusation.
It is remarkable in this discussion, that our adversaries begin
at the wrong end of the argument, and reverse every principle
by which they establish the truth of Revelation. In discussing
the evidences of Christianity, the Protestant as well as Catholic
apologists forcibly expose the absurdity of rejecting Revelation
from its repugnance to our prejudices.* Whatever may be our
feelings, we are taught even by the soundest principles of the
inductive philosophy to distrust them when a doctrine, impressed
with the character of a divine origin, is offered to our accept-
ance. Yet this method, so consonant to reason, is abandoned by
Protestants in their controversies about the church, and instead
of judging of its doctrine, by the natural method of first ascer-
taining its authority, they preposterously condemn that autho-
rity, because they cannot relish the severity of its tenets.
Hence, their usual method is to exhibit the amiable toleration of
their own church in terms of the most fervent admiration, and,
* Besides eminent Catholic divines, whom I might cite on this subject, Doctor
Chalmers, Presbyterian minister at Glasgow, has, in his “Evidences of Chris-
tianity, ably reasoned on this subject. How strange, how hidden, the charm
that could give force to his arguments, when applied to some mysteries, and
render them feeble when extended to others! Alas! the force of prejudice
which recurs to different weights and measures.
44
LETTER VII.
after comparing it with the Catholic Church, to condemn the
latter for its unfeeling austerity.
Were we to institute a comparison between political institu-
tions, which human wisdom had contrived, or human power had
erected, then we might be allowed to weigh their respective
merits on the same principle, and praise the wisdom, or arraign
the folly of either institution. But the criterion that should
direct us in our estimate of civil institutions, will be inadequate
when applied to religious societies that lay claims to a divine
origin. Whatever our notions of perfection may be, surely that
form of society is entitled to the praise of superior excellence,
which approximates nearest to the model which has been traced
by divine wisdom. From this principle it clearly follows, that
our adversaries should check the freedom of their abuse, until
they had enquired and ascertained what was the form of govern-
ment which Christ had instituted for his church — what were to
be the leading features of its character — and what the nature of
that authority, which was to guard the purity of the faith
against the contagion of error. For in the supposition (doubt-
less a possible one) that Christ had established his church, as the
unerring arbiter to which private judgment should ultimately
appeal — that he commanded all to obey it, under pain of sharing
the fate of the Heathen — and that he had invested it with ample
powers to inflict its denunciations on the rebellious children who
should refuse acquiescence to its authority — then the boasted
system of religious liberty would be the open way to death,
while the stern intolerance of the Catholic Church would directly
lead to happiness and life. But to avoid being misunderstood or
misrepresented, religious liberty I take in opposition to theo-
logical, not to civil, intolerance. Though it be true, that no
human power can coerce the convictions of the human mind —
which is beyond the reach of its penal sanctions — this principle
is often pushed to an erroneous and dangerous conclusion. For
here there is no question of the application of physical force or
civil enactments, but of the existence of a moral obligation.
Hence, should it appear, that God has imparted to his Church a
delegated authority; as the existence of authority imports the
co-relative obligation of obedience, it follows, that a contempt of
her ordinances involves, by implication, an infraction of the law
of God.
But is it not unfair to level, exclusively, against the Catholics
a weapon with which Protestants are equally assailable ? Nay,
does not the principle of theological intolerance enter into the
nature of every religious system ? The Church of England,
which embodies with its liturgy the Athanasian symbol, cannot
admit within the pale of the Church, or of salvation, the
Socinians, who deny the Trinity. Although the principles of
LETTER VII.
45
the latter are still more comprehensive, yet there is a boundary
which oven their liberality would not presume to pass, and they
scruple not to refuse the hope of pardon to all who deny the
divine mission of the Messiah. Even the Deist — whose prin-
ciples are scarcely characterized by any religious peculiarity —
would tremble for the safety of the Atheist ; and thus it is
evident, that intolerance marks with stronger or fainter colours
the tenets of every creed. The only difference, then, between
the intolerance of Protestants and Catholics is this, that while
the former is occasionally relaxed, and gently accommodated to
the varieties of human opinion, the latter is always stretched to
an invariable and uniform tension.
Surely a respect for truth, which cannot equally exist amidst
discordant systems, must sanction this principle. A respect for
the wisdom of Christ must authorize its adoption, unless we
suppose him indifferent about the religion which he came on
earth to establish. If the feeling of every individual is to be
the standard of his faith, every distinction between truth and
error will be confounded, and it will become a matter of equal
indifference whether one believes or blasphemes the Divinity of
the Redeemer. But the principle would not stop at the destruc-
tion of revealed religion; even the most sacred principles of
morality would not escape its desolating influence. Our ideas of
charity and intolerance are relative ; and hence, the whining
sensibility of novelists may be shocked at the uncharitableness
of the apostle, who excludes from the kingdom of heaven the
votaries of those crimes, to which their courtesy gives the softer
name of fashionable follies.* Nay, the doctrine of eternal tor-
ments itself, the profligate will not fail to rank among the dreams
of superstition, which, while they alarm the fears of children and
females, according to the language of the French satirist, his
superior courage may safely deride —
Un libertin d’aiUeurs qui sans ame et sans foi
Se fait de son plaisir une supreme loi,
Tient que ces vieux propos de demons et de flammes
Sont bons pour etonner des enfans et des femmes. f
Having shown that the principle of theological intolerance
must attach to all religions that admit of any limit to their
belief, and that the system which admits of none, must lead to
their destruction ; having shown, by striking contrast, the incon-
* I. Corinthians, vi, 9, 10.
t The creedless libertine, whose sensual soul
Is steep’d in pleasure, awed by no control,
Fit topics deems those tales of fiends and flames,
To frighten children and their nursing dames. — Boileau.
46
LETTER VII.
*
sistency of the charges that are preferred against the Catholic
Church, and vindicated on the genuine principles of Christianity,
the justice of her general intolerant character, it is only fair to
exhibit its mitigating features.
The Catholic Church is far from condemning, by a sweeping
anathema, all who are not members of its visible body. She
rationally considers that some may be secretly connected with the
soul or nobler part of the Church, who are not within the visible
pale of her communion. Hence, without condemning those who
are shut out from her fold, by circumstances over which they
have, apparently, no control, and whose lot is left to the mercy
of heaven, she includes among her children all who are baptized,
and prevented by a premature death from wilfully embracing
error. Adopting the doctrine of Saint Augustine, she absolves
from the guilt of heresy, those who unconsciously inherit the
errors of their fathers, and investigate the truth with a cautious
solicitude, sincerely disposed to embrace it, however revolting to
their prejudices. But though she acquits them of the crime
of heresy, she does not indiscriminately extend to them the
assurance of salvation. Who the persons are that may be com-
prehended in the class of this pious Father, it is beyond the
reach of human sagacity to ascertain. That there are many, I
should gladly hope, in compassion for human error. Yet it is
much to be feared, that a mistaken liberality exaggerates their
number. However, as this principle may be sometimes abused
by a licentious interpretation, it is the duty of all to ascertain
whether they have fulfilled the condition it requires, of investi-
gating the truth with a sincere and cautious solicitude , before
they can hope to shield themselves by its application.
Such, if I am rightly instructed, is the doctrine of the
Catholic Church, wisely tempering its salutary severity with
a reasonable indulgence. Surely such a doctrine is not calcu-
lated to infuse or to nourish the poison of religious rancour.
The persuasion that it is necessary to belong to the true Church,
in order to obtain salvation, instead of rousing the resentment of
the Catholic against his brother, is calculated to awaken feelings
of an active and benevolent compassion.
The inaccurate notions not only of “ Bibliophilos,” but num-
berless others, have reluctantly induced me to dwell on this
unpalatable subject. If I have succeeded in correcting any of
the prejudices, and soothing any of the hostility, so frequently
manifested against our religion, I should rejoice at the prospect
of reconciliation. If, on the contrary, I should have excited any
hostile feelings — an effect which I sincerely deprecate — I must
only remark, that truth is too sacred to be sacrificed to the hope
of unanimity. In conclusion — though I deplore the existence of
any angry recriminations on the subject of religion — I cannot
LETTER VIII.
47
help observing, that I know not a greater solecism in language
or morals, than to call those uncharitable, who denounce errors
which they know to be dangerous ; while the epithet of chari-
table is bestowed upon those, who, under the specious name, are
propagating a system of indifference, and betraying their fellow-
men into a treacherous security.
Hierophilos.
LETTER VIII.
Maynooth College,
Nov. 11, 1820.
Discite justitiam moniti. — Virgil.
Warned, learn righteousness — Dryden.
It is high time to redeem my promise of occasionally coim.
municating my thoughts on the interesting subject which has
already occupied so large a portion of the public attention. In
deference to the momentous interest which hitherto absorbed
every other feeling, I suspended my correspondence. I fancied
that the spirit of bigotry would have been abashed by a decent
respect for more exalted sorrows, and that its murmurs would
have been hushed in the stillness of the fear that had come upon
the nation. But, alas ! while the land may be rocked by an
earthquake, it disturbs not the vexatious insects that are playing
their little gambols upon its surface.
When first I ventured to offer my observations on the Bible
Societies, I was aware that it was a hazardous undertaking to
combat a system which had engaged in its support much of the
rank and opulence of the kingdom. The blessings of the Bible
became the theme of every tongue — its diffusion was hailed as
the purest emanation of benevolence — and opposition to its pro-
gress was denounced as a sacrilegious encroachment on the evan-
gelical liberties of man. Hence, I was not allowed to proceed
far when an attempt was made to arrest my progress, and my
attention was turned to an opponent of the school of a noble
writer,* whose playful nature seemed more at ease, when disport-
* Lord Shaftesbury, the celebrated author of “ The Characteristics,” who
would fain substitute ridicule for argument.
48
LETTER VIII.
ing itself with the lighter shafts of ridicule, than when cumbered
by the weighty armour of reason. The arrogance of triumph
must ever be offensive. It is a sure indication of an ungenerous
mind. But, as the result of the controversy is before the public,
all have an opportunity of judging of the fairness of the charge,
which imputes to a sinister policy the well-judged opposition of
the Catholic priesthood. None are more sincerely anxious than
they are to extend the facilities of education to the poor. But,
they should prove unfaithful to the trust reposed in them, were
they to suffer the faith to be perverted, under the pretence of
education.
Let it not be imagined that this is one of those speculative
topics, which may be solely abandoned to the discussion of the
curious, without affecting, in its issue, the vital interests of the
community. It has already excited the attention of men, high
in station and character, in the country ; and such is become the
magnitude of the subject, that it has formed a prominent figure
in a charge which lately issued from the bench. I gladly hail
the introduction of a spirit that dictated, from the judgment
seat, an address so pregnant with deep observation, and enlight-
ened benevolence. Though too long to be here inserted, it is
too valuable to be entirely withheld; nor shall I weaken the
following passage, by exhibiting it through the medium of a
commentary : —
“ Whilst the leading men of the country laid their hands
upon transgressors, and introduced them to condign punishment,
he (Baron Smith) was satisfied they would endeavour to do away
the causes of transgression , by promoting the education, the
morals, the comforts, and the well-being of their lower orders,
and removing, in the same degree, those temptations and irri-
tating provocatives to crime, which want, and ignorance, and
wretchedness, and their attendant discontents, involve. As a
main and sacred engine for the accomplishment of these ends, he
agreed with the laudable impressions of the present day, that
the dissemination of religious instruction is of vast importance.
But this instruction ought, in his opinion, to be dispensed in a
way conformable to the tenets of those who were to receive it,
without any attempt at making proselytes, especially without any
attempts of an indirect description. We are not to do evil that
good might come of it ; and, least of all, ought we, by the
admixture of ingenious contrivance, to poison the streams of
Christianity at the source, or taint, with anything like imposture,
the pure sincerity of religious truth.”
Such is the language in which one of the most enlightened
ornaments of the bench addressed the jury of the county Mayo.
It is the sober language of a mind placed above the prejudices
that obscure, and the passions that pervert, the understandings
LETTER VIII.
49
of little individuals. May the gentry of that county profit by
his lordship’s lecture ; for it cannot be supposed that, with the
accurate knowledge which he possessed of the state of the
country, his lordship would have so trifled with the jury on that
solemn occasion, as to have addressed to them a supererogatory
caution.
Hitherto, indeed, these gentlemen might plead a reasonable
apology, as they were probably anxious to atone for the tardi-
ness of their zeal by the superior vigour of their exertions.
They might have felt that the Biblical spirit was nearly spent
ere it reached that remote province; and as it did not come
upon them until the eleventh hour, they aspired to the merit and
reward of those who were early engaged in the contest. Such
an ardent effort of piety, however unseasonable, may be entitled
to commendation. Yet it were to be wished that they were wise
unto sobriety. They may now learn that, to prove their love of
religion, or of country, it is not necessary to force the Bible
upon the people. They may learn, that tranquillity may be
preserved among the humbler classes without offering violence to
their consciences. They may learn, that attention to their com-
forts, together with education conformable to their tenets, is a
surer way to promote their welfare, than any indirect attempts
at proselytism. Indeed, the fierce effervescence of religious zeal
is gradually subsiding among all who have any pretensions to
refinement or liberality. It had its passing day among the
revolving fashions that attract the public gaze and command the
public homage ; but now it is consigned to the fate of many a
waning custom, that lingers long in the extremities, after it is
banished from the centre of polished society. Such, it is said, is
the high-spiritedness of the gentry of Connaught, that they
would indignantly repel the imputation of being behind in the
improvements of the age. I should, therefore, recommend to
them the speedy adoption of his lordship’s lessons, lest they
should be found to imitate those who provoke the public ridicule,
by displaying in remoter districts the faded finery of the
metropolis.
It is remarked that evils, of which the existence is unquestion-
able, are often capriciously traced to a strange diversity of
causes. The justness of this remark is strongly exemplified in
the question under consideration. Although there are more
obvious and palpable sources of the misery of our people, yet it
is the policy of some to lay it to the account of ignorance, and
then, by an easy consequence, to transfer it to the clergy. Yet
it requires but little knowledge to perceive the disingenuous
fallacy of such a representation. I will not, by any high-
wrought picture of their distress, or the development of its
causes, attempt to make them more sensitive to their wretched-
50
LETTER VIII.
ness, and, consequently, more miserable. It is the duty of every
good man, by holding up hopes of a better world, to soothe into
resignation the fretfulness of their discontent. But I must con-
fess, that while I reflect on the numberless petty vexations which
the Irish peasant endures — vexations, some of which, from their
local nature, are beyond the reach of the legislature, and within
the influence of those who profess such an anxiety for improving
their condition — and compare them with the mock remedies
which are ostentatiously offered for their removal, I am reminded
of the lines, in which the feeling poet* of a neighbouring country
describes another cast of mankind —
Trade, wealth, and fashion, ask you still to bleed ;
And holy men give Bibles for the deed.
Let the lay gentlemen, then, labour to dispense these comforts
of which they are the stewards, consigning the spiritual wants of
the people to their legitimate pastors. Let the evils that are
within the sphere of their benevolence be removed or mitigated.
Let them administer education in a way conformable to the tenets
of those who are to receive it ; and, instead of alienating the
people, by giving encouragement to illiterate apostates, let them
generously co-operate with the clergy, who, from station, and
from influence among the people, which has grown with ages, are
the most competent to direct the course of instruction which will
be most efficient and beneficial in its consequences. Should these
lenitives fail to assauge the soreness of those evils which afflict
our peasantry, it will then be high time to make an experiment
on the latent efficacy of the Bible.
Hierophilos.
The Author of “ The Pleasures of Hope.’
LETTER IX.
51
LETTER IX.
TO THE MOST REV. DR, MANNERS, PROTESTANT ARCHBISHOP
OF CANTERBURY, AND PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND.
THE QUESTION OF THE DIVORCE BETWEEN GEORGE IV. AND HIS QUEEN.
Maynooth College,
Dec. 2, 1820.
Fcecunda culpce secula, nuptias
Primum inquinavere, et genus , et domus.
Hoc fonte derivata clades
In patriam populumque flux it. — Horace.
Fruitful of crimes, this age first stained
Their hapless offspring, and profaned
The nuptial bed ; from whence the woes.
Which various and unnumbered rose ;
From this polluted fountain head
O’er Rome, and o’er the nation spread — Francis.
My Lord — During the late portentous proceedings which have
awed public curiosity, your Grace and episcopal colleagues
stood out in too prominent an attitude, not to attract and fix
observation. As the question of divorce embraced much of eccle-
siastical polity, it was naturally expected that the faithful would
be enlightened by the wisdom and confirmed by the accordance
of the hierarchy. But, alas ! these anticipations have been
sadly frustrated, and the surprise and disedification that were
feebly murmured among the Lords have been long since loudly
re-echoed through the empire.* It has been a subject of regret
to some, of triumph to others, and of wonder to all, to see the
heads of a religion which hinges on the principle of the universal
intelligibility of the Scripture, arrayed in adverse ranks on a
momentous question, involving in its general tendency the best
interests of mankind, and in this particular instance, the safety
and the honour of the empire ; disputing every inch of ground
with Scripture authority, and thereby demonstrating to the
world the obscurity of the sacred volume. For I will not — I
cannot, my Lord, suppose that any unworthy bias or flexibility to
power could warp the judgment of men of such exalted station
and sanctity. And hence, one cannot sufficiently express his
indignation against those rash advocates of the Bible, who cannot
* Witness among others the speech of my Lord King, who sported a good deal
of mirth and raillery at the expense of the premier, until his seriousness was re-
stored by the shock which Ms faith had sustained in the collision of the prelacy.
52
LETTER IX.
defend its perspicuity without impeaching the integrity of its
expounders. Hitherto, whatever might be the opinion of the
prelates, they uniformly affected the language of orthodoxy and
concord, and like the ancient philosophers, though they might
inwardly disbelieve, they exteriorly reverenced the doctrines of
the Church. But on this occasion they scandalized the faithful,
and edified the sectary, by sincerely revealing the mysteries of
their own disunion.
I have heard, my Lord, of the distinction of essentials, by
which the lovers of subtlety, more than of truth, have thought
to elude the arguments of their adversaries. It will not, doubt-
less, be recurred to on this occasion, nor will it be deemed pre-
sumption to assert, that there is nothing essential in Scripture, if
the doctrine of marriage does not form an essential point of
Christian morality. It is not a speculative article, on which one
could be supposed to err without danger, and propagate his
errors, without affecting the public repose. It is a duty of every
day’s occurrence, connected with the happiness of almost every
individual ; nor have the ministers of the establishment them-
selves aspired to such unearthly sanctity, as to be exempt from
its obligations. It is, therefore, of vast importance to know
whether the marringe contract lasts for life, or only during the
discretion of the parties ; and whether we are to believe, with his
Lordship of Chester, that its ties are indissoluble, or, with your
Grace of Canterbury, that adultery annuls its engagements.
On reading the report of your Grace’s speech, I was not a
little surprised to find a minister of Christ principally resting on
the obsolete laws of Moses. However, it may appear consistent
enough, that they who have abjured the living authority of the
Church should appeal to the fallen power of the synagogue.
Still, I would expect from your Grace, that connected and en-
lightened view of legislation which mounts to the origin, and
catches the spirit of the law, flinging aside its exceptions, and
not the heavy drudgery of a darkling critic, who fastens on a
detached part, without comparing its effect with the symmetry
of the whole. It is true, as appears from Deuteronomy,* that
divorce was tolerated by the law of Moses. But did this permis-
sion originally enter into the views of the legislator ; or was it
not rather extorted by the stubbornness of a people, whom it
was necessary to conciliate by indulgence to a compliance with
the law ? Hence the practice of divorce was not so frequent
among the Jews as it is generally, but erroneously imagined.
Hence it was uniformly marked as a licentious advantage which
was taken of the letter against the spirit of the law, and de-
nounced by those who were raised up by the ilmighty, to enforce
its observance or punish its infraction. I might illustrate the
* Chap. xxiv.
LETTER IX.
53
truth of these assertions by a reference to the purest period of
the Jewish history. However, I shall content myself with citing
the following passage of Malachy, which marks the indignation
of the Almighty against this odious practice : — “ And this again
have you done; you have covered the altar of the Lord with
tears, with weeping, and bellowing, so that I have no more a
regard to sacrifice ; neither do I accept any atonement at your
hands. Because the Lord hath been witness between thee and
the wife of thy youth, whom thou hast despised ; yet she was
thy partner, and the wife of thy covenant.”* It is true, indeed,
that towards the decline of the Hebrew republic the permission
given by Moses had grown into a pernicious practice. But this
relaxation may be traced to another cause. When we consider
that the dispersion of the Jews introduced to their acquaintance
the profane wisdom of the East; and that hence they mingled
more freely with the nations, it will not be surprising if the purity
of the law should have been adulterated by a mixture of exotic
commentary. Then arose the celebrated schools of Hillel and
Samaiah, of whom the latter confined the privilege of divorce to
adultery, while the former abused the flexibility of the text to an
indefinite latitude of passion or caprice. The Sandhedrim was
divided by the credit of these doctors ;f and we are told that
until the time of our Redeemer, the controversy still trembled
between the alternations of either party.
I have asserted that the liberty of divorce granted by Moses
was rather the effect of necessity, than the spontaneous dictate
of his wisdom. Such is the interpretation of Christ, who, while
he explains the law of Moses, unfolds and propagates his own.
And the Pharisees coming to him, asked him : “ Is it lawful for
a man to put away his wife ? tempting him. But he answering,
saith to them, what did Moses command you ? And they said :
Moses permitted to write a bill of divorce and to put her away.
And Jesus answering, said to them : because of the hardness of
the heart, he wrote you that precept. But from the beginning
of the creation God made them male and female. For this cause,
a man shall leave his father and mother and shall cleave to his
wife. And they shall be in one flesh. Therefore, now, they are
not two but one flesh. What, therefore, God hath joined toge-
ther, let not man put asunder I should now appeal to the
candour of the unprejudiced, and ask what is the doctrine clearly
conveyed in this language. The Pharisees ask Christ whether it
is lawful for one to send away his wife. To obviate cavil, and to
defeat that hostile spirit, which so often lurked under a pretended
reverence for the law, he asks what did Moses command. Then,
* Malachy, ii, 13, 14. f Selden Uxor Ebraica, Lib. Ill, ch. xviii, xx, xxii.
f Saint Mark, x.
54
LETTER IX.
after showing that divorce was an imperfection which originated
in temporary circumstances, he ascends to the origin, and deve-
lopes the primitive institution of matrimony, showing its indis-
soluble connexion from the creation of only one of either sex —
a connexion, if we are to believe the apostle,* which shadowed
his own mystic union with his Church ; and concludes by pro-
posing this original compact, instead of the permission of Moses,
as the positive standard of his own law.
I should now ask, if the solitary text of St. Matthew f be
sufficient to weaken the force of this reasoning ? “ But I say
to you, that whosoever shall put away his wife, excepting the
cause of fornication, causeth her to commit adultery : And he
that shall marry her that is put away committeth adultery.” St.
Lukeif agrees with St. Mark, and what determines the contro-
versy, the apostle, § expressly in the name of Christ, prohibits
marriage, even in case of separation. What canon of criti-
cism, then, can warrant us to bend the evidence of three clear
and consistent testimonies, mutually supporting and illustrating
each other, to an interpretation of an ambiguous passage which
is at war with the express principles of the legislator ? But if
there is an apparent ambiguity, the Catholic interpretation makes
it accord with the tenor of the other evangelists. The Catholic
Church authorizes divorce, or rather repudiation, in case of
adultery — a practice evidently warranted by the first part of the
text of St. Matthew. Yet she teaches the indissolubility of
marriage, a doctrine clearly deduced from the second part, com-
pared with the other evangelists ; nor shall I exhaust the patience
nor insult the understanding of my reader, by showing the vio-
lence that is offered to language in qualifying an absolute mem-
ber of a sentence with a forced or fancied exception.
However, as if to satisfy the scruples and appease the pruriency
of the grammarian, we are told that after this discourse with the
Pharisees, Christ was again consulted on the same point by his
disciples, to whom he was in the habit of clearly explaining what
he denied to the treacherous curiosity of his enemies, or only
darkly delivered in mystery and parable. To them he thus
solemnly addresses himself : “ Whosoever shall put away his
wife, and marry another, committeth adultery against her. And
if the wife shall put away her husband, and be married to ano-
ther, she committeth adultery.”|| Such, my Lord, is the conclu-
sion of Christ himself upon that important occasion, when he under-
took to instruct the future teachers of his Church. And hence
I am justified in expressing my surprise, that the exception of an
imperfect and abrogated law should be converted, by a Christian
prelate, into the rule and practice of a perfect dispensation.
And now, my Lord, permit me to lay before you another
* Ephes. v. f St. Matt. v. % St. Luke, xvi. § Cor. vii. || St. Mark, x.
LETTER IX.
55
proof of the truth of Catholic interpretation, in the demoralizing
elfects of the contrary doctrine. How different the idea of
marriage in the Catholic and Protestant religion. In the one,
we behold a contract exposed to all the waywardness of inclina-
tion and caprice ; and in the other, a sacred connexion subsisting
for life, exalted by religion, and, instead of being at the mercy
of the passions, subduing and chastening their violence by its
salutary control. The facility of divorce weakens the mutual
desire of pleasing ; a neglect of reciprocal attention soon creates
indifference ; indifference may ripen into disgust, and rankle into
enmity, until the unhappy couple see no hope of release from a
cruel bondage, except in mutual separation, and the prospect of
new nuptials. Behold, then, the consequence ; — a divorce must
be effected ; adultery is a necessary step ; morality is sacrificed,
the nature of law is reversed, and the apprehension, or rather
the hope of punishment, operates as an incentive to the commis-
sion of the crime. What an unnatural state of society ! in which,
according to the strong language of Seneca,* people marry for
the sake of divorce, and divorce for the sake of marriage.
Witness the daily contracts, in which regular provision is made
for these disgraceful contingencies. I shall not speak of the
wound that is inflicted on national morals by the frequency of
their recurrence. For such is now the facility of communication,
that the tide of immorality flows through a thousand channels,
and soon penetrates from the highest region into the remotest
creeks of society. If we were to judge from observation, we
could not believe that we lived in a Christian country. In the
days of schoolboy innocence, our belief and our delicacy are
equally shocked at the pictures of the Homan satirist-! Soon,
however, the experience of age subdues the virtuous scepticism
of youth : we see, in the licentiousness of the times, the most
faithful comment on his writings, and are taught to absolve the
heaviest strokes of his pencil from the charge of exaggeration.
We behold the same shameful vicissitudes of marriage and
divorce which marked the degeneracy of Home, and may confirm
our opinion of the baneful influence of the Protestant doctrine,
in the words of an eminent Protestant historian : — “ A specious
theory is confuted by this free and perfect experiment, which
demonstrates that the liberty of divorce does not contribute to
happiness and virtue.”
* Exeunt matrimonii causa, nubunt divortii. Seneca de benef. L. 3.
f As an instance of our retrocession to the good old times of Seneca and
Juvenal, I might mention the fantastic plan of Lady Mary Wortley Montague,
who recommended a bill in Parliament, septennial in its operation, for the
benefit of married persons. Your Grace will surely smile at the ludicrous
licentiousness of the project. However, I have no doubt but it would be as
acceptable to many individuals of the present day, as the law of Moses. See
Spence’s Anecdotes of Books and Men : London, 1820.
56
LETTER IX.
What is then, my Lord, the prolific source of these abuses ?
Unde hffic monstra tamen vel quo de fonte requiris?*
or what can stay the progress of immorality, while the doctrine
of divorce is unsettled, and abandoned to the licentiousness of
every interpreter ? The Catholic doctrine on the indissolubility
of marriage is the only remedy — a doctrine that is already in-
corporated with the common law of England. Startle not, my
Lord, at such a proposition. Some of the ministers of the
Establishment have gone farther, and recommended a reconcilia-
tion with the Catholic Church. Alarmed at the defection that is
daily thinning the ranks of the Establishment, they have seen
no hopes of subordination except in such an alliance. Nay, the
union of the Churches occupied much of the attention of your
predecessor, Archbishop Wake, who, had he lived to witness the
dreadful progress of sectarianism, would doubtless have pushed
his overtures with greater zeal, and perhaps with greater success.
You may dread that the archiepiscopal throne of Canterbury
would be overshadowed by the amplitude of St. Peter’s, and
gradually shorn of its splendours. No, my Lord, it would bor-
row fresh lustre from such a junction. Such were heretofore the
fears of some aspiring prelates, whose ambition made them
impatient of the supremacy of Rome. But scarcely did they
try the fatal experiment of separation, when they found that
the effulgence of their thrones was only reflected. This train of
thought naturally reminds me of Bishop Butler, another orna-
ment of the Establishment. You know with what ingenuity he
traced the analogy between natural and revealed religion, and
discovered resemblances between physical and moral truth.
However, had not his prejudices arrested his speculations, he
might have discovered in the condition of his own Church
another illustration of this striking analogy. Loosened from
the centre of unity, her motions are capricious and irregular :
unfed by any accession of light from the fountain, her original
stock is constantly diminishing ; and like a distant star, still
receding from the centre, she casts her lone and waning splen-
dour, gradually deepening into that sort of twilight which teems
with wayward phantoms more than utter obscurity, and which,
though too feeble to light the way, is still sufficient to make the
darkness visible.f
Hierophilos.
* Whence those grim monsters ? from what source they spring ?
f It is consoling to witness the effect of this truth on the men of Oxford, who
have courage enough to quit the regions of those spectral shadows which they
encounter in their enquiries, and are again returning to enjoy the light of the
Catholic Church.
LETTER X.
57
LETTER X.
Maynooth College, 1821.
LI e'/xfirra? (F £%a.}ea,$cti, Inst yoChmaX te xoa aiveci,
Ev 7T£/x7rrv? ya.^ (pour'!v E^lvvmac aj uQmohvtiv,
*'0 %xov r^vvvfji.evua- Tov*Egt$ rexs irrip ETtibgxo)$ Hesiod.
Tlie fifth of every week thy care require,
Days full of trouble and afflictions dire.
For then the Furies take their round, ’tis said,
And heap their vengeance on the perjur’d head.
It may be a fanciful, yet it is a remarkable coincidence, that
the day which the superstition of Hesiod denounced as ominous
of discord should be singled out for the revival of similar scenes
by the pretended followers of the Gospel. Before I take my
leave of a subject to which the little time I have devoted I can
still recal without regret, I shall take the liberty of directing
once more the curiosity of the public to the last meeting of the
Kildare-street Association.
The last year has been to them the most eventful one since
the origin of their institution. From its infancy to that period
they went on rejoicing in their way, and enriched by the accu-
mulated offerings of their converts. At length, however, a fatal
check was given to their career ; a spirit of wholesome inquiry
was directed to their proceedings ; the extent of the benefits they
conferred was compared with the extent of their specious pro-
mises ; and when the opposition between both was laid open to
the public, they were earnestly conjured to adopt a line of con-
duct more conformable to the spirit of their primitive regulations.
Deaf to remonstrance, they sullenly persevered, in opposition to
all that was elevated and enlightened in their assembly. And
what has been the consequence of their rash and inconsiderate
measures ? The alienation of many who are still of their num-
ber, and the actual desertion of some of the most dignified
members, who have given their cordial support to the establish-
ment of a new society. Of schemes of improvement of which
experience does not afford means of ascertaining the utility, I
must confess I am not an enthusiastic admirer. Of the new
society I know but little, nor does that little knowledge furnish
sufficient data to warrant censure or commendation. Without
discussing, then, the merit of the other, it will not be deemed
58
LETTER X.
rashness to predict that should each returning year witness a
similar defection with the past, the existence of the parent
institution must soon become a tale.
The expectation that was raised, and the distrust that was
excited, by the recent discussions, drew to the place of meeting a
full and fashionable assembly. It was imagined that the chosen
champions of its fame would clear it of the charges of prose-
lytism and mis-government, or that the more moderate would
recommend an union with the schismatics. But some of the
leading orators of last year, either ashamed of its bigotry, or
content with the celebrity which they obtained in the cause of
the Gospel, resigned the theatre to a crowd of less efficient, but
equally zealous advocates. The uniformity of talent displayed
by the successive speakers happily spares me the necessity of
irritating the jealousy of some, or distressing the modesty of
others, by any invidious selection. I must except, however, one
of the Fellows of Trinity College, on whose mind a strong light
seems to have broken through some secret crevices, which has not
yet penetrated the dull medium, nor reached the other members
of the University. With the buoyancy of genius he has risen
above the pressure, and resisted the contagion of its atmosphere ;
for
His delights
Are dolphin like, they show his back above
The element they live in.
Yet neither his wisdom, nor that of Lord Cloncurry, could
overcome the inveterate prejudices of the members ; and when
their overtures for conciliation were rejected, like Camillus,
they retired, perhaps, murmuring an indignant prophecy that
the society would soon solicit, in the wisdom of its reverse, the
councils which it rejected in the infatuation of its prosperity.
Why the members of this society adhere with such stubborn
pertinacity to their system, it is difficult to conjecture. They
know that the society was founded for the education of the poor ;
they know that the majority of that class is composed of Catho-
lics ; and yet with the most insulting mockery they proffer them
education, on conditions which they well know cannot be accepted.
Why refuse to entrust the education of the Catholics to those
who convey to them the morality of the Gospel, without any
mixture of fanaticism, teaching them a patient endurance of
their sufferings, and inculcating an allegiance — not the calcu-
lating and conditional allegiance, which rests on no secure prin-
ciple, but an allegiance founded on conscience and enforced by
the apostle. Circumstances are daily arising which demand some
alterations in their code of laws, and still they refuse to yield to
them. Really such perverse opposition to the dictates of sound
LETTER X.
59
policy cannot be explained, unless by supposing that, its author,
like the legislator of Sparta, had bound the members by oath to
the observance of his laws, and that then by an heroic artifice he
sacrificed himself to the perpetuity of his institutions. Else how
could they in the face of the world, with all the affectation of
sincerity and solemnity of declamation, applaud their own exer-
tions, which, it is well known, must be confined to a limited
sphere, or idly wasted in unproductive activity? They may
ascribe the reluctance of Catholics to prejudice or superstition.
I have in my former letters sufficiently vindicated on that head
their tenets and their practice. And those who amuse them-
selves at the expense of their piety, would doubtless laugh at
the timid scruples of Eleazar, who refused life when it could not
be preserved without a violation of the law. *
There was one, too, who declaimed long and loud on the
absurdity of withholding the Scriptures in the nineteenth cen-
tury ! The old maxim of laudator temporis acti is reversed,
and instead of the silly prattle which the dignity of age might
render tolerable, however tedious, we are stunned with an inces-
sant panegyric on our own times. The progress of mind in the
nineteenth century is indeed a favourite theme ; nor is it difficult
to perceive, in the complacency of the orators, that they fancy
they have had a large share in producing the general illumina-
tion. Full of their Utopian theories, it is in vain that the picture
of history is placed before them. Occupied in the contemplation
of a group, in which themselves form, doubtless, prominent
figures, the most colossal forms of the past retire into diminutive
and almost indiscernible perspective. Had they bestowed, how-
ever, a little attention on the comparison, they would discover
that the sickly tapers of the present century would wink before
the broad effulgence of the ages that are gone by. To reason
with such minds, incurably seized with the love of system, is a
hopeless task. You may convince them by argument of the
inutility of their plan; but still, on account of some secret
interest, you cannot persuade them to its rejection.
For when disputes are worn out,
’Tis interest still resolves the doubt.
Yet it is consistent enough that Protestants should talk of the
improvements of their religion. The Catholics do not claim any
such merits ; and while every other system is corrected or dis-
figured by time, it is their glory that the faith of their Church is
independent of its contributions. Those who pretend to be so
familiar with the Scripture, cannot but recollect the earnest
solicitude with which St. Paul exhorts Timothyf to avoid any
* Machabees, vi.
t II. Timothy, iii, 4, 5, 6.
60
LETTER X.
communion witli those whose discourse creepeth like a cancer,
tainting whatever it touches, until it spreads a general infection.
Now it will be readily conceded, that the world daily teems with
men designated by the character of St. Paul, however people
may differ about its application. Hence the Catholics only act
in obedience to the injunction of the apostle, in reprobating a
system of education which, by confounding every sect, would
conceal from them the contagious poison which he cautions them
to avoid ; and thus lead them into deadly errors, under the sem-
blance of an undefinable Christianity. Those who have heard
the smooth, and flattering, and plausible language that was
spoken at the Kildare-street meeting, may be surprised at the
severity with which I have animadverted on their conduct.
With no small share of confidence in the sincerity of my
species, I am warranted in applying to that society the maxim —
Fronti nulla fides.
Their conduct, not their language, is the safest criterion of
ascertaining their object. Whoever, then, wishes to know the
moderation of the Bible-men, let him learn it in the vexatious
tyranny to which some of the peasanty are subjected, rather
than at a public meeting, where every thing is calculated to pro-
duce a transient illusion. On witnessing how the concord, to
which the jarring members of such meetings are attuned by the
sounds of eloquence and charity, is almost dissolved on their
dispersion, I am reminded of the fabled theatre of Orpheus,
where beasts and birds, wild and tame, soothed by the charms
of music, forgot their savage instincts ; but as soon as the magic
of song had ceased, they suddenly awoke to discord, and resumed
the ferocity of their natures.*
Hierophilos.
* Otia sopitis ageret cum cantibus Orpheus
Sova feris natura redit Claudian.
LETTER XI.
61
LETTER XI.
Turnus ut infractos adverso marte Latinos
Defecisse videt, sua nunc promissa reposci,
Se signari oculis : ultrb implacabilis ardct
Atollitque animos. — Virgil.
When Turnus saw the Latins quit the field,
Their armies broken, and their courage quelled,
He roused his vigour for the late debate,
And raised his haughty soul to meet his fate. — Dryden.
If it should excite surprise that I have listened so long to the
haughty complacency of my former antagonist,* my silence is a
proof that the desire of writing never engaged “ Ilierophilos” in
controversy. While the work of discord was going forward
among the preachers of charity and peace, I looked on with
silent satisfaction, resolved to await the issue of their intestine
divisions. Though challenged to the contest, I saw in the
defiance an insidious design to create a diversion among the
pious combatants ; and was, therefore, determined that no pro-
vocation should shake my resolution of maintaining a cautious
neutrality. I could, therefore, forgive “ Bibliophilos” the in-
dulgence of an illusion, which mistook his retreat for a victory.
I had some toleration in store for his high commendation of his
own prowess ; nor would I refuse to swell the testimony of his
worth, by the praise which the sage of Ithaca bestowed on the
sinewy Ajax : —
Famed be thy tutor ; and thy parts of nature
Thrice famed, beyond, beyond all erudition ;
But he that disciplined thy arms to fight.
Let Mars divide eternity in twain,
And give him half :
The sacred warriors have, at length, disappeared ; and, to be
serious, I must acknowledge the justness of the claims of “Bib-
* The letters of “Bibliophilos,” to which reference is made in this place, were
published in the Dublin Journal of the 14th and 26th of November, and of the
19th of December, respectively. The two first are addressed to the Protestant
Primate of Armagh, on the subject of his Grace’s secession from the Hibernian
Bible Society ; and, from the vigour with which they are conceived, the force of
the reasoning, the nature of Protestant principles, and the silence of his Lord-
ship and his friends, may be justly deemed unanswerable. The third, “Biblio-
philos” terms “A Review of some of the Catholic Writers,” who took a share
in the contention of the sectaries. The ridicule it contains bespeaks a rich,
playful, though a cruel mind. As I have not authority, I cannot, of course,
present them to the English reader.
62
LETTER XI.
liophilos,” who ascribes to himself the merit of their dispersion.
While I regret that the public has not been edified a little
longer by the pious secrets* of the Society, I cannot but applaud
the talents of the man, whose criticism has brushed away those
dark productions, which spread the spirit of discord, and dis-
coloured the face of literature. But, after all, “ Bibliophiles”
is, perhaps, too fastidious. With a taste sensitive to the most
delicate beauties, and an ear attuned to the finest cadences, of
language, he cannot endure any composition that has not been
cast in classic mould. Why, however, refuse to any individual
the right of using the sort of weapons with which nature has
furnished him ? The caustic severity of “ Bibliophilos” against
the writers of the Patriot may then be softened by the
reflection, that necessity called for their interference. And to
withhold one’s aid when his cause is attacked, because his
writings cannot minister to the luxury of learning, would be
betraying the folly of him who would refuse to repulse the
assaults of an enemy, because he had not studied the tactics of
Yegetius, nor learned to draw up his forces in the classic disposi-
tion of the Homan column or the Macedonian phalanx.
While the minds of the advocates of the Bible Societies seemed
pervious to persuasion, I undertook to demonstrate the folly and
danger of their projects. But the disease has since grown so
inveterate, that argument would seem now but a feeble remedy ;
and the change which time has wrought in the tone of their
members, furnishes a practical illustration of the truth of my
predictions. I should, therefore, hail the appearance of a
writer, who, in the face of the Established Church, has put
forth, in such a strong point of view, the principles by which
* Those who have read the Patriot during the last two months, need not he
informed of the covert designs and pious frauds of the Societies. One of its
correspondents has supplied us with the valuable information, that many of the
members have, at the public expense, supplied their families with the Scriptures
in gilt morocco, in order, I suppose, that the young and thoughtless, who could
not relish the dullness of the book, might be attracted to its perusal by the
decorations of the binding. He has also pointed out other circuitous little
channels, into which the stream of lucrative devotion is diverted, before it
reaches its destined object — the instruction of the poor. I shall not dwell on
the indecency of females abandoning the duties and privacy of domestic life,
carried away amidst the stir and bustle of enthusiasm, and drawing over the
faithful into the conventicles of the elect, by offering their profound com-
mentaries on the epistles of Saint Paul. But, though it may not rank among
their secrets, yet every thinking man must perceive how dangerous it is to the
interests of society, to suffer its peace to be scared away by those itinerant ap-
paritions, who, with the most sepulchral hollowness of tone, and the most doleful
longitude of aspect, are stalking in mid-day through our streets and highways,
shrieking out the apostrophes of Isaias on the guilt and fall of Babylon, and
piously applying them to the Protestant establishment. Ashamed of the
disclosure of these tales, their authors have at length retired to secrecy — but in
vain ; no artifice can conceal the deformity of a system, which the indiscretion
of its own advocates has bared to public view.
LETTER XI.
63
the Bible Societies are supported, if I did not tremble for their
consequences. Unable to oppose the force of his arguments, the
champions of the Church have retreated to the secure hold of
authority ; but the irresistible reasoning of “ Bibliophilos” has
followed them there, resolved not to spare even the bulwarks of
the Establishment, should they be opposed to the impetuous
current of his opinions. Such is the obvious drift of his own
language. In his second letter to the Primate of Armagh, after
other passages, too plain to be mistaken, he writes — “ In the
controversies which have arisen on the subject, far more anxiety
has been expressed by the champions of the Church for the pre-
servation of the Establishment than the Bible. It is to be hoped
that both may be secured ; but should their separate interest be
found, at any time, incompatible, what honest man could hesitate
upon the choice of evils ?”
I may be allowed to congratulate the writer and the public
upon this candid avowal of his sentiments. The spirit of fana-
ticism must have been fermented to a high degree, when it could
have worked up to the effusion of such ardent language, the
cool and philosophic mind of “ Bibliophilos.” Lest, however, it
should be imagined that these opinions are peculiar to him, I
could cite passages of similar import from the writers of the
Patriot , did I not dread to disgrace my letter by their insertion.
Is it not, therefore, evident that the Bible distributors, secure of
their own strength, disdain to disguise any longer the hostility
of their purpose ? Panting for the riches, they are rushing
forward to hasten the downfal, of the Establishment, and to
proclaim, in the numbness that has seized its members, the
approach of its dissolution. Their designs, now that they are
revealed to the world, must be met, on the part of the Church,
by a temperate, yet vigorous, exercise of authority. The Pro-
testant Bishops of Armagh and Dublin have given an example
befitting the dignity and responsibility of their station. It is to
be hoped that others will soon be awakened to a similar sense of
the danger, and to an imitation of their example. The con-
sistency of the conduct of their lordships, or of the authority
which they exercise, it is surely not incumbent on me to vindi-
cate. But the question is now a question of policy, and not of
religious controversy ; and there is no friend of peace who would
not rather witness the inconsistencies of quiet and good order,
than the tragic, however consistent, consequences of an unbridled
license of opinion. The Bible Societies are become deaf as adders’
ears to the whispers of persuasion ; the voice of argument would
no longer be heard in the noise of their fanaticism; and hence
the necessity of some more powerful agent, to calm the roar, and
stay the fury, of the agitated sectaries.
It is, then, high time to desist from unmeaning panegyric on
64
LETTER XI.
the inestimable advantages of the Bible. Let experience answer
whether these societies have realized the prophetic visions of
their first and most fervent eulogists. Have they plucked a
single evil out of the mass of human misery ? No. The mem-
bers may continue to meet at stated periods, and feed the
credulity of the public with the marvellous history of their
spiritual exploits. Their orators may then come forward, and
pour out their cold and vapid ecstacies before an assembly pre-
pared to second the pious labourings of the spirit, by seasonable
interruptions of tumultuous applause. What is the amount of
all this declamation ? Why, that they have, in the progress of
a few years, distributed so many hundred thousand copies of the
Scriptures. Can a greater deceit be practised on the public
mind, than to persuade it that the spirit of God has been
diffused, because numberless copies of the lifeless volume have
been circulated? Let all the rhetorical exaggerations of the
speakers be mathematically true — it only proves the melancholy
conclusion of such a waste of public money. A portion of that
money would do much to alleviate the misery now felt by the
humbler classes of our people, and, perhaps, prevent some of
those excesses over which piety must weep. But what benefits
have the Bible Societies conferred on our wretched peasantry ?
They may distribute their Bibles until doom’s-day ; their efforts
will toe still as unprofitable as the labours of Sysiphus. One
solitary reflection ought to cure the fever of fanaticism, or, at
least, guard the public against the further progress of its con-
tagion. Though the Associations have toiled for years at the
godly work, and flung millions of Bibles through the mass of
society, have they not shared the fate of the book flung by the
Prophet* into the Euphrates, and sunk like useless lumber to the
bottom, while not a portion of their spirit has rested on its sur-
face, to move over the waters and still the troubled elements ?
Hierophilos.
* “And when thou shalt have made an end of reading this book, thou shalt
tie a stone to it, and shalt throw it into the midst of the Euphrates.” — Jeremias,
li, 63.
LETTER XII.
65
LETTER XII.
Maynooth College, 1821.
Sed hoc non concedo , ut quibus rebus gloriemini in vobis, easdem in aliis repre-
hendatis Cicero pro Ligario.
It cannot be allowed that men should censure in others a line of conduct
which receives a sanction from their own practice and panegyric.
In concluding the subject to which these letters have been
devoted, it may not be useless to direct the public attention to
an occurrence which has lately called forth some invidious obser-
vations on the spirit of religious proselytism.
The conversion of Miss Loveday* to the Catholic faith has
provoked the zeal of some of our modern journalists, who vie
with each other in their animadversions on a daughter who
seemed dead to every impulse of filial affection. Any inter-
ference with the faith which Protestants have inherited from
their fathers, they qualify with the harsh epithet of seduction ;
and the profession of the Catholic creed they stigmatize as a
dissolution of the tenderest ties of nature, and an undutiful
renunciation of the parental authority.
The Catholic religion is immediately characterized with the
polite epithet of superstitious, and the conviction it engenders is
converted into the terrors of a weak and gloomy imagination.
Even these establishments which piety has erected for the pro-
tection of female virtue, are not safe against their harsh insinua-
tions. Instead of inveighing against these holy institutions, our
gratitude should applaud that benevolence which founded those
asylums, where virtue may be shielded against the dangerous
seductions of life, or where the feelings experienced by sensitive
minds, on a sudden reverse of fortune, may be soothed into
resignation by the consolations of religion. All these advantages
are overlooked, when balanced against the interest of the Pro-
testant religion. The example of Miss Loveday is held up as a
salutary warning against the dangers of perversion; and so
intense is the sympathy felt for the misfortunes of the father
and the child, that I doubt not but the pious sisters of the Bible
Societies will celebrate an annual festival to bewail the virginity
of the daughter of Jephte.
Yet these people, whom the conversion of one individual has
* This Protestant lady became a convert to the Catholic religion in France,
greatly moved by the piety and cheerfulness of the inmates of those convents,
which the world foolishly mistakes for the abodes of melancholy.
66
LETTER XII.
filled with such alarm, can behold with indifference or satisfaction
the efforts that are daily making to pervert the young minds of
Catholic children. The exertions of the Bible Societies are a
topic of unwearied commendation ; nor do the unworthy means
to which they resort ever draw forth an expression of resent-
ment. Fathers have in this country been literally turned out of
their little cot-acres, because they refused to expose their children
to the peril of apostacy ; and not a word of sympathy for the
lot of these creatures, whose consciences are exposed to such
violent trials, escaped the lips of those who express such pious
horror at the seduction of Miss Loveday. Such conduct is
surely not equitable, and I know no reason for its justification,
unless by supposing it more criminal to retain people in the
ancient faith, than to draw them over from that faith to the con-
venticles of modern sectaries.
Their conduct reminds me of the facetious fable of La Fon-
taine, in which the beasts assembled before Jupiter, blind to their
own, expose each other’s deformities with malignant penetration :
Mais parmi les plus faus
Notre espece excella ; car tout ce que nous sommes,
Lynx envers nos pareils et taupes envers nous,
Nous nous pardonnons tout, et rien aux autres hommes.*
Of all the charges preferred by the advocates of the Bible,
there is none that has been more insidiously put forward, than
that its indiscriminate perusal is prohibited by the Catholic
clergy, lest it should weaken their own influence, and unmask
their imposture. Experience sufficiently exposes the weakness
of the charge ; for surely there is little danger to be apprehended
in trying any system of Christianity by the Bible, from which,
if we are to judge by the different creeds of its advocates, the
most opposite systems may be extracted. The objection, how-
ever ingenious, is not new ; it has been pressed by the sectaries
of every age, and its futility cannot be more forcibly exposed
than in the language of St. Augustine : —
“ You know,” says this holy and enlightened man, writing to
Honoratus, “ that the sole cause which engaged me in the party
of the Manicheans, was their boastful promise not to check their
followers by the restraint of a severe authority ; but to free
them from error, and lead them to God by the simple method of
reason. For what other motive could have prompted me to
despise the religion of my education, and to listen to those men
with such avidity, but their having charged the Catholics with
* Amidst the vast assemblage, every beast
Deem’d his own kind with folly touch’d the least :
To others’ faults our lynx eyes are confined,
While to our own we are, as moles, all blind.
LETTER XII.
67
frightening, by superstition, the members of their religion, and
exacting the acquiescence of faith unfortified by argument.
They, however, required none to believe until the understanding
was gradually enlightened by the knowledge of truth. Who
should not have been vanquished by such specious promises?
and will any one be astonished that they made a deep impression
on the mind of a young man fond of truth, whom his disputes
and conferences with the learned had rendered inquisitive and
presumptuous ?” And again (for there is a sad interest in tran-
scribing his ingenuous and pathetic description of the weakness
and vanity of man), “the soul is naturally flattered with the
promises which heretics make of pointing out clearly the truth.
It reflects not on its own weakness, nor on the sad state into
which it has been plunged by its own infirmity. Hence, while
she hungers for wholesome food, which can only be profitable to
the healthy, she perishes by the poisoned doctrine of her
deceivers.”
It requires no extraordinary stretch of ingenuity to apply the
words of St. Augustine to the circumstances of our own times.
The boastful promises of the advocates of the Bible are the
same by which his young and unsuspecting mind was betrayed.
Similar is their tone of triumph — similar their pretensions to the
exclusive possession of the truth, and similar the insulting pity
with which they affect to treat the religion of Catholics. The
proud are flattered by the compliment paid to their understand-
ing, and the profligate hail the introduction of a spirit which
releases them from an inconvenient yoke.
Free in the choice of their teachers, they attach themselves to
one until he is supplanted by another, who yields in his turn to
the bolder pretensions of a more artful and accommodating rival,
and thus to escape the despotism of authority, they pass under
the successive dominion of a crowd of enthusiasts, who rise and
disappear, until in their endeavours to realize the progressive
perfectibility of our nature, they drink the deadliest errors that
ever poisoned the human mind.
We are frequently told, by way of triumphant contrast, that
the Bible is the religion of Protestants. By such frequent
appeals to Scripture, they would fain insinuate that they have
an exclusive veneration for the sacred volume. They seldom
reflect that it is revered by the Catholic Church as the sacred
charter of her privileges. But though it be originally her pos-
session, it is one of those possessions which may be plundered by
every apostate who deserts her communion. It is one of those
badges by which the true Church is ludicrously personified, in
the mimic exhibitions of the sectaries.
Behold, however, the awful consequences of this principle.
When I am told that the Bible is the religion of Protestants,
68
LETTER XIII.
the word Protestant presents an idea of such unbounded and
intricate meaning, that I must confess it is difficult to comprehend
its extent, or unravel its perplexity. The Protestant religion
must be true, as the Bible is its sole rule of faith. A member
of the Church of England must, therefore, be right, because
the Bible is his rule of faith, and he is a Protestant. The Pres-
byterian must be right, because the Bible is his rule of faith,
and he is a Protestant. The Socinian, who shakes the pillars of
Revelation, must be right, because the Bible is his rule of faith,
and he is a Protestant. The Antinomian, who piously absolves
his followers from the obligation of the Evangelical law, must, of
course, be right, because the Bible is his rule of faith, and he is
a Protestant. And thus while infidelity and Popery lie at the
opposite extremes, inaccessible to her influence, truth, with the
variety of a cameleon and the velocity of lightning, beams on
each chequered and deformed system that fills up the immense
interval.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XIII.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE.
Maynooth College, 1821.
Simul veritas plurimis modis infracta : primum inscitia reipublicoe ut alienee,
mox libidine assentandi , aut rursus odio adversus dominantes. — Tacitus.
Various were the influences by which truth was impaired ; such as ignorance
of the state in the first instance; and next the flattery and hatred of its rulers.
Whilst the character of our country and the religion of her
people are assailed with unsparing enmity by some interested
defamers, who are continually pouring their calumnies into the
English press ; and whilst unfortunately some local outrages of
a savage nature give a specious colour to their misrepresenta-
tions, your attention is solicited to the statement of a writer,
who, with ample opportunities of information, has no interest to
mislead ; and who, while he exposes the wrongs, and denounces
the traducers of his conntry, is equally ready to acknowledge
the extent of her misdeeds, and the indiscretion of her pane-
gyrists. Perhaps in the history of the world no two countries
have exhibited such an anomaly as England and Ireland. Not-
LETTER XIII.
69
withstanding the proximity of their situations, which naturally
seemed to invite to a cultivation of mutual intimacy, a spirit of
sullen distrust has kept them ignorant of each other ; and while
the genius of knowledge and of enterprise has annihilated the
vast space between England and the Indies, the Irish Channel
has been like an impassable gulph, which, from a dread of the
enemies on the opposite coast, the spirit of a benevolent curiosity
has seldom ventured to explore.
Has autem terras Italique hanc littoris oram
Proxima quae nostri perfunditur aequoris aestu
Effuge : cuncta malis habitantur maenia Gratis.*
We have been occasionally visited by some travellers or
tourists, whose pictures, with few exceptions, are the best
evidence of their unwillingness, or their inability to convey a
just delineation of our country or its inhabitants.! Nay, as
often as the English nation, animated by a laudable curiosity,
sent some individuals to ascertain our characters and our re-
sources, have they not generally returned, like the twelve spies
of Israel, poisoning the public mind by a false representation of
the land they had visited, and whose hospitality they had
abused, whilst few have been found to possess the honest
intrepidity of Caleb and Josue, to brave the public prejudice by
a fair and fearless exposure of the truth ?
This tone of vehement antipathy has been productive of the
worst consequences. The injustice or ingratitude of English
writers has produced a spirit of reaction equally injurious to our
interests; and our ardent countrymen, stung with the sense of
the unmerited aspersions that have been cast upon their native
soil, have drawn on their fervid fancies in pourtraying the
* Let not thy course to that ill coast he bent,
Which fronts from far the Epirian continent ;
Those parts are all by Grecian foes possessed,
The savage Locrians here the shores infest. — Dryden.
f The present age furnishes us with many instances of travellers who, with
superficial information, affect to pass the most deliberate judgment on the
character, politics, and religion of the countries through winch they happen to
pass. They generalize every thing ; they imagine themselves qualified to judge
of a nation by some trait which they have observed in the streets ; they do not
give themselves the trouble to obtain information ; or, if they do, they are not
successful in procuring it ; yet they consider themselves competent to assign
motives and causes for every peculiar custom which they observe. The following
anecdote will illustrate the truth of these observations: — “An ambasssador in
Italy, who had spent a few days in London, was dining one day at the house of
the British minister at Naples, when he introduced a discussion upon the sub-
ject of the British constitution — a branch of knowledge very difficult to be
understood even by Englishmen who have not made it an object of particular
study. The British minister was about to explain the subject to the company,
when the French ambassador interrupted him by saying : ‘ Give me leave, Sir,
I was twelve days in London, and can explain to you the whole affair .”’. — See
Memoirs of a Traveller, Vol. I, London, 1806.
70
LETTER XIII.
reproachless character of her sons. The descriptions were gene-
rally read with distrust ; facts of too stubborn a nature seemed
to contradict the representation of the impassioned or interested
advocate ; and thus the whole picture forfeited its claims to
fidelity, on account of some exaggerated features. Between
these extremes of overcharged eulogy and censure, there is
doubtless a large interval ; and seldom, it must be confessed, have
any been found possessing sufficient candour and discernment to
enquire and ascertain the point of their mutual approaches.
To unravel the causes of Ireland’s discontent and disturbances,
and to resolve the complex subject into the just proportion that
each cause may have in their production, would require the
intuitive sagacity and painting eloquence of Tacitus. Such a
view of the subject would be as foreign to the purpose, as it
would be disproportioned to the talents of the present writer :
he therefore will content himself with demonstrating that, in the
present unhappy disturbances that distract some parts of Ireland,
there is nothing of disloyalty to the government ; and that the
influence of the Catholic religion, instead of fomenting the evil,
has been uniformly exercised in mitigating its malignity, and
arresting its diffusion.
Besides the opposite descriptions of writers just mentioned,
there is another class, if the dignity of literature would not be
degraded by their assumption of the name, who, instead of
labouring to soften, are perpetually exasperating the causes of
national alienation. These unnatural children, wishing to see the
country of their birth a prey to intestine discord, because they
thrive on its continuance, fling into the dying embers of disunion
their ephemeral productions, which perish in the flame of their
own creation.
The agitated state of Ireland has been propitious to the pro-
duction of these extraordinary beings, who have regularly
appeared on our stage, transmitting the original spirit with
undecayed energy to their lineal successors. The race is not
yet extinct : we have still among us some candidates, whose
superior claims to the possession of the mantle of their progeni-
tors arise from a rivalry in the work of defamation. Instead of
being daunted by the detection of their calumnies, they only
gather effrontery from refutation.
Iram atque animos a crimine sumunt.
Happily, however, their malignity is generally neutralized by
their folly or their weakness. They may occasionally excite a
smile, but never a more dignified sentiment : their names have
passed into terms of scorn and reproach ; and they have earned,
by their slanders, the just retribution of an infamous celebrity.
IIierophilos.
LETTER XIV.
71
LETTER XIV.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE.
Maynooth College, 1821.
Non equidem hoc duhites , amhorum fcedere certo
Consentire dies, et ab uno sidere duci. — Persius.
Sure on both nations the same star has shone,
Joint are their fates, their destinies are one.
Whatever may be the visions of some romantic lovers of
country, it is one of the soundest and most incontestible maxims
of political science, that there are some countries whose fortunes
must ever be dependent on the destinies of others.* This prin-
ciple, which experience has confirmed in the example of other
countries, seems peculiarly applicable to the condition of Ireland.
To the strength and abundance of her natural resources, I feel
proud in bearing ample testimony ; but as these must be esti-
mated in relation to surrounding states, it must be confessed that
she seems to have been destined to be connected in some measure
with the English nation. Though this reflection may be mortify-
ing to our national vanity, we should still be consoled by the con-
sciousness that we could securely repose under the protection of
the British empire, instead of being placed in the doubtful position
of Anactorium, which, if we are to credit the account of Thucy-
dides, was disputed by the contending claims of Corinth and
Corcyra.
This obvious principle has taken deep root in the Irish mind.
The people are too sensible of the advantage of British con-
nexion to wish for a separation. They would consider as their
worst enemies, those who would entertain the chimerical project
of divorcing that connexion ; and the only object they sigh for
is, to draw closer its relations, by a fuller participation of its
benefits. We know that it is the dispensation of Providence,
that one kingdom should share the adverse or prosperous
fortunes of another. We know that our fate is connected
with that of England, and that in “ the peace thereof shall
our peace be;” and, therefore, that he who would attempt
to seduce the people from their allegiance, would be realizing
the language which Jeremias held to the false prophet Hananias :
* See Grotius, Des differentes sortes de Guerre, et de la Souverainete, L. I,
chap, iii ; with the notes of his interpreter, Barbeyrac.
72
LETTER XIV.
“Thou hast broken chains of wood, and thou shalt make for
them chains of iron.”*
The principle of connexion with the English government, f
which nature seems to suggest, and which a sense of self-interest
must confirm, derives from the Catholic faith a still stronger
influence. The attachment of the Catholic to the person of his
Sovereign is derived from a nobler source than those yet alluded
to, and the loyalty he must feel, in common with every other
subject, is hallowed by the peculiar instructions of his religion.
It is a well-known truth, that the relative duties of sovereigns
and of subjects have been discussed in the sister country with a
bold and, perhaps, dangerous freedom of opinion. We know
that some of its most eminent political writers have ventured to
fix the boundaries where obedience would cease to be an obliga-
tion, and resistance would become a duty. These are discussions
which, in the Catholic Church, are considered as questions of a
delicate and dangerous tendency. Nay, they have even startled
the impiety of Hume.f Seldom are these extreme cases agitated
* Jeremias, xxviii, 13.
f Within those late years, some English writers have been contrasting this
letter with my sentiments on the repeal of the legislative union, with the view
of impressing on the public that I now entertain opinions different from those
which I advocated in the letters of “Hierophilos.” Among those writers, two
Catholic peers hold a prominent place, who, utterly forgetful of the obvious
drift of my argument, have expended much superfluous writing in endeavouring
to show that I was once an advocate of the legislative union. Now, there is no
questfon of the legislative union in the entire of this letter. The argument
turns on the connexion between its Irish subjects and the British crown, and the
necessity of the allegiance which is due to the British monarch. On the reli-
gious obligations of that allegiance my sentiments have undergone no change.
It is true that from the relative size and proximity of Ireland, a probable
argument is drawn in favour of a connexion with England. Now, the advan-
tages of such a connexion, under the same monarch, who would rule both
countries with an impartial sway, are not controverted by the advocates of the
repeal of the legislative union. Lest, however, the observations on the relative
size and position of Ireland should be mistaken by the English as an argument
in favour of any ascendancy on their part, I may be allowed to remind them,
that they prove quite the reverse. The insignificant size of England, compared
to Continental states, as well as its nearness to Ireland, prove equally the advan-
tages of an imperial union with Ireland, in order to be able to cope successfully
against the encroachments of greater powers. The union, then, which nature
and their geographical position suggest, is one of mutual justice and protection.
But as those and the union of two legislatures are found to be incompatible, it
follows that a disruption of the legislative union must take place ; for in the
harmony of nations, as well as in the system of the world, the smaller, as well
as the larger bodies, exercise their just influence ; so that were the influence of
the smallest to be destroyed or diminished from any cause, the consequence
would be a severance of the mutual dependence. The jealousy of England forbids
justice — the same jealousy must forbid the continuance of the legislative union.
% “Besides, we must consider that as obedience is our duty, in the common
course of things, it ought chiefly to be inculcated ; nor can anything be more
preposterous than an anxious care and solicitude in stating all the cases in which
resistance may be allowed. In like manner, though a philosopher reasonably
acknowledges, in the course of an argument, that the rules of justice may be
dispensed with in cases of urgent necessity, what should we think of a preacher
LETTER XIV.
73
by its professors, and never proposed to its followers as maxims
of practical adoption. We hold with Mr. Burke, “that the specu-
lative line of demarcation, where obedience ought to end, and
resistance must begin, is faint, obscure, and not easily definable ;
and that, with or without a right, a revolution will be the very
last resource of the thinking and the good.” Far, therefore,
from entertaining the dangerous theory that would fix those
bounds of suffering, which would justify resistance, we are re-
proached with extending our doctrine of obedience beyond what
human nature can endure. Through the vicissitudes of eighteen
centuries, the doctrine of the Catholic has remained the same
that was preached by Saint Paul,* and illustrated by the com-
mentaries of Tertullian ; and it will ever be the reproach or the
glory of our religion, that it will ever be inaccessible to the
wisdom or the folly of modern maxims of allegiance. For
loyalty which rests on so firm a basis, there is little room for
apprehension. It is not that fluctuating loyalty which may shift
with times and circumstances, and which is measured by the
calculating standard of interest or convenience ; ours is a loyalty
depending on an eternal principle — the dispensation of a ruling
Providence ; and of which the calls of a capricious self-interest
can never annul the obligation.
To any who soberly reflect on the conduct of the Catholics,
through the sad vicissitudes of our national history, it must be a
matter of surprise, how that conduct could ever have furnished
grounds for impeaching their loyalty. With a fidelity which no
temptation could shake, they clung to the fallen fortunes of one
Prince, until dire necessity had severed every obligation; and
or casuist, who should make it his chief study to find out such cases, and enforce
them with all the vehemence of argument and eloquence ? Would he not be
better employed in inculcating the general doctrine, than in displaying the par-
ticular exceptions, which we are, perhaps, but too much inclined of ourselves to
embrace and to extend !” — Hume, Essay 13 th, on Passive Obedience.
* “Let every soul be subject to higher powers: for there is no power but
from God ; and those that are, are ordained of God. Therefore, he that re-
sisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And they that resist, pur-
chase to themselves damnation. Wherefore, be subject of necessity, not only
for wrath, but also for conscience sake.” — Romans , chap. xiii.
“ Christians are aware who has conferred their power on the Emperors — they
know it is God ; after whom they are first in rank, and second to none other.
From the same source which imparts life, they also derive their power. We,
Christians, invoke on all the Emperors, the blessings of a long life, a prosperous
reign, domestic security, a brave army, a faithful senate, and a moral people.” —
Tertullian, Apolegeticus adversus Genies , chap. xxx.
Such was the practical commentary of Tertullian on the words of St. Paul,
when the Christians suffered from the cruelty of Severus. I know that Paley
applies a more accommodating interpretation to the doctrine of the Apostle. —
See Moral Philosophy, B. VI, chap. iv.
I must confess, however, that we are so incapable to keep pace with the pro-
gress of mind, as to prefer the simple exposition of the African Presbyter, to the
adoption of the subtle ingenuity of the English Archdeacon, by which the force
of the most rigid obligation would be soon refined away.
F
74
LETTER XIV.
surely such heroic constancy, instead of justifying the foul im-
peachment of disloyalty, ought to be considered a pledge of
sincere fidelity to every future Sovereign. The frequent and
invidious reference is made to the insurrections which occasion-
ally disgraced our country ; they have never sprung from the
influence of Catholic principles. Thus, in the instance of the
Rebellion of Ninety-Eight, of which the memory is industriously
transmitted in every anti-Catholic publication, the leaders of the
Irish Directory declared, on examination before the Irish parlia-
ment, that so far from being actuated by the desire of establish-
ing the Catholic religion, they would have as soon exchanged the
cross for the crescent. On this subject much adverse learning
has been expended ; and notwithstanding the many able vindica-
tions of our conduct that have been occasionally offered to the
public, yet there are some drivelling writers, who are ever
pouring upon the English ear the obsolete calumnies of men
deservedly forgotten ; and who in the dull round of slander
exhibit all the dexterity of the Athenian charioteer, who could
perpetually revolve round the same goal, without deviating from
the former track or marking a new impression.
Metaphysicians have displayed much idle cavil in attempting
to prove the impossibility of civil allegiance, when spiritual
obedience was exacted by the Roman Pontiff. Our feelings and
our conduct refuted their subtle speculations. To put an end,
however, to the interminable contest, the King graciously became
our advocate, and a single ray of royal benevolence has dissolved
the rusty prejudices, which have resisted the weight and vigour
of arguments an hundred times repeated. In spite of the calum-
nies of ages, and the misgivings of some individuals, who dis-
trusted, or affected to distrust, our allegiance, he resolves to come
among us : the most distant parts of the kingdom pour in their
thronging multitudes to greet his approach. With unhesitating
confidence, he generously flung himself on the fidelity of his Irish
people ; and surely it was a glorious spectacle to have seen him
borne aloft on the buoyancy of their uncalculating devotion.
We shall, therefore, be content that a host of noxious writers
tax us with disloyalty, while we are conscious that the royal
mind has received a different impression. If, therefore, when
the Government was known to the Catholics only through the
severities it inflicted, they cherished a strong and steady loyalty,
which no force could pluck out of their breasts, they cannot be
disaffected to a Government which cherishes and protects them,
unless we suppose their loyalty to be like the famous tree* in
Switzerland, which thrives on the barren rock, exposed to the
tempest, but withers and dies under a kindlier cultivation.
IIierophilos.
Tanim.
LETTER XV.
75
LETTER XV.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE.
Maynooth College, 1821.
We are reviled, and we bless : — we are ill spoken of, and we intreat
St. Paul.
To the readers of this letter, on our side of the Irish Channel,
it will undoubtedly be a subject of astonishment that I should
devote any labour, which to them must appear superfluous, to a
vindication of the conduct of persons whose eminent services are
justly entitled to the public approbation. As the nature of an
apology may possibly imply the suspicion of guilt, some will,
perhaps, feel indignant at the indiscretion of an advocate, who
attempts to justify a body of men, whose characters are equally
beyond the reach of reproach, or the necessity of justification.
However, it must be recollected that I write for an English
public — a public, whose honest minds have been misled by con-
tinued calumnies acting on their religious prejudices ; and that a
vindication of our clergy, offered to a Protestant public, can no
more be an imputation on their merits, than the apologies of
Justin or Athenagoras could justify the impeachment of the con-
duct of the first Christians.
It is only by fairly estimating the different causes of discontent
which operate on the minds of the Irish peasantry, that we shall
be able to appreciate the merits of the Catholic priesthood.
Although the advocacy of the people is generally considered an
invidious topic, it must be confessed that the Irish peasant is
subject to privations, which are not felt by the lower classes of
any other country in Europe. This is a matter of notoriety ;
and the extreme wretchedness of his condition has often fur-
nished a pathetic theme for exciting barren commisseration. I
shall not speak of his exclusion from the benefits of the constitu-
tion, nor of the mode in which his prospects are clouded by the
influence of the penal laws; these may be grievances of too
refined a nature to affect the feelings of a people too depressed
to be mortified by exclusion from such exalted honours : I shall
merely confine myself to the privation of those more immediate
necessaries — food and clothing, which is sometimes associated
with demoralizing habits. But as an entire letter will be devoted
76
LETTER XV.
to this ungrateful subject, I shall immediately pass to the vindi-
cation of the clergy.
In the discharge of the sacred duties of their profession, the
Catholic priesthood are assiduous and unremitting : their ministry
brings consolation to the sick and the indigent ; the administra-
tion of the sacraments occupies a large portion of their attention,
and the remainder of their time is devoted to the instruction of
those whose humble condition in life has debarred them from
every other source of moral and religious improvement. When
we reflect on the wide extent of the spiritual jurisdiction of the
Catholic priest, and the large mass of ignorance and misery to
be controlled almost solely by his influence — though we may
deplore the occasional outrages that disgrace our country, yet
candour will acknowledge that, were it not for his exertions,
they would still be more frequent and atrocious. If I did not
dread to fatigue my readers’ patience by frequent and minute
references to facts, I could illustrate every sentence of this letter
by cogent examples.
Men of rank and station in the country have borne repeated
and honourable testimony to the meritorious services of the
Catholic clergy. When the English public read the reports of
speeches pronounced in the senate by Irish members, expressing
alarm at the progress, and denouncing the dangers of the
Catholic religion, they are naturally persuaded that the lively
apprehensions betrayed by these speakers are caught from a
closer contact with the clergy of that persuasion ; but their mis-
take would be corrected, were they to learn that some of these
gentlemen are, in private life, the attached friends and best
benefactors of the very men whom they traduce as the worst
enemies of the state! I could name individuals among the
opponents of Catholic claims, who have given donations to
Catholic clergymen, as a grateful testimony of their salutary
influence ; thus evincing an anxiety to expiate their public oppo-
sition by acts of private benevolence.
Of their indefatigable exertions in softening the evils that
afflicted Ireland during the progress of the epidemic of 1817,
I could quote abundant testimonies. I shall content myself,
however, with citing the approving attestation of Mr. C. Grant,
our late secretary. In his speech before the British senate he
paid a just and well-earned tribute to their worth, in which there
was little danger that the vigorous fancy and warm feelings of
this enlightened statesman could have been hurried beyond the
boundaries of truth. Though his memory teemed with facts of
heroic devotion, yet, like the venerable father of poetry, he
singles out a solitary example where a clergyman, unable to re-
ceive the confession of two dying people without the evident peril
of his life, generously threw himself into the very focus of con-
LETTER XV.
77
tagion, content to inhale the poison of death, provided he admi-
nistered to the wretched sufferers the medicine of immortality.*
The unfortunate individuals who disgrace their religion, and
disturb the peace of the public, by the spirit of outrage and
violence, are sure to release themselves first from the dread of
the authority of the clergy. While the priest holds the ascend-
ant over their minds, they are amenable to law and order ; and
never do they trample on the civil authority, until they first
learn to disregard his spiritual denunciations. Do those who
take a lead in the disturbances that unhappily disturb the south
of Ireland, endeavour to enlist in their support the authority of
the priesthood ? No. Their exhortations to peace and patience
are sometimes repaid with menaces of the same harsh treatment
which is indiscriminately inflicted on the Protestant and Catholic
laity ; nor can it be supposed that those who would wantonly
outrage the sacred person of the minister of God, would kneel
at his tribunal to invoke his benediction.
Among the other instances of clerical zeal recorded in our
public journals, it is mentioned that some of those turbulent
individuals, irritated by the severe but wholesome admonitions
of their pastor, endeavoured to intimidate him into a dereliction
of his duty. But he, like the venerable Eleazar, “ began to
consider the dignity of his age, and his ancient years, and the
inbred honour of his grey head, and his good fife and conversa-
tion from a child ; and he answered without delay, according
to the ordinances of the holy law made by God, saying that
he would rather be sent into the other world.” Thus the
priests preach peace, and they are accused of sedition ; they are
taxed with apathy in repressing outrages, of which, because they
are zealous to check them, they are threatened to be made the
victims.
Were their precepts listened to with respect, and followed up
by a corresponding line of conduct, the country would soon
assume another aspect, and the spirit of discord would disappear.
They still continue to be the preachers of that doctrine, whose
salutary influence on the peace and happiness of society is con-
veyed in the feeling apostrophe of St. Augustin to the Catholic
Church : — “ By thee the young, the adult, and the old are taught
the respective duties of their age and condition. By thee the
wife is connected with the husband in the bond of affection, chas-
tened by virtue, and subjected to his person by a control miti-
gated by religion. Through thee the father and the child
exercise the reciprocal relations of filial obedience exalted into
* Had this gentleman been better acquainted with the painful duties which
the Catholic clergy have daily to discharge, neither he or such other persons
could be much surprised at the above instance of devotedness, forming as it does
only one of their frequently recurring occupations.
78
LETTER XVI.
piety, and paternal authority softened into love. Through thee
the ties of kindred and of blood are more closely knitted together
by the hallowed influence of charity. Through thee the servant
forgets the hardships of his condition, and converts into a willing
duty the servitude which necessity first imposed. Through thee
the master relaxes his dominion, while he is taught to conciliate
by kindness those whom nature has subjected to his controul. It
is thou that connectest citizens in the bonds of concord, spreading
the affections of consanguinity over the different families of the
human race, by the recollection of a common origin. Thou
teachest kings to watch over the welfare of the people, and the
people to bow to the majesty of kings. And through all the
gradations in society, it is thou that teachest who are the objects
of fear, of affection, of respect, of punishment, of consolation,
of reproof, and of correction; impressing on our minds, that
while these must be apportioned to different individuals, all are
to be the objects of our charity, and none of our resentment.”
Hierophilos.
LETTER XVI.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE
Maynooth College, 1821.
My virtue is weakened through poverty. I am become a reproach among
all my enemies, and very much to my neighbours ; and a fear to my acquaint-
ance . — Psalm xxx.
Having vindicated the people from the charge of disloyalty, and
the clergy from the imputation of supineness, or connivance at
their excesses, I shall undertake briefly to explain the most pro-
minent causes of the discontent and outrages of the peasantry.
The principal sources from which these evils spring are wretch-
edness — often destitute of the necessaries of life — and a spirit of
discord engendered by the political situation of the country, and
aggravated by the insidious designs of individuals interested in
perpetuating disunion.
That the lower orders of our people are wretched beyond the
condition of any other peasantry, is confessed by the testimony
LETTER XVI.
79
of every intelligent traveller.* The causes of this extreme
misery it is unnecessary to explore ; but it must be acknowledged
that it has been considerably heightened by the late political
changes, which have affected the condition of the other classes
of society throughout the empire.
Many estates were out of lease during the fervor of war
prices; the increase of his rent-roll multiplied the expensive
habits of the landlord ; and, notwithstanding the depression
which renders it impossible for the tenant to meet the demands
of his landlord, yet the latter insists on the full payment of his
rents with inexorable severity. To satisfy these rigorous claims,
industry is often strained to a painful yet unprofitable exertion.
The farmer finds that the stimulus which he gives to his industry,
in order to acquit his obligations to his landlord, has the opposite
effect. of increasing the demand upon his tithes.
This is a delicate subject, which has long continued a topic of
angry discussion in this country. As it is still considered a sore
and sensitive evil, both as it affects the clergy and the people,
and which cannot be touched but with a trembling hand, I shall
leave this important question to the wisdom of professed poli-
ticians.! One thing, however, is certain, that the multiplicity of
pecuniary demands upon his labour, which, after having ex-
hausted every expedient of ingenuity, he is unable to meet, has
the effect of relaxing the industry of the farmer,! and throwing
him into a gloomy despondence.
This is an obvious source of discontent : for how can he view
his landlord with feelings of kindness, who, after bringing to the
market all the produce of his land not necessary for his own
consumption, beholds the rest seized for arrears of rent and
tithes; and himself and his family cast out as aliens on the
world, depending on the precarious bounty of persons almost
reduced to the same level as himself. When the fruit of labour
is not equivalent to the demands on the produce of the soil, the
people must necessarily be discontented. Though I have spoken
* Kohl, in his recent travels through this country, assures his readers, that in
no part of the Continent did he witness such wretchedness as in Ireland, and
that the privations of its peasantry are far more intolerable than those of the
serfs of Hungary.
t See, on this subject, the judicious observations of Sir John Sinclair . — Code of
Agriculture, p. 64, Third Edition, London.
After some pertinent reflections .on the subject of tithes, the Scotch Baronet
quotes the expressions of Mr. Burrowes, a gentleman to whom the Irish public
is indebted for many valuable communications on agricultural subjects.
For further information on this subject, see the celebrated speech of Grattan,
on tithes, in the Irish House of Commons, 14th July, 1788 ; a speech that will
retain its interest, even though the grievances that called it forth should pass
away.
t As the same word is susceptible of a variety of meanings, it will appear that
a different meaning is ascribed to the word Farmer here from what it assumes in
England.
80
LETTER XVI.
of persons bringing to market what is not necessary for home
consumption, it may be expedient to inform the English reader
what is the idea which the Irish peasant attaches to necessaries.
By that word he neither understands bread, nor beef, nor warm
clothing, nor comfortable lodging. These he must exclude from
his ideas of contentment. They seldom enter into his specu-
lations on taking his little farm ; happy if, after discharging the
accumulated demands of rents, and taxes of every description,
he is able to furnish his wretched family with the humble fare,
proverbially Irish — the Potato.*
Should the extensive proprietors of land, influenced by bene-
volence or policy, make some abatement, the benefit seldom
reaches the immediate cultivators of the soil. In Ireland, the
great landholders seldom come in contact with the humble
tenantry ; both are kept at a sullen and distrustful distance
from each other by a series of individuals, who have obtained
from their intermediate situation the appropriate name of middle-
men. These gentlemen, too, must be supported out of the pro-
duce of the land, thus weighing down the peasantry with the
burthen of rank, without imparting to them any of its benefits.
Too proud to exercise any industry, yet too far removed from
refined intercourse to possess the influence which generally
attaches to exalted station, they are known to the people only in
displaying a vulgar insolence, imitating the vices of the great
without any of their correctives ; thus proving themselves noxious
members of society, by keeping the higher and lower orders at
an inapproachable distance, and intercepting the complaints of
the one and the bounty of the other. These larger weeds, which
absorb so much of its nutriment, should be suffered silently to
decay, in order to restore health and vigour to the humbler and
more useful plants of the soil.f
Even those who possess large estates, experience at last the
effects of the general poverty that overspreads the country.
Non sibi sed Domino gravis est quae servit, egestas. J
The continued absence of the men of property from the
country, is also an acknowledged grievance, which has not
* That the Irish peasantry deem themselves comparatively happy if they have
abundance of this esculent, is now too forcibly proved by the fears of famine
that have sprung from its diseased condition this season.
f From the general censure conveyed in the text against middlemen, I must
exempt many individuals who deserve well of society, by their kind attention to
the poor, when visited by sickness. But it is not with the individuals that I
quarrel ; it is the system I condemn — a system, which must be owned was the
natural and necessary result of the contemptuous and cruel indifference with
which the great proprietors habitually treated and still treat the mass of the
people.
J The poverty which is inflicted on the slave recoils upon his cruel master.
LETTER XVI.
81
escaped the attention of some of the wisest legislators. The
constant residence of the rich in Ireland is, under existing
circumstances, a hopeless wish. The seat of empire must be
the centre which will ever attract the confluence of opulence
and fashion ; and we cannot, therefore, be surprised at the
comparative solitude of the Irish capital, when we reflect that
neither the magic of the name of Rome, nor the dignity which
age and conquest had thrown around her, could arrest the tide
of emigration which followed Constantine to Byzantium, leaving
the parent city of the Seven Hills to deplore her desolation.
A continued absence cannot, however, be excused, as it is
reasonable to expect that, in return for their ample incomes,
men of rank and fortune would occasionally diffuse through the
extremities some of the improvements and elegance of the
capital. Their absence has a positive and negative effect in
deteriorating the condition of the people.
A negative effect — as their occasional residence might tend to
civilize the habits, and cement the attachment, of the lower
orders. A positive effect — as the desertion of their mansions,
and the neglect of their domains, are the causes of consigning
to indolence the numerous hands that would procure labour and
subsistence from their -improvement. As no large capitals are
embarked in manufactures through the country, there is no
common centre to guide the erring intellects, which, if fixed to
steady habits of industry, would contribute to augment the
national prosperity. Thus, the great mass of the peasantry is
exposed, without any corrective but that of religion, to the com-
plicated evils which must spring from extreme indigence.
To the sober-minded Englishman, this picture may seem to be
drawn by an ardent apologist, who has industriously exaggerated
the misery of the Irish people. In the delineation, I have not
brought to my aid any colouring of fancy ; but, subdued and
dispassionate in my tone, I have not gone as far as I might be
authorized by facts. The instances of extreme wretchedness
which might be collected among the body of our peasantry, are
such as no description could exaggerate, and no fancy over-
charge.*
When Cicero pleaded the cause of the injured Sicilians, and
denounced the crimes of those who were the authors of their
wrongs, he did not waste his time in idle declamation, nor in the
vague description of injuries which could convey no distinct idea
of their extent or their magnitude ; but, like a true master of
eloquence, he flings away the subordinate draperies of fancy, and
* The various commissions of inquiry into the state of the poor which have
been issued since the publication of these letters, reveal a state of destitution too
hideous to contemplate. It must be confessed that our rulers are more solicitous
about commissions of inquiry than about measures of relief.
82
LETTER XVI.
interests the sympathy of the Roman people for his clients, by
exhibiting to their view the naked victims of that misrule on
which he invoked the retribution of their justice.
And could not I exhibit to the indignant compassion of the
English people, evidence equally affecting of the miseries I
describe? Could I not exhibit to the view of the English
people many an unfeeling little ruler, through the periodical
crowds of Irish labourers who cross the Irish Channel, stowed
almost to suffocation, in order to procure subsistence by hard
labour, and to restore that life which, for want of wholesome
nutriment at home, had almost expired in their emaciated
frames ? To uphold in a foreign land a style of living dispro-
portioned to their incomes, some scruple not to sacrifice the
comfort and enjoyment of thousands ; and when these unfeeling-
men happen to meet these living spectres gliding through the
streets of London, like Ulysses, on encountering the indignant
shade of Ajax, they must sustain the reproachful glances of the
wretched beings whose happiness they have murdered. The
apology often pleaded by the absentees is, the danger of residing
in a country where their persons and properties would be con-
tinually exposed. They ought, however, to consider that fear,
like affection, is generally reflective; that, perhaps, they are
the first to inspire the terror which they feel, and that within
their miniature dominion, they might apply to themselves the
observation of the Roman sage —
Qui sceptra soevus imperio regit
Timet timentes, metus in auctorem redit.*
This reflection is justified by the pleasing contrast of some
noblemen who have resisted the contagion of vanity and fashion,
and reside in tranquil security on their estates, diffusing among
their tenantry the blessings of their wealth and example. The
traveller, in passing through the country, finds occasional relief
amidst the contemplation of uniform wretchedness. On ap-
proaching the residence of those individuals, you immediately
perceive the influence of intellect and benevolence that reigns
within the happy circle; and your feelings, sickened by the
surrounding scene, here find a grateful repose. From within
the sphere of their beneficial sway discontent is banished ; and
should disaffection attempt to cross the forbidden boundary, it
dies in the unpropitious atmosphere. Among those whom I
could name on the present occasion, I shall content myself with
adverting to one individual, who measures his superiority in
rank by the superiority of his public virtue ; diffusing his wealth
* Who fills with terror, and with vengeance fires,
Must share the fears his cruelty inspires.
LETTER XVI.
83
over a contented and tranquil neighbourhood ; enjoying the hap-
piness which he communicates, and standing the foremost in his
country, as much by the unostentatious display of a practical
patriotism, as he does by the splendour of his title, and the
“ thick honours” of a long and illustrious ancestry.
Whilst I expose the causes of the discontent of our peasantry,
let it not be imagined that I am the advocate of that discontent,
or the apologist of their crimes. Were I to address the people,
instead of irritating their sense of suffering, I should endeavour
to soothe them to patience in the meek and Christian language
of St. Peter : — “ Be ye subject, therefore, to every human crea-
ture for God’s sake : whether it be to the king, as excelling ; or
to governors, as sent by him for the punishment of evil doers,
and for the praise of the good : For so is the will of God, that
by doing well you may put to silence the ignorance of foolish
men For this is thanks-worthy, if for conscience
towards God a man endure sorrow, suffering wrongfully. For
what glory is it, if committing sin, and buffeted for it , you
endure ? But if doing well you suffer patiently, this is thanks-
worthy before God.”*
However I may lament the extreme poverty of our people, I
must confess that language would not sustain my efforts to con-
vey my abhorrence of some atrocities that have been committed.!
* I Peter, chap. ii.
f While I express a just horror at the outrages of some of the peasantry, it
is only justice to the public to state, that the odium might be divided with some,
who affect a zeal for the public interest. These outrages, cruel as they are, are
much exaggerated. The English people may form a proper estimate of some
of our Irish journals, when they learn that I have now before me one which
heads a paragraph by the appalling title of “ Dreadful Murder committed by the
Insurgents and, strange to say, not a vestige of a murder is discoverable
through the entire paragraph. This gazette is, by way of lucus a non lucendo,
called The Patriot. That I may not be reproached with vague reference, the
article to which I allude is found in the paper of the 31st of January. The arti-
fice is not without its object. Conscious that few would enter into the penetralia
of his composition, he wished to produce a powerful effect by a dreadful frontis-
piece. In looking for these murderers, you only discover the breaking down
of a bridge, which to the imagination of this gazetteer was transformed into
murder, as the windmills were metamorphosed into giants by the Prince of
Chivalry ! !
For a similar purpose, this same journalist inserted a story about some
persons being murdered for refusing to comply with a certain ceremony, which,
of course, he was afterwards obliged to contradict. These insertions and
retractions are not, however, without their end, as the editors well know that
the first story will be circulated, and make a due impression, where the contra-
diction will never reach.
Ex uno disce omnes.
To convey to the English reader an idea of the humanity of some of our
Irish gentry, it will be sufficient to observe, that there are individuals who asso-
ciate their exertions in preserving the peace with their sportful amusements. It
is a literal fact, that on the evenings of some of the most tragic days that dis-
grace our country, these individuals express their horror of shedding human
84
LETTER XVI.
No provocation could extenuate these outrages; they were
inspired by a more malignant principle than the mere impor-
tunity of distress. Their authors, if you will, were monsters
whom human nature indignantly disowns ; but, for God’s sake,
let not the misdeeds of these miscreants, by a constructive
imputation, be visited on the whole people.
At all events, it is acknowledged, even by those who are not
favourable to the national character, that there is in the Irish
people an easy susceptibility of kindness or of resentment : it is,
therefore, policy as well as wisdom to refine the ductile materials.
They are ardent, enthusiastic, and impetuous ; they possess those
qualities of nature which, if improved, are the greatest orna-
ments of a people, and which, when neglected, are capable of
producing the worst effects.
Instead, then, of aggravating the defects of the national
character by harsh treatment, is it not the duty of those who
value the interest of the country to correct them, by a kind and
conciliatory demeanour? The face of the country would soon
be changed, and all would soon feel the happy effects resulting
from mddness towards a peasantry who, under kind treatment,
are capable of the most lasting and faithful attachment, and who
rush into such lamentable excesses when outraged by cruelty,
and stimulated by the direful impulse of revenge.
Hierophilos.
blood by the savage facetiousness of “a fine day’s grousing.” In the absence
of men of rank, and influence, and integrity, the preservation of the peace is
necessarily entrusted to men who are unfit organs to convey the spirit of the
laws, and who often trade on their violation.
The dispatches of our viceroy show that the people may be the dupes of
systems, of which the origin is not ascertained. He mentions that illegal oaths
are now administered in the county of Down, which proceed from a committee
in Dublin. Would to God that all the illegal associations were traced to their
source ; it would then be discovered that the people are often actuated by an
impulse of which they know not the cause ; and that their acts, however irre-
gular, might converge to one common centre.
LETTER XVII.
85
LETTER XVII.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE.
Maynooth College, 1821 .
Inter fiintimos vetus atque antiqua simultas
lmmortale odium et numquam sanabile vulnus
Ardet adhuc : Juvenal.
With us still burns the old undying rage
Of direful discord, unsubdued by age.
To the other causes of irritation which work upon the feelings
of the Irish peasantry, is unfortunately added the influence of
religious bigotry. Religion has been often made a pretext for
the worst purposes ; and, under the sanction of her name, deeds
have been perpetrated which would dishonour human nature.
Her sacred character has been thus exposed to the derision of
her enemies ; and the infidel triumphed in detailing the ludicrous
or tragic story of her follies or of her crimes.
In no country have the bad effects of this religious bigotry
been more visible than in Ireland ; and in no country has
hypocrisy oftener worn the sacred mask of zeal for religion.
The severe laws that have been enacted with fresh rigor under
every succeeding branch of the House of Stuart, have drawn a
sharp and sullen line of demarcation between the inhabitants of
the same country. Some saw themselves stripped of their for-
tunes, because they inherited the faith of their ancestors ; and
others found that the profession of a new creed smoothed the
access to emolument and honour.
Where difference of religion was productive of such an in-
equality of condition, there must have been some symptoms of
discontent, and some angry collisions between both parties,
embittered by the sense of unmerited humiliation on the one
hand, and by the insolence of the ascendant party on the other.
As religion was the distinctive mark that separated these two
castes of people, it was thus unfortunately mixed up with poli-
tics ; and every aggression, however originating in other motives,
was traced to the spirit, and embittered by the feelings, of reli-
gious rancour.
The memory of ancient wrongs was industriously kept alive,
and members of the same community unfortunately visited on
each other the crimes and follies of their ancestors, to the third
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LETTER XVII.
and fourth generation. Such an unnatural state of society must
necessarily have arrested the progress of civilization and im-
provement. The inhabitants of this kingdom, instead of being
blended into one harmonious mass, by the all-pervading influence
of equal laws, were kept in a state of reciprocal repulsion ; and
all the evils of clanship and of the feudal system, aggravated by
the policy that was adopted, operated with a powerful and de-
structive energy.
There is not a country under heaven that has not been occa-
sionally visited by war, and that has not passed under the
dominion of successive masters ; yet in the lapse of a few years
every vestige of the revolution is effaced, the memory of ancient
feuds is forgotten, and the shattered frame of society is soon
restored to its former vigour. But here, alas ! it would seem as
if some malignant spirit were bent on perpetuating our woes, by
refreshing the memory of the obsolete crimes of the old inha-
bitants.
The existence of party associations in this country has been a
subject of just and strong reprobation. They have tended to
retard the national prosperity, and to insult the national feeling.
It is a melancholy truth that the exhibition of any colours, how-
ever harmless in themselves, is calculated to produce irritation,
when these colours are displayed as symbols of the triumph of
one party and the degradation of the other.
When a band of men, inflamed with wine and insolence,
disgrace the nightly revel with sentiments mortifying to the
pride of the people, and exhibit in wanton triumph the badges
of their defeat, they arouse to a dangerous activity feelings
which would have slept in forgetfulness. Often has the peace of
the community been troubled by the insulting display of these
symbols of discord, and a passive population stimulated by ag-
gression to a dreadful retaliation. Happy, were these accursed
distinctions for ever banished from the land. We should then be
spared the recital of many a tale which is a blot on the page of
our history.*
Let us only figure to ourselves (and the picture is only a
feeble transcript of the sad reality) a knot of men of rough and
ferocious manners, breathing a spirit of rancour against those
who differ from them in religious opinions — swelled with the
insolence natural to the favoured caste — flushed with intoxicating
liquors, and almost maddened with martial music — parading
through an unarmed multitude, irritating their feelings by party
tunes, accompanied with appropriate gesticulations, and panting
for the slightest opportunity of insult and of vengeance. Is it
* Thanks to the cool and steady firmness of our viceroy, and the energy dis-
played by our first municipal magistrate, the offensive decoration of the symbol of
discord in College-green has been prevented on the last November anniversary.
LETTER XVII.
87
not morally impossible, that amidst the numerous mass there
would not bo found some fiery materials, to kindle at such
repeated provocations ? A fray ensues — the murderous weapons
are unsheathed — and the innocent and the guilty are the indis-
criminate victims.
Sed jurgia prima sonare
Incipiunt animis ardentibus ; haec tuba rixse.
Ludere se credunt ipsi tamen, et pueriles
Exercere acies, quod nulla cadavera calcent.*
The friends of the fallen brood over their wrongs, che-
rishing in gloomy silence an unconquerable resentment. A
secret enmity thus rankles in the breast; the deadly pur-
pose is, perhaps, entrusted to some confidential bosom — the
infliction of revenge only provokes to fresh retaliation — and a
spirit of hostility, incessantly reverberating, is kept up between
the contending factions. What a pity that the causes of so
demoralizing a system should not for ever be eradicated from
the bosom of the country? The sources of her disunion and
weakness would be removed, and all the members of the state
would be united in one effective body.
In concluding this painful topic, I am cheered by the con-
trast which presents itself in the recollection of the parting in-
junction of the Sovereign. He came among us — he witnessed
our ardent and instinctive generosity — and, conscious that the
spirit of discord alone could poison such precious qualities, his
farewell admonition breathed peace and conciliation. The im-
pulse was felt and circulated, and every string that was suscep-
tible of a fine movement was immediately attuned to harmony.
There have been, however, some individuals who have endea-
voured to frustrate his Majesty’s mandate, and to perpetuate
dissension, because they thrive by the monopoly of the few and
the exclusion of the many, f However strong the impulse, and
however general the diffusion of the spirit of conciliation, there
are still some minds which it has not yet approached. This,
however, ought not to excite our wonder ; for, though the sun of
liberality may traverse the earth, it requires a certain elevation,
to be visited by its fight and warmed by its influence.
* From angry breasts the strife of words arose,
A fearful prelude to succeeding blows,
Deemed but a mimic combat, if the plain
Were not defiled with corpses of the slain.
f It was the indignant saying of Dr. Johnson, who was neither partial to Ire-
land nor hostile to the Government : — “ The Irish are in a most unnatural state,
for there we see the minority prevailing over the majority. There is no in-
stance, even in the ten persecutions, of such severity as that which has been
exercised over the Catholics of Ireland.”
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LETTER XVIII.
Notwithstanding these exceptions, the royal example has had
a strong influence in cementing those ties which before were but
loosely held together.* The system of conciliation will, it is to
be hoped, be followed up ; and it only requires its completion to
give full play to the energies of Ireland, and to enlist in support
of the national strength those talents, which are either wasted in
indolence or neutralized by distraction.
IIierophilos.
LETTER XVIII.
TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE.
Maynooth College, 1821 .
Mutato nomine , de te
Fabula narrator Horace.
Change but the name, of thee the tale is told.
The existence of much misery in Ireland has been universally
acknowledged. The wretched condition of its population has
almost passed into a phrase of compassion or reproach, and has
exercised, of late, the speculations of benevolence. It was the
interest of those who were aware of their genuine cause, to
ascribe all the calamities of the people to religious ignorance.
Religious blindness, it was said, was the prolific source of all
their crimes ; the complaint was re-echoed in the sister country
with sincere or affected commisseration ; and so contagious was
the sensibility, that a pathetic description of our spiritual woes
was considered the surest indication of piety and eloquence.
The infection was not confined to the professed advocates of
the Bible ; it seized the colder breasts of the literary censors of
the age ; and they, too, occasionally condescended to swell the
chorus of lamentations that were pathetically poured over the
superstitions of Ireland. The generous minds of the English
* This union did not last long. It is no wonder ; it had no foundation of
justice to sustain it. The minds of Irishmen are, at length, sufficiently open to
such delusions as those that were fostered by the royal visit. Justice, such as a
native Parliament alone can establish, will be the only means of ensuring lasting
reconciliation.
LETTER XVIII.
89
people were filled with compassion for our lot ; the wealth of the
opulent and the zeal of the religious were immediately put in
requisition, and a vast importation of Bibles was conveyed into
the country, to satisfy the hunger of Scriptural knowledge under
which Ireland laboured for centuries. The people, unprepared
for this vast collection of spiritual light, were overpowered by its
intense and sudden influence. The Bible* proved to be an exotic,
which could not thrive in the Irish soil ; and hence, perhaps, the
tame and uniform appearance of the kingdom, not chequered by
the agreeable variety of sects, which diversify with all the fan-
tastic shades of colour the prospect of the sister country.
The reluctance and distrust with which the boon was received,
and the disdain with vhich it was generally rejected, served only
to inflame the indignation of the societies, and aggravate the
charges against the incurable depravity of the Irish character.
In the gradations of its climax, their eloquence soon rose from
the people to the Catholic clergy ; and to their perverse desire
of perpetuating their own reign, which cannot be separated from
ignorance, they failed not to ascribe the degradation of the
people. It is difficult to convey an adequate idea of the arro-
gance of invective, in which the pious missionaries generally
indulged. The press teemed with their complaints ; their meet-
ings rung with their noisy declamation ; and little tracts, brought
down to the purchase of the poorest, fraught with the most Godly
denunciations against the domination of our priests, were circu-
lated with a mischievous activity.
To check the career of the Gospellers — to vindicate our clergy
against unmerited aspersion — and to justify the line of conduct
adopted by them, was the first object of “ Hierophilos.” On the
sincere believers of Christianity I wished to impress the irreli-
gious consequences with which the system was pregnant ; and to
those who felt a zeal for the public welfare I was anxious to point
out the impolicy of irritating a whole people, who feel the
strongest suspicions that some treacherous hostility was medi-
tated against their religion.
Our long silence was abused by their presumption ; and a
forbearance, dictated by discretion, they failed not to attribute
to the weakness of our cause.
I had not thought to have unlocked my lips
In this unhallowed cause, but that these jugglers
Would think to charm our judgment as our eyes ;
Obtruding false rules frank’d in reason’s garb.
I hate when vice can bolt her arguments,
And virtue has no tongue to check her pride.
* As distributed by knaves and fanatics. For the knowledge of its faith and
precepts, and for the fulfilment of the duties it inculcates, the people of Ireland
are not surpassed by any people on earth.
G
90
LETTER XVIII.
A candid and necessary defence, after such long silence, dis-
concerted the plan of the societies. The exposure of their
designs alarmed their apprehensions, and I was accordingly
saluted with the courteous, but bold defiance of an adversary,
who laboured to enlist in their support the combined authorities
of the Scriptures and the Fathers. In the necessity I was under
of following his footsteps, and of replying to his arguments, or
unmasking his sophistry, the controversy expanded beyond my
original intention, by embracing those general principles of
Church government, and the exercise of private judgment, which
are applicable alike to all times and countries.
The preceding letters, then, though distinguished by some
national peculiarities, have an equal reference to the Bible Socie-
ties of England; and these societies cannot be proved noxious
here, without showing that they are no less prejudicial to the
interests of the whole empire. Since the publication of the
letters of “ Hierophilos” in Ireland, a silent reformation has
been working in the Bible Societies. If their emissaries are still
active, their activity is less ostentatious ; if they are warm in
their invectives, they are less ambitious to court notoriety ; their
appeals to the public are more temperate and subdued, and the
puritanical moroseness of their zeal has been gradually softened
by a gentle mixture of the language of polished life.*
They are still continuing to apply the remedy of the Bible to
our distempered country, but in vain ; her malady has little of
a spiritual nature ; and, therefore, requires a different process to
restore her to healthy habits. Too long have our people been
doomed to drink of the waters of bitterness; and though it
might have been imagined by some honest enthusiasts that the
Bible, like the mystic tree of Moses, f would sweeten their ascer-
bity, experience has attested that it has only served to render
them still more acrid and corrosive.
Having brought the subject of the preceding letters to a con-
* The meeting of the Kildare-street Society, which was long since advertised,
without its adjournment being equally known, was held, at length, after a
tedious prorogation. After going through the usual round of its former resolu-
tions, unmitigated by the least infusion of liberality, the anniversary oration
was repeated by one of its former advocates. I shall not quote the celebrated
passage of Junius, to weaken the effect of a defence made by an individual, the
happy pliancy of whose profession might retain him with equal indifference on
the opposite side of the question. But as he seems to love the Bible, I will beg
leave to remind him, that it is impossible to serve two masters. Those whose
services are seldom solicited at the bar, may well turn over to the more lucrative
advocacy of the Bible. But for Mr. North, whose eye is doubtless fixed on the
highest honours of his profession ; he ought to reflect that such is the keen com-
petition of the age, that even genius is doomed to labour, and that, therefore,
should he continue to distract his studies between the law and the prophets, by
risking the dignities of the one, he will surely diminish the lustre of his fame,
though by his attention to the other, he may be securing an accession to his
fortune.
f Exodus, xv, 25.
LETTER XVIII.
91
elusion, I shall now resign the further discussion of the interesting
topics they involve. I trust I have contributed something to the
vindication of our country and our religion against the libellers
of both ; and if I have, I shall reflect with some satisfaction on
those hours which have been devoted to a subject that has cheered
the labour, and relieved the uniformity of stated duties.
On a topic in which the name of Ireland had so frequently
occurred, it was difficult, perhaps, to forbear from the introduc-
tion of sad and irritating recollections. Seldom is the state of
Ireland discussed with calmness ; and of her we may truly say,
that her annals, instead of presenting the uniform dignity of
historical narrative, partake of all the irregular alternations of
poetry, now depressed into the saddest strains of its elegy, and
again exalted into the high-toned tension of its most tragic
numbers.
I have, therefore, cautiously abstained from reviving these
disagreeable topics, which, as it is the duty, it should be the
endeavour, of all to bury in forgetfulness. History, though one
of the noblest sources of moral and political wisdom, may yet be
abused to the worst of purposes. I have, therefore, endeavoured
to keep in view the maxims of a great statesman, conveyed in
the following eloquent language, and which I might recommend
as a useful guide in the study and application of history : —
“ In history a great volume is unrolled for our instruction,
drawing the materials of future wisdom from the past errors and
infirmities of mankind. History, one of the richest sources of
wisdom, may, in the perversion, serve for a magazine, furnishing
offensive and defensive weapons for parties in church and state,
and supplying the means of keeping alive or reviving dissensions
and animosities, and adding fuel to civil fury. Wise men will
apply the remedies to vices, not to names — to the causes of evil
which are permanent — not to the occasional organs by which
they act, and to the transitory modes in which they appear;
otherwise you will be wise historically, a fool in practice. Dif-
ferent ages have different fashions in their pretexts and modes of
mischief. Wickedness is inventive, and always adopts the most
popular and pleasing form, to hide its own deformity. Some-
times religion becomes its agent, and sometimes liberty ; but it
always associates itself with that which is in highest estimation.
And thus the spirit of mischief transmigrates through successive
ages, and far from losing its principle of life by the change of
its appearance, it is renovated in its new organs with the fresh
vigour of a juvenile activity. It walks abroad, it continues its
ravages, while you are gibbetting the carcass or demolishing the
tomb. It is thus with those who, attending only to the shell and
husk of history, think they are waging war with intolerance,
pride, and cruelty ; whilst under colour of altering the principles
92
LETTER XIX.
of antiquated parties, they are feeding the same vices in different
factions, and, perhaps, worse.”
Such is the language of Edmund Burke, whose name will
always be pronounced with reverence by the virtuous and the
wise — whom Ireland will ever number among the most gifted of
her sons — the vastness of whose political wisdom, not content
with shielding the hearths, and throne, and altars of his country,
against a demoralizing and revolutionary infidelity, compre-
hended within its grasp the cliency of the opposite hemispheres,
and whose eloquence, which shook the appalling phalanx of
domestic faction, was heard to roll its distant thunder across the
Atlantic and the Indian Oceans.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XIX.
TO THE MOST REV. WILLIAM MAGEE, D.D., &c., PROTESTANT
ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.
Maynooth College, 1823 .
Diligite homines , interficite errores. — St. Augustin.
Love the man, destroy his errors.
My Lord — The name and title of the Archbishop of Dublin
necessarily give a circulation and authority to your Grace’s
Charge, to which, from its own intrinsic merit, it could never
have been entitled. The weight and influence of the body
against which its principal force was directed must still augment
its interest, and add to its claims on public attention. While you
meditated so severe an attack against the Catholic religion, you
must doubtless have calculated its probable consequences. Had
your Grace been content with the quiet enjoyment of the dignity
to which your merit or good fortune had exalted you, you might
have enjoyed the reputation of learning and liberality. But by
your late intrepid aggression, you submitted to have both impar-
tially canvassed ; and though you probably imagined you were
strengthening your claims to the one, you must have consented
to risk every pretension to the other. Your Charge is calculated
to excite a sensation through the country, which, though you
LETTER XIX.
93
may regret, you will not be able to control ; and whatever may
be its influence on the repose of your Lordship’s mind, it re-
quires not the spirit of prophecy to predict that your address
will not contribute much to your reputation with the public.
It has been foretold, that in latter times charity would grow
cold, and faith would not be found among men. As the first
part of the prophecy has been pretty clearly fulfilled, your
Grace evinces a becoming zeal to shield yourself against the
application of the other ; and it is remarkable, that the slightest
sound of danger to the faith has aroused the slumbering warders
of the gates of the holy places, whose hearts could never yearn
to the tenderest cries of charity. Yet we are told in Scripture,
that to “ visit the fatherless and widows in their tribulation is
religion undefiled before God,” unless with the apostolic reformer
of your church, you rank the Epistle of St. James among the
apocryphal writings.
Some individuals felt, or affected to feel surprise at the tenour
of your late Charge, as if it had been at variance with those
principles which you early professed. Imagining they could dis-
cover something of liberality in your former writings, they would
fain lament your apostacy, by characterizing it in the language
of the poet : —
Lowliness is young Ambition’s ladder,
Whereto the climber upward turns his face ;
But when he once attains the upmost round.
He then unto the ladder turns his back ;
Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend.
Yet, the charge of inconsistency could only arise from ignorance
of your recorded principles ; for had the work on Atonement
been read by those who are loud in its commendation, they
would have discovered there occasionally the same superficial
sophistry, and the same intolerant tone, that have so strongly
marked your late production. I shall, therefore, give your
Lordship full credit for consistency, rather than expose you to
the invidious charge of turning your back upon those principles
by which you were conducted, and on those persons by whom
you were cheered in your ascent to elevation.
In alluding to the work which, I am told, is the pillar on which
you would fain rest your reputation as a scholar, I mean not to
contest your claims to erudition. But there is an erudition
which bespeaks more of a passive than an active mind, display-
ing a laudable industry in the collection of its materials, without
any of that quality by which they are transmuted into a new
form. Even among those who have obtained the reputation of
scholars, there are some who are indebted to the force of contrast
94
LETTER XIX.
for their fame — whose learning is thought solid, because it is
clumsy and inelegant — whose stock of knowledge is deemed
ample, because there is a carelessness in the manner of expend-
ing it — who are estimated as profound, because a single ray of
genius never lit their lucubrations ; and who, to use a metaphor,
with which your Grace cannot be offended, are covered with the
“ slough” of learning, without ever shining with its brilliancy.
That the Archbishop of Dublin should have been under the
influence of the corporate spirit of his order, cannot excite our
wonder. But that in the exercise of your zeal you should have
forgotten the dictates of prudence, is a circumstance that has
given rise to conjectures as different as some of them are injuri-
ous to your Lordship’s candour. But I shall not entertain for a
moment such unworthy suspicions, but submit to all the difficul-
ties involved in the conviction of your sincerity, rather than
suppose it could have been your Grace’s intention, by the vehe-
mence of your charge, to multiply the enemies and thicken the
embarrassments of the Establishment.
No ; whatever of acrimony there was in your Grace’s Charge,
I am willing to attribute to the difficulty of your Grace’s
situation. The generous ambition of illustrating in your own
example the wisdom of preferring personal merit to the dull pre-
tensions of superior age or dignity, could alone have induced
you to hazard those dangerous topics of controversy, which it
were the interest of the Establishment never to see revived.
Else, how could you in the face of a Catholic country put forth
such claims to continuity of succession, while the inanimate
objects by which you were surrounded spoke your refutation ?
That in England, where the ancient religion has been almost
extinguished with the abolition of those monuments that could
still preserve its memory, some prelates might work themselves
up to an illusion that they are the heirs of the apostles, is a cir-
cumstance which cannot excite our astonishment. And hence we
only smile at the harmless effusions of those contented prelates,
whom family influence has seated upon their episcopal thrones,
and who disturb not the placid tenour of their lives by any labo-
rious and painful inquiries. But that in a country whose very
soil is interspersed with the traces of the ancient worship, and
whose ancient hierarchy still exists in pure and apostolic splen-
dour, the bishop of a new church should put forth such high
pretensions to apostolicity, bespeaks a hardihood of mind in
which humility had no share.
I fancied that the time had long since gone by, when the
claims of “ Catholic and Jpostolic” were abandoned to Catholic
theologians. Like the doctrine of legitimacy, which is exploded,
while there are any old claimants to the throne, the doctrine of
Apostolicity was derided by your predecessors, while the rights
LETTER XIX.
95
of the old succession were fresh in every mind. But in propor-
tion as they are forgotten, the claims of those who were substi-
tuted in their stead are gradually ripening, and their arguments
shifting their ground, until at length you would fain represent
in your own person the fulness of that apostolic authority, on the
extinction of which whatever you possess was originally founded.
This position might be clearly established. But without
entering on any tedious theological discussion, we know enough
of history to ascertain what little value was set by your prede-
cessors on episcopal consecration. We are informed by Burnet,
and Burnet was a Protestant bishop, that the versatile Cranmer
and his associates regarded the episcopacy as a mere municipal
function, to be exercised, or resigned, or resumed, according to
the extent of the royal pleasure. And surely the anecdote of
Elizabeth threatening to unfrock one of her prelates, and the
edifying meekness with which he bore the royal indignity,
affords no strong instance of those claims to apostolicity, so
haughtily put forth by our modern prelates.
Let us ascend to that period when the apostolical series
began to diverge into two branches. So far the most illiterate
can be the companion of our way. Here, however, we must
separate ; for thus far thou canst go, and no farther, appalled
by the hideous avulsion of your ancestors from the parent
trunk, which, like the crime of the unfortunate son of Adam,
has descended in visible characters to their posterity, and which,
though they may be softened in the descending series, are yet
too inveterate to be obliterated by time. And hence, no length
of possession can consecrate the title of a bishop defective in its
origin, or invest a schismatical church with the authority of
prescription.
The claims of your church to catholicity are still more untena-
ble. While it was yet in its infancy, the prophetic reformers
might well have amused the credulity of their followers, by
predicting the future glories of the establishment. And when
their hearts were depressed by the sad contrast between the
vast extent of the empire of Babylon and the narrow limits to
which the elect were confined, the preachers might still have re-
assured their drooping hopes by pointing to the gradual expansion
of the spiritual conquests of Sion. But since time has laid open
the fallacy of their predictions, I fancied that the pretensions to
catholicity would have been modestly resigned. The want of
catholicity is a consequence of the defect of apostolicity. Severed
from the parent tree, from which she drew nutriment and life,
she is consigned to decay, and barrenness has come upon her.
Unable, therefore, to propagate her reign, she is doomed to a
limited extent ; nor will she ever be able “ to enlarge her tent, or
lengthen the cords, or strengthen the stakes of her tabernacle.”
96
LETTER XIX.
It would have been prudence, therefore, to pause before yon
insulted the religious feelings of those to whom you are in-
debted for your splendid revenues. Disclaiming any connexion
with the Catholic Church, from which you derive whatever
there is of dignity in your own, and spurning any connexion
with your brethren of the Reformation, do you imagine you can
support their mutual opposition ? Whatever may be thought of
the religion of Catholics, the fidelity with which they clung to it,
through the heat of persecution, which would have dissolved less
hardy virtue, should entitle them to respect. And whatever may
be the form of the church of the sectaries, they are entitled to
the praise of consistency in their reformation, by having emanci-
pated human reason from every secular control.
But what has your Church to challenge admiration ? “ The
Catholics have a Church without a religion, and the sectaries
have a religion without a Church.” This, no doubt, was, in your
Lordship’s opinion, one of those happy discoveries that could
settle the controversy of ages, and save posterity from the repe-
tition of these angry discussions. I have been struck with a
wonderful idea of your strength, in witnessing those solemn
gambols of the archiepiscopal character, gravely disporting itself
amidst the very depths of religion, poising between a puerile
play of language those mysteries which our ancestors could
scarcely wield, and amusing the ears with sound, instead of con-
veying sense to the understanding. However, as this is one of
those mysteries which ordinary minds cannot sound, I will not
attempt to approach it, unless it is rendered more accessible to
my intellect.
But as you are fond of defining your church by its relation to
what you are politely pleased to call the church of the Roman-
ists and the religion of the sectaries, allow me to tell your Grace
what it is, defining it by the same criterion. It is a mock
church, having all the supposed inconveniences of both, without
the excellence of either ; exercising all the severity of the one,
without the security by which it is mitigated ; and shaken by all
the discord of the other, without the enjoyment of its freedom.
As the vial of your invective was too full for the Catholic
religion, you have spared a portion for those children, who by
their rebellion to your church, are only avenging that dis-
obedience of which she first gave the example. “For thou hast
taught them against thee, and instructed them against thy own
head.”* Yet, it is among those we could discover, in their full
perfection, those principles which ushered in the Reformation.
Among them we discover none of the vices accompanying sloth-
ful splendour, which were the theme of the invectives of the
* Jeremias, xiii, 21.
LETTER XIX.
97
reformers, and which, if then existing, have rather transmi-
grated than disappeared. Placed in that mediocrity of condition
which exempts them not from the necessity of exertion, and
completely depurated from the fiery spirit of the reformers, the
Presbyterians have exploded the lessons of intolerance with which
their infant church has been reproached, and exhibit to the world
the examples of decorous and valuable citizens.
Is it wise, then, to provoke the hostility of such a body,
and to throw out imputations which must recoil upon their
author, charged with the additional weight of inconsistency?
Rather than force people to the manifestation of those distinc-
tions, which must eventually show how few are attached to your
Lordship’s cause, it is wiser to suffer them to wear the general
uniform of Protestantism. Better imitate the wise policy of the
Romans, which forbade the slaves to adopt a distinct habit, lest
by becoming confident of their strength, they might endanger
the peace of the empire. For if all who disbelieve the doctrines
of the Establishment would wear the peculiar colours, and range
under the respective standards of their creeds, the strength and
number of the host of the ungodly would smite you to the heart ;
and, like the ancient prophet, you would be left to weep over the
apostacy of the people.
But, while your Grace possesses your ample revenues, they
will, I trust, solace your griefs for the spiritual ravages com-
mitted in the fold. There is something in the dignity of the
Establishment which throws so much light around its evidence,
and something in its wealth that adds so much weight to its ar-
guments, that they can scarcely be resisted by ordinary minds.
While you are the dispenser of the favours of that Establish-
ment, it is unnecessary for you to fatigue your own mind, or
those of your hearers, with laborious argumentation. They will,
doubtless, gratefully acknowledge themselves subdued by your
arguments, and charmed by your eloquence ; and should any
symptoms of breaking off from the union of the Establishment
be occasionally exhibited, its wealth will have silent but strong
attractions, towards which their yielding minds will gently gra-
vitate.
It is in vain, then, that naked and unassisted reasoning should
contend against such powerful auxiliaries of truth. Let but the
controversy be stript of these incumbrances ; let but your argu-
ments and mine be weighed in an equal balance, and the judg-
ment left to its own native powers ; and I pledge myself that the
beam shall not tremble for a moment ; but as soon as the weight
by which one scale is depressed shall be removed, it shall instantly
yield to the preponderance of the other.
IIierophilos.
98
LETTER XX.
LETTER XX.
TO THE MOST REV. WILLIAM MAGEE, D.D., &c., PROTESTANT
ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.
Maynooth College, 1823.
A deceitful balance is an abomination before the Lord, and a just weight is
his will. — Proverbs.
My Lord — Your Charge to your clergy has excited a becoming
interest ; and if you were ambitious of celebrity, your labours
are amply repaid, and your hopes are realized. My former
letter was a reply to your address, such as it was delivered or
published ; this will embrace your authorized edition, improved
by the slow re-touchings of time, and enriched by further illus-
trations. Though your Charge provoked the just resentment of
those whose feelings were insulted, I still entertained hopes that
your Grace would explain what was liable to misconstruction,
and soften what was offensive. You had it still in your power to
retrace your steps with dignity ; and the forgiving generosity of
your country would have put the obnoxious passages to the
account of hasty and inaccurate publication, or to the zeal of an
ardent mind, hurried by its own strength beyond the boundaries
of discretion. But no : the heaviness of the Charge is still
aggravated by the severer harshness of the commentary ; and
deeming it weakness to recede, with the exception of a solitary
word, you glory in being consistent. Had you been content
with publishing the Charge, such as it was delivered, you would
have been spared the second notice of “ Hierophilos.” But since
you have presented yourself to the public in another form, we
will now examine whether the hasty zeal of the preacher has
been corrected and improved by the cautious labours of the com-
mentator.
In delaying my reply to this stage of the controversy, I have
obviated the plea put forth by your Graee, of the necessity of
“ consulting for a name and station that should be respected, by
refusing to come into familiar association” with what you are
pleased to call the “ scurrilities of a degenerate press.” On the
style and temper of your Grace’s production 1 shall make no
remark ; but on a comparison, the public will pronounce whether
“ Hierophilos” has not deprived you of that convenient subter-
fuge, by which exalted churchmen have often contrived to hide
their weakness under the mask of their dignity.
Your Grace’s attempt to strip us of the ancient and envied
name of Catholic , and to share in its honours, are almost un-
worthy of serious refutation. Never in so short a compass have
LETTER XX.
99
I witnessed so much of that happy ingenuity which labours to
reconcile contradictions. In one page you speak as a “ sincere
Protestant, and glory in giving utterance to those sentiments
which a Protestant bishop should never compromise and in the
next, with wonderful versatility, you would fain transform your-
self into a Catholic ! Thus your Grace becomes at once a Pro-
testant and a Catholic — blending in your own person those attri-
butes which were hitherto deemed irreconcilable. On one
occasion, your style rises to a tone of indignation against those
politicians who have of late years appropriated the name of
Catholics to a certain class of his Majesty’s subjects, and
familiarized the public ear to its injurious misapplication. In
your next address I would respectfully caution you to speak in
more measured language of the religion of politicians, lest,
irritated by such ingratitude, they might be disposed to prove
how much you are indebted to their services for the establish-
ment of your own.
It is not to the courtesy of parliamentary language that
we are beholden for the name and honours of Catholic : it
is derived to us from a higher source, and rests on more perma-
nent authority. It is a name that is inscribed on the Creed of
the Apostles, and which attached Saint Augustine to the faith
which we profess — a name which, in every age, marked the
rights of primogeniture, distinguishing the lawful heirs from
those who were excluded from the divine inheritance — a name
which has survived the ravages of time, and has never been lost
by the true believers, nor usurped by the sectaries. Those who
were conscious of the invalidity of their claims, have often
attempted to impose on the credulity of mankind by the assump-
tion of the genuine appellation, and by affixing on the rightful
heirs some opprobrious epithet. Thus it was that we were
branded in this country with names which were intended to
obscure our title. They, however, last no longer than the force
in which they originate ; and as soon as the laws that imposed
the obnoxious epithets are relaxed, the most bigotted acquiesce
in the justice of our pretensions. To deny us, therefore, the
title of Catholics, is to deny the just connexion between the
name and nature of things, and to resist the current of thought
and language by which each one is unconsciously borne along, as
soon as the prejudice which resisted it subsides.
Non aliter quam qui adverso vix flumine cymbam
Remigiis subigiit : si brachia forte remisit
Atque ilium in praeceps prono rapit alveus amni.*
* So the boat’s brawny crew the current stem,
And slow advancing struggle with the stream ;
But if they slack their hands or cease to strive,
Then down the flood with headlong haste they drive.
100
LETTER XX.
You acknowledge that the Roman Catholics are a branch
of the Catholic Church, but that their religion is so incrusted
with rust, that Protestants are obliged to exclude them from
their communion ! ! While we admire your scrupulous piety,
we must feel grateful for the charity of your concession. If
the Roman Catholics are only a branch, I should wish to learn
where is the trunk. Not, surely, the Protestant Church, since
it would be an unnatural metaphor to convert a recent and
divided religion into the trunk, and to characterize the most
ancient one that professes Christianity as one of the branches.
Unable, however, to deny its antiquity, you associate it with rust
to depreciate its value. It is, my Lord, an old religion ; nor
shall it ever boast of any ornament to its simplicity, by courting
any connexion with the fashionable doctrines of modern times.
The value of the genuine coin was sufficient to keep alive in
every age the vigilance of those to whose care it was entrusted ;
and if they were inclined to suffer it to rust, it has been kept
polished by continual agitation. Like other precious jewels,* it is
gathering richness from time ; and it will always preserve suf-
ficient value to provoke the hostility of those who are excluded
from its possession. Its antiquity then is its protection ; and
what would have rusted baser metals, has, in reality, only
brightened its splendour.
Do not attempt, then, to separate the Catholic Church and the
Catholic religion ; they are really inseparable terms. If we are
a branch of the former, we are in possession of the latter ; and
if you are excluded from the pale of the one, you are likewise
shut out from the inheritance of the other. How precious is the
title of Catholic, when it is sought even by those who have
abjured the Catholic faith ! How fondly do you cling to its
relics, and with what complacency do you repeat its venerable
name ! But it is only the name ; and while you are amused
with the unsubstantial shadow of the Establishment, you remind
me of the Trojan chief, who solaced his exile by feasting his eyes
with the image of which the reality was gone.
Atque animum pictura pascit inani.*
Content yourself, then, with the name and dignity of a Pro-
testant bishop, nor associate with it a name which will only
expose the absurdity of your pretensions. Do not attempt at
the same time to be a Catholic and a Protestant bishop ; for they
are two things so different in substance, as well as in name, that
no chemistry can combine qualities so repulsive in their nature,
nor logic associate terms of such different signification. Should
you, however, persist in your pretensions to the name and pre-
* And with the shadowy portrait feasts his mind.
LETTER XX.
101
rogatives of Catholic, I would beg leave to remind you of the
fate of the wit, who affected the dress and manners of the lord
of the forest. But nature spoke through the disguise, and the
ill grace with which he wore his new dignity quickly revealed
the deceit to the ridicule of his companions, and earned for the
cheat the just retribution of his imposture. The apologue was,
doubtless, familiar to your earlier years, and your memory will
readily catch the recollection ; nor shall “ Hierophilos” descend
to expound the moral.
To support your arguments in favour of the right of Catholic,
you quote the authorities of Cranmcr and Cromwell. It is
really surprising that Protestants can speak of Cranmer with
respect, whose name and character, in mercy to their cause, they
ought to consign to oblivion — a man whose pliant faith, ever
obedient to his interests, successively yielded to the most oppo-
site impressions — who shamefully practised incontinence while he
professed celibacy — who would sanction a system of morality
that once excited* the virtuous indignation of a Pagan audience,
while his heart abjured the vows his lips had uttered — and who,
like the two-faced Janus, presented opposite characters to the
Protestants and Catholics of his time. As for Cromwell, most
willingly do I make him over to your Grace ; nor do I envy you
all the support you can derive from the name of the licentious
favourite of Henry, whose disgrace and death were attested
by the joy of the whole nation as the just punishment of his
crimes.
I cannot dismiss this subject without adverting to the note in
which your Grace insinuates two heavy charges against the
Catholic Church, by stating, that “ that cannot be a true religion
which prohibits the free use of the Scripture, and subjects the
word of God to the authority of man.” I shall not stop my
reader with any complaints against the usual artifices of pole-
mical disingenuity. The ignorance of others might be endured,
and their misrepresentation disregarded ; but the qualifications
of a bishop should place him equally above the influence of both.
If I were not determined to give a full refutation of every part
of your Grace’s Charge, I would refer you to the former letters
of “ Hierophilos,” in which the calumnies against the Catholic
Church regarding the use of the Scriptures, were refuted to the
satisfaction, or, at least, to the silence, of one of the most
* n y'Kua of/.ui/.ofo i) (pghv oto?.
The poet who put this language into the mouth of Hippolytus incurred the
just resentment of the Athenian people. What a pity they had not the benefit
of the lessons of the reforming archbishop, whose life would have furnished the
best illustration of the text of Euripides ! Every member of the sentence in
which I have sketched the character of Cranmer is founded on Protestant tes-
timony.
102
LETTER XX.
strenuous and talented advocates of the Bible. But as you will
doubtless feel more pleasure in being referred to your own than
to any other productions, allow me to place before your eyes the
following sentence, taken from your Grace’s Charge : — “We, my
brethren, are to keep clear of both extremes ; and holding the
Scriptures as our great charter, whilst we maintain the liberty
with which Christ has made us free, we are to submit ourselves
to the authority to which he has made us subject.”* After this
sentence what becomes of the free use of the Scripture, which
you hold essential to the true religion ? If by the “ free use ” of
the Scripture you only mean a “ tempered freedom ,” regulated
by the authority of the Church in the use and interpretation of
Scripture, then you adopt the doctrine of the Catholic Church,
and we will hail your conversion. But if by “ free use ” you
mean an uncontrolled license of regulating one’s belief by the
Scripture and his own caprices — and, mark, there is no other
alternative — why, in the name of consistency, inveigh against
the sectaries for asserting that “ liberty with which Christ has
made them free ?” If the authority with which you endeavour
to recal the Dissenters, subjects not the word of God to the
authority of man, why has the more consistent authority of the
Catholic Church a different effect ? If the judge who expounds
the law, and corrects the abuse of its licentious application, can
justly spurn the imputation of invading the authority of the
legislature, why will the Church, not claiming more than the
authority of a judge, be said to usurp the rights of the legisla-
ture of heaven ?
The truth is, my Lord, you stand not in need of argument.
The sentence I have just quoted, of which the want of sense
breaks out through the clumsy artifice of a laboured and per-
plexed construction, is the best evidence that you are conscious
of your own embarrassment. Knowing that you could not
maintain your station without the exercise of an authority, of
whose inconsistency you are convinced, you endeavour to soften
it, by keeping up the language of the Reformation, like the
crafty Augustus, who, whilst he exercised a silent despotism over
the Roman people, still affected the language of freedom, to
amuse the prejudices of those who cherished the memory of the
ancient commonwealth.
You tell us that the Scriptures are the boasted charter of the
faith of Protestants, until we are wearied with the repetition ;
nor is the ludicrous spectacle of the shattered fragments of that
faith which the sectaries hurl against each other, sufficient to
cure their infatuation. We, too, appeal to the Scripture as the
great charter of our faith, but we appeal to it with reverence.
* Charge, page 22.
LETTER XX.
103
We grasp no detached passages, which might appear more
striking to our contracted view ; but we reverence the whole as
the dictates of divine inspiration ; and lest we should err in
adjusting the complex system of our duties by its standard, we
listen with respectful docility to that guide, which after minutely
surveying the whole, can best reconcile its apparent inconsisten-
cies, and construct a balanced system of morality, by regulating
the proper limits of our obligations, and assigning to the different
virtues their respective proportions.
To conclude — and I intreat the attention of every thinking
Protestant to the reflection, as it obviates that delusion which
has taken strongest possession of their minds. The Scriptures
were never intended to be made the instrument of every blas-
phemer, who would fain conceal his extravagance and impiety
under the mask of respect for religion. The indecent levity
with which the awful concerns of religion are often treated by
polemics, and the flippancy with which they abuse the Scripture,
would almost make one think that the Scriptures were written
for the vain and irreligious, as a matter of idle disputation. But
the Scriptures are too sacred for familiarity ; nor ought the
mysteries of heaven be profanely agitated between the vain
contentions of men. Placed in the sanctuary of the Catholic
Church, the Scripture is the monument of God’s covenant with
his people : it affords a proof of his presence, and a pledge of
his protection. But when it is dragged out of that sanctuary by
the impiety of the sectaries, and sacrilegiously carried out to
battle, it becomes like the same ark of the covenant in the hands
of the hypocritical sons of Heli: it provokes the vengeance of
heaven — it becomes the signal of their shame — and the instru-
ment of their discomfiture.*
Hierophilos.
* And the ark of God was taken ; and the two sons of Heli, Ophni and
Phinees, were slain I. Kings , iv, 11,
104
LETTER XXL
LETTER XXL
THE FOLLOWING LETTERS WERE WRITTEN TO ENFORCE THE NECESSITY OF
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1824 .
Dedimus profecto grande patientice documentum : et sicut vetus (Etas vidit
quid ultimum in libertate esset, ita nos quid in servitude. Adempto per inqui-
sitiones et loquendi audiendique commercio memoriam quoque cum voce perdidesse-
mus si tarn in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam tacere Tacitus.
We have, unquestionably, given extraordinary proofs of patience ; for, as
remoter times have witnessed the extremes of licentiousness, so have ours
endured the worst of servitude. Eor, the channels of receiving and communi-
cating intelligence being cut off, through spies and informers, we should have at
once lost our recollection and our voice, if we had been as much masters of our
memory as of the use of language.
Sir — In soliciting the attention of the British legislature to the
present posture of Ireland, it cannot excite surprise if I should
address myself to a statesman whose fame has been intimately
blended with her fortunes. It will be readily perceived that I
allude to the exertions of those splendid talents which have been
early enlisted in her service, and to that uniform devotion to her
cause which has hitherto marked your political career. You
cannot. Sir, be indifferent to the interests of a country with
whose misfortunes your youngest sympathies were associated,
and which often awaked that pathetic and commanding eloquence
which charmed a listening senate into still and admiring atten-
tion. Your talents, it is true, may now embrace a wider range ;
but still your efforts in the cause of Ireland will not cease to be
remembered ; and while we are struck with the loftier inspira-
tions of his genius, by which the master of Roman eloquence
averted the threatened destruction of the empire, we read with
an intense interest his indignant denunciations against the mis-
government of the Sicilian Island, resembling in so many respects
the condition of our own, being at once the granary of Rome,
and the most wretched of her provinces.
While we looked on your appointment to your present ele-
vated office, as the reward of your honorable toils in the public
service, we hailed it too as the harbinger of better prospects to
our country. We hoped that the talents which were so often
devoted to our cause would not desert us when a wider scope was
LETTER XXI.
10 5
opened for their exertion. When hopes are most ardent, disap-
pointment is most deeply felt ; and hence some have not failed
to view, in your connexion with your present associates, some
symptoms of alienation. However, in spite of appearances,
there is still in the public mind a confiding disposition, which
clings with strong reliance to the promise of your earlier exer-
tions, and which has derived fresh strength from the solemn
assurance of a persevering zeal for the Catholic interests, which
you have made at the opening of the present session of Parlia-
ment. The frequency of disappointment has created in us a
suspicion of the faith of statesmen ; but though there are some few
who have ventured to give expression to their distrust in all the
warmth of confidence so often misused, there are more who still
give you credit for sincerity, and regard your present policy as
the result of Fabrician wisdom, maturing by wise delay those
measures for the public weal which might be defeated by rash
and precipitate councils.
After a melancholy succession of hopes, as capriciously de-
feated as perhaps they were too warmly indulged, we cannot
dissemble that on the present occasion we feel more than ordinary
disappointment. While the evils of Ireland were acknowledged
and lamented, we might look forward with some confidence to
the prospect of their removal. But now we are assured by the
speech from the throne, that there has been a progressive
amendment in her condition. Some further measures are recom-
mended for her improvement, too vague to enable us to ascertain
their precise nature. But if we are to take the opinions of those
who seconded the address as a commentary on the speech, instead
of directing our hopes to any great measure of national relief, it
is rather calculated to deepen our despondence. If I rightly
understand the opinions of my Lord Lorton, and others who
spoke with him, the whole sum of Ireland’s misery is to be
resolved into the ignorance of the Irish people ; and the only
measure for their relief to be found in education.* Conscious of
the deceit that is thus practised on the public mind by the solemn
mockery of those who, under the guise of zeal for her welfare,
conceal a treacherous hostility to the real interests of her people,
I shall undertake to trace these evils to their source, and in
exposing the fallacy of the half measures that are recommended,
satisfactorily show the necessity of Catholic Emancipation.
In entering on the discussion of this interesting topic, which
involves much of contradictory opinion and adverse feeling, I am
sensible how difficult it is to conciliate the views of contending
parties. But since in the zeal of ministering to the appetites of
* After a lapse of more than twenty years, the opinions regarding the nature
of our evils, seem to be stationary. Infidel colleges are now deemed the only
cure for our misfortunes.
H
106
LETTER XXI.
a party, truth itself does not escape distortion, I shall in the
present view of the state of Ireland give impartial expression to
those reflections that have been suggested by the contemplation
of her history ; nor shall I dissemble the close connexion that
exists between the nature of her laws and the character of her
inhabitants.
Although in the conduct of the Irish people there is much to
compassionate, it will not be denied that there is also something
to condemn. But the more I would acknowledge the extent of
the degradation of the inhabitants, the more I should be demon-
strating the necessity of legislative interference to improve our
condition. To solicit a remedy for evils which do not exist
would be preposterous, and to demand to be placed on a level
with our fellow-citizens would be absurd, without acknowledging
our degradation as far as we could be degraded by mischievous
laws. If there is, then, in the Irish character something of the
evil ingredients with which it is reproached, to what source is it
to be traced? Our revilers continually repeat that there is
much ignorance, much indolence, united to great cunning and
occasional ferocity among the lower, and a sullen discontent
among the higher orders of our people. Yet, while they prefer
those charges, they labour to continue the causes from which they
proceed. We acknowledge the existence of evils which spring
from the system by which we are governed, and are anxious for
their removal. Who are most solicitous for the peace and pros-
perity of the empire I shall leave to your wisdom to determine.
If it were true that our people are ignorant to the degree
they are misrepresented, is it not because the access to knowledge
has been closed against them ? If they are indolent, is it not
because they have long felt the influence of those laws that
abandoned the accumulations of their industry to every informer?
If some of the lower orders of our peasantry ever resort to
cunning and deceit, is it not because the aegis of the law was not
interposed between them and the baronial or village despot,
whose passions, as they were unable to resist, they strove to
appease by a fawning adulation.*
And if they have exhibited instances of cruelty, is it not
because they were goaded by contumely and harsh usage some-
times to retort on their oppressors their own barbarity, by
endeavouring to get rid of those whose violence their usual arti-
fices of deceit could not subdue. If the letters which “ Hiero-
philos” has already addressed to the English people have,
* An important case of late occurrence is an illustration of the system of
chastisement beyond the law which our peasantry often endured from the
cruelty of their task-masters. If, therefore, at the present day, when the influ-
ence of the British law is extending to the remotest districts of Ireland, some
men are found hardy enough to resort to such barbarous practices, we may pre-
sume what was its extent when they were unawed by the dread of punishment.
LETTER XXII.
107
perchance, met your eye, you will not suspect that he is the
apologist of crime, or the advocate of disaffection. But while I
acknowledge and deplore those crimes which are exaggerated by
our enemies, I wish to trace them to their origin — bad laws ; and
instead of wondering that their effects have been so melancholy,
there must have been some noble elements in the composition of
a people that could have so powerfully resisted their deteriorat-
ing influence.
If then, it be shown that the laws have been productive of
those malignant effects that have darkened the character and
aggravated the misery of the Irish nation, nothing but the repeal
of the same laws can efface the odious impression. If it be con-
fessed that those evils and those laws are connected in the relation
of cause and effect, it is a waste of the expedients which the
government can command, to attempt the healing of the one,
without the abolition of the other. Hence, though I shall offer
some reflections on the question of Tithes, Education, the Protes-
tant Establishment, and other topics which have excited much
interesting discussion, the total repeal of the Penal Laws, or the
unqualified Emancipation of the Catholics, will be the theme to
which I shall particularly solicit your attention.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XXII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823 .
The customs of an enslaved people are a part of their servitude, and those of
a free people a part of their liberty Montesquieu.
Sir — Of the justness of this profound remark, England is,
perhaps, one of the happiest illustrations. Though soil and
climate may have some influence in the formation of character,
yet it is little compared to laws and education, by which all the
natural obstructions arising from climate have been subdued.
To what are we to trace the vast difference between the inhabi-
tants of the same country, in different epochs of their history,
if not to the difference of their moral and political institutions.
Carthage, whose commerce once covered every sea, and whose
108
LETTER XXII.
resources enabled her to grapple with the Roman strength, now
languishes under the despotic sway of the Dey of Algiers — its
site almost a problem, and its inhabitants exhibiting the last
symptoms of human degeneracy. Athens and Sparta still enjoy
the same mild and temperate climate which preserved their
inhabitants equally free from the elfeminacy of the eastern, or
the ferocity of the northern nations, to which their sages*
ascribed their superior civilization. Yet, if we except some
transient gleams of their ancient glory, which are occasionally
seen to cross over the melancholy condition of Greece, in vain do
you look among its inhabitants for those sublime models of the
human character which were formed by the laws of Solon and
the lessons of Socrates. While those nations exemplified in the
salutary influence of their laws whatever was elegant in the arts
or abstruse in the sciences, Britain was yet unknown or despised.
Yet, when the corruption of the principles to which those states
were indebted for their greatness, gradually produced their dis-
solution, the vigorous seeds of jurisprudence that were first
transplanted from the forests of Germany, have thriven in the
British soil,f and spread into such majestic growth, that arts and
science, and peace and freedom, securely repose under its pro-
tection.
There is not, I should think, anything in the soil or atmos-
phere of Ireland unpropitious to their cultivation. Let but the
experiment be tried: give us the laws that have fostered, and
the liberty that has guarded, the energies of the British people ;
and then it will appear if our degeneracy is owing to our climate
or to our religion. Whatever our natural capacities may have
been, we were never yet afforded an opportunity for their deve-
lopement. If we are reproached with the early provincial feuds
that grew out of our pentarchy, let it be recollected that it was
when England was ruled by the sway, and distracted by the
competition, of a greater number of kings. If the ferocity of
the northern invaders subsequently retarded our advancement to
union and civilization, it was a calamity we shared in common
with our more distinguished neighbours. The personal obliga-
tions imposed by the laws of tanistry on the retainers of our
chieftains, afforded, it is true, no exalted specimen of our juris-
prudence. But though not precisely of the same character, it
had some affinity with the feudal system of the Continent, and
was less liable to any change on account of our insular situation.
Before the union of our provinces could have been cemented by
the vigour of a national monarchy, our feuds were embittered
still more by the disunion of the pale which conferred all that
* Aristot. Politic., lib. vii, cap. vii.
f Ce beau systeme a ete trouve dans les bois Montesquieu, Esprit de
Lois, lib. xi, cliap. vi.
LETTER XXII.
109
was revolting in British rule, without the benefits of its legisla-
tion. This is not gratuitous assertion, since we have the un-
biassed testimony of Sir John Davis,* who assures us that the
English settlers, instead of abolishing the odious impositions of
coin and livery, retained those remnants of our ancient laws, and
aggravated still more the servitude of the people. And, finally,
ere the narrow boundary of the pale could have moved to the
extremities of the kingdom, and confounded the odious distinc-
tion of the settlers and the aborigines, it was guarded by the
deeper and more inaccessible fence of religious bigotry, which
repulsed mutual approach and perpetuated national enmity.
Hence, no country on the earth has been placed in circum-
stances more unfavourable to its improvement. Other nations
might have laboured under temporary evils which yielded to the
influence of time and salutary laws. But it has been the pecu-
liar misfortune of Ireland, that, instead of profiting by any
change, every new regimen was calculated to protract her weak-
ness and aggravate her distemper. The rigorous laws that were
enacted under the successive reigns of the daughters of James,
who repaid the attachment of this country to the declining for-
tunes of their house with the proverbial ingratitude of that
family, are as familiar to every memory as they are revolting to
every feeling. The maxim of the unprincipled Shaftesbury — of
neglecting his friends, and securing, by kindness, the support of
his enemies — was adopted, not only by Charles, but improved, as
it descended to the last member of his race who occupied the
English throne. The deplorable effects of that cursed policy are
yet too deeply felt to be easily forgotten ; and, if we except the
last unfortunate monarch of the line of Stuart, whose memory is
protected from reproach by the reverence or pity due to fallen
greatness, I know not which is most calculated to excite our
wonder — the generous and gratuitous fidelity of the Irish people,
or the worthlessness of the objects on whom it was bestowed.
If the object of laws be to impose a restraint on the worst
propensities of our nature, calamitous must be their effect, when
our very passions are stimulated by their authority. What,
then, must have been the malignant influence of that sanguinary
code which passed towards the commencement of the last cen-
tury, of which the avowed object was, to whet all the hateful
feelings of man, and thus dissolve the most sacred ties by which
society is held together ? If their tendency had been confined
to the separation of our people into two distinct bodies, then,
like the cantons of Switzerland, each might have endeavoured to
enjoy within its own sphere all the kind intercourse of society.
But no : the object of those laws was to generate division, and
* The English, when they had learned it, used it with more severity, and made
it more intolerable. — Sir John Davis.
110
LETTER XXIII.
by division, annihilation— violating the sacred rights of con-
science as well as the security of property — poisoning every
spring of social and religious feeling — nay, invading the repose of
the domestic circle — until society was thrown into a hideous and
confused mass, and the virtues by which it was cemented, were
exiled to the solitude of the mountains. Thus every engine
which the malignant ingenuity of man could devise was em-
ployed for the destruction of our people. It is acknowledged,
even by their enemies, that the peasantry are a noble ruin.
What, then, can be more worthy of the labours of a statesman
than to collect the scattered materials, to refit the social edifice,
and to restore it to that symmetry and form to which the
massive qualities of the broken fragments show they were
originally destined ; unless it be intended that Ireland should
remain an eternal theme to excite speculative admiration for her
virtues, and barren sensibility for her wrongs.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XXIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING,
Maynooth College, 1823.
Natura lamen infirmitatis humance, tardiora sunt remedia quam mala, ei ut cor-
pora lente augescunt, cito extinguuntur, sic ingenia studiaque oppresseris facilus
quam revocaveris. — Tacitus.
But the work of destruction and decay is rapid — that of regeneration slow
and progressive.
Sir — From this natural reflection it will appear that I do not an-
ticipate from the repeal of the penal laws the immediate abolition
of all the evils of which they have been productive. We are not
so sanguine as to imagine that emancipation, by an instantaneous
virtue, will banish every misfortune, and diffuse universal happi-
ness through the land. It must, however, be the forerunner,
without which no permanent good can be expected to follow.
You may redress some partial grievance ; but as long as these
laws are unrepealed, the source of the waters of bitterness will
LETTER XXIII.
Ill
not cease to flow over the land, poisoning, by their noxious quali-
ties, all the channels of social intercourse.
Nothing, then, short of a full participation of all the benefits
of the constitution will appease Ireland’s discontent, and quiet
her dissensions. It is in vain to raise the people from their pros-
trate condition, unless they are permitted to regain that erect
and dignified attitude which heaven has given to the human
form, and of which it has been deprived by the misgovernment
of man.
ovvjoTe bovfaw y.s.(pccKr) ofia<; ttyiQvxyiu
aM ctkoXw, k uvy^va Xo%xv
Since the days of the Reformation, it has been the policy of
our enemies to ascribe all the evils of Ireland to the errors of
her religion. Accordingly every bitter remedy that has been
administered was founded on the expediency of substituting
another. Since, however, her inveterate attachment to her old
religious habits has been found to have obstinately resisted inno-
vation ; it is high time to think of making some other experi-
ment. Notwithstanding the numberless ones already resorted
to, her malady is only gathering a deadlier inveteracy. When-
ever she is agitated by intestine discord, we are told that she
must first feel the vengeance of the law before she can hope
to partake of its benefits. But when the vengeance of the law
is appeased, its benefits are forgotten, and thus the history of
Ireland exhibits only the alternating vicissitudes of insurrec-
tionary frenzy, subdued by force into exhaustion, and exhaus-
tion again stimulated into fresh cruelty by the reaction of despair.
One expedient only has been left untried, and yet all have proved
abortive. Already has she passed under all the signs of the
political zodiac, save that of Emancipation ; and still no conjunc-
tion has been found propitious to her destinies. But there are
many who, while they affect a wish to heal our misfortunes, only
labour to prolong them, knowing that an effectual remedy would
ruin the profitable speculations of religious and political empirics,
who are thriving on the continuance of her distemper.
The moral maxim of Pope, that “ partial evil is universal
good,” has been rigorously felt by Ireland in all her political
relations. Nay, it has been hitherto adopted by the government
with a latitude of interpretation which no state necessity could
justify. Hence, our interests were not only sacrificed to the ap-
parent advantage of the whole empire, but sometimes to the very
caprices of opposite parties. Need I remind you of the disgrace-
ful scene that once occurred in the legislature, when an odious
measure was proposed by the ministry, in order to transfer on
* With abject mien the slave is doom’d to tread
The soil ; nor dares to raise his drooping head.
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LETTER XXIII.
the opposition the unpopularity of its rejection, and adopted by
the opposition to catch their foes in their own toils. Thus, each
acquiesced in the injustice of a law that was equally reprobated
by both ; the cause of the Catholics was converted into an arena
on which men might make an innocent trial of their parlia-
mentary tactics ; and, with a cruelty worse than that of Commo-
dus, the lives and liberties of the Irish people were sported away
for the sanguinary amusement of those political gladiators.
It is, therefore, no wonder if we are in such a state as to excite
the commisseration of those friends of the human race who
occasionally visit us, attracted by the fame of our misery, and
the yearnings of their own benevolence. They come among us,
and pour forth their real or dissembled sorrow over our suffering,
and then strive to amuse our easy nature by prophetic assurances
of unattainable perfection. There is much kindness in their
professions, and great liberality in their views. Their theories
are magnificent, since they are never to be reduced to practice.
The future accommodations of our inhabitants are handsomely
arranged on paper, and constructed with all the celerity of the
palace of Aladin. No matter how dense our population ; should
it swell to an hundred millions, all will be fed by some secret
aliment that will be extracted from some unknown substance.
The atmosphere will become purified from the noxious mixture
that is unfavourable to life, and our land, like that of Judea, will
become more fertile, as it is more exhausted. In fine, though
like the animals in the ark, each inhabitant should be confined to
a few feet of ground, all will be provided with sustenance by the
providence of the new system, and should any difficulty arise in
the way of those theories, it is immediately obviated by the con-
struction of some more squares, and the addition of a few figures;
and thus a mechanical prospectus, or a mathematical table, realizes
more than Lycurgus could ever have achieved, or Plato have
imagined.
These improvements are not to be confined to our physical
wants ; but the whole system of man is to undergo a complete
revolution : the faculties of mind are to be subjected to a regular
scale of measurement ; the force of every will, and the extent of
every memory is to be inscribed on a mysterious phrenograph ;
and the degree to which each one’s passions will rise or fall, is
to be adjusted by the nicest graduation. Every received maxim
is to be exploded as the result of tyranny or superstition, human
nature is to be again fused in a crucible of a new and untried
education, in which every passion burns with fierce intensity, and
then it comes forth purged from all its grossness, and invested
with perfection ! !
The ignorance of the people seems to be destined rather for
the purpose of exciting compassion for Pagan nations, than for
LETTER XXIII.
113
conferring on them a system of rational and religious education.
Our slavery awakens more pity for the negroes than for our-
selves ; and instead of any exertions to benefit the wretchedness
of their own country, some of our patriots pour their lamenta-
tions over some of the happiest countries in Europe, without
considering that the consciousness of their happy condition would
make them repulse with a lofty disdain the insolence of their
commisseration. Burke lashes with a just indignation the hollow
pretensions to philanthropy which were put forth by the French
infidels, who exhibited an unfeeling indifference for their kindred,
while they affected an intense benevolence towards their kind.
The remark may be equally applicable towards those universal
patriots, who, while they are whining their complaints over the
misfortunes of other countries, are totally insensible to the suffer-
ings of their own. Perhaps they have long since despaired of
her situation ; and really it would seem as if Ireland had been
deemed a subject for experiments, and abandoned to religious
and political anatomists to be studied and dissected, in order that
they might apply the result of their experience to the renovation
of the human species.
If any proof could be wanting to show the necessity of a sound
and practical system for our relief, it is the easiness with which
people listen to those wild and delusive theories. However, they
are not probably without design, since they divert us from the
contemplation of that object to which our views should be con-
stantly directed. Because the visions of a distempered enthu-
siasm cannot be realized in our favour, are we therefore to be
consigned to all the gloom of despondency ? Since we cannot
be restored to a state of more than primitive innocence, must we
be deprived of all the salutary restraints which are imposed by
wise and equal laws on the tyranny of the human passions?
And since we cannot be exalted to a happiness of which our
imperfect nature is now unsusceptible ; must we be denied the
common benefits that are enjoyed by our fellow- citizens, and be
told that we hope in vain to be redeemed from our bondage into
all the freedom of Catholic Emancipation.
While we are conscious that nothing less than a complete
restoration of our rights can be productive of lasting tranquil-
lity, we are not insensible to the favours which have been
extended to us during the last reign. If it was wisdom to
mitigate the severity of these laws by which we were aggrieved,
it cannot but be wisdom to bring the work to a consummation.
If arguments could be still wanting to illustrate this truth, they
could be easily advanced ; but such has been the triumph of
argument and reason, that our adversaries could only shelter
themselves behind the bulwark of the Protestant Establishment.
IIlEROPHILOS.
114
LETTER XXIV.
LETTER XXIY.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823.
Civil liberty, which is that of a member of society, is "no other than natural
liberty, so far restrained by human laws (and no farther) as is necessary and
expedient for the general advantage of the public. Hence we may collect, that
every wanton and careless restraint of the will of the subject, whether practised
by a monarch, a nobility, or a popular assembly, is a degree of tyranny. —
Blackstone’s Commentaries , book i, chap, i, p. 129.
Sir — Britain boasts, above all other nations, of the spirit of justice
that presides over all her institutions. There is a justice which
not only one individual is obliged to observe towards another, but
by which nations too are bound ; and principally the legislators
of any empire towards its dependant connexions. The sacrifice
of any portion of an empire, and the detention of those common
benefits of the State, to the support of which all contribute, is
deemed by the best authorities on jurisprudence, an act of
flagrant injustice, when such a sacrifice is not necessary to the
interests of the whole. This is a principle which reason approves,
and the authority of every civilian* has sanctioned. On what
ground of justice, then, can an entire nation be still deprived of
those civil privileges that are deemed the birth-right of a British
subject, when all the pretences on account of which those rights
were first withdrawn, have long since disappeared ? The fears of
foreign influence which were so much magnified, have long since
passed away. The political pretensions of the last of the race of the
Stuarts, which subsided in the enjoyment of the peaceful dignity
of a Roman Cardinal, have been finally extinguished in the grave.
Secure, no less in the constitutional justice of its claims, than in
* Civil liberty is the not being restrained by any law but what conduces, in a
greater degree, to the public welfare Paley, book vi, chap. v.
Paley adds, “ that it is not the rigour but the inexpediency of laws and acts
of authority which makes them tyrannical.”
Some politicians, to justify the exclusion of the Catholics, have distinguished
between civil and political liberty, a distinction which was unknown to Black-
stone. However, since our enemies consider a government despotic, under
which civil liberty is not enjoyed — since the jurists I have cited, consider civil
liberty incompatible with unnecessary restraints upon natural freedom — and
since the restraints upon the Catholics are now confessedly unnecessary for the
public good, I will leave them to reconcile the conclusion with their own
principles.
LETTER XXIV,
115
the affections of its subjects, the throne is no longer threatened
with real or imaginary danger from any competitor. If, therefore,
the laws which proscribed the Catholics from the pale of the
Constitution, had their origin in those groundless apprehensions,
what justifiable reason can now be assigned for their continuance ?
If this argument has been frequently and forcibly urged, it is
one which has been never satisfactorily combated, it is one
which never can be weakened by repetition, and on which time
can have no other influence than that of strengthening its force
by developing its consequences. Rome, in the days of her
greatness, carried her hostility to the conquered countries no
farther than was necessary for her own preservation. In ex-
change for their independence, she liberally imparted all the
benefits of her laws and institutions, nor is there in the annals of
that empire, any example of a fingering and protracted cruelty
towards any of her provinces, that would reflect such disgrace
upon her counsels as the treatment towards Ireland would cast
upon the memory of British statesmen.
In appealing, therefore, to the legislature, to extend the rights
of the constitution to the Catholics of Ireland, we appeal to those
eternal principles of justice, which human policy cannot annul ;
from which statesmen are no more released than private indivi-
duals, and which Britain, beyond other nations, professes to
revere.
While she extends her commerce over the world, and diffuses
with it the improvements of her arts, the protection of her arms,
and the fights of her literature, the high character which she
affects for piety and justice are tarnished by the harshness of
her treatment to this country. As long as Ireland remains in
her present condition, the interference of Britain in the concerns
of other countries, will be deemed less an evidence of her humanity
than her ambition. If she interposes in the defence of an injured
people, her policy will be considered the result of a selfish wish
to secure her distant possessions, in which justice has no share,
nor can she ever claim the proud distinction of being the avenger
of freedom, while the slavery of the Irish people exposes in the
eyes of mankind, the injustice of her pretensions.
With all her boasted freedom and religion, that freedom is not
generous, nor is that religion wholly pure, which can suffer a
neighbouring country to languish in a condition which is as
hostile to the meek spirit of the one, as it is destitute of the civil
advantages of the other. But there is a freedom which is unsocial
and intolerant, and which is not far removed from the spirit of
despotism. Such was the freedom of some of the factious leaders
of the Grecian Republics, who, while they abused the name of
liberty, retained more than half the people under bondage the
most oppressive. Where the love of liberty is not softened by
116
LETTER XXIV.
the true spirit of religion, it degenerates into a savage indepen-
dence, and then into a lust of power ; and power is always
gratified by the number of its slaves. It is no wonder then if we
are amused by the sounds of freedom, where its benefits are but
little felt ; or if we are stunned with invectives against arbitrary
power in countries where the condition of the subjects is happier
than in our own. Whatever may be the advantages of liberty,
that liberty is of little value which cannot be preserved but by
the slavery of an entire nation.* Better would it be to blend the
opposite extremes, even in these countries in which freedom was
carried to the highest pitch, than purchase the happiness of a
few, with the misery of the mass of the people. The reason why
the rational and tempered freedom that is enjoyed under the
mitigated monarchies of Catholic States on the Continent, is
disregarded, because, like the light of the sun, it is steady in its
influence, and uniform in its effects, and therefore does not strike
us with astonishment. Whereas the light of liberty which
occasionally shone on these ancient States, was only an inter-
mittent glare, that revealed more fully to the view a frightful
mass of misery, of servitude, and of crime.
When Athens gloried in her freedom, f it was generally de-
fended by the blood of her slaves, who were exposed to the
fiercest tide of the combat. The blood of Ireland has not been
less profusely expended in the support of British freedom.
Sparta too, has gloried in her free institutions ; yet we look in
vain for that equitable spirit which could reconcile them with
the recognition of the rights of others. No, it was a freedom of
which pride was the principle, and slavery the consequence.
The haughty spirit of the Spartans was gratified by the subjection
of their neighbour to a rigorous slavery ; and in the oath
by which they bound themselves never to release the unfortu-
nate inhabitants of the neighbouring country of Laconia, some
might behold an evil boding of the perpetual servitude of our
own.
If the freedom of England, then, is not compatible with that
of Ireland, in the scale of human happiness, it is surely of little
value ; and if it is, it has little of justice, and less of generosity.
As for the spirit of Christianity, it breathes not in the laws that
* Perhaps, after reflecting on the fate of the Catholics of Ireland, the reader
might he disposed to adopt the sentiment of the paradoxical philosopher of
Geneva: “Quoi! la liberte ne se maintient qu’a l’appui de la servitude.” —
Contrat. Social, lib. iii, chap. xv.
The contrast between the state of the Protestants and Catholics of the British
empire might induce us to hesitate before we would pronounce this sentiment to
he a paradox.
f The number of slaves in Athens, in the ver}^ zenith of her glory, is calculated
to have amounted to double the number of citizens. While there were but
twenty thousand citizens, there were forty thousand slaves. — Larciier on
Herod, book i, note 258.
LETTER XXIV.
117
consign us to degradation. When first it was ushered into the
world, it broke the iron yoke of despotism which oppressed the
human race — it raised the slave from the abject condition under
which he groaned, and the mystic waters by which he was
redeemed unto the freedom of the Gospel, wiped away after a long
struggle with prejudice, the ignominy of his political servitude.
By fermenting the corrupt mass of mankind with the active
principle of an “ exalted obedience” which it felt not before, it
lessened the pressure of despotism, which substituted fear for
affection, and thus secured the stability of Governments by
mitigating their rigours. When this confidence then in the
attachment of the people, is not inspired by the Government, it
acts not on the benevolent and enlightened principles of the
Christian religion. It forgets that paternal relation which is so
strongly inculcated by our Redeemer , and plucks out of the
hearts of its subjects the strongest, as well as the most lasting
principles of action — the feehngs of gratitude, of affection, and of
duty.
It cannot then be pretended, that the policy which has been
adopted towards Ireland, was ever inspired by the charity of the
Christian religion. In vain, does England boast that her councils
are guided by justice, tempered by freedom, and softened by
religion. In her conduct towards Ireland, I have proved that
she has departed from all. Without any necessity, she still closes
against the Catholics the portals of the Constitution, in defiance
of the laws of justice, and in contradiction to the authorities of
Locke, of Blackstone, of Paley, and other great names whom she
venerates as the oracles of her legislation. Notwithstanding her
boasted freedom, as far as it regards Ireland, it has all that was
harsh, intolerant, exclusive and imperious in the ancient republics :
without being mitigated by that Christian spirit which subdued
into a milder tone, the genius of liberty ; and made Governments
of whatever form, reflect in their equitable administration, the
universal benevolence of that Being, from whose authority they
are derived.
The Emancipation of the Catholics, then, is enforced by the
eternal laws of justice, as well as by the spirit of that liberty
that breathes through her Constitution, and the principles of
that religion which England professes to respect. Against such
arguments resting on an eternal and immovable basis, nought is
opposed but the interest of the Protestant Establishment — an
institution comparatively recent in its origin, and by consequence
not essentially intertwined with the existence of the State, or the
interests of society. In speaking of the Protestant Estab-
lishment, it may be considered in the relation of a religious or
political system. If we view it merely under the former com-
plexion, there is no Christian who will think it deserving of his
118
LETTER XXIV.
reverence, only in the same proportion as it reflects the revealed
doctrines of Christianity. Under this point of view, its con-
formity with the doctrines of Christ becomes a subject of fair
investigation : and should it appear that the doctrine of the
Establishment has departed widely from that which Christ has
revealed, such a religion could not be deemed essential to society ;
unless we were to suppose that error is more favourable than
truth to the happiness of mankind, or to adopt the paradox of
Hobbes, as dangerous in its consequence as it is absurd in
its principle; that truth and error entirely depend upon the
caprice of legislators, and that the will of the Government is
the sole standard of our faith, and the sole measure of our
duties.
If, on the other hand, we view it as a political establishment,
endowed with temporalities, deriving its origin entirely from the
legislature, and thus proving by the admission, that it can be
dissolved by the authority by which it was created, — then we
are relieved from the embarrassment that is produced by con-
founding it with its religious pretensions. We may bring to the
subject a mind unawed by the reverence which a belief in the true
religion imposes, and judge of the utility or inutility of the
Protestant Establishment, by an impartial view of the benefits
which it confers, or the evils of which it is productive.
Or, in fine, if we should consider the Protestant Establishment
as a religious and political system, united by the legislature,
the question will resolve itself into the views already exhibited,
since no State can derive support from religion, but because it
it is supposed to be true ; nor is it easily conceived, that any
religion of mere State creation, can lend to that State by which
it was created, any other authority than that which it has
received from the State to which it owes its creation.
It is not my intention to detain you with any discussion on this
subject under its former complexion. A comparative view of the
respective excellence of the Protestant or Catholic religions would
be foreign from my present purpose, nor shall I unseasonably
obtrude on your attention, a subject that is generally unpalatable
even to Protestant Ecclesiastics. However, I may be permitted
to remark that it has been too long and too much the fashion to
represent religious discussion as unworthy of a statesman, and
to identify it with superstition. Your mind is too well stored
with the knowledge of past times, and the principles of religion,
to adopt a prejudice as opposed to the history as it is fatal to the
happiness of mankind. Religion has been, what in every age has
given virtue its strongest impulse, and government its steadiest
security. While therefore religion is valued, ii is a proof that
public principle is sound ; and that morality and government
repose on a safe and solid foundation. But when, for a sincere
LETTER XXV.
119
conviction of the truth, and an enlightend zeal for the interests
of religion, you substitute that indifference which consigns truth
to contempt, by confounding it with error; all the energy of
virtue is gone, all the life of society is extinguished ; and if there
is a repose, it is that philosophic and fatal repose of voluptuousness
which is at once the forerunner and the symptom of its dis-
solution.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XXV.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823.
Sir — Imagine not that I am an advocate of a cruel intolerance ;
but while I disavow such a sentiment, I cannot sufficiently depre-
cate that specious scepticism which, under the guise of liberality,
dissolves all that is settled in religious conviction. I also wish to
combat a prejudice generally received, because seldom examined,
that the Catholic religion is less favourable to a sound and
rational freedom than Protestant principles. If a suspicion
should once prevail, that the Articles of the Church are not
believed by those who solemnly profess them, such a suspicion
would silently undermine the influence of religion, and be preg-
nant with consequences most fatal to morality. I am far from
charging the dignitaries of the Establishment with insincerity ;
but, though I acquit them of such an imputation, it must be con-
fessed that their different explanations* of the oath by which
* Dr. Blackburn, Archdeacon of Cleayeland, acknowledges that out of an
hundred ministers of the Establishment, who, to prevent religious difference,
subscribe every year to the Articles of the Church, not one-fifth subscribe or
assent to them in the same uniform sense. Dr. Clayton, another dignitary,
asserts that no two thinking men ever agreed exactly in their opinion, even with
regard to any one article of it. And Dr. Clarke pretends there is a salvo in the
subscription, namely, I assent to the articles, inasmuch as they are agreeable to
Scripture, though the Judges of England have declared the contrary. The
reader who is anxious to learn more of this disedifying contrariety of opinion
among the dignitaries of the Establishment, about the fundamental articles of
their church, may consult “ Milner’s End of Controversy,” part ii, letter 15.
120
LETTER XXV.
they subscribe to the Articles of the Church are calculated to
weaken, if not to shake, the convictions of the people. Some
imagine that the oath involves the obligation of an inward belief
in the articles subscribed to; others maintain that it is only
a bond to uphold an external communion. These explanations
may satisfy their own minds, while they give proofs of their
ingenuity ; but others, who are not so deeply skilled in the
refinements of casuistry, may be tempted to attach but little
importance to the awful obligation of an oath, and thus to ex-
tend their indifference to the most solemn principles of natural
religion.
How often is the attention of the legislature solicited to the
petitions of Protestant clergymen, who pray to be released from
the necessity of subscribing to those doctrinal points which are
painful to their consciences. Even during the last session, a
similar petition was presented, complaining of the violence that
was offered to the uncontrollable right of private judgment by
subscribing to such confessions. The creed of Saint Athanasius
is become peculiarly objectionable ; and though still read in the
public liturgies, some of the clergy of the Established Church
venture loudly to complain that their creed is still stained by
this dark and cruel relic of antiquated intolerance. Some of the
first names that have adorned the Establishment, confessed that
they knew not what were the essential doctrines of Christianity ;
and others have so explained away whatever was hard to be
understood in Scripture, as to lower its loftiest mysteries to mere
ceremonial observances. I do not dwell on these observations
either for the purpose of controversy or of casting reproach on
the Protestant religion. I have casually introduced them, on
account of their connexion with the subject to which I have first
solicited your attention. From the repeated applications that
are made in England to accommodate the liturgies to the grow-
ing improvement of the times, it is evident that the belief of its
doctrines is loose and unsettled. To what pitch of reformation
the improvement of the times and the progress of philosophy
would bring this doctrine, it might not be easy to determine,
amidst such a discordant variety of opinions. However, if the
opinions of Paley, or some of the other most admired champions
of the Church, were fixed for an orthodox standard, the cum-
brous creed of $ he Establishment would be soon reduced to more
than apostolical simplicity.
You must, therefore, easily observe, that among the most
distinguished Protestants, there is little of conviction in the
leading articles of their creed ; and we know that where the
principles of belief are loose, the rule of private or public virtue
cannot be rigid. That approbation, then, of every error, which
insensibly creates an indifference to religion, and enervates the
LETTER XXV.
121
vigour of public morals, must be eventually injurious to society.
I do not mean to propose the example of those to your imitation,
who labour to save the nation from this lethargy by encouraging
the war of sectaries. Religious sects are seldom the production
of piety or talent. In the commencement of religious revolu-
tions, they are sometimes the offspring of vigorous but perverted
intellects. In a more tranquil state of society, they are the
growth of deep design and sober imposture, produced by men
who, encouraged by the example and success of others, trade on
the follies and errors of mankind. Such precisely is the cha-
racter of the sects that succeed each other with such rapid
fecundity in the sister country. To share in the overflowing
wealth of the country was devoutly wished for by many a needy
adventurer, who could not reach it by the ordinary channels of
trade or commerce, or the learned professions. Hence, a new
and unheard-of factory of Bibles was set up, to which all con-
tributed who sought a character for sanctity ; and which em-
ployed a vast number of hands in their printing and circulation.
Such is the real origin of the Bible system, of which I may have
occasion to speak again — affording evidence of England’s wealth,
but none of her piety.
What counterpoise, then, to that religious indifference into
which the higher orders of the country are fast subsiding, can
be found in that crafty and counterfeit fanaticism of the sectaries,
which has no higher origin than the superfluities of that wealth
from which it is derived ? In vain will any country look for the
solid stay of her institutions among those reeling sectaries, who
drink of the spirit of delusion until they fall victims to their
own excesses. England boasts of her morality. If her morality
were to be measured by the number of her Bibles, she would,
undoubtedly, be the most moral nation upon earth. But, alas,
we have frightful instances of the unfeeling indifference of her
children to any moral responsibility, not only in those moments
when, in the frenzy of passion, duty may be forgotten, but
even in the moment of awful import, when the terror of ap-
proaching judgment ought to shake the most hardened insen-
sibility. What avails, then, the profusion of Bibles that are
never read ; or, if read, are turned into a subject of ridicule or
profanation? Or who is the best member of society — he who
obeys an authorized magistrate in promulgating the laws, or he
who, while he ostentatiously displays a copy of these laws, is as
ignorant of their contents as he is careless of their infraction, or
reads them only for the purpose of exposing the inconsistency of
parliament, and trampling on its authority ? From this correct
delineation of the state of England, I may be fortified in con-
cluding that there is in that country much of the pomp and
circumstance, but little of the vital spirit, of religion. From
i
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within, there is a slow decay that has worked to the very vitals
of Christianity ; from without, there is sectarian bustle and
agitation, gathering violence in its progress, and threatening the
existence of the Establishment. To a statesman interested for
its safety, the danger must appear equally serious and alarming,
whether the State is shaken by external violence, or sapped by
the gradual subducation of those principles on which society
reposes. The vain efforts of the sectaries the Establishment
may despise, since they carry within them the active principle of
their own dissolution. But, should the external sources of her
greatness be dried up, England will unquestionably find her
greatest danger in that religious indifference, which is annihi-
lating her moral energies ; and which, though characterized by
the name of liberality, is not unlike that voluptuous liberality of
the ancient Romans, which, by deriding every truth, dissolved
every virtue, until at length it extinguished the spirit of freedom
and ushered in the reign of despotism.
I have thus discussed the religious complexion of the Pro-
testant Establishment at some length, in order to dissipate a
prejudice too frequently entertained, that the Protestant religion
is propitious to well-regulated liberty. If the tendency of a
religion lead to that indifference about truth or error, which
extinguishes those moral obligations that mitigate the sway of
the Government, and ennoble the obedience of the subject, that
religion may be pregnant, indeed, with revolution, without being
more favourable to freedom. Revolution is not liberty ; revolu-
tion and despotism approach, by way of extremes, and both
ancient and modern history attest that despotism is most fixed,
where revolutions are most frequent. If we have had a revolu-
tion which is deemed fortunate, it is no reason for making a
second experiment. If of all the combinations of which the
elements of society are susceptible, one has come forth admired
for its symmetry, it would be rashness to throw those again into
confusion, with the hope of bringing out another of a more
perfect form.
By the Emancipation of the Catholics, this constitution, instead
of being endangered, would acquire new stability. That reli-
gious indifference which knows no higher motive of action than
self-interest, would be corrected. By the infusion of a masculine
and vigorous morality, the decay of virtue would be restored — a
new spirit would be poured into the constitution — and every
member would feel an interest for that common centre of life
and freedom, from which it derived its own strength and
activity.
Having thus contemplated its religious aspect, I shall next
proceed to view it under its political complexion.
It is one of which it is needless to announce the importance.
LETTER XXVI.
123
since it has already engaged the deep attention of the legisla-
ture, and excited in this country a long and serious controversy.
It may not, however, be unnecessary to lead back your attention
farther, in retracing the steps by which this controversy was
introduced.
Of all the calumnies with which the Catholics of Ireland have
been so unsparingly assailed, none has been more frequently or
industriously put forward, than their unconquerable disaffection
to the family of our gracious Sovereign. In vain did they
tender the repeated assurance of their duteous attachment to the
throne and persons of his august predecessors ; in vain did they
confirm this assurance by the solemn sanction of an oath, and
seal their sincerity by the profusion of their blood. Those
whose interests are bound up with the continuance of the system
of rigour and exclusion, repeated the odious calumnies with a per-
severance which no repetition could tire, and with an effrontery
which no refutation could shame. It was signified, at length,
that his present Majesty was to honor this country with a visit
after his coronation, and the inhabitants rejoiced at the oppor-
tunity it afforded them of testifying their affection. The warm
and enthusiastic welcome with which he was greeted on our
shores, and the heart-felt homage with which he was encircled in
our capital, proved that loyalty is not a counterfeit feeling among
the Catholics of this country.
Hierophilos.
* LETTER XXVI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823.
Tal Jiero torna a la stagione estiva
Quel, che parve nel gel piacevo Vangue. — Tasso.
Thus the sun’s heat the glossy serpent warms
From Winter’s sleep, and with fresh fury arms.
Sir — I f his Majesty’s visit was productive of good, it also pro-
voked alienation; and while royalty diffused joy and warmth in
its passage, it also quickened into deadlier action those poisonous
124
LETTER XXVI.
beings which had lain in the torpor of their own bigotry, until
awakened by its warmth into a more vigorous animation.
The farce of counterfeit harmony that was played off during
the King’s stay in Ireland was quickly dissolved on his departure.
Scarce was the centre withdrawn, which had attracted to a tem-
porary order the discordant elements of society, when they again
flew off with a more hostile repulsion. The work of discord
again commenced with such earnestness, as if men were resolved
to atone, by the sincerity of their antipathies, for the hollow and
temporary reconciliation into which they had been betrayed. It
might have been naturally expected, that the Church, on this
occasion, would have interposed its meek authority, to allay the
ferment of the times ; and that the mandate of conciliation,
which was issued by its head, would have been faithfully ex-
ecuted by his ecclesiastical functionaries. But, alas ! their zeal
overcame their charity, and through the intemperate charges of
some of the bishops of the Established Church, the growing
spirit of discord was further inflamed by polemical acrimony.
While Doctor Magee denounced from his Cathedral the religion
of Catholics, without condescending to assign a particle of argu-
ment for the sentence of proscription, the profound Corporation
of Dublin pronounced his Grace to be an oracle of theological
wisdom ! ! After the grave decision of so competent an authority,
it would have been impiety to dispute his Grace’s pretensions ;
and, accordingly, some of his paradoxes have been received with
a submission, and propagated with a zeal, which afford unequi-
vocal proofs of the readiness of the Protestant mind to receive
impressions unfavourable to our religion.
Dublin, however, was not the only stage on which the Pro-
testant ecclesiastics stimulated the expiring fervour of their
followers. Doctor Trench, whose exertions in relieving the poor
of the extensive diocese of Tuam are gratefully remembered,
evinced, in the course of last summer, a more than ordinary zeal
for the Protestant Establishment. It is with reluctance that I
associate Doctor Trench with the other individuals who have
endeavoured to ferment their flocks with the leaven of religious
bigotry. Had his Grace refrained from those invectives against
his Catholic brethren and their religion, which he discharged
from the pulpit, he might have descended to the grave with the
character of a meek and pacific prelate. The memory of those
scenes of religious proselytism, by which he succeeded in ascend-
ing to the archiepiscopal throne, would probably never have been
revived. Fortunately for his fame, a splendid opportunity had
offered itself of burying for ever the recollection of those scenes
that were associated with his elevation, and of merging the
ardent zealot in the milder character of a benevolent and
charitable pastor. The reader will perceive I allude to the
LETTER XXVI.
125
disastrous period when the sounds of discord had died away
amidst the awful solemnity of public woe, and no sound was
heard but of famine over the land. On that occasion, the
solicitude of the Bishop was unremitting, in applying the relief
which had been obtained from Government and the English
people to the wants of the distressed peasantry. This kindness
was not lost upon the people : and the day on which his Grace
witnessed his harvest cut down by the gratuitous labour of the
neighbouring peasantry, proved that they are not the insensible
wretches they are represented to be by the violent and venal
defamers of their creed. Such acts demonstrate that they
possess a generous susceptibility of kindness from whatever
quarter it proceeds; nor do they confine to the professors of
their own faith the retribution of their gratitude.
But the Protestant Archbishop of Tuam was not content with
the rich reward which he might have earned by his exertions in
the cause of charity, without also signalizing his prowess in the
defence of the established faith. Had he confined himself to the
doctrines of his own Church, without reviling the creed of the
Catholics, as well as the acquirements of its pastors, his remarks
would have escaped animadversion ; but in the overflowings of
his zeal for the Establishment, his compassion extended itself to
the spiritual misery of his Catholic brethren, whom his Grace
did not fail to represent as the victims of ignorance, designedly
perpetuated by an artful and interested priesthood. From the
warmth pf declamation he might have been transported to the
effusion of language which he might have afterwards regretted.
And he deserves some praise for his forbearance in not imitating
one of his colleagues, who diffused his offensive sentiments in a
printed publication. But that in the course of his charge to the
clergy of Tuam, he assailed the faith, and insulted the feelings
of Catholics, is attested by persons of each persuasion ; and
though some have affected to admire his orthodoxy and zeal,
others have deplored his unseasonable intemperance.
Besides these splendid instances of provocation, which were
calculated to irritate and inflame, the pulpit rung with the invec-
tives of humbler parsons, who were anxious to catch the tone and
earn the patronage of those who had to dispense the wealth and
honours of the Establishment. The example set by these digni-
taries was extensively adopted, with this difference only, that
their imitators were freed from some of those restraints of
decorum which were necessarily imposed by their superior
station. All the worn-out calumnies against the ignorance and
restlessness of our people, and the mischievous designs of our
priesthood, were again and again put forth, without even the
drapery of a new dress to disguise the disgusting exhibition.
While the clergy thus poured forth the effusions of their intern-
126
LETTER XXVI.
perate zeal, they were zealously seconded by other co-operators,
and the expiring sound of the pulpit was prolonged, by the
echoing of the press, to the extremities of our provinces.
While the religious and civil tenets of the Catholics of Ireland
were thus cruelly and wantonly misrepresented, a writer, gene-
rally supposed to be one of our bishops, undertook a vindication
of both, which he addressed to our Viceroy. The interest which
was excited by this publication, and the hostility which it pro-
voked are no unequivocal proofs of its merits. The novelty of a
person of his character placing himself in the presence of the
Viceroy, and pleading with respectful firmness the cause of his
injured countrymen, was calculated to excite surprise. Surprise
was soon succeeded by resentment : and those who were hitherto
in the habit of exclusively approaching the Lord Lieutenant,
have felt and expressed their mortification that their monopoly
has been invaded. The respectful use of a privilege which is
extended to all who feel themselves aggrieved, has been charac-
terized as an insolent intrusion ; and the wish of his Excellency
to show a strict impartiality in the administration of the laws,
has been artfully interpreted into a passion for an unworthy
popularity.
It is no wonder, Sir, that an inflexible regard to justice would
wear the appearance of partiality in the eyes of those who were
taught by long habit to expect a partial administration. And,
on the other hand, the Catholics have been so long accustomed
to opposition, that it cannot be deemed a wonder if they should
regard the cessation of insult as a kindness, and look upon
justice as a favour. But while his Excellency has sufficiently
proved, by not lavishing his attention on Catholics, that he is
above being swayed by popular favour, it is to be expected that
he will not be driven to a contrary course by the dextrous and
insidious imputation.
Among the many who have honoured this distinguished
prelate with their obloquy, one has appeared who has endea-
voured to give force to his animadversion by undertaking a
refutation of the bishop’s principles. It is somewhat singular
that this opponent of the ecclesiastical authority of Borne has
assumed the name of one of her earliest missionaries to this
country. Such is the charm of early impressions, that are
retained, with a devout attachment, in spite of the affectation of
riper years.
The pamphlet of “ Declan,” in point of purity of language
and pretension to theological learning, is unquestionably the
most creditable production by which the bishop has been com-
bated. But when he reflects on the character of the foes among
whom he is distinguished, his just discrimination will, doubtless,
appreciate the extent and value of the compliment. With the
*
LETTER XXVI.
127
familiar demeanour of one who was conscious that he enjoyed all
the privileges of the State religion, he rebukes the unwelcome
intrusion of the prelate before his Excellency, and insinuates
that he had forgot in whose presence he had placed himself.
After reproaching his adversary with an antiquated garb, he
then puts on his court costume, which he fancied he was exclu-
sively privileged to wear, and endeavours to lay aside his
scholastic terms. But he soon lost sight of the individual whom
he addressed ; since the harshness of his language to his oppo-
nent breathed but little of the courtier whom he affected, and
could only be justified by his forgetfulness of the presence of his
Excellency, or from a prejudice which has been long entertained,
that the Catholics were out of the pale of the laws of civility as
well as the constitution, and that they were a caste of people
towards whom the courtesies of life might have been neglected
without any violation of decorum. On a comparison of both
productions, the impartial reader will determine which conveys
more of the meek spirit of a religious, and the dignified tone of
a cultivated, mind. The Catholic Bishop has been accused of
warmth in his language ; yes, he has been warm, and in his por-
trait of our unmerited suffering, his language rose to a tone of
firm, but respectful, remonstrance. But, if he was eloquent and
impassioned, his feelings were not pointed against the Chief
Governor, but against those who had accused him of sedition,
and dragged him before his tribunal : and if, like the Apostle, in
presence of Festus, he exhibited the chains which we wore, the
persecutions we underwent, and the religion by which we were
sustained, the theme was suggested by the calumny of his
accusers ; and if he sought for redress, it was not by acting on
the irritated passions of the people, but, with an high conscious-
ness of the justice of his cause, and his rights as a Boman
citizen, he sought protection from the frenzy of a persecuting
multitude, by throwing himself into the arms of the laws, and
appealing to the majesty of Caesar.
Hierophilos.
128
LETTER XXVII.
LETTER XXVII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823.
Sir — Among the evils which pressed severely on the peasantry
of this country, the author of the vindication has deservedly
numbered the tithes, which, independent of the anomaly of being
claimed by a clergy from persons to whom they make no return
of spiritual instruction, have become doubly odious from the
mode of their exaction. Since the enactment of the law of
agistment in the Irish House of Commons, by which the pasturage
of the gentry was released from tithes, which were entirely trans-
ferred on the shoulders of the peasantry, this disastrous subject
has been fruitful of unremitting vexation. Before the Union, the
scenes of oppression to which this odious system gave rise, were
distressing beyond description ; and the facts which have been
recorded by Grattan, prove that the sad reality of the evils which
it occasioned could not be exaggerated even by his eloquent
denunciations. The miserable cottier, whose annual labour was
entirely expended in paying the exorbitant rent of the acre on
which he raised the scanty support of his wretched family, saw
the tenth portion, seized by the agents of a parson, the blessings
of whose ministry he never felt, save in this annual visitation.
Without money to satisfy those rigorous demands, he often beheld
the fruit of his hard earning snatched away beyond the hope of
redemption, and himself and family consigned to the miserable
alternative of beggary or plunder. The former alternative was
most generally resorted to ; but when the resources of charity
were exhausted, by indigence constantly accumulating, hence the
peace of our country has been so frequently disturbed, and the
property of its inhabitants so frequently violated by these
desperate wretches, who, having tried the arts of industry in vain,
are often driven to crime, with the hope of being expatriated.
Miserable must be the state of society indeed, which dissolves all
those ties by which the Irish peasant is proverbially attached to
his native soil, and forces him to sacrifice all he holds most dear ;
nay, to court the infamy of a conviction which procures him the
means of emigration. Yet such is the state of Ireland at present;
and among the numberless convicts who are transported from
this country, there are found many who express an unnatural
cheerfulness at their lot, confident that any change of fortune
will better their condition. I am far from putting all these con-
LETTER XXVII.
129
sequences to the account of the tithe system. The cause of misery
so widely extended is more complicated in its nature. But cer-
tain it is, that these lawless associations, by which the peace of
our country is so frequently disturbed, are more or less destruc-
tive in proportion to the rigour or the mildness by which
tithes have been exacted.
Perhaps the best evidence of the evils which have been
generated by this system, may be furnished by the attention
which has been directed to it last summer by the wisdom of
the legislature. Had the complaints which have been so often
preferred, been the effusions of discontent, they would not
have engaged the united efforts of the Government and Senate in
devising means to redress them. From the caution with which
petitions for redress of grievances are generally harkened to, the
jealousy with which they are examined, and even the delay that
preceeds any alteration in a long established system, we may
safely conclude that the legislature would not have resolved on
any modification in the tithe laws had not the evil grown into an
inveteracy beyond further endurance.
It must therefore bespeak more than any ordinary confidence
in any individual to arraign the wisdom of making some modifi-
cation of those laws, of which the evil effects have been fatally
illustrated. If the late measures of parliament have not given
complete satisfaction, or entirely remedied the evil, let us recollect
that they are only the incipient efforts of that deliberative
wisdom which will gradually bring the work to its full consum-
mation. Resting thus on the powers and wisdom of parliament,
I cannot fail to shield myself against those sinister imputations
which are frequently cast on the advocates for innovation.
“Declan” will not surely misinterpret the motives of the man
whose only appeal is to the legislature ; since, according to him,
the English legislature is the sole fountain of our laws, and the
source from which our blessings are derived. After thus acknow-
ledging the omnipotence of parliament in one instance, I know
not with what consistency he can refuse it the same virtue in
every other, unless he wishes to free it from the common lot
of all human institutions, by investing it with immutability.
But perhaps the clergy of the Established Church would fain
take a loftier position, by deriving their rights to tithes from the
Levitical priesthood. I could not have imagined, unless I were
convinced by the recent writings of its advocates, that the clergy
of the Established Church in Ireland, could have ever sought sup-
port for their temporal possessions in the law of Moses. It is
true, notwithstanding the confidence of our adversaries, that no
church can claim a right to tithes by virtue of its succession to
the ancient priesthood, when the ancient priesthood itself has not
been transmitted by inheritance. But if the Protestants should
130
LETTER XXVII.
insist on the derivative nature and constructive immortality of the
priesthood of Aaron — they at least cannot be deemed the lawful
heirs of its privileges. The term of fifteen hundred years is a
frightful chasm in the chain of succession. During the darkness
of that interval, every record is lost that could connect the
Establishment with the dissolution of the Levitical law, and
since it is a peculiar feature in English jurisprudence to reject
prescription and invalidate possession, of which the title is
defective, it would be wisdom in the friends of the Established
Church, not to insist too strongly on the analogies between the
Jewish Church and their own.
I should be cautious in occupying your time, or tiring your
patience with polemical controversy. However, you might be
inclined to smile, on hearing that the champion of the Establish-
ment, instead of deriving the right to tithes from the possession
of the old religion, with which they were accompanied, ingeniously
supposes the tithes to have been the medium through which the
true religion was diverted from its original course, and conveyed
to the Protestant Establishment. Such an argument must bring
full conviction to every mind that looks upon the possession of
tithes as the essence of the priesthood. If, together with the
transfer of the tithes, the adoption of the changes prescribed at
the Reformation, was sufficient to identify the Protestant with
the Catholic religion, then the re-adoption of more material
changes, which a more liberal parliament might prescribe, would
be sufficient for an identical succession, provided still those
changes were conveyed through the channel of the tithes. And
if, perchance, the parliament should propose such changes as
would scarcely have an article of the Christian religion, still
accompanying them with tithes, doubtless its identity as a con-
stitutional incorporation , would still be preserved. And thus,
provided the tithes are preserved, they will prove a remedy
against the errors and dangers of innovation. While the tithes
are incorporated with the constitution of the Church, there is, to
use our author’s phrase, a vis medicatrix about them, which would
immediately throw off the poison of the rankest error, or convert
it to the nutriment of sound doctrine ; and thus Mahometanism
itself, passed through the alembic of the tithe system, would be
immediately purged to all its grossness, and assimilated by the
continued identity of a legal corporation, with Christianity
itself.
If ridicule could be indulged with propriety, on so grave and
solemn a subject, there is nothing calculated to excite it more
than the ludicrous attempts of the advocates of the Establishment
to reconcile their obsequiousness to the omnipotence of the
legislature, with the immutability of their religion. If the doctrine
of the Establishment be not defensible, but on the grounds of
LETTER XXVII.
131
its legal adoption, let it enjoy all the authority which it can
derive from such a source. Let its abettors at once avow the
tenet that the legislature can controul the speculative belief
of the subject, and not expend any superfluous argument in
showing its conformity with Revelation. If, however, abandoning
the ground of its connexion with the Catholic Church, whose
tenets no legislature can controul, they derive its origin entirely
from the legislature, then we may be permitted, without the
imputation of impiety, to enquire into the political benefits of such
an institution.
In England, where the majority of the people are Protestant,
the Establishment may be useful. In Ireland, it is hostile to the
interest of its inhabitants. This difference may be easily traced
to the different circumstances of both countries. Whatever may
be the natural tendency of the Protestant religion to a latitude
of belief ultimately fatal to the best interests of society, while
those great principles on which it reposes, are respected, its
stability is upheld; and those by whom they are inculcated,
confer a political benefit. Hence the Protestant clergy have in
England a natural and constitutional right to the tithes, since
they are the real, as well as the constitutional ministers of
religious instruction. — Here the case is different ; the instruction
of which the people stand in need, is imparted by the Catholic
clergy. With Protestant ministers they hold no communion;
and hence, as no spiritual benefit is conferred on one hand, there
is no obligation of paying tithes on the other, save what the civil
law imposes. Since, then, there is no natural claim to tithes
arising from the interchange of reciprocal duties, and relations
beyond what the law has established, it follows that the law can
annul an obligation which is founded on no higher principle.
It is therefore an useless waste of time, to prove that parsons
have a legal title to their tithes; it is a position that is not
controverted; but it is contended that they have only a legal
claim. Little, therefore, will be effected by the advocates of the
system, unless they demonstrate that these rights he deeper than
mere legal enactments, and that they cannot be overturned,
without digging up some of those foundations which legislators
themselves are taught to revere, and on which all the superstruc-
ture of civil law is erected. But instead of finding a claim to
tithes connected with those sacred principles ; such a claim is at
variance with them all. The Protestant clergy of Ireland may
insist that tithes are a portion of their rights ; but these are rights,
to use the language of Mr. Burke, which are the most odious of
all wrongs, and which, as soon as they degenerate into wrongs,
the legislature may abolish. Whether the legal rights of the
Irish Protestant clergy are among those wrongs, the wisdom of
parliament will eventually decide. For certain it is that they are
132
LETTER XXVIII.
held by virtue of no other authority. It is true that the legal
possession of tithes was transferred to the Protestant ministers
from the Catholic priesthood. But since the discharge of these
duties, and the ministry of that instruction on which the natural
right to tithes was originally founded, did not accompany this
transfer, hence its sole validity was in the will of parliament,
which can be equally exercised in a second, as a will, as in a first
arrangement of those possessions.
But the Establishment has now become conscious of its strength,
and though in its infancy it acknowledged the competence of the
power that erected, and the omnipotence of the hand that
enriched it, it assumes a haughty tone, and defies annihilation.
The Establishment of the Church of England is a work of human
contrivance, growing with the progress of mind, and gradually
partaking of all the improvements of the times. Its artificers
ought therefore to practise a lesson of respectful moderation,
lest by aspiring to an independence of the power to which it
owed its origin, they should give a proof of their folly instead of
an argument of their wisdom ; and by despising, in an evil hour,
the omnipotence of parliament, they should provoke its ven-
geance to suspend their daring undertaking, and scatter the
workmen in confusion over the earth.
Hierophilos.
LETTER XXVIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, 1823.
Sir — If the Church be a corporation — and that it is, is confessed
by its warmest supporters — the admission is not favourable to its
perpetuity. While the corporation lasts, its members, it is true,
are invested with a constructive immortality ; but this fiction of
the law protects the individuals only while the corporation lasts,
without guarding the body itself from dissolution. Such is ex-
pressly the doctrine of Blackstone, on whose authority “ Declan”
would fain rest the immobility of the Establishment.*
* See Blackstone, lib. i, cap. 18, sec. 485.
LETTER XXVIII.
133
If the Church be a civil corporation, framed after the model
and adapted to the analogies of similar institutions, we may
safely conclude that it has already arrived to its meridian.
Corporations, at best, were but comparative benefits — they grew
out of a disastrous and turbulent state of society — and were the
first nurseries in which the seeds of industry and freedom were
reared. The charters which were wrung by the infant republics
of Italy from the distress or fears of the German Emperors,
were the first parchments on which the name of liberty was
inscribed, and must be still deemed valuable on account of
the blessings which they transmitted. But this very liberty
soon degenerated into an abuse, by being converted into an
odious system of monopoly, in which but few were allowed to
participate. Thus, while the benefits of industry were exclu-
sively engaged by a few corporate towns, the body of the people
languished in indigence, and the contrast of their vassalage with
the freedom of their more favoured neighbours, only aggravated
still more the misery of their situation : amidst the power of
royalty and the liberty of corporate bodies, the people were
placed, subject to whatever was vexatious in the one, without
enjoying any of the prerogatives of the other. However, in the
conflict of those opposite powers, the people at length became
the gainers, and the very excess of corporate influence and
wealth became slowly productive of the redemption of the
people. While these cities abused their wealth in purchasing
from a king’s distress a further monopoly, he often neutralized
the deed, by extending similar immunities to other cities. And
thus the embankments of corporate monopoly were gradually
levelled, and freedom, “ like the waters of the sea, flowed over
the nations of Europe, blotting out in its progress every vestige
of servitude.”
Hence, what was first a blessing becomes itself an evil, when
fenced in by an intolerant system. While it works the good for
which it was established, it is suffered to stand ; but when age
and the vices incident to human institutions gradually produce
decay, it is then consigned to dissolution. If the end of the
corporate establishment of the Church be to convey instruction
to the mass of the people, and bring about their conversion,
experience ascertains whether that end has been accomplished.
And if it be to cement an union between England and Ireland,
we are taught by the clearest reason that an union cannot be
effected between extremes by a medium which has not a sym-
pathy with both. Now, instead of the Establishment being such
a connecting medium between the countries, it is calculated to
keep them asunder ; and, doubtless, they should approach with
stronger affinities by the removal of the intermediate body, with
which one cannot associate. Happily, I have before removed
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LETTER XXVIII.
any possible suspicion of being unfavourable to a regal connexion
between England and Ireland. And, therefore, in asserting that
the Establishment is not necessary for such a purpose, it will not
be understood that I should wish to sever that connexion ; on the
contrary, my motto would be that of the poet —
No wound in fight can either singly bear,
For both alike must every fortune share.
While I thus combat the weakness of those arguments on
which the advocates of the Establishment would fain rest it, let
me not be numbered among those rash theorists who, without
regard to the urgency of circumstances, would instantly subvert
a long-established system. With such theorists I have no con-
cern, conscious that their immature conceptions would be often
more dangerous in their execution than inveterate abuses. In-
stead of advancing anything disrespectful to the Government or
legislature of the country, my design has been to expose the
presumption of those who would fain place any portion of society
beyond the reach of legislative interference. In the enactments
which the wisdom of parliament will pass, the Catholics will
acquiesce ; nor shall they refuse, while the State requires it, to
contribute to the support of its public functionaries. But they
feel it an anomaly to be under any natural obligation of support-
ing a body of men, on the presumption of religious relations
which do not mutually exist between them ; and, therefore, the
only principle that can actuate them, is a respect for established
order. As the ministers of the Established Church are officers
who are paid, because they are supposed to perform certain
duties, to grant them annual pensions out of the Exchequer
would remove much discontent, and answer all the ends of distri-
butive justice.
The only objection to such a mode is the corporate nature of
the Establishment; but such an objection can have no weight
unless in the supposition that such bodies, whether they answer
the end for which they were incorporated or not, are liable to no
change, and bid defiance to dissolution.
Among those who feel but little gratitude for the civil or
religious advantages which the Establishment has conferred,
“ Declan” cannot surely be numbered. Were we to adopt his
devout sentiments, we should believe that the Church of Eng-
land was one of the greatest blessings that ever was conferred on
man. At the mention of her name, he breaks forth into an
ecstacy of jubilee ; and the rapturous enthusiasm with which he
turns towards England, reminds one of the fervour with which
the exiles of Babylon signed their devotions to Sion. What a
pity that any impediment would check the impetuosity of soul,
LETTER XXVIII.
135
with which he seems to be borne from this land of bondage
towards that delightful country that leads to heaven ! But a
dignified situation in the Court of Assuerus would perhaps recon-
cile him a little longer to his sojournment, and cheer the de-
spondence of his captivity.
It is, then, unnecessary to dwell on the obvious reasons that
attach many individuals to the Establishment. While it pos-
sesses wealth and patronage to lavish on its adherents, it will not
want the aid of those who may mistake the splendor of its
honours for the splendour of its evidences. If the mind should
hesitate between opposite motives of belief, the weight of the
tithe system may have some influence in deciding its fluctuation.
Instead of wondering, then, at the conduct of those who desert
the religion of their birth, to enlist themselves under its banners,
it is a matter of surprise that greater numbers are not attracted
to its service. Yet the small number of apostates is a circum-
stance which, amidst all our afflictions, must reflect credit on the
steady faith of the people of Ireland. They want not incentives.
The present condition of the Establishment in Ireland holds out
the strongest temptations to apostacy, where, to be enlisted,
according to the strong language of Tertullian, is to be distin-
guished. Excellence is relative, and borrows much of its lustre
from contrast ; and it is remarkable, that some of those who are
put forward as the best champions of the Established Church,
are men who, had they remained in its bosom, would have
acquired but little eminence in their own. I am not, therefore,
surprised that his Lordship of L n should have recommended
the encouragement to apostacy, in order to renovate the decay-
ing vigour of the Establishment, by the infusion of fresh spirit
from the Catholic Church. But let me assure his Lordship that
such a declaration betrays a secret consciousness of the necessity
of some aid beyond what the Establishment can bestow ; and
were his Lordship to adopt the advice of “ Hierophilos,” he
would beg leave to suggest to him the impolicy of such a mea-
sure. Between the Establishment and those who, from selfish
motives, are drawn over to her support, there exists no sincere
and cordial sympathy : there is always a secret distrust ope-
rating in either quarter, and hence an affectation of zeal that is
not felt, on the part of those who fly to their enemies, lest they
should share the fate of David, who, after sojourning a while
among the Philistines, through an apprehension of Saul, was
banished from their camp. Let not, then, the Establishment
hope for cordial aid from those who are to be stimulated by
venal motives. The necessity of recurring to the service of
mercenaries, is always a sure symptom of the decay of native
virtue ; and his Lordship will not, I trust, fail to meditate on the
sage reflection of Montesquieu, that the confiding the defence of
136
LETTER XXVIII.
the empire to the unsteady faith of mercenaries was one of the
most powerful causes that accelerated the downfal of Rome.*
It is now insinuated by its redoubted champions, that without
the stimulus of its ample emoluments and gorgeous honours, few
would be found to devote themselves to the labours of theology.
Such an admission is a proof of the mercenary spirit I have
alluded to. Alas! the age of chivalry is gone; the unbought
grace of life and cheap defence of nations are no more ! ! And
to the generous assertors of the purity of her faith, have suc-
ceeded a crowd of calculating champions, who measure their
exertions by the prospect of their rewards. That disinterested
virtue — that lofty stoicism which worshipped the doctrine of the
Establishment, on account of its own native beauty, is now
relaxed ; and we are arrived, at length, at the disastrous reign
of a selfish philosophy, which makes virtue itself a subject of
voluptuous calculation.
Quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsara
Prsemia si tollas ? f
While, therefore, the benefits of the Protestant Establishment
are eulogised by those by whom they are exclusively possessed,
we are ready to make large allowances for the exaggerations
which gratitude inspires. That it should be commended by
those who have been taught from their infancy to associate it
with whatever is venerable in their religion, cannot excite our
wonder ; but that it should have subdued all the prejudices of
early impressions, is a circumstance that may be viewed under
different complexions. To those who have been in the habit of
traducing the religion of Ireland, such conduct may appear the
result of religious conviction ; and no doubt they hail the acces-
sion of every such member as a new triumph of their principles.
On those, however, who study the human heart, and behold what
inducements are held out by one religion to flatter its propen-
sities, different will be the impression. For me, I will not now
undertake to weigh the relative motives of preference or rejec-
tion which are suggested by both religions. It is sufficient for
me to know that there is often a venal praise which is anything
but evidence of a sincere and cordial preference. An Irish mem-
ber of the Protestant Establishment may, therefore, exhaust his
rhetoric in his eulogy of the Church of England, while some may
entertain a secret suspicion that the priest speaks not from him-
self, but that the gold of Philip, or its expectation, has inspired
the responses of the oracle.
* Sur le Grandeur et la Decadence de l’Empire Romain, chap, xviii, page 134.
f Take its rewards, its worldly props, away,
And virtue’s doomed to languish and decay.
LETTER XXVIII.
137
To prove the moderation of the proprietors of Church lands,
we are triumphantly directed to the striking contrast between
the real value of their estates, and the sum at which they are
let by their ecclesiastical possessors. And thus it is insinuated
that this vast difference is entirely in favour of the people. The
disingenuous fallacy of such a statement is calculated to mislead
but few individuals. Those to whom the lands are let by the
bishops are not the immediate tenants of the soil. The exorbi-
tant fines which are exacted for a renewal of leases are an equi-
valent for the moderate terms on which the lands are set by the
bishop ; and the necessity of indemnity for these fines, that are
as frequent as the successive appointments, makes the condition
of the humbler tiller of the soil intolerable. In the enormous
fortunes that are amassed by those ecclesiastics, the reader may
perceive the benefits that are derived to the humble tenantry.
It has been often insinuated that the Catholic clergy look with an
evil eye on the temporalities of the Protestants, and that their
hostility proceeds from a hope of one day participating in the
spoil. Those, perhaps, who saw themselves ejected from the
temporalities which they long possessed, and which were trans-
mitted by a title as sacred, at least, as that by which they are
held by their present proprietors, might naturally enough have
cast a longing eye after their possessions, and cherished some
lingering hope of restoration. But that generation has long
since passed away : like the descendants of those who were
stripped of their patrimonial estates, and who have long since
acquiesced in the transfer of the law, the priesthood of Ireland
have relinquished every personal claim to the possession of the
church lands. They have, in retaining their doctrine, succeeded
to the best and most valuable portion of the inheritance of their
predecessors ; nor should they ever covet the temporalities of the
Establishment, lest they should share the fate of the unfortunate
Giezi, and lest, by succeeding to Naaman’s wealth, they should
inherit Naaman’s leprosy.*
Hierophilos.
* Kings, book iv, chapter r.
K
138
LETTER XXIX.
LETTER XXIX.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, April, 1823.
Sir — H aving thus dwelt at some length on a subject which has
already occupied, and is still likely to engage, the attention of the
legislature, I shall pass to another of vast importance, which has
a close connexion with the question of Emancipation. Although
the Irish people are represented as indolent and inactive, this
dispositition, as far as it exists, arises less from want of industry
than the want of an object on which it may be usefully employed.
It is a received maxim that the best artist can do nothing without
a subject on which to exercise his skill. And thus the energies of
the people of Ireland, from want of means to excite, or materials on
which to exercise, their industry, are doomed to languish in
inactivity, unless when stimulated by mischievous projects. Had
some of the superfluous wealth of the sister country, which is
often lent for the purpose of exciting foreign revolutions, been
expended to encourage the arts of peace in Ireland, the capitalists
would be amply repaid by the profits which they might derive
from such speculations. The English nation is justly said to be
the wealthiest nation in the world ; but wealth, as Lord Bacon
remarks, is like manure, which must be spread, in order to be
productive. Of what advantage, then, is it to us that it should
be in English banks, or, if diffused, spread among foreign
countries with whose prosperity we have but little connexion ?
As an apology for these capitalists, it is generally observed, that
the unsettled state of the country, and the restless character of
its inhabitants, deter them from embarking their money in any
large manufacturing concern. While the country is suffered to
remain in her present anomalous condition — her peace frequently
violated — her people systematically divided — her religion a pre-
tence for exclusion — and her natural resources paralyzed by
the operation of a spirit of commercial monopoly — the same
apology will be repeated. But by the diffusion of equal laws,
these obstacles would soon give way. Much of the causes of the
discontent which agitates the country would be removed.
These scenes of intestine discord and sanguinary warfare that
are protracted and embittered by the rancour of religious bigotry,
would yield to a more tolerant and pacific temper. A union in
affection and interest would be the result of union of laws ; and
thus that great measure would remove the obstacles that are now
LETTER XXIX.
1 39
set to the prosperity of our people; and which, while that
measure is retarded, it is impossible to remove. Thus, Sir, it is
evident what a clear connexion exists between the emancipation
of the Irish Catholics, and the full attainment of those other
political advantages of which we stand so much in need. At
present, instead of any encouragement being held out to the
working our mines, or establishing manufactures, these objects
would be instantly checked lest the trade of England should be
injured. We have coal mines in abundance, and others still more
valuable, but no capital to work them ; or, should the attempt be
made, the jealousy of the merchants of the sister country would
render it abortive, by giving a premium for discontinuing the
work.
While the mineral wealth of our country lies concealed in
mines for want of proper encouragement to work them, the rich
and solid ore of her intellect has been equally neglected. The
analogy between her natural and moral energies cannot escape
observation ; and the minds of her inhabitants, like the hidden
riches of her mountains, have been hitherto buried without a
labourer to extract, or an artist to refine, the solid bullion. It will
not be understood that I wish to disparage the intellectual
faculties of a people which no species of persecution could entirely
subdue. No, their vigour was bound up in fetters — their elas-
ticity was kept down by an intolerable burden, and, without the
wickedness that deserved the punishment, they exhibited all the
vigour of the fabled giants, whose strength was observed to heave
off the incumbent mountains that were successively piled upon
them, to crush their mighty energies.
With regard to the question of the ignorance of the Irish,
they have been the most injured people that ever existed. The
cruellest means which the malignant ingenuity of man could
devise, were resorted to, for the oppression of the human mind,
and yet the injury was aggravated by insult, in reproaching us
with our ignorance. Not only were all the benefits of political
power and civil freedom wrested from the Catholics — not only
was their religion proscribed as a superstitious impiety — but what
was unheard-of before, the common unalienable blessings of
knowledge were interdicted, and the terrors of persecution, not
content with bodily inflictions, reached the mind itself and blocked
up all the avenues of knowledge. Doomed to all the misery
which a sanguinary policy could inflict, they were even refused
the consolations of that learning which soothes adversity, and
denied that kind interchange of mutual sympathy which lightens
another’s woe, by sharing half its burden. Thus were we left
for ages consigned to darkness and pining in intellectual solitude,
while a participation of that light which heaven grants to all,
was made a crime against the government of the land. You
140
LETTER XXIX.
know, Sir, how often has the reproach of rebellion been cast upon
the people of this country. Yes, Sir, in their very thirst for litera-
ture they became rebels;* and if ever the reproach was honourable,
it was in asserting, at the peril of their lives, their imprescriptible
rights to knowledge which God has given to every intellect, and
which the tyranny of man cannot take away.
What then must be our opinion of the justice of those who are
perpetually upbraiding us with our ignorance, without adverting
to the cause by which it was inflicted ; and who mix up their
insults with insinuations of the harshest nature against the
characters of our clergy, by whom, whatever of learning still
lingered in the country, was fostered and diffused ? They were
the ministers of that knowledge which instructeth unto salvation,
and had it not been for their exertions, the peasantry of Ireland
would have exhibited a spectacle of moral degradation to which
the philosopher would for ever turn, in calculating to what degree
the operation of mischievous laws can debase the faculties of the
human mind.
It is not then true that the peasantry are plunged in religious
ignorance to that degree with which they have been reproached,
or which the untoward circumstances in which they have been
placed, would warrant a stranger to conjecture. It is true, an
extensive system of well-ordered education is wanting ; but there
are other remedies of still more pressing necessity. If we credit
the views of those who gave the most patient attention to the
condition of society in every stage, and reasoned most profoundly
on its wants and perfection, we will conclude that the wants of
the physical man must be provided for, before he aspires to the
attainment, or can derive benefit from the possession, of intel-
lectual knowledge. Literary information is a secondary want.
On an extensive scale, it is the offspring of opulence and refine-
ment : on the most limited plan, it requires that degree of com-
fort which supposes that the most craving of our lawful demands
are first satisfied. Now, that the Irish peasant is not in that
state of comfort which enables him to profit of the advantages of
education, is a fact of melancholy notoriety. There is, it is
observed, a degree of depression below which a people cannot
sink. That the Irish have sunk to that melancholy point may
be clear, from the circumstance of the famine which, in the
midst of plenty, would have swept away its population, had it
not been seasonably arrested. What was then felt over the
entire land is only what is partially experienced in different
parts of the country ; and it is a fact that no nutriment but the
potato saves a great portion of the population from more fre-
quently experiencing the same calamity.
* See Brown’s Penal Laws, chap, vi, page 225, who quotes the Statutes of
William and Mary.
LETTER XXIX.
14]
Let those, then, who affect such a zeal for the amelioration of
the condition of our people, labour to bestow those advantages
which must be the foundation of any improvement which educa-
tion can confer. Let it not be understood that I should withhold
its blessings : no, but I should say with the Redeemer to them
who were so punctual in smaller duties, and so careless of the
first : “ Let those things be done, and leave not the other things
undone.”
While Ireland, then, is suffering by the incessant recurrence of
those evils by which she is periodically afflicted, and the legisla-
ture is employed in bringing out to public view some of the
latent causes of her distemper, we are still amused with the
ludicrous exhibition of societies gravely proffering us the Bible
as the chief remedy for our misfortunes. Such imposition on the
pious credulity of the English people might have been endured
before they became acquainted with the real sources of our
wrongs. Then we might have been exhibited as men instinc-
tively savage, and our religion held up in the colours of an
odious superstition. But though the charge of ignorance might
have been just, it was not generous. If we were ignorant, is it
not because the avenues to knowledge were closed against us ;
and if we were doomed to walk darkling and alone, it is because
we were not suffered to cross the forbidden boundaries of know-
ledge, or to tread those fields of intellectual light* which reflect
a brighter sky, and where we breathe a purer atmosphere. If
the resiliency of native genius occasionally heaved off the intole-
rable weight, still there was a limit beyond which it could not
rise, and the fatal stone again recoiled, prostrating the unhappy
individual to the ground, who strove in vain to roll it to the
summit.
Though it might be policy to extend the blessings of educa-
tion, it is not wise to make our ignorance a subject of national
reproach. When our people were most sunk in barbarism, could
they not have thus replied to the revilers of their ignorance and
their creed : — “ Refrain from your invectives against our igno-
rance ; the exposure of its cause will not reflect much credit on
your policy or your religion. If the other nations of Europe
had thus reproached us, the reproach might have been easily
endured : we would then attempt to wipe it away ; or, if obliged
to submit to the imputation, we should at least endeavour to
mitigate its poignancy by tracing our ignorance to its cause.
But that we should be tauntingly upbraided with ignorance by
those who stript us of our knowledge, must excite feelings of a
generous indignation. If you wish to explore the sources of our
ignorance, consult the penal enactments of your statute books,
* Iargior, hie compos aether et lumine vestit
Purpureo — V irgil .
142
LETTER XXIX.
and yon may trace it to a system of banishment and proscription.
After having consigned us to this state, why condemn the labour
of your own hands ? After having sown the dragon’s teeth,
why complain of their natural harvest ? To have been doomed
to ignorance and barbarism is enough. Aggravate not the evil
by the bitterness of contumely, and do not continue to impute to
us as crimes the evils and misfortunes which yourselves have
inflicted. If the light of knowledge be unfavourable to the
Catholic religion, why the attempt that has been made to extin-
guish that light which would have revealed its deformity ; or if
you relied on the superior beauty of your own system, why
again deprive us of that knowledge by which its beauty would
have been discovered ?”
Such might have been the language of our people in former
times. If now a different policy is pursued, there are grounds
to supect the motives of some of those who are most active in
the work of education. Though motives may be artfully dis-
guised, public declarations are often a sound criterion of men’s
principles. To show that the views of the Kildare-street Society,
to which so large a grant of the public money is annually made,
are hostile to our religion, will appear by a reference to the
transactions of its last annual meeting. The secretary distinctly
stated that the plan adopted by the society met the concurrence
of men of every religious creed, Catholics as well as Protestants,
of every denomination of Dissenters. With the exception of the
observations that grew out of the Duke of Leinster’s statement
in parliament, which his Grace’s character can well afford to sus-
tain, the report of the secretary was calculated to convey an
impression that the society was beneficial in its operation. Nay,
he laboured to make it appear that they possessed the confidence
of the Catholics of Ireland. But this impression was soon
effaced by the sincere disclosure of the next speaker, who de-
clared that the peasantry of Ireland were resolved to profit of
education in defiance of their pastors, and to examine by the
light of their own reason the religion in which they were educated!
Such a distinct avowal from an authorized member of the society,
in the midst of a public meeting, and remaining uncontradicted,
conveyed the hostile dispositions of the society to the religion of
Ireland. Here is the fundamental principle of the Protestant
religion openly avowed, that the peasantry are not only to read
the Bible, but to examine by its contents the truth of their
religion, and the legitimacy of that authority which they had
hitherto obeyed.
If the statement of the secretary, setting forth the cordial
concurrence of the Catholics and their clergy was true, what
becomes of the declaration which insinuated their hostility. If
the gentleman to whom I allude was incapable of insinuating a
LETTER XXIX.
143
calumny, and that the children, in going to the schools, go in
defiance of the clergy, it must appear that the designs of the
society are hostile to the Catholic religion, unless we suppose
that it feels a warmer zeal for the purity of the Catholic faith
than that which is felt by its own teachers. And if, in fine, the
children cannot partake of the benefits or evils of those schools,
without first disregarding the authority of their pastors, we
know enough of the reverence of the Irish people for their
priesthood to conclude that their effects are not widely extended.
The truth is, Sir, some Catholic masters are employed — some
one or two agents are well paid and ostentatiously mentioned, as
exhibiting proofs of the liberality of the society, in the same
manner that the names of one or two Catholic commissioners*
have been mentioned in parliament by the Irish secretary, to
prove that places are not monopolized by Protestants ! ! A few
clergymen, probably placed in circumstances which appear to
them to render the general regulations of the Society innoxious,
have obtained a portion of their funds. In favour of some of
those, or perhaps of all, the general regulations have been pur-
posely relaxed by some of the agents, in order that they might
use the example of those as an argument against the general
repugnance which the system has met with. In some of the
schools the Bible is suffered to be a dead letter in the desks,
except when the Catholic pastor reads for the children a portion
of his own selection. I am far from condemning such a tolerant
principle ; but what must be condemned is, the insidious motive
with which these partial relaxations are made, in order to draw
from them an argument by which the public might be persuaded
that there is inconsistency among the Catholics, and that the
society is answering the ends of its institution.
Hikrophilos.
See the late debate on Mr. Grattan’s motion.
144
LETTER XXX.
LETTER XXX.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, May, 1823 .
Sir — It was the intention of the legislature, that the grant of
£14,000, made to the Kildare-street Society, should be prin-
cipally expended on the education of the Catholic poor. In
the number of Protestant establishments richly endowed for the
purposes of education, suitable provision was already made for
persons professing any branch of the Protestant religions. Now,
it appears from the report itself that the relation of those
educated by the Kildare-street Society to the gross population
is only as one to an hundred and twenty-one, in the largest
Catholic districts of Ireland — I mean the southern and western
provinces. As the number of clergy who have applied for pecu-
niary aid is small, it may be presumed that the greater number
educated are Protestants, and therefore that of the Catholics no
more than one out of five hundred of the gross population
derives any benefit from the funds of that society. The
average relation of one to five hundred may still be overrating
the number of Catholics educated, especially when we reflect
that it is in the north, amidst a Protestant population, that the
society has principally thriven, and that in that province there
are dioceses in which not one Catholic child enters its schools.
What then becomes of the immense mass over which the spirit
of these evangelists never moved, or who is it administers that
instruction which teaches them obedience to the laws, and lights
the way to heaven ?
From the report, it appears that out of all the clergy of
Ireland, only forty-six have applied for aid to the society, some
of whom have been refused, because they would not comply
with its conditions. To allow thirty pounds to each individual
would be probably exceeding the measure of their aid. But as
such a calculation is unimportant, whatever might have been the
sum granted, the entire would not probably exceed more than
the twentieth part of the entire funds of the society. The data
I have given are furnished by their own reports. The inference
is founded on fair and probable calculation. Whence it appears
that the benevolent views of the legislature are actually defeated,
and that the number of Catholics who partake of the fruits of
the public money is small in comparison to the mass of those who
LETTER XXX.
145
are, by the bigotry of the system, excluded from its advantages.
Among the motions that are made in parliament to ascertain the
extent to which education is carried among the people, it might
be useful if a motion* were submitted to the house for an inquiry
into the number of schools that have been established solely by
the exertions of the Catholic clergy and laity, and supported
entirely by their joint contributions. This, Sir, is a practical
proposal ; it will bring before the public the comparative effects of
the Catholic clergy and the Bible Societies in the work of educa-
tion, and show what credit is due to those who so often insinuate
that whatever of instruction is imparted to the people is mainly
due to their own exclusive exertions. It will also demonstrate
an important fact, that if the schools erected by the Catholics
are not still more numerous, the circumstance arises from the
want of ability, rather than the want of inclination. It would
also appear that a system of education more profitable to the
people than that which is offered by the Kildare-street Society,
is practicable on a less expensive scale ; and that, therefore, a
portion of the money which is given to that society would be
productive of more benefit if it were vested in a committee,
acting with the concurrence of the Catholic clergy.
The object of this society, if we are to credit their professions,
is to produce harmony, and banish religious distinctions. If by
religious distinctions they mean those perpetual collisions that
arise among different classes of society, on the score of religious
intolerance, they are taking the most effectual means of pro-
tracting such distinctions, in consequence of the violence they
are offering to the consciences of Catholics, by insisting on con-
ditions to which they know they will not accede. But if by
religious distinctions they mean those strong and discriminating
features which point out truth from error, it is in vain for them
to hope that they shall secretly undermine a religion which has
mocked the efforts of violence. No, Sir, it would be a disastrous
day for the repose of the British empire that Catholics would lay
aside their religious distinctions, and fling all their doctrines into
the hideous mass of errors of which Bible Societies are com-
posed, thus realizing the fanciful supposition of Solon, of collect-
ing all the ills and blessings of life into one common fund, in
order that each might draw out an equal proportion.
The diffusion of knowledge among the peasantry is confessedly
a benefit of which they stand in need, provided it is administered
with a subordinate reference to their religion. Those who labour
to discover something to reprehend, will find in the best and
wisest system matter for misrepresentation. It is to the opera-
* Although such an inquiry is not immediately connected with the duties of
the officers of the crown, yet it is one on which they could be supplied with
information.
146
LETTER XXX.
tion of such a spirit we may trace the distorted views in which
the conduct of the Catholic Church has been represented re-
garding the circulation of the inspired writings. I will not,
Sir, prolong your attention in showing how zealously she has
laboured in every age to propagate scriptural knowledge, by
citing the constitutions of her pontiffs and the canons of her
councils. Her ecclesiastical writers of every age contain the
most cogent exhortations to the people to the study of the sacred
volume. Nay, in every cathedral church provision was made for
persons whose exclusive duty it was to read and expound the
Scriptures to the faithful. But really the calumny of withhold-
ing the Scriptures for the sinister purpose of keeping the people
in ignorance, is deserving of other feelings rather than a serious
refutation. The subject has been already pressed on the present
writer in the shape of argument and ridicule by a zealous cham-
pion of the Bible. But the ground became at length too narrow
for argument, since the controversy does not really turn on the
diffusion of Scriptural knowledge. No, Sir, it is not with the
principle of spreading religious and Scriptural information that
Catholics are disposed to quarrel, but with the mode and spirit
in which Bible Societies are conducted.
The insinuations of the despotism of the Catholic Church that
are conveyed at those Bible meetings, are as insulting as the im-
putations on our loyalty and religion that are still preserved in
our oaths of allegiance. Both are equally founded on a spirit
of hostility which will not yield to conviction. But though the
Catholic Church venerates the Scriptures more than the sectaries,
she never will descend to capitulate with those who, in defiance
of the express words of the Bible, which they would fain revere,
have renounced her lawful authority. Mr. Canning must feel
the justness of this line of conduct which she pursues. Although
the British constitution breathes the spirit of freedom, its
guardians will never take their lessons of liberty from radical
reformers, nor desert their high station to compromise with those
whose clamorous and invidious panegyrics on freedom mean
nothing more than to accuse the government of tyranny.
However, as long as the distribution of the Bible continues to
be a lucrative traffic, it will not cease to attract a crowd of vota-
ries who expect to subsist on the Gospel. It is, perhaps, one of
the most signal instances of the astonishing improvements of the
human mind, and of its rapid advances to perfection, to behold
what a number of missionaries may now be enlisted in the ser-
vice of religion, without those impediments of discipline and
study which were so many drag-chains on the zeal of our ances-
tors. While the vigour of their youth was wasted in laboriously
collecting what they were afterwards to communicate, a more
compendious method has been adopted of late, which enables the
LETTER XXX.
147
libertine and the infidel to become ministers of the Gospel,
without imposing on those the necessity of believing its tenets or
practising its morality. They are all become Apollos, mighty in
the Scriptures, nor do they require the aid of Priscilla or Aquila
to expound to them more diligently the way of the Lord.* But
if the picture of the vice and ignorance of the Irish people
which is exhibited by those Gospellers were correct, a stronger
accusation could not be preferred against the indolence of the
Establishment. Could a greater libel be pronounced on that
body, than to assert, that notwithstanding the immense revenues
which they are annually exhausting, nothing was done for the
regeneration of the people until the rise of the Bible Societies ?
Either then in their anxiety to applaud their own labours, they
must exaggerate the defects of the Irish character, or they
demonstrate that the wealth of the Established clergy has had
only the effect of enervating their zeal and plunging them into
indolence.
Without denying the necessity or undervaluing the advantages
of education, there are evils of a more pressing and physical
nature which, indeed, may be mitigated by the consoling ministry
of the Catholic priests, but which all the Bibles that have issued
from the press of their societies cannot cure — the rack-rents of
their landlords — the rigour of the agents of absentees — the
severity of ecclesiastics who, unlike the Levites of old, exact
the tenths of their substance, without any spiritual compensa-
tion ; and more than all, the cold and hunger that arise from
the want of food and raiment, are evils which I am sure would
not cease to afflict our peasantry, though they could recite the
entire of the Bible to the mysteries of the Apocalypse. The
condition of the Irish peasant is wretched beyond description.
The frequency of its exposure has had the effect of almost
stifling every thing like sympathy for his lot. Accustomed
to the uniform contemplation of his misery, many have grown
so indifferent as to despair of any relief, and a long and
familiar acquaintance with privations of every kind has ren-
dered himself almost callous to their endurance. The parliament
is told that Ireland is in a peaceable state : let them not, how-
ever, mistake the peace of Ireland for the repose of happiness
and order. It is not that state of tranquillity enjoyed under the
reign of Solomon, and described by the inspired writer under
the smiling image of “ each one dwelling without fear under his
vine, and under his fig tree.”|
Hierophilos.
* Acts of the Apostles, xviii.
t III. Kings, iv.
148
LETTER XXXI.
LETTER XXXI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, May, 1823.
Non tumultus non quies, quale magni metus et magnce irce silentium est.
Tacitus.
Sir — The intervals of peace which Ireland enjoys are the
troubled and boding silence of Tacitus, which succeeds the vio-
lence of discontent after it has subsided into the sullenness of
despair. The Irish peasant is not in a condition in which human
beings can be contented. His squalid looks, but dimly lighted by
a natural gaiety, which no suffering can utterly extinguish, and a
frame sinking under the weight of his afflictions, reveal the ruin
of a strong and vigorous constitution, shattered by violence
before the slow decay of years was suffered to come upon it. It
is no wonder, since he enjoys no respite from toil, which is the
common inheritance of all. Others may repair the exhaustion
of their labour, but to him the time of rest is only a transition
to misery, since he is often doomed to waste his remaining
strength by receiving the seeds of debility and disease during the
fatal moments of repose.*
While our peasantry are thus abandoned to a complication of
misfortunes, aggravated still more by the bitterness of insult,
some of our Irish members labour to mislead the parliament on
the real state of the people, and others, in the fulness of their
benevolence, labour to protect animals from cruelty. This is
surely a praise-worthy disposition ; but while animals are thus
made the objects of legislative enactments, the sufferings of
rational creatures ought not to be neglected. Benevolence is a
virtue, but that of the member for Galway is of the heroic caste,
since it far exceeds the standard fixed by the ancient poet —
Homo sum, et humanum nihil a me alienum puto,
and, after providing for human misery in every form, takes in
the whole range of animal creation. Others attend most punc-
tually the Bible Societies of London, as if to expiate the evils
to which they consign the people of Ireland by whining some
pathetic common-place over their spiritual blindness. My Lord
* See Reid’s Travels in Ireland, in the year 1822, in which the benevolent
writer records anecdotes of Irish sufferings, which, in general description, might
appear to be exaggeration.
LETTER XXXI.
149
L n has caught the evangelical epidemic, and Saul aspires to
be numbered among the prophets of Israel. Really, Sir, these
biblical exhibitions are no less than ludicrous. To give a dra-
matic effect to the representations of the authors, and to stimu-
late the drowsy attention of their hearers, some pious anecdotes
must be seasonably introduced to illustrate the miraculous efficacy
of the Bible. While they deplore the fate of those whose
understandings are corrupted by the Arabian Nights, they
exemplify the justness of their own observations, and show that
their intellects are not yet recovered from the magical influence
of early impressions. An anecdote gravely told by one of the
speakers at the last meeting of the Bristol society, of a man who
was saved from suicide by touching a Bible which happened to
be in his pocket while he sought the instrument of death, seems
to be an easy adoption of the story of Aladin, who having
plunged into a river in despair, was rescued by the contact of his
ring with a stone, which immediately evoked to his deliverance
his tutelary genius.
The evils of this country are not to be traced to biblical igno-
rance ; or, if so, whence the dark catalogue of crimes that stains
the calendar of England? It has been calculated, and the
coincidence is worthy of remark, that crime has multiplied in
that country in proportion to the diffusion of evangelical fanati-
cism. Let then those benevolent Englishmen who labour for the
conversion of our country, endeavour to eradicate the unnatural
sins condemned by the Apostle, which abound in their own.
Let them endeavour to restore unity to the shattered frame of
their national faith, and purge its worship of those fanatic forms
of error by which the great are often duped, and which would
disgrace the superstition of Hindostan.
Like ancient Rome, England glories in her piety, because she
extends to every sectary the privilege of citizenship ; and because,
with the exception of the true faith, she excludes no form of
error from her worship. In the language of Osee, “ according
to the multitude of her fruit she hath multiplied altars.” And
in the words of another prophet,* “ according to the number of
her streets she hath set up altars of confusion.” While, there-
fore, the advocates of the Bible indulge all the latitude of belief
that leads to infidelity, and under the specious garb of devotion,
solicit the peasantry to a participation of their own errors, I
have heard of some who, on perceiving the contrast between
their lives and their professions, apply to them the language of
the Apostle — “ There shall be among you lying teachers, who
shall bring in sects of perdition ; and many shall follow their
riotousness, through whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken
* Jeremias, xi.
150
LETTER XXXI.
of. And through covetousness shall they , with feigned words ,
make merchandize of you, alluring unstable souls, having their
hearts exercised with covetousness, children of malediction ; leav-
ing the right way, they have gone astray, having followed the
way of Balaam of Bosor, who loved the wages of iniquity.
For, speaking proud words of vanity, they allure those who
for a little while escape ; such as converse in error, promising
them liberty, while they themselves are the slaves of cor-
ruption.”* The justness of the application of this passage to
the Bible Societies, I shall leave the reader to determine. But
it shows, at least, that the very book which is proffered for the
instruction of the people may be easily converted by them into
an instrument to use against those Societies, in exposing the
hypocrisy of their pretensions.
While the British Bible Societies boast of their success in
enlightening the darkness of Pagan nations, it is surprising how
fruitless their efforts have proved in their own. Let it not be
disguised — their object is proselytism ; and though they do not
succeed to the extent of their hopes, it is not owing to the want
of zeal and perseverance. The most sinister artifices are resorted
to, to accomplish this unworthy purpose. In the neighbourhood
of Raphoe, it happened that a number of Catholic children who
attended a Bible school were all seduced to church on a certain
day, in defiance of solemn engagements, and when an explana-
tion was demanded, the reply was, that this scene was merely
intended for edification ! ! Should the Catholic children be
therefore persuaded to renounce the religion of their fathers, by
frequenting the conventicles of the sectaries, no harm is intended,
since it is all intended for edification. This one instance I have
cited from among others of a similar nature, rather to illustrate
a general principle, than as a solitary fact from which to deduce
a general inference. Yet, notwithstanding their efforts, they
have made but few converts in this country. They are, there-
fore, obliged to appeal to distant regions for evidence of their
success. At one meeting of the Bible Societies we have an
account of the progress of the missionaries in the interior of
Africa, as far as the mountains of Mauritania. At another, we
are gratified with the wondrous relations of their labours in
Iceland, and assured that the pious evangelists, with a zeal un-
chilled by the northern climate, will succeed in penetrating
towards the pole. A third announces the joyous tidings that
some flourishing kingdom beyond the Ganges has borne fresh
attestations to the Gospel, and swelled the triumphs of the
Societies. Thus they prudently fix the scene of their operations
in distant countries, where they may boast of imaginary con-
* II. Peter, ii.
LETTER XXXII.
151
quests, and still escape detection, like the famous Benjamin of
Tudela, who places in an Eastern country, far beyond the
reach of historical knowledge, a flourishing colony of Jews,
where the descendants of Judah still sway the sceptre over their
obedient brethren, awaiting with patient hope the coming of the
Messiah.
IIierophilos.
LETTER XXXII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING.
Maynooth College, May, 1823.
Sir — Having thus taken a patient review of the state of Ireland,
and the condition of its inhabitants, I cannot dissemble my con-
viction that the great source of its misfortunes, is the malignant
character of its laws. In the discussion of this comprehensive
subject, I have not forgotten those minor topics of partial
grievance which have engaged so much of the attention of writers
on the affairs of Ireland. The ignorance of the people, though
much exaggerated, is unquestionably the effect of her bad laws.*
Their poverty may be traced to the same source.
From the spirit of foreign commercial monopoly, and the
corporate regulations that shut out Catholics from a fair
competition in trade, and the learned professions, it is clear that
they cannot obtain the rewards of their talents or their industry,
and that therefore, the great mass of the people is doomed by
the spirit of bad laws, to unavoidable degradation. Nay, of the
offices that are accessible to Catholics, how few are obtained by
individuals of that body, though they might compete with their
calumniators in the moral or intellectual qualities that fit men
for the discharge of exalted duties ? To remove the invidious
imputation of partiality in the distribution of those offices, much
stress has been laid, in parliament, on the qualifications necessary
for filling them. From such an observation, it would appear
that it required great talent, and a long course of intellectual
discipline to fit those functionaries for their elevated station. If
so, what can convey a keener insult to the feelings of Catholics
than to declare that certain offices are open to their exertions,
* See Brown’s Historical Account of the Laws against the Catholics, chap, vi,
page 225, who quotes the Act 9, William III, chap. i.
152
LETTER XXXII.
yet, at the same time, to close the Universities against them, and
deny them an opportunity of developing their talents to such a
degree as would enable them to obtain such situations. You tell
them such a dignity is within their reach, yet you deprive them
of the means to obtain it. It is embittering exclusion with con-
tumely, and mocking them with hopes which cannot be realized.
But, Sir, even this apology cannot be adduced to justify the
exclusion of the Catholics. To become a Commissioner of Excise,
or Stamp Duties, a Clerk of the Crown, or a Clerk of the Peace,
or a Magistrate, under the recent Acts of Parliament, does not
require any extraordinary reach of understanding beyond what
generally falls to the lot of mortals. The process of preparation
may require some patient attention to the routine details of office,
in which no duty occurs which the most ordinary and mechanical
mind could not perform. As for the long list of other situations
which are chiefly monopolized by Prostestants, though open
to Catholics, the qualifications for filling them are not difficult.
A contempt for the mass of the people united to an earnest wish
for perpetuating their servitude ; an ardent devotion to the
Constitution, while it protects their own monopoly ; a sincere
hatred for one religion, and a hypocritical zeal for another, of
both of which they are equally ignorant ; a hollow reverence
for the Bible, which they pretend to read, while they leave the
burden of its precepts to others ; a bodily vigour that can sustain
the fatiguing duties of celebrating frequent and protracted feasts
in honor of the ascendancy, and occasionally supply the slow and
lenient vengeance of the law, by summary inflictions. — Such are
the high endowments often found in the candidates for offices
from which Catholics are excluded ; and if such continue to be
the qualifications for preferment, there is no honest or indepen-
dent man that would not say with the Roman poet —
Horum
Semper ego optarem pauperrimus esse bonorum.*
Whatever crimes then proceed from the ignorance and poverty
of the people, may be traced to the bad laws which produced
them. The double burden imposed by the support of two bodies
of ecclesiastics, the one active and efficient, and the other aban-
doning their flocks to Biblical fanatics, had its origin in the same
laws. For in fine, there are few of the evils of Ireland, indepen-
dent of those which are common to every country, that have not
been generated by the same cause, and that do not partake of its
malignant qualities. Against the removal of such an abundant
source of misery, only one objection is eternally started — the
danger of the constitution. That this danger is now imaginary, or
* From such benefits I should deem myself happy to be excluded.
LETTER XXXII.
153
rather affected, I have fully proved, by showing that the causes
which first suggested the ideas of danger, have long since disap-
peared. When the exclusion of a portion of the people from a share
in the civil rights of the State is not necessary for the safety of the
whole, such exclusion I have shown to be contrary to the laws of
justice, and the authority of the civilians whom England reveres;
and finally, by a reference to the unsteady opinions of the first
champions of the Establishment, it appears that a stronger faith
in the fundamental doctrines of Christianity is necessary for tho
sickly morality of the English nation ; and that a large infusion
of the sound principles of Catholics, instead of endangering its
existence, would finally prove the salvation of the constitution.
Against arguments so cogent, what one solid reason can be
assigned for protracting the concession of the Catholic claims ?
The imputed intemperance of our orators, or the occasional
discontents of our peasantry. Such motives might consistently
enough operate upon the feelings of little individuals, who,
invested with the brief and transient authority of a day, consult
their revenge rather than their wisdom. But I cannot believe
that such narrow considerations could sway the councils of the
greatest empire upon earth. It would be a libel on the majesty
of the British Senate to insinuate that it could be moved from
the straight course of justice by which it should be guided, in
obedience to those prejudices which it is destined to controul.
It is in vain, then, to use the discontent of individuals who must
cease to be men, in order to cease to be discontented. It cannot
excite surprise, that the Catholics, conscious of the justice of their
cause, should give vent to their disappointment in strong and
vigorous language. It is in vain, therefore, we will be told,
that the indiscretion of the Catholics has retarded the progress
of their cause, since it would be to say, that the angry passions
which should float benenth it, have reached the elevation of
British justice, and turned it out of its orbit. It is therefore
to no purpose to tell the Catholics that Mr. O’Connell and his
fellow-agitators are violent. Yes, Mr. O’Connell is violent, and
those who quarrel with his violence, quarrel with the laws of na-
ture. Retaining in its course, the vigour which it gathered in its
descent from its own native mountains, the flood of his eloquence
rolls in a strong and impetuous current, becoming louder among
the rocks and rifts that oppose it in its progress, until at length it
disengages itself, and then rushes through every obstacle with
accumulated force : but if you wish to lessen its roar, or abate its
violence, remove the rocks, clear away the obstructions, and then
it will expand into a smoother and more majestic volume ; nor
shall it ever subside into the dull repose of many a brawling
stream that sparkled through opposition, until, like Pactolus, it
poured its placid wave over the golden sands of the treasury.
154
LETTER XXXII.
As we do not therefore rest the merits of our claims on partial
considerations, we trust that no feelings of a partial or individual
nature will operate against the concession of that justice which
we demand as British subjects. That justice is on our side, I
have demonstrated ; and no winding policy should be suffered to
divert it from its majestic course.
To illustrate more clearly the justice of our cause, let us reverse
for a moment, the relative condition of Catholics and Protestants ;
and suppose that the interests of six millions of Protestants were
sacrificed to the pride and intolerance of half a million of
Catholics : would not the empire ring with the loud and reiterated
complaints of injustice ? But no ; the Protestants, instead of
bending to unavailing complaint, would assert with their swords
the common inheritance of freedom.
Those who are conscious that their principles are the best stay
of Government, are excluded from its benefits ; while those whose
allegiance is only precarious and conditional, are loaded with its
choicest favours. The obedience which Catholics render to the
Government, has its high origin in heaven. But reflect, Sir,
that they whose principle of obedience is so sublime, expect to
see the Government reflecting in the equal distribution of its laws,
the wisdom and benevolence of the Divinity, from whom their
obedience is derived. There are reciprocal relations that bind
Sovereigns and subjects to each other, and which are still
subordinate to those which bind both to the Almighty ; who, if
he commands obedience on the one hand, commands justice, and
wisdom, and benevolence on the other. Such, Sir, is the powerful
influence of Christianity, which, by teaching Princes their
obligations to the people, has given stability to their thrones, and
so mitigated the monarchies of Europe, as to form a striking
contrast with Asiatic despotism. Such is the doctrine which the
Ministers of the Gospel conveyed to the ears of Kings, in every
period of the Church. Such was the doctrine by which the
Bishop of Milan humbled the greatest Prince that ever swayed
the sceptre of the Boman Empire, into a public penitent, in the
porch of the temple; and such were the lessons of clemency
which Bossuet addressed to Louis XIV, admidst the very career
of his conquests. In a government deemed arbitrary, Massilon
spoke to the court in language which might be deemed sufficiently
bold for the meridian of England. “ C’est pour les peuples tout
seuls que le trone lui meme est eleve. En un mot , les princes ne
sont pour ainsi dire que les hommes du peuple As we have
not the powerful interposition of such holy and eloquent men to
protect us, hence the necessity of the shield of the laws. The
Protestants of this country are protected by equal laws ; the
Petit Careme.
LETTER XXXII.
155
Catholics of France were secure in the interposition of the Church.
Alas ! we are deprived of the benefit of the one, without ever
experiencing any thing but severity, from the other. Yes,
Sir, the observation of a celebrated historian, that “ seldom were
the banners of the Church, displayed for the rights of the people,”
may be justly applied to that of England ; whereas, if extended
to the Catholic Church, it is amply refuted by the examples I
have quoted. Whenever our complaints are conveyed to the
legislature, we are repulsed in no quarter with so little mercy as
from the Episcopal benches ; and with one solitary exception, the
venerable and illustrious Bishop of Norwich, those who ought to
breathe the mild spirit of the Gospel, have been the most in-
exorable advocates of rigour and exclusion. As we cannot there-
fore turn to the Church, we again implore the protection of equal
laws. And in the name of that God, whose image a wise
government ought to be, we solicit the restoration of our rights
in return for the strong, and steady, and uncompromising alle-
giance, which the terrors of persecution could not shake.
In concluding this letter, apology is unnecessary, since I have
been only discharging a duty which I owed to my religion
and to my country. It is not merely in compliment to your
talents as a senator that I have taken the liberty of addressing
it to you; since I considered you in the higher relation of a
member of the Government, and feeling, of course, a conscientious
responsibility for your advice in directing its councils. In con-
formity with the view which I have stated in the commencement
of my letter, I have chiefly insisted on the necessity of Catholic
Emancipation, considering every other question only in a subor-
dinate reference to this national measure. The legislature may,
of course, devise some partial relief for the grievances of Ireland ;
but without that which has been insisted on, it will be only
perpetuating its own labours, which will be accumulating with the
progress of time. Without this great measure of Catholic
Emancipation then, you will toil in vain ; since, without the total
repeal of the Penal Laws, the vigorous root of the malignant
Upas will still remain, ready to shoot forth with fresh activity
into ranker luxuriance, darkening the land by its shadow, and
wasting, by its deadly influence, the moral energies of the
people.
Hierophilos.
156
LETTER XXXIII.
LETTER XXXIII.
FROM THE CATHOLIC BISHOP OF MARONIA,
TO
THE PROTESTANT ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM.
Ballina, October, 1826.
You, Lord Archbishop,
Whose see is by a civil peace maintained ;
Whose beard, the silver hand of Peace hath touch’d ;
Whose white investments figure Innocence,
The Dove, and very blessed Spirit of Peace :
Wherefore do you so ill translate yourself
Out of the speech of Peace, that bears such grace,
Into the harsh and boisterous tongue of War?
But, my Lord, the profane charms of poetry may but ill suit
that severe and puritannical taste, which, I am told, is mixed up
with your Grace’s character. You are fonder, no doubt, of the
perusal of the Scriptures : if so, the counsel of Saint Paul may
not have escaped you — “ That those who rule well should be
esteemed worthy of double honour.” Some time has now
elapsed since your Grace’s charge at Tuam first attracted the
attention of the present writer, under another signature ; and
the honour which has been reserved for me, of addressing you
once more on a similar Charge in Killala, will, doubtless, be
interpreted by you (conscious of your own deserts), as that
double homage, which the excellence of your episcopal govern-
ment has extorted.
An invidious rumour has gone abroad, that you and your
colleagues feel a secret dislike to the titles of Protestant bishops.
It must be a calumny, circulated for the purpose of giving the
laity also a disrelish for the epithet. What! — a prelate to be
ashamed of the distinctive mark of that Church to which he
belongs. No bishop of the Catholic Church is angry that
“ Catholic” should be appended to his episcopal title ; nor shall I
easily believe that a Protestant bishop is altogether so simple in
his taste, as to wish to be stripped of the peculiar badge which
characterizes his own creed. Was it ever known that any chief
was ashamed to wear the colours of his followers ? It was the
boast of those who, by a figure of rhetoric known to your
Grace, are called “ Reformers,” to disclaim any connexion with
the Catholic Church, and to protest against its errors. A feeling
of gratitude towards our benefactors has been always a mark of a
generous mind. You are not, I am sure, destitute of that virtue;
LETTER XXXIII.
157
and it is to give you an opportunity of exercising it, that I have
subjoined the epithet “ Protestant” to your title, in order to keep
alive, by a perpetual memento, your obligation to the founders of
the Protestant Church, who gave you an opportunity of being
seated on an episcopal throne, which, without a schismatical diver-
gency from the old Catholic line, you never would have ascended.
Do you imagine that the priests who ministered at the altar of
Bethel blushed at the recollection of the schism of Jeroboam?
I think they rather referred to it with secret satisfaction ; and,
like those who now adore a mysterious Providence, for having
turned a monarch’s lust into an instrument of reformation, the
pious priests of Bethel, “ who were not of the sons of Levi,”
blessed, no doubt, the licentiousness of the latter days of Solo-
mon, which had been the occasion of transferring to themselves
the treasures of the priesthood.
However, on maturer reflection, I am not surprised that the
epithet “ Protestant” gives you pain. It is not only divested of
the venerable associations of antiquity, but forces, by way of
contrast, the disagreeable idea of a Catholic bishop. This, my
Lord, in the next analysis of your feelings, you will discover to
be the secret cause of your uneasiness. Yes; had there been no
Catholic bishop, the name of Protestant bishop would not be
unmusical to your ears : since, then, the public attention might
not be pointed to the origin of your pretensions, you might hope,
in the process of time, to merge the Protestant in the name of a
Catholic bishop, and thus give an hereditary colour to your
claims — like the emperors who, no matter how they gained the
purple, adopted the name of Caesar, to throw an air of legiti-
macy over the deficiency of their original title.
I am not, therefore, surprised, that the name of Protestant
bishop is so annoying. It does not require a deep insight into
human nature, to account for the uneasy feeling. Had the epis-
copacy been an inheritance which could be lawfully partitioned
among rival claimants, then, however reluctantly, you might be
reconciled to have an associate of your throne. But, with all the
dislike which I can well conceive must be felt for theology by a
Protestant bishop, you must still be sufficiently versed in that
tasteless science to know that the episcopacy of the Church of
Christ, like its faith, its baptism, and its founder, is one and
undivided. So thought St. Cyprian — so thought St. Augustine,
who identified the unity of the church with the unity of the
episcopacy. But those venerable names are, probably, beyond
the reach of your theological labours. In the epochs of Pro-
testant chronology, the age of those Fathers is sufficiently remote
to be ranked among the fabulous times. The bright vista of the
genuine history of the church closes with that splendid pillar,
Matthew Parker. Beyond that boundary of orthodox as well as
158
LETTER XXXIII.
of historic light, all is idolatry and darkness, and its annals fit
only to be explored by the obscure diligence of credulous anti-
quarians. In speaking thus of your want of acquaintance with
the early church, I am far from meaning disrespect. It rather
makes us revere the loftier sources of your intelligence. The
young aspirant after the honours of the church beholds how
seldom they are reached through the rugged path of science.
He finds that a lever, wielded by some friendly and more powerful
hand, is the instrument by which some heavy bodies are lifted to
an elevation, to which their own vis inertias could never enable
them to toil. Human knowledge then becomes unnecessary. For
well may they dispense with the aid of learning, who, we must
believe, are “ taught by the Lord,” since they can gravely assure
us that they are admitted into a familiar converse with heaven.
Without fatiguing you, then, by any laborious references to
the primitive Fathers, I shall appeal only to the inspiration of
your own heart, and inquire whether its jealousy of every thing
Catholic does not attest the unity of the priesthood. The very
idea of a Catholic church in your neighbourhood frightens you —
the name of a Catholic bishop also appals you — and from every
ruin of the Catholic temples that are profusely strewn over our
country, the shade of the ancient religion rises before your
imagination, to reproach you with the novelty of your own. I am
not surprised at the fury with which those venerable temples were
defaced — nay, demolished, by the first founders of your church ;
I am rather surprised that they did not labour more to obliterate
every vestige of them from the land. It would have been in
accordance with the conduct of every apostate. “And Jeroboam
said in his heart, now shall the kingdom return to the house of
David, if this people go up to offer sacrifices in the house of the
Lord at Jerusalem.”* And, therefore, he built altars in Bethel
and in Dan, which were just as necessary as some modern temples
perched on the “ high place,” to attract the attention of tra-
vellers. Yes ; the temple of Jerusalem was the most obnoxious
object to the deserters of the ancient creed. Nay, their hate
extended to the God who was worshipped there ; and in the dark
picture which the author of “ Athahe” sketches of the soul of
Mathan, the apostate priest of Baal, every other apostate of
future ages shall discover a true image of the workings of his own.
Ce temple l’importune, et son impiete
Vaudroit aneantir le Dieu qu’il a quitte.f
The vehemence with which you poured forth your zeal against
the Catholic Church has not surprised me. It was ’only the
* III. Kings, xii, 26, 27.
f Racine has so powerfully portrayed this apostate, that the entire passage from
which those lines are taken may well be recommended to the perusal of the reader.
LETTER XXXIII.
159
natural force of a current long checked by artificial obstructions,
and struggling for its freedom. The attention that was already
directed to your Charge in Tuam, made you cautious in that
quarter, lest some secret enemy should lurk in the church, and
reveal to the world the overflowings of that charity for Catholics
which you were anxious should not transpire beyond your own
flock. Had you gone to the southward, you justly feared that
the imperturbable Peter Daly would roll back the flood of your
holy indignation on yourself. It must still find vent, and, doubt-
less, you exulted in the prospect of discharging it with impunity
on the devoted heads of the Catholics of Killala. It was a
delicious anticipation ; and how you must have chid the tardy
hours until they brought back the triennial visitation, which was
to disburden you of the collected weight of all your pastoral
solicitudes. Impatient of delay, you hasten to the scene so
anxiously wished for, and strive, by your ardent example, to
rouse the harmless zeal of the good natured Dr. Verschoyle,
who, careless of controvery and fanaticism, seems to acquiesce in
the literal sense of the beatitudes — though he may reject it on
the eucharist — content if his meekness is rewarded with “ the
possession of the land.” I shall not detain you by the dull repe-
tition of your invectives against the errors, and superstitions,
and damnable doctrines of the Catholic Church. Damnable
doctrines of the Catholic Church ! ! Did your Grace con-
descend to inform your auditory of the period at which they
arose, or of the council by which they were condemned ; or did
you supply any clue of chronological data to disengage them
from the labyrinth in which your recondite labours must have
involved them. There is, my Lord, wonderful force of per-
suasion in the wealth of the Establishment ; and the darkest
mind of the most ignorant of your auditors finds his conviction
greatly enlightened by the splendours of its honours. We must
allow their due efficacy to these causes in producing external
decorum : still I imagine that the painter of physiognomy could
not wish for a richer scene for the exercise of his art, than to
contemplate the struggles between the seriousness and sup-
pressed laughter that take place on such occasions; nor can I
help recalling the observation of Cicero, who wondered how the
Tuscan Haruspices could meet together, and preserve the arti-
ficial solemnity of their demeanor.
The damnable doctrines of the Catholic Church ! ! Yes, there
are some of its doctrines which, in the eyes of a certain class of
people, must ever wear those odious features. It teaches the
necessity of penance for past sins ; and, doubtless, of all its
damnable doctrines this is the most appalling. I know it thus
encroaches on the dominion of the subject, since it may consign
to rigorous austerities those who are assured that their sins arc
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LETTER XXXIII.
already covered with the white robe of justification. The doc-
trine of penance has worse effects, since it not only makes war
on the flesh, but presumptuously interferes with the vocation of
heaven, by shutting out from the sanctuary persons to whom the
spirit bears testimony that they are not only justified, but placed
on the very pinnacle of sanctity. It is true that illustrious sin-
ners have become illustrious saints. The grace of justification is
often sudden and overpowering. But, aware that the sorrow, of
which there is no external sign, may be reasonably distrusted, the
Catholic Church requires a long discipline of virtue in her candi-
dates ; lest the ungodly might whisper their profane suspicions in
the sincerity of a conversion and a zeal, which happen exactly
to coincide with the attainment of ecclesiastical honours.
But, rather than involve them in the maze of Catholic
heresies, why not, like the venerable founder of the Asmonean
dynasty,* encourage your children to a zeal for the law, by
pointing out to them the bright models of their fathers. You
are aware that the example of the great founders of empire or
of religion is one of the most powerful incentives to virtue and
renown. Let me, then, conjure you never to forget, in your
future charges, the glorious models of your predecessors. They
are too rich a theme for panegyric ever to be exhausted ; nor
could the dullest common-place of an episcopal charge ever strip
them of that veneration which their virtues have thrown around
them. Tell them, then, of the sanctity of the life and doctrine
of Luther, who, like his Delphic predecessor, inspired by the
gold or wine of Philip (how curious the coincidence of names —
the one of Hesse, the other of Macedon), proclaimed from his
spiritual tripod that the primeval innocence of the plurality of
wives was again restored ! ! And lest he might be considered, like
the Pharisees, to impose burdens upon others, which he would
not lighten by his little finger, he complied as edifyingly as
Mahomet himself with the law of lust which he promulgated, by
releasing himself and his consort from the superstitious vows of
the cloister. Paint to them next the disastrous visage of
Calvin — the faithful image of the mind which could extract out
of the volume of love and mercy, nought but the dogmas of
reprobation and despair — and close his portrait by a touching
allusion to the tragic story of Servetus, reserving the climax of
your praise for that act in which you will represent him as a
hero sacrificing his private affections to the stern source of public
duty, and, like Agamemnon, striving to render the Divinity pro-
pitious by the blood of a human victim.
Oh ! and forget not Zuinglius, the last, but not the least
renowned, of the triumvirate. Talk to them of his frequent
I. Machabees, chapter ii.
LETTER XXXIII.
161
illapses of the spirit, and define, what mocked his own penetra-
tion to define, the ambiguous physiognomy of the nocturnal visitor
with which he was periodically favoured. Lead them back —
for, probably, they do not know it — to the spiritual origin of
their present curious notions about the eucharist ; and, since you
may not like the Roman Martyrology, give them a glimpse of
the select and goodly company of the blessed which, with a more
poetical licence than Dante himself, ho assorts together in his
paradise of the Reformation : — “ And there you will see (writing
to Francis I. on the joys of heaven) the two Adams, the
redeemed and the redeemer; and Abel, and Enoch, and Noah,
and Abraham, and Moses, and Joshua, and Gideon, and David,
and St. Peter, and St. Paul, and Hercules, and Theseus, and
Antigonus, and Numa, and the Catos, and the Scipios.” I am
only surprised that he did not put Henry VIII. of England
among the number ; and if, like Nero, in the “ Pharsalia” of
Lucan, there was any danger of his pulling down, * by his
weight, the side of the heavens in which he was placed, he
might, if it were not an anachronism, place Elizabeth, his truly
congenial daughter, on the opposite side, and thus preserve the
balance of the sphere.
From the precious specimen of the revelations of the profligate
preacher of Zurich, the reader may form a pretty correct judg-
ment of the nature of the mysterious apparition from which he
drew them, and guess whether it was the divine spirit of Patmos,
or the muse of Southey’s “ Vision of Judgment,” that opened the
heavens to his view. But the subject is too sacred for irony or
ridicule. What ! class the patriarchs of the Old and the apostles
of the New Testament with Cato the Censor, who gravely invited
his fellow-citizens to share his marriage bed — with Theseus, the
public robber — with Numa, the founder of idolatry — and (my
hand trembles in transcribing the audacious blasphemy) to huddle
the Redeemer of the world in the promiscuous apotheosis of
the impure and drunken divinities of Olympus ! !
Such are the models which you must next propose to the
imitation of your clergy. In the delineation of their characters,
fling aside all the drapery with which their admirers for three
centuries have decorated them. It is only by stripping them of
those tawdry ornaments, and exhibiting them to the world as
they originally stood, that they can make a due impression. As
for the smaller groups of Reformers, who were incapable of dis-
playing the energy of the originals, it would be uninteresting to
enumerate them all. I will not require of you to draw out into
bold relief the character of Cranmer, or his associates, since
they seem to shrink from the gaze of criticism. No ; like the
* -ZEtheris immensi partem si presseris unam sentiet axis onus.
Lucani Pharsalia,
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LETTER XXXIII.
painter who showed his consummate art by casting a veil over
one of his figures, because he despaired of painting the variety
of shades that floated across its features, you, too, would rather
throw a veil over Cranmer’s character, than attempt to sketch
the confused succession of his religious and political creeds,
which, after all, are indescribable. I will not require of you to
dwell on the national disasters which accompanied the establish-
ment of your little ecclesiastical colony in this country, lest, like
the Trojan chief, you should be melted into all the tenderness of
tears at their recital. These are topics sacred to silence and
oblivion. The darkness of night should cover them ; nor qught
you again to expose them to public view, lest the occupants of
benefices, on contrasting their possessions with the violence from
which they sprung, should experience something of the feeling
of Faulkenbridge, who, while he gloried in the strength which
he derived from Richard Coeur de Lion, was abashed by a
parent’s shame, with which the inheritance was associated.
Should you feel somewhat mortified by this letter, you will
find its vindication in your Grace’s wanton and intemperate
aggression. It is really lamentable, that those who ought to
labour together for the public good, should waste their mutual
strength in theological contention. To what a miserable con-
dition is our country doomed, when they who would entirely
devote themselves to promote its peace, and propagate good will
among mankind, must be forced to repel attacks upon its reli-
gion, made by individuals who ought to feel a peculiar tender-
ness in provoking an attack upon their own ? If the country is
torn by religious discord, put your hand to your breast, and
declare to whose account should its wounds be laid. Who are
the people that are keeping a body of strolling auxiliaries in
pay, to prop the declining cause of the Establishment, by pour-
ing their vapid abuse on the Catholic Church ? Take care, my
Lord, lest these venal auxiliaries should not, like the barbarians
employed in the Roman service, turn, at length, upon their
masters, and seize the possessions of the Church which they are
hired to defend. The necessity of employing them — I am not
inclined to superstition — is really ominous. Dismiss them,
therefore, from your service in time ; calculate no longer on
assailing the Catholic Church with impunity. Should you push
too far the insolence of a temporary triumph, a Scipio may be
found to thunder at your gates. The tide that ran for three
centuries with Protestant prejudice has nearly spent its force,
and the troubled surface of society must become more calm and
level. The calumnies of Protestant polemics shall, like those of
the Arians of old, be only remembered to awaken pity for the
misfortunes of the age that indulged them ; and it is well if the
religious prejudices, with which they are loaded, do not sink,
LETTER XXXIV.
163
with the tracts of the ecclesiastical Dunciads, some historical
works, the buoyancy of whose fine spirit would have borne them
to the most distant posterity. From the effects of your intem-
perance, your colleagues will, I trust, learn a wise forbearance ;
and should your Grace ever repeat your triennial visitation, and
be disposed to indulge in a feast of triumph against a religion, to
the service of which the church in which you spoke was once
consecrated, doubtless the present sketch, which you will not
easily forget, will make you apprehend lest some . my sterious
hand should draw more fully the character and destiny of your
Church on the walls of the Cathedral of Killala.*
* John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XXXIV.
ON THE NEW REFORMATION IN CAVAN.
Ballina, January, 1827 .
In one of the last numbers of the Evening Post, I observed
a series of resolutions relative to the apostacies at Cavan, and
bearing strong reference to the late document which was laid
before the public, by some of the Catholic bishops. That the
agents of proselytism should not derive much satisfaction from
the publication of the frauds that were resorted to in the un-
hallowed work, is quite natural ; and I am therefore, willing to
make allowance for the warmth of their feelings, when the light
of public exposure broke in on mortified vanity and hypocritical
pretensions to religion. I did, however, imagine, that prudence
would have prompted the suppression of those feelings — and that
the ministers of fanaticism would have availed themselves of the
opportunity afforded, by passing events, of withdrawing, if not
with dignity, at least with some colourable pretext, from public
observation. Yes, I did hope, that the carts which were exhibited
in Cavan, and which happened if we are to credit ancient writers,
* Not many years elapsed when this prophetic warning of the hand-writing
on the wall was fulfilled, and with nine other Protestant sees, its candlestick was
taken from the cathedral of Killala.
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LETTER XXXIV.
to be the first clumsy platforms of the histrionic art, would have
disappeared, when a more magnificent theatre, exhibiting the
sorrows of royalty, rose to the public view — and that the indivi-
duals who 44 fretted their little hour” on this rustic stage, would
have respectfully retired before the tragic train of war, and the
mourning of courts, and the death of princes, these mighty
events that cast their shadows over a vast extent of society, and
still for a season, the petty contentions of mankind.
The resolutions alluded to, consist of vague assertions, without
containing a single fact, that would impeach the credit of the
statements to which the bishops gave the attestation of their
names. But lest the unwary might be led into such a belief by
the very circumstance of their being ostentatiously put forth,
though the credit which the public attaches to our character may
not require a contradiction, still it may be useful to declare once
more that the statement of the bishops is beyond the reach of
refutation. The part which calls forth the most indignant zeal
of those gentlemen is that in which, it seems, they are represented
as 44 disgusted at those fanatical exhibitions by which good-will
is impaired, and the peace of society endangered.” Now, in the
name of the other prelates, I beg leave to assure them that the
statement did not involve the gentlemen who adopted the resolu-
tion in the guilt or imputation of such a crime. It charged the
44 liberal and enlightened Protestants alone with the crime of
feeling disgust” at the diminution of charity, and the danger to
the public peace, of which the exhibitions were productive.
Whether these are consequences with which such scenes are
fraught, subsequent events have fully revealed, since it appears
from the public journals that the peace has been frequently
broken between the neophytes of the Protestant creed, and
followers of the ancient religion. Assuredly, we never charged
the framers of the resolutions with feeling disgust at such trans-
actions. If such be the happy temperament of their souls as to
harmonize with such scenes of strife and discord, they may
enjoy the luxury of their feelings without being taxed by the
Catholic bishops with the heinous offence of deploring the ex-
istence of charity and good-will among mankind.
Our expression confined this disgust to every 44 liberal and
enlightened Protestant.” How far precisely this qualification
may extend in Cavan, we are not aware; it appears that its
application is extremely limited. But sure we are, and it is an
assertion in which the public will acquiesce, that every enlightened
and liberal Protestant must feel disgust or indignation at the
scenes of fraud and violence that have been acted in that country,
where, according to depositions laid before us, some of which
were offered to the magistrates to be confirmed on oath, indivi-
duals were tempted to apostacy by bribery and corruption —
LETTER XXXIV.
165
where the highways were covered with carts, conveying to the
strong citadel of the Reformation, a precious cargo of vagrants,
who were allured by the Jewish rewards of the new religion, and
who were principally recommended to its favours from their
habitual disregard of their own — where one man was threatened
with death for attempting to rescue a sister of fourteen years
from the hands of her persecutors, and another was obliged,
like Judith, to steal by night into the camp of her enemies, and
to use a similar artifice, without, however, the shedding of blood,
to save her sister from the danger to which she was exposed —
where a disciple of the new school, instructed by the practice, if
not the precepts, of Cranmer, strives to appease the scruples of
the converts, by telling them to abjure, with their hearts, the
apostacy which their bps had spoken — where, in spite of all those
lenitives, a sense of remorse forced some of the communicants,
it is hard to find a fit expression, to treat with manifest indignity
the sacrament which their conscience loathed — where others,
instead of deriving from the spiritual food the strength of Elias,
found that it had the effect of producing debility, from the terrors
which a consciousness of hypocrisy had inspired, and where they
are dragged in this state to hear fresh invectives against their
religion, while they cry in vain for the consolation of its ministers;
where — (I shall be pardoned for reflections suggested solely by
the evidence before me) — the texts of the Royal Prophet, on
justification, are blasphemously applied by profligates, while they
cover with a robe or dress the victims of their licentiousness, and
heal with the grace of reformation the wounds they have inflicted —
where, in fine, fanatical females apply the parable of the marriage
feast, to justify the force that is resorted to in carrying vagrants
from the high ways ; and where — if they are told that they may
abuse the liberty of “ prophecying,” and reminded that “ women
are to keep silence in the Churches,” they instantly fall into
paroxysms, like those to which Mahomet was subject, and like
the same impostor, who, artfully turning a natural disease into
an instrument of proselytism, brought a fresh revelation out of
every trance, awake with the infallible assurance that the
apostle, who knew well “ that some preach Christ out of envy
and contention, and not sincerely,” had interdicted females the
functions of the ministry, because he was jealous of the superior
eloquence of the sex ! !
There is not a member of the preceding paragraph that has
not reference to some particular evidence. Nay, some of the
individuals whose testimonies it embodies, were prepared to repeat
their evidence on Sunday, in the public chapel, before an immense
congregation. But though they remained in town for some days
to evince their sincerity, and came to the chapel for the purpose,
we thought it more prudent not to agitate the minds of the
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LETTER XXXIV.
people by any detail of those odious particulars. And yet, the
public is informed by the framers of the Cavan resolutions, that
they do not believe that bribery or fraud were the instruments
of proselytism. Such no doubt may be their belief — but there is
a belief which obeys instead of controling the bias of our inclina-
tions. There is, if we are to believe the Scriptures, a faith which
rejects the “ knowledge of God’s ways.” The Jews who gave
bribes to the soldiers, believed no doubt, nay, published their
belief, that the apostles had imposed upon the people by the story
of the resurrection.
And though I am far from impeaching the motives, or arraign-
ing the impartiality of magistrates who were doubtless swayed
by a sense of their duty ; yet it may be imagined that in refusing
the affidavit, they might have some apprehension, lest their
pious belief in the purity of the means that were resorted to
in the propagation of the Protestant religion, might have been
shaken by the rude and stubborn evidence of those sworn depo-
sitions.
It is denied that there was any obstruction to our going to
the chapel, and yet confessed, that a Methodist preacher had
planted himself at the gates, to greet, I presume, our approach,
and not to disturb our deliberations ! It happened, however,
that the itinerant fanatic was saluted by a rustic divine, who
both engaged in a sturdy disputation. It was, I am told, a rich
scene, and those who are acquainted with the picture drawn by
Le Sage of the powerful lungs, and fierce gesticulations of the
Irish disputants of Salamanca, would absolve the ingenious writer
from any unfriendly caricature of our national character. While
the Methodist preacher was abandoned to such an adversary, the
leaders meditated a richer prey, calculating, no doubt, that they
would easily scatter the flock, could they but once achieve the
flight of the shepherds. They accordingly send a controversial
challenge to the prelates — and the disdain with which the com-
munication of the fanatics was treated, inflicted a deadly wound on
their pride. The challenge is called respectful, and surely
it is the intellect of those individuals alone, that could associate
such ideas.
Let us suppose that the Protestant Primate, accompanied by a
few other bishops, found it necessary to repair to the diocese of
Kilmore, on business connected with the faith or discipline
of the Protestant Church — that two or three of those laymen
repair to the spot “ who are the cankers of a calm world and long
peace,” and who, from their bad success in their nautical pro-
fessions, think themselves qualified to guide the vessel of the
Church on the same principle that a Scotchman, named John
M‘Cree, mentioned by Sheridan, fancied he must have had a
wonderful vocation for tragedy, since he could make no hand of
LETTER XXXIV.
167
comedy. Let us suppose that those accompanied by a few more
who might have gone through a mock form of ordination, had
challenged the prelates to a polemical debate, professing that in
tendering such a challenge, they were only anxious for the
investigation of truth. 1 know not how the prelates would have
relished such a proposal, or whether the insult of such a com-
munication would have been atoned for in their minds, by any
hollow professions of respect which might have been occasionally
spread through the letter.
There is, it may be remarked, a disparity in the cases. There
is surely some disparity, since in the one case, an appeal to
Scripture, before the tribunal of individual reason, would be
conformable to the principles by which the Protestant prelates
hold the tenure of their faith, and could not be declined without
a departure from that covenant on which the Protestant Church
was originally founded. They might rebuke, it is true, the
insolence of the froward children who would presume to arraign
the authority of their parent. They might — but the rebuke
would recal the memory of an older and more venerable, and
more authorative church, reproaching with the like schism and
disobedience, the authors of the Reformation, and it would realize
the observation of the wise man, that the disobedience of a son
to a parent, is sure to be avenged by the rebellion of more un-
natural children.
Not so the Catholic bishops. Their refusal of such a discussion
could recal no act of disobedience by which they forfeited that
authority with which the apostle commands his disciples to
preach, and which has descended to them by hereditary succes-
sion, “ knowing of whom they learn,” what “ is committed to
them,” and anxious “ to commend the same to faithful men who
shall be set to teach others.” “For, they enquire of former
generations, and search diligently into the memory of the fathers,
following the advice of the Lord to the prophet, — they stand on
the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, which is the good
way, and walk in it.” It is not to be imagined, that those who
have continued to tread each others footsteps, from the time of
the Redeemer, in the same old uniform path, would go out of
their way to meet every straggler. Is it to be imagined that his
Grace, Doctor Curtis, the Catholic Primate of all Ireland, the
venerable successor of St. Patrick, would so forget the “ dignity
of his age, and his ancient years, and the inbred honor of his
grey head,” as to fling the sacred deposit of faith, which has
been entrusted to him, into the public streets, and then scramble
for a share of it, with a parcel of individuals who are anxious for
the inheritance only, that they may scatter it to the winds of
heaven. These ideas are not offered by way of apology, for
declining such a contest — that they have been always the sen-
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timents of the present writer, will appear from a resolution
entered into long before our journey to Cavan, by the clergy of
Killala, and in which, with the rest of the meeting, he expressed
his acquiescence.
That the unauthorized teachers, who go about tendering chal-
lenges to the Catholic bishops, express another feature of the
picture which the apostle draws of the impostors of future times,
“ speaking swelling words of vanity/’ that if they are anxious to
signalize their theological prowess in an episcopal contest — there
are other prelates whose religion is more recent, and, perhaps,
more vulnerable ; but that for any of the Catholic bishops to
descend from his apostolical seat to compete with such fanatics,
would betray no less folly than for the monarch of these realms
to parley with any pretender to his throne ; and that as well
might the rights and features of England’s legitimate heir have
been formerly recognized in the wandering impostor, Perkin
Warbeck, as the character of Christ’s genuine followers be dis-
covered in those errant orators, who pretend to the exclusive
inheritance of Christ’s kingdom.
Lest, however, it should be imagined that we shrink from
that grave and deliberate discussion, which would be likely to
be productive of any advantages, should his present Majesty,
adopting the policy of Honorius, command the bishops of that
Church of which he is the head, to meet the Catholic bishops
in conference, such as was held at Carthage, in the time of St.
Augustine, between the Catholic and Donatist bishops, for the
purpose of restoring peace to the Church ; I have very little
doubt of the disposition of the Catholic prelates of the present day,
to follow the example of their predecessors on that occasion.
With no less alacrity would they unfold the arguments of their
faith, could they calculate on a reciprocal disposition to follow the
light of conviction, and with no less sincerity would they welcome
into the unity of the Church of Christ, those who were a long
time straying from its bosom. But I had almost forgotten that
the schism of the Donatists was comparatively recent ; that it was
not on that account so difficult to be healed, since time had not
yet confirmed its inveteracy ; that they were not strongly held to
their opinions by those temporal ties which it is difficult to sunder
without a wrench of the human feelings ; and that the errors of
their system had not struck such deep root as to wind themselves
round every object of ambition — nay, to be intertwined with the
very texture of the civil polity.
Doubtless, the courtly prelates of the Establishment would
scarcely venture to stake the valuable possession of their faith
on the issue of such a conference. Truth is a fine theme for
declamation ; and the reformed faith is a specious phrase to those
who are amused by unmeaning sounds. But though the beauty
LETTER XXXIV.
169
of truth may be heightened by panegyric, still I suspect that
among those who are most lavish of its praise, there is but little
of that generous stoicism which would embrace it without some
temporal dowry. It requires a steadier eye than many are
blessed with to view with equal indifference two churches — (I
confess the inaccuracy of the phrase), one of which is clouded
by poverty, and the other dazzling with the splendour of its
honours ; and it requires a steadier hand than all possess evenly
to poise the scales of controversy, while the gold of the sanctuary,
heavier than the sword of Brennus, would be found to cast the
trembling balance on one side.
What ! should the possessors of the princely revenues of the
Church established by law, meet the bishops of a religion which
the State has disowned? Were the conference to turn on their
claims or titles to such possessions, doubtless they ought to regard
it as an illegitimate intrusion on their rights, and treat it with
the same disdain with which the Catholic prelates treated the
proposed conference, regarding their spiritual privileges. The
question turns not upon titles or temporalities, but the purity of
the Christian religion of which such possessions are no criterion.
If the orthodoxy of a church were to be measured by the
gorgeous establishment of its ministers, doubtless, the Church of
England would be the purest and most orthodox portion of the
Church of Christ. But history has taught us, that heretical
conventicles sometimes found favour in the sight of kings. If,
for example, such a conference had been proposed between
St. Athanasius and the Catholic bishops on one side, and George
of Cappadocia, and the other Arian bishops on the other, whom
imperial favour seated on their thrones, the flatterers of courts,
and the friends of ascendancy would have been indignant at any
comparison between the orthodoxy of two classes, the one of
whom owed their elevation to the will of Constantine, and the
other was acknowledged bishop by the Church which the law
proscribed. Yet with a few years, George and Eusebius, and
their associates, passed away, confounded with the preceding
sectaries, while Athanasius — the superstitious, the heterodox, and
the idolatrous Athanasius (for even then, the Catholics were
accused of idolatry, for worshiping the Son of God by the profes-
sors of the pure, and scriptural, and reformed creed of Arianism),
Athanasius emerged from the cloud of all those errors, and is
revered as an orthodox bishop, even by those who charge the
Catholic bishops now with a similar idolatry.
Strange as such conduct may appear, it is not difficult to ac-
count for it. These ancient Catholics cannot now interfere with
the temporal interests of others. The grave has long since
closed upon them ; and, since their errors are become harmless,
there is no danger in the admission of their orthodoxy. Hence,
M
170
LETTER XXXIV.
their faith may be praised, nay, their sepulchres may be whited.
But as for their successors, they unfortunately inherit the same
superstition and idolatry which made the others obnoxious during
life, and must therefore pay the forfeit of their errors. They are
idolatrous in the respect with which they worship the Consti-
tution ; they are impious in endeavouring to share in the infinite
value of Christ’s atonement, by virtue and good works ; they are
infidels, because they deny the infallibility of contradictory creeds,
and those who kindly undertake the purgation of their faith by
the ordeal of temporal penalties, fancy they may atone for any
severity towards the children, by praising the religion, and build-
ing the monuments of their ancestors.
Before I conclude this letter, I must do the agents of prose-
lytism at Cavan, the justice to acknowledge they have been the
benefactors of religion in the diocese of Kilmore, and should be
entitled to the thanks of the Catholics, were it not that their
lofty and disinterested virtue disdains the idea of merit of any
kind : even the subordinate merit of co-operating with the
grace of God. We shall not, therefore, distress their humility
by the acknowledgment of our obligations ; since, with all their
frauds, and bribery, and corruption, they were but passive instru-
ments which the plastic hand of the Almighty moulded to his own
wise purposes.
But the Reformation still continues. If it has not been
entirely arrested, it cannot be denied that its career has been
considerably checked; and many of those who strove to feed
their intellects with the husks of error, are returning again to
be filled with that truth which satisfies every craving, and which
is to be found alone in the home of their father which they
abandoned. We did not expect to extinguish the Reformation,
since we did not expect to pluck the passions out of the human
heart, or to defeat the predictions of the apostle. St. Paul has
said, “ There must be heresies, that they also who are reproved
may be manifest among you ;” and this manifestation has con-
tributed to the purity of the Church. What! heresy become
an instrument of the Reformation of the Church. Yes, like an
acid that disengages substances that hitherto were blended —
heresy has a similar effect in disengaging error from the pure
doctrines with which it was mixed, and manifesting by the process
of depuration its deformity to the world. Hence, the heresies of
which St. Paul speaks, have been but an uniform process of re-
formation in the Church, opening channels to convey away those
impure errors that might infect its “ living waters,” by resting on
its bosom. Such was the first scriptural “reformation” of Simon,
which brought out of the Church, those who believed that he was
the Trinity ; and that he devolved a portion of his triple pre-
rogatives on Helen, who was at once the partner of his revelations
LETTER XXXIV.
171
and his vices. Such was the scriptural “ reformation” of Menan-
der, <£ who, creeping into houses, led captive silly women, laden
with sins,” because he promised them that his baptism would be a
charm against death, converting them into so many Hebes, bloom-
ing with eternal youth and immortality. Such was the pure and
scriptural “reformation” of Marcion, who restored health and
soundness to the body that remained, by carrying with him the
corrupt and imputated members that would infect the entire, by
mixing with the purity of the Christian religion, the superstitions
of Zoroaster. Such was the scriptural “ reformation” of Arius,
who manifested to the faithful, all those whose reason could not
comprehend the mysterious divinity of the word. Such was the
pure “ reformation” of Nestorius, who purged the Church of all
those whose piety and reason were equally shocked at the un-
scriptural doctrine of calling the Son of Mary, the Son of God.
Such was the pure and holy “ reformation” of the Gnostics, who
carried off from defiling the Church, those who indulged in an
indiscriminate concubinage, because they believed marriage to be
abominable. Such, not to pursue further, the dark and fleeting
errors of the more ancient reformers, was the ££ reformation” of
Huss, who separated from the Church, and manifested those who
measured the authority of princes and of pontiffs, by the degree
of grace with which they were invested ; thus, converting every
Christian into a Brutus, who, since grace — the only title of legiti-
macy — is always invisible, would be constantly ridding the world
of its rulers, who would all become synonymous with the tyrants
of the earth. Such was the scriptural ££ reformation” of Luther,
who purged the Church of all those who believed that, by good
works ££ they were offering an affront to the spirit of grace.”
Such, the ££ reformation” of Calvin, who manifested by separating
them, those who believed that by no immorality could they
forfeit the gift of justification ; and thus gave an unchecked rein
to the indulgence of their vices. Such was the ££ reformation”
wrought in England under Henry, through the instrumentality
of Cranmer and his corrupt associates, manifesting those who
were the slaves of the vilest passions ; and such, in fine, was the
kindred ££ reformation” of Cavan, of which the agents, like another
Menander, ££ were leading captive silly women laden with sins,”
and illustrating the lessons of immorality which were taught by
every such preceding ££ reformation.”
It is by those outlets of heresy, carrying off all the peccant
humors by which the health of the Church would be endangered,
it is often reformed. The errors that would have brooded on its
surface are removed and set apart by the working of that
spirit which first moved over the abyss, and divided the confines
of light from the shore of darkness. This conflict between truth
and error — between vice and virtue — shall not cease; it was
172
LETTER XXXIV.
shadowed in the adverse principles of Ormuyd and Ahriman,
feigned in the Persian theology, and is realized in the incessant
warfare with which the Catholic Church keeps aloof from its
confines, those agents of darkness who would extinguish the light,
and disturb the order of its peaceful dominions. Let then, the
sectaries continue to boast of those reformations of which they
are such sad examples, being the channels through which the
Church is relieved, and purified from every species of complaint.
^ John. Bishop of Maronia,
LETTER XXXV.
173
LETTER XXXV.
Ballina, 1827.
In the last number of the Quarterly Review , just published,
an article has appeared, purporting to be “ A Review of the
Report of the Commissioners of Education regarding the Col-
lege of Maynooth,” The title which the article bears is but a
thin and awkward disguise, by which the author would fain
conceal the treachery of his purpose.
Though called a review on the College of Maynooth, it is
nothing else than a political manoeuvre, artfully contrived, in the
present posture of our affairs, to prejudice the Catholic question.
Long and frequent use had now worn out the ancient topics of
accusation and reproach. The dispensing and deposing power
of the Popes, together with the Councils of Constance and of
Lateran, were so often drawled before the public, through the
stupid medium of some journals, or the more stupid speeches of
certain members of parliament, that no reasoning could stimulate
the palled and sated appetite of the public to relish their repeti-
tion.
Something, however, must be done ; and since the old ingre-
dients have lost their powers to charm, a new one, quite fresh
from the College of Maynooth, is flung into the political cauldron,
over which it is not difficult to descry a solemn spectral form,
exercising his nocturnal vigils, and preparing, with all the art of
the sorcerers in Shakspeare, the materials of his composition,
that he may fuddle the heads of all who may partake of the
magic potion. The author could not disguise his identity or his
fears. The priests and forty-shilling freeholders are continually
disturbing his imagination and repose. They have already
nearly annihilated his political existence ; and if the countenance
be an index of the sadness of his heart, “ a vision of the night
has more than once whispered through the veins of his ears,”
that at the next election the priests and freeholders shall achieve
its utter extinction.
The author, I am told, is an adept in chemistry as well as
statistics; and fancying, no doubt, that, passing through the
alembic of his mind, they should derive fresh qualities from
their admixture with the new ingredient, he has again intro-
duced the dispensations of oaths and vows, and the illimitable
174
LETTER XXXV.
authorities of Popes and Councils — not forgetting what the
British monarch has to fear from the disciples of Ignatius —
and concluding by warning all loyal Protestants against the
spirit that animates the breasts and writings of “ J. K. L.” and
“ Hierophilos” ! ! One quality, indeed, is discernible in the com-
position — the singular confusion with which the materials are
huddled together. It is only right, however, to disengage them,
that the public may perceive the pure malignity of a writer, who,
like the bee of Trebizond, extracts but poison from the flower on
which all others gather sweets, and labours to communicate the
same poison to every subject which he touches.
In a letter already addressed to the public, through the Morn-
ing Chronicle, I have vindicated the College of Maynooth from
some of the attacks which are again renewed by the Quarterly
Review. The Courier was, probably, content with the reply ;
and hence his forbearance in pressing the same charges. The
reviewer is quite offended at the austere and gloomy character
of the College discipline. I believe him sincere. No doubt his
heart would mutiny against the moral restraints which the
Gospel and the Catholic religion impose. With all their affecta-
tion of reverence for Scripture, the lofty counsels of the Re-
deemer were never the favourite maxims of the Reformers. He
is, indeed, pleased to add, that were the students trained accord-
ing to his notions, we should be blessed with a more tolerant
priesthood.* What a pity that a small infusion from the
reviewer’s enchanted draught is not poured into their education ;
then we should have a more tolerant Catholic priesthood. Yes ;
we should have a priesthood tolerant of every error in belief,
and of every folly in practice — tolerant of the vices of the great,
and of the sufferings with which the poor are afflicted — tolerant
of the making of freeholders without a freehold, and of the per-
juries to which the peasantry were forced by their landlords —
whilst truth, and justice, and humanity should be the only things
that could never experience their amiable toleration.
Not to dwell longer on the discipline of Maynooth, I shall
next direct the reader’s attention to its doctrines, as far as they
regard the authority of Councils and of Popes, commencing with
the dispensing power, which is the most formidable in the mind
of the reviewer, as it haunts his fancy through the entire of his
lucubration. On this subject he charitably insinuates that Dr.
MacHale is of opinion, that almost every possible case comes
within the compass of the Pope’s power of dispensation.! Yet,
Dr. MacHale distinctly states — “ But if these are paramount
obligations, founded on natural law or the divine law, and which
are clearly impressed upon every mind, then we never entertain
* Review, page 460.
| Review, page 480.
LETTER XXXV.
175
the question of dispensation, because we know that neither bishop
nor Pope, nor any power on earth, whatever utility could be
derived to the Church, can attempt to release a person from an
oatli confirming those obligations.”* I shall forbear any com-
ment on the reviewer’s statement. The reader may form his
opinion of his regard to truth and candour. Lest the single
expression of his opinion should not be sufficient, to Dr. MacHale
is put the following interrogatories : — “ If a person took an oath,
the fulfilment of which would be injurious to the temporal inte-
rests of the Church, would that be held so far to militate against
the utility of the Church as to be a sufficient cause for dissolving
the obligation of it ?” To which he replies — “ It would not be a
sufficient cause ; because the temporal interests of the Church is
a matter of secondary importance, compared to the obligation of
an oath, which binds us to the Almighty.”! And, again (for the
edifying patience of the commissioners could endure the endless
repetition of the same questions and replies) — “ Were a prince to
be considered as great a benefactor of the Church as Constantine
was, she could not grant him a dispensation that would absolve
him from an oath or vow, which ratified, by calling God to wit-
ness, a previously subsisting obligation.”!
After the evidence with which parliament was already fur-
nished regarding the Catholic doctrine, concerning the dispensing
power of the Popes, one would imagine that the commissioners
might forbear from trying the temper of their witnesses on a
doctrine which is attested by proofs the most unequivocal — the
conduct of seven millions of people. “ Catholics cannot define,
forsooth,” observes the reviewer, “ the cases to which the dis-
pensing power may be applied.” § Are not those cases as
definable — nay, as tangible, as the barriers that shut out Catho-
lics from the British constitution? Are not the oaths which
would fit them for offices of honour and emolument, oaths from
whose obligation the Pope could not absolve them ? Had the
Catholics of Ireland shown more pliancy on the subject of
oaths — had they, like Cranmer, the detestable duplicity of pro-
testing in a corner against the oath which he was publicly to
swear — had they the courage to encounter the scruples which
the late Lord Londonderry and others confessed they felt in
taking the oaths which qualified them for place, the reviewer
would not be insulting them with the imputation of doctrines
which he knows they do not hold. To what do the Protestants
of Ireland owe their ascendancy, but to the reverence of the
Catholics for their oaths ? And, had that one fence been
removed by the all-powerful influence of the Roman Pontiff, the
* Appendix to the Report of the Commissioners, page 284.
f Appendix , page 285. | Appendix, page 287.
§ Review, page 481.
176
LETTER XXXV.
influx of Catholic members and Catholic talent into places of
trust and emolument would sink their present occupants to their
original obscurity.
The reviewer, not content with imputing such opinions to Dr.
MacHale, in direct opposition to the language of his own evi-
dence, insinuates (for he affects to fear a libel, should he openly
declare it) that he availed himself of this doctrine, in publishing
the letters of “ Hierophilos.” With regard to a libel, I can
solemnly assure him, that he shall never be prosecuted on a
charge the truth of which he is able to substantiate. We have
no apprehension that he should publish the truth to the world ;
and we pledge ourselves that we shall never shield our characters
behind a doctrine, as convenient as constitutional, that truth is a
libel. But though he may publish the truth with impunity, his
falsehoods must not go without exposure. Dr. MacHale never
took an oath to the observance of the statutes of the College,
nor was such an oath ever tendered to him to be taken. Yet, on
a falsehood of his own invention, this dastardly writer imputes to
him the violation of an oath which had no existence save in the
reviewer’s mind.
By a real or affected aberration of intellect, the writer here
confounds the College of Maynooth with Trinity College. In
the statutes of that University there is a form of oath prescribed
to the Fellows, by which they bind themselves to their observ-
ance. I shall not say nor insinuate that this oath was always
administered to the Fellows of the College, since it would involve
an imputation, which I should not cast upon any individual or
body of men without evidence, which the reviewer did not give
himself the trouble of acquiring respecting the College of May-
nooth. Among the statutes there is one rather of a Popish
nature, prohibiting the Fellows from marrying, under the
penalty of expulsion. Waving, however, the question about the
oath, which was not probably annexed to the original statutes,
the statute to which I have just alluded has been frequently
violated — I will not say by archbishops and bishops, for I am
kindly accused by the reviewer of believing that the Protestant
bishops are only laymen ; but, comparing the age of some of the
children of the high dignitaries of the Establishment with the
period of their Fellowship, it will be found that some of their
children were born unto them whilst in the University ; and, to
avoid any other supposition, which a respect for those individuals
should forbid us to entertain, we must suppose that those children
were born in wedlock, and, of course, in violation of the statute
of the College. Yet, against this long-continued violation of
statutes — which, I suppose, is now at an end — not a whisper is
heard from the hypocrites, who loudly clamour against the pub-
lication of letters, because the author did not mention a circum-
LETTER XXXV.
177
stance which every body knew, to the President of the College.
Perhaps, the reviewing sages are of opinion with Luther, that
the law against marriage is a law against nature, and from which
every individual has a right to look for a dispensation. And,
probably, they are of opinion, that it is more in accordance with
the spirit of academic institutions to engage in furtive marriages
than to indulge in the pursuits of literature and illustrate the
truths of religion.
But Dr. MacHale, in his evidence, observes the reviewer,
admits and justifies every expression of his writings. He thanks
him for the candid acknowledgment. Yes, his motto is never to
put to paper a single line which he should wish to erase ; and the
Bishop shrinks not from the adoption of the earlier opinions of
the Professor of Maynooth. He protests, however, against the
turn given to those opinions by the reviewer, since the truth
itself would appear ugly through so distorting a medium. Ac-
cording to the Review , he gives no titles to our prelates. On
the contrary, he has, with unsparing profusion, heaped on them
the titles of Lordships and of Graces, well knowing that those
are titles which his Majesty can confer at pleasure. If he has
doubted of their episcopal character, as it is understood in a
theological sense, the reviewer, he trusts, will compassionate his
involuntary scepticism, unless he demonstrates that his Majesty
is also the source from which an episcopal character is derived.
A question is put by one of the commissioners to Dr. MacHale,
regarding his inward and unpublished opinions, which would
appear revolting to the advocates of the inquisition at Madrid or
at Rome. Yet this advocate of freedom wonders why Doctor
MacHale should not reveal his whole mind, instead of checking
such unwarrantable interrogatories, by remarking, “that the
question regarded interior sentiments, and that human tribunals
only judge of external actions and opinions.” This reply, which
was but a gentle and just reproof to the petulance of delegated
office, is made a text for much invidious and mysterious com-
mentary ! It was not reluctantly extorted, since the commis-
sioners are aware that, to consult their own dignity, they found
it necessary to erase the next reply, which reminded them that
they outstepped the limits of their jurisdiction, in questioning
him about sentiments contained in his subsequent productions.
Strange insolence of man ! to be indignant at the reverence
which Catholics feel for the most venerable authority upon earth,
and yet, with his brief portion of secondary trust, to attempt to
exercise an inquisitorial power of ransacking the human heart,
which the first authority on earth would not assume.
It would be impossible in the short compass of a letter fully to
expose the manifest inconsistencies of the Review. In three sub-
sequent pages he lays down three positions regarding the four
178
LETTER XXXV.
propositions, termed the Gallican Liberties : — “ The second insists
on the supremacy of General Councils over Popes.”* “'The doc-
trine respecting Councils, taught by the Professors of Maynooth,
is, we think, that Councils are superior to the Pope.”j “We
have, consequently, been surprised to find that the policy of that
(the Irish) Church has uniformly tended to support the Trans-
alpine Doctrines.” J Spirit of the Stagyrite! are the laws of
reasoning, as well as religion, subjected to the new reformation ?
What a profound specimen of logic, to draw from a proposition
which forms the extreme point of the Gallican liberties, the
opposite conclusion of Transalpine doctrines ! ! To Doctor
MacHale, in his evidence on this subject, the reviewer gives the
merit of being fair and explicit. If, then, his testimony was
fair, what must we think of the reviewer, who charges the Col-
lege with the inculcation of Transalpine doctrines, since Doctor
MacHale declares, “ that, aloof from the influence of those
motives that might have swayed the Continental schools, the
College of Maynooth, content with following the straight line of
defined doctrine, adopted neither the Cisalpine nor the Trans-
alpine opinions ?”
But the writer had an evident object in view, since he wished
to frighten his readers again with the ghost of John Huss, as
well as the terrors of the Vatican. The death of the Bohemian
martyr would not appear sufficiently tragical were it not brought
about by the influence of the chief authority in the Catholic
Church. And hence his view, in speaking of this subject, to
exalt the power of General Councils. But, again, when he
introduces the Roman Pontiffs shaking the world with their
spiritual thunders, the controlling authority of Councils utterly
disappears, and the Pope is left alone to rule the world by his
mere arbitrary fiat. But such artifices have lost their force.
The days of the Dueignans and the Lethbridges are gone by ; and
should Leslie Foster, who would fill up the worthy triumvirate,
attempt in parliament the wretched pantomime of exhibiting the
spectre of John Huss upon the stage, the nerves of a Brougham
or a Burdett would remain unmoved, or, rather, they should be
shaken with laughter at his ludicrous attempts to rouse such
strange apparations by his oratorical galvanism.
The efforts of any other orator shall be equally unavailing to
excite any apprehension of the Pope, “ that harmless old man,”
to use a phrase of Burke’s, “ whose name brings such terror to
the minds of old and young children.” Occupied in the tem-
poral government of his own territories, as well as the spiritual
concerns of the whole Church, he leaves the care of their domi-
nions to their respective sovereigns. But, according to the
* Review , page 471.
f Review , page 473.
% Review, page 472.
LETTER XXXV.
179
sapient remarks of the reviewer, his temporal power may not
be dead , but dormant. If so, the improvements of centuries
should be again annihilated, and the human mind recast in
another mould, before that dormant power shall again revive ;
unless, indeed, we suppose that, like the Giant Malagisa, in the
“ Orlando,” who was conjured into a deep slumber, the Magog
of the Seven Hills has been charmed into a similar repose,
where he sleeps in quiet, until the time fixed by the destinies
shall arrive, when a chosen champion of Ireland, and who must
be a member of the Catholic Association, shall repair to Rome,
and, with three touches of his wand, awaken the sleeping giant
to the consciousness of life and the exercise of universal empire.
Such, Sir, are the leading topics that have been discussed by
this learned reviewer, who is so well skilled in theological science
as to talk of Catholics believing in the inspiration of General
Councils ! If I have dwelt more at length on the subject of
“ Hierophilos,” you will not be surprised, since the writer deems
it so important as almost to merit a separate review. With
regard to the President and Professors of the College of May-
nooth, I hope, with Mr. O’Connell, that the Review shall have
the effect of attracting public attention to their evidence, in the
Report of the Commissioners, where it shall appear full, con-
sistent, and satisfactory, and such as to reflect the highest credit
on their characters and their acquirements. The College of
Maynooth was made to pass through an ordeal which few such
institutions could sustain, and its reputation, far from suffering
by its heat, has come out more burnished by its activity.
I have not stopped for the present to canvass the legitimate
claims of the reviewers to the high office of censorship which
they assumed. I, too, shall, probably, soon take another oppor-
tunity of “ reviewing the reviewers,” and showing that, like other
mock personages, much of their importance is derived from the
histrionic illusion that hides their real dimensions, whilst they
appear on the public stage wielding the sceptre of criticism, and
promulgating their decrees on science and on literature.
^ John, Bishop of Maronia.
180
LETTER XXXVI.
LETTER XXXVI.
TO LORD BEXLEY.
Ballina, November, 1828 .
My Lord — These are strange times ; nor is it the least strange
of the features, which characterize them to see with what reck-
lessness of their dignity the peers of the realm are rushing into
print, and becoming ambitious candidates of ridicule. Heretofore
they seemed to have adopted the Persian maxim of investing
themselves with reverence, by keeping aloof from the ranks of
the people. If they were not great men, the secret of their
littleness was only known to their valet de chambre; nor did
they rashly exhibit themselves abroad, if they did not possess
those hardy qualities which are proof against public collisions.
Rely on it, my Lord, the people take delight in those exhibitions
of Aristocratic intellect, as it gives them an opportunity of
measuring the relative distance between it and their own. The
Morning Chronicle, which conveyed to me Lord Bexley’s letter,
contained another of William Cobbett’s on the opposite side, and
surely no reader has failed to remark how the puny production
of the peer shrinks before the strong and simple energy of the
man of the people. With the Duke of Newcastle and Lord
Kenyon, your Lordship fills up the triumvirate of literature.
Lords Farnham, and Lor ton, and Winchilsea are doubtless pant-
ing for the honour of digesting in plates of brass, the laws of the
Constitution. Lords Wicklow and Roden must contribute their
share to the labour, nor shall they cease to associate to their body
all the writing peers of the land, until they complete the number
of Decemvirs — a combination equally ominous to the liberties of
the country.
It is difficult to compress within appropriate limits the refutation
of your address, since, with a lofty disregard of all the unities of
time and place, and persons, your Lordship’s excursive fancy
ranged over every topic that could minister to the prejudices of
the public mind.
The Catholic Association is the first object that provokes your
rage. I am not surprised. It is too mighty an object to escape
notice, and it is every day assuming a more imposing attitude,
and larger dimensions. To annihilate or dissolve such a formida-
ble body, is the problem by which the great council of the nation
LETTER XXXVI.
181
has been singularly perplexed. There are only two ways — force
or conciliation. The first has been already tried, as if to read a
lecture of wisdom to the advocates of coercion. But scarce was it
dissolved, when its sullen and mutinous elements again rushed to
the same centre, and constituted another association, which has
exceeded the former, as well in the closer compactness of all its
parts, as in the more extensive sphere of its attraction. Force
can have no other effect than that of binding the members of the
association more firmly together. It is only the warmth of
legislative favour alone that can s so dissolve them as to defy their
future coalition.
The college of Maynooth next comes in for the honour of your
enmity. The classification shows that your mind is not utterly
destitute of arrangement, as the Catholic clergy are strenuous
advocates for the final pacification of the country. But what is
the amount of the offending of the college ? Why, truly that it
continues to teach the unchangeable doctrines of the Catholic
Church ! The great political sin of its professors consists in this,
that a sense of gratitude for a sum of money, which is but a
paltry pittance in the Government expenditure, has not so sub-
dued their minds, as to make them traitors to the rights and
religion of the Catholic people. In becoming members of the
college of Maynooth, its students never convenanted to surrender
the pure faith of their fathers. Indeed your Lordship does not
mean to insinuate that the college grant should be withheld on
account of the report of the Commissioners of Education .Surely
we ought to thank you for such a sentiment ; nor are we sorry
that Mr. Vansittart is no longer the dispenser of the public
treasury.
It is not from a compliment to the Catholic people, the
Government has ever granted money for Catholic purposes. It
is from policy — and it is to this policy we shall be indebted for the
continuance of such grants, if not for their augmentation. It is
not the interest of Government to throw back the peasantry into
the ignorance from which they are rescued by the labours of the
Catholic clergy. It is not the interest of Government to let
those passions loose upon society which are restrained by the
controul of the Catholic priesthood. It is wiser, as well as more
economical to expend a few thousand pounds upon the men who
are keeping the people quiet, than millions upon those who are
striving to inflame them with a religious and political frenzy.
And, my Lord, I assert without fear of contradiction, that the
Maynooth grant does more in the moral improvement of Ireland,
than the enormous mass of money which is swallowed up by
the Army, the Church Establishment, and the countless Bible and
Vice-Suppressing societies all together.
But still the people of England are taxed to the amount of
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LETTER XXXVI.
nine or ten thousand pounds a year, for the purpose of maintain-
ing professors to teach the Roman Catholics of Ireland, that in
some cases a priest, in others, a bishop, and in all the Pope, can
release them from their sins, their vows, their oaths ! And then
you add, or rather premise, such is the doctrine laid down in the
class book of the college. But why, my Lord, did you not con-
descend to inform the honest freeholders of Kent, under what
circumstances, and with what qualifications, could such a power
he legitimately exercised. No, it did not suit your purpose. It
was enough if your Lordship could frighten John Bull into a
horror for popery, by an ugly phantom of your own creation.
Could your Lordship not lay before them the following sen-
tence of the report* alluded to in your address, and which
is extracted from a Catholic prayer-book, now before me,
entitled “True Piety “ It is a fundamental truth in our
religion, that no power on earth can license men to lie, to for-
swear, or perjure themselves, to massacre their neighbours, or
destroy their native country, in pretence of promoting the
Catholic cause or religion. Furthermore, all pardons or dispensa-
tions granted or pretended to be granted, in order to any such
ends or designs, could "have no other validity or effect than to
add sacrilege and blasphemy to the above-mentioned crimes.”
Here is an extract from a popular and an extensively read prayer-
book, compiled by one of the most venerable prelates of the Irish
Church, and approved by the adoption of the rest ; and yet,
instead of exhibiting it to enlighten the ignorance, and conciliate
the good will of the English people, you draw some dark and
imperfect outlines of your own, leaving the rest to be filled up by
their furious prejudices. Why not put in juxta position our
doctrine on oaths with that of Sanderson, a Protestant professor
in the University of Oxford, and afterwards bishop of Lincoln ?
No, the resemblance between both would disabuse the men of
Kent of their errors, and make them conclude that they were
imposed upon by the interested views of lords who labour to
divide the people in order to profit by their dissensions. The Ca-
tholics of these times are still doomed to the same savage treat-
ment which was inflicted on the Catholics in the time of Tacitus.
Now, through the calumnies of their enemies, as then through
the fury of their persecutors, they must be clothed in the skins of
wild beasts ; now, as well as then, must they be covered with pitch,
not only to blacken them before the public, but to make them fit
objects for the brand to be flung at ; and now, as well as then,
must they be exhibited with this hideous caricature, in order to
be hunted down by the public execration.
Of all the topics of reproach which are urged by Protestants
Page 228.
LETTER XXXVI.
183
against Catholics, none has surprised me more than that regard-
ing oaths and dispensations. Is it because numbers swear a
religion to be damnable and idolatrous, of which they never
studied an iota, we must give them credit for a most sensitive
reverence for oaths ? Be assured of it, my Lord, that of those
who intrepidly swear to the idolatry of the Catholic religion,
there are some who would curse with a similar oath the thirty-
nine articles, if the orthodox loaves and fishes of the mosque of
Mahomet were to reward the seasonable change in their reli-
gious convictions. You are not ignorant how little of religion
animated the great actors in what is called the Reformation.
Your Lordship is not ignorant with what dexterity they accom-
modated their fluctuating creeds to the incessant shiftings of the
political fortunes of England ; and how the same persons were
prepared with the same lips to bless as orthodox, or to stigmatize
as heretical, the same identical opinions. While the Catholics of
Ireland have cheerfully submitted to the slow tortures of a poli-
tical ordeal, on account of the reverence which they feel for an
oath, no doubt some of the lookers on were as much surprised at
the prodigy of their fortitude or their folly, as the Carthage-
nians, who secretly mocked the sufferings of Regulus. To
sound, then, this mysterious subject to the bottom, the appre-
hension is not that the Catholics feel no reverence for an oath ;
but the apprehension of the Brunswickers, and the borough-
mongers, and the monopolists of all classes, is lest the Catholics
should lose that reverence, and thus share in the spoil from
which they are excluded. There is, then, a sentiment which
may be appropriately added to those which are already so loudly
toasted amidst the Orange orgies, and which, no doubt, will be
rapturously cheered by every loyal supporter of the Protestant
constitution ! !
May all the Papists of Ireland continue to be as much the dupes
to their reverence for an oath, as were their Popish ancestors !
But though such a sentiment might be echoed by the hypo-
crites who turn religion into an instrument of faction, it will not
be relished by that sound portion of the Protestant community,
who can view the most hard-hearted selfishness lurking under
the guise of a regard for the constitution. The people of
England are beginning to be sensible how often they have been
imposed upon by such hollow pretensions. As liberty was often
the stalking-horse of the little tyrants of Greece, religious
liberty is become the stalking-horse of the aristocratic faction
of Britain. But the eyes of the people are almost opened to
these delusions. They know how the unprincipled Somerset
could erect palaces out of the ruins of churches, under pretence
of abolishing every vestige of idolatry ; — they know how Henry
kept a succession of concubines, while the people were persuaded
184
LETTER XXXVI.
that all this was done in order to protect the purity of the
Levitical law against the abominations of the Scarlet Lady of
Rome ; — they know how their ancestors were burdened with
poor rates, while the Lords, who were frightening them with the
terrors of Popery, were, at the same time, pocketing the wealth
of the monasteries. They know all this, nor will they suffer
themselves to be cajoled any longer by saintly Lords, who would
burthen them with fresh imposts, whilst they amuse them with
the shadow of a constitution, of which they reserve the benefits
to themselves.
Another article of impeachment against the Catholics of Ire-
land is, that Dr. Crotty justified the Council of Constance in the
execution of John Huss, and that Dr. MacHale wrote a series of
letters against the Protestant Establishment. I am at a loss to
know why the Catholics of Ireland should suffer for such high
misdemeanors. But Dr. Crotty holds his place, though guilty,
by his sanction of the sentence, of the murder of John Huss ;
and Dr. MacHale, instead of being removed from the College, as
he deserved, for daring to attack the majesty of the Established
Church, was rewarded with a bishopric. Why, really, those
letters contained the very milk of human kindness, compared to
the burning lava which has been since poured upon the devoted
heads of the parsons and the Establishment. Instead, therefore,
of censure, I ought to have been thanked for the charity of my
forbearance. But the great crime was, that the professor of
theology was attacking the Established Church behind the
masked battery of “ Hierophilos.” In vindication, he must say,
that none of those masked assaults were half so serious as those
which were avowed with his name ; and, again, that the signa-
ture of “ Hierophilos” became like a German mask, which is
worn by known personages, in order to avoid the inconvenience
of recognition. A Rev. Mr. Philpot, or the Quarterly Reviewer,
pretends not to understand any distinction between a real and an
assumed signature. Perhaps, I may furnish them with an ap-
propriate illustration. The Fellows of Trinity College were
forbidden to marry under the pain of expulsion. However,
they interpreted Genesis like Luther, and defied the laws of the
College. Were they removed? No ; because no lady assumed
the name of the Fellow to whom she was allied. It was a
matter of notoriety that such a one was the wife of such a
Fellow ; but he eluded the requisition of the law, on account of
her anonymous, or, rather, heteronymous, appellation. Until of
late this serious and important statute was constantly violated.
With your Lordship, I will ask, were these Fellows expelled?
And, with your Lordship, I shall answer — No But one of them
was raised to a bishopric, to insult the faith and exasperate the
feelings of millions, who are taxed to minister to the pride, and
LETTER XXXVI.
185
pomp, and luxury of men, who, under the blasphemed name of
the God of peace are shaking the country by their political
fanaticism.
To conclude this letter, I admit with your Lordship that the
question is — whether the Catholics are equally entitled with
the Protestants to all the benefits of the constitution ? On this
one point, then, we come to close issue. For me, though nurtured
in the schools of arbitrary and Popish doctrines, I have learned
that no human authority has a right to control the dictates of
conscience, or to punish, by penal enactments, religious sentiments,
which war not with our obligations to the state. These are
the sentiments I have been taught, and these are the senti-
ments by which our fitness for civil offices ought to be estimated.
We are not to be judged by the criterion fixed by your Lordship,
namely, the doctrines that were considered hostile to the Govern-
ment — doctrines that are considered hostile ! ! We must protest
against this criterion, whilst it is left to every monopolising peer
to fix its fluctuating meaning.
Your Lordship, no doubt, would consider the Pope’s purely
spiritual supremacy an hostile doctrine. The Duke of Newcastle
would consider the belief of the real presence a most formidable
tenet. The invocation of saints would make Lord Lorton
consider that we were invoking legions from heaven to dispossess
him of his estates ; and, in short, every principle of the Koman
Catholics would be considered dangerous, whilst it was known
that the monoply of the few was to be shared among the
many.
It is high time that the empyrics in politics should resign
their trade, and that Ireland should be at length subjected to a
process that will restore her to soundness and to strength.
Without Emancipation, she will be feeble, and a burden to the
empire. Not that Emancipation will heal all her evils — assuredly
no. It is only the first step in the process of her regeneration.
Other measures for her relief must follow in due course, until
some powerful minister, backed by the co-operation of the entire
country, shall arise, and apply his Herculean strength to the
purging and re-forming of the Establishment.
In the meantime, Emancipation must be obtained. It must
be generously given, in order to be thankfully received. It is
not to be encumbered with any conditions that may be considered
as nets for the religion of the people. The people of England
are jealous of their civil and religious liberty. The Catholics of
Ireland are equally jealous of theirs. Your Lordship talks of
concordats, and introduces the different states of Europe.
There is no necessity for such a remote reference. England
wants strength ; Ireland requires tranquillity. Let the nego-
tiation be, therefore, carried on with a view to their mutual
N
186
LETTER XXXVII.
political advantages, without any insidious attempts on the
religion of either. The Catholic religion can be made a useful
ally to the State ; but it is only when its profession is unshackled,
and its ministers are beyond the reach of any sinister political
control.
I have the honour to be, yonr Lordship’s obedient servant.
>I«John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XXXVII.
TO THE PROTESTANT ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM.
Ballina, February 10 , 1830 .
My Lord — It appears from the public prints that your Grace
has been lately exercising your pastoral zeal, in writing to your
clergy, to carry on a mission among the Roman Catholics ; and
if the copy of the circular be genuine, it is a production that
evinces no ordinary spirit. It was fondly imagined that a bene-
volent legislature had succeeded in stilling the angry spirit of
controversy by which the land was so long shaken, and the
appearance of the olive branch was hailed as a presage of
mutual conciliation. But, whilst the Government brings peace,
your Grace seems to imagine that the sword is a more befitting
badge for the ministers of religion ; and hence you seize once
more your theological trumpet, to arouse the sentinels of Israel
to vigilance and war.
At any time the letter to which I allude would be considered
the production of a mind under the most potent preternatural
influences. At present, and with all the difficulties that stare the
Establishment in the face, it exhibits the calmest indifference to
all earthly consideration. There is no alloy of worldly prudence
about your zeal ; no cold calculations of the dangers to which the
Church is exposed can chill the ardour of your charity. No ;
whilst the Establishment is now deliberately weighed in the
LETTER XXXVII.
187
balance, and the other prelates are watching the legislature with
trembling anxiety for what may come to pass ; — whilst Lord
Mountcashel, with a warning voice, is turning the public atten-
tion to the decayed state of the walls, and wishes to exchange
some vain and gilded decorations for Doric pillars, to sustain the
tottering edifice ; — whilst Sir John Newport is giving notice that
he will submit this important subject to the wisdom of the
assembled senate of the empire; — whilst the pressure of tithes
and church-rates is the theme of every theorist, of whatever
creed, who reasons on the national distress ; — whilst the Pro-
testant Bishop of Ferns frankly owns that, without the rich
harvest of its temporalities, no minister of talent would think it
worth while to labour in the vineyard of the Lord ; — whilst, in
short, all are under the conviction that the public would be
benefitted by a more general distribution of the wealth that is
confined in the temple ; — whilst, thus, the temporalities of the
Church are the only portion of it in which its friends as well as
its foes confess they feel an interest, your Grace is happily free
from any disquietude on this subject. No such sordid cares can
reach the elevation on which your spiritual abstractions have
fixed you. Your heart has no griefs but for the spiritual blind-
ness of the poor Catholics; and were the Establishment to-
morrow shorn of all temporal honours, your Grace would, no
doubt, be overwhelmed with joy, could you but extend to the
benighted Catholics its spiritual consolations !
But, my Lord, perhaps I do you wrong in thus attributing to
you an utter indifference to the world, which might only suit
one of the anchorites of old, and to which the sober and sensible
spirit of the Protestant religion deems it no merit to aspire.
Others of more rational and practical views will be disposed to
correct the mistake into which I have fallen, and will probably
perceive the deepest craft lurking under the simple guise of
religious enthusiasm. Yes ; the Earl of Mountcashel has at-
tracted universal attention to the gorgeous temporalities of the
Church, as well as to the enormous disproportion by which they
are applied.
Hence your Grace’s polemical missive, sent forth at this
seasonable juncture as a decoy to divert the public from the
substantial game that has been started, to follow in the pursuit
of shadowy phantoms. Such artifices will, however, no longer
do. Your brand has been flung too late — the pile has been
extinguished ere your torch has reached it — and its materials,
once so fiery and inflammatory, have lost their qualities of com-
bustion. You may now send forth your missionaries to set
Catholics and Protestants against each other. The Catholics
and Protestants are too much alive to their own interest to be
the victims of such delusion. There was a time when every
188
LETTER XXXVII.
town had its missionary menageries — when some controversial
curiosity was imported from afar, and carried round the king-
dom to amuse the old women of either sex, who thronged
together to feast their ears with a foreign dialect, and their
eyes with a strange apparition. There was a time when the
most ignorant mountebank who raved against Popery could fix
the public attention. But the spell that bound the hearers has
been at length broken — the film that fascinated their eyes has at
length been rubbed off. No illusions of stage effect can blind
men any longer to the folly and the mischief of such exhibitions,
and so completely palled is the people’s taste by their repetition,
that if a public advertisement were to announce that your Grace
himself, at the head of your missionaries, were to appear striding
in stately pomp to the theological theatre, I question whether
you could command a sufficient audience to laugh at the solemn
mockery.
Making full allowance for the readiness with which your
clergy are disposed to obey your Grace’s orders, I doubt not
but they would prefer staying at home, to take care of their
tithes, and their wives and children, rather than risk all the
odium of a controversial crusade. They know it is sufficiently
burdensome to Catholics to pay them the tenth portion of the
fruits of their industry ; nor should they like to aggravate the
burden by additional reproaches on their religion. Let them,
however, go forth ; and in putting the two religions in juxta-
position, let them not fail, in addressing the Catholics — who are
often without a church to shelter them — to exhibit the blessings
of the Law Church, which piously transferred to the wives and
daughters of its ministers that wealth which the old Church of
Christ had superstitiously expended in the repair and erection of
churches, as well as the relief of the poor. Let them go to
some of the parishes of your Grace’s diocese, in which snug
churches have been raised at the expense of an exclusively
Catholic population, and let them persuade that population of
the advantage of a perpetual church cess entailed on them, for
the purpose of providing salaries for a clerk and sexton — per-
haps the only relics of the orthodox faith in the whole parish,
and who are still deemed so valuable as to require a golden
anchorage to keep them from being drifted away to Popery.
Let them, on meeting large flocks kneeling before the divine
mysteries, with their ample foreheads bared to all the rain and
winds of heaven, invite them to fill their own little conventicles,
where, in spite of the threatened woes of Ezekiel,* their elbows
may repose on cushions, and their devotions may be warmed by
the comfortable effusions of a stove. But, my Lord, the parsons
•Ezekiel, xiii, 18.
LETTER XXXVn.
189
will not thus expose themselves to the bitter irony of a people,
perhaps more famed than any other for an exhaustless strain of
sarcastic intelligence ; they will not, for their own sakes, be
marked exceptions to the good sense that is pervading all classes
of society. There is now no further controversy about the
purity of the Protestant Church ; it is all turning on the perma-
nence of its temporalities. All are now agreed that the Esta-
blishment is a political machine originally framed by political
artificers, since kept together for political motives, and which,
like every other machine, as soon as the expense of keeping it in
repair shall overbalance its benefits, must be abandoned to a quiet
and natural decay.
On this topic there is no room for further disputation, now
that a controversy altogether of a different kind has started up
in the country ; which is the most effectual method of promoting
the prosperity of Ireland, and of uniting more closely all classes
of the long-distracted people. Who shall be foremost in ex-
ploring its resources ? — in giving vigour to its trade ? — in
opening new avenues of industry ? — and consigning to merited
contempt all the leaden lore of malignant bigotry by which the
minds of the people were so long poisoned? Yes; the apostles
of discord must at length retire. There is now a rivalry of
benevolence — an emulation in labouring for the public good — a
contention for advancing a nation’s happiness, which all the arts
of narrow-minded individuals will not be able to suspend. There
is, in short, a great anxiety to bury, by recent acts of kindness,
the memory of ancient strife ; and a flow of mutual good feeling,
silently working through the country, which all the odium tlieo-
logicum poured forth from your Grace’s episcopal vial shall not
be able to embitter.
I am your Grace’s obedient servant,
►Ie Apt t)A bAitpb.
Tj A65 ^ac X>Aipe.
Forsake notfever, or the love or fear
Of him who rules the universal sphere.
The fear of God on man impressed with force,
Of all true wisdom is the first great source.
It may appear strange to the English reader that a letter from
one of the most celebrated cities in the kingdom should be pre-
faced by an extract from the native literature of Ireland. To
the general scholar, however, familiar with the language of both
countries, nothing can appear more natural than this reference
to the venerable Celtic tongue, suggested by the very name of
the ancient capital of Kent. Etymologists, it is true, sometimes
push their principles too far, and, by the excess of refinement,
throw discredit on the antiquities, which the} are desirous to
illustrate. But here there is a question, not of affinity between
LETTER XLIII.
223
words, by reason of derivation, but of their very identity, and
it requires no exercise of ingenuity to discover that Canterbury
is the same as the chief city of £eAi)-cpte, the headland — or
Can-tire. The names of many of the rivers, promontories, and
mountains in England and Wales, as well as in Ireland, reveal
their descent from the same common origin, whence it appears
that the Irish and Cimbrian dialects are still vigorous branches
of the Celtic stem, which had spread not only throughout those
islands, but also through a large portion of Europe.
It is, however, more on account of the value of the precepts it
contains than of the language in which they are delivered, I
quote from one of the most instructive poems that has ^survived
the wreck of our literature. It is a treatise on good government,
composed by an eminent hereditary bard of the family, for the
instruction of one of the princes of Thomond, in the sixteenth
century, from which the preceding lines are extracted, as apposite
to those duties which are imposed upon a king, by virtue of
his coronation. The original is found in the first volume of the
Transactions of the Gaelic Society, with English and Latin ver-
sions. The eloquent writer of “ Telemachus,” which was com-
posed for the instruction of a prince, could not deliver wiser
counsels on the duties of government ; and the coincidence
between the recent coronation and the subject of the poem has,
along with the Celtic name of this city, determined the selection
of the passage prefixed to this letter.
On the 8th of this month, Westminster Abbey was made the
theatre of one of those magnificent pageants, which it has so
often exhibited, in the coronation of the monarch of England.
On that festival another link has been added to the royal chain
which stretches beyond the period of the Norman conquest, and
the same venerable pile witnesses the brilliant inauguration of
one king, soon after the remains of another had been deposited
within its walls. It afforded to the thoughtful an impressive
lesson of the rapidity with which the world shifts its successive
scenes of joy and of sorrow. It recalled the beautiful and ex-
pressive language of one of the most gifted of that class with
whose monuments the vaults of Westminster Abbey are strewn :
“ Welcome comes rejoicing, and Farewell goes out sighing
and never, perhaps, did the splendour of the world appear more
deceitful and evanescent than when it thus reached the nearness
of the tombs in which the new crowned monarch — the object of
all this pomp — was soon to be gathered to his predecessors in
this vast mausoleum of Edward the Confessor.
To take a part in this splendid ceremonial, and do homage to
their king, were assembled on the occasion the choicest of the
ancient peers of the realm. Though surrounded with a splen-
224
LETTER XLIII.
dour not unbefitting the monarch of a great kingdom, it was far
from offending the spectators with that gorgeous and extravagant
display which attended, it is said, the coronation of the preceding
monarch, on which such a vast portion of the people’s treasure
was so criminally expended. As in the time of the eighth Henry,
a ceremonial anciently carried on to impress the people with
reverence, was diverted from its sacred purpose to minister io the
boundless vanity of the king; and the unfeeling extravagance
with which their reigns were ushered in, might be deemed an
appropriate augury of the heartless cruelty, with which their
subjects were afterwards treated.
Brilliant as was the ceremonial of the coronation, it was
nothing # more than a mere worldly pageant, devoid of any of
that reverential feeling which religion inspires, and calculated
only to amuse the votaries of fashion. Of coronets and of
heraldic emblems there was a varied profusion ; with the lustre
of diamonds and brilliants the eye might be dazzled into a pain-
ful sensation; peers and high-born dames seemed to vie with
each other in the splendour and variety of their ornaments ; and
yet, with all the solemn effect lent to the scene by the “ Majesty
of the place,” with its lengthened aisles, its lofty vaults, its
magic fretwork, and its prismatic lights, there was wanting that
which alone could inspire the soul with ecstacy. Yes, religion
was not there ; and wearing much of its semblance, the pageant
was far less imposing than a mere theatrical exhibition, having
no pretensions to religion. The temple was there, it is true ; but
it was the shell of which the soul, that once gave it animation
and glory, was departed, and were the spirit of its sainted
founder to come on earth, he could not find in its mutilated
liturgy a vestige of the holy sacrifice for the celebration of which
it was erected. The coronation took place on the Nativity of
the Blessed Virgin, but far from being fixed on by design, the
coincidence, probably, was not adverted to but by few in that
assembly.
There was a large portion of the subjects of the new monarch
who could feel an additional interest in the ceremony taking
place on a feast of the Blessed Virgin. But they were far
away, and familiarized, by long ill-usage, to a feeling almost
of indifference, to the coronations of Westminster Abbey. Dire
experience had taught them that, hitherto, every new reign, with
scarcely an exception, instead of being a harbinger of hope, was
but the prognostic of fresh political and religious misfortunes.
They found that the foreign and heartless flatterers who sur-
rounded every newly enthroned sovereign, practised well the
lesson of the advisers of Boboam,* counselling him to scourge
* 3 Kings, xii, 1 1 ,
LETTER XLIII.
225
his new subjects with scorpions. This was all the change which
the Catholics of Ireland had experienced for centuries from the
change of masters — the aggravations of a lot sufficiently calami-
tous, into one still more intolerable. Nor will their fate be such
as they have a right to expect, until religion again takes her seat
in that sanctuary from which it was forcibly detruded, and until
every such coronation is surrounded, too, by the rank and
chivalry of Catholic Ireland — proud of their duties of legislating
at home, for the interests of their own land, and proud of doing
homage to their crowned Sovereigns in Westminster Abbey.
The Irish traditions respecting the “ 1£ 1 A 5 *Pa] 1,” or stone of
fate, on which the sovereigns are seated, during the ceremony of
crowning, may be deemed the effusions of fancy. Perhaps so, but
if fanciful, they are as old as the genuine and rigorous historical
traditions of other countries. To smile at all such national
traditions as fanciful, has become the fashion of those writers who
would efface all the noble memories of the past, and hopes of
the future, and, at the same time, worship all that is loathsome
in the licentiousness, the despotism, and the cruelty of the age in
which they lived. It is not to the sneers of such materialists all
that is lofty in national recollections, and all that is holy and
consoling in religion, should be resigned. I am not, at the same
time, about engaging in any antiquarian contest about the origin
or the extraordinary migrations of this throne of “ destiny.” I
shall not prolong this letter into a dissertation about the time of
its importation into Ireland by the “ Guaca frj £>ai;aai),” or its
transit into Scotland, and its comparatively brief sojourn there,
or its final and fixed position in the chair of Westminster Abbey,
where it appears “ fated” to remain. If so, the monarchs of
England have nothing to fear from a legislature fixed in Ireland,
and the traditions of our country, instead of filling them with
alarm, are calculated to inspire confidence in the fixedness of
their thrones. The tradition associates the circumstance of the
coronation on that stone with the monarchy of Ireland. While
the English, then, keep possession of this “ fatal” emblem of
royalty — which, no doubt, they are jealous to retain — they can,
with impunity, indulge us with the restoration of an Irish parlia-
ment, and with an entire and undisturbed belief in our old
cherished traditions.
There is, no doubt, one attribute, the loss of which may suggest
to the lovers of legitimacy, some reasonable doubt of the present
race of English kings, being lineally descended from the ancient
monarchs of Ireland, and that circumstance is the sullen and
uniform silence of this stone, which, for many preceding ages,
used to send forth a joyous sound at the auspicious recurrence of
every rightful coronation. However, the English people will not
let go the stone for this undutiful omission of the “ stone of
226
LETTER XLIII.
destiny” to recognise the legitimate occupants of the throne, lest,
like the celebrated Palladium of Troy, the fortunes of their
empire should be found to recede with its departure.
There is, I must own, no small danger in the continuance of
this ominous silence, and henceforward the “ 1^4,5 *^1” must, at
every succeeding coronation, fulfil its lofty “ destiny.” Never
should a monarch be seated on the throne of a kingdom amidst
a still and uninterrupted silence. Never should the diadem be
placed on his head, without being respectfully reminded of his
solemn duties. Never should the sceptre of empire be placed in
his hands, without the awful sound of justice and mercy, which
he is bound to administer, issuing from the sanctuary in which
he is seated, and going forth in pealing accents among the people.
This was the sound which the celebrated “ 1C|A5 was wont
to issue, and which has been, like other ancient emblems, much
disfigured by fable. It is this sound which should go forth at
the coronation of every sovereign, and if, through fear or flattery,
the ministers of the monarch are mute respecting this salutary
instruction, hence the danger which our traditions ascribe to the
silence of the stone.
In all the recorded covenants between kings and their people,
this duty of justice on one side was found to be correlative with
that of fealty and obedience on the other. This mutual promise
was exacted and given, when the ancient soldiers raised their
chief on their shields, and he promised to preserve inviolate their
customs and their immunities. These correlative obligations
have been freely and eloquently enforced in the ancient poem in
which Cormac, one of the greatest of our monarchs, gives in-
structions on government to his son. This precious document
is an illustration of that hidden but natural meaning of which
the celebrated story of the " stone of fate” is susceptible. The
same duty of justice descended to the Christian kings, and the
same warning sound, in enforcing its observance, went forth with
energy and effect at the recurrence of every royal coronation.
It is only in the Catholic church a true idea of the obligations
of royalty may be found. How beautifully they are set forth
in the admonition which the consecrating prelate gives to the
monarch to be crowned : — “ Thou shaft defend from all oppres-
sions, widows, orphans, the poor and the feeble.” And again : —
“ Thou shalt exhibit due reverence to the prelates, nor shall you
trample on their ecclesiastical liberties.” At the recent corona-
tion those duties were but carelessly inculcated. There was a
time, however, when they were conveyed to monarchs’ ears with
zeal and fervour. Of the ecclesiastical liberties which it is the
duty of monarchs to protect, and of bishops to assert, if violated,
but little is now heard save in the ceremony of consecration.
Not so when Thomas a Becket opposed, with evangelical intre-
LETTER XLIV.
227
pidity, the guilty aggressions of Henry II. on the sacred immu-
nities of the church. To this holy martyr are the people of
those realms indebted for interposing between the rights of the
clergy and the lawless encroachments of a powerful monarch ;
and every Christian bishop, who wishes to be animated in the
discharge of his sacred duties, will do well to make a pilgrimage
to the shrine of St. Thomas of Canterbury.
John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XLIV.
Paris, September 21, 183 L
The fatal tidings of the fall of Warsaw had, a few hours before
our arrival, reached the French capital. Nothing could be
better calculated than this untoward event to exhibit, in their
proper light, the fluctuating feelings of the Parisian population.
Every glance was filled with defiance — every expression was
conveyed in a tone of reproach ; their gestures were fierce and
menacing, and the recent revolution of July, as yet fresh in
every recollection, inspired a general apprehension that the city
was about witnessing the recurrence of a similar tragedy.
Intense sympathy for the sufferings of the unhappy Poles, and
unmeasured indignation at the tyranny to which that brave
people were sacrificed, were, during a few days, the exclusive
and absorbing theme of conversation. Yet, after a few days, the
feeling seemed to evaporate ; it was succeeded by a brief interval
of sullenness, but even this silence did not last long. The elastic
levity of the French character suddenly rose above the pressure
of a distant disaster. New pursuits and new amusements effaced,
if not the remembrance, at least any painful impressions of this
sad event, and, ere a week elapsed, a tide of tumultuous feelings,
which had nigh threatened the city with destruction, had almost
gradually ebbed away.
A few days’ observation during such a stirring crisis, gave me
a greater insight into that characteristic rapidity with which the
French, or I should more correctly say, the Parisians, rush into
such extremes. They are obviously the children of impulse,
228
LETTER XL1V.
easily susceptible of the worst as of the best impressions, and
hence their chequered history, filled with deeds of the most
fearful atrocity, as well as of the most hallowed renown. Far
from being surprised that the sufferings of Poland should engage
the sympathies of the French people, the wonder should be that
any European nation should be indifferent to the fate of a people
to whom all are indebted for the continuance of the blessings of
Christianity and civilization. Yes, when the Turks and Cossacks
overran the rest of Europe, Poland was the country that opposed
a barrier to their barbarous inundation, and the name of John
Sobieski, who so often led his brave countrymen to victory,
should be pronounced with reverential gratitude to the most
distant generations.
The Poles, then, have a claim of sympathy for their unhappy
lot upon all the lovers of religion and of freedom. And I trust
the day is not distant when the same peaceful and legal process
that has been adopted in Ireland under the great master of
bloodless revolutions, shall restore Poland, without a crime, to
the rank of a nation. As yet France would not be a fitting
agent or ally in the achievement of such a redemption. Its
spirit of chivalry, if not gone, is as yet half extinguished.
Those who could so desecrate the temples of the Almighty as to
appropriate them to the honour of those whose licentiousness
and crimes deserved public infamy, are not the proper instru-
ments for restoring the fallen glories of such a faithful nation as
Poland. Nothing can be more painful to the eye of a Christian
than the Pagan motto “ Aux grandes Tiommes la patrie recon-
naissante ,” figuring on the front of a church erected to proclaim
glory to God and peace to mankind. The ancient Pantheon in
Rome has been dedicated to the honour of the sainted martyrs.
It was reserved for the impiety of Paris to transform the beautiful
church of St. Genevieve into a Pantheon for honouring the
impure spirits of profligate infidels, whose works, after achieving
the ruin of society in their own country, carry with them a
similar demoralization wherever they are imported.
It must, however, be confessed, that public virtue and morals
were much decayed through the contagious example of royal
vices, before the rise and profession of this philosophical infidelity.
Whilst the valour of the French armies was extending the con-
quests of Louis XIV. abroad, the disorderly life of the monarch
and many of his courtiers was undermining the morality of the
people at home. He affected not even the decency to disguise
his vices ; he seemed to have braved public opinion as well as the
reproaches of conscience, and the visitor of the ancient city of
Versailles is shown, as some of its most curious monuments, the
chapel of the “ great monarch,” and the scenes of his illicit
amours, in sight of each other. Such examples of public im-
LETTER XLI V.
229
morality must have descended with fearful rapidity and weight
among the less elevated classes. Bourdaloue, and Bossuet, and
Maisillon, might have thundered against vice and profligacy —
Boileau and Moliere might have pointed against them the polished
shafts of ridicule and satire — the reign of literature and of the
arts seemed at that period to vie with that of the French arms,
yet, under all this brilliant surface, public virtue received a
wound from the royal example, from which it did not recover
until the destruction of that very throne by whose occupants it
was inflicted.
The ecclesiastical quarrels, which were fomented and embit-
tered by political cabals, contributed, unfortunately, too, to pre-
pare a reception for writings unfavourable to religion. France,
as well as every other portion of the Church in Christendom,
had its immunities or liberties. Those sacred privileges were
secured to the rulers of the church, by canons and by customs,
against the caprices or despotism of the secular power. At the
period to which I allude, those sacred liberties were attempted to
be wrested from their original destination, and the flatterers of
the monarch would fain find, in the liberties of the Gallican
church, a plea for fresh encroachments on those ancient immu-
nities of its Bishops. Hence the most zealous advocates of those
liberties, understood in their modern acceptation, were, and some
of them no doubt unconsciously, the most successful advocates of
the slavery of the church. This intestine strife had long rankled
in the heart of the nation. It assumed a variety of phases, and
was carried on under a great variety of colours. Jesuits and
Jansenists occupy a prominent portion of the history of that
period, but amidst the contending combatants it is not difficult to
descry that the leading principle by which they were severally
animated, was either the untrammelled freedom of the church on
one side, or its complete subjection to the secular power on the
other. The Jansenists, who braved the thunders of the church,
were generally the favourites of the court. The Jesuits defended
not the fictitious, but the real liberties of the church, and earned
in return, the hostility of many of the courts of Europe. In
this intestine strife between those who fought or pretended to
fight under the banners of the church, its influence was gradually
weakened, and the public mind in some measure disposed for the
reception of those poisonous opinions by which it was subse-
quently saturated.
What has been the fruit of those opinions is yet but too visible
in the capital of this great kingdom. They have been looking
for freedom, and found the worst species of servitude. Nothing
can be more grating to the ear, as well as more painful to one’s
religious feelings than the sound of hammers and such like in-
struments, breaking on the repose and solemnity of the Sabbath-
230
LETTER XLIV.
day. Yet such is the din you are doomed to hear from some of
the workshops of Paris on Sunday, and such is the monument of
servitude that attests the reign of their boasted freedom. The
Almighty, in instituting the Sabbath, secured to the serf a
grateful respite from the severity of his toil ; the church, follow-
ing up the same merciful spirit, enlarged the privilege, by the
institution of her sacred festivals. The votaries of philosophy —
the followers of those delusions which wore the name of liberty,
have flung away the shield with which the Catholic church would
fain protect them, and have accordingly plunged themselves into
the most abject servitude. Still I do not despair of the religious
resuscitation of France. The Catholic faith is still active, not-
withstanding the many and even recent persecutions it has
endured. The Archbishop’s palace is still a wreck since the
days of July; his library has been flung, by the fury of the
revolutionists, into the river. Some of the Catholic clergy are
constrained to disguise themselves in a secular dress, reminding
me of the similar costume worn by some of the priests of Ireland
until a recent period — the remnant of the persecution through
which they passed. Still in Notre-Dame, St. Roch, and several
of the other churches, the Catholic worship is carried on with
great solemnity, and the seed of the divine Word cast by zealous
preachers, is crowned with a consoling harvest. Zeal for the
freedom of instruction, and emancipation from the despotism of the
University is rapidly springing up among the clergy and people.
This is the last strong-hold of infidelity and intolerance. Until
the tyranny over faith and conscience exercised by the Univer-
sity is utterly abolished, a strong barrier will exist against the
restoration of the ancient religion. Symptoms of impatience
under this intolerable yoke are already discernible. The clergy
and Christian brothers are imbuing the young minds of the
growing generation with a strong leaven of the Catholic faith,
and when they succeed in destroying the unhallowed monopoly
in education which the University has laboured to usurp, the
Catholic church will resume once more its peaceful dominion over
the entire of the French people.
* John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XLV,
231
LETTER XLV.
Geneva, October 5 , 1831 ,
It is difficult to determine whether St. Denis on the one side of
Paris, or Fontainbleau on the other, is most calculated to impress
the instructive lesson of the instability of human greatness.
The royal sepulchres of the one, in which the ashes of the long
line of the French monarchs repose, naturally inspire reflections
on the fleeting tenure with which the most dazzling dignities are
held. And I have no doubt that the philosophic fury which at
the close of the last century waged war on those venerable
monuments of the dead, had less for its object any enmity to
the memory of the kings there interred, than to that holy
religion which can draw instruction from every object, and can
furnish out of the mausoleums of fallen ambition the most touch-
ing lessons of humility. But why should Fontainbleau, a resi-
dence for royal relaxation and amusement, read the same
saddening lesson as the Benedictine cemetery in which the
remains of the French kings are deposited ? Because it remains
a monument of the pride and of the fall of the most powerful
man that ever swayed the imperial sceptre of France. It was
in the palace of Fontainbleau Napoleon kept captive the succes-
sor of St. Peter. It was here he heaped on him the most humi-
liating indignities. The insolence of his imperial keeper, and
the heroic patience of Pius, are minutely detailed in the admirable
Memoirs of Cardinal Pacha, the companion of his captivity.
History does not record a more striking or instructive coincidence
between guilt and punishment, than that in the same apartment
in which the Emperor, like another Oseas, lifted his hand against
the Lord’s anointed, he was afterwards, by a just retribution of
Providence, constrained to sign with the same hand the sentence
of his imperial abdication.
In beauty of scenery, in variety of landscape, in the freshness
of its verdure, and in the magic rapidity with which wood, and
lake, and mountain, alternately break upon your view in Ireland,
the “ great nation,” as it is flatteringly called by the devotion of
its children, could challenge no comparison with our own. How-
ever, though the views of the country are less cheering, its inha-
bitants, compared with those of Ireland, enjoy far more freely
the blessings of their tame, but fertile soil. Instead of the lofty
walls that here frown upon you, rendering the domains of the
proprietors inaccessible to the very eye of the traveller, bristling
with terrors, like the ramparts of a garrisoned town, the bound-
232
LETTER XLV.
less fields of France are seen without visible fence or mearing,
teeming with vine and corn, un violated by any trespass from
legal or agrarian plunder, and affording in this apparently unde-
fended condition a pledge of the tender and affectionate relations
that bind the proprietors and tillers of the soil as members of the
same family. The sacred inheritance of the rights of the culti-
vators of the soil was not cancelled by the fury of the French
Revolution. The Christian traditions of humanity and mercy
were not obliterated. Under the false guise of freedom, it is
true that the cruel authors of the Revolution would have substi-
tuted the most revolting servitude. But the genius of Catho-
licity and freedom rose after the revolutionary frenzy had sub-
sided, and there was no ascendancy party distinct from the great
body of the people, animated by religious and national hate, to
keep in thraldom the native children of the soil.
To an Irish Ecclesiastic the city of Auxerre had peculiar at-
tractions. It was here, under its sainted Pontiff, Germanus, that
St. Patrick first imbibed those holy lessons that fitted him, under
the divine grace, to be the Apostle of Ireland. I must confess I
felt the force of the inspired passage: u We have worshipped in
the place where his steps have trodden,” on reflecting that it was
to this city St. Patrick betook himself for instruction to qualify
himself for that mission to which he was invited by the memo-
rable vision from the Diocese of Killala. Next to Auxerre, Dijon,
the capital of Burgundy, and the birth-place of Bossuet, deserved
and attracted my attention. But here, notwithstanding some
noble churches, the spire of one of which is seen shooting to the
clouds, I regretted to find in another church, still converted into
a stable, the deep and unsightly furrows of the French revolution.
Had the Jura mountains occupied any other position, they
would have been deemed a range of striking elevation. But the
effect produced by their view, is impaired in a comparison with
the Alps, by the proximity of which they are overshadowed.
Had it been intended to produce an effect by suddenness, one of
the most powerful means to excite great sensations, no contrivance
could have been fitter for such a purpose than the abrupt turn
from the road beyond the French frontiers, through which an
immediate view of those stupendous mountains is unexpectedly
let in on the surprised beholder. I shall not easily forget, — to
describe it would be difficult — the sensation I felt at the first
glance of the distant Alps, belted, as it were, with a blue fringe,
their summits covered with snow, and leaving the imagination to
guess how far they were hidden in the clouds, whilst from under
* The village bearing the name of ^oco^ll, but little varied from the ancient
name J^ocluc, found in St. Patrick’s biography, is yet to be seen on the west
of Killala, not far from the Bay of Kilcummin.
LETTER XLV.
233
the azure zone I have just mentioned, an immense sheet of spark-
ling whiteness overspread the valley, casting a transient illusion
over the entire of the scene by which we were surrounded. We
descended along the road, winding in spiral turns through the
mountain, with unusual rapidity : the hazy gauze which, a few
moments before, floated beneath us, began to disappear in thin
and shadowy fleeces, and revealed, in partial glimpses, the bosom
of the Leman lake, together with the verdant valley of the Jex,
leaving us in doubt which most to admire, the magic of the first
illusion, or the reality by which it was succeeded. As we passed
on, we beheld to our right the chateau, in which once resided the
philosopher or the fool of Ferney, and arrived, towards evening,
in the celebrated city of Geneva.
The political vicissitudes of this city, successively belonging to
Savoy, Switzerland, and France, and again restored to the
Helvetic Confederation, are but an appropriate counterpart of its
more disastrous, religious revolutions. It was early a favourite
retreat of those turbulent children, who sought to shake off the
authority of the church ; and it soon gave evidence to the world
that a soil saturated with the seeds of heresy, was the most pro-
pitious ground for infidelity to thrive. It was here Calvin
preached religious liberty to the citizens, and the lessons which
he taught were soon illustrated by the fires in which he sought
to extinguish the opinions of Servetus, who but improved on the
license and infidelity of his teachers. In the lapse of time the
revolting theology of Calvin yielded to the more fascinating
infidelity of Rousseau, the indigenous produce of the soil of
Geneva. But as if its own native growth was not sufficient to
infect this region, it was doomed to receive fresh accessions of a
kindred impiety, from France and England. Near both ex-
tremities of the Leman lake, are yet to be seen the houses in
which the fellow- labourers of Rousseau resided, the one at Ferney,
and the other at Lausanne. In the hall of Ferney, a picture
representing the author of the Henriade receiving a laurel crown
from Apollo, designed by the poet himself, is unquestionably one
of the saddest monuments of human vanity and weakness on
record. A far more rational and interesting memorial of Gibbon
is found in his library at Lausane ; soon, as I was informed, to
be brought to England, and forming one of the rarest and most
select private collections, in Europe. The bower in which the
historian wrote the last lines of The Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire, shaded with its blooming acacias, is still in
tolerable preservation.
The ill-omened conjunction of talent and impiety which the
neighbourhood of Geneva has exhibited in the lives and writings
of these so-called philosophers, has lent an unenviable celebrity
to the place. It did not escape the notice of Lord Byron, and
Q
234
LETTER XLV.
probably it was the magnificent scenery by which he was sur-
rounded, when Mont Blanc could be seen from the bosom of the
lake, lifting its snowy top over the tributary range of hills that
lines its margin, that suggested to him the comparison between
those writers and the ancient giants piling Pelion upon Ossa to
storm Olympus, and wage war upon heaven.
Long, however, before the birth of these men, the seeds of
religious anarchy Avere cast in those regions. Little more than a
hundred years before, the associate of Luther raised the standard
of revolt in Geneva, the city of Constance witnessed an as-
sembled council of the Ecclesiastics of Christendom, for the
purpose of annihilating the spectacle of a Papal triumvirate,
which, in defiance of right and usage, sprang up from the scandal
of the times. Again but a few years elapsed, when the seditious
and schismatical doctrine which some had drawn from those de-
crees of the Council of Constance, which only the necessity of a
solitary case could warrant, was practically attempted to be
enforced at Bazle by the turbulent bishops who sought to depose
Eugenius, the legitimate Pope. In the person of one of the
Dukes of Savoy, they set up a Papal pretender in his stead.
The memory of this fatal schism is still attested by the monu-
ment of the abdicated Pontiff, in one of the churches of Lausane,
where, stripped of the inappropriate name of Felix, which he
had usurped, his remains now repose, under the more humble title
of Amady, Duke of Savoy.
But amid those saddening memorials of infidelity, of heresy,
and schism, that are scattered over Switzerland, there are more
numerous and enduring monuments of the piety of the Catholic
Church. It is cheering to an Irishman to find the ancient fame of
his own land for sanctity and learning attested even in those
Alpine regions. The city of St. Gall perpetuates the name and
memory of one of those holy and illustrious men, whom Ireland
sent forth in the days of its splendour, to dissipate the spiritual
darkness that covered a large portion of the continent. Well
have the people whom they instructed, proved their gratitude.
The name and veneration of St. Gall will be imperishable as the
Alps. Almost every where, the zeal and labours of St. Francis
of Sales, are the theme of the people’s devout gratitude, and
many interesting anecdotes of his life, mingle in their conversa-
tions. The darkness of infidelity and the revolutionary storm
which followed, obscured for a time, it is true, the memories of
such holy men, and defaced, if not levelled, the religious monu-
ments which they erected. But as the tempest has passed over,
the fruits of their piety again begin to revive. Though Geneva
has been the cradle of Calvinism, the service of the Catholic
church is such, as to inspire much consolation. It was here I first
observed a holy and benevolent practice — a memorial of the
LETTER XLVI.
235
ancient Agape — baskets of bread blessed at the offertory and
then distributed among the poorer classes of the congregation,
that those who came from afar to refresh themselves with the
bread of life, might not, on their return, be exposed to the
danger of famishing on the way. The Catholic Church may
encounter opposition. Its doctrines may be checked by masses
of error interposed to arrest its progress. Still, in despite of all
obstacles, it will not fail to force its way, and, like the rapid
current of the Rhone that is said to sweep through the Leman
lake without mixing with its waters, the pure stream of Catholic
doctrine will rush through every opposing medium, and come
out as from its source, unmixed and undiluted with any of the
earthly qualities of the flood, which it may be destined to
traverse.*
* John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XLVI.
The Yale of Chamounie, October 8, 1831.
Had I been assured that Doctor Johnson had travelled through
the cantons of Switzerland, or Savoy, as he had through the
islands of Scotland, I should have conjectured that the story of
Rasselas had been first suggested by a visit to the delightful
valley of Chamounie, — not that the resemblance could have con-
sisted in the climate or the scenery ; for no two objects could
be more dissimilar in their physical features than the historical
vale, girt with mountains radiant with eternal snows, and the
fanciful one to which I have alluded, blooming with perpetual
verdure, and breathing all the soft and voluptuous fragrance of
an oriental atmosphere. The resemblance would consist in that
happiness with which the author of the tale associated the crea-
ation of his fancy, and which is found to a greater extent amidst
the rugged realities of those mountains, than in such artificial
enjoyments, as were imagined for securing the happiness of the
captive prince, of the secluded valley of Abyssinia.
* This real or fanciful phenomenon, occasioned by the rapidity of the Rhcne,
is thus described by Ammianus Marcellinus : — ‘ ‘ A Poeninis Alphibus effusiore
copia fountium Rhodanus fluens et proclivi impetu ad planiora degrediens,
paludi sese ingurgitat nomine Lemano, eamque intermeans, nusquam aquis
miscetur externis.” — Historise Roman* Scriptures, tom. 2. p. 430. Geneva, 1653.
236
LETTER XLVI.
Perhaps there was not in Europe a happier portion of the
human race than the primitive inhabitants of the Vale of Cha-
mounie, previous to the visit of Pocock, whose name is still asso-
ciated with one of the caverns on the confines of the “ Sea of
Ice,” and at the foot of the Snowy Mountain. So much for the
benefits of intercourse, and the fruits of civilization. No doubt
much advantage may be derived from well-regulated social inter-
course, by which the remotest districts may be considerably
improved. But such intercourse has often its alloy ; and better
were it for districts and for countries to be left in the enjoyment
of an artless simplicity, sufficiently provided with necessary
comforts, than by the sudden influx of foreign tastes, to be also
made the victims of their concomitant vices. The primitive and
patriarchal manners of the inhabitants of this valley, have, it is
said, been injured by the incessant intercourse with strangers.
If so, their original constitution must have been unusually
sound, for, notwithstanding the continual stream of tourists, that
has been flowing into this valley since its discovery in the last
century, they are still a people, who, for pastoral innocence and
piety, may well be held up as patterns for the peasantry in any
part of Europe.
It was amusing to witness the overtures for ascending to the
summit of Mont Blanc, between my more adventurous companions
and an experienced guide, who about seven times in his life, had
essayed the perilous journey. To do him justice, he appeared as
disinterested as he was enterprising ; for though he shrunk not
from the task when importuned by romantic travellers, he gene-
rally dissuaded them from the hazardous experiment. A regular
convoy of pioneers would have been necessary for the expedi-
tion — some to carry food, others covering for the night, while
reposing on a couch of snow — one party laden with ladders to
scale the craggy rocks — and another with planks to throw across
the frightful fissures that yawned beneath. For me the descrip-
tion was enough : I was not so romantic as to wish to encounter
the reality, with no other prospect, save that of arriving, after
much danger and fatigue, at the summit of a mountain from
which you must descend with a precipitate retreat, lest your
lungs should suffer from the effusion of blood, caused from a
painful respiration, in such an attenuated atmosphere. We were
content with the less glorious, but more safe ascent of the subor-
dinate ridge that leads to the Cave of Pocock, on the margin of
the “ Mere de Glace,” or icy strait— a singular curiosity —
which, instead of presenting one smooth and continuous surface,
is furrowed into a strange variety of the most fantastic forms.
Having taken an early opportunity of visiting the parish cler-
gyman, whose influence was attested by the regularity of his
flock, I found his little study quite in keeping with the simple
LETTER XLVI.
237
piety of his character. The books on the table were the Imita-
tion of Christ, St. Chrysostom on the Priesthood, and a copy of
the sacred Scriptures. They were but few, but nothing could be
more judicious than the selection. His study was not encumbered
either by journals or periodicals. The subjects discussed in such
ephemeral productions, did not seem to possess much interest, for
this good and humble clergyman. This apparent indifference to
every species of secular science or political knowledge, will, no
doubt, according to the various tastes of my readers, be made
the theme of reproach or of admiration. The latter was the
feeling in which I was inclined to indulge, and I could not help
wishing that it were the happy lot of the entire Catholic priest-
hood, to be equally beyond the reach of the disturbing influences
of the world.
But if this secluded pastor never mingled in civil or political
concerns, let it be recollected that it was his happy destiny, to be
placed in circumstances that released him from the painful neces-
sity. No alien missionary prowled among his flock, to make a
prey of their simplicity, or to bribe them from the faith of their
fathers, with portions of that treasure which had been accumu-
lated for the sustainment and propagation of that faith, and not
for its destruction. No ruins of demolished cottages were to be
seen strewn over his parish, attesting the unfeeling ferocity of
proprietors, who had sent their inmates from the scenes that
were dear to their childhood, in order to let the grounds out for
pasturage, or to more rapacious tenants. He had not witnessed
the victims of a political despotism now dragged to one tribunal
to make oath that they possessed a franchise for which their
conscience smote them, and again to another, where they were
forced to turn this imaginary franchise, into an engine for the
destruction or abridgment of their, own liberties. Those are
reflections that are seldom made by those who are so ready to
arraign the political interference of the priesthood of Ireland.
They either do not recollect, or industriously disguise the ano-
malous state of society that has forced them to take a part with
their helpless and persecuted flocks, to shield them from oppres-
sion. When these political evils are completely redressed —
when, instead of a mockery, the Irish Catholics shall enjoy the
reality of a franchise — when religion shall be free, and education
protected — when they shall have achieved their complete inde-
pendence of an alien Church and an alien legislature — then, and
not until then, may an Irish Catholic clergyman enjoy the peace,
and pursue the ascetic life of the pastor of Chamounie.
John, Bishop of Maronia.
238
LETTER XLYII.
LETTER XLYII.
Milan, October 16, 1831.
It is no wonder that the people of Savoy and Switzerland should
bear the impress of their Alpine scenery — in their repose, gentle
as their peaceful vallies, and in their excitement , stormy, as the
tempestuous magnificence of their mountains. And even in the
exhibition of those striking contrasts, the peasantry are still true
to nature, for seldomer is the tranquil solitude of those seques-
tered regions disturbed by the hurricane, than the habitual inno-
cence of its inhabitants is invaded by the strife of the destructive
passions. Life generally glides on, in a smooth and placid cur-
rent : like the disastrous fall of the avalanches, it is only occa-
sionally its peace is deeply furrowed, by the terrible inflictions of
revenge. It is in traversing the celebrated “ Tete Noir,” one of
the finest passes in the Alps, between Chamounie and Martigny,
you perceive this coincidence between the physical features of
the country and the character of its people. I have not seen the
stupendous summits of those “eternal hills,” girt with the winter’s
clouds, and shaken with its storms : they were calculated to
inspire awe even in their repose ; nor could the most indifferent
passenger contemplate their lofty pinnacles, again and again
outtopped by higher elevations, crowned with pines, of which the
verdure was hidden by wreaths of snow, without feeling a livelier
sense of the Omnipotent Spirit that sustained them. On the
mind strongly musing amidst this wilderness of sublimities, the
chiming of the bells suspended from the necks of the numerous
herds, broke like a musical hymn, reminding me of the beautiful
apostrophe in our Litany, bidding beast, and rock, and mountain,
to praise the Lord, and converting them into so many vehicles to
elevate the soul to heaven.
The road over the Simplon, atones for much of the destructive
effects of the ambition of Napoleon. If he was impelled to the
enterprise by vanity, it was a vanity which is seldom directed to
so useful a purpose. Others have erected statues, or pyramids,
to perpetuate their fame. It was reserved for Napoleon to in-
scribe his achievements upon the Alpine rocks, and to make his
mausoleum as lofty and as durable as its mountains. Both sides
of the Alps, but especially that facing Italy, cannot fail to
impress the passenger with the boldness of the man who could
conceive and achieve a project fraught with such difficulties.
Rocks, mountains, torrents, precipices, were all arrayed in oppo-
sition, proclaiming the impracticability of the work, and all
LETTER XLVII.
239
were conquered by his genius. The columns that are seen lying
by the road to Milan, destined to complete his triumphal arch,
have been made the frequent theme of real or affected pathos,
as illustrative of the vanity of human ambition. However, the
memory of Napoleon required not the frail memorial of a tri-
umphal arch for its commemoration, nor of a gallery for his
busts, whilst the magnificent torrent of Frizinone, bounding along
its stupendous gallery, frets as it trembles under the far more
triumphal arch, with which he spanned its indignant waters.
The Simplon, as well as the Great St. Bernard, attests the
dominion of the Catholic religion, showing that no place, how-
ever frightful or repulsive, is inaccessible to its benevolent influ-
ence. Here, too, is a place of refuge reared and fostered by the
same spirit that climbed the icy steeps of St. Bernard; and here,
too, many a straying traveller, rescued from a grave of snow,
could tell the merciful deeds of the inmates of those asylums.
On descending from those chilly heights, you were enjoying in a
short time the delicious climate of another hemisphere. The soil
of Italy is scarcely touched when all the cheering influences,
for which it is famed, are felt. On arriving at the small city of
Domo D’Ossola in the evening, our first visit was to the cathe-
dral, and surely it was delightful to hear one of the finest con-
certs imaginable — the Litanies of our Lady of Lorretto, alternately
entoned by thousands of the youth of the city, who, after the
labour of the day, pealed forth in voices full of taste and melody,
their ardent devotion to the Queen of Heaven.
To the withering spirit of Calvin, which blighted the fruits of
Catholic piety on the northern side of the Alps, this scene, so
redolent of all that is beautiful in our holy religion, no doubt
would appear offensive. Nay, more, something of that feeling
which the savage fanaticism of John Knox brought in all its
baleful integrity into Scotland, has found its way into our own
country, and infected, in some degree, the more susceptible por-
tion of its population. Not only does the sacred emblem of our
redemption meet the eye, and challenge the reverence of the
passengers along the Italian roads, but you meet likewise tasteful
oratories, where the image of the Blessed Virgin is painted in
fresco, to which the peasantry, by uniformly uncovering their
heads, show a becoming veneration. This devout practice has
called forth not only the ridicule of Protestants, but it has been
treated by some Catholics in a tone of feeble apology, if not
worse, rather than in one of manly vindication. This shows the
latent influence of mixed religious impressions on their early
minds, of which they are unconscious. Some of those Catholics
are sincere in their belief — nay, devout in the practice of their
religion. They venerate the mother of God, and would be
shocked at the impiety that would deny the efficacy of her inter-
240
LETTER XLVII.
cession. They would bow to the image of their crucified Re-
deemer, and would pity the ignorance or the bad faith of those,
who would accuse them of idolatry, for an act having reference
to him, whose image thus recalled a grateful feeling, for the bless-
ings of our redemption. * Yet I have known persons affecting a
pity for the too ceremonious piety of the Italians, forgetting the
inspired canticle of her who prophetically announced that she
would be honoured of all nations, and forgetting, too, that if the
relative honour paid to the mother, through her image, is wrong,
it would be difficult to free the superior reverence paid to the
image of the Son from a similar inconsistency. It is the inter-
course with persons of a different creed — it is the atmosphere
which we breathe, somewhat tainted with this mixture, that
occasions this surprise in the Catholics of the more northern
parts, when visiting the south of Europe. If this sickly feeling
has stolen over some of the best, when early intercourse with
infidelity was rare, it is not difficult to imagine the dangers to
faith and morals which must beset the young and thoughtless, if
unhappily the day should ever arrive, when the best fences of
both would be thrown down by an unhallowed system of promis-
cuous education.
Notwithstanding the wealth, and splendour, and historic re-
nown of Milan, its cathedral forms the pride and glory of the
city. It is in the vicinity of the Alps such a magnilicent temple
has its appropriate site — the one displaying nature in all its
majesty, and the other exhibiting over the arts the sovereignty
of religion.
It is a curious circumstance, that in Italy is to be found the
finest specimen of a style of architecture, entirely foreign to its
classic soil. The German style had found its way beyond the
mountains with the dominion of its German masters. From the
days in which Sempronius had associated his fame with one of
the Alps which we just traversed, modified into the name of
Simplon, the plains of Lombardy were the battle-field on which
it was sought to arrest the tide of Teutonic barbarism, which
continued to roll over the fair regions of Italy. Milan might be
deemed the gate that guarded those defiles, and it was to be
expected that it should bear the deep impressions of those
struggles, between the hostile nations. In its very cathedral you
behold the proofs of a border city, alternately swayed by strange
and varied influences. Its mixed and fantastic architecture has
been arraigned with a pedantry of criticism, in which the laws of
nature and the facts of history, were overlooked or forgotten.
Conquered by foreigners, with remittent gleams of domestic inde-
pendence, the cathedral is a mirror of its political destinies — the
uniform power of the Germans in its Gothic, pointed roofs and
arches ; the dominion of Spain in the profusion of its Moorish
LETTER XLV11.
241
or Arabesque ornaments ; the indignant genius of Italy revolting
against Gothic rule, reclaiming its own influence in the erection
of the fagade of the Grecian order, and so influencing the entire
work, that the sterner features of the Northern style, were
softened and assimilated to the graces of the native architecture.
It is a delightful temple. One knows not which to admire most,
the vastness of the structure, or the variety of its details — the
richness of the materials, or their tasteful and elaborate decora-
tions. The principal events of the inspired writings, as well as
those regarding the illustrious saints and martyrs of the Church,
are represented in the stained panels of the pointed windows, or
in basso relievos along the walls. The exterior furnishes a sub-
ject of untiring admiration, shooting forth a forest of marble
minarets of the same materials as the church, all laden with
statues of saints, and glittering in the sun of heaven.
To the credit of Napoleon, this celebrated church is much
indebted to his munificence, for its completion. But the virtues
of St. Charles Borromeo are those to the commemoration of
which, it is specially devoted. The vast charities and self-denial
of the holy archbishop have employed the zeal of rival pencils in
their delineation. In one place he is represented distributing to
the poor of the city, in one single day, the vast sum of forty-two
thousand crowns. And again, in imitation of his Divine Master,
he is represented in a procession humbling himself for the sins of
his people, in order to stay the dreadful plague, with which Milan
was scourged, by the Divine vengeance. A special oratory, or
chapel, has been erected underneath, all covered with silver,
where the remains of the saint repose, in a chrystal sarcophagus.
Here I had twice the happiness to offer up the holy sacrifice of
the Mass. I viewed his colossal statue at Arona, in the attitude
of bestowing his benevolence on the land and people, of the
place of his nativity. But the works and virtues of the illus-
trious Archbishop of Milan, did not exclusively belong to any
locality. His praise is in all the churches. But along the
mountains of Savoy and Switzerland, his memory is particularly
cherished, together with that of St. Francis of Sales ; and their
virtues, like the flowers of those vallies, breathe still the fresh-
ness of their fragrance, unsullied and untouched by the noisome
breath of the world.
The political subjection of Milan to the dominion of Austria,
has been often the theme of sincere or hypocritical commissera-
tion. The cursory reflections already made, on the mixed and
capricious style of the architecture of the cathedral, show that
this submission to foreign rule, is nothing new to this celebrated
city. Nor is this yoke, however mortifying to the spirit of
native independence, so heavy, as far as regards the social con-
dition of the people, as the exaggerated pictures of a certain
242
LETTER XLVII.
class of writers would lead us to imagine. Seldom is the dele-
gated power of a distant sovereignty, better administered than in
Milan. The opulence of the city, the flourishing state of its
trade, the magnificent style of the higher, and the comfort of the
lower classes, together with the contentment and cheerfulness of
all, attest that the representations of Austrian tyranny with
which we are often amused, are the effusions of interested tra-
ducers, rather than the genuine opinions of the people. That
the inhabitants of Lombardy should prefer a native government,
conducted on the principles of justice, is natural. But that they
are so impatient of the Austrian yoke, as easily to be seduced
into wild and Eutopian schemes of a federal Italian government,
to be formed by cruel and licentious anarchists, is at variance
with truth. When those indignant invectives against foreign
despotism are traced to their source, it is singular to find that
they generally come from a quarter, where they should be spared,
with more propriety. Some of your English tourists, and great
Irish absentees, occasionally strive to conciliate the good will of
the Milanese, by loud declamation on the evils of foreign despo-
tism. Native independence and native legislation are their
favourite themes, forgetful of the miseries, which the want of its
own legislature inflicts upon Ireland. Lombardy exhibits not
the starvation of its inhabitants, amidst the exportation of its
corn, as did Ireland this summer. Its nobles and its proprietors
abstract not the amount of its produce to Vienna, as those of
Ireland habitually squandered the rents of their estates in
London. The cries of matrons and of children, banished for ever
from the demolished cottages where they first breathed life, are
not music, such as an Italian ear could endure. And often those
who inflict or connive at such cruelties, are they, who are loudest
in their hollow eulogies of constitutional freedom, and in their
equally hollow condemnation of arbitrary government. The
people of Lombardy, have had better instructions in their rights
and duties, than those itinerant propagators of sedition. Some
of them are not wanting in shrewdly observing that they should
apply their lessons of benevolence to Ireland, so near home,
before they should thus expend them on a distant country.
They are not insensible to the blessings of good government.
They know as well as their prouder visitors, the just rights of the
people, as well as the duties of the monarch. The claims of the
poor can never be disregarded where one archbishop, in the per-
son of St. Charles Boromeo, devoted his ample revenues and life
to their support ; nor can the monarch ever claim exemption
from the duties of humanity and justice, where another, in the
person of St. Ambrose, excluded from the sanctuary, Theodosius,
the guilty master of the Homan world.
John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XLVIII.
243
LETTER XLVIII.
Bologna, October 20 , 1831 .
If Rome were not the great centre which attracts the generality
of European travellers, with a speed that seems to accelerate as
they advance, the intermediate cities of Italy would be well
worth loitering among them for a longer time, than is generally
bestowed on their varied treasures of sculpture, painting, and
literature. In the commencement, one feels more than regret in
being, as if torn away from an intellectual feast, which he was
only beginning to enjoy. But you are soon reconciled to the
change, finding that every city furnishes fresh, and perhaps,
more interesting objects of curiosity, filling the mind with an un-
interrupted succession of historical incidents, and familiarizing
the taste to models of excellence, until it becomes gradually
assimilated to the surrounding objects, ceasing to wonder at
those master pieces of art, which, when first seen, are sure to call
forth all the excitement of a young admiration. Every city,
nay, every town, has its magnificent temples, its colleges, its
museums, its galleries, its annals, and monuments of every kind ;
and can boast of poets, or painters, or historians, whose fame may
have spread, far beyond the place of their nativity. There is
not a region over the entire surface of Italy, that is not redolent
of historic renown ; nor a river you traverse, from the Rubicon
to the majestic “ Father of floods,” which does not roll with it, a
succession of classic recollections.
In crossing the flat, but fertile fields of Lombardy, you are
filled with cheerful emotions, in witnessing the comfort of the
inhabitants. You are prepared for relishing the refinement of
the arts, when you feel, that the first essential foundation of the
physical comforts, of the people is laid. Smiling fields and
gladsome faces, exhibiting a delightful sympathy between man
and the rest of the creation, meet you as you go along ; nor are
your feelings harrowed with those pictures of a once happy
tenantry, evicted from the homesteads of their fathers, which
rush upon your mind on your approach towards Mantua, drawn
from the terrible realities of civil war, but which the poet did
not imagine would be realized as in Ireland, in the midst of social
tranquillity. Long viewed through the transparent medium of
the Italian poets, the Po cannot first be seen without more than
ordinary curiosity ; it appeared still more beautiful towards the
close of the evening, as the moon shone upon its peaceful surface,
giving a more distinct relief to the neighbouring ridge of the
244
LETTER XLVIII.
Appenines. Of Placentia and Parma, contiguous cities, the latter
is now the chief, both being within the dominions of the
widow of Napoleon. The brilliant colouring of Corregio is
still as fresh on the roof of the ducal palace, as when it was left
unfinished by the hand of death, an emblem of the unfading fame,
which Parma derives from having given birth to this celebrated
painter. The neighbouring city of Reggio recals the memory
of Ariosto, whom Italy admires as the creator of the romantic
school of poetry, in which he had many admirers, and some
imitators. Again, the city of Modena challenges the homage of
every lover of truth and antiquity, as the birth-place of Muratori,
whose accurate and laborious dilligence leads you, by the help of
dates and monuments, through the labyrinth of the middle ages.
His is a name, which deserves the veneration of every scholar,
and there are few who ever pushed their researches into the
remote dimness of antiquity, that will not readily acknowledge,
that they found a guiding light, in the writings of Muratori.
Bologna has been distinguished as one of those cities, which
contributed earliest to the restoration of learning. Its Univer-
sity always enjoyed a distinguished reputation, and was one of
the most frequented in Europe. At a recent period the chair
of Greek was won, by the successful competition of Clotilda
Tambroni. Many great historical events are associated with
this city. Here the Emperor Charles the Fifth was crowned.
The beautiful white altar, adorned with basso relievos, illustrative
of the principal events of the life of St. Dominick, is one of
the finest monuments in the city, and which does honour to
the memory of Alphonso, Duke of Ferrara. The University
library, laboratory, and museum, are well worthy the ancient
reputation of the city. That of anatomy, is particularly rich
in the varied specimens of the human species, together with the
diseases to which human nature is subject. The monuments of
fools and monsters, with which it abounds, are sadly calculated
to lower the vanity of man. But Bologna may well boast of
one man, the immortal Lambertini, who, not only from the
eminence of his station, but the extent and variety of his acquire-
ments, stands out towards the middle of the last century, as one
of the most conspicuous characters in Europe. Born in Bologna,
reared in its University, the young mind of Lambertini was so
thoroughly imbued with classical learning, that in his old age he
could recite whole passages of Virgil, from which the graver
studies of his profession, had debarred him for many years.
With an intellect of vast capacity and untiring application, he
grasped the whole circle of theology, ecclesiastical history, and
canon law ; and when translated from the Archiepiscopal See of
Bologna to the throne of St. Peter, he continued for a long
Pontificate, to pour upon the Christian world an uninterrupted
LETTER XLVII1.
245
flood of Catholic knowledge ; conveying the orthodox doctrines
of the Church, in language not unworthy of Leo, one of the best
imitators, of the ancient eloquence of Rome.
To study such men, and to contemplate their enduring monu-
ments, in the beneficent influence which their virtues and their
writings spread around them, has been the chief object of my
brief pilgrimage. And it must be particularly consoling to an
Irishman, in treading over such sacred ground, to find, even in
the classic soil of Italy, the monuments of Irish wisdom and
Irish virtue, among the most towering of those, which yet chal-
lenge the people’s veneration. Here, embosomed in the depths
of the Appenines, stands the venerable monastery of Bobio,
erected at the close of the sixth century by Columbanus.
Educated at Bangor, his breast burned with an ardent zeal to
carry the glad tidings of the Gospel to the Continent, then torn
by the dreadful contentions of intestine faction, and foreign wars,
that raged, throughout the falling Empire. The life and labours
of Columbanus, his frustrate efforts to reform the licentious
court of Theodoric, and his banishment from Luxien, procured
by the implacable vengeance of Brunechilde, his royal mother,
form an instructive and interesting episode in the ecclesiastical
history of that period. Sighing for that solitude and repose
which was the ambition of his life, and from which he had been
sacrilegiously extruded, he crossed the Alps, and found the
secure asylum which he sought from the liberality of Agilulph,
King of the Lombards, in the midst of the Appenines.
When a barbarous and oppressive code had reduced Ireland to
a similar state of anarchy and ignorance, as followed in the
track of the invasions that desolated the Roman empire, it was
cheering to us amidst those disasters, to refer to those illustrious
men who went forth to shed over this chaos, the blessings of light
and order. Though our colleges were destroyed, and our tem-
ples levelled with the ground, still as long as such high and holy
recollections were cherished, they were the harbingers of a hope,
that our country would again resume its character for sanctity
and learning, among the nations of Europe. Of this soothing
hope the Scotch sought to despoil us, and Dempster, availing
himself of the name of Scotia, which Ireland anciently bore, and
which was not applied to Caledonia, or Albany, till a more recent
period, endeavoured by the most shameful act of literary piracy,
to rob us of the rich treasure, of our sanctity and literature.
The clumsy imposture could not escape immediate exposure,
and accordingly it excited mingled feelings of indignation and
scorn. For some time it was considered deserving of the se-
riousness of refutation. Its best and simplest refutation is found
in the comparatively recent appropriation to Scotland, of the name
of Scotia, which Ireland anciently and exclusively bore.
246
LETTER XL1X.
So clear, however, and incontestible are the claims of Ireland
to Columbanus, and the host of holy men whom it sent forth
in the period of its peaceful enjoyment of literature, that the
continental writers, invariably pointing to our country, scarcely
ever condescend to notice the foolish pretensions of Scotland.
Thus Muratori expressly names Ireland as the native country of
Columbanus, and guided solely by that love of truth* which
distinguished this historian, characterizes him as a most cele-
brated abbot, and an eminent servant of God, who was most
illustrious for his holy life and miracles.
John, Bishop of Maronia.
LETTER XLIX.
Fiesole, October 29, 1831.
Finibus occidius describitur optima tellus,
Nomine et antiquis Scotia dicta libris.
Insula dives opum, gemmarum vestis, et auri,
Commoda corporibus, are, sole solo.
* * *
In qua Scotorum gentes habitare merentur,
Inclyta gens hominum milite, pace, fide.
X>opAcup.
£>]Ap, Z'A Z\]i aIu|P, bA]t da b-ffiAi), July 4, 1834.
Graiorum cedant rivuli, cedant Romolidum fontes,
En ibi salubrior longe, scaturiens unda ;
Quae Uvara sanitare superans, nomen indidit agro
Ex quo earn hausere inclyti Eianorum Heroes.
ffijuf ua Rojrbe r)A u-0|teu5,
73obAp ua b-p|Ar>, nop b&p 50 fi-eus ;
13 |Ai)f be ^|Oft-u]i5e ’s-eosu^lb
’
£>o 013 boi) bA^lle Aipm ’f cajI,
b’ ol a |* J*|Aua Jrnpr
Independently of the beautiful scenery, by which it is encom-
passed, the spot from which I now write, possesses for me those
peculiar charms, which are ever found associated, with the place
of our birth. It is, I think, St. John Chrysostom remarks, con-
trasting the correct and truthful simplicity of youth, with the
false and fastidious refinement of after-life, that if you present to
a child his mother and a queen, he hesitates not in his preference
of the one, however homely her costume, to the other, though
arrayed in the richest attire of royalty. It is a feeling akin to
that filial reverence, which the Almighty has planted in our
breasts, towards our parents, that extends also to the place
where we first drew our being, and hallows all its early associa-
tions. This religious feeling is the germ of true patriotism,
radiating from the centre of home, and taking in gradually all
that is around, until it embraces the entire of our country. It
is this mysterious sentiment, common alike to the rude and the
civilized, that gives his country the first place in each man’s
estimation, and makes him regard the most refined or the most
prosperous, as only second to his own. I should not value the
stoicism that would be indifferent to such a sentiment, and if it
be a weakness, it is one that is as old as the times of the Pa-
triarchs, and which some of the best and wisest men in the
Catholic Church, have consecrated by their example.
To him who wishes to explore the ancient history of Ireland,
its topography is singularly instructive. Many of its valuable
records have been doomed to destruction ; but there is a great
358
LETTER LXXir.
deal of important information written on its soil. Unlike the
topography of other countries, the names of places in Ireland,
from its largest to its most minute denominations, are all signi-
ficant, and expressive of some natural qualities or historical
recollections. If the Irish language were to perish, as a living
language, the topography of Ireland, if understood, would be a
lasting monument of its significance, its copiousness, its flexibility,
and its force. A vast number of its names is traceable to the
influence of Christianity. Such are all those commencing with
cjll, of which the number is evidence, how thickly its churches
were scattered over the land. The same may be said of ceAropul
and ceApmuju, but, being derived from the Latin language, they
are more rare than the word cjll, a genuine Celtic word. The
words commencing with l^op and pAc, or rath, are supposed to
ascend to the time of the incursions of the Danes ; but, whatever
be the period of their introduction, they and bun are expressive
of military operations. Other denominations imply a territory,
either integral or in parts, such as cjp, bAjlle, leAc, cp]At;, ceAcpAb,
cu]£a 8, &c., and mean the country, the village, half, third, fourth,
or fifth of such a district. It is from cuigad, or a fifth portion,
our provinces were so called ; and though now but four provinces
are generally named, the corresponding word in Irish signifies a
fifth, as cu|5 ciq^Ajbe $qpeAU, or the five provinces of Ireland.
Hence, if a stone were not to be found, to mark the ruins of the
magnificence of Tara, the Irish name of a province, will remain
an enduring attestation of the ancipnt monarchy of Meath.
The name of pup, or Ros, so frequently characterizing some of
our Irish townlands, always signifies a peninsula or promontory,
or, for a similar reason, an inland spot, surrounded by moor or
water. The words commencing with rrjAg, or Moy, signify exten-
sive plains, and assume the appellation of cIuao, when compara-
tively retired. The highlands, from the mountain to the sloping
knoll, are well known by pljAb, ct)oc, cuIIa^, or Tully, and leAp3,
while 5leAp, I&3, called in English, Glyn and Lag, denominate the
lowlands and the vallies. It is not to be supposed that the num-
berless lakes and streams, that cover the plains or descend from
its hills, had not a large influence in giving their names to a great
portion of the country. Accordingly, we find loc, cobAp, AbAp),
peAb&o, forming the commencement of the names of several town-
lands and villages. The qualities by which these several names
are modified, are as various as the properties of the soil, and the
traditional records of each locality.
Tobarnavian has, like other ancient names, employed and
divided skilful etymologists and antiquarians. Some have de-
rived the name, from the excellent quality of its waters, not
inferior to the juice of the grape, whilst others, with more strict
regard to the just rules of etymologfV as well as the truth of
LETTER LXXII.
359
history, havo traced it to the old legends of the Fenian Heroes.
'Gob a f ai) y| 0 |t) would be its correct name, according to the first
derivation, whereas Gob Aft t>a b-fiAt) is its exact and grammatical
appellation, as connected with the historical and poetical legends,
of the followers of the great leader of the ancient Irish chivalry.
Its situation, as well as the tales connected with the scenery, by
which it is surrounded, give additional force to this etymology.
It is situated at the base of Nephin, the second among all the
mountains of Connaught in elevation, and inferior but to few in
Ireland. The south view is bounded by a portion of the Ox
mountains, stretching from the Atlantic, in the form of an amphi-
theatre. They are called the 33 apt)a-t>a-5ao|c mountains, from a
narrow and precipitous defile, where the storm rules supreme,
and rendered famous by the passage of the French, in 1798, on
their way to Castlebar.* Round the base of this circuitous range
of hills, is seen, as if to sleep, the peaceful surface of the beau-
tiful Lake of Lavalla, bordering on the woods of Massbrook.
Directly to the east, the large Lake of Con stretches from the
Pontoon, to the north-west, the lofty hill of £ voc TIa|v|a inter-
cepting the view of its surface, and again revealing to the eye,
on the north side of the hill, another portion of the same sheet
of waters. Beyond the extremity of the lake, you can con-
template some of the most cultivated and picturesque portions of
Tyrawley, stretching along in the distance as far as the hill of
Lacken, of which the view is animated, by a fanciful tower of
modern construction.
Such is the view that presents itself from this elevated spot,
forming the summit level of the district, from the sea to the Ox
mountains. In this remote district, secluded by its encircling woods,
hills, and lakes, the olden legends and traditions of the land, were
preserved with a fond and religious fidelity. . When the other
provinces of Ireland, and a large portion of Connaught, were
overrun, and parcelled out among strangers, the territories of
Tyrawley were inherited by the descendants of the ancient
septs, until its fair fields were, at length, invaded and violated by
the ruthless followers of Cromwell. For its long immunity from
the scourge of the despoiler, it paid, at length, the forfeit in the
increased oppression to which its inhabitants were doomed ; and
whilst the descendants of the ancient settlers were mingled in a
community of blood and interest with those of the Celtic race, in
other parts of Ireland, the Catholics of Tyrawley, like those of
Tipperary, were doomed to be treated, by those more recent task-
masters, as aliens in country, in language, and in creed.
* As exciting events take a strong hold of the youthful mind, the age of seven
years at the time — the interval between 1791 and 1798 — enables me vividly to
recollect the distressing incidents of that period.
360
LETTER LXXII,
The retired position of Glyn-Nephin afforded a secure asylum
to the songs and traditions of the olden times, and the indig-
nities, to which the inhabitants were subjected, by the Cove-
nanters, who were planted among them, served but to endear
every relic of story or of minstrelsy, which time had transmitted.
It was here Bunting* collected some of the most tender and
pathetic of those ancient airs, to which Moore has since asso-
ciated his exquisite poetry. It was here, too, on the banks of
Loch Con,f that Mr. Hardiman took down some of the sweetest
specimens to be found in his collection of Irish minstrelsy. It
was no wonder : The name of Carolan, who frequented the dis-
trict, was yet familiar with the older natives of the valley of
Nephin ; and in no portion of Ireland did his soul-inspiriting airs,
find more tuneful voices, than were there heard, artlessly pouring
them forth, amidst the solitude of the listening mountains.
Of the legends of Ireland, both oral and written, the people
were not less retentive, than of the songs of their bards. I knew
myself some who, though they could not at all read English, read
compositions in the Irish language with great fluency ; and even
of those who were not instructed to read, many could recite the
Ossianic poems with amazing accuracy. While Macpherson was
exhausting his ingenuity, in breaking up those ancient poems,
and constructing an elaborate system of literary fraud out of
their fragments, there were thousands in Ireland, and especially
in Glyn-Nephin, who possessed those ancient Irish treasures of
Ossian, in all their genuine integrity, and whose depositions,
could their depositions be heard, would have unveiled the huge
imposture. There is scarcely a mountain, or rock, or river in
Ireland, that is not in some measure associated with the name of
Fion and his followers. On the highest peak of Nephin, is still
visible an immense cairne of large and loose stones, called
“ ICeAcc or lion’s monument. Some fanciful etymolo-
gists are disposed to trace the name of Nephin, or Nefin, to the
chief of the Fiana, insisting that it means 30teArh-^]Ojfi, as
Olympus was the seat of the Pagan divinities. But though the
monument just alluded to may give weight to this opinion, the
authority of Duald Mac Firbis is opposed to them, ^e5* John, Bishop of Killala.
* The names of their immediate predecessors were, Erwin, Skerret, Philips,
Mac Donnell, of whom the last, or most remote in the series, is here still recol-
lected by some of the old and patriarchal natives.
f See the “Hi-Fiana,” one of the last volumes published by the Archeo-
logical Society. The learned translator, Mr. John O’Donovan, does great
.justice to the memory of Duald Mac Firbis, who earned the encomiums of
O’Flagherty and Charles O’Connor.
9
A
362
LETTER LXXIIL
LETTER LXXIIL
TO THE CATHOLIC CLERGY OF THE DIOCESE OF KILL ALA,
Tobarnavian, September 1, 1834 ,
Dear and Venerable Brethren — Your simple and touching
address, which speaks too genuinely the language of the heart to
be affected, utterly overpowers me. Although 1 anticipated that
such a separation as ours would be painful, I was not prepared
for the feelings which it inspires. When I look back on the
years I have spent in this my native diocese, and recollect that
spontaneous homage of the heart, with which I have been received
by the clergy and people, whenever I went among them, I
cannot but feel the pang of being torn from a place, where the
best affections and virtues of Christianity are cultivated. Yes ;
the soil is fertile — the seed is cast and reared by the assiduous
care of the clergy — and the fruit is manifest in the virtues of the
peasantry ; their fidelity to their God, their respect for his minis-
ters, their desire of public tranquillity, their practice of those
virtues that make home a temple, and, in short, their meek and
Christian patience under privations, which nothing but the spirit
of religion could enable them to endure.
To my attention to the wants of the people you have kindly
made allusion. Alas ! that I had but the mere will to mitigate
those hardships, which it often grieved me to witness. It is true
I have striven to call the attention of those who have a control
over their destiny, to a sense of their obligations ; and should the
Almighty at last give them “ hearts of flesh and bowels of mercy,
instead of the hearts of stone,” which they have hitherto exhi-
bited, no one would more sincerely rejoice than I at their con-
version.
As to my zeal for the house of God, when I consider that some
parishes in this diocese are almost without a chapel, I must de-
plore what I left undone, rather than take credit for what I
achieved. But the unexampled poverty of the people may well
plead our joint apologies. As for the cathedral, it was a work
which my predecessors, like the pious King David, seriously me-
ditated ; but, like the same King, they found obstacles to its
accomplishment, in that desolate wreck of the people’s fortunes,
which then, as well as in ancient times, followed the disastrous
shiftings of the ark of their religion. A comparatively better
state has enabled us to commence and to cover in a magnificent
LETTER LXXIII.
3G3
temple to the Lord ; but let it be recollected that, besides the aid
I received from a generous public, I was mainly assisted by your
zeal and large pecuniary contributions, and that, besides the
faithful of Kilmore Moy, whose exertions are beyond praise, the
cathedral is a proud monument of the ardent zeal and generosity
of the clergy and the people of Killala.
You have kindly congratulated me on my appointment to the
metropolitan see of the province. Alas ! whilst others see but the
honours that dazzle from the distant heights, I ought, in common
with a Gregory or an Ambrose, tremble at the precipices which
lie beneath, and are always deep and dangerous in proportion to
the elevation. However, if I meet co-operation such as I met
here (and I cannot but anticipate a kind assistance), I fear no
difficulties ; and, relying on the aid of Him, who has often chosen
the “ weak things of the world to confound the strong, and the
foolish things of the world to confound the wise,” I have accepted
the pastoral staff, which has been confided to me by him to whom
Christ has given, in the person of St. Peter, the supreme domi-
nion of his fold.
It is to me most consolatory that the connexion that has
hitherto bound us is not to be entirely severed by my translation.
Whatever may be the solicitude which will extend over the pro-
vince, the clergy and faithful of Killala shall not be forgotten.
Accept once more my heartfelt thanks for the splendid carriage —
a proof that where there is the will, people can be generous out
of the poorest resources. In conclusion, I beg a share in your
prayers, and those of your flocks, to enable me worthily to sus-
tain the weight of my office. If you have sustained any loss by
my removal, I rejoice in the wise provision that enables you to
repair it, by the selection of such zealous and enlightened persons
as will furnish you with a worthy successor. To him I have the
consolation of handing over a flock, not only undiminished by the
prowlings of the wolf, but increased by many accessions of strayed
sheep returning to the fold. And by one of those wise dispensa-
tions of Providence, which binds the resolves of kings and senates
to its own ends, I have the further consolation of transmitting to
him, without collision with parliamentary pretenders, the old and
hereditary title of the legitimate pastors of the Catholic Church,
which, though sometimes clouded, can never be taken away,
whilst I subscribe myself, dear and venerable brethren, your
obliged and affectionate servant in Christ,
^ John, Bishop of Killala.
364
LETTER LXXIV.
LETTER LXXIV.
TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
ON .THE ESSENTIAL INJUSTICE OF PAYING TITHES, IN ANY SHAPE, FOR TIIE
SUPPORT OF THE PROTESTANT ESTABLISHMENT.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of the Conception
of the Blessed Virgin, December 8 , 1834 .
Cedant arma togae.
My Lord — It is no longer doubtful that your Grace has ventured
to grasp the reins of government which fell out of the feeble
hands of your incapable predecessors. It is no longer a secret,
that you have been called to preside over the public counsels, in
order to support the tottering establishment in Ireland, or to
protract to a further period its inevitable fall. This, my lord,
is a hazardous undertaking. It is a project fraught with more
difficulties than any you encountered in your military campaigns,
and experience will convince you that it is much easier to scatter
the armies of Napoleon than to break the firm, resolved, and
concentrated will of eight millions of people not to pay an odious
impost, revolting to justice, insulting to religion, and a badge,
likewise, of national degradation.
In the one case nought was required but a superior numerical
force, or a preponderance of physical strength and courage. In
the other you have to combat a moral power, which neither
numbers, nor discipline, nor courage can conquer. Nay, it is a
power which is not only invincible by arms, but which, with all
the authority of the legislature at your side, you will find it im-
possible to subdue. Yes, my lord, the eternal laws of justice are
against you, and until right and wrong are found to be such
changeable things as to shift their position like the corps of a
camp, or the members of the senate, at the nod of a minister or
military commander, the opposition to tithes in Ireland shall
remain beyond the reach of any adequate control.
No doubt, my lord, you will be astonished at such a bold as-
sertion. However grating it may seem to your ears, the truth
has ere now reached you in a variety of forms, that the maxims
of the camp are not those that are fitted to sway a civilized
society. Amidst the tumult of arms, the cries of justice are so
generally unheeded, that the heart becomes insensible to its
dictates. Allow me, then, as you are not hurried away amidst
LETTER LXXIV.
365
the rage of battles, to whisper to you calmly the reasons why
your efforts to uphold the church establishment in Ireland must
prove abortive. It is because the laws by which it was founded
and upheld were at variance with every principle of justice, and
because there has arisen in the country a moral power superior
to the brute physical strength by which those atrocious enact-
ments were hitherto enforced. Your Grace is not, I trust, one of
those persons who imagine that the mere will of a Sovereign or
his Minister imposes the obligation of law ; nor is it, I trust,
your impression that every enactment brings with it that solemn
sanction, provided it is passed by a majority of the senate. No,
my lord, all the united authorities of the sovereign and the
senate can never annex the conscientious obligations of law to
enactments that are contrary to right reason and justice ; and,
hence, the stubborn and unconquerable mutiny of the minds of
the people of Ireland against these odious acts (I will not call
them laws), which have ever forced them to pay tribute to the
teachers of an adverse creed.
Perhaps, during your military sojourn in the Peninsula, the
name of illustrious Isidore, Bishop of Seville, reached your
Grace’s ears. Allow me to lay before you his definition of law —
a definition that has been found so much in accordance with
reason as to have been afterwards incorporated with the juris-
prudence of Europe : “ Erit lex honesta, justa, possibilis, secun-
dum naturam ; secundum consuetudinem Patriae, loco, tempori-
que conveniens, necessaria, utillis manifesta quoque, ne aliquid
per obscuritatem in captione contineat, nullo privato commodo,
sed pro communi utilitate civium scripta.” This, my lord, is a
definition of law, the comprehensive correctness of which is best
evinced by its general adoption ; and which all the legal ingenuity
of Bacon or of Brougham could not impeach. Yet are the
enactments that enforce the impost of tithes conformable to its
dictates ? Are they honest, or accordant to the spirit of religion,
from which the co-relative obligation of obedience springs ? Are
they just — nay, are they morally possible in their observance,
and suited to the customs of the country, as well as to the cir-
cumstances and to times ? Are they necessary ? Are they useful ?
Are they written for a selfish ascendency, or to promote the general
public weal? These are the natural interrogatories that arise
from the first notions of law that are contained in the above
definition, and the entire of which must be answered in the
negative. So far from being honest, the laws regarding tithes
are at variance with every principle of commutative justice, which
supposes that the enacted law ratifies the previous obligation of
giving to each man his own. Yet previously to those penal
enactments that wrung his tithes from the Catholic peasant, to
find in a Protestant parson any root of ownership whatever to
366
LETTER LX XIV.
such a property, I might challenge the entire Tory University of
Oxford. Subsequent laws may be heaped on laws, and majorities
may acclaim their enactment, but since justice was wanting at
the base, the whole superstructure crumbles, for want of a ne-
cessary foundation. Again, the Tithe laws, so far from being
necessary , it is universally confessed that an imperative necessity
has arisen for their abolition. Useful they never were; but,
whatever might have been hitherto their influence, it is now
admitted that they are become entirely and incurably noxious.
Not only are they not conformable to the customs of the country,
but the whole nation revolts against their endurance ; and as to
time , the period is arrived beyond which their utter extinction
cannot be safely protracted. The public good they never pro-
moted ; on the contrary, they were maintained as the aliment to
private cupidity, and always furnished a stimulant to the profli-
gate few to array themselves in unholy hostility against the
nation’s welfare. Far from doing any kind of office, the parsons
are recollected as a tribe who scourged the people with scorpions.
May I then be permitted to inquire, is it laws so unrighteous
your Grace is called on to maintain, and is it ascendency so
oppressive, you are resolved to perpetuate ? You may bend the
necks of the people under the weight of a military despotism —
it will only last as long as the hand that imposes it is on them ;
the moment it is removed, justice will recover its spring, and with
a force proportioned to the pressure. What avails, then, this
incessant and angry struggle against right and justice ?
Your Grace may be deluded with the notion that this oppo-
sition to tithes is only a temporary ebullition of feeling that may
pass away, and that the people may be brought to be recon-
ciled to the reimposition of the heavy burden. — Never. They
may, it is true, be forced to submit, but let me impress upon you
that it will be only a forced submission. The laws that shall
enforce tithes may be endured — they cannot be obeyed — and
hence the import of that word, passive obedience, so little un-
derstood and of which the misunderstanding has thrown such
undeserved odium upon Catholics. Passive obedience is nothing
else than a passive acquiescence in laws which are unjust, and
which one cannot correct ; yet are still tolerated on account of
the greater evil of public commotion, which should result from
their resistance. Hence the obedience to them is termed passive,
or permissive, in opposition to that active, free, and spontaneous
obedience of the heart, which a reasonable being always yields to
wise and beneficent laws, and which such laws only can impose.
In this latter and true sense of obedience, the laws regarding
Tithes to the Protestant establishment were never obeyed, and
never can, whilst destitute of all the elements of right and justice,
of utility and public good, that constitute such an obligation.
LETTER LXXIV.
3G7
The truths I have now advanced have nought of novelty to a
mind disciplined in the science of morals and jurisprudence.
Not so however to a person who was wont to manage men like
machines, and who might have been taught to look on the sword
as the best sceptre of justice. You may now perceive that any
enactments to enforce tithes will not have the moral influence of
law. Nay, the consequence of such enactments would be, that
you would have to war, not with men, but with reason, with
religion, with justice, with necessity, with utility, with the
customs of the country, with the resolution of the people — in
short, with the public good — a combination of powers which
you will own to be more formidable than the armies of the
French Emperor. This is the reason why I have stated that the
conquest of such difficulties required courage and fortune superior
to any you had hitherto to display. Let me then adjure you not
to sully your fame by attempting impossibilities. Imitate not
the Persian despot, who thought to bind in fetters the waves of
the Hellespont. You may drive your triumphal car over the
prostrate people of Ireland. If so, it will be as mad a victory
as that of Caligula over the Bay of Bairn, by attempting to sub-
mit it to the yoke of a bridge. The treasures of the empire
may be spent, and lives may be lavished, as then, in the prosecu-
tion of the insane project ; but the broken arches of the pros-
trate work shall remain to tell posterity of the folly and the
cruelty of the projector. Witness your impotent laws against
Catholic bishops assuming their ancient and hereditary titles.
Think you they have any force of binding men’s consciences ?
The parliamentary church may enjoy any temporal privileges
which a parliament, without any injury to the people, may confer.
His Majesty’s bishops may surely enjoy all those 'lordly titles
which his Majesty, the rich source of worldly titles, can bestow.
But neither his Majesty nor the parliament can make what is,
to be what it is not, nor the true and legitimate bishops of the
Catholic Church to be other than the true and genuine suc-
cessors of the Apostles.
Imagine not that it is my intention to trouble your Grace with
a series of letters on the subject of tithes and the establishment.
I trust my time shall be better employed. I have written this
letter to convince you that the question is already disposed of, and
that further controversy on its merits would be nugatory. Com-
positions and land taxes in lieu of tithes are all vain artifices.
If the landlords take on them the payment of tithes, and attempt
to charge them on the tenantry, then the landlords will be con-
spiring against the payment of their rents, nor need they any
more dangerous combination. I shall freely declare my own
resolves. I have leased a small farm just sufficient to qualify me
for the exercise of the franchise, in order to assist my country-
368
LETTER LXXV.
men in returning those, and those alone, who will be their friends,
instead of what their representatives usually were, their bitterest
enemies. I must therefore confess, that after paying the land-
lord his rent, neither to parson, or proctor, or landlord, or agent,
or any other individual, shall I consent to pay, in the shape of
tithe or any other tax, a penny which shall go to the support of
the greatest nuisance in this or any other country.
I have the honour to be your obedient servant,
^ John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXV.
TO THE CATHOLIC CLERGY OF THE ARCHDIOCESE OF TUAM.
St. Jarlath’s, Feast of St. John the Evangelist,
May 6, 1835.
Dear and Venerable Brethren — We are again on the eve
of one of those periods so disastrous to the interests of morality
and religion that recur occasionally in Ireland. During elec-
tions, the minds of many of the faithful are so often loosened
from the ordinary restraints of duty, that it is unfortunately
looked upon as a time when bribery, perjury, drunkenness, and
every species of corruption, are permitted to supplant the ordi-
nary virtues of the people. It is our duty to endeavour to
check those mighty evils, filled with the just apprehension of
the threat of the prophet, that if the faithful should sin for
want of seasonable warning, the judge of the living and the
dead “ shall demand their blood at our hands.”*
I am well aware that an apology is sought for those transgres-
sions in the strong temptations held out by men who, as they
affect a zeal for the morality of the people, should never hold
out any dangerous inducements to sin. The dread of those who
might persecute the freeholders for a faithful discharge of their
duty, ought to be subdued by the words of the Redeemer, telling
us “ not to fear those who can kill the body, but rather to fear
him that can destroy both body and soul in hell.”f
* Ezekiel, iii, 17, 18.
f Matthew, x, 28.
LETTER LXXV.
369
After filling their souls with this salutary fear which the Gospel
inspires, you will not fail to impress upon the peope that they
risk the loss of their immortal souls by the crimes of perjury
and bribery to which I have alluded. Remind them of the
inspired admonition, “ Speak the truth every one to his
neighbour : judge ye truth and judgment : love not false
oaths, for these are the things I hate, saith the Lord.”* Nay,
assure them* in the words of the same prophet, “ that the
curse of the Lord shall come to the house of the thief, and to
the house of him who sweareth falsely in his name.”f Let them
not, therefore, give a vote, unless their conscience assures them
that they have a real freehold, to the enjoyment of which they
have already sworn.
As for bribery, that foul crime that has done so much to
corrupt the purity of elections, by debauching the minds of the
people, your denunciations of so enormous a sin must be cogent
in proportion to its atrocity. The freehold is not a property to
be set up for sale.. It is held in trust for the benefit of the people,
and no man can have a right to traffic upon what is not solely
his own, and by such a vile bargain to inflict injury upon the
community. There can be no compromise of this truth ; let,
therefore, the people be persuaded that whoever receives a bribe
directly or indirectly for his vote, is to be excluded from the
benefits of tTie sacraments, until he makes restitution of the
money, which might be called the price of the happiness of the
poor, the widow and the orphan. No matter through what
medium the bribe may be received, no matter under what
specious contracts the traffic may be disguised, the Catholic
Church detests all such prevarications and evasions ; and, there-
fore, the saying of St. Augustin is applicable to all such cases :
“ until restitution is made, the sin is not forgiven.” Let those
who receive a bribe as the price of their country’s happiness,
entertain no hope of absolution until they atone for their crime,
by restitution of their ill-gotten treasure. When the film with
which bribery covers the eyes of the electors is once removed,
they will more easily perceive the straight path which duty
points out of giving their suffrages to those who shall best pro-
mote the interests of religion and the happiness of their country ;
for the Scripture assures us “ that presents and gifts blind the
eyes of judges, and make them dumb in the mouth, so that they
cannot correct. ”J When, therefore, that obstruction is once
removed, it will be an easy task to convince the freeholders
of their duty. In short, when once the hope of bribery, on
the one hand, and the fear of unchristian oppression on the
other, are taken away, the people will come to the hustings as
* Zachary, viii, 17. f Zachary, viii, 34. X Ecclesiasticus, xx, 31.
,370
LETTER LXXV.
reasonable, intelligent, and free agents ought to come, with a
consciousness that they are not the serfs of any man, but the
trustees of religion, and that they owe no account, but to God
alone, for the use they make of the elective franchise.
It will be your duty to remove the ignorance, or cure the cor-
ruption of such voters as would fain persuade themselves that
they, indeed, are released from the obligation of serving the com-
munity, from gratitude to some great family. Some of those are
persons who, though labouring under such lamentable ignorance of
the plainest maxim of Christian morality, affect the possession of
superior information. Alas ! it is to be feared that, under the
abused name of a specious virtue, they strive to cloak their unjus-
tifiable selfishness. It would be bribery, it seems, in a poor man
to receive a few pounds for his vote ; and, forsooth, it would be
otherwise to receive some hundred pounds, or an equivalent situa-
tion, for a son or for a friend, by the transfer of a lot of subser-
vient freeholders. According to such depraved morality, the sin
of bribery would be lessened by the magnitude of its amount.
Impress then, upon all, that gratitude is an estimable virtue,
when exercised in its proper sphere. It has no right, however,
to trench upon the other moral and Christian duties. Each one
ought to be grateful for a gift when he can be so without injury
to others ; but the gratitude that would bring with it public injury,
instead of being a virtue, would be robbery and injustice. The
gratitude to which I allude means nothing else but because
persons who have basely sold their votes received in return a
share of the public plunder, they ought still to continue the same
system. Past sins, instead of being an incentive to their continu-
ance, ought to furnish the most powerful argument for their
expiation. Let those, then, who, through a mistaken gratitude,
have given their votes to the enemies of religion and of the
people, atone for their transgressions, by doing them justice
henceforth, in case they are unable to make a more complete
reparation. In matters of duty and of religion the church knows
no distinction or respect of persons. You are to treat all with
charity, courtesy and respect, according to their rank in society.
They, however, are to understand that no station affords an
exemption from the duties of justice prescribed by the Christian
law, but that the more influence a man possesses, the more he is
obliged to use it in leading others to follow his virtuous example.
Tell, then, those, if there should be any among your flocks, who
were wont, by any unchristian means, to coerce that freedom,
which the very word election always supposes, it would be sinful
in them to continue a practice, and, should they persevere, to im-
press on the freeholders that obedience to such commands, con-
trary to a sense of their own duty, would be a sin against the law
of God. And should any be found so ignorant of the respect
LETTER LXXV.
371
they owe religion, as to mistake this inculcation of their bounden
duties to the people, as an interference with the rights of any
class, they ought to be taught, in return, that no class can have a
right to meddle with the consciences of your flocks. There are
other considerations connected with this subject, which I should
wish to explain to the people, but from which I must forbear,
for fear of being too tedious, leaving them to be supplied by your
own intelligent and prudent zeal. Such, for example, as the
ignorance of some who may fancy, that a bribe is a seasonable
God-send, too valuable to be rejected. I have explained the
heinousness of such presents. The whole world has not value
enough for the loss of one soul; but, should any be so weak,
as to consider the subject not so much in the light of duty, as
selfish calculation, they ought to reflect, that those who will give
the bribe will soon indemnify themselves by subjecting the com-
munity to fresh imposts, which would take away the entire
amount ; whereas, if all virtuously refuse it, they will have repre-
sentatives who will effect such an improvement in the laws, as
must advance the prosperity of the country, and the interests
of religion.
After all, I fear that some attempts may be made to annoy the
honest people who may discharge their duty. The best chance
of escape for them is to perform that duty so well, as to secure
the triumph of that franchise, which the constitution gives them
for their protection. If they do, they shall never again be mo-
lested, and the sale-masters of the votes of the freeholders will
quietly acquiesce in the just and peaceful triumph of conscience
over corruption, and of the constitution of the country over its
enemies.
Should they, however, be exposed to any suffering, you must
console them by the assurance that such has been generally the
fate of those who fearlessly discharge their duty, “ and that
those who wish to live piously in Christ suffer persecution.”*
Let me, however, adapting the beautiful language of the liturgy
of the season, exhort you “to strengthen the feeble hands,
and confirm the weak knees. Say to the faint-hearted, take
courage and fear not. Behold, your God will bring the revenge
of recompense.”! Exhort them to Christian patience, under
whatever sufferings they may endure — telling them, in the lan-
guage of St. Peter, “ For what glory is it if sinning and being
buffeted you suffer it ; but if doing well you suffer patiently, this
is thank-worthy before God. For this is thank-worthy if for
conscience towards God a man endure sorrows, suffering wrong-
fully”!
“ But let them commend their souls in good deeds to their
* II. Tim. iii, 12. f Isaias, xxxv, 3. f I. Peter, ii, 19, 20.
372
LETTER LXXVI.
Creator.”* Praying to you and your respective flocks, an abun-
dant participation in all the blessing of the holy season, allow me
to conclude in the language of the Apostle : “ Wherefore, dearly
beloved, be diligent that you may be found before him unspotted
and blameless in peace.”f
I remain, your faithful servant in Christ,
►J* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXVI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
on the unheeded destitution of the suffering people.
St. Jarlath’s, Feast of St. Anne,
July 26, 1835.
My Lord — Six weeks have now elapsed, since I ventured to call
your lordship’s attention to the alarming condition of the western
peasantry. It were, perhaps, uncourteous not to acknowledge
the terms of civility with which the communication was professed
to be received. It would be a much more grateful task to be
able to convey, in the name of the starving creatures, their
gratitude for the realization of those hopes which that and such
other documents were calculated to inspire. Truth, however, must
not be sacrificed; and though we were amused with repeated
promises of relief, it must be confessed they brought to many
of the wretched sufferers only the bitter aggravation of disap-
pointment. Need I refer to the various and appalling state-
ments of actual starvation which, during the brief period alluded
to, reached the public through letters addressed to the Viceroy
or through petitions presented to parliament ? Those letters
were not couched in any vague generalities, nor did the writers
shrink from the most searching inquiries into the startling par-
ticulars to which they solemnly and feelingly deposed. No ; they
pointed in the most definite terms to the scenes of distress, as
well as the numbers of the sufferers. They detailed instances of
human endurance which those unpractised in such privations
* I. Peter, iv, 19.
f II. Peter, iii, 14.
LETTER LXXVI.
373
would think nature unable to sustain, and invited the agents of
government to come and witness the work of famine within those
hovels where shame and hunger struggled, the latter forcing its
victims to go out in quest of food, and the former feeling more
imperatively keeping them within doors, lest ■. public decency
should be outraged by such exposures. Think you, my lord, that
the evil is at an end ? No ; I shudder at the forms of disease
which it is soon likely to assume. The people, unable to contend
with a foe to which the mightiest must yield, are already rooting
up the unripe stalks of the potato crop, and laying a broader
foundation for a famine next year than that which is now passing
over.
Again and again the sympathies of the legislature were striven
to be enlisted in their favour, by the feeling appeals of Mr.
Sharman Crawford, and such other practical and enlightened
lovers of their country. The secretary of the government is said
as often to have promised the promptest attention to their wants.
The sentiment was cheered ; the people starved ; and, alas ! the
unfortunate creatures who perished in Burishoole derive no con-
solation from the applause of this speculative benevolence. There
was not a week during that period in which a number of enormous
pensions was not paid to individuals, of whose services the world
are yet ignorant. And yet that valuable class, by whose exertions
and industry those drones are supplied, are abandoned, without any
extension of relief, many to the reality, and more to the chances
of starvation. Yes, my lord, the spectacle that was exhibited
this season along the western coast was one which a Christian
philosopher should be proud to contemplate. It taught in living
acts those lessons of real Christian charity which you would in
vain strive to gather in Oxford or in Cambridge. It exhibited
almost an entire population literally and voluntarily renouncing
the distinctions of ownership, and, like the primitive Christians,
putting their little possessions into a common fund, for the relief
of the common misery. Many were known to retrench their
scanty meals, in order to share them with their afflicted neigh-
bours, and it is to this heroic self-denial, rather than to anv
government aid, that we are indebted for the preservation of the
lives of the people. Those generous individuals, who, aided by
their contributions in mitigating our distress, are entitled to our
best acknowledgments. The seasonable supply of potatoes sent
by the kind-hearted people of Wexford has called forth, as it
merited, the lively gratitude of the suffering inhabitants.
Allow me once more to contrast, for the contrast is too striking
to be overlooked, the singular manner in which the people and
parsons are treated. A million of money, a sum that requires
some analysis to comprehend such a mass, and which is beyond
the reach of the comprehension of thousands, is lavished on a
374
LETTER LXXYI.
small band of functionaries, though their most sanguine friends
could never yet explain one solitary benefit which they conferred
on this devoted country. They never manned the fleets of
Britain — they have not filled her armies — their brows are not
decked with the laurels of her battles. What, then, is that use-
fulness, which calls forth such sympathy for their imaginary suf-
fering ; or what is the vast amount of those services, that can
justify such incalculable remuneration ? Why, they are the
dispensers of law, of which each one’s conscience is, according to
the true principles of Protestantism, the best interpreter ; and
they are the expounders of a Bible, which requires no expounder,
being a plain and intelligible book, which all can understand ! !
Behold, then, the range of their ministry ; and I put it sincerely
to Sir .Robert Peel, and the other pious panegyrists of the Irish
parsons, whether the people should be suffered to starve, and a
body such as I have described be so amply supported ? Suppose
three millions of money had been accumulated by the wise eco-
nomy of our ancestors, to sustain, with suitable dignity, the
temples and ministers of justice. Suppose that a body of men,
schismatic from the usages and practices of the realm, were to
pronounce any such authorized expounders an invasion on indivi-
dual independence ; and that they were gravely to dispense such
doctrines, while clothed with the ermine, and enjoying the emolu-
ments of the bench. Suppose that, in consequence of such fre-
quent appeals to their own enlightened independence, the people
came to the conclusion of the uselessness, nay, the noxiousness,
of the modern benchers, and the entire of such anomalous legal
establishment, and that some of them took the consistent priests
at their word, by taking into their own hands the decisions of the
law ; whilst the others, who form the mass of the people, prefer-
ring the ancient practice, always applied to the old courts of the
kingdom, and supported the judges by voluntary contributions,
rather than forego those advantages, of which experience had
taught them the value. Suppose that between those two nume-
rous classes the modern temples of justice were entirely aban-
doned, and that the few who crowded round their precincts were
persons who were gaping for some of the perquisites of the lonely
functionaries, rather than looking for any decision of law, what
would be thought of the financial or phiiosphical talents of the
minister who should, at any hazard, secure such a mass of pro-
perty for such useless judges, at the expense of the entire popu-
lation? Were a case, such as I have supposed, to occur in any
part of the civilized world, how the legislature would ring with
ridicule against its madness, and with denunciations against its in-
justice. Nay, were it practised in the remote regions of the East,
it would be no less a subject of severe reprehension, and many of
the British journalists would not fail to deplore such barbarism,
LETTER LXXVI.
375
and to applaud, with the utmost complacency, the wisdom of their
own more happy institutions.
If, besides its own inherent inconsistency, this system of juris-
prudence were to mark, by its origin and establishment, the pro-
gressive steps of physical and intellectual misfortune through
the land — if, with its introduction, the arts had fled, literature
disappeared, and a wide and boundless waste of ignorance had
announced to the inhabitants the plenitude of its dominion — if to
its ruthless sway every ancient record was to be sacrificed, and
every ancient remembrance surrendered — if it demanded, for the
security of its reign, the abolition of the only language which
stretches across the gulf that lies between the modern and the
ancient world, and links the present with the by- gone times — if
the rack and the gibbet were the wonted engines by which it
insinuated the persuasion of its superior excellence — if, after the
destruction of its literary monuments, the land itself became
waste, and agriculture languished, for want of the outlay of the
capital now appropriated to the keepers of the empty courts, but
heretofore expended in the employment of the poor and the im-
provement of a country — if, with a train of associations connected
with the supposed legal establishment, as cause and effect, the
people were resolved not to pay their money for the perpetuation
of such blessings, the resolve could not, assuredly, excite any
surprise.
Amidst the variety of your senatorial avocations, your lordship
may have condescended to cast a glance at the scenic exhibitions
of Exeter Hall. They were quite in keeping with the policy
which the apostles of mischief have ever adopted towards Ireland
in the hour of her misfortune. The wretched inhabitants of the
west of Connaught, exhausted with hunger, supplicated for bread,
and those tender-hearted missioners attempted to drown their
cries in the louder and more protracted echoes of the charges of
their idolatry. If the potato crop failed, or if the entire of the
produce was seized by heartless and unrelenting landlords, Popery
was the pregnant source of the mischief. Yes, the spirit of anti-
Christian fanaticism has not relaxed in its various transmigrations
through successive sectaries, and to-day, as well as in olden times,
“ should the Tiber overflow its banks, or the Nile withhold its
waters, the zealots devoutly exclaim, Christianos ad Leones’ 1
Besides their affinity with the more classic Pagans, those mis-
sioners have- displayed in their rituals, a semblance with our old
Celtic hierarchy, of which they are, probably, unconscious.
Some of the plains of our country still bear the names and
monuments of those rites, by which children were sacrificed to
the oriental divinities. The “ field of slaughter” is not, however,
a name of mere obsolete tradition ; the rites have been renovated
in many a Rathcormac.
376
LETTER LXXVI.
The cries of the victims have not only run through the
country, but the prophetic inspiration of Ireland’s cherished
bard has been fulfilled, and the lamentations of the widow and
the orphan have gone forth, wringing tears of sympathy from
many a generous soul in England and Scotland. The force
of this kindred feeling has been felt — its contagious propa-
gation would prove fatal to the Irish establishment. It must,
therefore, at all hazards, be arrested ; and, therefore, those itine-
rant prophets, who did not read the Bible in vain, were resolved,
like their predecessors in the valley of Jophet, to make a flourish
of drums, in order to drown, in the clamour of this artificial war,
the cries of the victims who had perished in the “ valley of
slaughter.” *
But such wily and treacherous artifices can no longer succeed.
The ignis fatuus of such mountebanks can no longer mislead the
intelligence of the English people. They may, like the prophets
of Baal, again and again flourish their drums — appropriate
emblems of the hollowness of their hearts, and the driftlessness
of their clamour. The “No-Popery” cry is, at last, extinct, for
ever ; and its last “ dying, dying fall” was that which quivered on
the lips of one of those tuneful Orpheuses, who soothed, with the
last echo of the favourite sound, the fierce passions of the mena-
gerie cased up at Exeter Hall. Britons now feel and appreciate
the value of Catholic Emancipation more than the Irish them-
selves. Till then, they were the dupes of every ecclesiastical
hypocrite, who persuaded them that they had no evil to fear but
the Papists of Ireland, and the deluge of those doctrines which
should, from thence, inundate their country. The Catholics have
been, at length, emancipated. Does the Englishman find that the
dismal phantoms, with which his mind has been filled by the
“ No-Popery” parsons, have been realized ? Does he find that
the Catholic representatives from Ireland have leagued in any
unholy alliance against his rights, or striven to swamp the free-
dom of the constitution in a flood of arbitrary principles ? No
such thing. He finds them foremost amidst the foes of every
species of corruption. To their steady and unflinching alliance
he is indebted for parliamentary reform. To them he will be now
indebted for the lustral waters that are pouring across the stables
of municipal corporations. In fine, to their compact and sacred
array, the Englishman is indebted for the recal of two successive
ministries, that were unceremoniously dismissed, and again re-
spectfully recalled, in accordance with the wishes of the people.
These are truths which the English know well. They sink deep
into their souls. They are not ungrateful; and instead of co-
operating to perpetuate in Ireland the most disastrous evil with
* See Moore’s “History of Ireland , ” page 19.
LETTER LXXVI.
377
which a nation was ever cursed, they will make a requital for the
services they have received, and aid in the achievement of peace,
and order, and freedom, those who so nobly have contributed to
the establishment of their own. Let, then, those fanatics rave
about treatises of theology. Whilst we practically convince our
Protestant brethren of our love of our neighbour, of every creed,
is it to be imagined that we are to consult those empirics, in the
adoption of the books which we may recommend to our clergy ?
Whatever some old treatises may have been,' they are utterly
harmless, except by the experiment of exhumation : they have
been generally written with ink on leaves that long since moul-
dered. Our modern apostles are more classical, and seem to pant
for the opportunity of writing, like some of their predecessors,
their doctrines with an “ iron style,” and leaving to posterity in-
effaceable traces of its deep and deadly incisions.
After the severe condemnation of all our casuists at Exeter
Hall, it may be important to ascertain who it is that is in future
to guide our theological decisions. No other, it seems, than the
saintly Sir Robert Inglis, who has totally lost sight of every
earthly object in his charitable solicitude for the souls of the Ca-
tholic members of parliament. Nay, he appears to overlook the
danger of rashness and presumtion, not to talk of falsehood, with
which some of the boldest among Protestants confessed their own
oaths to be fraught. If a man swears absolutely to a thing which
it is impossible for him to know, he exposes himself to the immi-
nent peril of swearing what is false in fact and of incurring the
guilt of perjury. Has Sir Robert sufficiently convinced himself that
the Mass may not be idolatrous ? Has he bestowed sufficient at-
tention on the fultilment of those University oaths which bound
some of their members not to marry, or to those sworn obligations
of teaching schools which were annexed to the possession of bene-
fices? But what cares he for all these petty dangers compared
with those which beset his Catholic brethren ? For their salva-
tion his whole soul yearns; and in the beginning and end of
every debate he fulfils his chivalrous vocation by warning the
members, if they vote, of the gulf that yawns beneath them.
Poor man ! ! he has yet made no converts ; and in defiance of
every menace and of every admonition, the Catholic members
are following the error of their ways. What a pity that doc-
trines emanating from such a disinterested source should be
utterly disregarded ! But to be serious, my lord, you need not
fear the desertion of the Catholic members on the church question
more than any other. They have intellectual capacities to
discuss the nature of an oath, as well as the member for the
University, and they have courage to keep a conscience too.
Besides their own lights, they have a reverence for the pastors
of their church, which no genius supersedes, and which forsook
378
LETTER LX XVI.
not an Alfred or a Turenne, in the full meridian of their glory.
They know that if they are exposed to danger by their oaths, it
would be the duty of those to warn them who ought to speak out
and who are aware of the course they are persuing. Let, then,
Sir Robert and the Bishop of Exeter sigh and whine, the Catho-
lic members will only deplore their folly. And should it appear
that the baronet himself, like his Pythian predecessors, was only
the mouth-piece of some craftier spirits, that lay concealed in the
hollow of the tripod, it will doubtless be manifest that some
weightier considerations, than a mere puff of inspiration dictated
the responses of Sir Oracle.
It is high time, then, that the laws of eternal justice and the
real and substantial interests of the people should be preferred to
that calculating policy, which hitherto sacrificed them, for. the
support of a mischievous establishment. The people can no longer
he neglected with impunity. They know it is they who fought
your battles, filled your fleets, and still feed the manufacturers
of England with the produce of their industry ; they know, too,
that they have been your lordship’s best allies in fighting against
corruption the battles of reform ; and they have intelligence
enough to understand that it is not a fair requital of all these
services that a useless body should be pampered with gorgeous
wealth, and they abandoned, without any sympathy, to starve.
This they have endured too often, and with a patience un-
paralleled in the history of any other nation. That they have
not done so this season is, in the estimation of some, one of the
greatest crimes of which the poor peasantry could be guilty.
Though it is lately become fashionable to reproach the priest-
hood of Ireland with a tendency to agitation — still, all this
could be easily forgiven them, if they did not expose the
wretchedness of the people, or if they persuaded them to lie
down and starve in peace. But to exhibit so many hundreds
without a cow, horse, or any four-footed animal — so many
families through the country without a night covering at an
average for twenty persons— to represent some of the gentry
employing persons to scourge from their gates the unfortunate
victims of their own rapacity, and others encumbering their
mercenary relief with conditions of such cruel and complicated
usury as to render it a prospective curse, is one of the most
treasonable acts of which the Catholic clergy could be guilty.
At the recurrence of an election, when there is question of de-
bauching the integrity of the people, the coffers are freely opened
to effect that immoral purpose. No matter what perjuries may
stare the guilty dispensers of this mammon in the face ; they
are hardened enough to brave all such terrors. But famine
threatens — no money appears. The only fear is the exposure
of certain classes ; and better far . it has been murmured, that
LETTER LXXVI.
379
such nuisances should be entirely swept away than that persons
unaccustomed to such treatment should be writhing under the
indignant tongues of British senators, or suffering from the
equally bitter pen of British journalists.
Can, then, the British public wonder that the political power
of such men has for ever passed away ? Can they wonder that
they cannot lead any longer their wretched serfs to the political
market-place? Allow me to say, that they appear to possess
little consistency who to-day lash the landlords of Ireland as the
most grinding, unfeeling, rapacious, and oppressive, body on
earth, and to-morrow inveigh with equal warmth, against the
stupidity, ingratitude and recklessness of all natural ties, which
turned the infatuated tenantry against their amiable and kind-
hearted protectors. Let those journalists, then, retract all the
articles of impeachment with which their papers have teemed
against them ; let them resolve and write that instead of being
hard-hearted and persecuting, they are the kindest, most gentle
and compassionating men to be found; or let them cease to
wonder at the loss of their moral influence. The cause of reform,
then, has nothing to dread from their noisy and vaunting pre-
parations. They have been weighed, and found wanting, and
their power has passed away ; nor have they yet evinced any
symptoms of contrition or satisfaction sufficient to warrant the
hope of recovering the lost favour of the people.
As it is, then, in the honest hands of the latter that political
power is lodged, it would be impolicy as well as injustice to sacri-
fice them longer to the landlords or the parsons. Whilst the land-
lords could barter the representation to the highest bidder it is no
wonder if the people, without a voice or influence in the councils
of the nation, should be reduced to absolute servitude. As they
have now a voice, they will most loyally and constitutionally use
it on being left a portion of the produce of their own labour, rather
than that all should gorge those absentees who have hitherto un-
mercifully drained their very vitals. The extent to which the
ancient Scotch and Irish recognised the claims of kindred has been
often made a theme of ridicule. I must confess there is something
ridiculous in self-sacrifices which the Irish still make, whilst they
should loudly and imperatively demand relief from other sources.
Their exercise of the domestic affections must ever command the
admiration of every generous mind. But it is too bad that their
feelings should be continually exposed to this specious of martyr-
dom, in order that my Lord Limerick should enjoy the luxury of
expatiating, among the cold sentimentalists of the high circles in
London, on the warm-hearted kindness of the poor peasantry of
Ireland. I can assure his lordship that a large centage on his
and other estates, for the benefit of the paupers which are scat-
tered over them, will not at all dry up the fountains of domestic
380
LETTER LXXVI.
cliarity. Some writers from Limerick have conjectured why his
lordship is so adverse to any provision for the poor. Whoever
travels through the extensive district between the Pontoon and
Ballina, may gather additional reasons for this reluctance. The
lake, the hills, the woods, the mountains would gladden his heart,
if he were not to be saddened by the humiliating contrast of the
misery of the noblest of God’s creatures. When Popery was in
its zenith in Ireland, Lough Cee resounded with the devout strains
of the harp of St. Columba ; along the banks of Lough Con you
may often hear the wailings of the untenanted cottier mingle with
the hoarse lash and the more terrific imprecations of the driver ;
but no hallowed sounds of thanksgiving or of joy are heard like
those of the Saint of Iona to breathe along its waters.
In concluding this letter, I may be allowed to make one or two
reflections on the serious misapprehension of some well-meaning
Protestants. We have no feeling of hostility whatever towards
them on account of their religious opinions. We quarrel with no
man on account of his creed ; nor is he, whatever may be the
complexion of his faith, an object of our alienation. But we
complain, nor shall we cease to do so whilst the cause continues,
of the political injustice with which religion has been forcibly
connected. We complain, that a vast property should be exclu-
sively devoured by a few ecclesiastical vultures, whilst the many,
for whose physical and moral nutriment it was intended, should,
in every sense of the word, be bereft of , its benefit. Let the Pro-
testants propagate their religion as largely and as freely as they
please, but let it be in a manner that will prove its purity to the
world. They talk of the revenues of Catholic priests. Why do
not they, if they have any reliance on their office, trust to the
same resources ? Some talk that the effect of reducing the
establishment will be to establish the Catholic religion in Ireland.
What ! establish the Catholic religion in Ireland ! ! They might
as well talk of resolving to plant the stars in the heavens, or of
plucking them out of the firmanent. The Catholic religion is too
deeply established in Ireland to be rooted out. It has been
established, and fostered, and sustained by the finger of Him
whose power no government can frustrate, and whose councils
no legislature can control. If the Protestant establishment is
founded on a similar basis, why not trust to a similar protection ?
Let it, like the Catholic church, flourish by its own vigour, or fall
by its corruption. As for the legislature, it has already done
enough for the establishment. There has been no lack of bribes,
of forfeitures, of confiscations, and all the grim artillery of penal
laws, so well described by Burke, which had so long frowned
upon its enclosures. Yet all were of no avail. The tree, though
fed with abundance of manure, has produced nought but barren-
ness. It is not deserving the toil or expenditure of any further
LETTER LXXVII.
381
cultivation. It ought, therefore, to be left to its own fate, un-
assailed and unsupported. It has had sufficient time to thrive,
but though its roots have been saturated with abundance of
blood, no dews from heaven have desended on its branches.
Without at all, then, interfering with the purity of religion, the
barren trunk ought to be abandoned to the decay that has come
upon it, until, without any stroke of external violence, but by
the mere weight of its own caducity, it perishes from the land
which it has so long and so lamentably encumbered.
I have the honour to be, your lordship’s very obedient servant,
►p John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXVII.
TO THE RIGHT REV. DR. BLOOMEEILD, LORD BISHOP OF
LONDON.
Achil Island, Nativity of the Blessed Virgin,
September 8 , 1835 .
My Lord — The remoteness of this island beyond the reach of
his Majesty’s mail, will, I trust, justify my tardiness in acknow-
ledging your lordship’s attention. The interesting occupation,
too, in which I have been engaged, guarding this distant portion
of the flock from the poison of errors, confirming the many in
the faith, and receiving back into the fold the few who were
straying around its enclosure, will, no doubt, plead in my favour,
as an additional apology. Whatever may be your lordship’s
opinion of the painful labour of such duties, I can sincerely assure
you that the gratification derived from them is such as could not
be supplied by any correspondence, however exalted. Yet, as
those busy reporters that invade the sacred recesses of legislation,
have represented you as pouring the viol of your unmeasured
wrath upon an humble and unoffending individual, who could
not by his presence disarm your anger, he must avail himself of
the only medium left him of bringing his censor to a becoming
feeling of the fatuity of his accusation.
It must be that the whole tenor of the observations ascribed to
you, regarding the extent, the usefulness, the res6urces, the
ministers and the opponents of the church establishment in
3-82
LETTER LXXVII.
Ireland, is nought but fabrication. It would ill comport with
those modest acknowledgments of liability to error, which so
amiably characterize all the effusions of Protestant Prelates, to
assume at once such a tone of fierce intolerance and dictatorial
dogmatism, as runs through those supposed parliamentary
lucubrations. It is impossible that on a subject in which your
sources of knowledge were scanty and imperfect, you could
hazard such an assertion as that the Protestant religion was
spreading in Ireland. In the days of Lord Farnham and
Captain Gordon, such impudent assertions might have gained
credence. In latter times, commissioners of unimpeachable
veracity have sealed their refutation. What? the Protestant
religion increasing ! And what is the evidence to establish its
progress ? Eight hundred and sixty parishes without fifty
Protestants, and not one solitary individual professing that
faith to be found in a number of parishes amounting to one
hundred and a half. If from such data you deduce the spread
of Protestantism, it must be that you attach to numbers the
idea of negative quantities.
But instead of numerical figures, you have discovered an in-
fallible standard to ascertain its diffusion. What is this novel
criterion by which the public is to estimate the growth of Pro-
testantism in this country ? The increase of parsons, glebe-
houses, and churches since the Union ! ! It is true we have had
an increase of parsons, many of whom had not even a clerk to
answer “Amen,” until he returned from the Catholic chapel.
These parsons, without flocks, were snugly lodged in glebe-houses
built at the people’s expense for their accommodation. Does
your lordship call this an increase of the Protestant religion ?
If so, the calculations of those who estimate the extent of Catho-
licity from the numbers of its followers, must be erroneous. For
of the congregations that are seen on Sundays thronging from
the four quarters of the heavens to adore their God in the sacra-
fice of the Mass, there are many that have not a roof to shelter
them; and for none would the amplest area of any modern
Catholic church be sufficiently capacious. Those are not I sup-
pose to supply any evidence, that it is the Catholic religion,
and it alone, which has been established in the hearts of the
people. No, my lord, cold untenanted walls, lifeless stones, un-
trodden floors, and deserted boxes are your symbols of religion.
The hearts of the people, the living temples of the Holy Ghost,
and the tongues of the myriads who, quickened with his spirit,
celebrate his praise in the cities, in the towns, in the valleys
and through the mountains, are as nought. You may, then,
boast of your parsons as a proof of the spread of Protestantism.
I shall exhibit the people as evidence to the contrary, com-
pared to whom the parsons are but as a few drops in the vastness
LETTER LXXVII.
383
of the ocean. And as for your churches, so far from being any
evidence of the growth of the Protestant religion, their steeples,
like the London Monument, are so many “ tall and lying bullies,”
erected to create a delusive belief of the establishment of the
Protestant religion, in places where a vestige of it was never to
be seen.
Conscious, however, of the fallacy of your views regarding
the extent of Protestantism, you encourage the hope of its pro-
spective diffusion, and suggest that all the measures of the legis-
lature should be so shaped as if Ireland “ were one day to be-
come Protestant.” When will that happy day, the object of so
many delusive prophesies, arrive ? If the propagators of error
have no retribution to fear until the day that Ireland becomes
Protestant, well, indeed, may they mock the day of judgment, and
rest secure from their delinquency. But such topics are really
too ridiculous for refutation. Are your lordship’s eyes alone so
infatuated as not to perceive, in the signs of the times, the evi-
dence of its failure instead of harbingers of its propagation ?
Your church establishment may flourish for some time longer in
England, as being more deeply rooted in the country. In
Ireland it has never sunk below the surface of the soil. Not
all the English Bishops, with all the missionaries they could
employ, and all the treasures of mammon with which they could
so liberally supply them, would make the least advance in the
fulfilment of your lordship’s expectations. There is something
in the very soil and atmosphere of Ireland uncongenial to the
growth of error. Its people are too quick, and too intellectual
in their conceptions, as well as too lofty and abstracted in their
hopes, ever to bend their necks to the ignominious yoke of an
establishment, which offers nought beyond the prospects of a
carnal, political paradise to its votaries.
Witness, for example, the recent abortive exertions of the
Achil Missionary Society, that was to renovate the face of this
island. Not only were the exaggerations of fancy put in requi-
sition, but all the resources of falsehood were resorted to, to
muster a crusade for the spiritual conquest of the inhabitants.
Before the dizzy eyes of the holy impostors, not one, but two
hundred Achils floated on the Atlantic, and England was repeat-
edly traversed to procure money for the salvation of the hundreds
of thousands with which those imaginary islands were peopled.
New houses rose, a spiritual colony was planted, moneys were ex-
pended without measure, and though hunger, and nakedness, and
famine were constant allies of which imposture availed itself, still
it could make no advances in this island. In vain was it attempted
to seduce the people from the faith of their fathers. A few
strolling strangers, such as could be appropriately grouped with
the fathers of the first reformation, was all they could enlist in
384
LETTER LXXVII.
their ranks. The contemptuous scorn with which the natives
treated the pretensions of those ignorant fanatics, if adequately
conveyed to your lordship, would considerably sober your en-
thusiastic anticipations. Some of the brotherhood have already
fled from the bitter derision of the people — others are preparing
to follow their example — finding or feigning a convenient apology
in the unwholesomeness of the atmosphere. The Achil mission
is already another tale of the numerous failures of fraud and
fanaticism ; and its buildings, now unfinished, are like the Tower
of Babel — a monument of the folly and presumption of their
architects. Whoever, then, in future should contribute to such
a project, will be not only the dupe of delusion, but the willing
agent of imposture.
Your lordship is reported to have gravely advanced, as an
argument for the enormous wealth of the Irish establishment,
that without the pomp with which it* surrounds the ministers of
religion, their instructions could not fall with any force among
the humbler classes of society. This is doubtless a small infusion
of sarcastic irony with which the reporters deemed it necessary
to season the dullness of the production. Enormous wealth a
necessary ally of the Christian religion ! ! The pride which it
generates an indispensable precursor of truth ! ! And the lux-
urious indolence with which it unnerves its votaries, the most
appropriate instrument to give force and efficacy to their instruc-
tions ! ! St. Paul, and perhaps his best imitator, as well as
admirer, in eloquence, in purity and in the privations of life — St.
John Chrysostom, may now retire from the ranks of Christian
orators, of which they were the acknowledged leaders, and give
way to those who assert that a golden calf is a more potent
instrument of persuasion. No one familiar with the records of
history, or the feelings of the human heart, can believe in such
speculations. There are, and ever will be in society some un-
principled individuals for whom wealth will have attractions, no
matter with what objects it may be associated. But with regard
to the convictions of the heart, it is truth, accompanied by its
practical illustration in conduct, which alone can lead them
captive.
What aid did they ever derive from the splendour of wealth,
who achieved the most signal triumphs for the benefit of
mankind? To whom, under Providence, are we still indebted
for our Christianity ? To two poor and untitled individuals,*
a hermit and a monk — of whom the one, by the energy of his
voice, and the charm of his virtue — and the other, by the
burning spirit which he flung into his writings, awoke Europe
from its torpor, and saved its inhabitants from the licentious
* Peter tiie Hermit and St. Bernard.
LETTER LXXVII.
385
dominion of the Koran. Was it with the weight of their purse
the zealous disciples of Loyola won and exercised their peaceful
reign over the once happy people of Paraguay ? But as such
historical retrospects may not be so agreeable to your lordship’s
taste, I shall confine myself to our own times, in which there is
less of enthusiasm, and more of calculation. I will then seriously
put it to your lordship, is the persuasive influence that still sways
the intelligent mass of society measured by the quantity of
wealth that is in possession of the teachers ? No, it is not still
so degenerate ; and though avarice has still silently worked
its corrupting way into large portions of it, the great body has
happily been proof against the infection. Is your lordship aware
that an humble Catholic curate in Ireland, with only £30 a year,
exercises more of that exalted influence which proceeds from the
mysterious communion of mind, than does, with all his untold
wealth, the Protestant Primate of all Ireland ? I have myself
witnessed, in two remarkable instances, what little importance an
auditory attaches to the possession or privation of worldly rank
or riches, in the dispensers of Christian morality.
The one was on the anniversary of this very festival of the
Blessed Virgin, when the august sovereign of those realms, sur-
rounded in Westminster Abbey by the ancient nobles of the land,
and encircled with all the magnificence which so interesting
a spectacle could call forth, entered into a sworn covenant to
promote the happiness of his people. The second was when
another monarch, and likewise the father of the Christian world,
with the princes and prelates of his court around him, as also
the bishops whom reverence towards their centre drew from
every quarter of the Catholic church, assembled in the Vatican
to prepare with due devotion for the celebration of the Christian
Passover. A discourse on the respective duties of the assembled
auditory, formed a part of each of these solemnities. The one
was delivered by a prelate of exalted rank and supercilious
bearing, whose full and corpulent frame, unwasted by fasts or
vigils, attested the sincerity of his belief in the superstition of
such practices. It was Dr. Bloomfield, the Protestant Bishop of
London — the other by a Capuchin, than whom nothing could
more strongly contrast with the former figure. The feet, almost
bare, were bound by a few latchets to their scanty sandals ; a
coarse, dark, flowing garment was wrapped by a leathern girdle
round his emaciated body ; the sinews upon his attenuated wrists
and fingers were seen to rise like reeds upon a column ; and the
fulness of the tonsure, which his downcast head had rendered
visible, manifestly revealed how completely he had got rid of all
the vanities of the world. The effect of their discourses corres-
ponded with the striking opposition of their characters — the one,
conscious of the obligations which he owed to the powers of this
386
LETTER LXXVII.
world for his elevation, seemed disposed to return the compliment
by a kind accommodation to its maxims, as if his auditory were
adjuring him in the language of the prophet, to “ speak unto
them pleasing things.” He appeared to acquiesce in their amiable
requisition. No abrupt invectives against fashionable vice inter-
rupted the smooth current of his sermon ; no awful visions from
another world broke on the tranquil slumbers of his audience. A
cold, unimpassioned harangue, such as could have been composed
by Epictetus, was addressed to an auditory impatient for its
conclusion ; nor was there a single stroke depicting the beauty of
chastity, or the terrors of judgment, which could remind one of
the triumphs of an apostle over the illusions of a court, or over
the combined influence of sensuality and pride. On the con-
trary, the other came forward as one whose “ conversation was
in heaven,” and who, being abstracted from the influence of the
world, was resolved not to lend himself to its caprices. Each
word was a warning sent from a superior spirit, and though there
were present those whose lives were worthy of the pure and
primitive times, the most pious could not but feel the awful in-
fluence of the holy man when he denounced the more terrible
punishments that awaited the high and mighty delinquents
who in church or in state forgot the obligations of mercy to
the poor.
To persons whose ears and minds are long attuned to the
simpering notes and soft ideas of perpetual gratification, it will
appear strange that such an exhibition of pulpit eloquence could
still be tolerated. To the poor and oppressed people of Ireland,
who feel the direful effects of flattery on the great, it is equally
a subject of poignant regret that the wholesome, and the bitter
truths of religion, do not find their way into the fastidious ears
of many of the legislators. With such an accommodating moral
discipline as I have described, I am not surprised at the in-
fatuation that has characterized the recent measures of the
peers. What wonder that they should reject the corporation
reform, when they grow up with such hereditary notions of
their own irresponsibility ? It is not surprising that they
should reject the Catholic marriage bill, and punish with un-
merited rigour an unoffending offspring. In short, not to waste
time in prompting attention to all their wayward and capricious
movements, there is one consolation, that their bad effect must
be neutralized by their own folly. Their rejection of the
tithe bill should make us forget all their previous hostility
to truth and justice, and fill us with thankfulness for the
wisdom of their resolves. Do not, my lord, henceforward accuse
me or any other innocent individual of designs to subvert the
Protestant establishment. All our designs are innocuous, com-
pared to your own acts. You charge me with characterizing the
LETTER LXXVII.
387
establishment with the odious names of vampire, and bloodsucker,
and Juggernaut. I have never loaded it with those offensive
epithets. It is Doctor Bloomfield who has done so — and if it be
true that “ they best can paint it who have known it best,” let
those who dislike the picture charge him, and not me, with the
correctness of the delineation. It is not our words or writings,
then, but their own deeds, that are hastening the dissolution of
the establishment. Yes, such deeds as those of Rathcormac, are
hurrying it on to its fate.
And not only those, but other deeds as dark, to which, in
obedience to the injunctions of the Apostle, I shall not give utter-
ance, but to which the gentlemen of the long robe, not so for-
bearing, have given a scandalous publicity. Those are the deeds
which, united with the decrees of the Lords, have doomed the
establishment to destruction. Already the parsons are commen-
cing the practices of the Catholic religion : fasting is becoming
a favourite observance. There is no longer any clamorous con-
troversy about communion under both kinds, since vestries cannot
tax the heterodox parishioners for the wine which would ad-
minister spiritual comfort to the faithful. Nay, hateful as celibacy
appeared to the Protestant churchmen, they are beginning to
agree with Malthus, that it would be unjust to be burdening
society with an unprovided offspring. For all these benefits allow
us to thank your lordship and your brother peers. With one
accord the people of Ireland have resolved to pay no tithes in
any shape, whether to landlords or parsons ; they are determined
to persevere in that resolution; one year more will settle the
question for ever ; and, as you and the lords have adjourned it,
you will be entitled to the credit of having effectually contributed
to the slow and natural demise of the parsons, and the extinction
of the Protestant church.
I have the honour to be your lordship’s obedient servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
388
LETTER LXXVIII.
LETTER LXXVIII.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE COURIER.
St. Jarlath’s, Feast of St. Raphael,
October 24 , 1835 .
“ Religionis non est religionem cogere.” — Tertullian.
Sir — As your liberal journal has been made, I am sure uninten-
tionally, the vehicle of a gross calumny upon me, you will deem
it, I trust, but an act of justice to publish its refutation. I
allude to an extract, which appeared in the Courier of the 16th
of October, from a pamphlet of a Rev. Mr. Stanley, regarding
religious education in Ireland. Among many things in that
publication, more deserving of commendation than of censure, he
wantonly introduces my name, for the purpose of the most offen-
sive and gratuitous slander, in the support of which there is not
offered one particle of evidence. After historically stating the
odious practices of torture and persecution, which have cast such
a stain upon Protestants and Catholics of former times, he adds :
“ If one were to judge by his language, Dr. Mac Hale, the titular
Archbishop of Tuam, may be one of those who cling to such obso-
lete doctrines in all their odious integrity/’
This must be allowed to be a heavy impeachment, especially
coming from one who affects a tone of peculiar candour and
moderation. Had it been uttered or written by any of those
practised slanderers, with whose effusions the columns of the
Times and Standard are daily teeming, I should pass it over, as
I have done many similar calumnies. But such an observation
from the rector of Alderly is calculated, if not met, to do the
more mischief : since his little work is, with many imperfections,
a wonderful effort of liberality, amidst the rancorous bigotry that
pervades the writings of almost all the English and Irish
parsons.
In the name of a large portion of the Catholics of Ireland,
over whose opinions I possess some influence, from my station, as
well as in the name of the honest British Protestants, who may
be misled by the assertion, I solemnly call upon Mr. Stanley, to
state his reason for so foul an insinuation. Should he not satisfy
a requisition so reasonable on my part, and so imperative on his,
the public must not think him entitled to their confidence. That
LETTER LXXVIII.
389
u may be,” in which he insinuates his charge, is anything but a
manly or Christian mode of aggression. A man may be any-
thing, for aught another can know of the deep and mysterious
thinkings of his mind. But such thoughts are not the object of
the reward or punishment of any earthly tribunal. It is one’s
outward acts or language alone that can warrant a positive judg-
ment on his opinions. Now, I fearlessly appeal to all the spoken
and written language of my life, and challenge Mr. Stanley, or
any other person, to find a word which can justify the charge,
that I may be an advocate of persecuting any human being, for
speculative religious opinions. On the contrary, it is a doctrine
which I abhor from my soul ; it is one which I have uniformly
reprobated. If ever I might have indulged in any peculiar
warmth of language, it was when the odious doctrines or prac-
tices of religious persecution called forth merited denunciation.
Again I challenge Mr. Stanley, or any other who chanced to
read a line that I ever wrote, or hear a word that I ever uttered,
to find in them any leaning to such odious opinions. Persecution
of every kind has always called forth my severest censure, nor
has it ever been qualified, but by expressions of pity for those
who might have been ever betrayed into so cruel and unchristian
a practice.
What is Mr. Stanley’s pretended evidence ? Some epithets,
which I am supposed to have applied to the Established Church
in Ireland, taken from the parliamentary speech of the Bishop of
London. Now, I must protest against my opinions being viewed
through the distorting medium of any enemy, but especially a
Protestant bishop. It is a maxim that no one should suffer twice
for the same crime, and, as I have already brought to judgment
his lordship of London, for his unwarrantable calumnies, I shall,
for the present, forbear any further infliction. But, in reality,
the distorted words, which the bishop ascribed to me, so far from
warranting Mr. Stanley’s inference, are rather demonstrative of
the horror in which I hold persecution. I have denounced the
tithes, as the prolific fountain from which blood has copiously
flowed through Ireland. I have held up the Church Establish-
ment, as entitled to anything but affection from the people. In
all this I have been but the feeble echo of the louder and more
indignant denunciations of abler men, who have raised England,
Scotland, and Ireland, from the lethargy of their delusion, and
called forth the sympathies of the world, in reprobating such a
system. And for thus denouncing tyranny — for thus pointing
the public indignation against cruelties, committed in the name
of religion — for thus advocating the just principle, that no one
is bound to pay others, for continually abusing and insulting his
religious creed — I am exhibited by a meek minister of the GospeL
as one of those who still cling to the antiquated doctrines of per-
390
LETTER LXXVIIL
secution. If such be the premises from which he draws his con-
clusions, he must have the merit of discovering some hitherto
unknown laws of reasoning.
Having done with his unwarranted attack upon myself, I shall
say but little on the merit of his production. Compared to the
splenetic and ferocious calumnies of the whole tribe of the
fanatical fudges, it is a pamphlet of some merit. However, the
writer makes a very erroneous estimate of its value, if he
imagines, whilst the odious monopoly and monstrous injustice of
the Establishment are perpetuated, that his arguments can make
the impression which he benevolently anticipates. Nay, more,
should it be his object, by his smooth and conciliating language,
to reconcile the people of Ireland to the abominable Church
Establishment, he is but a covert advocate for the continued
persecution, which he so strongly and justly reprobates. You
cannot well complain of any system which you contribute to
uphold. You cannot complain of the cruelties of any monster
whilst you minister to its support. Nor can Mr. Stanley or any
other complain of the folly of antiquated doctrines of persecution,
whilst they endeavour to fence against public exposure the injus-
tice of ecclesiastical monopoly. He has drawn up a catalogue
raisonne of analogies between the Catholic and Protestant
Churches. He has striven to narrow the gulf that lies between
them, and to bring them into closer and more Christian approxi-
mation. It is not to be imagined that I regret such charitable
labours. On the contrary, I should rejoice that the most re-
pulsive systems of religion were brought into an identity of
truth and benevolence. I am glad that he has taught the good
Protestants of England, that the difference between their religion
and that of Rome was not as great as they imagined. This
remark I must accompany w r ith two others equally important, of
which I owe the one to my own sincere conviction — the other, to
my respect for the religious feelings of my dissenting brethren.
Whilst I rejoice that the difference is not so great as they
imagined, I must deplore that there is a disagreement on many
serious and all-important subjects. But again, in doing so, I
must remark, that it is without any feeling of the least unkind-
ness to any human being.
It is in vain, however, that you strive to persuade people, that
the pass between their religions is narrow, if you advocate that,
by which the narrowest channel will appear indefinitely widened.
I have often seen every tenet of the Catholic religion advocated by
some distinguished Protestant polemic. I pledge myself — and I
make the pledge solemnly and advisedly — that should the day
come when the tone of the public mind will be so calm as to value
such discoveries, I shall prove every article of the Catholic faith
by the testimonies of Protestant writers. Why have we not done
LETTER LXXV1II.
391
so hitherto ? Because we had too deep a knowledge of the force
of human temptation, to be amusing ourselves with such experi-
ments. It is here the rector of Alderly is deceived, or wishes to
deceive others. Does he imagine that the Tories of England
will become enamoured of the Catholic faith, by persuading them
that it was from its rich and gorgeous canvass the painters of
the Reformation borrowed whatever there was of excellence in
their own ? Does he imagine that they prefer the Church of
England, because it happens to be the nearest to that of Rome,
and because it is “ less deformed, because reformed the least ?”
Does he imagine, in short, that they would become attached to
the Catholic religion, though he were to show there was no
difference between it and the pretended reformed faith ; but that
they were both, in every form of outline, like opposite rocks,
which some sudden shock had separated ? Little does he know
of the heart of man, or the history of his kind, if he indulges in
such hopes. He must, before his reasoning reach the heart,
remove the obstructions that stand in the way. Does he know
that former governments wished to plant Ireland with colonies of
Jews, or Turks, rather than have it peopled by Catholics ? If,
then, by the showing of Mr. Stanley (and Mr. Stanley is per-
fectly orthodox in the supposition), the Church of England is
more like that of Rome than any other separated conventicle, it
cannot be that a love of religion prompted the persecution of
the Catholics of Ireland. No ; it was pelf — it was plunder — it
was spoliation. And it is pelf, and plunder, and spoliation,
though now disguised under legal forms, that prompt the con-
tinued and untiring persecution of the Catholics. Let me sup-
pose that Catholicity, and monopoly, and the power of the few,
were on one side, and that Protestantism, and poverty, and
the proscription of the many were on the other, who could
doubt of the position which would be adopted by the Biblicals,
and the Tories? To attempt, then, to disarm their tyranny, by
favourable representations of the Catholic religion, is a hopeless
task. The only method of doing it effectually, is to annihilate
the monopoly on which they fatten. Hence, I attach but little
value to the learned labours of Mr. Stanley. Lactantius said
once, he could collect a body of sound morality from the scat-
tered sentences of pagan writers. So could I gather the body
of Catholic theology from the several admissions of Protestant
controversialists. It will be high time to enter on this hallowed
mission of peace, and charity, and reconciliation, when we shall
all meet on the ground of political equality. Then I promise
that our dissensions shall cease. Then the people of England
shall know that the No-Popery cry was an artificial clamour,
kept up by interested and unbelieving bigots, to cheat them out
of their property and their freedom. To put down, then, that
392
LETTER LXXIX.
spirit of persecution, which the rector of Aldcrly deplores, wo
must take away the tithes — the accursed aliment that feeds it.
Let every man in the empire who loves true religion and
Christian charity, but echo the same sentiment : the reign of
tyranny and Toryism will be at an end ; and it will not be
difficult, with the blessings of Providence, to smoothe the way to
a general reconciliation.
I have the honour to be your obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETT PR LXXIX.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.*
Dublin, February 12 , 1838 .
My Lord — A declaration ascribed to Lord Lansdowne in the
Freeman's Journal of this day has filled my mind with serious
alarm for the purity and freedom of the Catholic religion in
Ireland. It is needless to allude to the statement of his intention
to forward the suggestions recommended for adoption by the
education commissioners. At present I have not leisure, on the
eve of my return to my diocese, to enter into all the bearings of
the question of the system of education, with a fullness deserving
ils importance. It is not less vital than the questions regarding
the veto on the appointment of Catholic bishops, or the pen-
sioning of the Catholic clergy, which have long and repeatedly
occupied the deliberations of the Catholic bishops. It must then
excite the surprise, and alarm the fears of the faithful, that any
minister should declare his resolve to act on a report essentially
connected with the religion of the Irish people, on which the
bishops could not have pronounced an opinion, and into the
grounds of which they had not time to inquire. I should, there-
fore, beg of your lordship to pause in the career of legislation,
until the sentiments of the Catholic bishops and clergy of Ireland
are sufficiently ascertained on the benefits or evils of the system,
LETTER LXXIX.
393
and its practical operation. I take occasion to address your
lordship thus briefly to remove a delusion under which many
members of the legislature manifestly labour. They seem to be
under an impression that it is competent for them, through the
agency of boards of their selection, to assume and exercise com-
plete control over the education — even the religious education —
of the people. That is an error, which would be as fatal to
the interests of the state, as it would be to the purity of the
Catholic religion. It is but right to acquaint your lordship that
the Catholic bishops, and the Catholic bishops alone, have the
right to regulate the choice of the books out of which the faithful
are to draw the nutriment of piety and sound doctrine. It would
be a lamentable day for Ireland that books of piety were to be
regulated by the devotional taste of those alone, to whom any
government would wish to confide the spiritual care of the people.
Could I transfer this right, or delegate my duty of vigilance to
another, I should gladly resign the trust to any one or more of
my brethren in the hierarchy. But every bishop is entrusted by
the Holy Ghost, and by the successor of St. Peter, with the pe-
culiar care of his own flock. I beg leave, therefore, to assure
Lord Stanley, and others who would wish to subject the Catholic
Church to the influence of the ministers of the day, that to no
authority on earth, save the Pope, shall I submit the books from
which the children in my diocese shall derive their religious in-
struction. On the disproportioned number of Catholic and Pro-
testant commissioners — on the lectures to be given in the training
of the masters — on the recent number of inspectors, and their
qualifications and duties — on the want in the board of a fair repre-
sentation of the different localities of Ireland — but, above all, on
the mass of important evidence which I have gleaned from the
voluminous reports regarding the recent education inquiry — I
shall forbear any remarks until my resumption of the subject. I
must, however, not forget to remark that the attention of the
public is alive to the dark and mysterious nature of the office
which is to be exercised by those foreign functionaries, some of
the new inspectors — all forsooth for the preservation of the faith
of the people, and the legitimate influence of their pastors ! !
The Catholic clergy will not, I hope, omit to inspect the English
or Scotch puritan inspectors. In the meantime, deprecating any
interference with the temporal titles or revenues of which the
Protestant bishops are so jealous, and assuring your lordship that
it is assumed only in conformity with the primitive practice, before
titles or benefices were known in the Catholic Church, I have the
honour to be your lordship’s obedient servant,
John, Archbishof of Tuam,
2c
394
LETTER LXXX.
LETTER LXXX.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL,
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St. Jarlath’s, Feast of the Chair of St. Peter,
February, 22 , 1838 .
My Lord — The imminent danger to the interests of religion
with which the present system is fraught, prompts me to redeem,
without delay, my promise of directing your lordship’s attention
to the subject of National Education. Hitherto it has been tried
as a mere experiment — not, however, without some of the dis-
trust and apprehension which the anomalous formation of the
board, and the principle on which it was founded, naturally gave
rise to. Let it be recollected, that the present system of educa-
tion was never hailed by the Catholics of Ireland as a positive
benefit. Coming from a friendly government, anxious to confer
a favour, it was tolerated as less obnoxious than the Kildare-
street Society, which the government was obliged, at length, to
abandon, after lingering a baneful existence of near twenty years.
In the commencement of its career, that society was, like the
present system, specious and delusive ; it enlisted in its support
men of integrity and virtue. Like the present .system, it was de-
nounced as too conciliatory to Catholics by the bigotry of those
who cannot be satisfied with anything less than the perversion
of the entire body, or their consignment again to all the intel-
lectual privations which they were so long fated to endure.
This hostility of many of the Protestants left some of the Catho-
lics long insensible to its danger. A similar opposition, from the
same quarter, to the national board, has had a similar effect of
disarming their fears, as if, indeed, between the Catholic church
and the extreme position which may be taken by Lord Roden,
or the Bishop of Exeter, there was not ample space for many
an insidious foe to make inroads on its doctrine. If, then, we are
to rest satisfied with the National Board because it does not
satisfy the Protestant bigots, the same line of argument must
plead in favour of the Kildare-street Society, and reconcile the
Catholics of Ireland to its legislative restoration.
But though the timid and the time-serving urged the argu-
ments of expediency in favour of their plausible system, the
pastors of the Catholic Church, at length alarmed at its danger,
LETTER LXXX.
395
conveyed to their respective flocks their own just apprehensions.
They petitioned parliament against the society, and prayed for
a portion of the public funds to be placed at the disposal of
Catholics, for the education of that large mass of the people
who recognised their spiritual authority. Again they petitioned,
but petitioned in vain ; and, in despite of their repeated prayers,
the Kildare-street Society would have still flourished, to their
annoyance, had the freeholders of the country not wrought a
tardy persuasion in the parliament, of the utter unfitness of that
society to promote national education. Yes, it was at the general
election in May, 1831, that the freeholders made it a condition
with the candidates for their favour that they would oppose any
government which, under the guise of educating their children,
would carry on a treacherous persecution against the Catholics of
Ireland. It is not, then, to the spontaneous benevolence of a
Whig government we are indebted for the extinction of the
Kildare-street Society. No, whether Whigs or Tories, you are all
equally hostile to the Catholic religion. Such was the fidelity
of the humble but heroic patriots, who are persecuted or aban-
doned by the very persons who are reaping the fruits of their
sacrifices, that achieved this national blessing. Nor will they
be wanting, on the recurrence of a similar opportunity, to re-
quire similar terms from the members of parliament, and to
insist that, if they are denied their other national rights, they
must at least have the religious education of their children free,
without being forced through the suspicious mediums of govern-
ment commissions.
It was necessary to glance briefly at the last stage of the
Kildare-street Society, and the circumstances under which it dis-
appeared, to enable the public to form a just estimate of the in-
auspicious introduction of its successor, the present board. Had
the government been in reality disposed to do justice to the
Catholics of Ireland, they would have listened to the petition of
the Catholic bishops, praying for separate grants for the educa-
tion of their flocks. Their numbers, their poverty, and their
unimpeachable fealty to their sovereign, gave them a claim to
the attention of the legislature. The tithes of the entire king-
dom, and six hundred thousand acres of church land, formed,
surely, an ample fund for the education of the small section of
Protestants. The monopoly of those funds, originally destined
for the general mass of the people, should have given additional
cogency to their claims on the justice of parliament. The grant
would be amply requited by the diffusion of religious peace, and
a corresponding feeling of gratitude: but such simple counsels
did not suit the cabinet, and the policy which was first tried by
the apostate Julian, and, after a long interval, adopted by Joseph,
and since pursued by the most despotic governments in Europe,
396
LETTER LXXX.
finally prevailed. The people must be taught that the religious
instruction which was hitherto derived from the apostles, through
their successors, is to be placed under the control of the ministers
of a secular government. A board is accordingly formed, well
fitted in the machinery of its construction, to carry out the views
of the minister. If it were framed on fair principles of repre-
sentation, we should have six Catholics for one Protestant com-
posing the board, being nearly the proportion of their respective
numbers. But such a board might not be a pliant instrument
for the political projects which the other education societies had
failed to achieve. It must, therefore, have an overwhelming
preponderance of Protestant influence, with just as much of
Catholic representation as can never equal the majority con-
tinually opposed to it, whilst its appearance in the board may
inspire that body with confidence. However, not to alarm the
jealousy of the Catholics, this majority is said to be on the prin-
ciple of representing various religious denominations: — one a
Socinian, another a Calvinist, and three orthodox church-of-
England men, as if it had not already in its gorgeous establish-
ment sufficient protection. Such was the dexterous contrivance
with which the materials of the board were apparently balanced,
on the model, I must presume, of the pre-established harmony of
Leibnitz, as if, forsooth, all sections of Protestantism were not
combined in a common league against the Catholic Church, and,
I must own, not inconsistently, since the Catholic Church equally
proscribes them all. Those Protestant members (for I shall call
them by that generic name, which characterizes all Dissenters
from Catholicity) are praised by some as gentlemen of the most
liberal cast of thinking ; by others they are denounced as the
bigoted adherents of their respective creeds. Perhaps they
might with more justice be divided into both classes. However,
it would be a driftless discussion, since the indifference of the one
would have as fatal an influence on the religion of Catholic
children, as the decided hostility of the others.
Of the board there are two members, one an English, and the
other a Scotch gentleman, and each zealously representing the
established religion of his native country. Doctor Whately, the
Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, is well known for his publica-
tions against the religion of the Catholic people. I should not
quarrel with any gentleman who conducts religious controversy
as a fair and honourable opponent. But the Catholics of Ireland
should be cautious in entrusting the education of their children
to one who owes his archiepiscopal throne to his hostility to
their faith, and who has dedicated his book on the “ Errors of
Ilomanism” to his bosom friend, Blanco White, who was the
first to track the path for the M‘Ghees and the O’Sullivans, and
who, to use the language of the apostle, “ foaming out his own
LETTER LXXX.
397
confusion,” strove to cast the slaver of a corrupt heart on the
holiest institutions of the Catholic Church. It may be said that
the Protestant Archbishop is not now the same Dr. Whately who
penned the offensive dedication. There is no evidence of any
change. Besides, it would be a libel on his grace to charge him
with apostacy from his early principles, or to insinuate that he is
one of those who may take up a theory for convenience, and
afterwards repudiate the opinions which conducted him to his
elevation. The Rev. Mr. Carlile is, I understand, a native of
Scotland, and a minister of the Presbyterian church, who, some
twenty years ago, directed his zeal against episcopacy, and
became lat^Jy an associate with members of adverse churches in
giving a new version of portions of Scripture, in which the in-
gredients of their respective creeds were to be so judiciously
blended, that not an undiluted particle of a separate faith, might
be seen in the amalgamation. But the attempt has failed, illus-
trating the interrogatory of St. Paul, regarding the incongruous
combination of light with darkness. As well might you expect
order to spring from chaos as any precise form of faith from such
heterogeneous elements ; and yet it is this production, without
shape or figure, equally rejected by all, since none can see on it
the impress of his own faith, we are gravely told by a Catholic
commissioner, is “ approved by the Catholic bishops of Ireland !”
I, for one, protest against such an unwarrantable inference,
having never read a line of the lessons until my attention was
directed to them by the strange declaration. Now, however,
since our silence has been construed into acquiescence, I must
own that so far from approving of them, I know the Scripture
lessons to be liable to more serious objections than are suggested
by their mere indefinite form.
Alas ! it seems to be the fate of Ireland that no plan can be
devised for her improvement, whether it regards education or the
relief of the poor, that is not to be conducted by individuals op-
posed to us by religious and national antipathies. For the educa-
tion of the youth of Ireland, a board is constituted, in which the
chief influence is exercised by two aliens in reality — in religion
and in country — an English Protestant and Scotch Presbyterian.
This influence is manifest in the train of subordinate functionaries
of their religion, with which they have contrived to fill the most
important departments. The secretary a Protestant — the chief
teaching master a Protestant and a Scotchman — time has not yet
revealed the number of Protestant inspectors. Such preference,
however humiliating, might be endured, if it were not attended
with danger to religion. The character, the station and piety, of
one individual alone have hitherto protected the system, from the
distrust and hatred which it merited. It is, however, now
manifest that he is unable to obviate the evils with which it is
398
LETTER LXXX.
pregnant, and better far for the Catholics of Ireland that the
plan would be carried on with the undisguised and unmitigated
bigotry of the Kildare-street Society, than that they should be
deluded into a confidence of fairness which he, or even a greater
number of the same character, would be unable to realise. Can
they be present when the teachers meddle in biblical criticism,
and learn or dispense the Rabbinical treasures that are exported
from Coblentz, or from Edinburgh ? They do not hear that by
each of the six days of the creation is to be understood a period
of thousands or millions of years — that Jesus Christ (I regret to
be thus obliged to transcribe the sacred name) was the spirit that
moved across the waters. They do not hear that elchizedeck
was the same person — that Enoch and Elias shall never again
come : or, what is more important, they do not hear that justifi-
cation makes no change in the soul — that it is the mere imputa-
tion of righteousness, and that faith is forfeited by the violation
of the evangelical law ! They cannot be present when those
masters may instil into the infant mind throughout Ireland, such
pernicious commentaries. Surely it is not necessary for the rising
generation that the heads of the teachers should be filled with
such poisonous opinions, nor can it tend to the purity of their
morals that they should be trained amidst the licentiousness of
crowded cities. I am quite satisfied with the ancient simple faith
once delivered to the saints, and am resolved never to entrust
the religious education of any child in my diocese to any teacher,
whether Protestant or Catholic, whose faith shall be fashioned by
such lectures as were and may still be delivered in the normal
schools of the Board of National education.
Having so formed the board as to secure in its literal meaning
a vast Protestant ascendancy, the minister’s next object was to
strive to subject the consciences of the clergy and people to his
political supremacy. Such is the clear meaning of Lord Stanley’s
letter to the Duke of Leinster. “ They (the board) will exercise
the most entire control over all books to be used in the school,
whether in the combined literary or separate religious instruc-
tion.” What a pity that Lord Stanley did not live in the times,
and form one of the ministry, of Henry the Eighth. The senti-
ments of his letter seem well to accord with that monarch’s
notions of the extent of his political power. What ! the pastors
of the Catholic Church cannot convey their religious instructions
to the people, unless those instructions, if delivered through
the medium of books, be placed under “ the most entire control”
of a board formed by the secular power ! Let individuals talk
after this of agitating or political ecclesiastics. It is such persons
as Lord Stanley call them into existence — rash and headstrong
ministers — who, ignorant or regardless of the boundaries which
are set to the civil power, are not content until they encroach
LETTER LXXX.
399
beyond them, and then call them haughty prelates who, with a
Christian and constitutional freedom, war against their unwar-
rantable aggression on spiritual authority. It is the same sen-
timent that excited the long and angry _ quarrels between
the church and the empire. It is the sentiment that is now
shaking the repose of the Prussian provinces, and excites the
sympathies of his flock for the persecutions sustained by the
illustrious Archbishop of Cologne. The government has a right
to check seditious publications, and to inflict punishment on such
as would spread disaffection ; but to interfere with mere spiritual
doctrines, innocuous to the state, is beyond its legitimate con-
trol. The. harshness of the letter is softened down by a subse-
quent explanation of the commissioners, that they mean to
exercise no control over the standard works of the respective
churches ; but what are the standard works, is not yet ascer-
tained. The catalogue may be abridged or enlarged at their
pleasure. It appears, too, that some of the standard books first
enumerated were discovered to be too controversial for the liberal
spirit which the majority of the board are labouring to propa-
gate, and that some valuable books, written by some of the most
pious Catholic bishops, such as the works of the venerable Dr.
Challoner, ought to be purged of some harsh and unpalatable
passages. These portions I shall illustrate by reference to the
published evidence regarding the National Board.
But the subject is too ample and important to be disposed of
in a single letter. Some of the worst consequences of the system
have not yet been exposed. Such, for example, is the concession
made to the importunate demands of the Protestants or Presby-
terians of Ulster of having the Scriptures read at any hour that
may be required, not by the pastors, but by the parents or
guardians of the children. Such, too, is the secret service to be
required of the inspectors, plainly conveyed in the following
passage : — “He will also be required, from time to time, to inquire
into such matters as we may refer to him, and to report specially
thereon.” No doubt the fulfilment of this office of secret espio-
nage on the part of these inspectors will be a peculiar recom-
mendation to the favour of the majority of the board, and to the
patronage of the government. Such, in fine, is the cumbrous
machinery of the system, swallowing up in sumptuous edifices,
and an expensive staff of officers, for open and secret services,
the immense funds, of which but a small share finds its way to
the education of the poor. Such, too, will be your poor law bill ;
its ostensible object to relieve the poor — its real end to oppress
the middle classes, and multiply places and patronage to such
extent as to absorb the revenues which should go to relieve des-
titution. Between English poor law, and Scotch education func-
tionaries, Ireland will be placed in a most happy position. Never,
400
LETTER LXXX.
it is my solemn conviction, were its liberties and its religion
placed in more imminent peril. Its enemies, jealous of the
gigantic progress it has recently made, are labouring to throw
back the country into its former state of abject dependence.
Hence their efforts to sap the religion of the people, under the
specious guise of a liberal education. Hence the heavy taxation
by which the middling classes are to be oppressed, and some of
the higher detached from them by the distribution of the patron-
age, which that taxation will supply. Mr. O’Connell is right
in opposing the details of the poor law bill. I am only surprised
that, as the present ministry owes its existence to the confidence
of the Irish members, it perseveres pressing the details of this
measure, which are as confessedly opposed to the wishes as they
will be fatal to the interests of the Irish people. In common
with the Catholic clergy of Ireland, I am most anxious for mea-
sures by which the physical and moral condition of the poor
would be improved ; but we should not suffer ourselves to be
deluded by plans so contrived, that the relief contemplated will
be intercepted by a train of expensive placemen, and that but
little of it will reach its destination. Your poor law and your
education board will be twin institutions, well worthy of each
other — the one pressing on the country the flood of its Scotch
faith, and the other filling it with the abundance of its English
charity, until the national feeling of Ireland is to be completely
drenched, under the influx of the exotic mixtures. Centralization
is now the great secret of policy ; it is deemed wise to draw the
most distant within the vortex of court influence. Hence, instead
of placing funds in the hands of responsible bodies, who in their
respective districts would administer relief and education at little
expense, you must have central boards in London and in Dublin,
of which the principal object, at least the effect, will be to swell
the crowd of eager suitors who are continually besieging the
porches of the court in their importunate scramble for its
patronage.
I have the honour to remain your lordship’s obedient servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXXI.
401
LETTER LXXXI.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEMS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION AND POOR LAWS.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, March 6 , 1838 .
My Lord — The brief interval that has elapsed since my last
letter to your lordship, has furnished fresh proofs of the spirit
that first swayed, and still pervades, the counsels that preside
over the scheme of an anti-Catholic education. I appeal to your
lordship, as well as to the Secretary for Ireland, as competent
witnesses of the truth of this position. If the most recent
debates on the detestable details of the poor law be correctly
reported, your lordship hesitates on entrusting the appoint-
ment of the chaplains to the ordinary ecclesiastical superiors;
and, to an interrogatory proposed by the member from Water-
ford, relative to the provisions for education in the poor-houses,
Lord Morpeth replies that it shall be provided for by a plan,
formed by the guardians and commissioners. Xow, no Catholic
clergyman is to be a guardian of the poor establishments, lest
we are told, their appointment should disturb the harmony
that is to reign in those abodes ! ! — whence it clearly follows
that the entire education of the poor in those houses is to be
controlled by the arbitrary will of individuals, many of them
English and Protestant commissioners. In hesitating to confide
the appointment of the chaplains to the ordinary spiritual autho-
rities, is it your intention to perpetuate the angry collisions
between the secular and spiritual powers, which, growing out of
the persecution of former times, so long disturbed the peace of
society ? Does your lordship forget the disgraceful and pro-
tracted strife that occurred in Dublin, relative to the chaplain of
one of its prisons, when one party, covering their rancorous
bigotry under the shield of an iniquitous penal law, kept a sus-
pended priest in pay, in contemptuous defiance of the legitimate
pastor ? This is but a solitary instance of the many such scenes
that have occurred, and recently, too, in different parts of Ire-
land. And you, my lord, the minister of a government, flattered
with the name of paternal, are for continuing those collisions,
and furnishing fresh aliment to the expiring bigotry of the
times.
We did hope that, with the abolition of the chartered schools
402
LETTER LXXXI,
of Ireland, there would be an end to that species of tyranny that
was exercised over their unfortunate inmates. The prison houses
for the poor are, it seems, to be subjected to a similar discipline.
It is not enough that their wretched occupants should be forced
from their families, and the ties of nature and affection should (as
is the universal complaint in England) be rent asunder, but the
consolations of religion itself must depend on the caprices of anti-
Catholic commissioners. With the injurious effects of this mea-
sure on the physical comforts, or the political freedom of the
middle classes, it is not my purpose to engage, at any length,
your lordship’s or the public attention ; nor should I advert to it
for the present, were it not for the observations made in parlia-
ment, on the subject of chaplains and education, revealing, as in
the case of the national board, the ministerial hostility, but ill-
disguised, that is directed against the Catholic Church.
Allow me, however, to remark, that it is not true that those
who find fault with the present poor law project, have never sug-
gested any other. Often has the attention of parliament been
directed to the waste lands of Ireland, so capable of remunerating
any expenditure of money and of labour. From the want of
capital and enterprise among the generality of the proprietors,
those lands lie unprofitable, whilst the peasantry, who are often
overcrowded in the interior, might derive comfort and wealth
from their cultivation. If but a portion of the money to be
expended on the erection of the vast prisons were to be laid out
by the government in the purchase of those lands, over which
the legislature is competent to give it a control, and if those
lands were then let on such terms of rent and tenure as would
adequately reward the outlay of labour ; if, too, the Establish-
ment were persuaded to surrender a portion of the wealth, of
which the unjust seizure was the first source of the public
misery, and landlords obliged in their covenants to make allow-
ance to their tenants for the fruit of their toil — then, instead of
the squalid and disgusting wretchedness, that every where meets
the eye, not only would the wastes be covered with abundance,
but, what would be better, those who labour in producing it
would become contented and cheerful, by sharing in its enjoy-
ment. Whereas in the present plan, as is well remarked by Mr.
O’Connell, there is but little to soothe, and much to embitter, the
public misery ; and, as has been ably demonstrated by Mr. Shar-
man Crawford, there is nothing of prevention and nothing of that
sanative legislation, which should be directed to the original
sources, from which the appalling and unprecedented wretched-
ness of Ireland continues to flow. I will add that the plan is
pregnant with still worse consequences than any to which they
have adverted. With the penal provisions of the law, and the
most arbitrary power to be vested in the commissioners and
LETTER LXXXr.
403
guardians, they arc liable to be made charter schools or charter
prisons for proselytism, as you may call them, where the destitu-
tion of the people will become a fit instrument for such designs,
and where but as little of the instructions or consolations of
religion will be let into their dungeons as their keepers may
choose to bestow.*
These, my lord, are not exaggerated consequences, they are
the ordinary effects that are flowing every day from the combi-
nations of power and bigotry in different parts of the kingdom.
Even in the town which I inhabit, one of the most Catholic in
the kingdom, with a large and efficient seminary for the education
of the male and female children, such is the paltry and vexatious
tampering with the poverty of the people, that, literally, for a
mess of broth or of buttermilk, the children are occasionally
tempted to go where their faith may be endangered. What
security have we that the same offensive system shall not be
pursued in those prisons, whilst the law contemplates to vest in
mixed boards of Protestant and Catholic laymen the exclusive
education of the children, nay, the appointment of their pastors ?
Let there be in every town large and appropriate asylums for
the relief of the aged and infirm. It is a provision imperatively
called for by a sense of humanity and religion. And let the
benefits of religious instruction be freely communicated to them,
as well as to the other members of the community, by their ordi-
nary respected pastors. Employ the redundant labour of the
country in working the mines of wealth that are hidden in its
uncultivated lands, instead of wasting the public taxes in the
erection of prisons, and immuring the able-bodied within their
walls. Such a plan (it is neither complex nor impracticable)
would be more in accordance with the feelings of the country
than the one you are precipitating with such indecent haste
through the house. At a comparatively small expense it would
provide for the existing distress, and guard against its pros-
pective accumulation. It would be drawing upon the rich and
permanent resources of nature, rather than resorting to the con-
trivances of art, which are the miserable expedients of a great
deal of modern legislation. The wastes that are now a solitude
would be covered with a cheerful peasantry, inhaling health and
vigour from labour in the open air, rather than disease and
weakness from confinement in those prisons ; the inmates of the
same families would not be separated from each other ; and,
without severing those ties that bind not only the Irish, but all
mankind, to their native land, it would have all the advantages
that are contemplated by the advocates of emigration.
* The recent attempts to proselytize made in the Dublin and other poor-houses
of the kingdom, but too sadly realize the truth of those predictions.
404
LETTER LXXXI.
You are pledged to do justice to Ireland. It is on that condi-
tion you have so long enjoyed the confidence of the Irish consti-
tuencies. It is strange, then, that the ministry would press the
obnoxious details of such a measure with the knowledge which it
must have of the general aversion with which it is viewed by the
entire country. It may be on the paternal principle that the
Irish are yet in a state of pupilage, and that their interests are
best promoted by not consulting their inclinations. It is, doubt-
less, on such an assumption that you are pushing forward the
present bill, exclusively adopting the views of a Mr. Nichols,
who, travelling through many parts of the country, as the
Italians say, like a coach trunk, had not time to make himself
acquainted with the nature of our distress, and could not be a
competent person to suggest an appropriate remedy, since — and
I say it without meaning him any offence — his country, as well
as his religion, allowed him not to ascend to the bitter causes of
our destitution. Yet it is to such persons, groping their way in
darkness, importing all the prejudices of foreigners, and unac-
quainted with the peculiar circumstances of Ireland, that the
operation of the whole machinery of the poor law is to be
entrusted. Like all the education societies, the poor law scheme,
unless materially altered, will end in disappointment, and leave
no other effect but the memory of the extravagant and ruinous
expense with which the country was burdened by the enormous
salaries of its officers, and of the religious annoyance to which
the people were exposed by a vexatious interference with the
legitimate authority of their pastors.
If, then, a ministry, supposed to be favourable to Ireland,
cannot disguise its jealousy of the Catholic religion, what wonder
that a government decidedly hostile should have exhibited that
hostility, in framing a Board of National Education ? Do not
imagine that there is anything singular in what I have advanced
regarding the principles on which that board was formed. Were
my letter reduced to a series of propositions, it contained the
following statements : That the bishops of Ireland put on record,
by their petitions to parliament, their decided preference of a
system of separate education. That the government, by acqui-
escing in their prayer, would be consulting no less for the tran-
quillity of the state than the purity of religion. That the
selection of appropriate books for the religious education of
Catholics belonged, without reference to any secular or govern-
ment tribunal, exclusively to the bishops. That the present board
exhibited in its construction all the odious features of a Protestant
ascendancy. That even, setting religious bigotry aside, it was
not fair, as far as regarded local representation. That it was
tolerated merely from expediency, like the Kildare-street Society,
without ever having received the solemn approval of the Catholic
LETTER LXXXI.
405
body. I am not aware that any of those or the other proposi-
tions into which that letter could be resolved, is still liable to
contradiction. I am only surprised that the commissioners of
education would have, on the very eve of the meeting of the
bishops, put forth a document deeply affecting the religion of
those entrusted to their care, and at variance with their former
resolutions, without even the courtesy of awaiting their delibera-
tions. It was not so of old. It only shows what the Catholics
of Ireland should have to expect, if government boards were to
obtain influence over the important concerns of their religion or
its pastors. The Protestant spirit of the majority of the com-
missioners breathes through that document, and never was one
more calculated to deceive, or to conceal, under a plausible
phraseology, more of the seeds of future persecution ; though
nothing could be farther from the minds of the Catholic
commissioners than to give it their sanction, if they thought
it liable to such consequences. The paramount importance
of the question of education was, as must always be, felt and
acknowledged by all. In my last communication I made no
reference whatever, nor did I think myself authorized to do so,
to the sentiments of the Catholic bishops, as manifested in the
late assembly. As, however, an invidious and unfair reference
has been made to them, suffice it to say, that the evils of the
system of a mixed education in principle and in its practical
effects in various countries of Europe were exposed by prelates
more competent, from talent and information, to form a just
opinion of the subject than I was ; and that after much discussion
the subject was adjourned, on account of the lamented indisposi-
tion and absence of the Archbishop of Dublin. This much, how-
ever, is certain, that, of the prelates, some confessed their full
conviction of the evils of the system — others, their fears of
danger, and their anxiety to read the evidence published regard-
ing its practical operation ; none, as far as I could learn, was an
unqualified approver of the system on principle, and all decidedly
preferred — could they obtain parliamentary aid on such terms —
a system of separate education. On principle, then, there was
no difference of opinion. On a question of expediency, lest we
should encounter greater evils, it is no wonder if there should be
some discrepancy, as there must be on open questions in all free
assemblies, especially when we recollect what time and delibera-
tion and exposure, were necessary to open the eyes of all to the
dangers of the Kildare-street Society.
I, therefore, again beg leave respectfully to advise your lord-
ship and Lord Lansdowne to pause, ere you give a legislative
sanction to the recommendations of a document, which was never
approved by the Catholic bishops of Ireland — nay, more, which
will never receive the approbation of that body, since they
406
LETTER LXXXI.
could not approve it, without cancelling their own solemn and re-
peated resolutions. I must further add, that, in recommending
to your lordship to give a grant for separate education, I am
only conveying the petition last adopted on that subject by the
unanimous consent of that body. Were you to vest such a grant
in a board like that of Maynooth, composed of bishops repre-
senting the different local interests of Ireland, and a few of the
Catholic aristocracy and gentry — men who have proved their
attachment to the faith — and to make such a board, not like the
education one, the dependent creature of the crown, but like that
of Maynooth, independent of the caprices of the minister, and
perpetuated by the elective power of its members, you would do
more to conciliate the confidence of the Catholics of Ireland, and
secure peace and good will among all classes of her Majesty’s
subjects, than all your crude, though elaborate contrivances of
an undefinable system of liberality can ever achieve.
I now leave your lordship and the public to judge whether, in
expressing sentiments in such accordance with those of my vene-
rable brethren, I can be said to be alone. No, my lord, the
“ solus eram ” is not a sentiment congenial to the faith or dis-
cipline of the Catholic Church. It is the motto which is seen
inscribed on the forehead of every schismatic, from Simon Magus
to Luther ; and those who adopt it must deprive themselves of
all claim to authority. Not so with us : our just boast is a fel-
lowship in the same faith, and a communion in the same dis-
cipline. Speaking not from ourselves, but delivering that which
was handed down to us as a deposit, and “ commending it to
other faithful witnesses,” we embody in our instruction not only
the collected influence of our contemporaries, but, likewise, the
unbroken mass of the authority of the wise and virtuous of past
times. It is this wide-spread companionship with the present and
the past — it is the solicitude of being himself one of the faithful
and unswerving witnesses to which the future may look with
confidence as a connecting link, that gives the humblest and least
talented bishop in the Catholic Church an influence and authority
which no intellect or learning, severed from such connexion,
could command. It is on this connexion I shall rely in com-
bating your new-fangled and treacherous systems of education,
unknown or reprobated in the best and purest ages of the Ca-
tholic Church.
I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship’s humble
servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXXII.
407
LETTER LXXXII.
TO THE EIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Gregory,
March 12 , 1838 .
My Lord — The Catholic clergy and people of Ireland owe a
large obligation to her Majesty’s ministers, for having awakened
them from the fatal confidence in which their vigilance so long
slumbered. They have but to compare the splendid triumphs
which they achieved, when relying on their own exertions, with
the retrograde movement of their religious and civil interests,
since the transfer of their confidence to those who proved un-
worthy of such a trust ; and the humiliating contrast must fill
them with alternate sentiments of exultation and of sorrow.
With a combination of energy, of union, and perseverance, un-
exampled in the history of any other people, they not only
escaped from the religious thraldom in which they were long
kept, but wrung from the reluctant hold of their enemies such
an ample concession of civil rights as the most sanguine seer of
his country’s regeneration, could not have a few years previously
anticipated. Never was there a more signal illustration of the
power of mind over the most formidable obstacles, especially
when acted on by the exalted influence of religion. Had the
enemies of Ireland, content with the hereditary oppression which
they so long exercised, only forborne from insolent aggression on
the faith of the people, they might have still voted in the undis-
turbed monopoly of their power ; but, in an evil time for them-
selves, they pushed their insolence too far. Despairing of open
force, of the abortive effect of which the very existence of the
vast Catholic population of Ireland was a monument, they had
recourse to fraud, and spread over every portion of the country
their religious toils, in order to catch the unwary simplicity of
the rising generation.
They carried on for some time the insidious scheme of severing
the connexion between the pastors and the faithful with apparent
success, and never failed to season their religions instructions
with the most insidious insinuations against the Catholic priest-
hood. From covert attacks they were emboldened to carry on a
system of open aggression. The zeal and energy of the clergy
and the people were, at length, roused by a mutual sympathy
408
LETTER LXXXII.
for each other, and they resolved to repel the injuries and
insults which they respectively sustained. The one, by a display
of talents and learning, which at once astonished and dismayed
their opponents, nobly vindicated their insulted religion — the
other, determined to guard their faith, by raising up the fallen
fences of their civil liberty, without which religion itself cannot
be long protected ; and all, with unanimous accord, put themselves
under the guidance of an individual, whom Providence raised up
to achieve the independence of his country.
Let us but compare the prospects which our then position placed
before our view, with those which we now contemplate, and we
shall be able to ascertain what we have lost in the interval.
Wielding a moral power which was able to control successive
ministries, the people were desired to suspend its exercise, and
that ample justice should be the reward of their moderation.
They have, as they often did before, listened to the insidious over-
tures ; and the interval has been dexterously employed in striving
to dissolve the national combination, and to put in abeyance not
only the justice for which they covenanted, but to meditate
more deep designs against their religion. Waiving other topics
necessarily connected with the consummation of that justice,
which has been so long promised and delayed, your lordship
cannot but indulge a secret triumph in the alteration of tone
which has taken place with regard to the annihilation of tithes,
and the reduction of the church establishment. Such, a few
years ago, was the pressure of a just public opinion on your
honourable house, that they came to the resolution of easing
the country of the incumbrance of near two thousand super-
numerary Protestant clergymen. I question much whether the
present bill of Mr. O’Connell, which secures the integrity of
even the entire body, may not be rejected, merely because it
contemplates some transfer of the burden exclusively from the
shoulders of the Irish people. Who could imagine that the
ballot, a mode of suffrage which the dictates of conscience and
sound policy equally recommend, would have any opponents,
especially among those who owe their seats to the heroism of
freeholders who risked, by their open votes, the most heartless
persecution. Yet there were found among the Irish members
some who, slumbering in the enjoyment, or panting for the pos-
session of office, sacrificed to the nod of the minister the interests
of the persecuted peasantry of this country. As my concern,
however, is at present with the religion of Ireland, I must confess
that I seldom contemplated a more sad spectacle than to find our-
selves, after such a struggle, borne down, as well by the force of
the current as by the relaxation of our own efforts, to the same
point from which we started some years ago. And yet is this all
the clergy and faithful of Ireland have gained by the signal
LETTER LXXXII.
409
triumphs, in which they bore a conspicuous share, that they must
now submit in silence to such dangerous and ignominious condi-
tions in the religious education of the children, as in the period
of their civil and religious disabilities would not be endured ?
What were the unanimous sentiments of the Catholic bishops
of Ireland in the year 1824, regarding the introduction of the
Scriptures into schools, your lordship may learn, from the follow-
ing extract of a petition on the subject of education, which they
presented to parliament : “ That Roman Catholics have ever con-
sidered the reading of the Sacred Scriptures by children as an
inadequate means of imparting to them religious instruction — as
an usage whereby the word of God is made liable to irreverence
— youth exposed to misunderstand its meaning, and thereby not
unfrequently to receive, in early life, impressions which may
afterwards prove injurious to their own best interests, as well as to
those of the society which they are destined to form.” Compare,
my lord, this solemn, deliberate, and unanimous expression of the
sentiments of the Catholic bishops of Ireland with the modifica-
tion in their rule by which the commissioners propose the reading
of the Scriptures in the schools, at any time that will not be
objected to by the parents or the guardians, and you will perceive
that the board, or the government, or both, vainly calculate on
the hierarchy’s surrendering now those conscientious principles
which they maintained under more adverse fortunes. I have
experienced no small share of obloquy for asserting those ordi-
nary duties annexed to my sacred office, and which I cannot
resign without a renunciation of the trust which the Prince of
Pastors confided to me. Over the books used for the religious
instruction of my flock I have stated that I shall exercise, without
regard to any board, exclusive and absolute control. It may
now be necessary to add that I shall never entrust their religious
education to any person professing a different faith, or whose
faith shall be tainted by the religious training of any professing
a different creed. No master shall have the control of such
education, who will not be appointed with my express approval,
or removed upon my representation.
Under any wise government, anxious to promote not only the
interests of morality, but of social peace and harmony, and to
which the volume of history was not opened in vain, such senti-
ments, far from provoking the bitterness of controversy, could
not create any surprise. You might as well find fault with the
institution of episcopacy itself, as quarrel with the fulfilment of
obligations from which it is inseparable. Permit me, then, my
lord, to lay unquestionable evidence before you, that so far from
any arrogant assumption of individual privileges, I am only
literally conveying the resolutions adopted by that body to which
I belong. In the year 1826, January 25, at our general meeting,
410
LETTER LXXXII.
held in Dublin, we unanimously adopted the following resolu-
tions : —
“ Resolved — That, in order to secure sufficient protection to
the religion of Roman Catholic children, under such a system of
(national) education, we deem it necessary that the master of
each school, in which the majority of the pupils profess the
Roman Catholic faith, be a Roman Catholic ; and that, in schools
in which the Roman Catholic children form a minority a perma-
nent Roman Catholic assistant be employed ; and that such
master and assistant be appointed upon the recommendation, or
with the express approval of the Roman Catholic bishop of the
diocese in which they are to be employed ; and further, that
they, or either of them be removed upon the representation of
such bishop. The same rule to be observed for the appointment
or dismissal of mistresses and assistants in female schools / 5
“Resolved — That we consider it improper that masters and
mistresses intended for the religious instruction of Roman Catho-
lic youth, should be trained or educated by or under the control
of persons professing a different faith / 5
“ Resolved — That, in conformity with the principle of pro-
tecting the religion of Roman Catholic children, the books in-
tended for their particular instruction in religion shall be selected
or approved by the Roman Catholic prelates ; and that no book
or tract for common instruction in literature shall be introduced
into any school in which Roman Catholic children are educated,
which book or tract may be objected to on religious grounds by
the Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese, in which such school is
established / 5
“ Resolved — That, appointed as we have been by Divine Pro-
vidence to watch over and preserve the deposit of Catholic faith
in Ireland, and responsible, as we are, to God for the souls of our
flocks, we will, in our respective dioceses, withhold our concur-
rence and support from any system of education, which will not
fully accord with the principles expressed in the foregoing reso-
lutions / 5
Let any impartial individual now judge whether it is my views,
or those of the Education Board, that are in accordance with
those resolutions of the Catholic bishops. The commissioners, in
deference to the importunity of a few Presbyterian Protestants
from Ulster, propose that the Scriptures be read in the schools
by the children, at any hour their guardians or parents may
choose. The prelates pronounce this to be a practice making
“the word of God liable to irreverence, and pregnant with
danger to themselves and to society / 5 The commissioners assume
such control over the books to be introduced into the schools,
that they may prohibit them if they deem them “ objectionable,
as peculiarly belonging to some religious denomination / 5
LETTER LXXXI1.
411
Tho prelates declare, as indeed they should, “ that the religious
books are to bo selected by themselves, and none to bo introduced
that may be objected to on religious grounds by the bishop of
the diocese in which any school is established.” The commis-
sioners, by the power they assume of “ withholding the salary
from any master whom they may deem objectionable, until
another is appointed, and their sanction obtained,” exercise the
most entire control over the appointment or dismissal of tho
teachers. The prelates declare, “ that such masters are to be ap-
pointed upon the recommendation or express approval of the
Iloman Catholic bishop of the diocese, and to be removed upon
his representation.” In fine, it has been hitherto the practice of
the commissioners to employ persons of quite a different faith for
training Catholic teachers, and who have striven to fill their
minds with the leaven of their own opinions ; whilst the prelates
unanimously declare it to be “ improper that masters and mis-
tresses, intended for the religious instruction of Roman Catholic
youth, should be trained or educated by or under the control of
persons professing a different faith.”
If, in a system of combined education, we deemed such safe-
guards necessary for the protection of the faith, it follows that
we cannot divest ourselves of fears for its integrity during the
prevalence of a system, where all those safeguards are neglected
or removed. I do not anticipate that the pastoral solicitude for
the purity of their religion, put forth in those resolutions, shall
find much ministerial sympathy. I trust, however, that you
will not be equally indifferent to the solemn warning of the
dangers to society, with which they proclaim such a system to
be fraught. It cannot be otherwise. It is worse than mockery
to strive to blend in one harmonious mass elements that are
essentially discordant and repulsive, and while men attach a
value to religion, and believe — as believe they must — that only
one is stamped with the prominent seal of the Divinity, it is
impiety to attempt to smoothe away that impression by a re-
fining process, intended to obliterate all the distinctive features
between truth and error. That the printing office of tho board
may be turned into a theological laboratory in which all the
asperities of creeds and confessions are to be rubbed away,
may be inferred from the testimony of some of the commis-
sioners, as well as the motley character of some of their com-
pilations. Not to dwell further on their sensitive antipathy to
books “ objectionable as peculiarly belonging to some particular
religious denomination,” allow me to direct your lordship’s at-
tention to the declaration made on the production of the following
passage from “Dr. Challenor’s Catholic Christian Instructed :” —
“ What if a person, through the absolute necessity of his
unhappy circumstances, should be tied to a place where he can
412
LETTER LXXXII.
never hear mass, do you think he might not then be allowed
to join in prayer with those of another communion, by way of
supplying this defect? No, certainly. It is a misfortune — and
a great -misfortune — to be kept, like David, when he was perse-
cuted by Saul, at a distance from the temple of God and his
sacred mysteries, but it would be a crime to join one’s self upon
that account with an heretical or schismatical congregation,
whose worship God rejects as sacrilegious and impious. In such
a case, therefore, a Christian must serve his God alone, to the
best of his power, by offering to him the homage of prayer,
adoration, contrition, &c., and must frequently hear mass in
spirit, by joining himself with all the faithful throughout the
earth, wherever they are offering to God that divine sacrifice,
ever sighing after those heavenly mysteries, and praying for
his delivery from that Babylon which keeps him at a distance
from the temple of God.” “ Having read this, I wish to observe,”
replies Mr. Blake, “ that I have no doubt there will be found in
this book, and in other Homan Catholic books, matter that may
give offence to the feelings of Protestants, and that nothing could
be more gratifying to me than to see it utterly expunged.”
I, too, am unwilling to give offence to the feelings of Protes-
tants ; but, if passages are to be expunged from doctrinal books,
because they may take offence, it follows that they should be
purged of every Catholic principle, since some would take offence
as long as one solitary tenet would remain. There is a spirit
of deep and solemn reverence for the true worship breathing
through the above quoted passage, which shows that nothing
could be farther from the mind of the pious author than any
want of real charity towards those who had the misfortune to
be deprived of its benefits. It reminds me of the pure and
lofty piety of Eleazar, who refused to purchase life by the least
compromise with the stern duties of his religious law. While
such a sincere respect for faith sways the teachers of religion,
there is very little danger of the prevalence of an unprincipled
liberalism, which would mistake indifference of faith for feelings
of charity, and call those bigots who wished to retain the impres-
sions of any particular creed. The doctrine laid down by the
venerable prelate, of not joining in worship with any other sect,
cannot be controverted or disguised. The style in which the
doctrine is put forth is bold, it is true, and characteristic of those
strong lines that marked the religious opinions of his age — but,
with all its apparent harshness, I should prefer the book in its
integrity rather than subject it to the experiments of some of
our moderns, whose peculiarities of faith are so polished by the
perpetual friction of political life as to leave scarcely a visible
trace of any religious character at all. As long as a scrupulous
regard is felt for the obligations which religion imposes, it is a
LETTER LXXXII.
413
pledge of the soundness of the nation’s morality. It would be
almost as safe to entrust the education of Catholic children to
Pagans as to any persons who would strive to cancel the sound
doctrine of Dr. Challenor and the Catholic church, regarding
the sin of ever joining in religious communion with the sectaries,
or taking any part in the unholy worship of their conventicles.
But, once destroy this conscientious adherence to religious faith,
which, properly understood, is always allied with a regard for
the conscientious opinions of others, and you fill the country
with public functionaries, who will not scruple to make a traffic
even of the sacred interests of religion.
The experiment, of which only the intimation is expressed
with regard to our doctrinal books, has been actually made
by the board on the sacred volume. They have published ex-
tracts, under the name of Scripture Lessons, omitting passages,
for which Catholics feel peculiar veneration, as well as the
language long consecrated by custom, in which their doctrines
were conveyed. I instance the words “ penance” and “ repen-
tance” — the former being the phrase in the Douay, the latter in
the authorized version, by which the original is usually rendered.
In the Scripture Lessons, not owing, I suppose, to any Protes-
tant preponderance of influence, the Catholic phrase, “ penance,”
never occurs. That its omission was not fortuitous is avowed
by Mr. Carlile, who owns that he was anxious to get rid of the
word penance through the whole of the book, and for that
purpose a clumsy note is appended, calculated to mislead both
Catholics and Protestants regarding the meaning of penance,
which, if it does not entirely suppress, at least does not
sufficiently unfold, the Catholic doctrine of satisfaction by
penitential works. On this important subject I refer your
lordship to the Scripture Lessons from the New Testament,*
and also to the Evidence on the new plan of education be-
fore the select committee, f Seldom has a more injurious ex-
pedient than that now referred to been adopted to withhold
from view the opposition on point of doctrine between different
Christians. However, the attempt must be as abortive as it is
dangerous, fully proving what the experience of eighteen cen-
turies has already demonstrated, that by no political junction
of individuals, or by no conventional refinement in phrase, can
the essential difference between true and erroneous doctrine be
ever confounded. Surely it could never be imagined by the
Catholics of Ireland, when this very Mr. Carlile was carrying
on a most offensive warfare against their religion and its pastors,
that the day should arrive when he would be entrusted with the
compilation of Scripture Lessons, in which he labours to get rid
* No. 1, page 14, &c.
f Report, page 1384, &e.
414
LETTER LXXXII.
of the old language expressive of Catholic doctrine. They
must feel additional reverence for this source of scriptural know-
ledge, on learning that they have omitted in those lessons the
language of the evangelical salutation. The commissioners could
not agree on the translation of the Greek word, though Grotius
a Protestant commentator, translates it “ gratia plena/’ or, “ full
of grace.” Therefore they thought it would answer the purpose
of accommodation better to insert within a bracket a compendium
of that portion of the sacred volume. But mark, my lord, at the
end of every lesson there is a series of questions, to be put by the
masters and answered by the scholars, embodying its entire sub-
stance. There is not a portion of controverted doctrine between
Catholics and Protestants that may not thus be made the sub-
ject of insidious interrogatory by masters who were themselves
trained in the manner of teaching those lessons by a Presby-
terian teacher, who I suppose was as anxious to “ get rid” of the
reverence paid to the Blessed Virgin as Mr. Carlilo was of
penance, or Luther of the real presence. Among the questions
with which the foregoing concludes are : — “ How did the angel
address her (Mary) ?” “ What more did he say to her ?” By
which it appears that the very words of the angelical salutation,
cautiously omitted in the lesson, may be made the subject of its
explanation. The masters may then explain that the “ full of
grace” of the Catholic church is a devotional phrase founded on
error not so orthodox as the “ highly favoured” of the Church of
England, or the “ peculiarly blessed” of Mr. Carlile and the
board ; and then the learned commentators of the national schools
may show the children that there is not much more favour
implied in the words addressed to the Virgin than in the similar
language applied in the Sermon on the Mount, to various classes
of mankind. See then at once the proselytizing spirit that first
suggested the formation of such an anomalous body — a spirit
that is still perseveringly bent on the attainment of its object.
The majority of that board have been, in defiance of every
principle of right and justice, placed there for the purpose of
“ getting rid,” in all the books published by the Board, of
Catholic language and Catholic doctrine ; and well and stre-
nuously have they laboured in their vocations. Nestorians in
religion, as far as regards their jealousy of the honour of the
Mother of God, they have designedly expunged the “ Hail Mary
full of Grace,” lest children should find in those lessons, those
words which they are taught to lisp, from infancy, with affec-
tionate veneration. It is not wise, my lord, it is not statesman-
like, to strive to dissolve the holy charm that consecrates those
truths that are imbibed in childhood. The same church that
instils into the tender minds of children a reverence for the
Mother of God and revered of Heaven, as sedulously labours
LETTER LXXXIII.
415
to impress upon them a respect for the throne. Do not, then,
encourage the rash schemes that would dissolve the ties that
connect them with Heaven. If they are once broken, history
will teach your lordship that they cannot feel much respect for
the obligations that bind them to society.
I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship’s obedient
servant,
fcj* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXXIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Celsus,
April 7 , 1838 .
My Lord — On a retrospect of the vital question of the religious
education of the youth of Ireland, I must own that I have to
reproach myself with being so long silent regarding the evils of
so incongruous a system. Though from its very origin tho plan
created serious apprehension, to which I did not fail then to give
expression, yet I consented to watch in silence the experiment
of its fuller operation. In this forbearance I deferred to the
feelings of many, who, fatigued by the long and importunate
hostility of former proselytizing bodies, were content to seek a
temporary respite from their annoyance in a less obnoxious
association. The impressions that were made by the first forma-
tion of the board have been strengthened by all that came under
my observation during the interval. The exclusion of some
persons and districts from any participation in the funds of the
board, and the favour that was extended to others, where there
were influential political patrons, excited suspicions that the
board was regulated by political, as well as religious antipathies.
There were instances, too, of masters who embraced the Pro-
testant religion, one of whom, in this very diocese, had been
kept in a national school, after the remonstrance of the pastor.
Surely it cannot be made a subject of reproach to the Protestant
Archbishop of Dublin, or to the Calvinistic minister, Mr Carlile,
416
LETTER LXXXIII.
or tlie other Protestant members who compose the majority of
the board, that they should rejoice in every such conversion, and
that they should deem it a blessing that every teacher in the
national schools should abjure what they are pleased to call the
errors of Romanism ; and, were they invested with absolute con-
trol over the appointment and dismissal of the masters, without
reference to the religious influence of the local pastors, who
should, as on the above occasion, withdraw their children from
the danger of perversion, no doubt there would be other instances
of equally creditable conversions. Though it appears from the
resolutions of numbers of the clergy of this diocese, that there
are in it fifty-nine parishes, containing a population of two hun-
dred and sixty thousand Catholics, left destitute of any aid,
though the clergy were amused with a driftless correspondence,
still we suffered such manifest injustice in the distribution of the
public funds without any public exposure. Notwithstanding all
these facts, I might still observe the same silence, were it not for
the fundamental change, affecting the best interests of religion,
contemplated in the last Report of the Commissioners of Educa-
tion, as well as the alarming evidence of the ulterior views of the
government, or rather its advisers, which the examinations before
parliament unfolded.
The following words (paragraph 34) in that memorable report :
“ W e have received your Excellency’s permission to revise our
existing rule as to religious instruction,” &c., were those which
chiefly fixed my attention. Is it, then, from her Majesty’s vice-
roy permission is to be obtained for adjusting the rule by which
the religious education of the Catholic youth of Ireland is to be
conducted ? Is it from the Castle of Dublin the canons are to
issue which are to govern the bishops and pastors of the Irish
Church in training the young generation in the knowledge and
practice of the faith of their fathers ? For the Protestants, it is
fair and consistent that the members of that creed should take
the lessons for guiding the religious education of their youth
from the spiritual head of their church, or her representative.
But as for Catholics, it has been unheard of, since the days of
Henry, that they should apply to the temporal monarch, or her
lieutenant, for making or changing any rule for religious educa-
tion, or that the Court of St. James should supersede the autho-
rity of the Vatican. The effects of the application bear evidence
of the source from which the authority of the commissioners is
derived. One of its first and most disastrous consequences was
an utter forgetfulness of the respect due to the legitimate pastors
of the people, and the adoption of the principle of making the
sacred Scriptures a school-book, in defiance of the solemn and
unanimous resolution of all the Catholic bishops of Ireland.
“We therefore propose (say the commissioners, paragraph 38)
LETTER LXXXIII.
417
modifying the letter of the rule, so as to allow religious instruc-
tion to be given, and the Scriptures to be read, or the Catechism
learned, during any of the school hours, provided such an ar-
rangement be made as no children shall take part in, or listen
to, any religious reading or instruction to which their parents or
guardians object.” It is said that a commissioner has addressed
a circular letter to all the bishops of Ireland, except one, to
know whether the present plan of education was so dangerous
as that it could not receive their sanction. This is grati-
fying intelligence. It proves, that whatever might be their
wishes, the commissioners and ministers of government cannot
hope to carry on any system of education that is at variance
with the resolves of the Catholic hierarchy. It were well had
they adopted the wise precaution of consulting them, before they
ventured on publishing their report. Had they done so, they
would not have fallen into the fatal error of sanctioning the prin-
ciple of making the Scriptures a school-book, in direct opposition
to the repeated resolutions of that body. The faithful of Ire-
land, who are deeply interested in this inquiry, must be anxious
to know if the prelates were consulted on the question whether
it was “safe and useful” to make the Scriptures a school-book,
provided the parents and guardians of the children had no objec-
tion to their introduction.
This is the fundamental change in the system of education
of which I arraign the present commissioners. It is the prin-
ciple on which the great controversy between the Catholic
prelates and all the Biblical associations hinged. It is but
right to know whether they were consulted on this principle
which not only involves their own authority, but likewise the
authority of the Pope. “The reading of the Scriptures by
children the prelates have solemnly pronounced to be an usage
whereby the word of God is made liable to irreverence, youth
exposed to misunderstanding its meaning, and thereby not unfre-
quently to receive in early life impressions which may afterwards
prove injurious to their best interests, as well as of the society
which they are destined to form.” Let, then, the correspondence
be exhibited. Let it not be concealed whether the distinct question
regarding the introduction of the Scriptures was at all mooted ;
and then it will be manifest whether the prelates of Ireland
have pronounced the principle of making the Scriptures a school-
book to be now “ safe and useful,” which they before pronounced
to be productive of irreverence, and injurious to the children
and the best interests of society.
It will not, I am sure, be pretended that the irreverence of
which the practice of making the Scriptures a school-book is
productive, is diminished by the regulation of leaving their
perusal to depend on the wishes of the “ parents and guardians,”
418
LETTER LXXXIII.
It is singular what stress is laid throughout the entire of this
famous document on the wishes of “ parents and guardians,” in
contradistinction to “ pastors,” who appear to be almost totally-
forgotten. In one paragraph the commissioners condescended
to allow pastors to have “ access to the children for the purpose
of religious instruction.” But who are those pastors ? “ Such
pastors or other persons as are approved of by the parents or
guardians.” The phrase of the “ approved pastors” would not
suit the Presbyterian principles of some of the commissioners.
No ; it must be “ such pastors as are approved of by the parents
or guardians,” to show that if their lawful pastors, in obedience
to the highest authorities in their church, forbid the introduc-
tion or perusal of the Scriptures, then the parents and guardians
are authorized by the board to select another pastor, or any
other persons, to read and expound them.
That this regulation, at variance with the essential principles
of government in the Catholic church, was drawn from a Presby-
terian source, is evident from its conformity with the following
resolutions of the Synod of Ulster, which “ are stated to be
agreeable to the resolutions of the board :” — “ That it shall
be the right of all parents to require the patrons and managers
of schools to set apart for reading the holy Scriptures a con-
venient and sufficient portion of the stated school hours, and to
direct the master, or some other whom the parents may appoint
and provide, to superintend the reading.”* Never was the long-
contemplated design of detaching the faithful from the obedience
due to their lawful pastors more insidiously put forth than in
this last report of the Commissioners of Education. It is for the
pastors and the parents of the children mutually to look to
the consequences, and weigh well whether the proposition comes
from a friendly source that would sever a connexion which cen-
turies of suffering have endeared. The system teems with the
seeds of persecution. Suppose the Catholic clergy, as in this
diocese they will invariably do, to prohibit the Scriptures being
made a school-book by the Catholic children, under any circum-
stances. Suppose, too, that some of our sanctimonious gentry,
who, in the neighbouring county of Mayo, and other places, are
at this moment throwing their unfortunate tenantry on the
world, be seized, as they were some years ago, with a desire of
expiating their practical oppression by a proffer of the Bible —
they have only to require of their wretched dependants to send
their children to the national schools, and insist on their natural
right of having the Scriptures put into the hands of their
children, and expounded by “such pastors or any other persons
who arc approved of by them or the guardians,” and in doing so
* Evidence before the House of Lords, vol. 1, page 66.
LETTER LXXXIII.
419
they would be acting in accordance with the regulations of the
National Board. Besides, it may not be generally known that
one of the commissioners has avowed his wish of placing the
education of the country in the hands of a minister of public
instruction, assisted by a Council, the appointment of each of
whom should be exclusively and invariably vested in the
crown* I have already given a specimen of this gentleman’s
theological accommodation, in the expression of the gratification
he should feel in having erased from Catholic books every sullen
line that should separate, even in public worship, the Catholics
from the sectaries. Yet he has been relied on as one that was to
secure the faith of Catholics from the influx of error ! ! It must
be confessed that the advocates of the unlimited prerogatives of
royalty must admire his principles no less than those who are for
the abolition of the odious distinctions of religion; for such is
his antipathy to popular influence or self-election, that a particle
of either he would not suffer to influence the choice of the council
or minister for public instruction, but that all should bo unre-
servedly left to the arbitrary discretion of the Crown.
But amidst this barren waste, where religious faith or civil
freedom look in vain for a resting-place, the board has, it seems,
contrived to plant one green spot on which the eyes of all are
invited to repose. They have, it is said, planted a garden, where
all the exotics of the world will spontaneously bloom, without the
funds which are granted for all parts of the kingdom being ex-
pended on its cultivation. Whilst the model school was being
built, at the enormous expense of nearly £30,000, the secretary’s
general answer to applicants was, “ There are no funds and if
complaints were made, that the remoter peasantry were neglected,
surely they ought to be satisfied, on being told that the money
was expended on architects, and a long train of clerks and in-
spectors. Let them now be reconciled to similar privations for
two or three years more, whilst the parliamentary grants must
be wasted not only on stewards, but on lecturers on botany, &c.,
who, like the commentator on the six days of the creation in the
model school, will doubtless commence his learned lectures by a
sarcastic sneer on the literal meaning of the Mosaic history, and
then demonstrate to his agricultural pupils, how the indigenous
moss, that grew in unsightly patches out of the rocks, was im-
proved by Scottish skill into the most luxuriant vegetation.
What a mockery of the public mind ! Establish as many schools
of agriculture as you please (and, I must confess, they are much
wanted), but do not insult the understanding of the people, by
wasting on a system of jobbing the funds that are said to be for
the religious education of the poor of Ireland ; and which reli-
* Appendix to Reports of Commissioners, 173 — 6, pages 84, 5.
420
LETTER LXXXIII.
gious education, no matter how long you may insist on it, we shall
never suffer to reach them from a poisoned source.
It must, no doubt, give great consolation to the ejected tenantry
of Connaught, whose tears are now appropriately mingled with
the sorrows of this season, to behold, on their passage to some
more friendly country, those agricultural schools. It must allay
their affliction to be told, in the canting sentiments of the fourth
report, how plenty would bless the land if the peasantry had a
little more of industry and order ! Not a word against the hard-
heartedness of their taskmasters escapes in this precious docu-
ment, though some slight recommendations of humanity to land-
lords would not be unseasonable. However, the humblest of
peasantry can feel the insulting derision of such plans for their
improvement. Those to whom I have alluded can say that they
needed not to leave their own western mountains, to witness
improvements equal to those of any agricultural school. Nay, it
is to make room for such improvements, and to accommodate
influential political friends, who talk much of philanthropy and
the idleness of tenants, they are banished from their homes.
They can admire, as much as any botanical professor, the beau-
ties of an improved farm ; but they will not fail to murmur, on
their departure, deep execration upon those, whose green fields
must be watered with the tears of the widow and the orphan.
I have now, my lord, briefly stated the grounds on which,
however tardily, I have been obliged to enter my solemn protest
against the present system of, not national, but government,
education. Those grounds are : First — The introduction of the
Scripture as a school-book, in defiance of everything that is
exalted and holy in the Catholic Church ; secondly — The attempt
to set at nought the authority of the legitimate pastors, and to
have it superseded, in the choice of books and masters, by a
board, the majority of which are at once able and willing to
make selections in both injurious to our religion ; and, thirdly —
The more fearful prospect, which is not disguised, of having the
entire education of the country placed in the hands of some cor-
rupt and time-serving minion of the crown. For the present, I
pass over their flagrant violation of their original rule, of regu-
lating annual grants to masters by the number of the scholars,
since I shall demonstrate, from their own reports, that schools
containing but a few scholars, under favourite patrons, receive
larger grants than others that contain four or five times the
number ; I shall pass over the marked neglect with which this
diocese has been treated. The interests of near a half million of
Catholic inhabitants, which it comprises, might be deemed worthy
the attention of any legislature. But your education board is a
proof of what we may expect from the poor law. The education
of the many has been the pretext ; patronage for the few has
LETTER LXXXIII.
421
been the fruit of the system. Such will be the poor law, since it
seems there are already eight thousand of these birds, that are
attracted by every prey, fluttering and screaming for a share of
the provision, ostensibly intended for the poor, but which those
political vultures will not fail to devour.
Were I to be longer silent in regarding a system so fraught
with evil, I should incur the self-reproach of “ detaining the truth
in injustice/’ I should be only treasuring up for my latter days
the remorse of having timidly betrayed the faith, like the late
Archbishop of Mentz, who, terrified by the frowns, or seduced
by the favours, of the Prussian government, confessed that he
compromised, in an evil hour, the sacred interests of his
religion.
Who could imagine that, in a land, where liberty is so much
boasted of, such efforts would be made, as I know have been
made, to suppress all inquiry on this important subject, and that
some of those who hailed the accession of the priesthood, in the
assertion of their political rights, would be the first now to turn
round, and strive to stifle the voice of those very pastors, when
raised for the protection of their flocks, against the inroads of
irreligion ? The frustrated attempts that have been made by
the organs of the government, who yet pretend to be the advo-
cates of the people, to crush all discussion regarding this govern-
ment board, fully reveal the spirit that is at work, to lay the
freedom of our national church at the feet of the minister ; else
why, if the board is so fairly constructed — if it represents the
religion of the Irish people — if there is nought of bigotry in its
composition — no leaning towards Protestant opinions in its books,
such as the studied substitution of repentance for penance, &c. — ■
why not rejoice that the light of public discussion should be let
in on its proceedings ? No ; the sensitiveness with which they
shrink from inquiry, betrays a consciousness that the system
cannot bear public discussion. Supposing even I were wrong in
my views of the board, I should expect that, whilst the opinions
of the other bishops were sought (if report be true), I should not
be laid under the political excommunication of any commissioners.
Had a circular been addressed to me, I should have been probably
able to show that the chief evils of the system, namely, making
the Scriptures a school-book, might have been overlooked in that
communication, whereas some of the other prelates had not yet
probably an opportunity of reading the fouler report of the com-
missioners, or the more obnoxious mass of evidence which has
been laid before the legislature. The exclusion of any one pre-
late, for having merely performed a conscientious duty, only
shows what the bishops of Ireland should expect if any govern-
ment commissioners had power to rule them. It was one of those
small expedients, to which human policy has ever had recourse,
422
LETTER LXXX1II.
when combatting the majesty of truth. I havo advanced nothing
regarding the principles of that board, in condemnation of which
I have not been able to array the unanimous and deliberate reso-
lutions of all the bishops of Ireland, assembled together. I
might, in condemnation of the principle of making the Scriptures
a school-book, refer to the rescripts of some of the Pontiffs, who
sat in the chair of St. Peter for the last fifty years. It is, then,
to mo a matter of indifference what may be the opinion of a
body, composed of a majority of the rankest enemies of my
faith, so long as I speak the recorded sentiments of the bishops
and the Pope. Whilst I can put what I have written in juxta-
position with the resolutions of the one, or the rescripts of the
other, I can well afford to bo put under the political ban of any
government commissioners, who, at the conge of a Protestant
Lord Lieutenant alone, proceed to make fundamental changes in
the religious portion of a course of education.
In a very recent number of the Freeman's Journal there was
an extract attributed to Mr. Carlile, which, if it be genuine,
proves what confidence the Catholics of Ireland ought to repose
in the national board. The authenticity of the passage is ques-
tioned ; I am glad of it, since it will afford an opportunity of
knowing if the board be, in reality, so bigoted as that passage
would warrant us in believing, as Mr. Carlile is not an inactive
member of that body. Mr. Blake confesses, in his examination
before the select committee of the House of Commons, 1835,
that so important was Mr. Carlile, that the business of “the
board could not be carried on without his services.” He is the
compiler of the Scripture Lessons, of which I have interdicted
the use throughout all the schools of this diocese. But I have a
letter of Mr. Carlile’s before me, published in the Morning
Chronicle , of September, 1824, containing passages, than which
more offensive could not be written against the Catholic religion,
and particularly its clergy. I will, however, for the present,
content myself with the following extract from another active
member of the board — I mean Hr. Whately, the Protestant
Archbishop of Dublin. Its genuineness, I hope, will not be
questioned, since, if it be, the whole book of “ The Errors of
Romanism” must be a forgery : — “ It (the Romish system) was
the natural offspring of man’s frail and corrupt character, and it
needed no sedulous culture. No one, accordingly, can point out
any precise period, at which this ‘mystery of iniquity,’ the
system of Romish corruptions, first began, or specify any person
who introduced it. No one, in fact, ever did introduce any such
system. The corruptions crept in one by one — originating, for
the most part, with an ignorant and depraved people, but con-
nived at, cherished, consecrated, and successively established, by
a debased and worldly-minded ministry, and modified by them,
LETTER LXXXIV.
423
just so far as might best favour the views of their profligate
ambition The corruptions of the Romish Church
were the natural offspring of human passions, not checked and
regulated by those who ought to have been ministers of the
Gospel, but who, on the contrary, were ever ready to indulge
and encourage men’s weakness and wickedness, provided they
could turn it to their own advantage.” *
When Dr. Whately was penning this singular passage against
the religion and the priesthood of the Roman Catholics, how
ineffable would be his surprise, were he assured that the time
would come when he would be allowed to dictate, ex cathedra, the
conditions on which that priesthood and people should receive, for
the youth of their communion, a religious education.
His Grace may regulate as he chooses the religious education
of his flock, without any interference on my part. He shall
never have any control over the spiritual instruction of mine. It
is enough that we should have been cajoled by hollow professions
out of the hoped-for concession of our rights. We shall not suffer
ourselves to be betrayed by any acts, however deep and disguising,
into any abandonment of religion.
I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship’s obedient
servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXXIV.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Athanasius.
May 2, 1838
“ I have ever thought a prohibition of the means of improving our rational
nature to be the worst species of tyranny that the insolence and perverseness of
mankind ever dared to exercise.” — Burke.
My Lord — Having felt and witnessed the blighting influence of
the penal code on the intellectual and religious freedom of the
country, it is no wonder that the writer of the above passage
* “The Errors of Romanism,” by Richard Whately, D.D., London edition,
18mo., pages 11, 12.
424
LETTER LXXX1V.
should have pointed against it his most eloquent denunciations.
From the statutes of Edward, requiring all Latin and English
Missals to be consigned to the flames, under a heavy penalty,
unless such as “ are set forth by the king’s authority,” to the
establishment of the board of Lord Stanley, controlling all books,
except those that are set forth by the king’s commissioners, we
contemplate, under a sad variety of forms, that “ worst species
of tyranny which prohibits the means of improving our rational
nature.” From the enactments of the same sovereign, enforcing
a uniformity of worship, and inflicting a fine of one hundred
marks upon all who should disparage the Prayer-book, to the
formation of a board who are angry with those who disparage
their Scripture Lessons, who recommend in their third report
“ to hold the faith in the unity of spirit,” whilst themselves pro-
fess the most conflicting variety of creeds, you behold the same
anomalous system always at variance with the freedom of con-
science, and labouring, though in vain, to bring about a mere
artificial uniformity. Since the time of the notorious George
Browne, the founder of the abortive reformation in Ireland, to
his Protestant successor, Dr. Whately, it has been the uniform
policy to represent the Irish as “ zealous, yet blind and unknow-
ing and, like the flexible prelate who received a royal reproof
on account of the contrast of his liberal indifference after his
promotion with the zeal which recommended him to the office,
many of his successors were stimulated to assert, by similar
“ monitions,” the spiritual headship of the monarch, “ though
they found much oppugning therein,” fearing to incur his
Majesty’s displeasure. Though a considerable period has since
intervened, how like the language of Archbishop Browne, who
represents the Catholic clergy as “ crafty sorts to cozen the poor
people,” to that of her Majesty’s commissioner, who compares
the “ Romish to a pagan priest, who keeps hidden from the
people the volume of their faith, that they may, with ignorant
reverence, submit to the dominion of error.” *
In the diversity of societies which it has since animated, the
spirit of persecution has been always the same, in some more
fierce, in others more mitigated — always prohibiting the im-
provement of our rational nature. Since it is in vain you attempt
to improve it, if you require conditions which outrage that free-
dom which the Christian religion requires, it is the same spirit
that has transmigrated through the infamous charter schools of
Ireland, where the spiritual food administered to the unfortunate
inmates was so poisonous, as almost to have effaced from their
mis-shapen forms the noble image of their Maker. It is this
spirit that has passed through the Hibernian, the Kildare-street,
* Doctor Whately’s “ Errors of Romanism,” page 112.
LETTER LXXXIV.
425
and Tract Societies, of every denomination, and that now exerts
itself with a hateful energy in the Education Board, where, if not
seasonably checked, it will be more fatal to religion than in all the
associations to which that body has succeeded. Yes, my lord, I
assert, without fear of contradiction, that the board was regularly
constituted on the principle of that worst of tyrannies which
Burke so pointedly reprobates ; or we must adopt the other con-
clusion, that our rational nature may be improved by institutions
that war with the freedom of religion. If once you concede to
the civil magistrates the right of insisting on the conditions on
which the subjects are to receive religious education, I must own
your lordship will make out a case to justify the wreck that has
been made of the schools, and colleges, and other sacred institu-
tions of this country, and you will acquit the Reformation of
much of those horrors which followed in its train. But if, on
the other hand, you are bound to own, with the best and wisest
men, that religion ought to be free from all coercion, by what
consistency can you claim a right over that which has the greatest
influence in moulding the religious opinions of children — namely,
books and teachers ? And must not the Catholics stigmatize the
folly of their fathers for spurning the proffers of education,
which were disapproved of by their clergy, if they now submit
to a system, not only requiring unholy conditions, against which
the bishops of Ireland unanimously protested, but a system that
was formed after a public avowal, on the part of the Commis-
sioners of Education Inquiry, utterly to disregard the resolutions
of the Catholic bishops ?
I shall not, then, for the present, prosecute my intention of
exposing the partial distribution of the funds committed to the
board, or of inquiring why the education of two hundred and
fifty scholars costs at the rate of fifty pounds annually in one
district, whilst it is deemed only worth ten pounds in another — •
or why, in other places only eight pounds are assigned for the edu-
cation of more than two hundred scholars. For those interesting
details I refer the reader to the Appendix of the Report of
Education before the House of Commons. The comparison will,
doubtless, lead him to the conclusion that, in the estimation of
their relative value, the vicarious merits of their respective
patrons have been, in defiance of all the Calvinism of the board,
occasionally imparted to the scholars. These, however, are but
the natural consequences of a system, which has been itself
founded on the most manifest injustice. To expect from it any
other but their natural results, would be the same as to expect
wholesome fruit from a tree, whilst its vicious root is in full vigour.
The board itself is but the creature of a vicious principle, and,
therefore, the religious bigotry and political injustice that pre-
sided over its formation, must be expected in all its operations.
426
LETTER LXXXIY.
Perhaps in the history of human inconsistencies there is nothing
more amusing, than to exhibit to the world an example of most
flagrant religious intolerance, and then to turn round and up-
braid others with that same intolerance, because they have
unmasked their hollow pretensions. Were I to advocate the
principle of giving to Catholics the power of interfering with the
Protestants in the religious education of their children, then I
should be justly chargeable with the imputation of religious
intolerance. I only claim the same exemption from any an-
noyance of conscience, which I should most cheerfully extend
to all the children of the human race.
To illustrate this worst of tyrannies, which is manifest in this
system, let us suppose a similar board to be formed for the lite-
rary and religious education of the Protestants and Catholics of
England, composed only of three Protestants, who bear the same
proportion to the Protestant population of that country as two to
the Catholic population of Ireland — suppose all the rest of the
commissioners, forming more than double that number, to be
Catholics — yet, in order to amuse the Protestants with a specious
fairness, some are said to be placed there to represent the Gal-
ilean, and others the Ultramontane opinions, that may be found
under the general profession of the Catholic name. To follow
up the parity, let us suppose that two of the Catholics who com-
pose this English board, so far from being identified with the
country, were aliens and Irishmen, who had uniformly indulged
in the most rancorous invectives against the English clergy and
people — suppose, too, that the first act of such a board, which
was to arrogate the unjustifiable power of regulating the religious
education of the English Protestants, was to associate to them-
selves a Catholic secretary, who so managed the affairs of the
board that the official phrase, “ that he had the honor of laying
such a communication before the commissioners,” frequently
meant nothing more than that he had the honor of laying it
before himself, and submitting it to his own deliberation. Let
us fancy, for it can be but fancy, that the English Protestants
have sufficient patience for the slow execution of such a scheme
for their cajolement as I am now describing, and that they behold
one of the Catholic commissioners from Ireland bringing over
two or three of his own family, to place them in the model
school for training the future teachers of the English Protestant
youth, to expound the Scripture lessons that were compiled by
the Catholic commissioner, into which he infused his own peculiar
opinions, and out of which he scruples not to own that he
laboured to exclude “ repentance and righteousness,” and every
other distinctive phrase that was consecrated to Protestant
orthodoxy ; suppose that one of the Protestant commissioners, who
was to protect the faith of the Protestant youth, was a most
LETTER LXXXIV.
427
accommodating gentleman, who, in common with the rest of the
commissioners, relishes not for instruction “ books objectionable,
as peculiarly belonging to some particularly religious denomina-
tion that, on the contrary, he strenuously recommends books
which would conceal every distinction of creed, and that so
anxious was he to smoothe the road to science, by levelling into
an even surface all the roughness of religious opinions, that nothing
should give him more gratification than to see the passages ex-
pressive of Protestant doctrine expunged out of the works of
the most pious and moderate bishops of his own communion,
and that no sentiment should be ever uttered that could jar upon
ears attuned to the sounds of liberality. Let us next suppose that
a large staff of well paid Catholic clerks was stationed in the
normal school, to answer the applicants that there are no funds,
whilst at the same time they multiply their inspectors beyond
any former example — that out of this number the majority is
still Catholic, for the youth of Protestant England, by way of
illustrating in their own example, the value of figures, and giving
a proof of their practical appreciation of the golden rule of
proportions. Let us suppose that in this revision of the inspecting
corps they had discarded the most intelligent and meritorious
of all their officers, because he was guilty of the crime of talking
of the glories of old England; of feeling enthusiastic zeal for
the religion of his ancestors, and denouncing the injustice of
having the Magna Charta laid aside by the six coercive acts of
Lord Castlereagh. Suppose that whilst the distant provinces
were neglected, under pretence of having no funds, those raw
recruits, the creatures of political patronage, were assigned a
larger salary than is even now paid to the learned professors
who have devoted their lives to training up Protestant clergy in
one of the English universities, and that the officers alone
swallowed up more than half the sum that is given for the edu-
cation of the pastors of the Protestant people — we must add
that before they are fitted for the office of inspection, they must
be immured for some months in the model schools, to be initiated
by the foreigners in their craft, and to be taught, by the example
of their immolated predecessor, the prudence of stifling every
emotion of country or of creed, until, disembowelled of every
national feeling, they come out accomplished, but heartless in-
spectors. Suppose, in fine, that a Protestant prelate had been
associated to this incongruous board, for the purpose of lulling into
a treacherous confidence the entire of the English hierarchy, and
that this board, emboldened by the strange forbearance which
they had on that account experienced, issued a resolve not to
admit the Scriptures to be taught in the schools, or expounded
by laymen, though the Protestant prelates had declared that to
be a practice fraught with reverence, and productive of advan-
tage to the children and society — nay, that they attempted so to
428
LETTER LXXXIV.
intercept the English bishops in their right and duty of teaching,
that they should not put a book into the hands, or appoint a
master for the instruction of the children of their flocks, unless
they obtained the fiat of the commissioners. But, applied to
England, I am pursuing a phantom. As well might the ugly
chimera, imagined by the Roman writer, composed of animals of
earth and sea, be invested with life and form, as the strange body
I have deseribed to exist in England. It is only in unfortunate
Ireland, long accustomed to misgovernment and insult, that such
amionstrous reality, so revolting to its faith and so dangerous to
its liberties, could be endured.
The laboured ingenuity with which the advocates of the
government board have endeavoured to elude the resolutions of
the bishops, proves their reluctant conviction that they must at
last yield to the justice of those requisitions. We are told,
forsooth, that they passed at a distant period, having no reference
to a system of education, such as the board has adopted. It
may, therefore, be necessary to show that so far from contem-
plating any other system, they referred to the very plan of a
mixed education, which the government commissioners of 1826
were then projecting. In furtherance of this project, various
conferences were held, and a repeated correspondence took place
between the commissioners of education on the one hand, and
the heads of the Catholic and Protestant churches on the other.
The conferences turned on the compilation of Scriptural or
Christian lessons, and among the letters that passed between them
we find the two following in one of the reports of the education
commissioners : *
“41, North Cumberland-street, 23rd January, 1826.
“Doctor Murray presents his compliments to the commissioners of education
inquiry, as he is desired by the Catholic archbishops and bishops now assembled
in Dublin to submit te-them the enclosed resolutions, relative to the system of
education proposed for the poor of Ireland. He is further prayed to state that
it would be highly gratifying to the prelates to be informed, at the earliest
convenience of the commissioners, whether a system of general education,
founded on the principles embodied in those resolutions, would be likely to meet
their views and receive their approbation ?
“ Commissioners of Education Inquiry.”
“ Merrion-street, 26th January, 1826.
“ The Commissioners of Education Inquiry present their compliments to
Doctor Murray, and have to acknowledge the receipt of his letter of the 23rd
instant, enclosing a copy of the resolutions entered into by the Roman Catholic
archbishops and bishops of Ireland, at his house on the 21st instant, and stating
that it would be highly gratifying to the prelates to be informed, at the earliest
convenience of the commissioners, whether a system of general education,
founded on the principles embodied in those resolutions, would be likely to meet
their views and receive their approbation. As it is the duty of the commis-
sioners to report their views only to his Majesty, they must abstain from any
expression of opinion on the subjects contained in the resolutions which Doctor
Murray has transmitted to them.
“ The Most Rev. Doctor Murray.”
Ninth Report, pages 8, 9.
LETTER LXXXIV.
420
It is unnecessary to comment on the latter production. It
is conceived and expressed in the true style of his Majesty’s
commissioners, who fancy it unbecoming their delegated office
to express any opinions of their views to the Archbishop of
Dublin, conveying the resolutions of the assembled bishops of
Ireland, on the momentous question of religious education, in which
their rights and duties were so deeply involved. However,
the Catholic prelates did not shrink from the assertion of their
duties on account of the high tone assumed by the commissioners.
They insisted on their resolutions, which I have laid before the
public in a former letter, as the basis of any accommodation that
might be proposed on the important subject. Nay, the vene-
rable prelate already mentioned, in a subsequent letter, ad-
dressed to Mr. Frankland Lewis, on the subject of “ Christian
Lessons” for the use of such mixed schools, concludes with the
following important passage : — “ I am instructed to say that the
Roman Catholic prelates would not think themselves called on
to discourage the attendance of children of the Roman Catholic
faith in any schools in which the use of this compilation, so
amended, might be required, provided the regulations of said
school were in accordance with the resolutions of the Roman
Catholic prelates, which I had the honour to transmit to the
commissioners on the 2 3rd of January last.*
I should not have animadverted on the dictatorial tone of the
letter of the commissioners, were it not that their own subse-
quent report furnished a satisfactory commentary on that pro-
duction. It is true they could not be required to give their
views to any others than those, from whom their commission
was derived. But that loftier pretensions than a mere dutiful
and official reserve were couched in that communication, may be
fully inferred from the following extract of the report which
they submitted to his Majesty : — “ It is necessary for us to state,
with respect to the resolutions of the Roman Catholic bishops,
bearing date the 21st January, 1826, that we feel it our duty
not to suffer them, in any way, to obstruct or interfere with us
in the course we were pursuing.”! This is a candid statement,
and reveals the opinion which the commissioners entertaind,
regarding the respective shares which the Government and their
pastors should have in the religious education of the people.
The document bears the signatures of the five commissioners
of education, including that of A. R. Blake, one of the Catholic
members of the present board. It may be curious to compare
the reverence which this gentleman expresses, in the course
of his examinations before the Parliamentary committees, for
the opinion of one individual prelate, with the disregard which
* 9th Report of Education Inquiry, page 21. t Ibid, page 27.
430
LETTER LXXX1V.
he here exhibits for the solemn resolutions of the congregated
body. It would appear as if he fancied there was a virtue
went forth from the Government, which entitled those who were
in connexion with it to a species of infallibility. It must be on
this strange supposition that Mr. Blake has attempted to elevate
a garbled motley book, compiled by a Calvinist, and covered over
with the leprosy of unsound and suspicious doctrine, to the
dignity of the Douay Bible. How wayward is the ratiocina-
tion of some individuals ! This gentleman construes the silence
of bishops, who never read those mischievous productions, into
a solemn approval, and yet their express, solemn, and recognised
resolutions he sets so much at nought as that he feels it his
“ duty not to suffer them then to obstruct or interfere with him
in the course which he is pursuing.” For his strange doctrine
on the silence of the bishops, I must express to him my deep
obligation. It first directed my attention to those pernicious
volumes, and, having read some portions of them, I did not fail
to interdict them in all the schools under my jurisdiction, so
that the faithful will be free from their pestilent contagion.
Should any doubts have existed regarding their evil tendency,
they must be dissipated by the last learned and zealous letter
of “ Camillus,” a writer who feels on the subject as an Irishman
and a Catholic should do, and to whom his countrymen should
be indebted for the continuance of such valuable productions.
As to the commissioner, however, he must labour under a very
erroneous impression, if he fancies there is anything in an office
under the crown which gives any additional weight to the
opinions of any individuals on religious subjects. This, at all
events, is certain, that the Irish people will confide in the
opinions of their bishops, regarding the faith of books and the
moral fitness of the masters, as much when they are aloof from
its contact as when they are in connexion with any Whig, Tory,
or Radical anti-Catholic Government. They are not yet suffi-
ciently educated to comprehend the fine logic of the individual,
who would feign make the world believe, that a system is not
bad because it has the approbation of one bishop, whilst the same
individual contemptuously disregards the solemn resolutions of
that bishop, and all his brethren, when coming in the way of that
obnoxious plan, which he was resolved at all hazards to pursue.
Notwithstanding all the efforts of the board to reconcile to
itself the conflicting bodies by which it is opposed, it has only
involved itself in fresh embarrassments. To conciliate the Rev.
Drs. Cooke and Boyton, they scruple not to violate the resolu-
tions of the Catholic bishops, and the discipline of the Catholic
church. The former has declared — “ that if the parents are left
at liberty to direct that their children shall read the Scriptures
at such times as they shall think fit, that is all he thinks neces-
LETTER LX XXIV.
431
sary.”* Dr. Boyton confidently expressed the same opinions on
the necessity of the unrestricted use of the Scriptures as the
condition of his adhesion.f “ We do not thank them for their per-
mission,” are the blunt expressions in which the reverend gentle-
man conveys his manly determination never to surrender his own
religious convictions, or his rights to the truckling policy of the
commissioners. They have yielded to those bold requisitions.
What is the consequence? The same which your lordship’s
associates are daily experiencing from the Tories, in return for
your adoption of much of their policy. They have been alien-
ating those who had some confidence in them before, and earning
the derision of those whom they thought to win by concessions.
Amid such unprincipled overtures, are the Catholics the only
body, whose religious principles are to be put in abeyance ?
No, my lord, they will adopt the same manly tone ; and as they
ask not to interfere with the religious scruples of others, they
will not allow any unauthorized board to barter away their
religious rights in compliance with the requisition of Protestants.
By appealing to their representatives in Parliament, they have
already got rid of the religious tyranny of a secular society.
They will not, after recovering their civil rights, suffer a bigoted
board to worm itself into all the concerns of religion, until it
should succeed in giving it over, bound head and foot, to the
secular power. Whilst they are anxious for the complete freedom
of others, they cannot be insensible to their own. Perhaps your
lordship is not aware of their intense commisseration for the
negroes, nor of their indignant surprise that some of the Irish
members who were so lately emancipated should forget so soon
the sympathies of other nations, and be so lost to the feelings of
humanity and religion as vote for the continuance of the torture
of the negroes and the tyranny of their task-masters. If, then,
they interest themselves for others, they will not be indifferent
to the fate of their own children. Instead of a paltry central
board, as expensive as it is unproductive, formed after the sus-
picious model of persecuting Prussia, and regulated by the same
despotic machinery as its armies, they will, in a fierce tone,
demand, in return for their taxes, those ample local colleges that
abound in every country where true Christianity prevails — that
are congenial to its paternal spirit, and that are dear from
hereditary associations to the people — where the children will
not be brought up with suspicion of their very catechism, and
made to hide it, as if it were a wicked thing, from the insults of
some itinerant mercenary, and where their simple minds, while
ranging through every scene, will be gathering fresh evidences of
that creed, that first taught them to reverence their Maker and
to love all mankind. As well might you compare the peddling
* Evidence of Education before the House of Commons, p. 4771 . t Ibid, p. 250 .
432
LETTER LXXXIV.
craft of a hawker with the commerce of those fi bo cboniopbA ^Aftkvfcbe bo ^ieb Wc <$>pp|r) ljt bo T3bo||tbelbucb uo £or)cbubup . . . lap ]\) bejir)Ab, &c.
A Prayer for Turlogh O'Connor by whom was made, &c,
“ This cross,” writes Mr. Petrie, “ may justly rank as the finest monument
of its class and age remaining in Ireland. Yet,” the indignant and learned
antiquarian continues, “to the disgrace of the inhabitants of that ancient city,
LETTER LXXXV.
435
LETTER LXXXV.
TO TIIE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE NATIONAL OR GOVERNMENT SYSTEM OF EDUCATION. '
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Ignatius
July 31, 1838.
My Lord — The important events that have been crowded into
the last few weeks, must recal to you and your lordship’s
colleagues the delusiveness of the policy which you have hitherto
pursued towards Ireland. You fancied that what was called
agitation here was entirely the result of the potent influence of
some political leaders interested in its continuance. You en-
tertained another strange fancy, the natural consequence of
the first, that by setting them at rest, society should not be
vexed by any future agitation. The vast tithe meetings recently
held in Kilkenny, in Wexford, in Kildare, and in Mayo, must
awaken your lordship from those dreams of security, in which
you but too sanguinely indulged. For near three years there
were no brands cast to inflame the populace — no tones of
indignant denunciation against rulers were heard to “shake
the fierce democracy.” Not only was the surface of society
smooth and peaceful, but every quarter of the country echoed
with the artificial chorus of praise of a paternal government.
Why, then, have the people, as if moved by a sudden and
spontaneous impulse, risen to the attitude of a bold and majestic
remonstrance against their civil and religious grievances, of
which the recent history of the country has demonstrated the
its shaft, head, and base, though all remaining, are allowed to be in different
localities, detached from each other” (Round Towers, p. 317). To the truth of
the fact mentioned by the learned writer on the round towers, I lament to be
obliged to subscribe. His just indignation at the neglect with which this monu-
ment has been treated, I cheerfully applaud ; nor should I attempt to screen
the present inhabitants from the censure, were it in their power to remedy
the evil of which he complains. But the head and shaft are in the Protestant
church-yard, by which so many relics of Catholic times have been forcibly ap-
propriated, in order to mimic that antiquity of which it so much feels the loss.
It is to expose that want of antiquity that I have introduced the mention of
this singular monument ; and though its parts are now scattered, reclaiming
a union with each other, they still speak eloquently, reminding us of the glory
of the Catholic Church, not only when Protestantism had no existence, but
before an English foot had trodden on Irish ground.
436
LETTER LXXXV.
beneficial effects ? Because they find themselves not only
literally disappointed in the hopes which they were taught to
entertain, but see some of the evils of which they complained
considerably aggravated. Yes, my lord, they find, to their cost,
promises forgotten, pledges broken, grievances — for the ex-
tinction of which they laboured — fastened with new legislative
ties upon the country ; and men who, without any early sympathy
with the people’s wrongs, afterwards dexterously contrived to
raise themselves on the people’s shoulders to posts of official
emolument and honour, again resuming their natural pre-
dilections, and turning round on the very people who pushed
them into distinction. These are sentiments, the truth of which
can no longer be disguised ; they were long suppressed by many
in the hope that individual views would be merged in a general
concern for the public weal. But as it is now confessed that the
great interests of the community are put in abeyance in pro-
portion to the urgency of individual pretensions, there is no
longer any affectation of reserve, and in every quarter of the
country you behold how a sense of the danger that threatens
their civil and religious liberties, gives free utterance to the public
disappointment.
Your lordship is aware that the people of Ireland have ever
found in the Protestant Establishment, the salient spring of all
their national calamities. You are also aware that with every
ministry, whether Whig or Tory, that hitherto ruled its des-
tinies, the first question was, how that Protestant Establisment
could be maintained ? and that the “ salus populi,” which
was the first maxim in every sound system of ancient legislation,
has been, with regard to Ireland and its inhabitants, only a
subordinate consideration. Faithful to the model that has been
shown you, your lordship has not swerved from the political
maxims of your predecessors. Indifferent what may be the
effects of measures, provided they promise to secure the Estab-
lished Church, you urge their adoption, and receive the support
of those who consider the small section of its followers, of far
more value than the peace and happiness of seven millions of
people. No matter that this establishment is now confessed
to be incompatible with the prosperity of the land — no matter
that to the opinion of its inutility, has succeeded the conviction
of its utter and irreclaimable noxiousness — no matter that the
progressing tide of a Catholic population is so covering whatever
little of dominion it held, as to contract it to a mere isolated
rampart ; still the small religious fortress must be preserved, to
which, not only the interests of the country are to be sacrificed,
but on which an expenditure is wasted, which, if properly
applied, would spare the infliction of all the onerous measures
for which it has furnished an argument, and which are intended
LETTER LXXXV.
437
for its support. Not only are the vast proceeds of the church
lands, which should have been sufficient, even were it useful,
swallowed up in its vortex — not only are the tithes, gathered
as they have been from fields of blood, thrown into its un-
productive reservoir — it has been likewise the occasion of
burdening the country with enormous taxes, towards the kindred
systems of poor laws and education, which mark the pre-
dilections of their framers, for the interests of the Established
Church. I shall not dwell upon the obligations of the people
to this paternal ministry, for swelling the constabulary force
beyond any former example. It is in vain that you refer with
complacency to the reduction of the military, while the people,
who feel the effects of the change, can point to a corresponding
increase in the heavier pressure of their county cesses, since,
instead of the pay of the army coming from the consolidated
fund, the cess payers are immediately burdened with the support
of a staff, almost useless in many districts for every purpose,
except that of patronage, or of prolonging the existence of the
Establishment, by the collection of its tithes. It is, then, to
your lordship’s colleagues in office, and to their paternal solicitude
for the interests of the Established Church, the people are
beholden for this increase of their burdens. To what other
source than the Establishment, can they trace your poor laws,
by which the county rates will be considerably augmented ?
The frightful pauperism that ever followed the Reformation in
its first establishment, proved, whatever may be thought of the
orthodoxy of their faith, that its teachers were lost to the feelings
of humanity. Hence the loud and importunate demands of the
people for relief, wherever any remnant of freedom was left
them. Though they were deprived by the new occupants of the
church revenues, of that support which was liberally allowed
them by their ancient possessors, still they insisted they should
not starve, and in England extorted from the mass of the com-
munity, in the shape of law, what the trustees of their own
sacred funds refused in the name of religion. Hence, in the
estimation of its cost to the country, the poor rates should be
added to the other revenues of the Establishment. Were the
Protestant hierarchy of this country composed of the majority
of the people, there might be some apology for this extraordinary
exercise of legislative solicitude for its perpetuation. But when
it is so rapidly diminishing, as to'promise soon to disappear from
the land, the people had a right to expect that, far from being
burdened with fresh taxes, the Useless treasures of that Church
should have been applied by the government and the legislature,
to the relief of that frightful wretchedness, of which the rapacity
of that same Establishment had been the most prolific source.
But the worst consequence of the measure is, that under pre-
438
LETTER LXXXV.
tence of providing for the poor, it is intended for the gradual
destruction of the franchise ; and thus, in the name of mercy,
the people are to be robbed of the best shield for their pro-
tection. For this insidious policy, the requital should be general
execration.
Having obtained possession of the funds which, while ad-
ministered by the Catholic hierarchy, dissipated ignorance and
diffused the blessings of knowledge, it should have been expected
that it would devote a large portion of them to the same
laudable purpose. But, . alas ! its ministry was productive of
intellectual as well as corporal privations, and often has the
legislature been obliged to interfere to supply, at an enormous
expenditure of the public money, the wants of which the selfish-
ness of that Establishment was productive. To this very day
have not the grants for education been a uniform and heavy
item in the public taxes, and, with the exception of the niggardly
grant to the College of Maynooth, have not all those sums been
expended for the purpose of raising buttresses, to support the tot-
tering walls of this crazy establishment ? For this has the wily
ingenuity of statesmen been tasked to devise those abortive schemes
of proselytism and perversion, that have rapidly succeeded each
other, from the days of the Protestant Primate Boulter to the
formation of that anomalous society called the National Board.
Of all those fleeting bodies, the one uniform object has been the
support of the Protestant Establishment, which, in addition to its
now enormous revenues, should be charged with the accumulated
amount of all the monies, that have been ' squandered on these
noxious associations. But of all its predecessors, the National
Board is that which has been most extravagant in its scale of
expenditure, and which threatens to be most fatal in its
hostility to the Catholic religion. Yes, my lord, its anti-
Catliolic spirit is no longer problematical ; its deep and insidious
designs can no longer be a subject of doubt or controversy ; and,
if further testimony were wanting regarding the object that is
meditated, that testimony could be furnished by your lordship’s
recent speech on the subject of education. You express a deep
regret, and I give your lordship full credit for sincerity, that the
education of the Irish people could not be conducted by the
ministers of the Establishment ; but as this was not practicable,
the next best thing, was the newly contrived machinery of the
board, which would be productive of corresponding results.
The Catholic people of Ireland owe your lordship a deep debt
of obligation for the candour with which you suffer the minis-
terial views to appear through the disguise in which they are so
often enveloped. But it required no new manifesto to warn us of
the lurking hostility of that system. It fully revealed itself,
from the day that the members of that body sought and obtained
LETTER LXXXV.
439
permission from the Lord Lieutenant to revive the rules
regarding religious education, and exemplified the spirit of the
source from which they derived their mission, by regulations
manifestly at variance with the authority of the Catholic church.
The novelty of such a strange proceeding excited general
surprise, and a searching inquiry soon succeeded, which has
opened the eyes of numbers to the dangerous tendency of a
system, which attempts to supersede the most solemn duties of
the legitimate pastors of the people. As your lordship stated
that it would be desirable to have the education of the people
conducted by the ministers of the establishment, 'why not extend
the force of the same observation to the pastors of the Catholic
church ? This would not suit the policy that must still be
pursued, of sacrificing every other interest to Protestant ascen-
dency. To have their flocks instructed by Protestant ministers
is an admirable principle. To entrust the education of their
flocks to Catholic priests must, it would appear, be a downright
abomination. To wrest them entirely out of their hands, and to
transfer them to Protestant ministers, is a hopeless project :
therefore, a new machinery must be constructed — wielded almost
exclusively by Protestant power, and yet so contrived as to
conceal its pernicious object from the people. This machinery
has, indeed, worked astonishing results : witness the Scripture
Lessons, of which the gross errors do not require a theological
microscope to find them, since they are now palpable to the
dullest apprehension : witness the complete analogy between
its operation and the effects of the mixed systems, which have
filled Germany with infidelity and discord. Allow me to recom-
mend strenuously to your lordship’s perusal a recent letter of
Hibernicus, whose seasonable and judicious extracts from a
production called the “ Red Book,” published in the Rhenish
provinces, put the policy of the British ministers, and that of the
Prussian government in juxta-position. Witness the recent
appointment of twenty-five district inspectors, of whom a ma-
jority for Catholic Ireland are Protestants ! to be the authorized
missionaries of this board, in regulating the quantity as well as
the quality of religious instruction that is to be imparted to the
people ! Had I been hitherto silent on this anti-national board,
this singular appointment, together with that of the additional
commissioners, should force from me the exposure of all its evils.
What has any of your Protestant inspectors to do with the
Catholic children of the province of Connaught, for example,
with whom there are scarcely any Protestants to mingle ? As
your system is avowedly a mixed one for a mixed population,
its working cannot be adapted to a country, in which no such
mixture is found. Does your lordship seriously imagine that
I shall permit that board, or any such uncanonical body, to
440
LETTER LXXXV.
send their Protestant missioners into the schools of this diocese
composed exclusively of Catholic children, there to be in con-
tinual communication with them, and tainting the simple purity
of their faith with the poison of the Scripture Lessons of Mr.
Carlile? No, my lord, it is not in the power of any British
minister, to achieve such an unholy project. Already have a
zealous clergy, among other wise and spirited resolutions, come
to the determinatiou of protesting against any Protestant inspec-
tors being sent, to regulate the religious education of their flocks.
Yet, in spite of these resolves, the board have, in the insolent
exercise of their authority, sent a Protestant inspector into one
of the districts of Tuam, where *1 am told he has been spared
even already the toil of instruction. In this they must yield,
as they have been obliged to do with regard to the Scripture
Extracts, or this diocese will disown their unhallowed connexion.
For a long time these Scripture Lessons were practically en-
forced, notwithstanding that in their preface the commissioners
were content with a modest though strenuous recommendation.
Many an unfortunate schoolmaster throughout Ireland was sub-
ject to the petulant reproofs of their itinerant officials, for not
having the Scripture Lessons more frequently in the hands
of the children, — I know not whether they might not in this
instance have exceeded the measure of their instructions. Now,
however, the Catholic masters are released from the obligation
of teaching those pernicious tracts. They have disappeared
from this diocese without a murmur on the part of any officer
of the board, and the learned labours of Mr. Carlile may now
sleep in his repository, a melancholy monument of such a waste
of public money, as well as of the unconquerable attachment of
the people to their ancient religion.
Allow me to impress this truth upon your lordship, that
whether our schools receive aid from the Government or receive
it not, they shall always be so conducted that no inroad be made
on the authority of the pastors, or the discipline of the Catholic
church. I am told the board complains of the inconsistency of
persons asking a share of the education fund, whilst they resolve
to suffer no undue interference with their own complete autho-
rity over the religious instruction in the schools. Pray, by
what authority do those functionaries annex to the appor-
tionment of the fund, of which they are but the trustees and
not the proprietors, arbitrary conditions, offensive to the faith
and subversive of the authority of the pastors of the people for
whom those funds are intended ? Those funds come through
the Legislature from the pockets of the people. The insulting
conditions which the board requires, have no direct Legislative
sanction. They are the bye-regulations of some few bigots who
rule the board, of which an approval is sought from some Secre-
LETTER LXXXV.
441
tary or Lieutenant; and, then, these regulations are made to
intercept the bounty of the Legislature ! So far from being
approved of by the Legislature, I will venture to assert that
they shall never obtain any such sanction. No ; such regula-
tions would be reprobated in the House of Commons. Let the
experiment be tried — let Ministers strive to embody those offen-
sive and anti- Catholic propositions into an act of Parliament
that are insisted on by the board, and there are but few Catho-
lics in Ireland that would not startle at the re-enactment of
the old penal code. Until the Legislature, then, decides the
conditions, the people have a right to ask and to obtain the
pecuniary aid that is destined for education, without subjecting
their consciences to unholy conditions. The board may refuse
it, it is true, but it will be at their own peril ; let, then, those
districts that are so refused appeal loudly to the Legislature;
let them require of their representatives to insist that the public
funds shall not be rendered unavailable by conditions, that are
at war with the spirit of religion.
This ministry, of which your lordship is a member, take great
credit for doing justice to Ireland. Is it justice to the Catholic
people to refuse them education, unless administered through a
Protestant medium ? Is it justice to have more of the fund, said
to be intended for the education of the poor of that persuasion,
squandered on officials — the greater number Protestants — than
the entire sum that is granted for the education of the whole
priesthood of Ireland? No, my Lord, the injustice and the
bigotry of the whole system of anti-national education are best
attested by the zeal with which the ministerial press in England
as well as in Ireland, laboured to check public discussion. If
it be fraught with those benefits which its advocates ascribe to
it, why not let it enjoy all the advantages of public inquiry — or
why the alarm of journals, calling themselves popular, should
they let such discussions into their columns ? If the Govern-
ment strive, then, to propagate this system by force or by cor-
ruption, it will not argue much of the wisdom of Gamaliel, since
it must betray the strongest suspicions that it requires other aid
than its own excellence to recommend it.
It is in vain that all the energies of patronage, so actively at
work in other departments of the state to win over influential
persons into an interested acquiesence, have been put into re-
quisition. It is in vain that temptations have been held out
to apply for some of the lucrative places, and the corruption
which has eaten its way into much that was once sound in
society, has striven to cross the very threshold of the sanc-
tuary. It is in vain that you have endeavoured, by a more
expensive pecuniary provision, to raise the small ignorant officials
whose previous acquirements did not fit them for any such dis-
442
LETTER LXXXV.
tinction, far above the condition of the professors of Maynooth
College, or the parochial clergy of Ireland. Were you to give
them the treasury, it will fail of giving them influence ; and the
humble working curates will continue to do more in the instruc-
tion of the people, and in the support of the true interests of
the state, than the entire junta of your high paid mercenaries.
No, no, my lord ; rely on it, all your efforts to uphold so un-
popular a body, and so unchristian a system, must prove abor-
tive. The people are now beginning to know the materials of
which it is composed. Amidst the apostacy or corruption of a
portion of the press, there was also a portion placed beyond tbe
reach of temptation. Besides the Freeman's Journal , which has
pursued the straightforward tenor of its truly patriotic course,
without any inclination towards the powerful bodies that alter-
nately sought to draw it from its path, I hail with pleasure the
manly tone, in defence of their religion and their freedom, which
has recently distinguished many of the provincial journals of the
kingdom. With such vigilant sentinels to arouse the indolent
into a just alarm of the stealthy approaches of the foe, there is
very little danger that the faith which their more manly prede-
cessors could not subdue by open force, should now be filched
from us by the deceitful stratagems of the Caledonians and
the Saxons. Let it not be imagined that I wish to excite any
unreasonable prejudice against those, to whom your lordship’s
compassion for the Irish Catholics would entrust their educa-
tion. No ; they must be judged by their works. We are told
in the Gospel that a bad tree cannot produce good fruit, nor
do people gather vines and grapes from brambles and thorns.
Reserving some more precious extracts from their writings to other
occasions, I beg to submit the following passage from a member
of the anti-national board to the Catholic people of Ireland, that
from the quality of the stem they may form a judgment of the
nature of the fruit, which they are suffering their children to
pluck from its branches: —
“ Idolatry of the grossest kind (he writes regarding the Ca-
tholic Church) was gradually restored. The worshippers of
the one true God, manifest in Christ Jesus, practically paid their
chief adoration to deified mortals. The Scriptures were secluded
from the people under the veil of an unknown tongue, and their
interpretation fettered, and their authority superseded, even with
the learned, by a mass of traditions which made the W ord of God
of none effect. Then sacraments became superstitious charms —
then public worship a kind of magic incantation, muttered in a
dead language, and Christian holiness of life was commuted for
holy water, for fantastic penances, pilgrimages, amulets, pecu-
niary donations, and a whole train of superstitious observances
worthy of paganism in its worst forms.” But I must pause here,
LETTER LXXXV.
443
and forbear polluting my page, with the blasphemous application
of a Scripture passage to the chaste spouse of Christ, worthy
only to find utterance in that school which has striven, by the
most audacious interpretations of Scripture, to strip the Divine
Word of its due reverence. And who, the reader must anxiously
inquire, is the author of this passage, so full of fine-turned com-
pliments to the Catholic religion?* No other than Doctor
Whately, the Protestant Archbishop of Dublin — the faithful
fellow-labourer of Mr. Carlile in compiling the Scripture Lessons,
since we are informed by the latter, in his evidence before Par-
liament, that whilst the other members but little interfered, this
zealous prelate not only gave his personal aid, but delegated a
Protestant minister to the task of their compilation. The fruit
is worthy of the seed from which it sprung ; and let the poor
Catholic children, who hunger for the bread of life, eat in future
of this bread, kneaded out of the dough of English Lutheranism,
fermented with the leaven of Scotch Calvinism, and mixed with
the milk and water of Irish liberality. But no, they shall not
taste of such rank and unwholesome nutriment in this diocese.
Not only the clergy, but the faithful have taken the alarm, as is
attested by their public resolutions. Doctor Whately has ob-
tained from some individuals the reputation of liberality. This
is a phrase which assumes a variety of meanings, according to
the variety of tongues by which it is uttered. We are told to
beware of the wolves in sheep’s clothing. Whatever might be
the insinuating courtesy of their exterior deportment, I know
not what confidence could Catholics repose in those who would
assail their religion in terms of such gross slander and vitupera-
tion. The Catholics may now judge what instruction should be
given to their children, if he and such aliens from the Catholic
Church (as they do almost possess it) should continue to entirely
possess control over that instruction. We must disown the
unholy and unnatural alliance which a corrupt and anti-Catholic
policy has framed. There can be no lasting association between
light and darkness, or of truth with error, or of God with
Belial. The ass and the ox were forbidden to be yoked together,
and those biblical advocates for the blending of all seeds of doc-
trine, and weaving into the same texture different qualities of
belief, will find, in the interdict of mixing different seeds in the
same soil, or of making cloth of linsey-wolsey, the condemnation
of their own project. A corrupt press may defend it for some
time, and were the Koran to form a school-book with the Bible,
the system would have the advocacy of some of those who must
abide the dictates of the reigning powers. But we have another
engine, of which the corruption, and the pride, and the power of
* Errors of Romanism, p. 311.
444
LETTER LXXXYI.
the world have ever felt the sacred influence ; that engine is the
Gospel going forth from the house of God. Against the Divine
energy of that power no corruption shall prevail ; nor can the
bigotry and injustice of your education plans succeed long, when
denounced, as this has already begun to be, from more than a
hundred altars.
I have the honour to be your lordship’s obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam,
LETTER LXXXVI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
Achill Island, Feast of the Dedication of the Churches
of Ireland, October 24 , 1835 .
My Lord — In the unprecedented rapidity of the spread of
public discontent, your lordship must perceive the fruits of your
recent legislation. Scarce did the intelligence of the odious
Tithe Act reach the country, when it was received by all classes
of the people with universal abhorrence. If you hoped that this
measure would pacify Ireland, your lordship must now be
convinced of the delusion under which you laboured. But you
could not entertain such a hope without imagining that the Irish
people had lost all their sensibility to oppression, or that they
would patiently endure all their former wrongs, provided they
were called by another name. If the Catholics of Ireland be
doomed to pass under the yoke of an alien and oppressive estab-
lishment, what matters it to them whether it is to the landlord or
the parson they are coerced to pay the tribute of their religious
servitude ? Better far to enact at once, that it is just and
necessary that persons should be perpetually retained in parishes
where there are none to hear them, and that fifty, as in this
diocese, should be taxed with the religious instruction of one
individual, than that the vigils of the Senate and the patience of
the people should be wasted, in confusing a question that is too
clear for mystification.
Again and again have the people, in an endless variety of
petitions and solemn resolutions, declared that under no name
or form which it might assume, would they consent to pay this
LETTER LXXXVI.
445
execrable tribute, and sealed this declaration with their blood.
Still an attempt is made to perpetuate it under a less obnoxious
name. No sooner is the tithe recognized under the appellation
of rent-charge, than the latter is assailed with the same hatred
which was directed to the former, and significant indications
given that the same feeling may extend to the entire of the rent-
roll. To obviate such deplorable consequences, the landed
gentry seasonably come forward to mingle and sympathize with
the occupiers in the expression of their utter detestation of the
new measure. Thus the ranks of the people are recruited with
an important accession of force that hitherto appeared indifferent
to the result, and some from the impulse of selfishness, others
from benevolence, and all from a wise policy, have concurred in
the opposition to tithes that now pervades the entire kingdom.
Nay, many estimable landlords, rather than come in collision with
the bitter feelings of their tenantry, have avowed their determi-
nation to relinquish their claims to the tithe charge, and make a
painful sacrifice of their own interests to the peace of the
country.
It is not to be imagined that the landed proprietors will submit
without a murmur to the accumulated load of injury and insult,
that has thus been thrown upon that devoted body. There are
few of them yet so degenerate as to feel any ambition, that the
offices of bailiffs or of tithe-proctors, should be associated with
their hereditary titles. Much as some of them may feel for the
interests of the Established Church, they feel for those of their
children more, whose prospects have been attempted to be
sacrificed to an odious monopoly, without the compensation of
any public good resulting from such a sacrifice. They really are
deserving of general commisseration. Between the exactions of
the parsons on the one hand, and the Poor Law Commissioners
on the other, their ample properties will soon be squeezed into
small dimensions. However, the interests of such a class are too
important to be overlooked by any government. Standing aloof,
as they have hitherto generally done, from the common interests,
they were feeble and powerless against the encroachments of
the Establishment. At length they have seen their error, and,
leaguing themselves with their tenantry in constitutional compact,
have determined never to cease their exertions until they
achieve a legal and peaceful triumph over the common foe, which,
by alternately addressing itself to the interests of either, dex-
terously succeeded so long in marring the happiness of both.
In confirmation of this assertion, I refer your lordship to the
different numerously attended tithe-meetings, that have been held
all over the country, as well as to the resolutions which they
adopted. Assembled in different and remote quarters of the
kingdom, without concert or any previous arrangement, they
446
LETTER LXXXVI.
have come to an unanimity in their resolves, which nothing but
their common and deeply-felt grievances could inspire. Their
proceedings were not characterized by violence nor any marks of
excitement ; on the contrary, they bore the impressions of de-
liberation and debate ; the immense masses were guided by the
intelligence of the gentry — all unanimous in their denunciations
of tithes, or rent-charge, or any other compulsory support of an
hostile establishment ; and in the properties of the one, as well as
in the numbers of the other, there was nothing wanting to give
manifestation or weight, to the legitimate wishes of the people.
The longer your lordship delays the complete settlement of
the tithe question, by contracting the establishment to the wants
of its adherents, and appropriating its revenues to useful purposes,
the deeper will be your embarrassment. You are not only
retarding the prosperity of the country — you are also endanger-
ing its peace, by encouraging every religious empyric to play
the delusive and abortive game, of converting its people from the
supposed errors of Popery. Instead of being, as it should be, a
rich field to invite and reward the expenditure of capital, and to
excite a generous rivalry amongst the encouragers of every
improvement, pouring forth abundance among its cultivators,
without any reference to the colour of their creed, it is still
doomed, by the same sinister policy which has so long rendered
it a waste, to be the theatre of religious bigotry, from which
peace, and commerce, and agriculture, and all the arts which can
only flourish where there is complete freedom, shall be scared
away by the rod of religious injustice. Of this the melancholy
state of Achill furnishes a striking example. Possessing in the
mixed soil of which it is composed, as well as the shores by
which it is surrounded, mines of wealth which would bless its
inhabitants with abundance, what are the means which, to the
disgrace of the British empire, we find employed for its cultiva-
tion ? Instead of intersecting it with roads, and enabling the
inhabitants to cover the thin stratum of bog with the gravel
which is found so near the surface, we find that hypocrites or
fanatics, who affect to feel an interest for the natives, are sending
money to insult their misery, under the pretence of teaching
them a new and untrodden road to heaven. Instead of fur-
nishing them with boats and nets to explore their coasts, so famed
for their fisheries, they are sending individuals who are con-
tinually stretching out their nets to catch the souls of the people.
The English and Irish people are deceived and insulted by the
lying accounts of trading missionaries, who cross land and seas to
make one convert, and when they convert him make him a child
of hell. Surely such a disgraceful traffic must be rebuked, it
will be said, by the proprietor of the soil or the government of
the country. The proprietor appears of late to be entirely
LETTER LXXXVI.
447
absorbed in religious concerns, and to feel more anxiety for the
spiritual than the temporal interests of his numerous tenantry.
As for the government, there is no evidence that they discourage
a scheme, which is productive of much annoyance to the inhabi-
tants, and must lead to the worst consequences. The coast
guards are all under their control, and it appears that some of
that body have been as zealous in guarding the natives against
the horrors of Popery as they have been in protecting her
Majesty’s revenue. Nay, complaints of the most unwarrantable
interference with the creed of the people and the authority of
the pastor, and substantiated by proofs, have been preferred by
the Catholic clergyman, without obtaining any respite from its
continuance. It affords no presumption that this missionary
colony, as it is called, finds any disfavour with the ruling-
ministers, when we find the coast guards there almost exclusively
Protestant, as if to swell the numbers of their conventicles.
No, my lord, I am sure it is regarded with peculiar interest, and
that until the frauds and imposture that are resorted to are
so unmasked, as to make its support a matter of reproach, all
Catholics will be studiously excluded from any situation on that
coast. As an evidence of the frauds by which the public are
deceived, the Catholic clergy are willing to publish the real state
of the Achill mission in the Herald that circulates the slanders —
a proposition which could not be refused to be acceded to, were
truth the object of the publication. And yet such are the
persons who avail themselves of every opportunity to favour
schemes of proselytism, full of calumny and insult, to whom we
are to intrust the control over the religious education of our
people. Whigs or Tories, whatever may be the shades of your
political creeds (and they are daily becoming less distinct), they
are utterly lost in your common and deep aversion to the Catholic
religion. To commit the religious education of my flock to
teachers over which such undisguised enemies of my faith should
directly, or through dependent boards, have control, would be
the same as to give to the wolf the superintendence of the
fold. Who, think you, was the person who offered the most
outrageous insult to the Catholic clergyman in Achill in the
discharge of his religious duties ? An unprincipled creature —
once a Catholic, and who, while teacher under the National
Board, thought fit, like the famous Cranmer, alternately to per-
sonate a Catholic and Protestant. One of the parish priests of
this diocese, deeming him an improper person to be still entrusted
with the education of Catholic children, corresponded with the
board on the impropriety of his being continued in that situation.
His remonstrances were vain. No doubt the majority of that
body found in the circumstance of the master’s change of faith,
a fresh claim to their confidence ; and surely they could not
448
LETTER LXXXVI.
disparage their religion so much, as to remove an individual from
a school, who manifested such a zeal for its diffusion. Nay, he
was the very individual fitted for such a place ; for so completely
did he illustrate in his own person the religious harmony that is
aimed at in this system, that to please the priest he went to mass
on Sunday, and on Fridays ate meat with the Protestant pastors,
to show what a fit medium he was to reconcile religious discor-
dances. The zealous clergyman, however, considering that it
was not to a government board that he was answerable for the
souls committed to his charge, withdrew the scholars from any
contact with one who would not fail to blow over their unsullied
minds the tainted breath of his own wicked principles. This
was the individual who lately, as one of the Achill missionaries,
whilst the priest was just going to sustain the departing spirit of
one of his flock with the confidence and consolation derived from
the administration of his religion, insulted him in language to
which the foul and incendiary itinerants who are infesting every
land, could scarcely have given utterance.
Here is a good specimen of the masters who should have to
form the faith and morals of the youth of Ireland, if this board
could supersede the solemn resolutions of the bishops of Ireland
regarding the choice and dismissal of teachers, and succeed in
claiming control over that body. The query sheets which they
circulate at this moment, claim, in utter contempt of the aforesaid
resolutions, this unchristian control. Nay, they are striving to
reduce it to practice by appointing to districts almost exclusively
Catholic, Protestant inspectors, who, in reality, are nothing less
than head-masters or teachers in such a district, visiting some of
the schools oftener, and all, once at least in each month, and
devoting three hours at a time to an examination of masters and
pupils, not forgetting the Scripture Lessons where they are not
expelled, and the unbounded range of invidiously insinuating
their pernicious doctrines, which the vague and indefinite inter-
rogatories at the end of those lessons afford them. Nor can
they omit to dwell with particular complacency on a note in the
last number of the Scripture Lessons, purporting to be explana-
tory of a passage in the eighth chapter of the Acts of the Apos-
tles, from which the primitive fathers deduced the sacrament
of confirmation. Your lordship’s time is, doubtless, too precious
and too much absorbed in state affairs, to bestow a particle of it
on the dogmas of theology. I must, however, warn such as are
anxious for the faith, and have not read the passage, that the
text from which Catholic theologians draw the chief scriptural
argument for confirmation, is illustrated by an invidious note
which refers to the effects of the descent of the Holy Ghost,
which were transitory, while it studiously passes over those
sacramental graces of confirmation, which were to be permanent
LETTER LXXXVI.
449
in the Catholic church. If I had not another of the many
objections already preferred against those pernicious tracts,
this note alone would sufficiently recall the latent spirit of the
Calvinist, who, true to the principles of Blondel and of Beza,
strives to obliterate, with his anti-Catholic commentary, a prin-
cipal proof of the sacrament of confirmation, as well as of its
connexion with the episcopal authority.
Impressed with the conviction that persons professing one
creed cannot be fit teachers for those of a different religion,
the clergy of this diocese came to the wise resolution of never
suffering the children to be under the control of Protestant
masters or inspectors, the latter of whom, as appears from
their training as well as visiting duties, must exercise a dan-
gerous influence on the young and simple minds of unsus-
pecting children. One of those inspectors has stated that the
Scriptures are strong against the divinity of Christ; and no
doubt, as they must be zealous for the propagation of their
own opinions, they would not fail to dwell upon some of the
questions and answers which bear upon this doctrine. St. Paul
cautioned the faithful even to avoid a heretic — mine is not,
the harsh and unfashionable phrase, the original is St. Paul’s,
which, from an apprehension of offending all polite and liberal
Christians, will, probably, in the next number of lessons, be
softened down into more conciliating language. The stern and
uncompromising apostle knew, however, that faith and morals
are soon corrupted by evil communication. If there be such
a thing as heresy in the church, it must be at least in de-
nying the fundamental doctrine of the divinity of the Son of
God, who, by the effusion of his blood purchased our redemption.
If then we are cautioned to avoid such as spread dissensions on
less important points, is it to be imagined that we can suffer the
little children to be in continual contact with those as examinators
in their lessons and selectors of their religious books, who would
taint their faith with any doubts about the divinity of our
Redeemer? Accordingly, we have interdicted, all official in-
tercourse with such masters and inspectors. I say official, to
obviate all misrepresentation.
We feel neither contempt nor hatred for any on account of
their religious opinions. They are objects of our charitable
sympathies ; nor do we inquire about their creed in the fulfilment
of all social obligations. In short, we treat them as we should
wish to be treated ; and, conceiving it would be unjust that
Catholics shall exercise any coercive or furtive control over the
religious education of Protestant children, we claim for ourselves
the fulfilment of the same equitable covenant. Yet, in despite
of those resolutions, founded on the fairest principles of religion
and of reason, and published to the world, the National Board
450
LETTER LXXXVI.
have, in the plenitude of their arbitrary authority, sent us a
Protestant inspector in a diocese where scarcely any Protestants
attend the schools. The masters in Tuam, in Westport, and in
all the districts where my instructions reached them in time,
refused him admittance. The commissioners have since expended
a good deal of stationery, in insisting on the dismissal of those
contumacious masters. They were not ignorant, I am sure, that
those faithful teachers acted in conformity with the instructions
of their bishop. If they were not, they cannot be released from
the charge of encouraging ecclesiastical insubordination, by
writing to a clergyman to dismiss a master in opposition to the
commands of his bishop. Be it, therefore, known to them that the
masters will not be dismissed, and that they have earned by
their fidelity an additional claim to support. They threaten to
withdraw the grant, and erase the school of Tuam from their
catalogue. As soon as they please. But, reflect on the con-
sequences of investing this bigoted board with such arbitrary
power over the hard-earned taxes of the people from whose
pockets they are wrung. We are not ignorant that the board,
so far from being an independent body, is the obedient creature
of the ministry. If, then, they withdraw the grant, unless their
conditions, which violate conscience, as well as the authority of
a bishop over his flock, are complied with, allow me to warn you
that half a million of people and their faithful representative
may soon withdraw their confidence from a government, which
would encourage such covert persecution. Principiis obsta is as
applicable to religious and political, as to other diseases ; and it is
not for the paltry sum of fifteen pounds, a Christian pastor is
to suffer the admission of a principle pregnant with future
mischief, at first slow and insinuating in its operation, but ready
to pour its unchecked evils on the Church when it had attained
sufficient strength and maturity, and when they who could first
check it, may be no more. Let them, then, withdraw their miser-
able grant, and instead of the Tuam National School, we shall
gladly inscribe the Tuam Homan Catholic School, surmounted
with the emblem of the cross. On learning that all connexion
is broken with them by the board, abundance of funds will flow
in for the support of the school. The merits of the board, and
its affinity with all the political bodies that have striven in every
age, in this and other countries, to make the Church the footstool
of the state, shall not be forgotten. Already the laity of every
class, the educated gentry, as well as the generous poor, have
pledged their devotion to the cause of free and unshackled
education ; and it is not to be imagined that those who for years
have raised such ample contributions towards their country’s
freedom, will relax their efforts when there is question of pre-
serving unshackled the freedom of their religion.
LETTER LXXXVI.
451
It is, then, high time to give up this protracted and bootless
warfare against the ancient religion of Ireland. It is time to
adopt a policy more consonant with justice and the prosperity of
the land, as well as the feelings of its people. The paramount
influence of the Catholics of Ireland cannot longer be contro-
verted. They are, emphatically, the people. You may talk of
the Established Church ; the Catholic clergy, who shall never
deserve that name in the odious and degrading sense of any
pecuniary dependence on the state, are, in reality, the Established
Church, rooted in the hearts and affections of that people. Why
then, a narrow and bigoted system of legislation, suited to some
of the past reigns rather than to the boasted wisdom — and it is
but a boast — of the present period? Why strive, by anti-
Catholic boards and missions, consisting of men opposed to our
faith and nation, to uphold an establishment which never can
thrive on the soil of Ireland ? Why not at once appropriate the
tithes to the development of the physical and intellectual re-
sources of the country, without any direct or indirect interference
with a religion, to which the people have clung with a fidelity, to
which history has not a parallel ? As the attempt to make them
Protestants has proved abortive, why not, in the wise language
of the enlightened Laud, strive to make them good Catholics, by
not interfering with the legitimate authority of their own pastors !
Make an ample and generous provision for the present incum-
bents. It would be unjust, nay, cruel, to consign them to
destitution. But, after their demise, consult for the interests of
the nation. Your lordship must cast away the thought of being
able to keep up much longer the crazy establishment, in the face of
the opposition of eight millions of people. It is time to put an
end to the mockery by which the nation has been so long deluded
on the subject of tithe, by successive acts of parliament, and not
to expose the legislature to the reproach of the folly of Laomedon
by striving to raise up again and again the fallen towers, which
the popular agitation of every successive year is overturning.
There is only one secret for allaying this agitation, which is
justice. Were you to exhaust the treasury in patronage, it will
not purchase peace without justice to the mass of the people.
The consumers of the tithes are the fierce agitators that are
tearing up society from its foundation. Appropriate the tithes
to national purposes, and one great cause of popular ferment is
destroyed. Extinguish, then, the tithes in reality by such
appropriation, and you will close up the bitter spring of our
worst national calamities. Extinguetur atque delebitur non modo
hceo tarn adulta reipublicce pestis , verum etiam stirps ac semen
malorum omnium.
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
452
LETTER LXXXVII,
LETTER LXXXVII.
TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLERGY AND FAITHFUL OF THE
DIOCESE OF TUAM.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of the Apostles SS. Simon
and Jude, October 28th, 1838.
Dearly Beloved Brethren — Impressed with the solemn ad-
monition of the Apostle, exhorting us to* “ take heed to the
flock over which the Holy Ghost has placed us,” through the
special favor of the Apostolical See, we have endeavoured, with
unremitting solicitude, to protect the portion of the fold with
which we have been entrusted, against the ravenous wolves that
invade its inclosures. We need scarcely allude to the various
sectaries who, under the benevolent guise of relieving the
spiritual and intellectual wants of the poor, have laboured with
incessant assiduity to poison the faith, and corrupt the hearts
of the rising generation. Against the insidious inroads of those
enemies of our faith, we have, in common with the faithful pastors
of the Irish Church, lifted our warning voice, lest the souls com-
mitted to our care should perish through our apathy. Of this,
our duty of untiring vigilance, we have, besides the advice of the
inspired writings, been roused by the supreme watchman,!
whose station on the loftiest towers of the Citadel of the Church
affords him a commanding prospect of the various departments
of his fold, and enables him to sustain the most feeble by his
pastoral exhortations.
Having witnessed with what versatile craft and dexterity, the
enemies of our faith have successively shifted their attacks, in
order to rob you of that precious treasure, it became our duty
to adopt the most effectual plan for your future protection.
Education was the uniform channel through which, from the
disastrous rise of the new religion, its poison was striven to be
conveyed. Accordingly, the bishops of Ireland, assembled in
synod, in the year 1826 , after repeated conferences of some of
their members with government commissioners, adopted a series
of solemn resolutions, which were to be as landmarks to guide us,
how far we might go on the hazardous and untried path of a
mixed education, in order to guard the little children from the
danger to which they might be exposed. These landmarks,
* Acts, xx, 28.
f Ezech. xxxiii.
LETTER LXXXVII.
453
which we hoped would he sacred and inviolate, we have seen
transgressed by a new Board of Education, which claims to itself
an authority which exclusively belongs to the bishops of the
Catholic Church, and which the prelates of Ireland will not
fail to protect. We witnessed with unaffected sorrow the utter
inattention with which these resolutions of the Catholic hierarchy
were treated by this board, and our regret was the more poignant
on account of a venerable prelate, who was pledged to the
resolutions of his brethren, being associated to the board by
which they were totally disregarded. From a feeling of respect
for him we suffered much to pass over in silence, which would
have called forth our earlier animadversion and remonstrance.
It was only when we saw that the vicious system teemed with
evils which no zeal or piety on the part of any individual
member of the body, however active, could correct, that we
tardily raised our feeble voice to protest against a scheme of
education, which threatened such serious dangers to the fold. If,
then, we have been guilty of any error, it is surely not one of a
rash or precipitate zeal. We have rather exposed ourselves to
the reproach of slumbering, while the enemy was striving to sow
tares* in the field, or rather of suffering feelings of personal
respect to stifle so long the denunciation of evils, which a sense of
public duty should have previously elicited.
In warning you, then, dearly beloved brethren, against the
present evils and still greater dangers of this novel system, it
will be a consolation to you to hear that the instructions which
we gave regarding books and masters, were in entire accordance
with the deliberate resolves of all the bishops of Ireland. Now
the rules of the National Board are in direct opposition to those
resolutions. It requires, therefore, not much penetration to
conclude, whether it can be entitled to the confidence of the
Catholics of this diocese. To enable you to draw a simple and
safe conclusion, we shall beg to lay before you now the re-
solutions of the one, contrasted with the regulations of the
other : —
“ With a trembling sense of the obligations which the nature
of our joffice imposes on us, we have come together, after the
example of our predecessors, to deliberate in common on the
awful interests with which we are charged. We have taken into
consideration various subjects which are intimately connected with
the welfare of religion, and whilst we have sought with jealousy
to guard the sacred deposit 4 commited to our trust by the Holy
Ghost,’| we have also esteemed it a duty to be e ready to satisfy
every one that asketh us a reason of that hope which is in us,’!
that you, ‘ dearly beloved, our joy and our crown, may stand
Matthew, xiii.
f II. Timothy, i, 14. J I. Peter, iii, 15.
454
LETTER LXXXVI1.
fast in the Lord,’* and that he who is on the contrary part
may be afraid, ‘having no evil to say of us.’f We know,
dearly beloved, the filial duty with which you are solicitous to
hear the voice of those who ‘ watch as being to render an account
of your souls. ’:J We hasten, therefore, to make known to you
our unanimous decisions on such matters as are of common
concern, that you, on your part, may fulfil our joy ; that being
of one accord, ‘you stand fast in one spirit, with one mind,
labouring together for the faith of the gospel.’ §
“ Having considered attentively a plan of national education
which has been submitted to us : Resolved — That the admission
of Protestants and Roman Catholics into the same schools for
the purpose of literary instruction may, under existing circum-
stances, be allowed, provided sufficient care be taken to protect
the religion of Roman Catholic children, and to furnish them
with adequate means of instruction.
“ That in order to secure sufficient protection to the religion of
Roman Catholic children, under such a system of education, we
deem it necessary that the master of each school in which the
majority of the pupils profess the Roman Catholic faith be a
Roman Catholic ; and that in schools in which the Roman
Catholic children form only a minority, a permanent Roman
Catholic assistant be employed, and that such master and assist-
ant be appointed upon the recommendation, or with the express
approval of the Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese in which
they are to be employed ; and further, that they, or either of
them, be removed upon the representation of such bishop. The
same rule to be observed for the appointment or dismissal of mis-
tresses and assistants in female schools.
“ That we consider it improper that masters and mistresses
intended for the religious instruction of Roman Catholic youth,
should be trained or educated by, or under the control of persons
professing a different faith, and that we conceive it most de-
sirable that a male and female model school shall be established
in each province in Ireland, to be supported at the public expense,
for the purpose of qualifying such masters and mistresses
for the important duties, which they shall be appointed to
discharge.
“ That in conformity with the principle of protecting the
religion of Roman Catholic children, the books intended for their
particular instruction in religion shall be selected or approved by
the Roman Catholic prelates, and that no book or tract for
common instruction in literature shall be introduced into any
school in which Roman Catholic children are educated, which
* Phil, iv, 1.
f Tit. ii, 8.
t Hebrews, xiii, 17. §Phil i, 27.
LETTER LXXXVII.
455
book or tract may be objected to on religious grounds by the
Homan Catholic bishop of the diocese in which such school is
established.
“ That, appointed as we have been by Divine Providence, to
watch over and preserve the Catholic faith in Ireland, and,
responsible as we are to God for the souls of our flocks, we will
in our respective dioceses withhold our concurrence and support
from any system of education which will not fully accord with
the principles expressed in the foregoing resolutions.”
Such, dearly beloved brethren, are the resolutions on the
subject of the system of education, then submitted to their
judgment, which were unanimously adopted by the venerable
members of the Irish hierarchy. Allow me now to lay before
you the regulations of the National Board on the same vital
questions, regarding books and masters, and lest we should our-
selves be misled, or incautiously mislead a few by reference to
any minor variable rules, which undergo modifications according
to the convenience of the commissioners, we shall quote from
those fixed and legal documents, that are drawn up with all the
technical precision of law, and intended to bind the respective
parties to the rigorous fulfilment of these covenants.
“ And it is hereby expressed and declared (a copy of a lease
signed by two trustees to a national school and three of the
commissioners), and it is the true intent and meaning of these
presents, and of the several and respective parties thereto, that
the entire control over all books to be used in the said schools ,
whether for the purposes of combined moral and literary educa-
tion , or of separate religious instruction, shall be from time to
time , and at all times, vested in the said commissioners, parties
hereto or other such commissioners as aforesaid, their successors
for the time being, none of the said books to be used or em-
ployed in such combined moral and literary education , except
under the sanction of the said commissioners for the time being,
nor in such separate religious instruction, but with the approba-
tion of such of the said commissioners for the time being as shall
be of the same religious persuasion with the children for whose
use they are intended; and further, that all the master and
masters, teacher and teachers of said schools for the time being,
shall not only in the first instance, before they shall be so ap-
pointed, have received previous instructions in a model school in
Dublin, sanctioned by the said commissioners, and shall also
have obtained from the said commissioners for the time being
testimonials of good conduct and general fitness ; but shall be
liable to be fined and fineable, removed and removable, or sus-
pended from time to time, and at all times , and when as often as
such commissioners as aforesaid for the time being shall deem it
456
LETTER LXXXVII.
necessary at their will and pleasure , in such way and manner as
they shall deem expedient.” *
Now, dearly-beloved brethren, we leave it to your own dispas-
sionate judgment, and to your zeal for the faith of the young
generation, whether you are to be influenced by those enact-
ments of this secular board, or by the mild and pastoral solicitude
conveyed in the resolutions of the bishops. Weigh the trembling
anxiety with which they deliberate on the subject, and the
caution with which they declare such a system may, under ex-
isting circumstances, he allowed, to show their consciousness that
they were about to try untrodden ground, and then the strong
resolutions, asserting their inalienable rights over “ books and
masters” to “ secure sufficient protection for the religion of
Roman Catholic children.” Compare the legal terms with which
those commissioners strive to claim unqualified control over the
two most important mediums of religious instruction, and you
may judge whether “it was hailed as a blessing by the great
mass of a people who are so devoted to their pastors, and jealous
of the purity” of their religion. It was rather suffered, as a
lesser evil than those by which we were hitherto afflicted, and
accompanied with much of the distrust and caution that mark the
foregoing resolutions. Unwilling to “ abound in our own sense, ”f
“ not be more wise than it behoveth to be wise, but to be wise
unto sobriety”;]; we were rejoiced to be able to confirm our in-
structions to you regarding this system, by the corresponding
sentiments of all our venerable brethren. And the enlightened
docility with which the same instructions were received by you,
are a proof that they were felt to be conformable with the spirit
that has always guided the pastors of the Catholic Church. As
the grounds of those instructions are now more fully understood,
you will not, in future, sign any papers that would require a
transfer to any other body of that control over books and
teachers, relative to religious instruction, which we, in common
with the bishops of Ireland, have reserved to ourselves. It will
be more Christian and more candid to declare, that it is incom-
patible with the instructions of your pastor, § who is to watch, as
being to render an account of your souls, to sign such requisi-
tions, than to expose yourselves to the imputation of bad faith
by their non-fulfilment. As the duties of inspectors bring them
now into nearer and frequent intercourse with the children,
making them examinators on religious subjects, such as the words
in the Scripture Lessons, you will apply to them the same rule
as to masters, and not allow any persons to be official superinten-
dents of Catholic schools, who will not profess the Roman Catholic
* Minutes of Evidence on the new plan of Education, Part I., p. 654.
t Romans, xiv, 5. J Romans, xii, 3. § Hebrews, xiii, 17-
LETTER LXXXVII.
457
faith ; they shall, however, be open to every gentleman, of what-
ever creed, who chooses to visit them. And as we have declare^
that “ we consider it improper that masters and mistresses
intended for the religious instruction of Roman Catholic youth
should be tfained or educated by, or under the control of, persons
professing a different faith you will perceive the propriety of
not sending any persons to the model-school in Dublin, where
they are “ trained under individuals professing a different faith,
and where they are examined in the Scripture Extracts, precisely
as they are expected to examine the scholars.”*
Here, dearly beloved brethren, we might pause, content to
leave it to the judgment of the most dispassionate, whether our
instructions, relative to the system of education, are not as con-
formable to the resolutions of the Catholic bishops, as the regu-
lations of the National Board are opposed to them ; and whether,
in conveying those instructions to you conjointly, we have not
been as far from “ domineering”! over the clergy, as requiring
from the faithful anything more than “ a reasonable obedience.”!
But as a distinguished prelate, himself a member of the board,
has addressed the Roman Catholics of Ireland in defence of that
body, we deem it a duty we owe to our flock to vindicate, at
somewhat further length, the grounds on which they should feel
alarm at the progress of a novel system, which has originated in
Protestant Prussia, and still progresses there, to the manifest
injury of our holy religion.
Though there may be now a discrepancy of opinion between
some prelates on this subject, you are not to feel surprised. It
only shows the compatibility of rational liberty with union,
reminding us of the beautiful language of St. Augustin, that
“ while on debateable points we may assert our freedom, we shall
never forget the unity that binds us on necessary ones, or the
charity that should link us on all.” In the first place, two letters
are introduced, in favour of the system, from the Primate, and
another from a respected prelate of the North of Ireland. Now,
it happens that we find the names, not only of the Prelate, who
is a member of the board, but also of the Primate, appended to
the resolutions which we are vindicating as the standard of our
sentiments and conduct regarding the National Board. Nay,
one, the Archbishop, a member of the board, states, in his cor-
respondence with the Commissioners of Education Inquiry, that
he was “instructed to say that the Roman Catholic prelates
would not think themselves called on to discourage the atten-
dance of children of the Roman Catholic faith, in any schools in
* Iteport of Plan of Education, question 1132.
f I. Peter, v, 3.
$ Homans, xii, 1.
2 a
458
LETTER LXXXVII.
which the use of this compilation so amended might be required,
provided the regulations of said school were in accordance with
the resolutions which he had the honour to transmit to the com-
missioners, on the 23rd of January last.” Here the resolutions
alluded to are insisted on as the condition on which alone the
children would not be discouraged from frequenting the schools
of a mixed system of education. Conditions quite opposite are
now insisted on by the contracts of the board, with applicants for
their aid. If, then, those venerable prelates be referred to in
favour of the board, we, too, must claim the weight of their
joint authority, in union with the bishops of Ireland, in opposi-
tion to the most important of the regulations which govern that
institution.
Again, by referring to the date of those letters, early in
March, we find that scarcely any of the weighty objections
relative to the errors of the Scripture Lessons then appeared,
nor were many other obnoxious parts of this system as fully
developed. The resolutions of the bishops are not at all ad-
verted to, nor the serious and fundamental change regarding the
perusal of the Scriptures in school, whether separately or
conjointly, to be left to the discretion of parents and guardians,
without any reference to the authority of the ordinary, is not
undertaken to be justified in that correspondence. The most
important questions, then, are left untouched, and were we to be
written to, we could not do less than express ourselves in terms
of sincere personal compliment to the respected prelate, such as
we published from Rome on the first origin of the system,
qualified, however, by the expression of our convictions that
the concerns of religion were too serious for mere courtesy,
and that we could not acquiesce in the transfer of a trust to
any hands, however pure, for the due fulfilment of which we
could not be released from our own responsibility. As to the
opinion of the majority of the bishops and clergy at present, they
are the persons most competent to depose to their own sentiments.
Many might have given a vague approval to the system, without
entering into the particulars. We know there are many serious
propositions fraught with important practical consequences
connected with it, which none could approve. Such, for example,
is the power of permitting the vernacular Scriptures in or out
of school hours — whether in separate or joint education — a
power which no secular, or even ecclesiastical board or bishop,
has a right to exercise, without the permission of the ordinary of
the diocese in which such vernacular versions are read.
Finally, the circumstances of the north of Ireland are so
peculiar, and the difficulties that must beset its prelates relative
to schools are so great, that what must often be tolerated there
from necessity can form no model for the free adoption of the
LETTER LXXXVII.
459
Catholic provinces of Ireland. The Kildare-street system was
found, in order to escape from greater evil, to be in operation
there, when it was almost disused in other parts of the country.
Yet, it could not be inferred from that circumstance, that it ought
still to be continued. It is so with the present system. It is not
surprising that it is deemed a relative benefit, when contrasted
with the annoyance experienced from the wealth and power of
some of the enemies of the Catholic religion. It is stated in
evidence before the committee on education that in a district cf
the north alluded to, “ the practise is to read the Scriptures in
the authorized version, in a school where there are nearly three
hundred Catholic children, and that the Protestant version has
been expounded by the teacher, a Protestant layman.” Making
allowance for probable exaggerations in the circumstances of this
ease, they prove how difficult it is to secure complete religious
freedom in that province. However, under the zeal of its hier-
archy, and the spirit of its people, it will soon overcome those
untoward obstacles. It has excited surprise that religious
instruction under the constitution of the National Board, should
be represented as under the control of the ministers of a secular
government. However, it seems to be admitted by the appeal
to the feelings of the Catholics of Ireland, whether such a
control was liable to any abuse in such hands. That it would
be intentionally abused in such hands, has not been asserted nor
insinuated. That the religious instruction is placed by the
board, as far as its influence extends, under the control of the
ministers of a secular government, is undeniable. If any doubts
existed hitherto on the subject, they must be dissipated by the
stringent clauses of the covenant which we have cited, placing
the religious instruction, as far as regards books and masters, in
the hands of the commissioners. Books and masters, next to the
feeble and limited efforts of our personal exertions, are the
ordinary and most efficient instruments by which we can fulfil
that important commission of teaching , which we have derived
from our apostolical ministry. It is by virtue of this ministry
our priests have power to teach, and were any of them to attempt
to preach unsound doctrine, on us alone would devolve the re-
sponsibility of protecting the faithful from such errors. Yet,
the constitutions of the board attempt to take from the bishop
over an ordinary lay school-master the power, which he possesses
over the most exalted of his clergy. Of this control of the
secular power over religious instruction, you have an instance in
the case of the Boffin and Achill school-master, whom we could not
dismiss, according to the rules of this board, until the scholars
were withdrawn from his dangerous instruction and example.
Having discussed this question from the commencement on
strict principle, without reference to persons, we must deprecate
460
LETTER LXXXVII.
any other course that might possibly lead you astray. Can it,
then, be doubted, that the religious instruction hitherto derived
from the Apostles, is placed by the board under the control of
the ministers of a secular government? The clause that the
religious books for separate religious instruction shall be under
the control of the commissioners of the same religious persuasion
as the children, and not under that of the bishop of the diocese,
places the truth of this assertion beyond any controversy. You
are not, thank God, even approaching that degree of indifference
regarding your faith, exhibited in this clause, as that you would
allow to the laity the right of dictating to their bishop the books
which should be used for religious instruction. The laity, thank
God, would be in general the last to claim it. Yet such is the
power claimed by the government board. But as that portion
of the prerogative may be deemed to be confined to the episcopal
members of the board, even then it is placing religious instruction
under the control of a secular government. The member of
the board selects the religious books as a bishop in communion
with the Holy See, or as a minister of the government. If in
the former capacity, every other bishop must exercise, by virtue
of his office, the same jurisdiction in his diocese. If as a minister
of the government, then it is still true that religious instruction is
placed under the control of a secular government, since to him
is given a power which he could not exercise as a Catholic bishop.
As to the practical results, which are always more to be attended
to than reasoning, however cogent, you must perceive to what
consequences such a power would lead, when one of the lay
commissioners would remove from the schools, if allowed, some
of the most pious productions of our venerable bishops.
However, the resolutions of our prelates providentially guarded
against the assumption of any such illegitimate control. It is
true that the interests of true religion can never be promoted by
the vituperation of those who hold a different religious creed.
It does not, therefore, follow that one bishop should be selected
by the government to determine the religious books that should
be used in the schools of the diocese of another, or to regulate,
either by himself, or what would be more dangerous, in union
with Protestant members, the fitness of teachers for religious
instruction. It is admitted that there is not a sufficient number
of Catholic members in the board to inspire us with sufficient
confidence. It has appeared surprising that any apprehension
should be felt from Protestant inspectors, or that they should be
designated as “ the authorized emissaries of the board in regu-
lating the quantity and quality of religious instruction that is to
be imparted to the people.” We must confess, we entertain the
most serious fears for the faith of the children from frequent
contact with authorized visitors and examinators, whose religious
LETTER LXXXV1I.
4G1
prejudices are directly opposed to their creed. Nor can it bo
questioned that their secular office is to regulate the quantity and
quality of religious knowledge to be dispensed to the children.
The quantity is regulated by the hours allotted to religious
instruction. The quality is to be determined by the control
that is assumed over the selection of the religious books, from
which it is to be drawn. They are the authorized missionaries of
the board in seeing that those arbitrary rules be enforced. They
may, if any bishop should be so negligent of his duty as to
allow the exercise of such an unchristian control, remove from the
schools the religious books which he should recommend to his
own flock for perusal. If so, can it be deemed that they are
to regulate even the quality of religious instruction to be dis-
pensed to the people ? You could scarcely believe, dearly
beloved Christians, that one of those inspectors of the board
is said, on good authority, to have prohibited Butler’s Lives of
Saints to be used for instruction — a book replete with the most
varied and valuable information, and which furnishes the
strongest incentives to virtue in the heroic lives of the holy-
men who exemplified, in their own practice, the precepts of the
Gospel. This book, and the Imitation of Christ, we especially
recommend to the diligent study of the young in the schools, as
well as to all other persons in the diocese.
It is no wonder, however, that the Lives of the Saints and the
Catholic Christian Instructed, and such other holy works compiled
by men of primitive faith and sanctity, should find peculiar disfa-
vour with a board, composed, for the most part, of persons utterly
indifferent, or hostile, to the Catholic religion. For them they,
are striving to substitute books, which represent God in the work
of the six days, not creating, but forming the earth that existed
(it is assumed for a certainty) for many previous generations.
Although “ God hath delivered the world to their disputations,
so that man cannot find out the w'ork which God hath made from
the beginning to the end,” none would rejoice more than we at
• any improvement in school-books, that would open to the young
mind a literary prospect unclouded by bad prejudices. For this,
however, those books should not be infected with scepticism that
might lead to dangerous discussions, and shake the children’s faith
regarding the very foundations of religion.
As for the Scripture Lessons, it is some advantage that they
are not enforced. They are still, however, “earnestly and
unanimously recommended,” though tainted with an anti-
Catholic leaven, from which it is difficult for young minds, under
the obnoxious system of the national schools, not to imbibe the
poison of the deadliest errors on faith and morality, such as
grace, justification, good works, satisfaction, the priestly and
episcopal characters, and their corresponding offices of sacrifice
462
LETTER LXXXVIL
and of ordination. On the disputed points between Catholic
and Protestant, the language of the authorized Protestant is
generally preferred to the Catholic Douay version. For example,
instead of “ priests,” the Catholic child finds “ elders,” or pres-
byters. The notes are sometimes so ambiguous as to leave the
doctrinal meaning to the caprice of the teachers.
At other times they consist of the very objections, with which
the Catholic faith is generally combated, and when they go
beyond verbal explanation, and touch on doctrine, they lean for
the most part towards the errors of the sectaries. Following
the example of some ancient Heresiarchs, the compiler of the
Scripture Lessons reproaches the father of the faithful with
having incurred a disgraceful punishment for dissimulation or a
suppression of mental truth ; while Saint Augustin demonstrates
that his conduct was not only correct and indicative of full
confidence in God, but that otherwise he would have been
tempting the Almighty to use in his favour an extraordinary
interposition. In short, in the compilation of the lessons them-
selves, extracts are introduced, for which no cause can be
assigned, to the exclusion of others equally appropriate, than
that they are the usual favourite passages from which Protestants
derived their peculiar opinions on the points of grace, good works,
free will, and predestination. Nay, in the one instance, where
the passage from St. James on good works is introduced, we find
a translation not only differing from the Douay and Vulgate, but
even from the Irish Protestant version, and where the Greek,
which is said to have been followed — where the original was that
language — did not require this marked deviation.
Even these novelties in words which, in modern languages,
are often shifting their meaning, should not be lightly adopted.
The Catholic Church is fond of antiquity, and sacred inflexibility
is its character. Possessing an ancient and unchangeable
doctrine, it delights in retaining the ancient words by which this
doctrine is consecrated. Forms of phrase, between which as
little difference could be assigned as between penance and
repentance, fomented the most angry controversies in the Church.
Yet those words were not indifferent, since, like presbyters and
priests, they were understood in a different theological meaning.
You cannot surely imagine it conducive to piety that the young
children should be puzzled with critical doubts about the “ sound
form of prayers which you taught them in their infancy.” Yet
these lessons are calculated to throw doubts on some passages in
the Lord’s Prayer, and diminish their reverence for the Angelical
Salutation. You should not like to hear them talking about the
hard name of some German critic to show that some passages of
the Lord’s Prayer were not found in some ancient manuscripts.
Nor could you be edified in hearing some children, after returning
LETTER LXXXVII.
463
from their schools, finding fault with their aged parents for
saying “ Hail Mary, full of grace,” remarking that such a
privilege was only applicable to God alone, whereas, they were
taught by their masters that the Greek only authorized them to
pray, Hail Mary, peculiarly blessed. No, dearly beloved bre-
thern, you will impress on them a reverence for the fixed and
“ sound form of words” which you have taught, and the necessity
of “ avoiding the profane novelty of words, and the oppositions of
knowledge, falsely so called.”
With such Scriptural lessons, then, and strange translations
recommended, as “ truth recorded under the influence of inspi-
ration,” to be taught by masters, perhaps Protestants (for they
can by the rule of the board be Protestants, even in Catholic
districts, as well as the inspectors), and with the exposition which
will be given them by persons all to be trained in a model-school,
where the greater number of teachers are said to be Protestant,
and where the compiler of those extracts is, along with another,
of his own Calvinistic opinions, entrusted with a large share in
the teaching and training department, we must solemnly declare
our conviction that we are not without serious apprehensions
for the purity of the faith of the rising generation. Whether
there be some inaccuracy in the relative numbers of Catholic or
Protestant teachers in the model-school, or of inspectors, or of
masters through the country, is a matter of little importance,
since there is question of a principle which authorizes the board
to select them as they choose, even in opposition to the prevailing
creed of the districts in which such inspectors and masters may
be appointed. They may as well appoint Protestant masters to
conduct, as Protestant superintendents to inspect, the exclusively
Catholic schools. One prelate perceives no danger in Protestant
inspectors — another may see none in Protestants teaching Catholic
children — other persons might permit the Protestant Scriptures
to be read by Catholic children ; and of all those cases it is
certain that there are now instances in different parts of Ireland.
Doubtless much of this is tolerated through mere necessity. It
should not, however, be inferred that we ought to be refused a
portion of the parliamentry grant for education, because we
cannot acquiesce in such sentiments or practice. We may be
too sensitive to the fears of having the “ faith once delivered to
the saints” tampered with by Protestant masters or mistresses.
Still, a wise government should respect such conscientious con-
victions.
It may appear to others that there is no danger, provided the
Catholic clergy exercise due vigilance. We respect their honest
sentiments ; but if other prelates and their clergy cannot feel
the same persuasion, surely they or their flocks should not bo
deprived of their just portion of a grant which they cannot accept
464
LETTER LXXXVI1.
but on conditions that trench upon religious freedom. They may
have the grant if they subscribe to the conditions of the board.
It was the argument of every hostile society that hitherto assailed
their faith. It was the argument which dictated the penal laws,
as well as the ancient persecutions, since the Catholics of both
periods might enjoy honour and emolument provided they sub-
cribed to the terms that were proffered them.
We see a source of danger in the very confidence that some
repose in the system. Where there is security there is little
incentive to vigilance. They must, therefore, watch least against
its dangers who repose most confidence in the “ National Board.”
In few parishes in Ireland is there an adequate number of clergy-
men to discharge the various duties of the mission. “ The
harvest is great, but the labourers few.”* They are laboriously
occupied in attending the sick and hearing confessions for a great
portion of the year. Human nature, instead of being exposed
to temptations, should be protected. No parents would suffer
into their families a domestic of tainted principles, because he
might be honest if sufficiently watched. The faith of their
children is too precious to be trifled with ; and where
neither the parents nor the pastors can be present, they
should be entrusted to those in whom they could repose con-
fidence, and not to any whose corrupt faith would be a source
of contagion.
Without questioning the sincerity of the confidence reposed in
the honour of the Protestant commissioners, nothing can induce
us to commit the religious education of the children of this diocese
to persons selected by men entertaining their avowed hostility
to our religion. There is manifest danger that this confidence
in their honourable feelings, may be carried too far. Perhaps it
is owing to this circumstance, of confidence too unsuspecting, that
the Scripture Extracts abound so much in the peculiar language
of the Protestant version, and that if we are to believe the com-
piler, while the Protestant Archbishop suggested alterations — he
does not recollect any alteration suggested by the Catholic
Archbishop.f The Protestant commissioners have been deter-
mined enemies of our creed. They have given no proof that this
hostility has ceased. On the contrary, the only difference
between their present and former characters seems to be that
then they came like wolves undisguised, and harmless, because
then shunned by the flock. But now they are the same wolves
in sheeps’ clothing, and the more dangerous, because the same
fears are not entertained of them, on account of being habitually
seen with the legitimate pastors of the fold.
* Matthew, ix, 37.
f Report of Education, page 84, question, 895,
LETTER LXXXVII.
465
Allow us sincerely to warn you of the anti-Catholic spirit that
is abroad, aiming at a severance of the sacred ties that hitherto
connected the faithful and their pastors. The invidious religious
system against which the bishops of Ireland, as if by a special
Providence, drew up their resolutions, first originated with the
unprincipled monarch of Prussia, who was the bosom friend of
the leaders of the infidels of France. The system, well worthy
of such parentage, went on gradually encroaching on the liberties
of the bishops, until its bitter fruits are now developed in the
persecution of the illustrious Archbishop of Cologne, whose merits
and sufferings have excited the sympathy of the Roman Pontiff.
By not suffering any inroads on the religious education of our
youth unknown to our sainted ancestors, we shall preserve the
Church in Ireland from the endurance, at a future day, of similar
disasters.
Our gracious Queen will, no doubt, appreciate the un calculating
allegiance which Catholics have to their sovereigns, and will not,
when reminded of its danger, enforce a system which, by invading
religious liberty, might poison those pure principles uniformly
taught by the Catholic Church, “ of being subject to higher
powers — for conscience sake.”* In cautioning you against the
dangers of religious education being under the control of an
anomalous alliance of conflicting creeds, we are protecting the
state from corresponding conflicts in society. And in vindicating
the full right of spiritual teaching , which has descended to the
bishops from the Apostles, unshacked by regulations which
encroach on its efficient exercise, we are only advocating that
which has exalted human nature and spread the arts of civiliza-
tion among mankind. Yes, the pastors of the Catholic Church
have done more to diffuse literature throughout every country in
Europe than all the other associations, of whatever name, put
together, and at much less expense to the people. Instead of
checking, then, we are anxious to spread education, but to have
it so regulated that it may not become an engine, as it has in other
countries, of religious oppression.
Wo have been informed that the Education Board are resolved
to withdraw their grant from the Tuam schools, because we have
refused to submit our schools, exclusively Catholic, to the control
of Protestant inspectors. As other schools in the diocese have
been similarly circumstanced, we feel it our duty to prepare you
to meet with firmness, should you be doomed to encounter it, the
same temporary privation. Were small annoying trials of this
sort to subdue their fortitude, we should not now be enjoying the
precious inheritance of the faith of our fathers. They made far
greater sacrifices, when they not only “ sustained a great conflict
* Romans 13, 1 — 5.
466
LETTER LXXXVII.
of afflictions — but, received with joy the plundering of their
goods, knowing that they had a better and permanent substance.”
We have, however, no fears of the continuance of any annoyance,
since the policy of a wise government will not fail to respect the
conscientious feelings of the subjects, and secure to them a fair
proportion of the public funds they are entitled to. Besides, we
have the assurance, that such was the honor of the Protestant
commissioners, that the Catholic members were never taught to
feel the inferiority of their numbers. If so, it affords a pre-
sumption that you will not be deprived of the education grant,
since they will not fail to plead in behalf of your religious liberty,
and will not be left in a minority by their associates. This con-
cession is more than due to them. Such was the firm and intrepid
perseverance of the Presbyterians of the north of Ireland, that
they obtained from the board a concession, long refused to them,
of having the Scriptures read in the schools at the requisition of
the guardians and parents of the children. This concession was
yielded to that small body, though, as regards Catholics, it
invades the discipline of the Catholic Church, and may, in the
hands of bigoted landlords or other powerful lay patrons, become
a source of religious persecution. If, then, the original rule was
so changed as to make this concession to a few, which may
interfere with the religious freedom of the many, it is not un-
reasonable to expect a similar respectful deference to the religious
scruples of thousands, when this deference will not trench upon
the religion or the freedom of one solitary individual. We are,
then, to hope that the arbitrary and offensive regulations re-
specting masters, &c., found in their present query sheets,
will be exchanged for others more conformable to the resolutions
of the bishops and your religious feelings. The Protestants
themselves cannot refuse a more reasonable concession than the
one made to them; for we cannot suppose that the Catholic
members will not insist on conditions conformable to the spirit
and letter of the resolutions of the hierarchy; otherwise any
further confidence in such a system would be delusive. But
should the board not think it fit to continue their grants, then
you have but the alternative of conveying the expressions of
your grievances to the throne, reminding respectfully her Majesty
that as you bear a fair share in the public burdens of the state,
you hope for a fair participation in its benefits. The wisdom and
benevolence, as well as the justice, of our gracious Sovereign
will not lend a deaf car to the respectful and numerous petitions
of a large portion of her faithful people.
In this instruction we have confined ourselves, as seemed
befitting the duties of our sacred office when addressing our
flock, solely to the view of guarding your religion. We have not
adverted to the plans now in contemplation, of giving such bodies
LETTER LXXXVII.
467
a power of taxing the people, by which it will appear that the
small pittance hitherto granted under the show of gratuities were
intended to lead to an extensive system of assessment for edu-
cation, over which neither the clergy nor the people should
possess much control. “ Is a government (remarks a Catholic)
who has bestowed much attention on the subject which should
enlighten and teach , to yield to the prej udices and follies of a
people who are to he taught ?” It would seem as if he placed
the government and the subjects in the same religious rela-
tions as the pastors and their flock. Never was the important
question of education, with all its bearings, more deserving the
attention of all the Catholics of Ireland. Similar, and as un-
favourable to religious freedom is the despotic power which
enters into the system of education recommended for adoption in
England.
We trust we are not yet fallen on the unhappy times when
“ Men will not hear sound doctrine, but according to their own
desires will heap to themselves teachers.”* Such is the lot of
those who have once “ Passed the ancient bounds which their
fathers have set.”f Not so with the faithful children of the
Catholic Church, “ Who follow their shepherd, because they know
his voice.”j: Impressed with a deep sense of the obligation of
that office, we have thus addressed you, knowing that if through
our neglect any of them should perish, their “ blood would be
demanded at our hands.”§ “Now, our Lord Jesus Christ
himself, and God our Father, who hath loved us, and hath
given us everlasting consolation and good hope in grace,” ||
exhort your hearts, and confirm you in every good work and
word.
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
* II. Tim., iv, 3. f Proverbs, xxii, 28. J John, x, 4.
§ Ezekiel, iii, 18. || II. Thessal. ii, 16.
468
LETTER LXXXV1IL
LETTER LXXXVIII.
TO HIS GRACE THE MOST REV. DOCTOR MURRAY.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of the Redemption.
April 7, 1838.
My Lord — A letter addressed to me, with your grace’s sig-
nature, appeared last week in some of the Dublin Journals.
Through whatever channel, public or private, your grace is
pleased to convey any communication to me, it shall be always
acknowledged with a respectful attention. By way of justification
of this mode of address, your grace observes that no other
kind of correspondence has hitherto passed between us on the
subject of national education. It is true — not even when
your grace thought it right to solicit, in a vague, separate,
and private correspondence, the opinions of the other Catholic
prelates of Ireland on a subject on which your grace was already
in possession of the precise, collected, and public resolves of that
venerable body. Previously to that period, I addressed an
influential member of the government relative to the inherent
defects in the principles and constitution of the board itself, which
were more fully developed in the preceding report of that
body, and of which it would be vain to expect a correction from
the individual members. From these letters it will appear, I
trust, that I have not transgressed the legitimate bounds of
prudent vigilance and fair discussion that must be allowed
towards all public bodies, especially one that was assuming such
a despotic control over the religious education of the people as
has been unheard of, from the days of the apostles, in any free
portion of the Christian Church. I have discussed the merits
of the board on the tenable grounds of facts and arguments.
On some of its members I have not animadverted, but as far as
their connexion with such a system was fraught with unavoidable
danger to the religion of the people. I am, therefore, at a loss
to account for the extraordinary sensitiveness which would
mistake such arguments, in those or the subseqent letters, “ for
aspersions” on the board, or on your grace, by implication. On
the contrary, that body is indebted to your grace for the long
and extraordinary forbearance that has been extended towards
them ; and were it not that you happened to be a member of the
board, its principles and its proceedings would have long since
LETTER LXXXVIII.
4G9
been exposed to public animadversion. Now, when it stands
much in need of an advocate, your grace steps forward in its
defence, identifying yourself with the proceedings of men who,
in the unnatural position in which they were placed, could never
have any hold on the confidence of the Catholics of Ireland.
What, it may be asked, has swayed your grace’s resolution at
this particular period ? Are all the members of that establish-
ment quite at ease, or do they feel no apprehension at the
prospect of a serious reform ? Has the nobleman who is the
Secretary for the Home Department recently made no inquiries
into the gross mismanagement of the entire concern ? and have
the members of the government manifested no determination to
make no alteration in the system ? A satisfactory answer to
those questions may account for the peculiarity of style you have
been pleased to adopt in your late letter, which, if it be the
“ stylus curice,” is unquestionably not the one which is in usage
at the court of Rome. It may also reveal the motives of your
grace’s charitable inquiries about the probable causes of my
opposition. My applications to the board did not, I believe,
amount to half the number of the few years it is in existence.
But whether or no, it is a strange doctrine, if those who
made but one solitary application, are supposed to be debarred
from the right of exposing the mischievous tendency of a system
which is more fully developing itself with time, lest, whether
successful or not, they may incur the imputations of disappoint-
ment or ingratitude.- Such idle and small insinuations shall
never deter me from the discharge of an awful public duty. I
know not what gratitude the mere trustees of public property
are entitled to for its fair distribution. I am not a suitor for
government favours, through the board or any other channel ;
the ears of the castle functionaries are not fatigued with my
importunities, nor are their desks covered with my solicitations.
And could I have any doubt of the propriety of the disinterested
course which I have pursued, your grace’s letter would read a
salutary lecture to all ecclesiastics, not to suffer their apostolical
freedom to be tramelled by secular obligations. *Your grace
observes that you now retire from the controversy. It is really
a novel species of tactics to fling your missive, and then to retire
before he whom your grace had “ so courteously saluted” at all
made his appearance in reply. It is a proof of the force of that
letter, and I have no doubt but it will do more than all I have
written to precipitate the fate of the board. As your grace has
undertaken the defence of all the commissioners, may I be per-
mitted respectfully to inquire whether any of their near relatives
are quartered on the funds of that establishment, and whether
any portion of their solicitude arises from the apprehension that
any of them may share the calamities of its fall ?
470
LETTER LXXXVIII.
The appearance of the fourth report of the commissioners,
with its important modifications at the time of the meeting of the
bishops, the publication of the parliamentary evidence regarding
the principles and working of the system a little before, together
with the attention which was directed to the strange translations
of the Scripture Lessons by the same evidence, would have spared
your grace any ingenious conjectures, and sufficiently accounted
for my exposure of many of the evils and the dangers which
were only then revealed. If to those reasons we add that the
question of education and the Scripture Extracts, was seriously
discussed within your grace’s diocese, as well as in other quarters,
it will appear that its importance was felt before the late as-
sembly of the bishops. The subject was put upon the minutes
on the first day of our meeting. In deference to your grace’s
lamented indisposition, it was adjourned from day to day, with
the consent of all the prelates, and other topics discussed, of
which it had precedence. At length, when it was ascertained
that you were unable to attend, it was introduced on the last
day of our meeting by another prelate, who took a theological
view of the subject worthy its solemnity and importance. If
1 took a part in the discussion, it was one which I shared in
common with the other members. It would have been but justice
to the public to state those circumstances, rather than leave it
under the impression that any unfair advantage was taken of
your grace’s absence in discussing the merits of the system of
education.
In that assembly, the question was discussed chiefly on its
theological merits, and as far as it was likely to have a disastrous
influence on the purity and freedom of the Catholic religion.
The justice or unfairness with which its funds might be distri-
buted I have ever considered as a distinct and secondary question
— not that it is unimportant ; on the contrary, it is one into
which all prelates as well as people have a right narrowly to
inquire. The marked unfairness that characterized the distribu-
tion of the funds of the board was a matter of loud complaint
and general notoriety. It was also deemed (and that conviction
is daily gaining further ground) that no proportion existed be-
tween the enormous expense of the machinery and the compara-
tively little benefit of which it was productive. I am free to
confess that some of the manifest injustice of the board towards
poorer districts arises out of some of its fundamental regulations.
It only proves that they have no reasonable cause of jealousy
when, instead of corresponding with them, we ascend to the
source of those imperfections, by calling on the government to
correct those as well as the other more serious evils, over which
the members had not entire control.
Of late such is the pressing importunity of some of the
LETTER LXXXVIII.
471
functionaries of the board, that there is more difficulty in re-
sisting their solicitations than in obtaining their sanction to
establish National Schools. Hence, it is clear our opposition
springs not from any disappointment on that score. No ; it
has sprung from the unhallowed and unchristian conditions
that arc required in establishing and conducting these schools ;
and, as long as such conditions shall be insisted on, so long
shall my opposition, and that of the clergy and people, continue
without respite or mitigation. It really astonishes me that any
. board could be so regardless of the respect they owe to the
deliberate sentiments of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland, as
to hold at nought their unanimous resolution ; and it astonishes
me more that your grace, who took so prominent a part not only
in framing, but, what is more important, in duly and widely
promulgating those resolutions, should now treat them with
such indifference as if they were only matters of temporary
expediency or convenience. I need not remind you of your cor-
respondence on that subject with the Commissioners of Educa-
cation Inquiry. Your grace recollects, too, that you conveyed
them to Lord Killeen (now Fingal), in order that that respected
nobleman would communicate them to the Catholic Association.
It may be necessary, too, to inform the public that this body,
then representing the Catholie people of Ireland, had many
hundred copies of the pastoral and resolutions of the bishops
then struck off, and circulated at their expense throughout all
parts of the empire — such was the importance attached to those
which your grace now calls “ certain episcopal resolutions” — such
was the earnest and unanimous solemnity with which thoy were
promulgated — and such, too, the evidence that they were adopted
in reference to the proposed system of education since tried ; to
serve not only as a control upon any commissioners, but as a
guide and a light to the clergy and laity of Ireland.
Now, does it accord with the respect due to the ma-
jesty and inflexibility of truth, as well as to the consistency of
those who framed them, to strive to fritter away the force of
those solemn and duly circulated resolutions ? — “ A new era
arose,” your grace states, “ and it (the national system), was,
therefore, allowed to be a substitute for them.” A substitute ! !
And is it a bishop of the Catholic church, himself a party to
their adoption, who thus insinuates that they are not of force ?
I own, that there may be provisional regulations adapted to con-
tingent circumstances, and which will not be obligatory when
such circumstances pass away. But it would be worse than so-
phistry to rank those resolutions among such provisions. They
are the simple and absolute expressions of a trust, which neces-
sarily belongs to the bishops of the Catholic church. They may
delegate it as they choose — it cannot be resigned. Why, then,
472
LETTER LXXXVIII.
pretend that this right has been “ renounced” by the bishops, or
cancelled by a change of circumstances different from those under
which it has been solemnly asserted ?
There is no ground whatever for such an interpretation. The
suffering of children to come together under a system of mixed
education — here is the question of expediency, which may be
permitted or prohibited, according to circumstances. But the
conditions on which such indiscriminate intercourse, under a
system of mixed education is to take place — here again is the
question of strict and inviolable obligation, uniformly binding, .
in order that the faith or morals of the children may not suffer
from the latitude allowed in the former case. It is through books
and masters such a mixed system is chiefly liable to damage.
And as it is the peculiar duty of the bishop, who is to watch, “ as
being to render an account of their souls,” to preserve them from
the danger or contagion, it follows he cannot permit such contact
or intercourse, without retaining that power which would render
it innocuous. Your grace, then, clearly perceives that the control
over books and teachers in religious matters is one which a
bishop cannot resign, and that the resolutions to which I have
referred, so far from containing any distinct argument, are only
the simple and unanimous assertion of inalienable rights, which
cannot be contradicted.
Your grace refers to two illustrious prelates — now no more —
Doctor Doyle, and my immediate predecessor. Are you aware
that the former said, regarding the system : “ We are not dumb
dogs, that cannot bark ?” and had he lived he would have given
the alarm. The other, as appears from his examination, was
stern and uncompromising, “ insisting on the Hail, Mary, full of
grace,” and objecting to a harmony not “ conformable to our
version.”
Why, then, the unnecessary trouble of referring to the
separate correspondence of some of the bishops, for the invi-
dious purpose of weakening the effect of the unanimous resolves
of the entire body. In the very effort you may find a fresh
proof of the invariable consistency of truth. Not a word ap-
pears in the entire correspondence to controvert the irrefragable
positions contained in their own resolutions. It could scarcely
be expected, from what appeared to them, that they would have
made any allusion to those important points. Like all despotic
bodies, anxious to gain slowly and by stealth, an uncanonical or
unconstitutional power, the board has cautiously abstained from
giving umbrage in its infancy by any offensive exercise of the
extraordinary authority of which it was laymg the dangerous
foundation. Hence it was all courtesy and condescension to local
patrons, permitting them to exercise for a time a discretion con-
trary to the letter of the commissioners’ laws. It is this insinu-
LETTER LXXXVIII.
473
ating practice that has come generally under the contemplation of
the public. The rigorous and jealous rules, that never would
have been framed but with a view to their prospective enforce-
ment, have been generally unheeded. Let it not be imagined,
that I impute any carelessness to my venerable brethren.
So far from doing so, it was only long after the period of their
writing those letters that I happened to light upon the passage
which I lately quoted, and which gave me an insight into those
proceedings which I never anticipated. In their approval, then,
of the system, they never so much as allude to those resolutions
to which they were pledged, and which were supposed still to
regulate the present system.
All, then, that your grace could gain from this partial corres-
pondence would be, at most, that some of those prelates
delegated to you their own rightful control over the books and
masters. This, according to the axiom of canon law, each one
may do at his own risk and responsibility. But why not give the
entire correspondence of the bishops ? Did none of them com-
plain of the neglect of their own districts ? Did any urge strong
theological arguments against the system ? I trust you will give
those documents, with such a good grace as to show they were
not wrung from you. From the tone of the commissioners,
mistaking individual or temporary concessions for right, there is
less disposition now to repose confidence in the body than before;
and I shall candidly declare, for myself, that from the proofs of
arrogant and unchristian assumption of power, on the part of
the board, which we have experienced, I should think it most
dangerous to surrender to it, or any such body, this temporary
delegation. The resolutions, therefore, to which I have alluded
are not temporary. The spirit that animates them is indestruc-
tible and eternal. And, as well might your grace attempt to
make at once the bishops the creatures of the government, as
strip them of that control which forms one of the most sacred
portions of their functions. The faithful will not be deluded by
invidious regulations.
The pastors chosen by the parents or guardians are “ per-
mitted,” forsooth, into the schools to give religious instruction !
What a mighty privilege, and extraordinary condescension, in
Catholic Ireland ! Yet, there are circumstances in which,
according to your rules, the bishop might not be permitted to
give religious instruction to his own flock. Talk, after this, of
the perfect freedom of your system. It reminds me of the
first and last attempts of Henry on the hierarchy of England.
The title of head of the church * was first merely nominal
and innocuous. All the constituted teachers of religion were
permitted their usual functions. They were not aware of the
silent invasions of the tyrant until the bishops found that, under
2 H
474
LETTER LXXXVIII.
the harmless name of the head of the church, which they had
allowed him, in an evil hour, all their authority to preserve
religion was gone. It will be so — no — but it would be so if the
National Board were again permitted to have the leave of the
Viceroy, and his alone, to revive and remodel the religious part
of education for the youth of Ireland. Never, from the first
persecution of the Church until this hour, has there been
devised a system of religious education, from which the authority
of the bishops has been more zealously excluded. Look through
the whole scheme — from the government, its parent, to the hum-
blest official — whether board, books, inspectors, masters, election,
recommendation, dismissal, children, patrons, and guardians, not
only is there not an allusion to the authority of the bishop of the
diocese, who, in every Christian country on earth guides the
religious education of the flock, young as well as old, but the
jealous letter of the law excludes him from any control over
those departments; nor is there anything wanting, save the
power to enforce those odious regulations. Witness, for example,
the exclusive control over the books, as set forth in the legal
instrument quoted in the letter to the clergy and people of
this diocese. “ Could you, beloved brethren/’ your grace writes,
“ could any one believe that I would keep out of the hands of
Catholic children any book that would be really useful to confirm
them in their religious principles, and to improve them in virtue ?”
May I not also inquire whether they believe that any Catholic
bishop in Ireland would keep out of their hands any such pub-
lication ? If not, and they would answer in the affirmative,
where is the necessity of multiplying your varied duties by
such varied censorship ? or do the government imagine that
their appointment to such an office, confers on the object of
their choice, a monopoly of sound taste and discretion ? It
seems they do, and commissioner Blake modestly states that
he should be glad to have such a control over books for separate
religious instruction, “ lest there might be political matters mixed
up with religion, and political matters of an exceptionable nature.”
Are the bishops of Ireland come to such a pass, that they should
submit their books for religious instruction to such strange
censorship ?*
To appease, however, as if, any alarm on this point, your
grace states that the rule of the board at present is, “ If any
other books than the Holy Scriptures, or the standard books of
the Church to which the children belong, are employed in com-
municating religious instructions, the title of each is to be made
known to the commissioners!” Surely a work of supererogation
if they have not the power to exclude them.
* Parliamentary Evidence, page 44, question 546.
LETTER LXXXVIII.
475
I am not surprised at the prudent celerity with which your
grace attempted to despatch the important controversy regarding
the strange translations, and the more obnoxious notes of
the Scripture Extracts. They are a subject deserving of your
most serious consideration. In a like summary manner, your
grace has disposed of the argument as to the practical effect
which the omission of the “ Hail Mary, full of grace” was calcu-
lated to produce on children’s minds. Had you stated the
reasons of its omission, it would have enabled every reader to
form a satisfactory conclusiou on the subject. The Rev. Mr.
Carlile avows that it was omitted, “ because it did not appear to
him to be a literal translation of the original Greek.”* Care,
however, is taken to draw the children’s attention to the passage
by the question — “How did the angel address her (Mary)?”
The answer suggested by their ordinary prayers would be as
“ full of grace,” instead of which another form of phrase, call it
translation, or call it paraphrase, is substituted. And why this
hitherto strange explanation of the angel’s words ? Because,
according to the testimony of one of the commissioners, the
original Greek was unfavourable to the form which they were
taught in their infancy. There is another and a strange reason
suggested by the same individual for the omission. “ Besides,
this question as to the form of words, the commissioners were of
opinion that connected with the doctrine of the incarnation there
was that in the Scripture language which it was difficult or im-
proper to explain to children.”! Are not the masters, we are
told, forbidden to enter into any explanation of religious or
mysterious subjects? What, then, was there improper in this
chapter of St. Luke to be put into the hands of children, ac-
cording to the Douay version, more than any other portion of
Scripture ? Such a reason might have some force coming from
those who think the indiscriminate use of the Bible in schools
calculated to produce “ irreverence.” But I see not with what
consistency could it be adduced by those who, in opposition to
the Council of Trent, permit, without the leave of the ordinary,
and at the instance of guardians, the children to range through
the whole of the inspired volume, from Genesis to the Apocalypse.
No, my lord, disguise it as they will, the true reason of the
omission was that the “ Hail, Mary, full of grace,” consecrated
by the reverence of the Catholic Chnrch, was unsupportable to
the Nestor ianism of some of the commissioners.
Your grace’s singular mode of reasoning, with respect to the
permission, allowed by the board, of reading the Scriptures, will
not detain me long. “ It permits {that is , it does not prohibit —
* Parliamentary Evidence, page 66, question 914.
t Parliamentary Evidence, question 916.
476
LETTER LXXXVIII.
how could it ?) your grace remarks, the use of the sacred volume
to those who may choose to avail themselves of it.” What a pity
that this felicitous exposition of the word “permit” was not
thought of in the infancy of the board. It would have saved
those long and stormy debates and remonstrances of the Presby-
terians of the north, which shook the board to its very centre.
Was it not the easiest thing imaginable to say to those mutinous
men, “we do not prohibit”- — how could we? — “the perusal of the
sacred volume, and, therefore, as we have no coercive power, all
may read it as they please.” This would have been plain conduct,
and intelligible language ; and it is surprising that six years
were permitted to elapse before the board had hit upon this
convenient interpretation. But they were aware that such an
interpretation would cut two ways, and that in opening the
schools to a few Presbyterians, it would scare away the Catholics
from their thresholds. The Catholics were taught to look upon
the board as composed of gentlemen of truth and honour, who
would not allow to any the means of tampering with the faith of
the children, or the discipline of the Catholic church. It is pro-
hibited by the Council of Trent, that the reading of the vernacular
Scriptures be indiscriminately, and in public, conceded to all,
although the reading of such books is permitted to those who can
read them with fruit, and profit — those who have obtained the
permission of the ordinary. Your grace appeared to throw some
doubts upon the extent of the power which I assigned to the
ordinary. On that score, you are at liberty to argue with
the authority of a general council. Yet, without reference to
this authority, to which we are all subject, this plenipotentiary
board grants permission to read the Scriptures in the National
Schools, merely at the requisition of the parents or the guardians.
It is only in the separate, not in the mixed education. Who
authorized your grace or the board to give permission in either
case ? You obtained his Excellency’s permission to revise the
religious portion ! ! The church recognizes no such authority.
There was no “ studied ambiguity” on my part, nor an insinuation
that the Scriptures were permitted in the mixed system of educa-
tion, but there was an open, simple, and irrefutable assertion
that you were as incompetent to grant any such liberty in the
one case as in the other. But it only not prohibits. Is this,
then, the meaning of the solemn covenant tacitly entered into
during the brief term of the experiment between the board and
the Catholics of Ireland? Why were the Kildare-street and
other kindred associations got rid of? Because they afforded
facilities to bigoted and persecuting patrons, to force on the chil-
dren of their Catholic dependents the perusal of the Scriptures,
in defiance of the solemn sanctions of the Catholic Church. And
does not the injurious exposition of the permission given under
LETTER LXXXV1II.
477
the National Board afford the same facility ? Cannot they now,
as well as then, exercise their tyranny over the children, by
telling them that, in despite of their bishops, they must read the
Scriptures in the schools ? and in doing so they would be acting
within the rules of the National Board. A steady and inflexible
regard to the fixed authority of the Catholic Church would have
at once spared such embarrassment and danger. In one of your
grace’s letters you observed, that “ from the moment of our first
connexion with the commission, the Catholic members have never
been allowed to feel their inferiority in number.” This is an
important admission, and will no doubt lead to the consideration
of what confidence we ought to repose in the board.
I did imagine that many of the obnoxious regulations of that
body were strenuously combated by the Catholic members, and
that if they were unsuccessful we had the consolation of thinking
that an improvement might be expected from an increase in their
number. It seems now, however, that such a hope would be a
fallacy, and that it is a matter of indifference whether it is com-
posed of Catholics or Protestants. Against any of the acts of
the board there does not appear to have been any remonstrance
on the part of any member — nay, your grace, with a singular
effort of generous intrepidity, takes upon you the responsibility
of all the proceedings of your associates. I am then to under-
stand that the mission of two Protestant inspectors into this
diocese, contrary to the previously known instructions of the
ordinary, and the published resolutions of its clergy, had your
grace’s unqualified sanction. I am also to understand, when
those inspectors were refused admittance into schools, exclusively
Catholic, pursuant to such instructions and resolutions, that a
letter sent from the board to one of my clergy, requiring perem-
torily the dismissal of one of their masters, in defiance of the
command of his bishop, had your grace’s concurrence. I am
further to understand that the continuance of an unprincipled
apostate in the office of giving religious and moral instruction to
Catholic children, in direct opposition to the remonstrance of
their parish priest, until he withdrew the scholars, had likewise
met with your grace’s approval. Now, my lord, permit me to
observe that had these things been done, with the remonstrance
of the Catholic members, which they were unable to enforce,
then their inability would be a proof, that the system was
disentitled to confidence. The case becomes worse if they
were able, but unwilling, to interfere. If any other person,
were he even a bishop, member of such a board, had, through
the official organ of the body, lent his sanction to a letter
addressed to one of your grace’s clergy, requiring the dismissal of
a master who acted by your directions, you would doubtless deem
it an extraordinary and unwarrantable interference. Because
478
LETTER LXXXVIII.
we would not submit to such arbitrary proceedings the grant is
withdrawn. What then becomes of the appeal to the feelings of
the Catholics of Ireland, when they find the members of their own
creed concurring in acts and regulations which encroach on the
liberties of conscience, and tend to encourage insubordination ?
The truth is, these inspectors have been sent in order to crush
the spirit that manifested itself in this diocese ; and if the
board were to succeed in an effort as unconstitutional as it is
uncanonical, the other parts of Ireland would find to their cost
that its fate would be only a prelude to the encroachments which
would be successively made on their own religious freedom. To
be, then, explicit : in the reform which I meditate, and with less
than which I shall never be satisfied, it is only a declaration of
the pledge I have given in the solemn resolutions referred to, in
union with your grace, and from which no change of circumstances
shall induce me to recede. Any plan of education shall meet my
unqualified opposition that shall not secure to every bishop the
right which he has by the nature of his office, of being de jure
the chief guide and director of any system of religious education
intended for his flock, within the limits of his own diocese.*
In this resolution I am confirmed by the singular tone of
your grace's last epistle. I have never made any remarks
upon the pastoral instructions which you may deem proper to
deliver to the clergy and the people placed under your jurisdic-
tion. I know not by what authority you venture to animadvert
upon those which I have thought it my duty to deliver to my
own portion of the fold. Nay, it appears that your zeal has
kindled on this subject; for, not content with this extraordi-
nary intrusion on the duties and office of another prelate, you
hesitate not to say, that a “ blush should have burned on his
cheek” for the course he was pursuing. I can well understand,
my lord, the zeal of Esdras “ rending his mantle and sitting
down mourning because the priests and the Levites did not
separate themselves from the people of the lands.”f — I can un-
derstand, too, the zeal of the apostle whose “ spirit was excited
within him when he saw the city given to idolatry.” — I can
understand that of the Redeemer when he drove the money
changers from the temple. — I could understand, too, though it
may appear harsh from an apostle whose habitual character and
mildness were sweetened with old age, how St. John could inter-
dict even the ordinary salutation to such as brought not the
doctrine which he preached. But it was reserved for your grace
* The principle laid down in this sentence is vindicated and enforced in the
letter addressed by the Apostolic See on this subject, to each of the four Arch-
bishops. The instructions of the Holy See have been disregarded by this pre-
sumptuous Board no less than the remonstrances of the Bishops on whose right s
they strive to encroach.
f I. Esdras, ix, 1 — 4.
LETTER LXXXV1II.
479
to have your “ spirit so excited” as to hope that another prelate
should have blushed, and on what account? For guarding his
flock from the snares of the old enemies of the Catholic Church,
now coming in sheep’s clothing ; for labouring to prevent the
danger of contagion from habitual contact with error ; for pre-
serving those fences of the faith, which, if we are to believe the
Scriptural authorities I have quoted, as well as the testimonies of
the ancient Fathers, are best secured by habitual remoteness
from the chance of infection. Yes, you are right, and I must
confess that zeal should be entirely extinct in my soul if the blush
of a generous warmth were not to burn on my cheeks in witness-
ing power and corruption arrayed in propagating a system which,
as it is now practically developed, is, first, dangerous to faith and
morals — secondly, subversive of ecclesiastical authority, which,
instead of promoting peace and concord among those of a different
religion, is calculated to foment and exasperate religious strife
among the “ domestics of the faith and, finally, which, instead
of binding more firmly the attachment of the people to the ruling
powers, must, as in every other country in which it is enforced,
propagate the seeds of civil contention.
The course, then, that I am pursuing is neither a dark nor a
devious one ; it is, on the contrary, plain and straightforward,
and so far from being at variance with any canonical line of
conduct, it is conformable not only with the rights and duties of
my office, but also with the unanimous resolves of my venerable
brethren. Of their wishes to cancel those solemn resolves, there
has appeared no evidence, nor even any presumption. Nay, it
might be as well expected that we could commit an act of apos-
tolical suicide as attempt to abdicate rights which we could not
yield without a surrender of our apostolical succession. But
while my course is strictly conformable to the tenets of the
Catholic Church, and the writings of its most zealous and
enlightened bishops of every age, I must own that it is and shall
be at variance with the course which the National Board is now
pursuing. The object of their system is, that children of different
persuasions should imbibe similar ideas. My object is, that while
they are taught charity to all of every religion, they should not
imbibe those similar ideas, that would gradually efface the strong
and marked distinction of the Catholic creed. Their object is to
prohibit books that may appear “ objectionable to them as pe-
culiarly belonging to some religious denomination.” My object
is to prevent them or any such self-constituted body, from
exercising a control that would thus wear down to one undistin-
guishable level, the prominent and dissimilar features of truth and
error. In short, though it may not be their aim, the tendency
of their system is to bring about an unnatural “ fellowship
between light and darkness,” and to create that musty sort of
480
LETTER LXXXVIII.
theology — a chaotic compound of truth and error — which has
long hung over the universities of Germany, and teemed with a
monstrous immorality, the congenial offspring of such a mixed
origin. Mine is to keep distinct from such admixture that light
and order which were first ushered in by the “ Sun of Justice,”
which it has been the labour of the zealous pastors of every age
to keep asunder from the surrounding errors, and which have
never been ifiore conspicuous in any portion of the Church than
in our own. In short, following the Catholic Church for my
guide, I dislike all such mixtures. In the moral and political
world they are as fatal in their consequences, as they are un-
natural. The Church dislikes a mixed education, as she does
mixed marriages. Behold the recent and disastrous consequences
of either in Belgium and in Prussia. What was it that drove
William from the throne of Belgium ? The despotic attempt to
force upon the children of that faithful people, a system of
mixed education. What is it that is filling Prussia at this
moment with tumult, and turning the eyes of Europe to the
sufferings of Drost, Archbishop of Cologne, the illustrious con-
fessor of the faith, in the castle of Minden ? Mixed marriages,
together with the fatal pliancy of Spiegel, his predecessor,
in yielding to the unprincipled requisition of the Prussian
court. Not only did the unfortunate prelate become an instru-
ment in the hands of the King in enforcing his anti-Catholic
regulations, but succeeded, also, in obtaining the concurrence
of the bishops of Munster, of Paderborne, and of Triers. What
was the consequence ? A solemn and penitential avowal of one
of those prelates of the fatal condescension into which he was
betrayed. “ Nunc vero, morbo dolorosissimo correptus, in vitce
discrimine versans, divina gratia illustratus, ex actis illis Ecclesice
Catholicce mala gravissima oritura, et Ecclesice Catholicce cano-
nes et principia iisdem Icesa esse perspectum habeo ; quantum hac
in re summi momenti , erravi, pcenitentia ductus, libera mente et
proprio motu retracto. ,,% Such was the dying declaration of
Joseph, the bishop of Triers. It is not a matter of remote
occurrence. It does not belong to those olden times to which
it w r ould be refreshing, not only to ourselves but to our readers,
to refer in this important controversy, in order that they might
derive their knowledge from their unmixed and untroubled
fountains. No, my lord, it is a matter which has occurred within
these two years. Why refer to it ? Because 1 am anxious for the
* TRANSLATION.
“ But now, being in danger of death, from a most painful illness, and en-
lightened by the divine grace, I am fully convinced that those acts will be
productive of the most serious evils to the Church, and that the canons and
principles of the Catholic Church have been impaired by them ; wherefore,
seized with the sorrow, I, freely, and of my own accord, retract, as far as I have
erred, in this matter of the greatest importance — Joseph, Bishop of Triers."
LETTER LXXXIX.
481
peace of the country, as well as the purity of the Catholic
religion. From the extraordinary power now claimed by the
State over a mixed education, it would soon claim a similar des-
potic control over mixed marriages, and strive to stretch its net
over all our ecclesiastical concerns. It would never want sub-
servient instruments. Some future Spiegel might arise from
among the hierarchy of Ireland, who would attempt to favour
• the dangerous views of the government, and weaken the canons
of Home, as he had done, by sinister commentaries. I am
anxious to meet the evil in time, and to save our National Church
the exhibition of such scandals at a future day, as well as the
necessity of humiliating retractations.
I have the honor to be, my lord, your faithful brother in Christ,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER LXXXIX.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
St. JarlatD’s, Tuam, December 16th, 1838.
‘ ‘ Sed ut res nostras prosequamur, haereticorum, qui rem Anglicanam eo
tempore administrabant, de Academiis corrumpendis curaerat ; ut illis religionis
ac disciplinarum fontibus infectis, facilius in universam Rempublicam manaret
lues.” — Sanders de Schismate Anglicano.
My Lord — If the history of the past be justly deemed a pro-
phetic picture of the future, the lines I have just quoted from the
learned historian of the English schism, fully reveal the policy
that has been pursued by the government in the establishment of
the National Board. If philosophy teaches us that similar causes
will produce similar effects, we may contemplate in the disastrous
fate of the sister country, what might be expected in Ireland from
a similar corruption of its religious and academic institutions.
And if sound theology inculcates that errors in faith are like
a contagion, that may be quickly propagated, it behoves the
Catholics of Ireland to look with extreme caution to all the
schemes of national enlightenment, that arc now so industriously
sent abroad.
Because shallow theorists and corrupt speculators are striving
to occupy the public mind with a novel system, it is fancied there
482
LETTER LXXXIX.
is now felt a livelier zeal for education than in any former age.
Never was there a greater delusion. When true philosophy was
extinct among the ancients, a crowd of sophists, who only
repeated its name, arose upon its ruins. When the spirit of
ancient eloquence disappeared, it was succeeded by a plentiful but
barren crop of rhetorical essays and commentaries. It is then
natural that when penalties and proscriptions succeeded in ex-
tinguishing those legitimate lights that diffused the blessings*
of knowledge, a new race of education-pretenders should start up,
who, leaving undone the great work for which their predecessors
toiled, are eternally dissertating on plans of education.
For what your lordship has already done with regard to the
National Board, I should express my acknowledgment, were it
not that you might labour under an impression that we could be
satisfied with any thing less than the complete remodelling of the
whole system. The public attention is at length rivetted on the
proceedings of that body. Your lordship’s recent visit to Dublin,
and the subsequent reforms, or rather revolutions, that have since
taken place, will attest whether the board can well abide the
public scrutiny. The wonder is, how any body invested with
such vast influence over the moral and political destinies of any
people, was suffered so long to exercise a species of irresponsible
power. Whether it is contemplated in a religious, or political, or
municipal point of view, it is an institution that should exercise
the public vigilance. From what has already occurred, I should
suppose the ministry are determined to spare us the labour of
exposing its mischievous tendency. Should it last another year,
your lordship will find, that, instead of being a bond of union
among the sectaries, it will become a focus of civil and religious
contention, and that the intestine spirit that has already rent the
board itself, and scattered some of its members, shall soon extend
to the entire kingdom.
The moral and religious education of an entire people is not
a theme to be trifled with. I shall, please God, treat it with all
the seriousness of argument which its importance merits as con-
nected with the religion of the people and the interests of the
State. But, before I resume that topic, I beg to point the
public attention to this municipal corporation, affecting the free-
dom of the different districts of the country. Ireland is at this
moment engaged in a constitutional struggle to achieve, among
other objects, the destruction of those corrupt corporations, that
have so long oppressed the liberties, and misappropriated the
finances that were entrusted to their care. There is an active
exertion now making for the re-construction of municipal bodies,
which, under the salutary vigilance of parliament, will have
power to direct their own local affairs. It is a question well
worth the consideration of the Catholics, and, I will add, of the
LETTER LXXXIX.
483
Protestants of Ireland, whether at such an auspicious moment,
when they are almost sure of municipal reform, they are to
suffer another new corporation to spring up among them, more
anomalous in its construction, vaster in its influence, and more
dangerous to the civil and religious freedom of all classes, than
any of the corporations whose annihilation is so justly sought.
Nay, more, though ostensibly set up for the benefit of the poor
of Ireland, on the principle of a fair and equitable appropriation
of its funds, there has not been in Ireland a corporation, of which
the funds have been more unequally distributed.
This, my lord, I pledge myself to demonstrate in my next
letter to your lordship’s full satisfaction, by minute reference
to the published accounts of the board and parliamentary docu-
ments.
Some may not relish the theological discussion of this subject,
as breathing too much of polemical asperity ; to others, its dan-
gers to the State may appear too remote or problematical to fill
them with any serious apprehensions ; but, to the intellects of all,
the financial views of the subject will be quite accessible, and the
least educated will not fail to understand that, under the guise of
educating the poor, it is a system for providing for the retainers
of the rich, and that while the former are comparatively ne-
glected, the funds are swallowed up by a regiment of high-
salaried officers.
This system of insulting delusion will no longer be endured by
the people. Already are petitions against its continuance receiv-
ing hundreds of thousands of signatures. Can your lordship
imagine that the people of Tuam, for example, will be contented
that they are to have no share in the funds that are levied off
them, in common with the rest of the empire, unless they submit
to the obnoxious regulations of persons amongst whom there is
not, and cannot be, any enduring principle of cohesion ? No,
they will not be content ; and their discontent will go forth
among their other grievances in. loud remonstrances to the
legislature, and their honest representatives will faithfully con-
vey their wrongs to her Majesty’s ministers. After I shall have
submitted to your lordship and the public a brief abstract of the
funds placed at the disposal of the board, and the manner in
which they have been expended, you will form some judgment
of the amount of public benefit that has been derived from this
institution. In the meantime, I have the honor to be your lord-
ship’s obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
484
LETTER CX.
♦
LETTER XC.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury,
December 29 , 1838 .
“Sed quia viderunt haeretici, multa meliora ingenia, ex priori Catholica insti-
tutione in fide adhuc manere, ex Germania aliisque locis vicinis, homines ad
fraudem magis exercitatos, quam primum accersendos censuerunt.”— Sanders
de Schismute Anglicano. Lib. II.
My Lord — The coincidence between the unprincipled arts that
were resorted to in seducing the English nation from the faith,
and those that are now dexterously practised on the Irish people,
is observable in a variety of instances. In nothing, however, is
this perverse identity of purpose more manifest than in the simi-
larity of schemes adopted towards both countries to poison the
seats of learning, and pervert the minds of its professors. To
exemplify this striking analogy I have already referred to San-
ders, the accurate historian of the Anglican schism, and the same
authority will furnish me with other illustrations. At present I
need but cite the case of Germany, which then poured its errors
and its profligacy over England. At this moment its universities
are receptacles of the rankest heresy and infidelity, probably the
most corrupt seats of learning in the civilized world. And yet,
strange to say, these are the models that are proposed to the
Catholics of Ireland, and by men called liberal Catholics, to
fashion the literary institutions where their children are to
receive their education.
Reserving, however, this ample and important part of the sub-
ject for another occasion,- 1 shall proceed to fulfil the pledge, given
in my last letter, to direct your lordship’s attention to the “ dis-
tributive justice” that has guided the financial concerns of the
National Board. From the theological positions which I have
already laid before your lordship, it is unnecessary to state that,
were justice itself to preside over the apportionment of its funds,
I could never be reconciled to the dangerous practical principles
regarding Church government and discipline, that have been
recently unfolded in the proceedings of that body. Again, were
it a Catholic board, composed exclusively of members of that
body, it would disentitle itself to the general confidence of the
people, if it were to exhibit the same utter disregard to equity
and fairness in the relative allocation of its finances, that is
discernible in its public and authentic documents. If on each
of these grounds it be liable to serious objections, your lordship
LETTER XC.
485
may judge how insupportable it must be with the two-fold evil of
religious danger to the entire, and obvious injustice to many
parts of the kingdom.
Claiming the usual indulgence in matters of account of “ errors
excepted,” I beg leave to refer to the documents that were
ordered to be printed by the House of Commons in the course of
the last session. In the year 1832 there was a parliamentary
grant of £37,500 for the advancement of education in Ireland ;
in 1833, £25,000; in 1834, £20,000; in 1835, £35,000.*
From the statement of estimates of miscellaneous services,
page 3, it appears that in the year 1836 the grant was
£46,653, and £50,000 in each of the following years.
These various items, transcribed from parliamentary docu-
ments, show that with the exception of a trifling deduction, the
sum of £264,153 has been, within the brief period of less than
seven years, placed at the disposal of the National Board. Of
the first parliamentary grant, it seems that some small portion
was applied to the Kildar e-street Society, by way of “ burying
the synagogue with honor,” and appeasing the sullen spirit of
that fallen establishment.
Another parliamentary “ return of the total amount of money,
and of the value of other aids, actually issued by the Board of
National Education to the several schools in Ireland, from the
establishment of said Board, to the 15th of December, 1837,”
I find the following account of its expenditure classed under four
different heads, in the several provinces : —
Ulster
Munster .
Leinster .
Connaught
Ulster
Munster .
Leinster .
Connaught
Ulster
Munster .
Leinster .
Connaught
Ulster
Munster .
Leinster .
Connaught
BOOKS AN
BUILDING.
FITTING UP.
SALARY.
D OTHER SCHOOL
£ s. d.
6,875 12 11
5,844 18 10
9,007 18 10
4,569 17 8J
3,033 14 1
1,492 14 5
3,626 4 34
1,058 15 10"
18,126 8 0
10,930 7 5
18,527 10 8
10J
6,491 12
REQUISITES.
4,401 19 0J
2,758 2 Hi
5,121 7 3|
1,384 16 9J
* Report, Education, Ireland, p. 13.
486
LETTER XC.
From this return, ordered to be printed last June by the House
of Commons, it appears, that the sum of £103,252 Is. ll^d. has
been publicly accounted for up to the preceding December, of the
quarter of a million of money, that has been granted for the
education of the poor of Ireland. It is unnecessary to detain the
reader long in pointing out the marked inequality, nay, injustice,
as to the several provinces, in the distribution of a fund, that was
intended proportionably for the entire kingdom.
In exposing this manifest injustice, I shall not for the present
go into minuter details than a comparison of the different aids to
the provinces, content with observing that, should the smaller
localities of the great districts be compared, some neglected parts
of Leinster and Ulster will have as much reason to complain as
Connaught has with regard to the preference shown to these two
favoured provinces.
Far in advance of the other two provinces, even of Ulster,
which comes next in favour, there has been expended in Leinster,
on buildings, near double the sum that has been laid out in Con-
naught. If it should be conjectured that the local influence of
the board in Leinster was at all exercised in its behalf, it would
only prove the value of the extension of some like protection, to
the remote and neglected provinces. The vast inequality in the
first item of building might possibly be deemed the result of
chance, if the same munificence and extravagant preference for
the seat of educational administration, did not mark every feature
of the expenditure. In the fitting up, Munster, with its immense
Catholic population, is placed in nearly as low a scale as Con-
naught ; while the latter province has not even a third of that
outlay compared to Leinster, which is immediately placed under
the fostering solicitude of the board. Again, in the contest for
the prizes of salaries, we find the masters of Ulster and Leinster
running nearly an equal race. Those of Munster are lagging
far behind; but as for Connaught, it is left the same uniform
pre-eminence in privation destined for it in every state measure,
being treated with the same insulting neglect by all her Majesty's
commissioners, whether of railways or of education. It is on
the same principle, no doubt, that Connaught holds the same
relative position with regard to books and school requisites ; and
for this the commissioners have my sincere acknowledgments :
we shall thus be spared the necessity of purging our schools of
some of their poisonous productions. In the commencement, the
singular merit of their school-books was clamourously eulogized.
Latterly there seems something like a prudent and studied
caution on that subject. Perhaps the rich mines from which their
literary treasures were extracted have been laid open to the
curiosity of the world, with the additional discovery that the
manufacturers of the books were no less destitute of originality,
LETTER XC.
487
than they were in gratitude in acknowledging the extent of their
obligations.
The preceding parliamentary accounts of the board will show
that up to the 15th December last, £13,505 3s. 2Jd. is the
amount of the entire sum that has been expended by that body
since its establishment in all its items of outlay in this province.
Should any additional expense have been incurred by the un-
necessary training of a few of its teachers in a model-school, in
Dublin, I cannot count it a benefit that they should be attempted
to be laughed, as has occurred, out of their reverence for their
patron saint by some anti-Catholic, Scotch school-masters. This
sum of thirteen thousand pounds would, supposing their popula-
tion equal, be nearly what each of the provinces would be yearly
entitled to, out of the amount of the grant made by the parlia-
ment during each of the last two years. Connaught has received
during the whole time of the existence of the board, but very
little more than the portion it would be entitled to, within each
year of that period. Whereas, instead of such an unequal
pittance, it should have injustice received, even in the proportion
of its actual population, about fifty thousand pounds of the sum
allotted for education since the year 1832, when the board was
established. Were the interests of each of the provinces pro-
tected by prudent, economical bodies, who would be bound, like
the trustees of the College of Maynooth, to account to parlia-
ment for the outlay of every farthing, and who, like the same
trustees, would perform their duties gratuitously, it follows that
the poor of this province, for example, would have had the benefit
which has been denied them, of the expenditure of near forty
thousand pounds on the education of their children. And yet
we are gravely told that we ought to be fully content with such a
system, because some two or three Catholics happen to be mem-
bers of that body. Whether Catholics, or Protestants, or Pagans,
it is a matter of little consequence in such a gross inequality of
the distribution of public funds, since no circumstance of religion
or of infidelity can palliate such palpable injustice.
But Connaught is poor, and it is no wonder it should not share
in the benefits of legislative aid to the same extent as the
other provinces. No doubt it is ; but I should draw from its
acknowledged comparative poverty an opposite conclusion. It is
like the argument of the commissioners of railways, who have
wasted more than twelve thousand pounds of the public money
on a report which calumniates the people of an entire province,
and strives to exclude them from a just share in the outlay of the
public revenues. If Connaught then is poor, what has made it
so? The same neglect of the care of a fostering legislature
which Ireland feels, compared to England, operates on the con-
dition of this province in particular, compared to the rest of the
488
LETTER XC.
kingdom. It stands, therefore, the more in need of legislative
interference to develop its resources. It is entirely left out of
the contemplation of the honest and disinterested commissioners
of railroads until it becomes prosperous ! ! Who ever heard of
a patient being abandoned by a physician, and deemed unworthy
of his care until he should recover his health ? As the Education
Board was established for the poor of Ireland, the poorer any
portion of its inhabitants, the more they were entitled to the
considerate regard of that body. Perhaps they went on the
maxim, that to him that has much, much shall be given, and from
him that has not, even that which he hath shall be taken away.
If, then, there happen to be some places so poor that they
could not contribute in the same proportion as other districts,
that regulation was a vicious one, which required in all cases a
third of the sum to be contributed in the locality where the school
was to be erected. But is it in reality from a want of zeal for
education or a spirit to contribute to its support, that Connaught
has been treated with such marked injustice by the board ? It
may be imagined that it has been neglected, because it refused
its quota in the local contributions. If sc, these local contribu-
tions must be small compared to the other provinces, in proportion
to the small pittance of the parliamentary funds which it received.
Now, instead of this being the case, it will be found that the sum
contributed by its localities bear a greater proportion to the
grants of the board than do the similar local advances in the
other provinces.
From the parliamentary returns regarding education, above
referred to, it appears that —
Ulster has contributed in building, &c. . £4,030 12 5|
Munster ..... 1,660 17 6|
Leinster ..... 5,842 2 4
Connaught 2,295 17 0J
By a comparison of those items with the grants for building
and fitting up, referred to at the commencement of this letter, it
would appear that the local contributions of the province of
Munster are less than the one-fourth ; and those of Connaught
nearer the one-half, than those of either Leinster or Ulster. In
the case of Munster, where there is a large Catholic population,
and many of them necessarily poor, the board, or any body of
education trustees, would have acted wisely in not pushing the
rule of a stated portion of local contributions to extreme rigour.
The comparative statement proves, that in Connaught, the poorest
of the provinces, it has been more sternly enforced than in any
other part of the kingdom.
Allow me, my lord, respectfully to inquire whether it is the
bona fide intention of the legislature, that the public money should
LETTER XC.
489
really be expended on educating the poor, or for multiplying the
channels of ministerial patronage ? If the latter, as is the
general belief, better at once, like the late Lord Londonderry,
who quartered a respectable incumbrance on the College of May-
nooth, to fix the number of those retainers, as well as the amount
of their sinecures, than to be amusing the nation with a show of
funds that are not destined for its benefit. If, on the other hand,
it is really intended for the education of the poor, that wisdom
which adapts the means to the end will dispense with all super-
fluous machinery, and a strict sense of justice will not allow
useless officers to absorb those revenues which, under a severer
management, would be productive of a more diffusive advantage.
In short, to use a scholastic axiom which must appear too old-
fashioned to the numerous retinue of functionaries that are
jostling each other at the porch of the national academy, “ Non
sunt multiplicanda entia sine necessitate.” If your lordship wishes
to conduct national education on principles at once safe and useful,
I might refer you to the Jesuits, or to the biography of Joseph
Calasanctius, as I would on the subject of poor laws to St. Vincent
of Paul. Sure I am that the life and labours of the latter person
alone would furnish your lordship and the legislature with more
statesman-like views on the two paramount questions of poor laws
and education, than all the crude and dangerous speculations of
Messrs. Blake and Nicholls put together.
Adopting the principle of a just economy in conducting the
national education, your lordship will get rid at once of the useless
humbug of a metropolitan model-school, and the long suite of
clerks and inspectors — an invention which our liberal theorists
have imported from Prussia, and which really embarrasses, instead
of smoothing, the avenues to knowledge. Though at The risk of
lengthening this letter, I know it must be gratifying to my readers
to learn what is the enormous cost of those incumbrances, and
what a drawback they are on the funds that are said to be
granted for the education of the poor of the kingdom.*
* In the 1 * Estimate of the Expenses of the Commissioners of Education for
the year commencing 1st April, 1838, and ending the 31st March, 1839,” we
find the following items for keeping up the aforesaid machinery : —
CENTRAL MODEL AND TRAINING DEPARTMENT.
Superintendent of Model Schools and Training l)e-
partment ...
£300
0
0
Lecturer in History and Geography
150
0
0
Lectures to Teachers on Education,
Chemistry, and
Natural Philosophy ...
300
0
0
Masters of Male Model Schools ...
300
0
0
Assistants and Monitors in ditto ...
250
0
0
Mistress of Female Model ditto ...
130
0
0
Assistant in ditto
30
0
0
Master and Mistress of Infant ditto
200
0
0
Servants connected with training of
Teachers and
Model Schools
190
0
0
2 i
490
LETTER XC.
This is, no doubt, carrying on the education, if not of the
poor of Ireland, at least of some of those of the metropolis, on
a truly magnificent scale. The model and training department
alone costs £2,490 ; £5,076 is the annual expense of inspection,
besides £500 of an outfit this year to equip the superintendents
with horses. The board office, with its whole train of functionaries,
including a dozen of clerks, is a concern of £2,815 10s., the
aggregate of which sums expended on the board office alone and
its officers, amounts to more than the annual sum that is yearly
granted for the professors, and every expense connected with the
education of the Catholic priesthood in the College of Maynooth.
Ten thousand pounds, under the judicious control of all the pro-
vincial bishops as trustees, together with a few others of the
clergy and laity, who would account to parliament for the ex-
penditure, would diffuse more of useful education in one province
than is now produced for the fifty thousand pounds throughout
the entire kingdom. It must, however, be confessed that this
sum would not support at the same amount of salary the present
establishment of sinecure and supernumerary retainers. When
I consider how much of the funds is diverted from the useful
purposes of education to mere government patronage, I can
account for the golden philippics of the government press, sur-
Travelling Expenses to and from Dublin of Teachers
for Training — say four classes of fifty each, at
£2 per man
Extra Masters in Training Department
General Superintendent ...
Assistants in Dublin
£400 0
240 0
300 0
300 0
INSPECTION.
Twenty-five Superintendents of National Schools ... 3125 0
Horses for ditto, at £20 ... ... ... ... 500 0
Lodgings for ditto, at £30 ... ... ... 750 0
For extra Travelling Expenses ... ... ... 600 0
BOARD, OFFICE, AND GENERAL MANAGEMENT.
Resident Commissioner, per Treasury Minute ... 500 0
Secretary ... ... ... ... ... 500 0
Accountant, and Clerks of various classes, &c. ... 1085 10
BUILDINGS IN MARLBOROUGH-STREET.
For erecting of a Keeper’s Lodge and Gateway in
Gardiner-street, new Carriage-way, Walk in-
closing Infant School, with Boys’ and Girls’
Schools, Gas-lamps and Fittings, Clock, &c. ... 761 18
Fitting up Lecture and Class-rooms, Museum, &c.,
and forming and levelling the Garden and Recrea-
tion Ground ... ... ... ... 1558 14
For completing the basement story of the Female
School-house, to be used as Class-rooms ; also Hot
Water Apparatus for heating the Buildings, &c. 4893 4
Building a Class-room connected with the Infant
School, Presses, and Flagging Yard, Recreation
Shed, Fittings and Furniture, Heating Appara-
tus, &c. ... 657 16
Miscellaneous ... ... ... ... ... 950 0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
0
0
LETTER XC.
491
passing in vehemence the less courtly inspirations of the Tory
journals. Look, for example, at the host of its clerks, all ready
to attack any who will interfere with their occupation. When I
reflect on the numerous cases of those learned crafts-men,
all skilled to let loose their feathered arrows on their foes, it
should not be wondered if those who had the 'courage to assail
the system should have long since shared the fate of St. Sebas-
tian.
Make special grants as large as your lordship may think
proper to Marlborough-street, either as a diocesan or provincial
school ; but while it is enriched with all the elegance of archi-
tecture, let not the people of the provinces be derided, as here-
tofore, with the answer, “ there are no funds.” Establish there
as many schools for infants, and academies for adults, as your
lordship may find the parliament disposed to indulge your taste
in ; erect magnificent suites of saloons, and fill them with the most
sumptuous furniture ; build museums and flower gardens, and
expend the public money in stocking them with exotics from the
East and mummies from Egypt — they will be as accessible and
useful to the indigent children of the provinces as the similar
institutions of Oxford or Trinity College ; dedicate one wing to
the philosophers, another to the muses, and place their marble
busts in all its niches, until you make it rival the villa of Adrian
in the number and variety of its native and foreign schools. I
trust, however, that no Chancellor of the Exchequer, in proposing
such a grant, will be so wanting in gravity as to insult the sense
of the legislature and the Irish nation by calling a grant so
extraneous to such a purpose a grant for “ the education of the
poor of Ireland.”
I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship’s obedient
servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
402
LETTER XCL
LETTER XCL
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of the Chair of St. Peter,
January 18 , 1839 .
“ Reocant ergo ex Germanie Martimim Bucerum insignem haereticum, Petrum
Martyrem et Bernardinum Ochinum, oliosque hujusfarinse quos partim in
Academiis collocant ne ulla fraus de esset aut diligentia ad Inventutis decep-
tionem. Ampliora tamen stipendia Bucero at Martyri ut haereiicorum ante-
ignanis assignarunt.” — Sanders de Schismate Anglicano.
My Lord — We are assured by the wise man that there is
nothing new under the sun. The recurrence of the stated cycle
of the stoics was supposed to bring back the events of the past
in regular succession ; and the enemies of the Catholic faith,
whether under the deliberate influence of their own free will, or
impelled, as they may fancy, by the stoical fatalism or predesti-
nation of the Calvinists, are now re-acting the same scenes of
profound deception in Ireland which were exhibited three
centuries ago on the theatre of England. Compare both epochs,
and you will find the designs, the instruments, and agents of the
one to be like regular transcripts of the other, Bucer, and
Martyr, and ‘Ochin, the professors of a foreign faith, who were
brought from other lands to preside over the English academies,
and to inoculate the rising generation with their own religion,
are the prototypes of Whately, of M‘Arthur, and of Carlile,
those men of alien countries and an alien creed, to whom an anti-
Catholic government would chiefly entrust the task of regulating
the schools and conducting the education of Catholic Ireland.
As one of those gentlemen has retired to his kirk, and re-
signed for its humble cares the ostentatious title of Education
Commissioner, I should forbear the introduction of his name, were
it not that his address, on his return to his flock, as well as the
legacy of professional instructions which he has left for the
benefit of the teachers of Ireland, are of too much value to be
passed over in silence. Those productions are now public pro-
perty, and, in animadverting on them, I have no wish to canvass
the reasons which must be best known to your lordship, of his
retirement from a board where Mr. Blake said his services were
so essential that they could scarcely be dispensed with. They
LETTER XCI.
493
are, however, now dispensed with ; and if, as we were led to
believe, he was necessary for the very existence of the board, it
follows that his retirement must be a prelude to its dissolution.
From the singular tone of the reverend gentleman’s address,
it would appear that the Catholic hierarchy and clergy of the
country had done but little towards the regeneration of Ireland,
until it had been blessed, like England on a former occasion, with
the religious and literary labours of foreign sectaries. In a tone
of singular self-satisfaction, he boasts how much the board has
already done towards enlightening, and elevating, and tran-
quillizing the people of Ireland ! Until this jumbled association
of the professors of various creeds began their labours, it would
seem that the people of Ireland sat in complete darkness, and
were entirely ignorant of peace or order. How must not the
Catholics of Ireland value the delicate compliments conveyed in
the singular address of this guardian member of the National
Board. So, then, the efforts of the clergy and laity of Ireland,
to enlighten and tranquillize the country, were vain, until some
English Bucer, and Scotch Peter Martyr, and next, some German
Ochin, imported by Mr. Wyse from the orthodox universities of
that country, are hired at larger salaries than the natives, to
diffuse throughout this benighted land the benefits of religion, of
peace, and civilization.
It is hard to say what should be the feelings of a people pos-
sessed of any national pride on witnessing such contemptuous
insults towards their religion and their country. Amidst the
most galling persecutions of past times, Ireland had at least one
consolation, that it never could stoop to the religious yoke of the
foreigner. The land that enlightened others with its learning
and sanctity would never consent to receive its religious books
from the pens, or its oral instructions from the lips, of persons
sent from the seats of spiritual darkness and infidelity. And
hence, the faith which is first received from that Holy See,
“ which heresy never infected,” has been preserved as pure and
as fresh as the national emblem that grows upon its soil. Whilst
the faith of any people is free, they may well smile at the chains
that may be forged for their civil liberties. But, woe to the
nation that suffers the faith to be bound, either by force or the
more dangerous fetters of court flattery and connexion. It has
been well remarked that civil oppression deprives a people of
only a moiety of its liberties, it is only when it seizes the soul,
and binds up its religious energies, that then they are reduced to
abject and irreclaimable bondage.
That this spiritual tyranny over the religion and consciences of
the people of Ireland is now aimed at by the enemies of our faith,
can no longer be disguised. Recent events have placed the
matter beyond the reach of contradiction. Witness the rage that
494
LETTER XGT.
has been given vent to in several quarters, because an important
question, involving the faith and morals of the rising generation
of Ireland, has been referred to the decision of the father of the
Christian World. What ! (we are publicly told by those who
affected such anxiety for the education of the Catholics of
Ireland) submit the affairs of this country to the decision of a
foreign potentate ! It is again in contemplation, another seriously
avers, to restore the days of Hildebrand, because we are willing
to recognize the voice of Peter in the person of his successor.
Those who had it in contemplation to force masters into model-
schools, and ultimately thrust their mongrel system of education
down the throats of the people, are now in an agony of frenzy
because we look for light and aid from that holy city which has
ever been the fortress of religious freedom to every nation whose
faith was attempted to be crushed. Relish the unpalatable truth,
then, as your lordship chooses, the fact which the friends of the
board were the first to publish is certain — the system of national
education is referred to Rome, and the fate of the board hangs
in the balance, depending for its existence on the decision of
Gregory.
Mr. Grattan has, I understand, given notice of a motion to
ascertain the working of the system of Ireland. We are now
arrived, it seems, at the mechanical, in contradistinction to the
metaphysical age. Formerly, schoolmen laid down certain and
indisputable principles, from which they drew, by a fair process
of reasoning, legitimate conclusions. Hence, if the principles on
which a system was based were bad, they concluded, in a sum-
mary way, that its working must be vicious. For this they are
reproached with dealing in phantoms, and it well becomes the
advocates of a mere material and mechanical philosophy wholly
to lose sight of principles, or, as they were called, “ ideas,” in the
formation of a system, and to confine themselves to its mere
mechanical operation. To ascertain the benefits or evils of a
system by the induction of facts, must always require time for its
development — time, at length, unfolding the dangerous principles
of the National Board, and in the same proportion, enlarging
the numbers of those who tremble for the further mischiefs of
which it may be productive. Until lately, but little attention was
bestowed upon the subject. The growing assumption of the
ministers of government to enlarge or abridge the powers of the
commissioners relative to the religious portion of the system, at
length created alarm, and opened the eyes of many to its designs
on the religious liberties of the people. As yet the lectures of
Mr. Carlile, to the intended masters or teachers of Ireland, were
not known. They are deserving of the profound attention of the
people of Ireland. Let, then, the system be tried even by its
working, of which a zealous and mysterious secrecy is a portion.
LETTER XCI.
495
They are printed — whether they are published I cannot say.
As they are printed at the people’s expense, they ought to be
circulated for the people’s benefit, unless it be a maxim with the
board that the lectures that are whispered within the porch
should, like those of ancient philosophers, not be divulged among
the people.
It appears, however, that profound secrecy is one of their
maxims, and that the instructions communicated, require that no
officer of the board give publicity to any documents that may
come into his hands, or any part of the business of the estab-
lishment that may come to his knowledge. Is it to masters
receiving such instructions, the people of Ireland are required to
confide the education of their children ? One of the objects of
some the great advocates of modern education is, to abolish the
belief of mysteries, and to substitute a system of what is called
rational Christianity. Yet, since the days of Pythagoras, I never
knew of such an attempt to surround popular instruction with
secrecy, and mystery so impenetrable, as those which are thus
inculcated in the inaugural lecture of the late professor of
education.
But for the present, I must forbear any further commentary
on this singular production, as well as on its mysterious objects,
attacked by the important report of the recent parliamentary
debate upon that subject. It is said that your lordship stated it
as your opinion that a system of education, emanating from a
central board, formed of the professors of many creeds, was not
at all suited to England. Nay, you are reported to have said
that the established clergy should control education in that
country. Why, then, does your lordship think it fitted for the
people of Ireland ? And why not entrust, for a similar reason,
the education of the Catholic people to the Catholic clergy here ?
I fear there is something of the habitual policy pursued towards
the two countries in this singular distinction. If there is in the
world a country to which such a motley education as that of the
National Board is peculiarly adapted, is it not England, with its
cameleon creeds, reflecting every colour and shade of opinion,
from the brightness of the Catholic faith to all the blackness of
infidelity ? And again, if there be a country which more than
another evinced its dislike for fashionable varieties in matter of
faith, and its utter abhorrence of religious innovation, that
country is Ireland. Why, then, strive to force into one country
a system so utterly unsuited to its people, and relinquish it on a
soil so congenial to its cultivation ? The pride of the establish-
ment must be cherished, must be soothed in England, though it
is a matter of notoriety that, with its gorgeous endowments, it
has so neglected the great duty of the education of the people,
as to have abandoned the great bulk of them to the most de-
496
LETTER XCI.
plorable ignorance. It is the same spirit of reverential deference
for the Established Church, and of a corellative hatred for the
Catholic Religion, that so deeply engages the sympathy of some
statesmen, and prompts them to push forward, at all hazards, the
present detestable system. Finding with what tenacity the
people cling to the Catholic faith, whilst their education was
conducted by their pastors, who alone have a sincere and
disinterested zeal to enlighten the people with the saving truths
of religion, they have employed every engine to wrest this office
from them, and entrust it to associations which must be under
the control of the government. They are not ignorant of the
effects of the saying — “ Strike the shepherd, and the flock will
be scattered and could they once succeed in paralyzing the
exertions of the legitimate pastors in their respective dioceses,
they could hope to make easy inroads on the faith of the un-
protected people. This is the real object of all the mighty
zeal that is now affected for the education of the people, and
of all the projects of modern philanthropists and of all their
literary tours, and scientific peregrinations, for the benefit of
the human race ! I am not ignorant of the character of their
boasted institutions, or of their practical working, with regard
to the faith and morality of the people. And when the
universities of Prussia and of Germany are referred to, they
should be, at least, held up as a warning to deter from, rather
than as models for, imitation. But it is neither to Prussia, nor
Germany, nor Scotland, nor England, we shall ever look for
models for the education of the youth of Ireland ; nor shall we
ever resign the maxims of the wise and the virtuous who have
gone before us, for the crude and dangerous speculations of some
shallow or false-hearted men, who are panting for an opportunity
of raising on the ruins of religious faith a system of infidel
philosophy.
I have the honor to be, your lordship’s obedient servant,
^ John, Archbishop of Tuam,
LETTER XC'II.
497
LETTER XCII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE CANONICAL TITLES OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS TO THEIR RESPECTIVE
SEES.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Gregory VII.,
May 25 , 1839 .
“ If it be just in the sight of God to hear you rather than God, judge ye.”
(Acts, iv.)
My Lord — With the privileges of the assembly of which your
lordship is so conspicuous a member, it is not my purpose to
interfere, content with confining myself to the published report
of proceedings, for which neither your lordship nor I are respon-
sible. From this report it appears that the archbishop and
clergy of Tuam, professing the Roman Catholic religion, unani-
mously proffered to the House of Commons an humble and
respectful petition, for the redress of a manifest grievance, and
that this prayer of their petition was refused to be listened to
unless they consented to subscribe to a proposition fraught with
pernicious errors. It was required, it seems, as a condition of its
reception, that the title of Archbishop of Tuam should be can-
celled by the petitioners. Now, it is an unquestionable fact, that
they are daily in the habit of performing solemn duties, of which
the validity entirely depends on the essential jurisdiction that
flows from the above title, and that, consequently, they could not
renounce its assertion without submitting to the imputation of
their own acts being null and sacrilegious. This they could not
do without renouncing the highest authority in that church
which God commands them to hear, under pain of being ranked
among heathens and publicans. Whether, then, it is just to hear
you requiring one thing, or God, through the authority of his
Church, requiring another, I leave to your lordship’s unbiassed
judgment to determine.
But such is the prudent forbearance of the legislature, that it
does not insist on the practical suspension of the exercise of the
office, provided there be a deferential abstinence from the as-
sumption of the name. Is the Episcopacy, then, an office merely
suffered because it cannot be suppressed, and of which the title
should be concealed under the shadow of ignominious toleration ?
If one incurs no guilt by being practically and in fact the bishop
498
LETTER XCII.
of a see, or the metropolitan of a province, it is strange what
guilt can attach to any authentic instrument which respectfully
predicates the innocuous reality. Such policy reminds one of
the language of Tertullian to the ancient persecutors, that their
edicts were pointed not against crime, but against the mere
Christian profession. It also resembles the cruel clemency of
Trajan, who instructs his officers that the Christians should not
be sought, yet punished if discovered. Why, continues the same
apologist, not prosecute us if guilty, and, if not guilty, why
punish us when discovered? To one of your lordship’s clear
perception it is unnecessary to prolong the parallel or press the
application.
I may be told, however, in the lofty assumption of some deep-
read senator, that no Catholic bishop exists in law . If so, every
breath he draws in the country must be, as much as the signa-
ture of his title, an act of rebellion against the majesty of legis-
lation. As your lordship is an advocate for an extensive course
of education for all classes, I humbly hope that candidates for the
senate will not be excluded from its benefits — that they, too, will
have a training school, and that before they present themselves
on the hustings they produce a certificate that they have read
over, at least once, “ Cicero’s Treatise on Laws.” If so, the future
readers of the reports of the House of Commons may be re-
warded for the toil of their perusal, and, instead of sometimes
groping their way through a dark and confused chaos of bigotry
and dulness, they will be instructed with the lore, and warmed
with the eloquence of many a Lushington and O’Connell, who,
having ascended to the pure fountain of justice, from which all
law derives its force, will tell, in the language of the Roman
orator, of that universal law, anterior to all covenants, and felt
in every clime — a law not learned from man, but drawn from
nature, and to which London now, as well as Rome and Athens
of old, must bow in all the acts which they promulgate for the
guidance of mankind.
There was in this country an important legal personage, who,
finding the judicial sceptre in his hand, thought by its magic
touch to annihilate the entire Catholic people. Accordingly,
when seated on his chair of law, he issued his oracular judgment
that there was not one Catholic subject in Ireland. In defiance
of this mandate, he found, like an ancient monarch, that the
wave of the growing multitude gradually flowed on, and had not
death seasonably relieved him from his alarms, he would have
feared that his seat would have been upset by the ascending tide
of the disobedient population. Time has now lully revealed the
folly of kicking any longer against the goad, or endeavouring to
stay the force of laws to which all human ordinances must yield.
Such grave maxims, then, should be suffered to sleep in the
LETTER XCII.
499
tombs of those who uttered them. That they are now obsolete
can be attested by the House of Commons itself, and whoever
asserts there is no Catholic Bishop in law in Ireland might be
scared by the apparition of so many Catholic members, who are
evidence of the impotent mendacity of the law, which pronounced
them dead, or of the more miraculous virtue of their political
resurrection.
Whenever your lordship shall make the important discovery
that the title or jurisdiction of a Catholic Bishop or Archbishop
is derived from the state, it will be high time to threaten him
with its vengeance, in cancelling that title or withdrawing that
jurisdiction. For my part, with a dutiful and conscientious
allegiance to our Sovereign, which no temptation shall ever sever,
I shall never owe any obligation to the state for my office or my
title, conscious that they are derived from a higher origin than
any over which the state has control. You condescend, forsooth,
to acknowledge us bishops in this or the other see in any part of
Ireland, and so might be any travelling prelate from Asia or
America, who might come on a visit to this country. I suppose
your lordship would fain reduce us to the loose and unsettled
state of the parsons of the established church, who are sometimes
shifted to different parts of the kingdom. No, my lord, there is
not in the world a hierarchy more fixed in its position and juris-
diction than that of Ireland, and instead of being, as our enemies
would make us, a troop of ecclesiastical Arabs, ready to light
upon the possessions of our neighbours, each has his defined and
allotted sphere of spiritual jurisdiction, and each can present the
title deed of his see with the grand seal of the successor of the
Prince of the Apostles, to whom Christ gave the keys of the
kingdom of heaven. Do then, abridge, extend, annihilate, at
your good pleasure, any and every portion of the Protestant
prelacy ; follow up next session the example already given,
and take away, if you find them too numerous, ten more lamps
of the churches of the establishment, until the last of them
be totally extinguished. In all this the power of the state must
be fully recognized over the creature of its own hands ; but as
for the Catholic Church, and the spiritual power of its bishops,
allow me respectfully to remind you that it cannot be subjected
to any similar o peration. The hereditary title, at which such
gratuitous umbrage is taken, is entrusted to me as a sacred
deposit, which I would be more culpable in yielding, or in com-
promising, than your lordship would be in alienating the trans-
mitted honors of your house. For centuries before the Protest-
ant religion was heard of, and while the stem of many a lofty
pedigree was yet springing from an humble root, it was borne
by my predecessors, and it is not from any presumptuous reliance
on the power of the world that I predict that the same title will
500
LETTER XCII.
be borne, intact and untarnished, by my successors, when the
laws which strive now to disown it, shall, like their penal and
impotent predecessors, have passed away.
Whence, then, the untenable charge of assumption or usurpa-
tion? It is a novel discovery in law that the first possessor
or his heir is a usurper. Following the plain and obvious
principle of St. Augustin, the Catholics can prove the unin-
terrupted continuity of their faith, by revolving ‘the unin-
terrupted series of their bishops. And of those bishops there is
not one who cannot this day accost any rival claimant in the
same emphatic language, that was addressed by the same apolo-
gist already quoted, who, after refuting the follies of Paganism,
pointed all the force of his vigorous intellect against all who laid
unauthorized pretensions to Christ’s inheritance : “ Who are you?
Whence are you come ? By what right do you fell my wood ?
By what authority do you cross my fountains ? By what
power do you shift my mearings ? Mine is the possession — the
old possession — the first possession. I have a sure footing set
by them who were the original legitimate occupants. I am the
heir of the apostles.”
I cannot dissemble my conviction, that the reason why the
petition did not find favour with your lordship, and many others,
was more on account of its matter than its form. There was
surely no want of respectful phraseology, which never should be
forgotten, especially when addressed to such an assembly. I
am, therefore, inclined to think, that were the petitioners, instead
of complaining of the evils, to applaud the benefits, and solicit
the extension of the system of education, the letter of the law
would have been urged rather than its spirit, and the value of
the material would have amply compensated for the legal defi-
ciency of its form. Now that the system is, thank God, defunct
in my diocese, I mean not, though I have collected a variety of
important facts, illustrative of its spirit, to occupy your lordship
or the public with the detail. Will your lordship believe that a
schoolmaster in this diocese, if I am rightly informed, was fined
five shillings for reciting at twelve o’clock, in conformity with the
pastoral instructions of his ordinary, the “ Angelus Domini,” or
the announcement of those glad tidings of salvation which the
archangel brought to earth from heaven, and threatened with
dismissal should he be guilty of its repetition ? It is unnecessary
to say that the substance of that holy message — the incarnation
of the Divine Word in the chaste womb of the Blessed Virgin,
forms the foundation of the Christian faith. Indulgences have
been annexed by the Pope to its repetition. The guilt of its
recital must, therefore, have been either in the obedience of a
portion of his own flock to the instructions of their ordinary in
a matter of religious instruction, or in the acknowledgment of
LETTER XCII.
501
the power of the Pope to grant such indulgences, or finally in
the opposition of the form of prayer itself to the elements of
Socinianism, which some of the enlightened legislators of the
present day are anxious to mingle in that system of “ common
Christianity,” of which it would mock the powers of man to
determine any specific form. From the unanimous petition of
the numerous clergy of this diocese, faithfully conveying the
feelings and sentiments of half-a-million of people, your lordship
may learn that none hereafter shall again incur the penalty
annexed to the guilt of the above prayer. Could any doubt
have existed in our minds regarding the hostility meditated
against our religion, it would have been dissipated by the recent
proceedings. They have exhausted whatever little remnant of
confidence was yet placed in some individuals, and removed the
thin veil by which they disguised their hereditary and implaca-
ble enmity to our creed. Whatever may be the real or affected
political feuds of Whigs or Tories, like the reconciliation of
Herod and Pilate, they both meet on the common ground of
hatred to the Catholic religion. Look to their conduct towards
England and Ireland. Because they believe it will be fatal to the
faith of the latter, they press a system which they are unwilling
to adopt for the former, lest it should have the same fatal influ-
ence on the religion of the established church. This is the one
object of all their crude and unheard-of experiments in education.
For us we are resolved never to yield to a confederate band of
shallow and infidel sophisters, the faith which persecution could
not wrest from us. The vague phrase of Christianity affords no
security, since errors as impious to the Divinity, and as danger-
ous to morals as those of Paganism or Mahometanism, have in
ancient and modern times found shelter in the profession of the
Christian name.
Many have ere now repeated the just and philosophical
question, put in the reported debate — “ Was it wise, was it pru-
dent to reject on such grounds the petition of so large and
influential a body of men, especially when it violated no law ?”
I trust we shall hear no more of clerical interference in politics,
since the question is come to the defence of our clerical and
spiritual rights and privileges, against political aggression. These
it will be our duty to vindicate, and to their assertion we shall
devote ourselves without fear of refutation. I shall leave the
parsons to express their fears as to the effect it may have on the
truce that was given to the campaign regarding their tithes or
rent charges, or whether it may not hasten the expression of the
feelings of the people, that the boasted extension was only a
temporary shifting of the burden from one shoulder to another.
But, my lord, I must conclude, surrounded as I am by the im-
portunities of numbers in distress : this is a topic more worthy of
502
LETTER XCII.
our joint consideration than a war about the phantoms of names
or titles. Yes, my lord, for, after all, it is only against phantoms
the hostility of our enemies is excited. The more solid property
that once accompanied those formidable titles we do not covet—
and hence, any secret fears that may be entertained by your
lordship on that score will, I trust, be dissipated for ever. With
this sincere announcement, I trust that our next petition in behalf
of the hungry and starving poor will not be treated with the
same insult as that which appealed in behalf of their intellectual
necessities. We have had a meeting and subscriptions for their
relief, as we had before to make permanent provision for their
free and unshackled education. Our efforts have been blessed
with success, and the state of education is at this moment more
flourishing than it has been for a considerable period. No private
funds, however, could be adequate to the mass of wretchedness
that meets the eye in the hordes of poor mendicants, that are
covering the highways, and a still more pitiable distress that is
pining within doors through the shame of exposure. Allow me,
then, to abjure your lordship, as well as the other members of
the government, to turn your attention to the increasing distress
of the large districts of Mayo and Galway, and, without weighing
too scrupulously their religious faith, to consider the claims of
their unimpeachable political fidelity. Let it not be said that the
flock must suffer because the minister may not relish a title
which their pastor is not free, even were he willing, to resign.
The people are now conveying their petitions for physical, as
they have lately done for intellectual, bread, and I trust no penal
obstacles will be suffered io intercept their prayer, and that for
the bread which they look for they will not grieve to have re-
ceived but “ a serpent or a stone.”
I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship’s obedient
servant,
John Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER XCIII.
503
LETTER XCIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
ON THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.
St Jarlath’s, Octave of All Saints,
November 8, 1839.
jp iy bap-bpe^c a co^auc ’f* ip bpiql’A cort)Ai) 5A1) bAojAl.
Tj'& a cIau 5A0 eAp ceApAp mup n-8^ApA]b qAb peAll,
rrmp b-cpuAill)5jb a qp|*eAp a] 5 pnrpo 5 16 jaII,
ai) qqllfe&n a ca a^5 Ia]*a 8 ce^me 5AC Ia,
QjIac p 5 ^obcAp ox) 5-CAppj A|p bpiql ^pe &’a cp^vbAb.
It is amusing to see with what zeal some lords of every shade
of creed and politics are coming forward to denounce the present
agitation about Repeal, whilst in reality they are pushing it
LETTER C.
557
forward. Restlessness is a state of which but few are ambitious ;
and if the people of Ireland were to have a prospect of justice
they would gladly enjoy the blessings of repose. Whatever may
be their destiny, they know that hitherto they have been but
little indebted to the sympathy or the support of Englishmen ;
and whilst they will keep a steady eye on that duty which shall
ever bind them to their beloved sovereign, they will take care to
discard the officious counsels* of those men who, under the guise
of zeal for us, are labouring to promote their own selfish purposes.
I have the honour to be your lordship’s obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER C.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE DESTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. John the Baptist,
June 24 , 1842 .
Sir — It would be criminal to delay any longer to call the
attention of the Prime Minister to the starving condition of a
large portion of her Majesty’s people. I have during the last
month passed over many pressing applications to appeal to the
government in behalf of their suffering subjects unheeded.
Fearing there might be exaggeration in some of the harrowing
details that reached me, but fearing still more to excite hopes
that might not be realized, I was unwilling to add to their misery
the bitterness of disappointment. Plowever, to the cries of
hunger and starvation all such prudential calculations must give
way. The people from almost every district have become the
* Of the officious meddling, rebuked in this letter, the Irish people have had
often just reason to complain. My remarks have been less directed against the
noble lord than against some of his countrymen, who have, much to our injury,
indulged in such intriguing propensities. Lord Clifford is a benevolent and
charitable nobleman, and I have reason to know that he sincerely regrets his
interference in the ecclesiastical affairs of Ireland, into which an utter perversion
of truth on the part of his clients, had betrayed his too kind and confiding dis-
position. His lordship’s virtues I respect; but we cannot suffer English travel-
lers who loiter at Rome, to trade any longer upon the most sacred interests of
religion in Ireland.
558
LETTER C.
heralds of their appalling destitution. Hunger has found organs
for proclaiming its suffering and its power, far more eloquent
than any language could convey. Already have its irresistible
instincts been reducing to practice the theories of learned jurists,
on the community of property, in cases of extreme distress ; and
though there is no friend to social order that must not deplore
that necessity which would break down any of its fences, it is
but justice to the mass of the sufferers to declare, that on the
face of the earth there is not, I am convinced, any other people
who would endure the torments of hunger with such religious
resignation. Such magnanimous patience ought not to be abused.
It is a bad and dangerous practice to habituate men to the idea
of appeasing the cravings of nature by means beyond the laws ;
yet, at this moment, such is the pressure of famine, that those
violations are committed. But what is still worse, if the dire
distress that prompts them is not relieved, others will resort to
the same mischievous practices, without any plea of necessity to
offer in extenuation.
Their sufferings are, alas ! but too manifest. It is not necessary
to be coming at those facts by the slow and solemn process of a
commission of inquiry. Numbers in this very neighbourhood go
to bed without tasting a morsel of food during the entire day,
and some pass the second, doomed to the same experiment. In
this sad statement there is not a word of exaggeration on my
part, nor have I been the dupe of delusion. No, I have made
myself conversant with the details of misery, and though even
a sense of duty would excuse my absence at this season, I have
thought it a more imperative duty to stay at home, even to
encounter all the importunities of distress, and to soothe those
pangs of suffering which it is impossible to appease. There is no
deception. It is not on the awful tale which the tongue may
sometimes frame to deceive that I rest the evidence of this un-
exampled destitution. No, it is on the tottering steps of groups
of creatures returning from the fields where they have been
plucking unwholesome vegetables : their jaundiced and livid
looks bearing testimony to the scanty and poisonous nutri-
ment by which they are necessitated to sustain their wretched
existence.
Amidst this heart-sickening misery the poor are denied the
negative comfort of the poor-houses, notwithstanding that the
public funds have been so profusely expended on their erection.
They are to be opened, it seems, after the pressure of this hard
season shall have passed over. Have the enormous salaries of
the Poor Law Commissioners, with all the accumulated perquisites
of travelling, &c., been also adjourned to the same period ? If
we can rely upon the published accounts of the disbursements,
it seems that some sixty or seventy thousand pounds have been
LETTER C.
559
already expended on those functionaries, and that other subordi-
nate officers are entitled to pay, whilst, in many instances, not
one particle of charitable relief has reached the poor of some
of the most distressed localities. Other bad institutions required
time for their development. The poor-law system is realizing its
unhappy fruits before its full maturity. In those munificent
asylums, which the spirit of the Catholic Church was wont to rear
for the alleviation of human misery, never was it customary to
make the comfort of the masses subsidiary to the interests of some
few individuals. As yet the poor-houses are untenanted, or in
some places where they are inhabited, they have become theatres
of religious dissension. Alas I that a measure cannot be passed
for the relief of the children of misfortune without having
mixed with it the bitter ingredients of religious annoyance !
Who would have thought that it would have entered the heads
of these commissioners to force the consciences of the Catholic
inmates, by striving to make them work on holidays ? Yet such is
said to have taken place — nay, some of them, and men who wore,
when it was fashionable, the uniform of liberality , are said to be
so solicitous for the health of the Catholic youth, that unless they
consented to drink milk on Good Friday, they should practise
the rigid fast of the Catholic Church ! ! No doubt they are
emboldened to proceed in their career of bigotry by the experi-
ments that have been already made by similar bodies on the
religious freedom of the people, and if not met by a seasonable
vigilance, and constitutional resistance to their religious assump-
tions, they would soon revive the worst realities of the charter
schools. It is no wonder, therefore, that many, seeing them
productive of but little physical comfort, and much moral
danger, have come to the resolution of a passive resistance with
regard to the payment of the rate, letting the law take its
course. Indeed, here such a resolution is unnecessary ; for, with
the best dispositions to pay that rate in the coming month of
August, not twenty persons in a district — exhausted with famine
prices of provisions, aggravated with the burdens of usury —
could meet the tax, nor would the amount be sufficient for the
employment of men and horses necessary to carry away the
heavy pledges taken from the peasantry in lieu of payment.
With such rapidly recurring seasons of death and famine, in a
land teeming with exhaustless fertility — with measures totally
opposed in their practical operation to the benevolent preamble
by which they so often impose on the unthinking — can it be a
matter of surprise that the Irish people would constitutionally
exert all the energies with which nature has gifted them, to re-
move such anomalies of perpetual starvation in the midst of
plenty, and of perpetual small and teazing persecution under the
insulting names of enlightenment and liberality? Those who
560
LETTER C.
are continually reproaching our people with their discontent, do
them much wrong, whilst they suppress the cause of this rest-
lessness. Is it just to expect that any people would be content,
who must part with the produce raised by the labour of their
own hands, and often, as just now, experience at the close of the
season, all the horrors of starvation ?
They may be, and are, thank God, almost to a miracle, reli-
giously resigned under their unheard-of privations. That is a
question into which I do not now enter — a question between their
conscience and their faithful pastors — a treasure which they are
enlightened enough to prize before all the animal comfort so
valued by the English people. Still, as a people, constituting
an important portion of the political strength of the empire,
conscious of the vast resources of their country, and of the little
of its choicest produce which is left them to enjoy, they would be
unworthy the name of a free people, were they content to become
annual national mendicants. Why should that which constitutes
the pride of the man become dishonorable to a country ? No
man with a spirit becomes a mendicant until every source of
industry has failed, and until all the honorable means by which
his fortune could be retrieved are exhausted. Why, then, should
Ireland consent to be a stated mendicant on the bounty of Eng-
land, imploringly stretching out her arm to send back some of
the superabundant produce which she imported, if by quiet and
constitutional energy in improving her legislative condition she
can spare herself the degradation of such eleemosynary requisi-
tions ? Behold, then, the unfailing spring of what is flippantly
called the agitation for a domestic legislature. It is one issuing
from the best, and purest, and most virtuous principles of the
human heart — a love of just and most honorable independence,
respectful to the rights of others, and equally jealous of its own,
and which must ever exalt the nation, as well as the individual
by which it is cherished.
Affect, therefore, no surprise at the deep-seated anxiety of the
Irish people for an Irish parliament under the undivided sway of
an imperial crown. In their anomalous condition it would be
more surprising if they did not steadily persevere in asserting
their rights to their only protection against ever-recurring
scarcity, in despite of every discouragement. No honest poli-
tician can wish the country to be doomed to perpetual beggary.
Were it blessed with ten times its present produce, and all the
discoveries of chemistry already applied to agriculture to be ex-
hausted on its cultivation, its only effect would be, by increasing
our exports, to increase the number of our absentees, who, by
coping in luxury with the proud patricians of England, are ren-
dered so needy, that no increase of rents or price of produce can
satisfy their rapacious demands ; and thus, while the dishonest
LETTER Cl.
561
financier would be deducing from the exports of Ireland proofs of
its prosperity, the looker on might, alas ! as at this moment in
many parts of this district, have to weep in silent pity over the
slow, but certain starvation of the people.
The ordinary forms of such applications might require a delay
for an answer before publishing this communication. But the
awful necessity of the case must supersede those ordinary con-
ventional forms. Besides, were I to judge from the cold and
unfeeling manner in which his Excellency answered a pressing
application made to him from Castlebar, I could have but very
little hope of aid from the Irish government.
I must even candidly own that I could not look upon that
answer as an exponent of the policy which her Majesty’s govern-
ment would think it most wise to pursue, in telling a starving
people to wait for the showers and the seasons. The extent of
the distress will not, I trust, render callous that sympathy which,
in individual instances, it is sure to awaken.
I have the honor to be your very obedient servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER Cl.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE UNCANONICAL BEQUESTS BILL.
Dublin, Feast of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin,
J uly 2, 1844.
Sir — I f further proof were wanting of the hostile spirit that
dictates the legislative enactments for Ireland, it would be found
in the treacherous and atrocious bill, entitled, “ An act to provide
for the more effectual application of charitable donations and
bequests in Ireland.” It is treacherous, because the Catholics of
Ireland have been taken by surprise, hoping that, if there should
be any new law on this important subject, it should be in accord-
ance whh Mr. O’Connell’s bill, which has been read, it seems, a
second time, in the House of Commons. It is atrocious, surpass-
ing, in its odious provisions, the worst enactments of penal times,
and developing a maturity of wicked refinement in legislation,
562
LETTER Cl.
which the more clumsy artifices of the anti-Catholic code would,
in vain, attempt to rival. The penal code plundered Catholics of
the accumulated charities of their pious ancestors. This bill
strives to strangle the rising spirit of Catholicity in Ireland.
Why, I may be permitted respectfully to inquire, were not the
Catholic bishops of Ireland consulted on a measure so vitally
affecting the civil and spiritual interests of the people committed
to their care ? Or why were not drafts of the bill forwarded to
them, or to the eminent Irish Catholic lawyers, for their opinion?
Not only courtesy, but a regard for the public interests, dictates
such a course, when there is a question of any material alteration
affecting the rights and interests of any great municipal or com-
mercial bodies. Are the Catholic bishops of Ireland — the most
efficient guardians of the public peace, and the teachers of a pure
morality to eight millions of people — to be overlooked in the
framing of a law that reaches the very consciences of that vast
body ; nay more, to be insulted with a preamble of a bill utterly
at variance with its provisions, since, instead of being an amend-
ment of a bad remnant of the penal code, it becomes a frightful
aggravation of its enactments ?
Fortunately, the publication of the bill, which renders it now
accessible to all, spares me the necessity of any tedious commen-
tary. No, I shall let the world peruse it in the manner that
Protestants recommend the perusal of the Bible, quite assured
that it requires no elaborate construction to come at the conclu-
sion, which, on the consideration of this document, must fill every
religious man with horror, who has any concern for the interests
of his immortal soul. Yet even the preamble, calculated as it is
to mislead, reveals enough of the spirit in which this measure is
conceived, being, forsooth, to enable grants and devises to be
made in trust for Roman Catholic ministers in Ireland. Roman
Catholic ministers in Ireland ! ! What a sapient, and decorous,
and respectful designation of a body of men, the rightful and
hereditary owners of Christ’s imperishable priesthood, having
the uncontested impress of its sacred character in the continuous
and unbroken succession of their order ; and standing forth in
Ireland at the present moment as the most astonishing moral
miracle the world ever witnessed, and proclaiming the impotency
of penal laws and brute enactments, to strip them of the inhe-
ritance of that priesthood, which in vain has been attempted to be
usurped by others.
Roman Catholic ministers ! ! Pray, appropriate that designa-
tion to the officers of the Kirk, or the parsons of the Establish-
ment — the one being the elected ministers of the state, the other
of their congregations ; but do not call the Catholic bi^iops or
priests of Ireland by a name, under which their faithful flocks
could never know them, being imported with thdft alien establish-
LETTER CL
563
ment, with which they have been taught to associate the worst
evils of Ireland ! What a torturing process does this inchoate,
and, I trust, frustrate, enactment resort to, which, instead of
naming, as it should, the Catholic bishops and priests of their
respective dioceses or parishes, resolves that “minister” shall
include all persons in holy orders, and “ district” shall extend to
any ecclesiastical division, according to the laws and discipline of
the Catholic Church ! ! But who are to be the judges of the
canonical qualifications of those new-fangled ministers ? Is it
their canonical superiors who are to attest, as in Mr. O’Connell’s
bill, the authenticity and continuance of their title and claims to
such charitable bequests and devises ? Let the recent melan-
choly cases of the colonies answer the question. Yes ; no matter
what might be the apostacy from the faith — no matter what
might be the scandalous profligacy in morals — a secular and
anti-Catholic tribunal would decide upon the claims of the
“ registered minister ;” and though the authentic instrument of
justly -inflicted canonical censures might be produced, no matter,
it would be a document of which the ministers of British law
could not, forsooth, take cognizance ; and those who, if I am
rightly informed, are now, in defiance of “ the constitution,”
invoking the interference of Rome, to exercise even a temporal
authority, to further their own ends, would be the first to expose
to ridicule, nay, to visit with penal infliction, the assertion of a
legitimate spiritual authority, derived from the same hallowed
source.
I shall not pause to animadvert on the strange effusions of
insolence and folly, to which Lord Beaumont is reported to have
given utterance. Not content with an utter forgetfulness of
what his lordship owed to gratitude and religion, he becomes the
parliamentary proxy of the Apostolic See, and labours under the
load of his delegated responsibility. Poor man ! I fancied that
those strange visitations, to which some of the peers of England
were subject, had long since passed away. It was to be hoped
that the idea of Saxon ascendancy should yield to the conviction,
that it was an Irishman that restored the degraded peer of
Britain to the privilege of insulting the nation of his deliverers ;
nor could it be imagined, that the emancipated slave could so
soon affect the airs of insolent patronage towards those, to whom
he owed such vast obligations. But as his lordship is evidently
uneasy under a burden of gratitude, which he is unwilling to
acknowledge, let me warn him not to attempt to associate the
Head of the Church with his own turbid schemes, nor let him
pretend to the least confidence on the part of the successor of
the apostles. Neither he nor any English junta must any longer
pretend to any influence at Rome, that would hurt the interests
of Ireland ; and, doubtless, his own mind will whisper to his
564
LETTER Cl.
lordship, that were the Apostolic See in want of a confidential
adviser, Lord Beaumont would be the very last that would be
consulted on the spiritual concerns of Ireland, or any other por-
tion of the Catholic Church.
Imagine not to impose on the Catholics of Ireland, by the
insidious proffer of putting some “ discreet and proper person”
on the commission. What those “ discreet and proper persons”
may be, we may learn from the history of every apostate in
religion, as well as politics, who is ever ready, for the patronage
of the court, to barter the best interests of his country and his
faith. Of such “proper and discreet persons,” you might possibly
find a few among the trading politicians of Ireland, and, per-
chance, among the ecclesiastics, too, whose “ propriety and
discretion” would not fail to be secured by the “ seasonable
provision” that, if they were to dissent from the Protestant
commissioners, or to favour any great question involving the
best interests of their country and religion, their further services
would be dispensed with by the crown. Ireland already knows
too well the evil effects of such Machiavelian policy. This game of
delusion must be played no longer, to the injury of the country,
as well as of the Catholic religion. I have spoken to several of
the Catholic bishops of Ireland on the subject of this execrable
bill. Among them there is but one uniform feeling of alarm at
its hateful enactments. Let not my Lord Wharncliffe hope, as
he is reported to have expressed a hope, that the appointment of
certain “ proper and discreet” Catholics would win confidence in
that measure. What ! win confidence for a bill, which outrages
all maxims which the wisest jurists and holiest divines have laid
down as the laws that should regulate property and conscience.
A bill which would go to forbid the restitution of plundered
property, and would consign the death-bed penitent to all the
horrors of despair. A bill which would annul the testamentary
dispositions of the youngest and healthiest disposer of his pro-
perty, if he were seized by death before three months had
elapsed after the perfecting of such an instrument. A bill
which, contrary, to the sacred principles laid down by St. Paul
himself, requires a transfer of testamentary property before
the death of him who bequeaths it ; and, thus, its hatred of
Catholicity pursues man to the other world, and attempts to set
aside the great and sacred maxim of all wills, which the apostle
applied to the great mystery of our redemption, that no will
becomes valid until after the death of the testator.
Protestants, and Protestants alone, should be entrusted with
the management and appropriation of Protestant charities.
Dissenters, and Dissenters alone, should have the management
of their charitable devises. And, by the same rule of equity
and fairness, Catholics should have the exclusive management of
LETTER CII.
565
their charities — all under the salutary influence of the High
Court of Chancery. I must respectfully, then, adjure you, as
you value the interests of justice and of religion, not to pass a
measure so fraught with injustice, and so abhorrent to the feel-
ings of Catholics. Nothing shall ever reconcile us to such a
bin. It is my firm conviction, that no ecclesiastic, possessed of
the least regard for the interests of religion, would ever consent
to become an agent in working a bill of such infernal machinery ;
and, if I could suppose such dereliction of duty to be possible,
that person who should be guilty of it would infallibly earn the
reprobation of all the Catholics of the Christian world.
I hope I have done my duty, in conveying, by this public
address, to the first minister of the crown, my own conviction,
and, I believe, that of all the bishops, clergy, and people of
Ireland, of the evils which would result from such a measure.
Nay, more, I write to as many members of the House of
Commons as the urgency of the time will allow, requiring of
them, in the name of their constituents, of their country, and
of their religion, to arrest a foul measure, which would be as
unworthy of the boasted freedom of the age, as it would be
insulting and injurious to the people of Ireland.
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE SAME BEQUESTS BILL.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, July 24, 1844.
Sir — Through the zeal and kindness of some of the members of
the House of Commons, I have been just favoured with copies
of the “ amended” bill of charitable donations and bequests in
Ireland. That the original bill should have excited the strongest
alarm among the friends of freedom of conscience cannot be a
subject of wonder. It is equally natural that it should have
been welcomed as a boon by those who were jealous of the
566
LETTER CII.
spread of the Catholic religion, and who recognized in the
hideous features of the projected law, a lineal descendant of
the despotic enactments by which it had been preceded. But
that the bill, amended in its present form, should have any
admirers or apologists among the honest and devoted friends
of the Catholic people of Ireland, is impossible, or if some
friendly-disposed persons affect to admire it, it must bespeak
a shallowness of intellect, quite on a level with the shallowness
of the changes, which it has only superficially undergone.
Has one fundamental principle of the obnoxious measure been
altered? Not one. The uncanonical, and, I will add for the
sake of the true liberties of misguided England, as well as of
misgoverned Ireland — the unconstitutional viciousness of that
bill — is, that it hands over the rights, the privileges, the
freedom, and the property in trust of the Catholic church,
and of every gradation of its hierarchy, to the jurisdiction of
a board of control, essentially hostile to the religion of that
hierarchy, and essentially jealous of any, the least accession of
property, by which its charitable institutions would be ex-
tended, and the decency, if not splendour, of its worship of
the Deity maintained. I am not surprised. Lord Wharncliffe
— if we are to credit his lordship’s reporters — reveals the
true principle on which the bad measure is founded. It is as
good a measure, we are informed, as is consistent with the
maintainance of the ascendancy of the Protestant Establishment
in Ireland. Pray what has the ascendancy of the Protestant
Establishment to do in controlling the natural, and civil, and
religious right of every Christian, and every British subject to
dispose of his property, according to the dictates of his free-
will and conscience? — or what claim can that unhallowed as-
cendancy put forward, to set aside the equally natural and
rightful fences, which the dying Christian recognizes in the
trustful pastors of his own faith, for the realization of his
testamentary dispositions ?
It is, alas ! this unjust and unnatural spirit of religious mo-
nopoly, that has so long cramped every effort at generous
legislation for Ireland, and still vitiates all its enactments.
Instead of the first inquiry that should suggest itself to every
legislator, what are the measures accordant with justice and
beneficial to the people ? — the question is, what will be their
influence on the Protestant Establishment ? and thus the in-
terests of a nation are uniformly sacrificed to the monopoly
of a small section of its population. Are you to wonder,
then, at the origin and progress and strength of the Repeal
movement in Ireland ? The ministry is the most powerful
force by which the action of that body is propelled, and it
is to the measures of that ministry its most signal success is
LETTER CII.
567
owing. We were promised an extension of the franchise,
which practically meant its restriction or annihilation. We were
promised a measure for the relief of the poor, which practically
means the appliances of military force in the abortive collection
of an odious impost which the people are unable to pay. A
system of education, called national, is yet so anti-national,
that it is converted into an engine to repress those aspirings
after legislative justice from a national parliament, which no-
thing but that justice can ever effectually subdue. Witness the
war of the Repeal symbol, now so fiercely waging between
the contending parties, that the buttoned urchins of those
government schools will be utterly triumphant, or must share
the fate of the Roman pupils, who were bound by their
heartless pedagogue, and handed over as hostages to the
enemies of their country. I must remark that to wear the
Repeal button, or to study Irish history, there is no interdict
whatever in the schools, which we sanction in this diocese;
and allow me to add, that in the universities of Oxford or
Cambridge, or in any other schools, the children would not
be more ready, than here, to lay down their lives, if neces-
sary, in duty to their beloved sovereign. The national mind
has outgrown the penal bandages, in which its infancy has
been swathed.
Since, then, this series of analogies warrants the supposition
that the practical construction of some parliamentary pre-
ambles is by contraries, it is not a rash inference to deduce
from the title of this “bill for the more effectual application
of charitable bequests,” that in its practical result, it would
be, to a great extent, “for the effectual misapplication” of all
such charities. This is not a hazardous, or an unwarranted
assumption. No, it is borne out by the melancholy evidence
of the past, as well as by the evidence of the transmigration
to our own times of the anti-Catholic spirit which dictated and
fostered our worst enactments. Else, why not adopt Mr.
O’Connell’s bill, and entrust to the Catholic parish priests and
bishops of Ireland, as a corporation of constructive perpetuity,
the bequests, donations, and hereditaments, with which, for the
benefits of their respective parishes and dioceses, the pious bene-
volence of living or dying Catholics may invest them. Were
Catholic ecclesiastics found unfaithful to the trusts reposed in
them, by the pious of former times — had they been less scrupu-
lous and less faithful, they would not have transmitted, for the
benefit of the poor, such ample funds, as to tempt the sacrile-
gious rapacity of the chief agents in the miscalled Reformation.
What, then, but the hereditary hate of the Catholic religion can
be brought as a palliation, for the subjection of an ancient and
apostolic body, who so invariably and uniformly fulfilled their
568
LETTER CII.
trust, to shifting and fluctuating boards, the ephemeral creatures
of a day, or of an administration; and who, forsooth, are to be
relied on, because they are legally a responsible body. We have
had, to the great misfortune of the country, but too much of
inefficient legal, and too little of efficient moral, responsibility.
This is a position well worth the attention of statesmen to
ponder; and if, while they retain the antiquated terms of
intendment , &c., they brought back a little of the spirit of
ancient legislation, too, the country would not be involved in its
present accumulating difficulties.
The Protestant bishops and clergy of England and Ireland
form a legal corporation, enjoying and transmitting to their
successors their rights and privileges. And yet you deny this
right to the Irish people, in favour of an hierarchy, who, while
faithful to them, have never been wanting in fidelity even to the
powers that oppressed them. Nay, this “amended” bill — the
theme of the interested eulogies of hollow statesmen and false
patriots — thus registers its respect for Catholics and their insti-
tutions : —
“Provided always, that every such deed, will, or testament
shall be duly executed three calendar months, at the least, in
order to pass and to give a title to any real estate, before the
death of the person who shall execute or make the same:” —
“ Provided always, that nothing herein contained shall be con-
strued to render lawful any donation, devise, or bequest to, or in
favour of, any religious order, community, or society of the
Church of Pome, bound by monastic or religious vows, pro-
hibited by an act, passed in the tenth year of the reign of
George IV., intituled, ‘An act for the relief of his Majesty’s
Poman Catholic subjects,’ or to, or in favour of, any member or
members thereof.”* So far for the spirit of this bill towards
the monastic orders. Had any still existed, or been suffered to
revive, the country would not be groaning under the weight of
those horrid Bastiles, the poor-houses, which frown as monuments
of Whig legislation, and which must frighten that treacherous
party from looking for the confidence of Ireland.
Now, let the reader see whether, if it is not mitigated towards
the secular clergy, that mitigation be not the effect of a necessity
to which bigotry was forced to yield.
“ And be it enacted, that it shall not be lawful for any such
priest, or person, in holy orders of the Church of Pome, to
alienate, set, or let, or in any manner demise, for any period
whatever, such lands, tenements, or hereditaments, or any part
thereof, or in any manner whatever to charge or encumber the
same, or any property enjoyed by him under this act ; but that
* Section 13.
LETTER CII.
569
all charges and incumbrances upon such lands, tenements, and
hereditaments, or other property, and all conveyances, gifts,
grants, demises, or subdemises of the same, or any part thereof,
made, or to be made by any such priest or person, shall be abso-
lutely void.”*
Had such a clause restricted the progress of agricultural
improvement in olden times, the possessions of the house of
Bedford, and others of the English aristocracy, would not now
have been so valuable. The recent debate in the House of
Lords, on the motion of the Bishop of London, revealed the
lamentable state of ecclesiastical properties in the metropolis,
respecting nuisances which the apostle forbids us to name. The
nature of the tenements with which those properties, especially
in Westminster, were encumbered, filled some few of the mem-
bers with sorrow, while it drew forth, it is said, at the expense of
the Protestant Establishment, which it is sought to exalt by this
bill, the convulsive merriment of the major part of the assembly.
In Ireland, the land of periodical famine, ecclesiastical fortunes
have been heaped on each other, to such an unchristian and
scandalous amount, that any minister, anxious for the prosperity
of the country, should have long since let loose, for the common
weal, those hideous monopolies, which the Establishment has
detained in injustice, and of which the ruinous condition of
the towns which they oppress, bear sad attestation. Nay, on
a late occasion, the auction programme of a dignitary of this
Establishment exhibited such rare and curious specimens of
foreign animals, as might, in their description, give employment
to the genius of Cuvier himself. No change is to be effected in
the London ecclesiastical property, of which the effects are
deplored by the grave, laughed at by the profane, and attested
by all. The parsons of the Irish Establishment may transmit
those hereditaments, so fruitful in exotic animals, that they
would be an accession to the menagerie of Dublin, and, no
doubt, illustrate some of the zoological lectures, with which the
Protestant archbishop occasionally seasons his orthodox addresses
to the disciples of his own schools. Yet, while the ample funds
of Catholic testators of past times are thus squandered, without
scruple on the one hand, or complaint or correction on the other,
the incipient bequests of real property, which Catholics, just
emerging from poverty and persecution, are enabled to make,
are to be clogged with such penal conditions, that their value
must remain stationary for want of a tenure to stimulate industry,
and their occupant must not have the franchise which the tenant
of every other property may enjoy.
Yet this is the measure which Lord Normanby and others hail
2 o
* Section 14.
570
LETTER CII.
as a boon to the people of Ireland ! ! A boon, indeed ! The
Catholics of Ireland would be unworthy of the important position
which they occupy, by their numbers, their industry, their pro-
perty, and their intelligence, if they were not to repudiate, from
whatever quarter, such an officious and unauthorized sponsor of
their sentiments. In the scale of a nation’s feelings and convic-
tions, such light and fluttering opinions are scarcely a feather’s
weight, for they are sure to move in the direction of the political
breeze of the moment.
Is not the bill, in its amended shape, infected with much of its
original viciousness, requiring three months before death for the
validity of testamentary deeds bequeathing landed property ?
Thus the most important period of a man’s life — the short
interval that may be left him, to atone for his past injustices —
is attempted to be snatched from the mercies of the Almighty,
by a penal despotism, which inexorably forbids reparation,
plunging its tortured victim into all the agony of despair. Yet
this is called a boon ! Nothing but a deadly hate of the holy
influences of the Catholic religion could inspire a clause, which
thus deprives a dying man, guilty of injustice, of the ordinary
condition of pardon. This is manifest from the comparison
between the proportion of Catholic and Protestant charities
within the last year. In favour of the Catholics, it was nearly
in the proportion of four to one ; and as, no doubt, many of
those bequests were the fruit of dispositions, having reference
to the awful considerations of judgment and eternity, the be-
nevolence (!) of the law attempts to interpose, to secure to the
living, perhaps, some ill-gotten goods, at the peril of the sal-
vation of him, by whose frauds and injustices a portion of the
property may have been put together. It is a frequent and
malignant charge made against Catholic priests, that they
dispense pardon for sins, without reference to the disposition
of the penitent ; and yet if they require, at the approach
of death, the condition founded on reason, and laid down by
St. Augustine, that, “ unless restitution be made, the sin is not
remitted” — thus guarding the penitent against a fatal delusion
— they must be accused of troubling the repose of the infirm
with vain and superstitious terrors. No doubt, it is the alarm
felt at this disproportion between Catholic and Protestant
charities, that has suggested this execrable bill, for the purpose
of staying the current of a benevolence, as useful to .society in
alleviating the misfortunes of the forlorn, as it is conformable to
religion and to the inspired writings, in expiating, by alms’
deeds, the sins of the benefactors. However, the Establishment
should feel no jealousy on this account, practised, as it has
been, in a shorter and more summary way of acquiring such
possessions. Of the ancient Catholic Church, the only portion
LETTER CII.
571
that appeared sacred in its eyes was its gold. Its penances,
and its purgatories, and its masses, were thrown aside as the
stubble. The parsons, therefore, very astutely appropriated the
one, and relieved themselves from the other, thus revelling at
ease in all the benefits of the sacred property, and throwing upon
the priests the heavy burden of all of what they called its super-
stitious obligations.
Though I have read the amended bill with some attention, I
must confess I sought in vain for any valuable improvement,
such it seems as to have cast some of the Liberal peers into
ecstacy. The offensive word, “minister,” is, it seems, set aside,
and the bill recognizes the clergy as “ priests” of the Catholic
Church. There is something even in an approach, however
tardy and reluctant, to the language of truth and urbanity
towards the Catholic clergy, which was in vain to be looked for
in the detestable enactments of former times. Beyond this
philological improvement, with which it were to be wished some
“ arbiter eleg antiarum ’ ’ had more profusely seasoned legal docu-
ments, for the sake of the legislators themselves, I find nothing
in the amended bill deserving of any commendation.
But there is another, it appears, far more valuable modifica-
tion : it is the accession of five “ discreet and proper Catholics”
to the commission ! 1 ! It is this insidious, and, I will add,
insolent, modification against which I beg most solemnly to
protest, not only in my own name, but in the name of the
insulted rights, and privileges, and liberties of the Catholic
Church, which no member of its sacred hierarchy is free to
surrender. Is not Lord Beaumont called a Catholic ? What a
precious commissioner his lordship would make, in deciding the
rights of the clergy and the poor to testamentary property ! !
They would as soon have the Dey of Algiers on the commission.
How many such “ discreet and proper Catholics” would not her
Majesty’s minister find this moment in Ireland, who, with the
pliancy of Sir Lucas Dillon, of former days, would not fail to
find for the crown, or the majority of Protestant commissioners,
against the legitimate claimants, and who, like him, would
deserve to be “ extraordinarily well dealt withal,” by giving
them a reversionary interest in the ample possessions which, so
“ properly and discreetly,” they might consent to alienate ?
Not one Catholic in Ireland, lay or clerical, would, for a mo-
ment, enjoy the confidence of the Catholic body, who would
consent to become a member of a board so ingeniously adapted
to all the purposes of religious annoyance and persecution ; and
I care not who or what he might be, I should look upon every
such person as a traitor to the sacred interests of the Catholic
religion.
If the public weal be the object, as it ever should be the
572
LETTER CII.
object, of legislation, instead of having the Catholics in a
minority, while the amount of Catholic charities for the last
year was four times that of Protestant bequests, why not leave
the one and the other to the management and control of the
pastors of their respective creeds? It is not sought to elude
legal vigilance and responsibility ; on the contrary, it is courted.
Let the Protestant bishops and clergy manage their charities,
under the sanction and control of the legislature. Let the
parish priests of Ireland be incorporated for the same purposes,
under the same legislative control. If it should be deemed too
great a trust to vest in the parish priest, you can enlarge it to
diocesan trust, under the Catholic bishop of the diocese and his
clergy. If that still should seem too narrow a basis, you can
widen it to the boundaries of each ecclesiastical province, con-
stituting the bishops of the province, with a portion of the
parochial clergy, a corporate body for the management of their
respective charities. You can thus so extend its foundations, as
to secure the most rigid and conscientious exactness in the
application of the funds, and preclude all objections on the
score of sufficient responsibility. Are the funds of the College
of Maynooth mismanaged, or not properly accounted for ? The
only charge preferred against their management has been an
economy, which many have pronounced sordid, and to which
they scruple not to assert, the decencies of that establishment
have been frequently sacrificed. At all events, the strict inte-
grity of its trustees, mostly Catholic bishops, and of the bursars
of the establishment, stands unimpeached.
The fatal error of your policy, as well as that of the Whigs,
your predecessors in office, is a continual effort to encroach
upon the essential and inalienable rights and jurisdiction of the
bishops and clergy, in order to subject them to political combina-
tions of motley influences, which it would be a dereliction of
duty to recognize. This you have attempted, and are, no
doubt, meditating, on a more enlarged scale in your enlarged
schemes of education. Allow me, however, to inform you in
time — especially as your recent speech has given us a glimpse of
your contemplated policy, regarding academic education — that
nothing but separate grants for separate education will ever give
satisfaction to the Catholics of Ireland, and that whatever certain
individuals may report to the contrary, the prejudices against
your government scheme, called national, are justly deepening,
instead of passing away.
Nay, it is turned by bigoted patrons and other functionaries
into an engine of dire persecution. Having revealed enough of
your contemplated measures, to test the public feeling, 1 am
anxious to apprise you beforehand, that you miscalculate much,
if you imagine that we shall ever suffer the education of the
LETTER CII.
573
people of Ireland to be planned or conducted by those who
seem to have taken upon themselves the exclusive office of the
directors of the national mind, and to whom — so well have they
yet accorded with your views — you seem anxious to entrust the
guidance of the youth of Ireland, and the laws and regulations
by which its academies, colleges, and universities are to be
governed. Before the next session of parliament we will have
petitions, with thousands of signatures, praying for a share of
the public funds for our people, in proportion to their numbers,
and their services to the state. We shall also petition for the
erection and endowment of Catholic provincial colleges, as well
as diocesan seminaries. It will be well to meet our just wishes,
for an average of two thousand pounds a week to the Repeal
Association shows the mighty resources of a people resolved to
be free. The yearly amount would throw into the shade your
increased grant for education. If the present contemplated bill
for a Board of Charitable Bequests, exceeding in anti-Catholic
spirit all its predecessors, be persevered in, after those solemn,
urgent, and repeated remonstrances, in the name of numbers of
the hierarchy and people of Ireland, it will meet with that
distrust and execration which it well deserves. There is no
pressing exigency for immediate legislation on the subject. On
so vital a measure the country should not be taken by surprise.
Spare, then, I implore of you, the faithful members, who are
ready to contest every inch of ground, by resorting to all the
forms of delay, the necessity of fatiguing a weary senate by
such necessary expedients for the safety of their country, and
adjourn the consideration of the bill to the next session, when
the collected deliberations of all classes of the clergy and people
of Ireland will enable the minister to form a more correct
estimate of the nature of the law which would best promote the
interests of religion and of the state, and be most in accordance
with the paramount rights and duties involved in the legislative
measure.
I have the honour to be your very obedient servant,
^ John, Archbishop of Tuam,
574
LETTER C11I.
LETTER CIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE BEQUESTS ACT.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, August 12, 1844.
Sir — Amidst all the fatigues and anxieties of office, you must,
doubtless, be cheered by the retrospect of the recent victories
which your policy has achieved in the House of Commons. Not
only have you subdued the mutinous members who, on the sugar
question, presumed to dispute your supremacy, thus reducing
them to a worse slavery than that of the Indians, for whose lot
they affected such hollow commisseration, but you have been also
so successful in taming the fiery patriotism of the Celtic Whigs
as to make them put on with the utmost equanimity the igno-
minious yoke of the Saxon Tories. By what magic can a minister
evoke such power as to overcome those formidable difficulties, it
would be beyond the range of my present object to inquire. I
know not whether there are any such romantic believers in the
mere influence of unassisted oratory as to ascribe your success to
your rhetorical powers of persuasion. Some think Pitt is the
great idol of your political idolatry. Others fancy they can
trace a nearer resemblance in yours to the policy pursued by
Walpole. But be the prototype what it may, it is certain that with
all the dexterous distribution of the treasures of the state, which
they so profusely squandered among their retainers, they could
never rival you in the winning ways in which you can make
converts, and rule an obsequious senate.
Never was the observation better verified, that “ no one can
serve two masters, 5 ’ than in the universal execration which the
Irish members have earned and called forth on this occasion.
They may have risen in ministerial favour, but they have pro-
portionably sunk in the estimation of the people. They were
sent to sustain, and not to sell, their interests. In provoking the
vengeance of ruthless landlords, by the exercise of their franchise,
to which devotion many of the once comfortable farmers of
Ireland have become victims and outcasts upon the world, they
fancied at least they should have the consolation of returning
Catholics to parliament who would watch over their interests and
protect their religion. They never dreamt that whilst voting
they were to be doomed to the two-fold misfortune of being
LETTER (Jill.
575
driven themselves from their houses, and betrayed by their false
representatives. Yet, such are now the bitter reflections of
thousands of the honest freeholders of Ireland in witnessing the
recent apostacy of the Irish members. Their conduct admits
of no palliation. At the tail of the session, verifying the ancient
proverb of being fraught with poison, a measure clearly and in-
contestibly bearing on the face of it evidence of hatred to the
Catholic religion, is introduced into parliament, and, instead of
meeting with opposition from the professing Catholics of the
house, is hailed as a boon conferred on the Catholics of Ireland !
They might have delivered their own individual opinions, and
poured forth their gratitude for the showers of ministerial
patronage for which they thirsted ; but they had no right to
misrepresent and insult the Catholic people. No time was allowed
for petition or remonstrance ; but even during the brief interval
in which the bill was hastily precipitated through the house,
there was more than sufficient of the public feeling manifested
to convince them, if they were not deaf and blind, that the bill
was universally execrated. Numbers of the Catholic clergy and
people petitioned against it. Many of the Catholic bishops from
the provinces, some in union with their clergy, and others as-
sembled in synod, sent forth in explicit terms their remonstrances
and their reasons against this atrocious bill. The Repeal Associ-
tion, the best and most unequivocal organ of the feelings of the
Irish people, denounced it. The public journals that reflect
faithfully the national mind were equally unsparing of their con-
demnation of this penal measure. The son of the great and
revered individual who is now paying the forfeit of loving his
country and his faith too well, found it necessary in defence of
his father’s insulted honour, whose name was attempted to be
treacherously mixed up with this odious transaction, to come
forward and repel the idea of any, even a constructive identifica-
tion, with a bill of which the accursed object is, to rivet again
the fetters which he was so successful in breaking. Thus,
through every channel from which the feelings of the people
usually find vent, was poured indignant condemnation of the
measure, and yet the recreant members for Ireland, it is unne-
cessary to point out the exceptions, persevere to welcome as a
boon a bill so universally stigmatized. Amidst the numbers of
bishops and priests who opposed it, not a solitary voice was raised
in its favour. Let it not be insinuated that any half or qualified
consent, such as might be construed into an index of political
coquetry, was whispered from any quarter. The insinuation on
which some members rest as an apology must be a downright
calumny. The Irish bishops are not, thank God! so timid or
time-serving as to suppress their opinions upon any great public
question vitally affecting the interests of their religion. This was
576
LETTER CIII.
one ; and so manifestly unreasonable, irreligious, and persecuting
were the provisions of that enactment, that not one member of
the house, however disposed to trifle with episcopal authority,
would venture to affirm that it had the suffrage of even one
solitary bishop in its favour.
Never was the loss or absence of the Liberator of Ireland more
felt or to be lamented than on this unfortunate occasion. It was
a master-stroke of a terrible policy to strike first their great
political pastor, in order by the easy seduction of their other
more pliant representatives, to prostrate once more the civil and
religious liberties of the people. Had the ever-faithful and
watchful sentinel of Ireland been suffered to be at his post, you
would not have attempted, or would have attempted in vain, to
bribe the venal, and then bind in shackles the Catholic Church.
His seasonable letters would have conveyed lessons of awful
warning to the Catholic people. The tones of his indignant de-
nunciation would have rolled dismay along the benches of the
treasury, and checked the terrified minister from profanely
handling the sacred ark of our religion. His glance would have
rebuked into sullen duty the disposition to desertion, which often
before appeared among his own unfaithful troops. Time, which
at last does justice to all, is, even during his life-time, throwing
light upon his policy ; and when we consider the nature of the
instruments with which he had to work, we must wonder, not
that he was unable to effect much good, but that he was endued
with sufficient power to resist the course of evil legislation, into
which his political allies must have been perpetually dragging
him. And yet, heedless as they were of episcopal remonstrance
against this execrable bill, those Catholic members were most
anxious for episcopal aid in working out its provisions ! True,
the bishops might not understand it ; but though they could not
understand it in principle, they were for that very reason the
more fitting instruments to work it in practice. These gentle-
men are wise in their generation. It was not convenient to
attend to the remonstrances of the bishops in the debate, for
they well knew if attended to, the bill would have never passed
into law. But it was more convenient to share with bishops the
odium and the disgrace of working it, and to set up two or three
episcopal targets to intercept the execration which was sure to
fall upon the practical agents of so anti-religious a measure.
We were told until the repetition tired, that the board could not
give satisfaction, if it only consisted of laymen. Did it then
follow as a matter of course that it would give satisfaction, if
managed by crown-created episcopal commissioners ? As Catho-
lics, they should know that the objection against the one held
equally against the others, and that bishops cannot, more than
laymen, derive from the crown or parliament any power or com-
LETTER CIII.
577
mission to manage and reduce to practice a law that strikes at
the root of the holiest principles of our faith, that blights with
its deadly poison the goodliest fruits which religion ever pro-
duced, and aims at producing schism, anarchy, and disorder in
the church of God.
These are the three positions to which I shall confine my present
letter. Why, it may be asked, introduce and persist in retaining
the damning clause of invalidating the will of an unjust spoliator,
should he not be fortunate enough to “ redeem his soul by alms,”
by disposing of his landed property three months before his
decease ? Let not the abettors of this bill affect to be shocked
at the epithet with which it is qualified. In the hands of God
alone is left the lot and j udgment of all his creatures ; but as he
has revealed to us that a reparation of injuries, the restitution of
ill-gotten property, and the liberal distribution of alms-deeds are,
in the dispensations of His mercy, among the most ordinary
channels of conveying the graces of pardon, I will calmly inquire
of the reader, who is it that is most disposed to trench upon
the prerogatives of the Almighty, and the strict right of all his
sinful creatures, he who would dry up, or he who would leave
untouched, those channels of mercy ? Hitherto they were sacred ;
some of the poor of Ireland have been refreshed with the bounty
of those channels. It is to be hoped that like the alms-deeds of
Cornelius, those benefactions were the means of drawing down on
their donors the grace of pardon and salvation. And yet the
heartless framers of this clause, expect that Catholic bishops will
become parties in closing the doors of comfort against the poor,
and of salvation against the wealthy. Perhaps you are not
aware of the strange expedients to which vanity prompts
numbers, in order to purchase property. To acquire what is
called a political position, or parliamentary influence in a county,
some scruple not to raise moneys, and plunge themselves into
embarrassments, in order to purchase an estate. If, in such cases,
debts should have accumulated, — if there were left no personal
or chattel property to meet these obvious claims of justice ; and
if besides — as often happens — there were no near or immediate
kinsman to whom injustice could appear to have been done, what
must be thought of the horrid cruelty of a law which would forbid
a poor sinner, in such circumstances, from disposing of his property
at his death in a manner which would fructify in the blessings of
charity or education ? Think you that bishops will be found to
put a seal on the insulting calumny, that the death-bed of the
wealthy is too often besieged by sinister influence ? It may be
useful to inform you that the reverse is often the case, that the
ministering priest is the best friend of the broken-hearted widow
and the orphan, and whilst he exhorts the heirless wealthy to aid
the institutions raised for the fatherless, there arc found number-
578
LETTER CIII,
less instances where the pious and considerate clergyman is the
protector of the claims of the children and other kinsmen.
After thus striving to sever the religious links that bind God
and his creatures at the awful moment of death, it naturally
enough pursues those religious orders which have sprung from
the holy influence of those doctrines. And think you that the
bishops will subscribe to the unchristian policy first conceived by
a Portuguese minister, that dooms to annihilation some of the
noblest orders that ever flourished in the Catholic church ? Is
it thus you deal with the best promoters of public instruction ?
Are you really an advocate for free and enlightened education,
or is the profession of zeal for it only a mask to hide the minis-
terial despotism which aims at the subjugation of the mind and
intellect of the people ? I well recollect the parliamentary de-
positions of Mr. Anthony Blake regarding the religious orders.
The perfection of every character requires consistency, and, as
he would be no doubt a fit instrument to manage the new board,
he could not be forced to encourage those orders, of the value of
which he had given such creditable testimony. Besides, as you
have taken the National Board under your protection, it must
have no rival. The board is yet supported by a grant out of
the consolidated fund, until, like the military barracks or the
pauper Bastiles, the country is covered with the government
schools, where it is sought that no national sentiment should be
lisped, no national feeling cherished, and no national emblem worn.
By-and-by John Bull will begin to growl at the abstraction out
of his pocket of such an enormous amount of the consolidated
fund, and then to appease him the grant must be raised in the
shape of a county cess from a ground-down tenantry. Such
shall be the bitter fruits to the Irish people of your gratuitous
education ! ! These are not conjectures : the written plans of
some of those embryo ministers of public instruction are now
before me. They have been already realized in the plans by
which the constabulary of the country are supported. The
soldiers were paid out of the consolidated fund ; but when John
Bull protested against paying for the troops, the peasantry have
been oppressed with the payment of half the tax which came
before out of the imperial revenue.
To feed the poor with the spontaneous fruit of charity never
would have done without a mercenary staff of gentlemen paupers
to annex to the concern, and to enforce taxes for their relief. To
rear edifices for public instruction, and to endow them with the
spontaneous benefactions of the pious and the wealthy, would
not have answered the purposes of those who are aiming at
creating in Ireland the educational despotism that is crumbling
in France. Hence no religious orders are to be tolerated. Hence
no pious bequests, or charitable donations to sustain them. AY ere
LETTER C11I.
579
they suffered to rear their heads in the country, and were they
to receive any support from legalized charities, the National Board
and its schools would become nuisances ; and all the employment
of its ministerial and mercenary agents would be for ever gone.
Therefore, the best instructors that ever reared and matured
the mind of a nation must be proscribed with penalties ; and the
sons of Ignatius, who have left no science unexplored, and no
field of literature uncultivated, whose zeal has travelled through
every clime, and to whose healing benevolence no human woe
has been a stranger, must be sacrificed to a ruthless, penal, and
inexorable law, which blows its pestiferous breath over the fairest
fruit that ever gladdened the Christian vineyard. Think you
that bishops can be parties to the diffusion of such a pestilence,
or that the Roman Pontiff could relish such a particiption in the
proscription of one of the best of the religious orders ?
But the more frightful, and daring, and revolutionary, portion
of the bill is yet to be noticed and execrated. Those crown
commissioners, no matter whether laymen or bishops, are to
adjudicate by their signatures on rights, privileges, liberties, and
duties, on which they have no more right to adjudicate than the
Emperor of Morocco. Think you that any bishops will, at the
bidding of the crown, undertake thus to usurp the rights of
their brethren, and of the Roman Pontiff? The bishop alone,
under the Pope, has the necessary and inalienable right to adju-
dicate who may be the legitimate pastors and dignitaries in his
diocese ; the Pope alone, who are the bishops and archbishops ;
and to attempt a decision on these points, without the consent of
the parties, would be an encroachment on their authority, and a
subversion of the essential discipline of the Catholic Church. It
is not difficult to imagine (other fresh instances, not yet alluded
to have occurred in the colonies) that the bishop would defend
the rights of the canonical pastor, and that some contumacious
pretender would appeal to the crown or the board of commis-
sioners. What would such an appeal be but the bringing of a
case from the sole, rightful judge to an uncanonical tribunal ? If
it should be urged by the Catholic slaves, who love the measure
for its patronage, that such a collision of judgment between the
episcopal commissioners and the ordinary, would not be probable,
and, therefore, should not be feared ; the answer is, the interests
of the Catholic Church do not depend on the contingencies of
personal feelings. What is wrong in principle must be wrong in
practice. To him, certainly, the volume of history would be like
an old almanac, who would not pronounce with certainty that
many such collisions would soon take place, and shake the repose
of the Catholic Church to its centre. Think you that bishops
will be found to lend their aid to such a schismatical concern ?
The principle is wrong, essentially wrong, and no one can advo-
580
LETTER CIV.
cate a false doctrine in theory that is not prepared, if beset with
temptation, to carry it out to the most pernicious consequences to
which such a false doctrine can lead.
Haying thus disposed of those principles of the bill, its inter-
ference with the practical freedom of the most salutary doctrines
of the Catholic church, next its blighting influence on religious
education and morality — the fruits of those doctrines — and,
finally, its tendency to schism and anarchy in the Church, I must
adjourn some further considerations, illustrative of the bad spirit
in which it originated, and the incalculable mischief of which any
Catholic sanction of it would be productive.
I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,
* John, Archbishop of Tuam,
LETTER CIV.
TO THE VERY REVEREND AND REVEREND THE CLERGY AND
EAITHFUL OF THE ARCHDIOCESE OF TUAM.
ON THE BEQUESTS ACT.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, First Sunday in Advent, 1844.
Venerable and Dearly Beloved Brethren — Appointed by
Divine Providence, and the favour of the Holy See, to rule,*
under the Supreme Pastor of the Church, this portion of his
fold ; and impressed with the severe account we must give of our
stewardship, so awfully set forth in the liturgy of this day,f we
beg to turn your attention to the imminent danger in which our
holy faith is involved, from the open and unblushing assaults
that are now made on its sacred discipline. Its discipline is one
of the most sacred fences by which the faith of the Catholic
Church is guarded and secured. When any serious inroads are
made on the one, the other suffers, and is often eventually de-
stroyed. When a false step is once taken, the descent is easy
and natural one abyss leads to another, and it is God alone
that can arrest the body rushing downwards in its fatal career.
You are not, beloved brethren, strangers to the various at-
tempts that have been successively made to introduce ruinous
changes into the discipline of our Holy Church, and to bring its
pastors under the unhallowed control of the ruling minister of
* Acts, xx, 28.
f Luke, xxi.
t Psalm xli.
LETTER CIV.
581
the day. The change was once proposed in the form of a Veto,
to be given to the crown in the nomination of our bishops ;
another time, in the insidious offers of pensioning our clergy,
under the hypocritical pretence of relieving, as was pretended in
the case of the poor laws, the necessitous from the burden of
their support ; and now, under the treacherous guise of a Chari-
table Bequests Bill, a similar, but more dangerous inroad, is
attempted to be made on our holy discipline. Each and every
one of those projects had clamorous advocates among some pro-
fessing Catholics, members of the Catholic Church in name, but
who, for the base patronage of the ruling powers, were ready to
surrender the most sacred rights of their Church into the hands
of their enemies. Nay, such was the importunity of that noisy
and unprincipled class, and so plausible and flattering were the
professions of the courtiers of the day, that some of the vene-
rable prelates of the Church, fond of quiet, too confiding in
others, and unable to cope with wily and unprincipled diplo-
matists, were lured into a temporary support of some of the
same measures — a fatal mistake which they afterwards sincerely
confessed and deplored.
Of all the insidious schemes that have been yet proposed to
change the discipline of the Catholic Church, to corrupt its pas-
tors, to alienate from them the affections of their beloved flocks,
and thus to subdue that Church which ages of persecution could
not conquer, none has been framed with a more elaborate inge-
nuity than that of the Charitable Bequests Bill, and none of the
other schemes has ever called forth so promptly such an array
of Catholic authority to seal its condemnation. Though stealthily
introduced, and hastily forced through the parliament, it met
prompt opposition from the people and clergy. After passing
into law, it was forcibly and numerously protested against by all
classes of the hierarchy. Two of the archbishops petitioned
against the bill, and more than half the other prelates of Ireland,
with about a thousand of the clergy from different parts of the
kingdom, have expressed their decided, unyielding, and perse-
vering opposition to this iniquitous penal law in a variety of
forms.
You may judge, then, of the continuous and deadly assaults
which the Catholic Church is destined to sustain, when, notwith-
standing such a host of opponents to this execrable bill, a rumour
has been industriously set forth, that some professing Catholics
— nay, that some of the Catholic prelates, are ready to become
commissioners to carry such a law into execution ! This must be
a gross calumny on the members of that body ; nor should we on
this occasion allude to this report, if this were a measure in
which any lay Catholic or any prelate, according to the dictates
of his conscience, could do so without invading the rights, usurp-
582
LETTER CIV.
ing the authority, and encroaching on the essential and aposto-
lical jurisdiction of every Catholic bishop in Ireland.
We will not dwell with any lengthened detail on the several
enactments of this law ; suffice it to say, that its penal tendency
and anti-Catholic provisions have been set forth by one whose
zeal for his religion, and whose legal knowledge, are equally
beyond our praise ; and that so slight are the alterations which
this cursed bill underwent in passing into a law, that the strongest
objections urged against the bill remain in their full force. Not-
withstanding the manifest desire and interest of the government
to give to this penal law a more popular complexion, no lawyer
of name has ventured to combat the opinions given by Mr.
O’Connell to the venerable Bishop of Meath, the faithful guardian
of the sacred trusts that have been confided to him, on the
enormous and gigantic hold which this law gives through an ob-
sequious and dependent board, to an anti-Catholic government,
on all Catholic trusts for pious uses not as yet decided by a decree
in chancery.
This law transfers, or rather labours to transfer, to a board
dependent on the government, the power of adjudicating on who
is parish priest of such a parish, bishop of such a diocese, ques-
tions sometimes involving such a train of canon law, that it is
only the bishops, with regard to their own respective sees, and
the Pope with regard to all, that can finally decide them. Surely
the rumours cannot be true, that any bishops would undertake
an office so intrusive and usurping, especially in defiance of the
solemn and repeated remonstrances of so many of their brethren.
This law restricts every Catholic in this diocese from be-
queathing at his death-bed so much as one acre of land for any
pious or charitable purpose. There is not a Catholic in this
diocese who could not bequeath his whole estate, if not affected
by deeds or settlements, for any purpose, however profligate, or
profane, or impious, so little is the natural right of disposing of
property interfered with by the civil law ; it is only to intercept
charities towards the advancement of religion, as in his case,
it interferes. You will not, dearly beloved brethren, easily credit
the rumour that any Catholics, much less Catholic bishops, would
become parties to such an odious distinction regarding property,
which aims at the destruction of religion.
Finally, it follows up, with a persecuting consistency, the
odious enactment framed in the Emancipation Bill against the
religious orders, and renders null and void all bequests and
legacies made by the dying Catholic for some of those institu-
tions that have contributed much to support and adorn the
Catholic Church. We cannot credit the rumour that any Ca-
tholics, much less prelates, would lend themselves to the perse-
cution of the religious orders, and become, in the hands of their
LETTER CIV.
583
enemies, the legal executioners of their unjustly proscribed
brethren.
But we will not pursue with fatiguing minuteness, the odious
particulars of this penal law, satisfied that, however odious and
cruel, it would, like its abortive predecessors, become utterly
harmless, on account of the public hatred, if it were not for the
unnatural machinery by which it is attempted to bring it into
operation. Yes, our enemies wish to make a reality of the dis-
graceful proverb so expressive of the readiness with which Irish
Catholics assist in the ruin of each other. The worst feature,
then, in this horrid law, compared to which its special enactments
are innocuous, is the construction of the board itself — bad in
principle as the former board, but framed so as to disguise in
part its destructive operation. Yes, it is the association of Ca-
tholics — nay, perhaps, of Catholic bishops, with the old and
inveterate enemies of our faith, detached from their brethren,
and acting against the interests of their religion ; dependent on
the crown, fearful of its displeasure, and fawning on its caresses ;
hearing the language of their new companions, and adopting,
with the zeal of proselytes, many of their perverse opinions ;
forming, in short, a new and anomalous connexion in alliance
with those influences that have been ever exercised for the de-
struction of the Catholic religion in Ireland. Oh, this is the
frightful and humiliating part of this law — dividing a body which,
were it not for the acid of the court, would have remained
united ; and exhibiting that hierarchy, once a goodly spectacle,
which was “ beautiful as the tents of Israel, and terrible as an
army in battle array,”* now about becoming disjointed, weak,
and deformed — an object of sorrow to the faithful, but of tri-
umphant derision and scorn to the inveterate foes of Catholic
Ireland ! ! But no, in despite of court intrigue, the Catholic
Church in Ireland will be united and triumphant.
We feel it our duty, dearly beloved brethren, in this hour of
darkness, of peril, and dismay, to raise our voice with all the
energy which the nature of the crisis requires, and to send forth
our warning to our beloved flocks, to arm themselves with vigi-
lance and fortitude, and to combat with success this fresh enemy
of their religion. Times of difficulty require more than ordinary
courage — times of seduction an unslumbering vigilance. Not
only is the wolf abroad,! but he is abroad in sheep’s clothing.
Oh, yes, as in France previous to the Revolution, a host of infi-
dels — some flushed with fresh enthusiasm, and some hoary in
practical indifference for religion — is threatened to be let loose
upon the country in the shape of collegiate instructors, mocking
the most venerated institutions, and setting up the vagaries of
* Canticles, vi, 9.
f St. Matthew, vii, 15.
584
LETTER CIV.
their own shallow intellects as the idols of their adoration ; and
it is at a moment like this, when all the champions of faith, mora-
lity, and science, should be banded together to avert the same
horrors that followed in the train of the licentious literature of
France, you are called on to confide in a law conceived in the
spirit of persecution, annihiltaing the orders of the Jesuits, the
most faithful auxiliaries of faith and morality, as well as of lite-
rary and scientific education, the bishops ever had, in order that
impiety should run its unchecked career ; and yet bishops are
expected to be active agents in this league against religion and
social order ! “The abomination of desolation”* is not yet in
the “ holy place.”
These calamities we are called on by the nature of our holy
office to labour to avert, mindful of the words of the prophet : “if
the watchman see the sword coming, and sound not the trumpet,
and the people look not to themselves, and the sword come and
cut off a soul from among them, he indeed is taken away in his
iniquity, but I will require his blood at the hand of the watch-
man.”! This law is a calamity which, worse than sword or
famine, would bring a blight upon the land, by controlling the
living energy and freedom of the Catholic Church, which never
can be cramped in its benevolent activity, without social misery
and national wretchedness, as well as a languor of the moral
virtues, following as a disastrous consequence.
It is certainly painful to reflect, that while the people are
peacefully asking for bread, the legislature should give them a
stone ; and that, instead of a relaxation of the odious remnant
of the penal laws, the reward of their heroic fidelity should
be, to bind their religious freedom with heavier fetters. How-
ever, you will not, under any provocation, forget the lessons of
peace recommended by our Divine Redeemer, or those of
allegiance to our beloved monarch, so strongly recommended
in the writings, and illustrated in the lives, of the first teachers
of our holy religion. With the same noble freedom, however,
that characterized their conduct, you will petition, remonstrate,
and petition and remonstrate again, against the continuance of
this injustice, and impress strongly, but respectfully, on our
rulers, that it is a violation of the laws of good and impartial
government to deprive faithful subjects, as in this case, of their
civil rights, from a hatred of their religion. Implore, entreat,
adjure all of your own body not to be parties to those penal
inflictions on their fellow-members. Impress on them this duty
by the bonds of our common faith, by the memory of the
common persecutions which we have all sustained, and by the
hope of the common triumphs which, if we are still faithful
* St. Mark, xiii, 14.
f Ezechial, xxxviii, 6
LETTER CV.
585
to our holy religion, must crown them. Pray that the reign of
our beloved monarch may be long and happy, and let all the
people recite on their knees a Pater, and an Ave Maria, and a
Creed, imploring of the Father of Mercies, through the interces-
sion of the ever glorious and blessed Virgin, Mother of God,
to send down on us, clergy and people, at this trying crisis,
an ample effusion of the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost*— 7
“wisdom, understanding, counsel, fortitude, knowledge, piety,
and the fear of the Lord.”
Your very faithful servant in Christ,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CV.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE BEQUESTS ACT.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Timothy,
January 24, 1845.
Sir — While you survey with singular satisfaction the wide extent
of spiritual bondage over Great Britain, you are, doubtless,
mortified by the painful contrast of the spiritual freedom of
Ireland ; and, anxious for the diffusion of this religious thraldom,
you fear that its reign cannot be permanent or secure until the
light of its Catholic faith is extinguished in a country so con-
tiguous as to be likely to become contagious. It is not the first
time that Ireland, an exception to the surrounding servitude,
roused the envy of the despots who doomed its liberty to
destruction. Such was the policy, which we are told by Tacitus,
Agrippa had in contemplation. He despaired of establishing the
dominion of the imperial arms over Britain and Caledonia, as
long as Irish freedom was, in the language of the ancient historian,
within view. And you, too, improving on his policy, despair of
perpetuating the worse despotism of heresy, under which the
once-favoured land of England groans, as long as the light and
freedom of the Roman Catholic faith burns with such steady
strength and lustre in the neighbouring island.
2 p
* Isaias, xi, 5.
586
LETTER CV.
Hence the untiring exertions of that Protestant ascendancy,
still so hostile, to extinguish a religion which is a living reproach
to the revolting errors that disfigure the face of England.
Witness the lamentable fruit of those errors in the entire disor-
ganization, of what is termed the Church of England, and in the
hideous intestine discord by which the crazy frame is falling
asunder. Witness, too, the dreadful immorality which is their
offspring, and the prevalence of those unprovoked and gratuitous
crimes, which, in despite of the insolence of its journalists, and
the homage which wealthy nations are sure to extort, even unto
the palliation of their vices, have made the moral condition of
England, a word of warning over the civilized world. Are you
ambitious to sink Ireland to the level of the same degrading
social materialism? Should you succeed, instead of the occa-
sional outbreaks of revenge which humanity abhors, and which
would have been frequent were it not for the incessant influence
of religion and its priesthood, you would witness a fierce spirit
of national indignation, which not two, nor all the spare legions
within your command, could repress. So much is the tranquillity
of the country and the stability of the throne, beholden to the
pious and disinterested exertions of its calumniated priesthood.
The lamentable state of social disorganization to which I have
alluded, is felt and deplored by many of the English prelates,
who confess they are unable to apply a remedy. Witness, for
example, the ludicrous embarrassment of his lordship of Exeter —
to-day issuing his episcopal mandates for ecclesiastical uniformity,
and revoking them again, it is said, at the imperious requsition
of the minister of the crown. Such of the members of that
body as possess a tolerable share of learning, whose intellect
ranges beyond the small pale of the Anglican establishment, and
the brief period of its disastrous schism, surveying the social
happiness enjoyed by the nations when the Church was not the
chained hand-maid of the crown, are in a condition the most
pitiable. While their zeal is animated by the heroic fortitude of
the ancient champions of the freedom of the Church, they fancy
for a time that they can imitate their example. No sooner,
however, do they engage in the attempt, than they are obliged to
own that from the establishment, though retaining some of the
material features of a church, the spirit that animated and
informed it is gone; and instead of the holy vigour of an
Ambrose or an Anselem, who arraigned the cruel delinquencies
of royalty itself; they are silent on the crimes of the nation,
because they must regulate by the nod of a political minister the
nature of their pastoral instructions.
No doubt you are anxious to bring about a similar reform in
the Catholic Church in Ireland. If so, you must expect it will
be productive of the same disastrous results upon morality and
LETTER CV.
587
order. It is as a step to this complete subjection of the Catholio
Church to the state, which no doubt is your aim, you have
introduced that fatal measure of the bequests bill, and by its
fruits you may judge of the wisdom of the policy which, in an
evil hour, you have adopted. You have avowed that your
difficulty was Ireland. Have you not increased and thickened
those difficulties by this disastrous measure ? Never, within the
memory of the oldest of its inhabitants, was Ireland in a state of
more frightful excitement. And why ? From the encroachment
you have striven, but I hope in vain, to make on the freedom of
the Catholic religion. And allow me to tell you in all sincerity*
that as you are now about meeting the parliament, your first
measure must be the repeal, the total repeal of that penal law,
root and branch, if you wish to restore tranquillity to Ireland.
I will not fatigue you or the public attention with the detail of
any of the arguments against this iniquitous law, that are now as
familiar as they are forcible. Whoever can resist the evidence
adduced by Sergeant Shee, and principally by Mr. O’Connell, of
the ruinouse ffects of that law, if unrepealed, on the best interests
of the Catholic religion, must have an understanding steeled by
prejudices which no argument can approach. The question has
been so far argued that persons the most illiterate, as well as the
more enlightened, are in possession of those arguments, and hence
an intellectual and religious opposition to the measure, deep,
wide — embracing all orders and all classes — laity, clergy, priests
and bishops, gentry and peasantry; in short, spread over the
entire country, and fast as the hold which their faith has on its
people.
When it was announced that three estimable and venerable
prelates were associated to the commission to carry this odious
act into effect, the public mind was stunned, and a sudden grief
fell on the heart of the nation. Their sorrow was intense ; they
felt that, by the novel connexion, the freedom of their church
was in manifest danger ; and the appointment, like a dam chafing
and fretting the current which it was intended to check, raised
it still higher and gave it further force.
There are not in the world a people who feel more veneration
for their prelates than the Irish people, and, therefore, you must
suspect that the measure must be bad which could produce
dissensions in a body, the members of which the spirit of
Catholic faith and concord keeps, in general, so closely compacted.
It requires no extraordinary sagacity to perceive that you, in
looking for the aid of Catholic bishops, sought not to support the
Catholic religion, or to exalt its priesthood ; but rather to buttress
the tottering fabric of Protestant ascendancy. If you meant,
as in policy as well as justice you should have done, to legislate
on a principle of common fairness towards the Catholics, why not
588
LETTER CV.
recognize in law those canonical rights and apostolical jurisdiction,
on which this penal law incontestibly encroaches. Yet with the
attempt to injure and degrade, you and a few hollow encomiasts
take credit to yourselves for acknowledging, for the first time,
the rights and titles of the episcopacy in Ireland ! Yes, you ac-
knowledge .them to insult them, and even the honor you show has
in it all the bitterness of scornful derision. How do you honor
even those venerable prelates whom you have made members of
your ministerial board ? By giving them the titles of bishops,
without Sees, and emblazoning over their heads the sole and
exclusively legitimate titles of others to the same Sees which
their sainted and heroic predecessors would never have consented
to acknowledge.
There cannot be two lawful bishops of the same See. The
respective epithets of Catholic and Protestant might, if compro-
mise could be at all admitted, mark the distinct sources of their
apostolical or parliamentary jurisdiction. But instead of this
the Protestant prelates are blazoned forth as the Archbishops of
Armagh and Dublin, without any qualification, while, in insulting
and subordinate contrast, the Catholic prelates are announced as
archbishops — of — no where. But you give them a precedence,
a rank in society ! Yes, you strip them of their rights, as far
as in you lies. You amuse them with the shadow of ceremony,
which is unmeaning, but as far as it is significant of substantial
rights and duties ; and you humble them with the condescension
of your insulting patronage, such as you would exhibit to some
exiled and fallen dynasty, fixing on them more strongly the gaze
of pity, by the mockery of a homage of which you disown the
legitimate foundation. What would her Prime Minister think of
the respect of any individual for royalty, who would allow her
Majesty the name of Queen, withholding her rightful titles of
Great Britain and Ireland, on which it is founded ? Surely, the
recognition of her name could not disguise the want of fidelity
necessarily included in any such omission of her rightful title.
Of what inconsistency and confusion is not bigotry productive !
You would fain confer on some of our bishops a parliamentary
jurisdiction which you are incompetent to give, and deprive others
of their apostolical jurisdiction, which you are as incompetent to
take away ! And, by way of indemnifying the one for the
indignity of master slaves, to which you labour to degrade them,
you give them a ministerial license of making a similar invasion
on the apostolical rights of their brethern. You expect that they
will do all this to prolong the existence of the anti-national and
odious establishment, some of whose prelates, their fellow-
benchers, poured forth but the other day their usual contributions
of orthodox hatred on the idolatry and tyranny of the Church
of Rome. But no; more valuable by far than the. degrading
LETTER CV.
589
honors of the oppressors of the faith, are the confidence, the
attachment, and affection, of the devoted Catholics of Ireland,
who, instead of denying the titles, or the jurisdiction, of their
beloved bishops, will revere them as the only legitimate occupants
of the thrones, which some of the most eminent of the successors
of the apostles have adorned.
Immediately connected with this subject is the affectation of a
new-born reverence among the hereditary enemies of Ireland
for the rights of the Roman Pontiff. If you really revere the
centre of Catholic unity, why endeavour to strip the Catholic
bishops of their titles, which his Holiness has conferred, and
without which, and the spiritual influence they confer, none of
those bishops would be deemed worth a moment’s negotiation to
relieve the embarrassments of a prime minister. Perhaps this
feeling is like the prodigal’s appreciation of virtue, from the
habit of sinful courses, springing from the evidence of the dis-
orders into which a privation of that light which issues from the
Apostolic See, has so long plunged the population of England.
If so, then we should hail such a feeling, and help their faint
and tottering steps in returning to the light and merciful con-
solations of that paternal home from which they have been so
long straying. Oh, no ! it is the envious feeling of the fallen
spirit at the happiness springing from truth and union ; and their
tongue, like his, strives to dart forth in glozing flattery the venom
of destruction. They may spare themselves their officious solici-
tude about the conduct of the Catholics of Ireland. In their fight
for their faith, the Irish Catholics are no raw recruits. Thanks
to the persecuting policy of England, and the atrocious code of
her sanguinary edicts, the Irish Catholics, in defending their
faith, have been made the most practised champions upon earth ;
and they have not combated so triumphantly and so long
without the conviction that they owe their signal triumphs to their
unexampled fidelity to that Holy Chief, whom their Master placed
over the Church for their guidance. They will then cling — as
their pious ancestors have done — to the rock of Peter ; they shall
labour, too, for the peaceful recovery of all those rights, of which,
on account of their attachment to the chair of Peter, they have
been deprived — nor shall they suffer any power of parliamentary
creation to intercept one particle of that homage we all owe his
Holiness, or of that spiritual jurisdiction, of which he is the best
guardian. And allow me to ask you who are they who in
reality are making inroads on the power of the Pope, and
striving to make a mockery of his jurisdiction ? Is it we who
constitutionally labour for the repeal of the bequests act, which
is repugnant to the canons of the Church, and not in accordance
with the principles of the Catholic religion ; or those, who, without
consulting that Holy See, strive tyrannically to enforce so penal
590
LETTER CV.
an enactment ? Before the commission was named we sought, as
was the duty of Catholics, that this question should be referred to
the decision of the Holy Father. We were told — why refer to
the Holy Father a question regarding temporalities? Such
was the unceremonious way in which the authority of Borne was
treated. The people meet, resolve, denounce the unconstitutional
encroachment on their civil rights. They are told that they
violate the obedience due to their spiritual superiors, by their
deliberating and resolving on a matter which they should leave
to a spiritual tribunal. Thus the Pope must not decide, because
it is a temporal matter ; the people must not decide, because it is
a spiritual concern ; and during this unprincipled and sophistical
shifting, the prophecy of a celebrated writer is sought to be
realised by the erection of a ministerial and political papacy in
our own kingdom, directed by the nod of the premier, dis-
regarding, on one hand, the authority of the Pope, and on the
other striving to crush the religious and political rights of the
people.
Whoever reflects on the career of Mr. Anthony Blake — his
evidence before a committee of the House of Commons, and his
being a member of this commission, must, unless the commission
be speedily dissolved, entertain serious fears for the continuance
of the Pope’s substantial authority in Ireland. When I consider
that he has been the old advocate of the Veto, and of every
measure for fettering the freedom of the Catholic Church — the
pliant and dexterous follower of every successive administration,
whether Whig or Tory — the self-appointed patron of Maynooth
College, in order to project, I suppose, with Mr. Thomas Wyse,
how far it may be feasible, by a little domestic concordat, to
effect some change in the system of the teaching of its faith, for
an increase in its finances — in short, the concoctor of a scheme of
a royal commission of bishops, to manage the payment of the
Catholic clergy, and to inflict the penalties of misdemeanour on
the others, who should not yield to the usurped powers ot
political bishops of the parliamentary commission ; when I
consider how, on that occasion, he trifled with the authority of
the Pope, recommending a course of penal legislation, and then
leaving the Pope to shift for his own authority the best way he
could ; when I reflect that much of what has been suggested has
been already done in establishing the commission of the bequests
act, I am only consoled by the reflection that the mischievous
projects of the man will be defeated by the pious zeal of the
Catholics of Ireland, in procuring a total repeal of the law ; and
were it not for this their zeal, I fear that as a public and political
character, history would have to record, that, since the disastrous
advent of Protestant ascendancy, a worse importation, or one
more fatal to the Catholic religion, than the same Mr. Anthony
LETTER CV.
591
Blake was never wafted back to Ireland. To Lord Stanley this
gentleman would be a most valuable acquisition in the colonies.
How humiliating the prospect of the once glorious church of
Ireland, when its pastors allow their holiest rights and duties to
be invaded and usurped by such scheming political adven-
turers !
I cannot, therefore, but deplore the misdirection of the
patriotic feelings of some ardent Irishmen, combating the
phantom of a foreign temporal power, while they are heedless
of the enemy that is threatening them at home. Instead of
being alarmed at the exercise of any undue power from abroad,
what is desirable is, to prevent any encroachment on the Pope’s
hallowed authority in protecting our church. Some are also in
ecstacies rather immoderate at the diplomatic announcement that
no negotiations are going forward on the affairs of the Irish
Church between the Holy See and the British government.
Even should there not, what grounds are there for congratula-
tion ? What need you require a concordat, if, even without one,
you can erect your commission at home, and delegate to it a
parliamentary jurisdiction to invade the rights of the Catholic
hierarchy ? What more do you require ? Lord Heytesbury
hopes, indeed, that the Catholics of Ireland will, therefore, be
contented! Yes, they will be less suspicious when the bequests
act is repealed, and the bequest board dissolved ; otherwise, his
Excellency’s proposition amounts to this : — “ Be not alarmed ;
we have only made a breach in the walls of your church ; hold,
forbear your meetings ; put confidence in us, your old and trusty
friends, and we will pledge ourselves to halt at the gates, and
make no further advance on your religion.”
It is also made a subject of similar congratulation, that should
a concordat be negotiated, all then would assist in averting such
evils from the Catholic Church. Instead of wasting our solici-
tude on distant and contingent dangers, we should be alive to
the imminent evils of the commission now established at home,
and labour to close the breach which has been recently made in
the bulwarks of its holy discipline. It will be enough to say : —
“Allow the present incipient usurpation of the rights of the
bishops to be firmly established, and in future they will obtain
every necessary assistance in repelling further aggression.”
Such is their mode of dealing with the evil, who talk of amend-
ments in the act, and the removal or modification of this or that
objectionable clause, while they allow the encroaching and
invading principle of the commission itself — the vigorous root
of the evil — to remain. No ; the successful step of letting any
portion of the act remain, would only prompt you or any other
minister to invite other prelates to join him in a fresh assault on
our liberties, by another new commission still more penal. The
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LETTER CVI.
example once given by good and enlightened men, of joining one
commission, in disregard of the known wishes and feelings of, in
general, the people, the clergy, and the majority of their
brethren, might be successively adopted, at some future day,
by others, improving on their models, until the citadel of
Catholicity would thus be surrendered, and almost all the sacred
functions of the hierarchy be usurped, by motley aggregations of
political and parliamentary commissioners.
Let, then, your first recommendation to parliament be the
repeal of an act, which the mischief already produced should be
a warning of the more awful calamities with which it is fraught.
A law so penal to religion, and so utterly repugnant to the
interests and declared will of the entire people, would, according
to all sound civilians and jurists, be downright tyranny to
enforce. You feared, if we are to judge by the mighty combina-
tions of law and armaments, to which you resorted to crush
them, the display of popular power exhibited by the monster
meetings. The malignant spirit of your bequests act has evoked
a far more formidable agitation. Yes ; the people of Ireland
and its clergy love their country. They are solicitous for its
prosperity, and will give every aid, compatible with their re-
spective duties, towards the restoration of a native legislature.
But they love their religion more — the one being a temporal and
the other an eternal interest. Indeed, so much are Ireland and
the Catholic religion bound up together in the system of English
domination, that it would be difficult to separate the interests of
one from the other. To the spoliation of their country’s rights,
religion has often reconciled the Irish people. Their history has
attested that they are a nation who, for that holy religion, are
ready to sacrifice their lives. — I am your faithful servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CYI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE INFIDEL COLLEGES.
Tuam, June 7 , 1845 .
Sir — The infidel, the slavish, and demoralizing scheme of acade-
mic education which you scruple not to proffer to the faithful
LETTER CVI.
593
people of Ireland, is a proof that we should be more apprehen-
sive for the faith and liberties of this country during a period of
political cajolery, than during one of avowed persecution. Of
the imminent danger springing from rash and mistaken confi-
dence, the history of our unfortunate country furnishes a variety
of melancholy examples. Never was a more fatal blow aimed
at the rights and the prosperity of the Irish people, than when
the Duke of Portland, affecting to sympathize with our national
feelings, proffered, on the part of government, the vice-regal re-
sidence in the Phoenix Park to Grattan, who humbled that very
government by the declaration and the achievement of Irish in-
dependence. In the delirium of the national joy, the deep
designs of the viceroy were not sufficiently seen through, and
though the insidious boon was not accepted, yet the simplicity of
some of the diplomatists of that time was so over-reached, and
the cupidity of others was so dexterously assailed, that the
enemies of Ireland ceased not to push forward their first advan-
tage, until they at length succeeded in wresting from her all the
benefits which that illustrious patriot had gained.
We are now arrived at an analogous epoch. Often had peti-
tions been forwarded to the government for an increased grant to
the College of Maynooth, and as often were the eyes of states-
men, now so open to its wants, closed to the destitution which
they so pathetically deplore. At length the peaceful and legiti-
mate remonstrances of the clergy and people of Ireland, conveyed
through those safe and constitutional channels within which they
have been uniformly confined, brought to the ministry a convic-
tion of Irish wrongs to which before they were utterly insensible.
I need not remind you of Sir James Graham’s declaration, that
concession had reached its limit, and yet such is now his new-born
affection for the Irish people, that concession has only just issued
from its starting-post. Let it not be imagined that I wish to
diminish the grace of the Maynooth endowment. Far from it ;
there is a conventional courtesy due to statesmen even for the
tardy justice which it is not longer in their power to deny ; and
there is a refinement, as well as a generosity, in the Irish people,
which will not withhold a suitable expression of such conventional
acknowledgments for this trifling restitution of their plundered
rights.
It is from your miscalculation of the just standard of Irish
feeling regarding the Maynooth grant, that you have in an evil
hour been betrayed into the adoption of the scheme of infidel
education. You fancied that under the shadow of the Maynooth
endowment, you could steal on the country a disastrous and de-
moralizing measure, which would have neutralized all the advan-
tages of the other. And what is still more strange, it appears
you were sorely disappointed when this “ gigantic scheme of
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LETTER CVI.
godless education” met its merited condemnation from the Ca-
tholic hierarchy. The country is indebted to Sir Robert Inglis
for so felicitous a description of this huge impiety — a description
so just and characteristic, that it will become as memorable as
the description of certain trials by jury — “ a mockery, a delusion,
and a snare.” You could not, however, be so surprised at the
unanimous condemnation of the Catholic prelates of a measure
so dangerous to faith and morals, if you had not been imposed
upon by some of those unprincipled professing Catholics, by whom
the minister is constantly beset — who conceal their selfish ambi-
tion under an affected concern for the interests of the state, and
who not only misrepresent the sentiments of the Catholic people
and clergy, but are willing to lend themselves as the ready
instruments of any enactment, however odious, for enchaining
the liberties of the Roman Catholic Church. Some of those
faithful counsellors have borne evidence of their desire to thwart
and embarrass the Pope himself, by the measures of legislation
which they recommended ; and some of them are proving the
sincerity of that evidence, by their unhallowed attempts to
trample not only the authority of bishops, but that, too, of the
Supreme Pontiff, on the question of education. The spiritual
sword, which has been already drawn in defence of the freedom
of religion and education, and which henceforward will be more
extensively wielded, is now the fittest weapon for the times,
“ reaching as it does into the division of the soul and the spirit,”
and distinguishing the genuine practical believers from the mass
of “ common Christianity,” in which it is now esteemed the glory
or the shame of all its discordant sectaries to be huddled together.
It must be some confused idea of this unsightly amalgamation
that took possession of your mind, and that of the Secretary for
the Home Department, when you could fancy that it might find
favour with the sworn guardians of the Catholic faith. In the
discharge of all the moral, social, and domestic duties towards
their fellow-men, Catholics will never make any invidious distinc-
tions ; but the guardianship of their faith is a sacred trust con-
fided to their pastors, “and having nothing to do to judge them
that are without,” we have been, and shall be, contented to
confine our solicitude to the protection of the religious faith of
our own.
Every reader of the reports of the parliamentary debates has
been struck by the marked change which seems to have come
over the mind of the secretary, from his altered tone towards the
Catholic bishops. All the fervour of his former eulogies have
evaporated and cooled down to a smooth and polished affectation
of regard, of which the value, coming from such a quarter, cannot
be mistaken. While a few of our prelates unfortunately lent
their aid to the minister to carry out an uncanonical bequest law,
LETTER CVI.
595
which is, and as long as it is unrepealed shall be, reprobated by
the Irish Clergy and people, language could scarcely furnish the
two right honorable baronets with adequate expressions to con-
vey your sense of the value of such episcopal support. But
again, when those same prelates are found in the compact array
of their brethren, condemning the ministerial scheme as dan-
gerous to faith and morals, you are alarmed and confounded —
nay, you confess your astonishment at what you deem their de-
fection, but what others must deem to be the discharge of what
their solemn duties require. While they were but a few opposed
to the great body of their brethren, their conduct was the theme
of ministerial eulogy ; but when they demand protection for
Catholic education in union with the same body of their brethren,
then their resolutions became absurd — their requirements became
unreasonable, and the entire of a body, of which a detached
fraction was so precious, loses all favour and estimation in your
sight. Truly this piece of the ministerial drama is not less
fraught with wisdom and with warning than many such incidents
which history records. It shows that no one can serve two
masters — it shows the dreadful extent of servitude, which the
world requires of its votaries. “ To have done” is nothing, as long
as any fresh demand upon further service is resisted : in vain are
religion and duty offered as an apology, and those who have not
the fortitude to make a seasonable stand, are often doomed to
lament, with the celebrated Wolsey, the world’s ingratitude,
which cast him off in his latter days, after having wasted health
and life in its service.
With no regard, then, to those necessary fences with which the
bishops of Ireland are resolved to secure the faith and morals of
the flocks confided to their care, you are determined to force
through the legislature your godless scheme of education. Nay,
in a toile, of which the irony is too transparent to be mistaken,
you tell the Catholics of Ireland to confide for the security of
their faith in the impartiality of her Majesty’s ministers ! ! Nay,
more, you refer to Belfast, and to the system of its Presbyterian
professors, and deduce from the example of that establishment
an argument for enlightening the minds and quieting the appre-
hensions of the Catholic bishops of Ireland. You mean, then,
to convert those anomalies in education, which persecution has
engendered, into a rule for general adoption. The Catholics of
Belfast, and other parts of the North of Ireland, are entitled to
great praise for the laudable zeal with which they have kept the
faith, amidst the terrible temptations to which it has been long
exposed. Because some have escaped unhurt, are we to throw
the youth of Ireland into a state of continual warfare, and are
we to bring others into contact with moral disease, because some
have been proof against the contagion? No, the education im-
596
LETTER CVI.
parted by the Catholic Church to its children is guided by more
ancient laws, and guarded by a holier discipline ; and never shall
the mulish mongrel theology which has flowed from the Presby-
terian college of Belfast be the standard by which the clergy
and people of the Catholic province will regulate education.
Disguise it as you may, your scheme of academic instruction,
coupled with your repudiation of the resolutions and memorial of
the bishops, is only a fresh attempt, similar to that of the charter
schools, to bribe Catholic youth into an abandonment of their
religion. In the present state of religious feeling in Ireland, we
are plausibly told, that you have no other alternative than to ex-
clude from the sanctions of the law all religious discipline and
all religious instruction. Uneducated you must fancy the Irish
people, indeed, and entirely bereft of all intelligence, if you
could persuade yourself they were unable to penetrate through
the veil with which you affect to conceal the bigoted hostility of
your designs.
Were the irreligion of the plan to be impartially extended to
all, surely that would be no reason to justify the Catholics in its
adoption. But in reality, they are the only portion of the Irish
laity systematically in this novel piece of penal legislation. The
Protestant laity are amply provided with an education uniting
science and Protestant instruction at Trinity College. The Pres-
byterian laity are to have ample opportunities of being educated
in science and literature in the College of Belfast ; for, by a mere
accident, no doubt, the scheme is to be affiliated to the old Pres-
byterian institution. But in the colleges in Connaught and in
Munster, where, from the paucity of persons of either per-
suasion, there could be but few Protestants or Presbyterians, if
any at all, the Catholics must be content with science, entirely
divorced from religion or its holy discipline. Such is the boasted
impartiality of your plan, extending, as was the Wont of
English policy, to the favoured few also the advantages of their
creed, and proscribing the religion of the great body of the
people.
Yet you will find some unprincipled traders in politics and
religion the eulogists of such a dangerous and irreligious scheme.
The wisest statesman deemed religion and pure domestic morals
the best security for the stability of kingdoms. Now, even the
bitterest of their enemies yield to the Irish people the praise of
being unsurpassed, if not unequalled, in the practice of those
moral virtues by which human nature is exalted and refined.
Yet, instead of improving this state of things by an extension of
that religious education out of which those virtues have grown,
you would introduce an experiment which has been found in
other countries to spread like a cancer over the surface of
society, gradually destroying the vitality of the moral virtues by
LETTER CVI.
597
which it is sustained. And you do this to second the selfish
schemes of mercenary infidels, who are springing up in the
country, and who, under the affectation of zeal for education,
would not hesitate to advocate Mahometanism, if it gave them
access to the patronage of the lords of the treasury. How soli-
citous you are for providing for the comforts and social condition
of the clergy! Yes, but through the channel of some board or
commission by which you would effectually control their free-
dom. How solicitous to subsidize, under the pretence of facilities
for education, a knot of noisy and turbulent socialists, who are
beginning to be a source of annoyance to the state, until quieted
by a share of the ministerial bounty. Yes, amidst all this affec*
tation of concern for Ireland, the people, the great foundation of
the social edifice, are neglected ; and though your own commis-
sioners have attested that their destitution and patience are
unexampled, yet no legislative provision is made to protect them
from a heartless tyrant, or to provide for the increase of their
comfort. As they are the first in importance, they are sure to
be the last to be considered in the legislative scale. It is because
the Catholic clergy feel intensely for their condition, and labour
for its improvement, they have arrayed their enemies in a deter-
mined combination to undermine their influence and injure their
religion, by those exotic schemes of infidel education which they
are striving, even with penalties, to enforce. But they will not
succeed. The public money may be squandered for a time in
the lavish distribution of useless or noxious patronage, as is the
case of the poor-houses, but the infidel lecturers will be shunned,
and their halls, like the same poor-houses, will be deserted.
The Catholic faith in Ireland has already come unhurt out of
the most fiery trials, and through the zeal of the clergy and the
devotion of the people, it is sure to triumph over this last and
deadliest of the persecutions it has yet been fated to endure.
I have the honor to be your very obedient servant,
^ John, Archbishop of Tuam.
598
LETTER CVII.
LETTER CYII.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
ON THE INFIDEL COLLEGES.
Maynooth College, Feast of St. Peter and St. Paul,
June 29 , 1845 .
Sir — It is difficult to reconcile your professions of respect for
the Catholic hierarchy with the pertinacity with which you are
pushing on your “ godless scheme of academic education,” in
defiance of their solemn resolutions. To every reflecting and
impartial mind it must appear evident that you are utterly in-
different to the opinions of that body, or that you hope gradually
to win over a passive and unresisting acquiescence in a scheme, of
the infidel and demoralising nature of which, they have unani-
mously recorded their emphatic condemnation.
Whether you are swayed in your purpose to persevere, by the
first supposition you alone are the most competent judge. But if
you entertain the hope of enforcing your Pagan plan, in despite
of the resolutions of the Catholic bishops, allow me respectfully
to predict that you will experience a sad and humiliating disap-
pointment. I am enabled authentically to inform you, that not
only have the prelates stedfastly clung to their recent resolu-
tions, but that they were unwilling to petition parliament on the
subject, lest they should again experience the repetition of the
contemptuous indifference, with which their appeal to the executive
has been treated.
If, with such a formidable opposition, backed, sustained, nay,
encouraged onward, by the zeal of an enlightened clergy, and the
piety of a devoted people, who never will endure the infidel pro-
ject, you fancy that you can sap the foundations of the Catholic
faith in the youth by the establishment of a system so univer-
sally execrated, I must remind you that you have read history,
and especially Irish history, in vain. In this very brief letter I
shall not dwell on the variety of convincing arguments, that
should persuade the most intrepid and stubborn statesman to cast
away for ever, all thoughts of endeavouring to vitiate by the
deleterious sophistry of infidel and inexorable empirics, the
hearts and understandings of a people who, amidst the infidelity
which now threatens to overrun some of the nations of Europe,
stand in the same proud and enviable isolation from its corrup-
tions, as did their ancestors formerly, when unreached by the
calamities that convulsed the entire continent.
LETTER CVIII.
599
It is impossible for a Catholic prelate to touch upon the sacred
subject of academic education, especially in a college where the
hallowed influence of religion has been uniformly felt mingling
with all its exercises, and enlivening, hallowing, and exalting
those sciences, which, properly cultivated, are but as its so many
handmaids, bearing testimony to its evidence, and doing homage
to its dominion, without being pained at the anticipation of a
possible divorce between sciences which the Author of Truth
has so intimately connected. It is not for the clergy alone that
religion has been ushered into the world. JNo ; it is for all
mankind, and never does it appear with a more winning or at-
tractive grace, than when the sciences are seen, nay, felt, by a
young and susceptible auditory, to be captives to that heavenly
influence, whose service alone is the most perfect freedom. Let,
then, the Catholic laity, as well as Protestants and Presbyterians,
have their respective colleges, and the sciences taught by their
respective professors, under the sanction of their respective
pastors. You will find this more serviceable to religion, and far
more propitious to the public weal, than any attempt to draw
out to almost an infinite series that long and dismal succession of
charter-school projects, now of persecution, and again of fraud,
by which the inhabitants of Ireland have been so long and so
cruelly worried, and of which the uniform failure, affords striking
evidence that they never can succeed.
I have the honour to be your very obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CVIII.
TO THE EIGHT HONORABLE SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Augustine,
August 28 , 1815 .
Sir — Were we not assured that there is nothing new under the
sun, and that the most extraordinary events of the present, are
often but like a transcript of those of the past times, the
Catholics of Ireland would be sorely perplexed, if not dismayed,
at the calamitous position, and more appalling prospects, of the
church in this country. The silence of a sudden surprise has
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LETTER CVIII.
come upon the nation, at the strange rumours that are indus-
triously sent abroad, that the godless scheme of education is to
find favour even from those, by whom it was condemned as
dangerous to faith and morals. The condemnation of this
impious scheme, formed the primary and emphatic resolution
of the assembled hierarchy of Ireland. The proposed conditions
were the provisional safeguards to be insisted on against the
obnoxious system — rather necessary securities, in case of being
arbitrarily enforced — than the free conditions of any arrange-
ment mutually entered into between the bishops and the legisla-
ture — for on that, as on the penal bequests act, the bishops were
not consulted.
But how little the feelings of the bishops, or the interests of
that religion, of which they are the constituted guardians, were
consulted on the occasion, is manifest from the contemptuous
insolence with which their resolutions were received. No sooner
was it announced, that no regard should be paid to the remon-
strances of the Catholic bishops, than a shout of exultation, if
we are to believe the reporters, is said to have shaken, with
prolonged and contending loudness, the rival parties of the
senate-house.
The provisional securities were embodied in a memorial to the
Lord Lieutenant unanimously adopted. His Excellency was
emphatically told that Catholic colleges for the Catholics of
Ireland, would be the institutions most in accordance with their
religion and their feelings ; and that, in any contingency, the
securities specified in the memorial were the minimum of safe-
guards, with which we could be content. And are we now to be
told by those busy and secret emissaries of some mysterious
influence, that are traversing every town and city of any note,
for the insidious purpose of seducing advocates to the unholy
scheme, that it is one that will have the sanction of some of the
hierarchy of Ireland ? The only amendment, the wicked act has
undergone, is one of a more stringent and comprehensive penal
operation. Until now the inmates of all good Catholic families,
with the freedom of citizens, might frequent any school or college
without any government license. Henceforward they are to be
placed under the surveillance, not of the bishop or of the paro-
chial clergyman — they must have a licence from the government,
in order that the faith and morals of Catholics should be secured
by such a pious Protestant as the Secretary for the Home
Department! I will not pause to animadvert on the political
despotism or encroachment on civil liberty involved in this hate-
ful enactment, which would appear to reconcile some to the
impiety of the entire measure. I will not stop either to point
out its obvious and perfect analogy to some of those foreign
infidel schemes of mixed education, of which the harmonious
LETTER CIX.
601
effects are at this moment developing themselves in social and
religious contentions that are breaking up the very framework of
society in Germany — no, but I will confine myself solely to the
religious value of this police espionage to the interests of morality
and domestic virtue. Surely a Protestant government cannot be
more .solicitous for virtue and morality, in the large cities of
Catholic Ireland, than it is in Protestant England. The public
has not yet forgotten the awful details of profligacy connected
with one of those cities in which the universities are situate. I
trust you and the Chief Secretary will turn your attention to a
radical reform in those localities, before we can rely on the magic
virtue of a government license, in purging away all the moral
putrefaction, which repeated and accredited lectures on material-
ism or pantheism, now so fashionable, are sure to propagate.
Why not then, at once, with the boldness of Cecil, propose to
our gracious Sovereign to wage an open, instead of a covert war,
on the Catholic religion in Ireland ? You appear to possess all
the craftiness of that wily minister, without his courage ; and were
your policy against the freedom of the Catholic hierarchy to be
successful, you would render our beloved Queen as odious as ever
Elizabeth was, to the Irish people. Hence all the unprincipled
shifts that have been resorted to in carrying out this and the
hateful measures of the bequests act, and that are still made use
of to impose on the Catholic people. No design in the vague
appellation of the “ west” to decoy some of the inhabitants of its
various towns and cities to enter into a competition for colleges
as far as they might be safe ; and then turn round and bring up
the unwary and unsuspicious suitors as witnesses in favour of
your godless scheme of education which they never contemplated !
No coincidence between the holdings of those meetings and the
profuse distribution of the honours and patronage of the treasury !
Some gentlemen are tempted by these amphibious honours that
deprived them of the privileges of commoners, without investing
them with the judicial or legislative prerogatives of peer, and
ecclesiastics arc flattered with the compliment that they are near,
and that this very proximity will be quite sufficient to banish all
strange and heterodox doctrines from within their jurisdiction.
All these schemes may be authorized by the canons of political
casuistry, to which statesmen are trained ; but surely the abettors
of the infidel project have no right to drag the hierarchy and
priesthood, at least the body who arc unwilling to go with them,
into their unhallowed confederation. Your project stands con-
demned, irrevocably, irretrievably condemned, by the solemn,
deliberate, and unanimous suffrage of the assembled prelates of
the Irish church — that recorded judgment which is beyond your
power to reverse. You may encourage speculators in the prices
of town plots and farms, as well as speculators in the funds, to
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LETTER CIX.
hold their meetings, and pass their resolutions, and forward their
memorials for the preference of one of those colleges, of which
the fundamental principle is, the banishment of all religion. All
this can be well understood. It is the management of business
in a shrewd and business-like way ; and it is long ago that such
people were pronounced wise in their generation. But all this
bustle and all this mercantile and academic speculation combined,
are questions into which faith and morals never enter. Their
advocates have other game in view, and seldom are faith or
morals suffered to cross the path of their speculations. Let
them, therefore, pursue their object without industriously spread-
ing sinister rumours, that the Catholic Church of Ireland cheers
them on by a revocation of its most solemn decisions. Whatever
may be their other charges against the Church, let them, at least,
spare its reputation for a dignified consistency, in adhering to
those resolves which it has maturely and deliberately adopted.
Are its fixed decisions to be blown away as if they were chaff,
and their framers held up to the ridicule of the world, as so many
weathercocks, veering round with every change in the political
compass ? No ; you, and every other political functionary, will
find, that the Church of Ireland is not composed of such ma-
terials, as to be fashioned to his purposes by the plastic hand
even of a Prime Minister. The bishops and clergy of Ireland
stood by their faith and by the Catholic people, to whom it is
dear even beyond liberty and life, when it was assailed by
persecution. You will find them no less watchful against the
machinations of fraud which its ancient enemies, aided by the
accession of apostate allies, are carrying on against it. Were the
bishops and clergy those inconsistent persons they are represented
to be, rescinding, to-day, the resolutions of yesterday, and pro-
mising or courting patronage in those godless colleges, they
would not justify all the consequence that is now attached by
politicians to securing their political co-operation — their accession
to one side would be as valueless as their loss to the other would
be unimportant. No ; they have influence ; they possess confi-
dence in acting in unison and in accordance with the Catholic
Church, and in carrying out, in despite of opposition or defection,
those inflexible principles of attachment to the chair of Peter and
the centre of Catholic unity, which have made Ireland the envy
as well as the pride of Europe, and which will still secure her
against her present difficulties, far more formidable than any she
has yet sustained.
I have the honor to be, sir, your very obedient servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CX.
603
LETTER CX.
TO THE VEHY REVEREND AND REVEREND THE CLERGY
AND FAITHFUL OF THE ARCHDIOCESE OF TUAM.
St. Jaelath’s, Tuam, February 20, 1846.
Venerable and Dearly Beloved Brethren — Having so often
and at some length laid before you the nature of the institution
of Lent, and the duties it required, we should have been content,
on this occasion, merely to refer you to the regulations of later
years, if it were not for the awful visitation of famine, with which
the Almighty threatens to punish the sins of his people.* This
calamity has been long threatened. But the very frequency of
the warning has had the effect, as it often happens, of rendering
some heedless and callous to the danger, until the fearful reality
begins to make itself felt in hunger and starvation over the land.
As the time of Lent is peculiarly set apart for the exercise of
penance, to appease the Divine anger which our sins have en-
kindled, we are bound in the coming season to increase our
austerities, and to redouble the fervour of our prayers, that the
faithful may not die “ by the grievous arrows of famine with
which the Lord threatens to destroy them.”f No matter how
scientific men may be occupied in tracing the causes and ex-
plaining the symptoms of this disease ; we are taught by wisdom
from a higher source, that every such calamity is a portion of
that vengeance which God has in store, and occasionally dis-
charges on account of the infraction of his holy laws. “ There
are spirits that are created for vengeance, and in their fury they
lay on grievous torments. In the time of destruction they shall
pour out their force, and they shall appease the wrath of him
that made them. Fire, hail, famine and death, all these were
created for vengeance.”:]:
It is not necessary to dwell longer on the illustration of a truth
so urgently enforced throughout every portion of the inspired
writings. If this famine and pestilence are a portion of the ven-
geance which God inflicts for sin, faith teaches us that the most
effectual means to avert them, must consist in those penitential
exercises of fasting, of humiliation, and of prayer, by which the
arm of the Almighty has been so often stayed. When such
* Ecclesiasticus, xlviii, 2. f Ezekiel, v, 16.
X Ecclesiasticus, xxxix, 33 and 34.
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LETTER CX.
calamities become so general as to overspread an entire nation,
they are usually inflicted for some great national transgressions.
“Justice exalteth a nation, but sin maketh nations miserable.”*
Of signal chastisement brought on whole tribes and kingdoms
on account of national guilt, the inspired writings furnish us with
numerous and dreadful examples: “Therefore shall the land
mourn, and every one that dwelleth in it shall languish, and they
shall eat and not be filled, because they have forsaken the Lord
in not observing his law.”|
How similar the visitation with which our people are menaced !
— the land mourning, the people languishing, their usual food so
diseased, as to have lost its usual power of nutrition, so that those
who eat of it are not filled, and literally verifying the awful
threats of the same prophet, “And I will be like a moth to
Ephraim, and like rottenness to the house of Judah.” { Those
and the like punishments were inflicted on the people occasionally
for idolatry, but more generally for having mixed up, with their
own worship, the impure rites of the neighbouring nations. And
is there not an analogy between them, and those who mix up
with the pure doctrines of the Church, some of the false maxims
of the sectaries ? The people of Ireland have not, it is true, yet
reached this dangerous and daring impiety. But individuals
have, and unless seasonably checked, there is a manifest forward
tendency to that liberality, which would discard their legiti-
mate wardens from the watch-towers of Israel, and resign their
custody to mercenary apostates and to strangers, § who would
soon infect with foreign mixture the faith, the worship, and the
morality of the Catholic Church.
Yes, there is spreading abroad the same jealousy of the holy
influence of religious orders, and the same rage to transfer from
them to laymen — nay, to heretics and infidels, mixed up with
apostate priests, if they can be purchased, the education of the
rising youth of Ireland, such as preceded the melancholy catas-
trophe of the French Revolution. There is ringing on our ears
the same jargon of liberality, and the same denunciations of a
distinct and exclusive creed, with which the true faith was then
sought to be annihilated. The consequences we need not detail ;
they are written in blood, and the courtiers and the ecclesiastics
who hailed the advent of this liberal education, and joined in the
condemnation of the bigotries of ancient times, lived to see their
own folly punished, in the ruins of the throne of a great kingdom,
and in the desecration of its altars.
The duties of charity — of an active, benevolent and practical
charity — you will, I trust, fulfil towards all, whatever may be
* Proverbs. f Osia, tv, 3, and 4. f Osia, v, 12.
§ Ezecliiel, xliv, 7, and 8.
LETTER CX.
605
their religious creed. For true faith enlarges and invigorates,
instead of contracting or enfeebling the practice of charity. But
listen not to the false and deceitful accents of those, who, under
the guise of liberality, would strip you of the precious inheritance
of your faith, and persuade you to expose it to peril, by evil
associations. Talk of the indiscriminate mixture of the education
of youth, without confusion of their respective creeds ! You
might as well pour forth different liquids into a common vase,
and expect they would remain distinct, as that faith and heresy,
truth and error, would not be co-mingled, when, by an indis-
criminate education, all the sluices by which they are kept
asunder, are taken away. Nor will you suffer yourselves to be
deluded by the specious and deceitful sophistry of those, who
will tell you that the difference in faith between your children
and those with whom they are invited to mix, may be but small,
and that Catholic Ecclesiastics may be found conducting this
speckled and leprous system of education. In neither circum-
stance is there any security. There has been no schism, how-
ever inveterate — no heresy, however deadly, of which ecclesiastics
were not found the abettors, from their infancy to their consum-
mation. And as for there being little danger on account of the
proximity of creeds, we may apply to faith what moralists apply
to chastity, in any taint of which there is seldom any lightness
of matter to plead its extenuation. No ; faith is the root of
morality ; it is the head : and hence some of the expounders of
Scripture tell us, that as the serpent guards his head when at-
tacked, leaving his entire body exposed, so Catholics ought to be
particularly alive in watching and averting the slightest assaults
upon their faith, deprived of which, the whole body of their
morality would soon expire. You may be surprised to hear that
St. Augustine, one of the brightest ornaments of the Christian
Church, compared schism to idolatry — nay, he asserts that it
surpassed idolatry in the enormity of its guilt. After this can
you think it harmless, to have your children indiscriminately
associated with those, who are divided by an inveterate schism
from Rome, the centre of Catholic unity — nay, educated, formed,
fashioned, in their notions of religion by schismatical masters ?
And such are often more dangerous than avowed infidels. Open
infidelity inspires a degree of terror that may forbid a confiding
familiarity. The infidel may be brought to feel more alarmed
by a sense of his own danger ; whereas heretics or schismatics,
who approach the confines of Catholic unity, may feel no alarm,
and become obdurate by their sins ; whilst the Catholic, seeing
in their counterfeit faith an imperfect image of his own, may on
that account be more easily caught in the snares of seduction.
Were I to refer you to the ample volume over which the
records of the Catholic Church arc spread, you would find it
606
LETTER CX.
proved beyond the shadow of doubt, that in cases of heresy or
schism the Catholic found no particular security for his creed, nor
no toleration for its profession in the circumstances of the nearness
by which the sectaries approached his faith. Cross but once
the gulf which divides the kingdom of light — the Catholic
Church — from all the varieties of error that lie beyond it ; they
all become agitated as the elements of chaos, with this difference,
that those which are on the very confines, are always the most
mutinous and the most aggressive. Does not Providence, for
the instruction of the Catholics of Ireland, furnish a striking
example of this truth in the direful persecutions lately endured
by the consecrated virgins of Poland. The most heroic martyr-
dom recorded in the Church, not excepting those of St. Agatha
or St. Cecilia, do not furnish such evidence of atrocious barbarity
on the one hand, and heroic endurance on the other, as is
furnished by the revolting or edifying tale of those recent victims
of Russian persecution.
From whom did it come? From persons who approximate in
faith and doctrine more nearly to us, than those to whom you
are desired to entrust your children for their education. And
who were the chief agents of those hideous, and cruel, and count-
less enormities, which must shame the pretensions of our age to
superior civilization ? Apostate ecclesiastics, who sold their
country, their faith, and their God ; and who knew no law, and
acknowledged no obligation, but the ruthless and savage will of
a persecuting emperor. After this example set up as an awful
warning, will it be said that faith and morals are not endangered,
because the professors of your children may not be altogether
infidels, and because among their number, there may be found
some pliant and apostate ecclesiastics. Oh, no ; for you will
invariably find, and there are abundant proofs of it in the present
age, that ecclesiastics, so far from affording any protection against
the dangers of a bad system, are uniformly, like Siemasko — the
persecutor of the religious orders of Poland — the most inveterate
against their former brethren in the faith, and the most unscru-
pulous in pushing forward the encroachments of the secular power,
on the sacred liberties of the Catholic Church.
But what shall we say to those who advance, as an apology,
the money which such colleges will diffuse among the people ?
Surely it is not meant to justify Judas for selling the faith for
thirty pieces of silver. If arguments like those be deemed
sufficient to justify the endangering of our faith, they must bring
the reproach of folly upon our ancestors, who sacrificed money,
lands, nay, life itself, for its preservation. What strange and
humiliating inconsistencies ! The land mourneth, the people are
on the verge of famine, in punishment of the sins of their
infidelity, and the remedy that is suggested to heal the evil, and
LETTER CX.
GOT
the means to which they have recourse to appease God’s anger,
is to lend themselves to an active co-operation in that very infi-
delity which so signally brings on them the chatisement of heaven!
What will the expenditure of a college avail to avert the coming
famine ? It would be as a drop in the ocean ; yet for this drop,
like the drop of honey,* which was almost fatal to Jonathan, some,
doubtless, may risk the death of their immortal souls.
We are now arrived at a period in the history of our Church,
in which apostacy or any faltering of our faith, would be doubly
criminal. Many ecclesiastics in the sister country, eminent for
their wisdom, talent, and integrity, are now returning to the
bosom of the Church of Rome, tired of the “ difficult and
troublesome ways”f in which they so long have walked. The
bishops of France, the glorious successors of those men who
earned for that kingdom the praise of “ most Christian,” are now
repairing the fences which impiety cast down. They are with-
drawing their flock from the fetid and poisoned fountains of the
university, of which those who drink, are inhaling death, and
slaking the thirst of the rising generation with the pure waters
of life, unmixed and undiluted with any error. And is it at a
period like this that we are to hand over the faith of the children
to be corrupted by apostate and infidel or profligate masters ?
Of these nations who are making such noble efforts to rescue the
faith from the dangers to which it is exposed, the sainted men of
Ireland were once the instructors. We must, therefore, hand
down to those who come after us the virgin faith, which in Ireland
has escaped contagion.| Seek first the kingdom of God and his
justice, and God, who provideth food for the ravens of the air,
will not suffer you to perish. Invoke his aid with fervent prayers
during this holy season. “ Rend your hearts and not your
garments, Ӥ in sincere sorrow for having offended him. The
regulations regarding the use of flesh meat on Sunday and three
days in the week will be the same as last year ; on Fridays there
will be abstinence from eggs, and the last week is not only to be
devoted to entire abstinence from meat and eggs, but likewise on
Wednesday and Friday, milk diet is to be abstained from — a
slight privation when we recollect the bitter chalice drained by
our Divine Redeemer.
Should the famine become terrible in its ravages, as it, alas !
portends, send forth your humble and strong remonstrances to
your rulers, adjuring them to check the exportation of the food
that is daily sent away from your shores — use all legitimate
means to avert the horrors of pestilence and famine ; but whilst
you ask for bread accept not a stone, || and do not for a paltry
* Kings, xiv, 109. f Wisdom, v, 7. JLuke, xii, 31. §Joel, ii, 13.
1| Matthew, vii, ix.
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LETTER CX.
relief derived from the erection or endowment of infidel colleges,
suffer the worse religious pestilence and famine described by the
prophet* to desolate a land whose faith was hitherto untarnished.
If you do the consequences will, we fear, be too awful to antici-
pate. Some of the priests will be seduced from their obedience
to their bishops, to become the hired and mercenary conductors of
the system ; some of the bishops, backed by political power, will
disregard the remonstrances and invade the jurisdiction of their
brethren. Town after town will declare (as did recently Tesina, a
canton in Switzerland), that education is entirely to be withdrawn
from all spiritual control, and placed exclusively under secular ju-
risdiction ; and a foul stream of literature, darker than those that
have been said to flow through the infernal regions, will, as now
from the University of Paris, continue to issue from those putrid
sources, the infidel colleges, covering your clergy, your convents,
and your hearths, with their irreligious outpourings, and defiling,
as far as they can effect it, the sanctuaries of domestic life, and
the altars of God’s temple.
In a portion of this diocese, and in a few days, it is said, that
the sacred solemnity of Lent is going to be broken in on by the
strife and tumult of a contested election. We trust not. Such
scenes are only tolerable or justifiable when the conflicting
opinions of voters are supposed to be doubtful, or nearly balanced.
But in this case, there is no doubt or ambiguity, regarding the
convictions of the great body of the people. Those convictions
are fixed and steady, and cannot be shaken but by bribery, or
perjury, or coercion. All those are illegitimate weapons. They
are strongly condemned by the laws of God, and no one can be
an agent in bribing or coercing the people, or making them
commit the horrid crime of perjury, without being guilty of
grievous transgressions which no temporal honor or emolument —
not even the possession of a kingdom — could outweigh. All the
voters are freemen — not lots to be driven to a political market.
Their suffrage is and must be their own free, moral act, uncon-
trolled by any sinister influence of bribery or coercion. It is
our solemn conviction, that many of the public evils that we
have already traced to national sins, such as famine and pesti-
lence, are much aggravated by the crying sins of fraud and of
bribery, of force and of perjury, that are committed before
heaven at those elections. Nor is this conjecture; for if any
profane persons be sceptical on the subject, we refer them to the
book of Kings, f where it is said that a famine, not of a year, but
of three successive years, came on the land of Judea on account
of the wickedness of Saul, who, in despite of a covenant ratified
by an oath, had put to death the people of Gaba.
* Amos, viii.
| Kings, xxi, 1 .
LETTER CXI.
609
We trust, therefore, that scenes so pregnant with proofs of the
Divine wrath will not be often repeated. Should a contest,
which is to be deprecated, take place on this occasion, it will be
the duty of all to oppose perjury, violence and bribery, and to
vindicate for the voters that complete liberty of acting and of
conscience, to which, as rational and responsible creatures, as
well as free subjects, they are entitled.
In conclusion, let us exhort you to conduct yourselves on this,
as on all occasions, without blame and without reproach, to seek
in your suffrage, like the peaceful and pious Simon, “ the good of
your nation,”* and to offer it, as St. Paul recommends the offering
of all our actions, to the honor and glory of God.j
We are your very faithful servant,
John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CXI.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula,
August 1, 1846.
My Lord — Among the many and obvious grievances that press
upon the people of Ireland, requiring prompt and vigorous
measures for their redress, there is one which cannot brook
delay, involving, as it does, the lives of thousands of the inhabi-
tants. I have read with surprise, and with somewhat of dismay,
the report of a speech attributed to the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, announcing the fearful intelligence, that the relief which,
through the means of employment on public works, had been in
some instances tardily meted out to the people, was, from the
15th of August, to be withdrawn. That auspicious day has,
since the introduction of Christianity into this country, been a
festival, bringing joy and gladness to the people. Suffer it
not, then, to be dreaded as a monument of national mourning.
You might as well at once issue an edict of national starvation,
as stop the supplies which the feeble creatures are striving to
earn with the sweat of their brows. The scenes of jealousy and
discontent that are of daily occurrence, on account of the real or
fancied preference which some claimants for employment receive,
are evidence of the pressure of hunger; and never did a mu-
tinous crew pant more eagerly for the partition of a rich booty,
* Maccabees, i, 14.
f I. Cor. x, 31.
610
LETTER CXI.
than the starving inhabitants of Ireland do at present, for the
miserable pittance earned on the public roads.
Allow me, then, in the name of a faithful and suffering people,
to implore of you, not only to stretch the present relief on an
enlarged scale into the middle of the month of September, but
not to suffer the great council of the nation to rise, without
adopting prospective measures for the similar but severer cala-
mity of the coming year.
Some member of parliament is said to have remarked, during
the discussion to which I allude, that a people was not to be
familiarized to the practice of depending on government for
their sustenance, and that aid during an extraordinary season
was not to be converted into the rule of ordinary years.
Nothing could be more just than this principle, nor is it over-
looked by those who now appeal to the legislature for the
extending of its protection. Visitations, such as that we are
passing through, are not always confined to one season. Nay,
they sometimes continue for two or three successive years. That
the disease in the potato is of that character, is now, alas! too
evident from the melancholy occurrence of the reports, attesting
a more fearful failure in the crop than that of the last harvest.
But these are not vague reports. Having recently passed through
extensive tracts of country, and made a minute examination into
the state of the potato, I can bear testimony not only to the pre-
mature withering of the stalks, and consequent decay of the
roots ; but under stalks of which the leaves were still green and
sound, the roots were diminutive in size, and in a state of rapid
decomposition. The fact is then so, and to throw a people, ac-
customed for some time to meal diet, on potatoes, that are some
rotten and almost all unripe, would be to aggravate all the evils
of famine, with the horrors of pestilence.
It is not, then, on the miserable and peddling scale of levelling
hills on a mail-coach road, that the physical wants of a numerous
people are to be relieved, but by those extensive and necessary
improvements which, while they mitigate distress, will afford to
the government an adequate remuneration — such as the erection
of quays and piers along the southern and western coasts, by
which the existing misery would be relieved, and courage given
to the hardy natives along those coasts, to explore and cultivate
the rich and abundant fisheries, on which any benevolent
statesman could draw for supplying the wants of the people.
Those are public works which the people have a right to expect,
in return for the ample revenues with which their industry
enriches the exchequer. They know they are improvements
which an Irish legislature would not delay. You may perceive,
then, how the natural calamities of the country are furnishing
arguments in favour of justice, and as if rebuking the reluctant
LETTER CXI.
611
tardiness of statesmen to consult for the prosperity of Ireland.
The pittance doled out this year for their relief, would form but
a small item in the millions abstracted without any return, by
absentees whom an Irish legislature would have kept at home, to
fulfil the duties, as well as to enjoy the benefits of property. Are
you, then, surprised, that while a nation is brought to the verge
of starvation, they are panting for the peaceful accomplishment
of a measure, which, even in years of scarcity, would supply them
with abundance, and in years of plenty, would enable them to
devote their surplus revenue to the cultivation of the arts, the
encouragement of science, and the foundation of beneficial
institutions.
The trying ordeal out of which the people are now passing
with such patience, notwithstanding the severe privations which
tliey still endure, has had the effect of imprinting more deeply on
their souls the necessity of a domestic legislature. Fear not,
however, that they meditate for that purpose either violence or
insurrection. No ; the weapons of their warfare are peaceful,
constitutional, and persevering remonstrance. They are resolved
to make known the hideous injustice with which they are still
treated, and determined to proclaim that the peace or discontent
of an entire nation, are interests too grave and too sacred to be
looked on as mere political signs to measure the degree of the
elevation or decline of the Whig or Tory factions. With the
advocates of physical force and sanguinary revolution, we disown
all sympthay. The impure sources from which they have im-
ported their dogmas of infidelity and disaffection we abhor. It
may be well worth the while of a profound statesman to pause
and consider whether, for the sake of vitiating the Catholic
religion, and weakening the influence of its priesthood, it is not
hazardous to erect infidel colleges for the propagation of an
infidel and revolutionary mania, which, should it succeed in
overthrowing the altar, will not spare the throne in its career of
demolition. Far wiser is it to provide for the starving and faithful
people, than propel such mischievous institutions — the hot-beds of
every moral and political vice, and waste the public revenues on
the sinecure salaries of professional idlers. Consequences must be
traced to their principles. The turbid stream is easily known
from its kindred and congenial source. The peaceful advocates
of Repeal are not for making experiments of violence or war.
They argue on the justice and necessity which even this year
illustrates, of a people being protected from hunger and starvation
by the care of a native and paternal legislature. This is a just
principle, and they rely on its progressing, in spite of every effort
to crush it. All connexion with the mischievous men, who are
for forcing into the country the educational despotism of France
and Prussia, with the dangerous dogmas which they strive to
612
LETTER CXII.
spread, they entirely repudiate. Their confidence is in the
patriarchal patriot of half a century, who, with the peaceful
principles of the Catholic Church to guide him, has already
advanced Ireland to a pitch, to which no military success could
have raised her in the same time. In the same peaceful course,
and under his leadership, the people of Ireland are determined
steadily to push on their claims, until the monster evil — the
frightful anomaly of the Protestant Church Establishment, is
annihilated by the tardy justice of the legislature, and until no
obstacle remains to prevent the cordial union of all classes, in
bringing about a peaceful achievement of the Repeal of the
Union. This consummation may be delayed by the followers of
Mazini and Voltaire, but cannot be prevented. It well became
those who were clamourous for infidel colleges, to be next the
constant advocates of force and insurrection. The most profuse
and dexterous application of Whig patronage cannot divert the
people of Ireland from Repeal — the necessary goal of all pre-
vious reforms, nor could the most inflammatory effusions of the
parodists of “ Young Italy” ever drive them into rebellion.
Repeal they cherish ; their country they love ; but there is
another affection which winds closer round their hearts than
either — that of their religion. Between country and religion,
hitherto united in their love, a divorce is now insidiously
attempted by the enemies of both; they will find themselves
bitterly disappointed. For though the Irish people, free from
bigotry, and anxious for justice, will practise the social virtues
towards all, without distinction — nay, will not refuse the alliance
of those who, on perfectly fair and peaceful grounds, will advocate
the public good — they will still jealously watch the movements,
and sternly sever the partnership of all who would attempt, under
any guise, however specious, to debauch the principles of attach-
ment to the throne and to the Catholic religion, which, through
all its vicissitudes and disasters, have formed the chief glory of
Ireland. — I have the honor to be your very faithful servant,
^ John, Archbishop of Tuam.
LETTER CXII.
TO THE EIGHT HONOEABLE LOED JOHN EUSSELL.
St. Jarlath’s, Tuam, August 21 , 1846 .
My Lord — The brief interval that has elapsed since I found it
my duty to address your lordship on the frightful prospects of
the potato crop, has, I am sorry to say, more than realised our
LETTER CXII.
613
worst and most desponding anticipations. The failure — nay, the
utter, the general, and undeniable destruction of that crop — the
only support of millions of human beings — is now a subject of
irrefutable notoriety ; and the only subject of doubt or specula-
tion is — what may be the ‘short period within which the celerity
of the potato rot will work its entire annihilation. This is a tre-
mendous crisis to contemplate. It has had already the effect
of unnerving the courage of the people. Something akin to a
feeling of despair has fallen on them; and, like mariners becalmed
in the midst of the ocean, whose provisions are gone, whilst they
are many days’ voyage from any shore, they look forward
through the terrible period of an entire year, without hope from
the ordinary resources of an abundant harvest. It is a prospect
at which humanity sickens, to see the people’s hopes thus en-
tirely frustrated, and the period which generally consoled them
for the privations of the preceding summer, turned into a season
of sorrow and despair.
It is, no doubt, a chastisement of the Almighty, and it is the
duty of us all to bow in submission to the chastening dispensa-
tions of a just God, and acknowledge the divine power by which
we arc stricken. Yet, far from sinking into apathy, we are all
bound to redoubled exertion, and our guilt will be only aggra-
vated if we fail to administer relief to a perishing nation. I am
rejoiced to find, that the report of the late parliamentary debate,
regarding the approaching famine, furnishes some faint hope to
the people. It is, however, but a faint hope, for if the measures
for our relief were to be restricted to the votes already passed,
they would prove utterly powerless in averting the threatened
calamity. I will not, for the present, dwell on the delays and
embarrassments which must render a portion of the projected
relief utterly unavailing. I merely content myself with acknow-
ledging that those votes, such as they were, proved the awful
truth of the approaching famine, as well as a certain degree of
sympathy for those who are its threatened victims.
But allow me respectfully to impress on your lordship, that
hunger and starvation are already at the doors of hundreds of
thousands, and that an enemy like this will not be subdued by
distant and doubtful measures of relief. The British empire
boasts, and with justice, of its measureless resources. Now is an
opportunity of exhibiting, as well the extent of its humanity as
of its resources. And what is the available sum that has been
voted by the munificence of parliament to avert the starvation of
millions ? Fifty thousand pounds ! ! Ten placemen partition
between them a larger portion of the public money. Let it not
be said that they arc as valuable in the scale of humanity, or
even of policy, as three millions of industrious inhabitants. Fifty
thousand pounds for a starving people ! ! It is not many years
614
LETTER CXII.
ago since four times the sum was squandered on the pageant of a
king’s coronation. Fifty thousand pounds ! ! It is still fresh in
our memory when a few parsons were allowed twenty times that
amount — a million of money — from the public purse, to sustain
an artificial status in society ; and yet but the twentieth portion
given to that body to keep up their rank, is to be doled out to
keep multitudes, who are the sinews of society, from perishing.
Your lordship does not forget when twenty millions were heaped
out from the public treasury, to give liberty to the negroes of the
West Indies, a liberty which your political opponents accuse you
of jeopordizing by your recent measures regarding sugar. And
are the lives of the people of Ireland so much depreciated in
value below the liberties of the Negro Indians, that but fifty
thousand pounds — the four hundredth part of the sum allotted
to the redemption of the former from slavery, is to be given for
rescuing the latter from certain death ? One hundred thousand
pounds are voted for infidel colleges, condemned by the bishops,
priests, and people of Ireland ; and while a double sum is wasted
on an object that will only poison the minds of the people, and
subsidize apostate professors to do the work, will half the sum be
deemed sufficient for saving an entire people from starvation ?
I have not time, nor have I any inclination — it is too melan-
choly a topic — to expose the heartlessness of the sordid and un-
feeling economists, who complain that Irish misery is to be relieved
out of the English Exchequer. No. We only demand that Irish
misery should be relieved out of the Irish resources, that are
profusely and unfeelingly squandered in England. If there be
a real Union between England and Ireland, it should have the
reciprocal conditions of all such covenants — mutual benefits, and
mutual burdens. We want, then, no English money. We want
but a fair share of the other portion of our produce, I mean the
wheaten one, with which Ireland teems in abundance. Had we
our parliament at this moment, it is certain we should be free
from the apprehensions of starvation. It would infallibly supply
us with plenty out of an Irish Exchequer. We have, then, a
right to demand, on the score of the Union, without being be-
holden to England, that support in our destitution which our own
parliament, if not merged in that of Great Britain, would not
fail to grant. If, then, those economists persist in a course of
political casuistry, as wrong in principle as it is inhuman in
practice, let them, even now at the eleventh hour, vote back our
parliament, and we will dispense with their votes of money.
There is no evasion from either alternative ; the lives of millions
are not to be sacrificed to the sordid speculations of a few political
economists. — I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
>J