.■^ •A^r'i^ir'. LIB RA RY OF THE U N 1 VER5 ITY-. or 1 L L I N O-I- S"t ' ^ , »MD BOOKSTACKS each no".' „ i.!.""-"' ,°' w\ ».»'"'°" "l. si»" tow "^ '-' «..w, cAvv m ; »U-c-:!!is= NOV 2 1 2«*: DtCl ,ttK( \i^ * r^ne date / / •J. 4^ V i^.. N s \ ^' M E M O I R S OF SIMON BOLIVAR, PRESIDENT LIBERATOR OF THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA; AND OF HIS PRINCIPAL GENERALS; SECRET HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION", AND THE EVENTS WHICH PRECEDED IT, FROM 180^ TO THE PRESENT TIME. WITH AN INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE STATISTICS, AND THE PRESENT SITUATION OF SAID REPUBLIC ; EDUCATION, CHARACTER, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE INHABITANTS. BY GEN. H. L. V. DUCOUDRAY HOLSTEIN, Ex-Chief of the. ^toffcfthe President Liberator, and now a citizen of the United States, Professor of Modei-n Languages at the College in Geneva, N. York, fyc. " II n'y a que la virile qui blcsse Et — elle blessera. BOSTON— S. G. GOODRICH & CO. 1829. "J Si to the Spanish colonies. Before such a passport was granted, a Spaniard was obliged to submit to many humiliating examinations and formalities. It was more difficult still for a foreigner to obtain such permission, which INTRODUCTION. 35 was granted only to those wlio were powerfully reconimerid- ed to the kin<:;. After the peace of Badojar, France alone was permitted to send agents or consuls to the Spanish Americas ; and their actions were pretty closely observed. A Spanish American, desirous of coming to Spain, was obliged to submit to the same formalities as the European Spaniard who wished tb go to the colonies. The viceroy, and the captain-general only, could give them their pass- ports. Capital punishments were ordained against all masters of vessels, not Spaniards, who should attempt to enter any har- bor in the Spanish colonies, and against all merchants not licensed to trade with the colonists. These measures ren- dered it impossible for the inhabitants to have intercourse with foreigners. The clergy felt a deep interest in seconding the views of government. Their system to perpetuate the ignorance and superstition of the people, procured f'>r themselves the great- est temporal advantages. In the pursuit of these they were utterly regardless of the spiritual welfare of the people, and of their own ! The education of youih was therefore much neglected. Boys were sent to school ai the age of four years, and the age was the same for going to a convent. Since education to a man is what culture is to a plant, it may be proper to enter into some details, to show that such education as the greater part of the generation now living in Colombia have received, under the Spanish dominion, could not possibly form men of knoweldge and of liberal minds. This will best inform us what kind of men they are who now stand at the head of the government, and how those power- ful chieftains were formed, under whose control the various departments are placed, and among whom they are divided. There are, it is true, in Colombia, and in other parts of the Spanish Americas, men of talents and knowledge; but they 36 INTRODUCTION. arc much more scarce in Colombia than in othes countries, and their political existence is crushed and destroyed by an arbitrary military despotism. Where bayonets are the gen- eral rulers, liberty, knowledge, civil rights, and all political welfiirc arc completely banished. To turn the bayonets against the defenceless country and its iidiabitants, requires neither knowledge nor talents. The greatest part of the schools, colleges, and universities have been, and still are, in the hands of the clergy, and the friars. This body of catholic clergy must not be confounded with those m olher countries. These were full of prejudices and had very little knowledge. The friars were not much better, and in some cases worse. They fdled the heads of the school boys with histories of extraordinary and incredible miracles, with sketches taken from tlie lives of their saints. The boys learned by rote, and recited a great number of Latin prayers, of which they could not know the sense. They were taught to sing litanies and masses, and v.erc subjected to ex- terior forms of piety. Thus were they formed to early hab- its of dissimulation and hypocrisy, under the influence of which their heads and hearts remained during life. On leaving schogl, they entered a college, where they learned Latin and Greek very superficially. Their memories were charged witii an obscure and diffuse scholasticism, and with some superficial knowledge of geography, history, Sec. Instead of being taught the principles of true religion, or of a sound and pure morality, they were instructed in the difier- cnt ranks and classes of society ; in the advantages of being born a nobleman, or of belonging to families in the service of the king, or the church. Their self-love and vanity were thus excited and made predominant over every other princi- ple and motive. This education was ordinarily finished at the age of fiCiecn or sixteen years. M. Dupons gives a correct and minute account of llicir instruction, in his work, which uHbrds the most full inforniation on the state of education on tliC Main before the revolution at Caracas. INTRODUCTION. 37 Since the revolution of 1810, the new government has, however, not had much time or money to devote to the sub- ject of education. Though peace has afforded more leisure for attention to this subject, they have been deficient in both funds and talents, and this deficiency has stood in the way of the formation of good primary schools and colleges, and able teachers. Will Bolivar establisli such institutions? Itisvery doubtful whether he has tlie power to do so. And with his military and absolute government, can he desire that knowl- edge should be diffused among the Colombians f In Venezuela, to arrive at liic title of marquis, count, or baron, was the height of human felicity. I have known dif- ferent Caraguins to expend large sums of money in getting one of these titles from the Spanish government. Others ob- tained orders, or stars. In Spain all might be obtained, par- ticularly under the corrupt government of Manuel Godoy, Prince of the Peace. This rage for titles existed not in so high a degree in New Grenada as in Venezuela. No title of nobility was known there among the natives. The European nobility preserved their titles after leaving Spain. In Venezuela there existed a Creolan nobility, unknown in New Grenada, under the name of Mantuanos, of whom I will speak hereafter. But in both provinces, all mechanic trades and employments were much despised, and left to colored and black people. The honorable occupation of cultivating land, belonged exclusive- ly to slaves. In Caracas and in Bogota, no mechanic, even now, can be found, who is not a colored or a black person. It would be a disgrace to a man of good family to touch any of these occupations, or to gain an iionest living by his own industry. He would like mucii better to have a brilliant uni- form, or a friar's or clergyman's frock, to sing and serve at mass in church, or to obtain the title of doctor, that he might be regarded as belonging to the highest classes of society. He would prefer the laziest life, to obtaining subsistence by industry. 38 INTRODUCTION. r This vanity, the effect of early education, was the source of many dissentions, and of a ridiculous and childish jealousy among families. From this each one derived an opinion that he was a more important man than his neighbor, and was anx- ious to be distinguished by his birth, rank, titles, and wealth. This was often the cause of jealousy, envy, and bitter enmity between two families, occasioned, by me.»-e trifles. The officers of the Spanish government and the clergy saw these dissentions with pleasure, and adopted the maxim. Di- vide (nid Govem. The numerous class of lawyers and attor- nies joined the two first, because their own subsistence de- pended upon lawsuits, which of course they endeavored to excite. Before the revolution, society was divided into different and very distinct classes. To the first class belonged the Royal Audiencia, or highest council of government in civil matters, and in which the viceroy or captain-general always presided; and to which belonged the regent, the auditors and the judges of the highest court of justice. The govern- ors of the different provinces, the generals, the intendant, the treasurer, the inspectors of the army, and the colonels, were reckoned in this class. It was composed of European Span- iards, who were authorised to bear the titles of Excellency, or Usted (gentry.) The second class comprised the most wealthy and noted families of high birth, all Creoles. In New Grenada there was no term to distinguish these from other families, and they were designated by the phrase, " he or she is of high birth." In Venezuela, they had a name, that of" las familias Mantu- anas." This was a kind of American nobility, commonly mixed with European blood. The third class was formed of the judges of the ordinary courts, the municipal, and military officers from the lieuten- ant colonel to the second lieutenant, the members of the bar, , the public notaries, the lower officers of government, that were Creoles, the doctors, professors, &,c. INTRODUCTION. 39 In the fourth class were reckoned the merchants, the cap- italists, or lessees of a louver birth, the bankers, &c. — all white. The other classes were formed of men of color and black men — all free — and Indians and slaves. The clergy, regular and secular, belonged to none of these classes. They were highly respected, and had their sepa- rate jurisdiction, their ecclesiastical council, of which the archbishop was president. They had their separate privile- ges and were entirely independent of both viceroy and cap- tain-general. I shall here speak only of the customs and manners of the highest American class, designated under number 2, as that which is distinguished for its wealth and independence. AH the rest being dependent on the government, or on some of the nobles; so that they were obliged to conform to their manners, customs and usages. They do not exhibit a cha- racter sufficiently prominent, to be worth a drawing. But where there is a cha»-acteristic difference, I will mention it. I will endeavor to compare the character of the Caraguin with that of the Grenadan, and particularly v/ith that of the inhabitants of Carthagena, as forming the most prominent points of difference ; and will afterwards speak of the Llane- ro and the Margaritan. The families of Mantuanos in Venezuela were divided, like the Grandees in Spain, into different classes ; as Sangre Azul, Sangre Mezclada, &c. These classes were formed for the purpose of marking distinctions of birth, as, Sangre Azul, (blue blood) designated the most opulent Creolan families, descended from Spanish ancestors, the first conquerors of the country, who had established themselves definitively there, and whose children, born in the country, were there established from generation to generation. Those of the Sangre Mezcla- da, (mixed blood) w^ere of a later date; and had intermixed either with Spanisii or Frenchmen. It was very common among the Mantuanos for a young man to marry as soon as he left college. His parents would con- sult together about choosing him a companion for life ; in 40 INTRODUCTION. which they regarded chiefly, (and particularly the lady's) birth, rank, fortune, and family connexions, as is customary among the nobility in Europe. All being settled with her parents, she was taken, at the age of 12 years, from the convent where she had been placed at four ; and married to a young man of the age of 10; frequently to one under that age. It was common to find such a couple whose ages put together amount- ed to less than thirty. I knew a handsome young lady of iViantuana, who, at the age of eighteen had seven children living. Another had a daughter sixteen years old, who ap- peared to be the sister of her mother ; uho was not over 27 years of age. Such a couple, uithout any experience, not yet knowing even how to behave themselves, were placed at the head of a large household, and surrounded by flatterers, and a numerous train of servants, wlio sought to dupe them. Having had neither opportunity nor judgment to know the character, each of the other, they believed they were in love, because their parents assured them of it. At first all was happiness and joy. Jkit they soon began to discover faults; and to feel, in the company of each other, a certain vacuity and listlessness. They began their ditferences by disputing, and then quarrelling ; and ended them by hating each other. The husband amused his fancy abroad. The wife consoled herself by other means. In this manner they lived, choosing separate courses of life, and would have been divorced, but for their dread of certain humiliating formalities, which re- quire that witnesses shall testify publicly'to their disiionoi-a- ble private conduct. Their divorce v/as prevented, only by their pride and vanity. Whether it is owing to manners and character, a far more temperate climate, or whatever cause, marriages are not made at so early an age, at Bogota as at Caracas. Here families are more united and happy. They are not so ostentatious and showy, but their households are more orderly, and they have more solid riches. They are less fastidious, and more cor- dial in their manner of receiving strangers, than at Caracas. INTRODUCTION. 41 A rich family of high birth in Bogota, seldom expend the whole of their annual income, wliilst the Mantuanos antici- pate theirs, and contract debts. Among the Mantuanos in Venezuela, the conduct of mar- ried peo[)le, in general, has a most pernicious effect upon their children. Tiiese must know the irregularity of their fa- ther, and the intrio;ues of their mother. What children learn in these schools of vice, they early begin to practise ; even before their moral or physical powers approach maturity, these boys practice vices which in most other countries, at their age, are not attempted. There were to be seen many who, by excesses, had lost their vigor, at an age, when oth- ers begin to enjoy life. They fall victims to many diseases, and their pale and meagre faces were emblems of pain and suffering. In tiie midst of every advantage afforded by birth, wealth, and a delightful climate, their health was visibly de- clining. These living spectres approach an early grave, de- ploring a vicious life ; which is often transmitted from one generation to another. It is, therefore, not surprising that all travellers who of late have visited Colombia, and particularly Venezuela, talk so much of the general corruption of manners. Among all the rest, Caracas is distinguish.ed. It was not strange to hear a lady complimented, in pre- sence of her husband, upon changing her giterido (gallant.) The husband spoke of his mistress with the same freedom. The festivals and holidays, in these countries, afforded con- venient occasions for intrigue between the sexes; as, the grand mass of midnight, the evening before christmas, the whole time of carnival, the numerous evening meetings in honor of the holy virgin, or the saints, &:c. IMany passionate declarations, verbal, and written, have been made in church- es and chapels. I appeal to all who have been in these countries. To all tliis, must be added the private conduct, and corrupt principles of priests and monks, who, under the mask of religion, have seduced a great many young females. On the other side stands the military officer, whose brilliant 42 INTRODUCTION. uniform, and the idea of vigor and courage attached to his character, render him peculiarly attractive. By considering all these things, one may form a correct opinion of the man- ners and customs on the Main. Among the clergy in Caracas, the canonicii were distin- guished for their wealth and libertinism. Even the monks and friars generally kept their mistresses. A friend of mine, at Caracas, surprised his young and beautiful mistress with a stout and handsome friar. lie dared not say a word for fear of the friar's vengeance, who would not have failed to do him mischief This discovery, however, cured him of mistresses, and he soon after left the country. The priests in the villages, small towns and boroughs, gen- erally have their female housekeepers, and a number of chil- dren. Passing one day through Aqua del Pablo, a large village in the interior of New Grenada, I rested with my retinue, at the house of the priest, with whom I had been acquainted in Carthagena, and who expected me to dine with iiim. His house was one of the largest and best in the country, and sur- rounded with various other buildings ; proving, at least, great ease, if not wealth. I found a large table well provided with silver spoons, plates and forks. We sat down gaily and dined. After dinner, the officers belonging to my family, re- tired. I remained alone with the priest, who was a good and benevolent man, generally beloved, and a father to his con- gregation. He was a patriot, and one of the most enlight- ened persons of the catholic church. He sat with his back to the door, and I wiih my face towards it. After a while, the door was cautiously opened, and a beautiful female head ap- peared. 1 rose from my scat to tell hor she need not fear, and to request her to come in. ]5at the door was hastily shut, and she disappeared. The p ricst asked what had befallen me so suddenly ; I told him what 1 had seen. " Oh, said he it can be no one but my wife, {mi mvga,) the fool, she was anxious to send us some sweet meats made with her own hands." I requested him to call her, but he declined, saying, INTRODUCTION. 43 she was not dressed well enough to appear before me. I then asked, as a Aivor, to be introduced to her. He laughed at my curiosity, as he called it, but, at length, brought her into the room. 1 saw in her a young lady about eighteen years of age, well educated, and very amiable. She was the moth- er of two beautiful children. I was much pleased with her conversation, and particularly with the unassuming manner of it. The priest and his wife, as he called her, solicited me to stay with them until the next morning, which I declined, with reluctance, and only because my duty pressed my return to head quarters. The houses of the IMantuanos were generally governed by an intendant, or major domo, who has many servants of both sexes under his command. As the master and mistress of the house considered it beneath their dignity to meddle with household alfairs, they left every thing to the intendant, who received and paid as he pleased. When the master or his lady were in want of money, they askt-d it from him. After a few years the intendant became rich, and advanced money upon liigh interest lo his master, who supposed he was using his own property. Tiie author of Gilblas of Santillane, has not at all over- charged the picture he draws of these intendants, and of the Spanish viceroy in America — their luxury, corruption, &c. The education of young ladies in Caracas was much ne- glected. They were taught, but not thoroughly, to read and write. They were also taught music and dancing. Playing on the guitar, some needle work, and dressing themselves, were their favorite and principal occupations. To attend to any part of house keeping, would have been considered so far below the dignity of a Mantuana, that it would have rendered her ridiculous. She occupied herself with a little embroidery, or reading some book of devotion, or some tale. Such were their occupations when they were not at church, at the pro- menade, on visits, or at balls. The inhabitants of the same class in Bogota were more re- served and cautious in society. The fair sex were, in gen- eral more modest and timid. The ladies in the capital were 44 INTRODUCTION'. distinguished by tlicir clear and fine Cbmplexion ; commonly supposed to be the eilect of a temperate climate, and pure wa- ter. SoiDe, nevertheless, are found with wens, a disease very common in the province of Cundinamarca. Their manners are more reserved, sweet and agreeable, and they interest by that timid candor which characterises the sex. The ladies in Caracas are not so fair in their complexions, nor so re- served in their manners. They fascinate by their brilliancy, their wit, and tlieir easy manners, by what may be properly termed coquetry. The ladies of Bogota improve upon ac- (|uaintance more than those of Caracas. The education of the ladies in Bogota was mucii the best; more strict and more solid. The greatest part among the first class, were educated in convents of nuns, in schools established expressly for that purpose. Such a boardiiig school house was enclosed within the walls of the cloister, but had no comtnunication with it and the nuns generally. Three or four nuns were named by the abbess to take charire of the school. These directed all the economical duties of the boardinsf school and instructed the scholars. One was directress, whom the others were obliged to obey. They vvere, like their pupils, excluded from communication witii the convent, and passed through a small door to go to churcli, or to call on the abbess by her order, or to pass an evening with the nuns on extraordinary occa- sions. The pupils entered, commonly, at the age of four years, and were not permitted to go out, but by order of their parents at the time of their marriage, or completing their education. It was very seldom that a young lady obtained permission to go out and see her parents; but they were permitted to visit her at the parlor, surrounded and separated from their children by iron grates. This permission must be asked from the ab- bess of the convent, and was granted upon condition that one of the nuns be present at the interview, at the appointed day, and hour. Tliis permission was often refused. The pupils were taught to read, write, calculate, (cypher,) the elements of history, geography, natural history, chanting religious songs, dancing, playing on the piano forte, or the INTRODIICTIOX. 45 guitar, or harp, sewing, embroidery and working clothes. They were taught to cook and to make various kinds of sweet- meats and cakes. Each of those, more advanced in age, had, during her week, the ciiargc of tlu; household. They were tauo-ht how to govern a family with order and economy : things of which the young Caraguin ladies were destitute. Those who stayed at home for private education, which sel- dom happened at Bogota, were never allowed to go out with- out being accompanied by one of their parents, or a trusty servant. They were always dressed in black; so that they were not distinguishable from the common classes ; but by the finer texture of their clothing; or their mantillas (veils) garnished with fine watches, or by their diamonds, pearls, or their golden chains, at the end of which was suspended, a golden or ivory cross, richly garnished with pearls or dia- monds. Before the revolution, it was not unusual to see ladies at a ball or other festivals wearing more than 200,000 dollars in watches, diamonds, pearls, ttc, in their dresses, without ap- pearing to be overloaded. When going to mass, all dressed in black satin. Their faces were veiled with costly notched mantillas; and the upper parts of their frocks were also gar- nished with the same. They wore no hats, but their hair was ornamented with costly combs, set with diamonds, pearls, &c. Tiiey were followed, often, by 20 or 30 servants of both sexes, free and slaves, very neatly dressed ; and each of them carry- ing somethinir for the use of their mistress; as books, urnbrel- las, fans, &,c. The husband never accompanied the wife to church, either in Bogota, or at Caracas. Children were taken to church as soon as they could walk, the sons with the father, and the daughters with the mother. Mass was said every day ; and on Sundays and holidays, it continued from three o'clock in the morning until noon ; and during that time, every one had his choice of going at what home he pleased, or was most convenient. The military mass was at 11 o'clock ; at that time the viceroy, or most of those who were attached to the Spanish government, attended. 4G INTRODUCTION. In New Grenada, there were, among the slaves, more col- ored than black people. At Venezuela, it was the reverse. In the former, slaves were never permitted to appear abroad with shoes or stockings, though the weather there, particular- ly in Bogota, is sometimes so cold that ice is found in the streets. Tliis custom was begun and continued, for the pur- pose of distinguishing slaves from free persons. Tiius were the slaves constantly reminded of their degraded condition! In every other respect, they were perfectly well clothed, well fed, and in every other way well treated, and had very little labor to perform. The wealthy farpilies had from one to two thousand, and more, slaves. Forty or fifty were se- lected to serve in the house ; the rest were put to cultivate the soil. At the public walks, which are commonly called Alme- das, in Bogota the ladies usually rode in coaches ; and here, as in all other public places, they were dressed in black. On great festival days, the ladies of the governor, generals, or other officers, in both capitals, rode out on horseback,* dress- ed in Amazonian habits, with the epaulettes, galoons, brodices, or other badges distinctive of the rank of their husbands. They had a brilliant and numerous retinue. The wife of the viceroy, or captain-general, was preceded by a number ofaid- de-camp-:, and followed by the stalTand the civil and military officers of the government. Their husbands were never with them on these occastions. These ladies were addressed and spoken of by the titles of their husbands, as, "Her Ex- cellency the Vice Queen, the Captain Generala, the Govern- ess, dec." The wife of a colonel is called Ussia, [Siegnora] k,c. This old Spanish custom is kept up by the Colombians of the present day. The ladies of Bogota did not wear their black frocks in the interior of their houses. When at a wedding, a baptism, or ball, they wore colored and white dresses ; generally follow- ing the newest French fashion. * It is common for ladies to ride on horseback, throughout the Spanish dominions. INTRODUCTION". 47 The ladies in Caracas and Caitliagcna were dressed in black, only when thoy went to church, or assisted at the pub- lic processions. The plates, candlesticLs, pitchers, and other utensils, were of pure silver, or overlaid with gold. A poor man in Bogota would have felt himself disgraced without his silver spoon, knife and fork. Steaks, pies, ^'c, were set upon the table in large golden plates. The household furniture was very rich and sumptuous ; and when we consider that all their articles were purchased at 300 per cent j)r()fit upon their cost, reckoning transportation and exorbitant duties, we may have some idea of the wealth of these people. The houses of the wealthy classes at Bogota, may properly be called palaces. They were built of stone, were large and massy, and generally three stories above giound. But Bo- gota has suffered greatly by the dreadful earthquake of No- vember 2r)th, 1S27. So did Caracas in March, 1812. All this wealth, comfort, and agreeable society have now disappeared. The greatest part of these distinguished fami- lies in Venezuela, and in New Grenada have left the country ; and the few that remain, are ruined. The bad administration of the chieftains in Colombia, the party spirit and the civil war, operating with other causes already mentioned, have Spread anarchy and misery over this beautiful country. Grass is growing in the streets and public squares of both Caracas and Bogota. The most frecpjcnted streets of both are full of beggars and miserable wretches, covered with rags, vermin and sores, who persecute you at every step, entreat- ing, or rather commanding you to give them something '■'■ por Vamor cle Dios." The officers and soldiers, generally, were badly clothed and fed. The commission of tlicft, burglary and murder during the night, was frequent, and was done with impunity. All who have know brisoners without mercy. They plunder the wounded and fatigued. In fine, in their war, they are complete savages. It is difficult to subject them to discipline. Their organi- zation is, therefore, different from that of any other tioops in Colombia. They select their officers from among themselves, and turn them out at pleasure, sometimes killing them, and putting otiieis in their places. They never sufl^er themselves to be commanded by a stranger, some of their own generals have been in danger of being killed by them when they were suspected of cowardice, or treachery. This was the case with generals Sedcno, Roxas, and Monagas. Paez, however appeased them, and protected these chieftains. He is their supreme commander, and he only is adored by them. They care not much for general Bolivar; and, on various occa- sions have been heard to say, that they never see him in the fire, nor at the head of a charge ; and that he is too far from the camp and battle field, to be able to judge for himself how the action should be conducted. General Paez embittered by the loss of a battle, told general Bolivar, in presence of more than 40 officers, that, where Bolivar commanded in bat- tle, he caused the loss of it, but that when he himself com- manded alone, he had beaten general Morillo, but that under Bolivar's orders, battles were lost. After Paez, general Zarasa has the greatest authority and most influence over the Llaneros. He is brave, intelliffent and humane, and is, in every respect superior to Paez, who is jealous of him. The Spanish chieftains, particularly Morillo, have repeatedly attempted to gain him over, but his firm character defeated their efforts ; enraged at this they avenged themselves upon his wife and children, who were murdered 60 INTRODUCTION. The Llaneros have undoubtedly rendered very great servi- ces to the republic, and in this long and bloody war have distinguished themselves among all the inhabitants of the Main except the Margaritans of whom I shall speak here- after. The Llaneros have been constantly and entirely, de- voted to the patriotic cause, whilst the people of Caracas. Bo- gota and Carthagena, have frequently changed their political opinions. This wild race, far more raw and ignorant than any other people in Colombia, have nobly adhered to the republic. In 1813 they contributed powerfully to the success of the Dictator Bolivar, who dislikes Paez, but treats him publicly with great regard, for the purpose of managing him. The truth is, if Paez had been a different kind of man, he might at various times, have displaced Bolivar. Three distinct offers have been made him to that effect. The inhabitants of the small and rocky island of Margarita, which forms one of the provinces of Venezuela, had, like the Llaneros, their favorite commander. This was general Aris- mendy. But he lost his influence by being too arbitrary with his countrymen, the Margaritans. But 1 will speak further of the characters and talents, both of Paez and Arismandy in my biographical sketches of them. The Margaritans are much more cultivated and humane than the Llaneros. Their maratime coasts enable them to carry on a tradCj notwithstanding the laws, with the inhabit- ants of St. Thomas's, Curacao, &c. Margarita has many small bays where vessels may enter; and which are not so closely watched by the Spanish vessels of the king or the company, as the larger ports of Cumana, Barcelona, and the larger cities belonging to the inhabitants of the plains. In- tercourse with foreigners was easier and more frequent at Margarita than any where upon the Main. ^ It is well known that the Margaritans, since the beginning of the revolution (1810,) have been supporters of indepen- dence ; and could, never since, be reduced, by the most pow- erful efforts of the Spaniards, whilst a great part of the plains have been in possession of Boves, Morales, and Morillo. INTRODUCTION. 61 They are true Republicans, industrious, brave, and hospitable. If any of these provinces have deserved freedom and inde- pendence, Margarita is the first ; and all who have known her people will agree with me in this opinion. The catholic religion is rendered the more imposing by the observance of its followers ; and no city on the Main had so many, or so brilliant religious festivals, as Bogota, the capital of New Grenada. Caracas, Carthagena, and other cities, had the same ceremonies, but in a less imposing style. The cause of this difference is to be found in the greater wealth and devotion of the people, Bogota being the seat of the viceroy, governor of twenty-two provinces, with a nu- merous and splendid retinue, and a strong garrison; whilst the captnin-general had only eight provinces. Besides, the Grenadans are less enlightened, and more rich, numerous, and powerful. From Lent Monday to Holy Friday, in passion week, there was every day a solemn and numerously attended proces- sion, which passed through the principal streets and squares of the city of Bogota. Before 1 close this introduction I will relate an extraordin- ary punishment inflicted for robbery, burglary and the like, characteristic of the manners, under the late viceroy of New Grenada. Between the condemnation and punishment, two or three weeks intervened, that the country people might be notified, and witness the punishment. A convict was condemned to receive, with a kind of whip, long in use among the Spaniards, a certain number of lash- es upon his back and posteriors, to remain in prison, or to work in the mines, or gallies, a certain number of years, ac- cording to the degree and aggravation of the offence. The punishment was rigorously inflicted, without regard to age sex, or rank. At the appointed hour the criminal was strip- ped of all clothing, except a strip of colored cloth about his middle, and placed upon an ass with the reins in his hands, so as to present his posterior and back to the executioner; his hands and feet were so tied, that the reins were in his 62 INTRODUCTIO-V. hands. In this position he was taken under a guard of sol- diers from the prison to the public square ; the whole halted, and the officer read, with great emphasis, the judgment, to- gether with the christian and family name of the criminal, his name, native j)lace, office, and the names of both his pa- rents, and their place of abode. He was then whi[)ped at the four corners of the square, and at the corners of the principal streets. As the city of Bogota is large, it was sometimes more than three hours before the prescribed pla- ces were passed, and the number of blows given. In 1805 this punishment was inflicted in Bogota, under the following circumstances. A beautiful girl, 18 years of age, whose pa- rents were both European Spaniards, who had received a good education, and was much esteemed in Bogota, assisted at the f< stival of the purification of the Holy Virgin, in the church of San Francisco. This day, the waxen figure ofthe Virgin was ornamented in an unusually splendid manner, with pearls and costly diamonds and surrounded with many hundred waxen tapers. The girl, totally blinded by the splendid ex- hibition, took the sudden resolution to become possessed of the jewels. Sh.e afterwards said, in her confession, that the idea was given her during he sermon, by satan himself, who compeletly succeded in tempting her. She hoped this ex- cuse would save her from punishment. She succeeded in the following manner : Instead of goiu"; out with the crowd she absconded in one ofthe dark corners of the church, be- hind a saint. The sexton not doubting but all were gone out, extinguished the waxen tapers, went out and locked the door. She came out of her corner, and by the light of the eternal Inmp, so called, which is kept burning in catholic churches, she succeeded in despoiling the virgin of her jew- el?, and selected them at leisure. While she was in the cluirch her parents sought her every where, in the most cruel anxiety. Early the next morning, the sexton, on entering the church, was astonished to find her fast asleep upon one of the steps of the main alter, having the jewels in her hand and frock. He hastened back cautious- INTRODUCTION. 63 ly shut the door, and made his declaration before a magis- trate. She was convicted, the jewels being found upon her. It would be in vain to attempt to describe the feelings of her parents. They, and the most respectable and wealthy fami- lies, even the judges and members of the royal audiencia, warmly besought the viceroy to spare her. The parents re- peatedly kneeled at his feet, imploring his pity. The vice- roy's wife herselfinterceded. The parents, who were in very good circumstances, secretly offered to sacrifice their whole property. All was in vain. The viceroy replied that he could not alter the laws; that if he prevented their execution in the case of an European Spaniard, the natives would have reason to be dissatisfied, particularly as the crime was of such a horrid nature. Don Antonio Amar was a good and sensi- ble man. He pitied all the sufferers, but did not feel himself at liberty to relieve them. In this case the punishment was inflicted, as in every other respect, except that the executioners received a secret order to strike lightly. The surrounding crowd of citizens and country people was immense, and eye witnesses have assur- ed me, that not one was seen to enjoy the spectacle ; but that all were deeply moved. Her sufferings lasted about five hours. Her parents went eight days before to Mompox, never to return to the place of the shameful punishment of their only child. As a special favor, she was released from prison the next day, she rejoined her parents, and died of a lingering ill- ness two months after. The miserable parents followed her to the grave. This barbarous punishment exists no longer. A thief is now punished with a certain number of stripes, or at the pub- lic works. After what I have said of the education character and mor- ality of this people, the reader may form his own opinion with regard to their existing ignorance and prejudices. He may now also be enabled to judge whether Bolivar and the other chieftains of Colombia, can confer on its inhabitants, light C4 INTRODUCTION. liberty and freedom. The rulers of Colombia have naturally adopted the manners and customs of the Spaniards. But they are far less advanced than the latter, not by their own fcult, but as a natural consequence of the Spanish system, which was designed to keep them in darkness and ignorance. By means of this pernicious system, the Colombians are, at least 150 years behind the people of the United States, in the science of government. Experience will prove, whether my opinion, advanced in July 1824,* is just. * See Atlantic Magazine for July 1824, No 3, published by Bliss and White in New- Yoik, p. io/. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. CHAPTER I. Causes of the present imperfect knowledge and erroneous opin- ions respecting the political events and leading characters in Colombia. To trace wiili justice and impartiality, the history of power- ful men who have not yet finished their career, is hy no means an t-asy task. Burke says " thar death canonizes a great charac- ter." In the political and military life of Gen. Bolivar, many traits have already appeared, which give a correct knowledge of the character and talents of the Liberator. The most extravagant and contradictory opinions, have, at dif- ferent times, been given of Gen. Bolivar. Some say : " He is a great, an extraordinary man ; a man of transcendent knowledge and talents ; the hero of South America ; the benefactor of his country ; its Washington ; its Napoleon." Others assure us " He is the Cromwell, the tyrant, the oppressor of his country." Truth is rarely to be found in any extreme. That such various opinions should have been received of this man, is not at all surprising, when we consider that the majority of mankind are inclined to admire splendor, power and success, and that the more, when the object of their attention is beyond their own sphere : INIoreover, they blame or aj)prove, according to their own interest or feelings. Rarely is their opinion formed from the evidence of truth, or with the spirit of impartiality. But the defender of freedom and the rights of man, naturally attracts our attention more and more intensely, by every successful ev^ent. The actions of Gen. Bolivar have been considered as being in accordance with the wishes of all liberal and enlightened men ; nay, with those of every oppressed and enslaved being. His smallest successes have given general satisfaction, and every eye has been 2 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. fixed upon him and his proceedings. But without any exact and positive knowledge ol' facts, each individual has formed of general Bolivar, his own idea, in conformity with his own wishes, and with his confused and incorrect notions of events on the Main. Pub- lic opinion was soon captivated to such a degree, that whatever accurately informed and impartial men could say against the Lib- erator, was disregarded, and treated as mere calumny, or as com- ing from agents of the Holy Alliance, from enemies of the cause of freedom, or from rash adventurers. The majority of thepubhc have been prevented from judging for themselves, and have con- tinued to contemplate general Bolivar, as the hero, the father, the liberator of South America. Various causes contribute to form these opinions, in the com- mencement of general Bolivar's career : First, — The great diffi- culty of procuring exact information from the Main, because every one possessing it, had his own opinions, his own views, his own interests, while corresponding with his friends ; others concealed the real state of facts, or circumstances which might enlighten, fearing their letters might be intercepted or miscarried, or that their names should be mentioned by their friends, and so their in- terest affected on the Main. Secondly, — The bulletins and proclamations of the rulers in Colombia, on many occasions, have been very extravagant and partial, as is generally the case with documents of this descrip- tion, in every army throughout the world, where war and armies have existed. These bulletins and proclamations have been faithfully translated, without comment, without any of the partic- ulars which would give a correct idea of the events, and have naturally inspired gigantic notions of the power of armies in Colombia ; and of the heroic bravery, and of deep military skill of the leaders of these armies. Besides, the Spanish language is distinguished from all others, by its pompous phrases, which give it an agreeable and high sounding expression. The effect of the language, too, is enhanced by the Caraguin character, which is generally vain and boasting. And so it happened that a skirmish, in which, in fact, only a few men were killed or wound- ed, was given out as a regular, and bloody battle.* * M'hcn I was cliief of tho stnfK" n1 fampnno, on the IMaiii. in jAIay ISlfi, Gen. Bolivar, then supreme, chief oi' the re])uhlic of Vouc/.iiela, ordered a detachnu'nl of about 75 men to take jiosscssiou of the villag-e, and the little foil of Santa Rosa, wliieh lies upon a hill, and conunands the harbor. No enemy was found m it, but twenty five half naked and badly armed men ; and these retired alter having twice disi harged a twenty four poun- ut ]5*oveS; with his 500 men, not only re])ulsed him, but routed him after a short conflict, on the lotli December, 1S13. Boves now took veiy active measures to augment his forces. He levied iieavv taxes, and extraordinary contributions upon the inhabitants of the surrounding counries, threatening them with tire and sw'ord, in case of refusal to pay them. He acted as if he had been absolute master and commander in chief. He took no ad- vice. He entirely disregarded the autliority of Monteveide, whom he considered as a usurper, and despised as a weak man. He organised a great number of guerillas, which procured him money, men, horses and nudes ; and began his operations by at- ^^acking Camacagua, where he made some prisoners. He marched upon Vittoria, Rosette, Mumara, and the town of Chaguaramas, where he routed the enemy. He again established his head quarters at Calabazo, whence he sent out different parties, which took possession of the positions of Charaguave, in the neighborhood of Caracas. CHAPTER VII. Discontent of the inhabitants of T-^enezuela ivith the Dictatorial Government — Convention held at Caracas — Skiiinish of Flora — Execution of 1200 Spanifirds hij order of Bolivar — Action of San jMateo — Sendinir of Deputies to London by order of the Dictator — Victory of the Patriots. 1 8 1 3 — 14. The rapid andAmexpected success of Boves, and his sudden appearance in the neighborhood of the capital of Caracas, the in- surrection of various towns and places of the interior not distant from Caracas, in favor of the Spaniards, the vexations of the agents of the dictator, and his arbitrary measures, by which the public misery increased daily, made a very mifavorable impres- sion on the minds of the Caraguins. The majority loudly imputed the fault to the dictator, Bolivar. They accused him of establish- ing a military and despotic government, ])utting the finances into the greatest disorder, neglecting to organize and discipline the troops, \vhich were in a miserable condition, of having constantly 56 MEiMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. opposed the formation of a Congress, of uniting and zealously re- taing the three powers in hiniscll", in spite of the advice of the true friends of liherly. They complained that he acted as a sovereign and absolute master, in following no other law than his own will, and many limes his caprice. The fair sex, and particularly his favorite mis- tress, Segnorita Josephine j\Ia , commonly called Segnorita Pepa, had the greatest influence in many nominations. Many young men, relations and friends of these female favorites, and who had no other merit, obtained grades in the army, and lucra- tive offices, in preference to others. One of them, Charles Sou- blette, had, as 1 was assured, risen in a very brilliant and rapid career. The dictator was soon apprised of llie general dissatisfaction, and perceiving his delicate situation, he followed the advice of some friends in assembling a kind of junta, composed of the most influential inhabitants of Caracas, wdiich was held in the convent of San Francisco, in the capital, January 1st, 1814. His inten- tions were to soothe the spirit of discontent, by appearing to com- ply with the general wish, by establishing a congress, and by rendering a favorable account of his administration during the dictatorship. He appeared on the 1st of January, 1814, in this well attended assembly, surrounded by a numerous and brilliant retinue of his officers, die secretaries of state, war, and justice, and followed by a strong body guard. The square before the con- vent, and the streets through which he had to pass, were occupied by the troops. The diree secretaries read long memoirs, in which each one gave an account of the transactions of his department. After this, the dictator, placed upon an elevated armed chair, rose and spoke as follows. " Citizens, The hatred vowed to tyranny caused my departure from Venezuela, when I perceived my country a second time in chains ; and the love of liberty called me back from the distant banks of the JMagdalena. I have overcome all obstacles which op- posed my march to liberate my country from the cruelties and hor- rors of the Spaniards. My elforls have succeeded ; the colossal power of the enemy has been destroyed, &c. " I have consented to accept and keep the supreme power, in order to save you from anarchy, and to destroy the enemies who would have supported the party of tyranny. I have given you laws; I have organized an administration for justice and the finan- ces ; finally, I have given you a government. " Citizens, I am not the sovereign ; your representatives will give you laws. The revenues of the government are not the property of those who govern you. Judge now, yourselves, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 57 without partiality, if 1 liave sought tlie power to elevate myself above you, or if I have not sacrificed my life, my soul, every minute of my time, to constitute you a nation, to augment your means, or ratl^.er to create them." " I now aspire to transmit this power to tlie representatives which you will choose, and 1 am convinced, citizens, that you will give me leave to resign an ofiice which many among you are com- petent to occupy, and my only request is, that you will leave me the only honor to which 1 aspire, that of continuing to com- bat your enemies ; then I will never rest until I see liberty estab- lished in my country." This speech was greatly applauded, and various motions were made, lu one, the orator proposed to erect a statue to the dicta- tor, which he had the good sense positively to decline. But another, Don Hurtado de Mendoza, the same who was lately sent by the president liberator, minister plenipotentiary to Lon- don, and who, in iNIay 1S2S, was arrested at Kingston, in the island of Jamaica, for a debt, contracted in London, of £3000 sterling, and was released upon bail. This person made a long speech, exerting himself to prove the necessitij of leaving the su- preme power in the hands of general Bolivar, until the congress of New Grenada could meet, and the two great provinces, the latter and Venezuela, be united under one government. This proposal, in direct opposition to the sentiments of the as- sembly, was, nevertheless, adopted, because no one dared to op- pose it in the presence of the dictator, and his powerful retinue. Bolivar was therefore confirmed dictator of the western part of Venezuela, and nothing fiulher was ever mentioned of the convo- cation of a congress, nor of any change in the present govern- ment. I have translated a great part of the speech of general BoHvar, for the purpose of making a short comment. This, like the great- er part of his speeches and proclamations, contains the same sen- timents, and about die same protestations ; all are filled with high phrases of devotion to the cause of hberty, and of love and attach- ment to his country, of profound submission to the will of the people, and above all, of a desire to resign his office, and to enter into the common class of simple citizens. ; From 1814 until the present day, (July 1828,) he has offered his ..resignation on every occasion. But iu fact general Bolivar has never ceased to pos- sess the supreme power. A man who firmly resolves to resign power, is always able to do it. What did general Washington ? and what has the present liberator done from 1813, to the present day? 8 58 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Some well informed persons are confident that Bolivar, through some friends, suggested to Don Hurtado the idea of making this proposal in that assembly, for the purpose of sounding public opin- ion. If we compare this fact with what has happened in Angos- tura, in Lima, in Bogota, in Carthagena, and now in Ocana, the ground of such confidence will be by no means doubted. Gen- eral Bolivar, in his last message to the national convention, assem- bled at Ocana, in the province of Carthagena, containing four closely printed columns of the Gazeta del Gobierno, dated Bo- gota, February 29th, 1S2S, speaks much more plainly, and gives us to understand that the military power is the support of civil society. He calls the members of the assembly, the legitimate representatives of Colombia, delegates from the people, " that sovereign authority of which he is the subject and soldier," and resigns into their hands the mace of the president, and the sword of the general." He draws a most appaUing picture of the disor- der, and dangers of the republic. The main suggestions of the message, are, that rights and selfish interests were alone heeded, but duties forgotten ; that the public credit was threatened with utter ruin ; that the government was essentially ill constituted, all power being concentrated in the legislature ; that the right of suf- frage was too cheap, and too much diffused ; that the juris- diction of civil authority in military cases, ought to be no longer tolerated ; that the want of a general system of police pro- duced great confusion, and the grossest abuses ; that the spirit of the army was sensibly deteriorated, owing partly to its subjection to the civil tribunals, whose doctrines are fatal to the strict disci- pline, the passive submission and blind obedience, which form the basis of military power, the siipiwrt of the whole society ; that subordination and discipline had been greatly relaxed too, by the obloquy which was cast upon the head of the party by the writings of subalterns, and by the application of political principles to the military law or police ; that the army did not receive half its pay ; that all the public officers, except those of the treasury, had suf- fered the greatest misery and distress ; that Colombia could not expect to be regarded or valued by foreign states, unless her internal affairs were well managed — in short, that a new distribu- tion of power, inexorable laws, were imperatively demanded ; that a stronger executive is indispensable, a firm, vigorous and just gov- ernment is the cry of the country. The liberator finishes this long message by representing himself as a simple citizen, no long- er distinct from the multitude, and imploring from the convention, a system under which the laws should be obeyed, the magistrate respected, and the people free. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 59 We see in this remarkajjle and characlerislic document, the se- cret wishes of the president liberator, expressed in very clear and distinct terms. But to return to Caracas. The dictatorial power was, inconsequence of Hurtado's propo- sal, continued for the government of those provinces of Venezu- ela in the power of Bolivar and iNIarino. Meanwhile the Span- iards gained more ground and greater forces. Among the latter, Boves was most formidable in regard to his skill, his activity and audacity. Boves departed February 1st, widi 600 infantry, and 1.300 horse, from Calabezo, surprised the advance guard of the patriots at Flores, and put every one of them to the sword. He marched afterwards against the corps of general Campo Elias, posted near the village of San Juan de los Morros, routed him, and killed all the prisoners. Boves was wounded, and forced to establish his head quarters in the city of La Villa del Cura. He detached from thence two columns, one under the command of captain Rosette, and the other under Morales, widi orders to march upon the city of Caracas. The inhabitants of this capital, alarmed at the approach of the enemy, raised, in the greatest haste, 1000 men, entrusted them with the defence of the city, and gave them two field pieces. The Spanish division, under Yanes, beaten on the 5th Decem- ber at Araura, was totally routed. He retired to Nutrias, and from thence to San Fernando de Apure, where he recruited quickly, so as to be enabled to take the field. He attacked the city of Ospino on the 2d of February, but in the midst of the action, a republican column returning from Tugule, attacked suddenly his right flank ; Yanes came up in support of this wing with a company of carbin- iers, and received two musket balls which killed him. The Span- iards came in disorder, but Calzada took the command, rallied them, attacked the enemy, and forced its retreat. Calzada established his head quarters the 19th at Araura. Col. Cevallos marched Feb. 3d towards Morituco, arrived March Tth at Tacaraqua, and on the 9th ^rprised the enemy before Bar- quisimeto, under the command of general Urdaneta, and colonel \ illapul. They fought bravely, but their posidon having been turned by the regiment of New Grenada, they were beaten, with the loss of about 200 men. The Spaniards entered Barquisimeto, where they committed many cruekies upon the remaining inhabit- ants; Cevallos marched from thence towards Quibor and Tocuyo. The dictator, Bolivar, having been informed that the Spanish chieftains, particularly Boves and Morales, had committed great cruehies wherever they passed, and had put to death prisoners, peaceable inhabitants, nay, even women and children, and all who appeared to them not attached to Uieir cause, ordered die arrest of 60 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. all the Spaniards and Islenos settled at Caracas and Laguira, and published, the Sth ot Feb. 1814, a manifesto, in which he an- nounced this arrest, and his intention to put all tliese individuals, together with the Spanish prisoners of war, to death, as a retaliation for the victims who had fallen by the cruelty of the Spaniards. He announced the execution of this sentence to be at Caracas and Laguira, the 14th, 15th, and IGth of February. This bloody sentence was effectually executed upon 1253 Span- iards and Islenos, prisoners of war, merchants, and others, who had never taken arms against the dictator, and who were establish- ed in Curacao and Laguira. Of these, 823 were shot at Caracas, and 430 at Laguira. These executions lasted the three appointed days, without any other trial or judgment. The dictator would hear no representation, no entreaty. Nothing could save them. — Amongst these victims, were men unable to walk by reason of in- firmity or age, many of them being 80 years old and upwards. — They were put into an arm chair strongly tied, drawn to the place of execution, and shot! — Those who at that time lived at Caracas or in Laguira, have assured me of this notorious fact. It can also be found in a printed manifesto, which the Spanish Junta ordered to be published, after the evacuation of Caracas by the dictator, (July 1814,) together with the details of this horrid butchery, and of some very pathetic scenes between tliese victims and their surviving families. Boves soon recovered from his ^\ound, and on the 12th of Feb. attacked the patriots under Ribas, not far from Victoria, and was totally routed. In this bloody conflict, neither party kept any prisoners, all were killed after the action. But Ribas, instead of pursuing his advantage, and endeavoring to destroy the forces of Boves, left the command of his troops to colonel Campo Elias, who remained quiet at Valencia, while the general returned to Caracas. Bolivar, observing with anxiety the rapid progress of the Spaniards, united at Valencia, all his disposable forces, and marched against Boves on the lOili of Feb. He marched towards San Mateo, while a small squadron of armed boats and transports, loaded with troops, were passing along die shores of the beautiful lake Valencia, to protect the plantations of tobacco, much of which was raised in this district. Boves having promptly rallied his routed troops, with the re- mainder of his division, marched to San Mateo to meet the dicta- tor, and while the latter was at his country seat, occupied all the surrounding hills. Boves expecting Bolivar to come and attack him, was disappointed. The dictator remained quiet in his head quarters. He tried to surprise Bolivar, but was repelled. He now made a rtise de gverre, which succeeded. He tried to de- MEMOIRS OF UOLIVAR. 01 ceive the Patriots in the valley, by attacking their posts, winch were soon supported by the rcmandcr oi" the troops. By feigning a retreat, he ch-ew iheni hito an ambush of a strong body of cav- alry, having black colors at the ends of their lances, which fell suddenly, with loud cries, upon the rear and wings, while Boves assailed them in front. Very few of Bolivar's troo})s were able to escape. The dictator and some of his oliicers saved their lives by the speed of their horses. The dictator and his staff were just called to dinner, when the attack commenced. A few hours after, Boves and his officers entered, gaily, and sat down to the dinner prepared for the former. Boves on leaving San Ahu; Delliag'ar was a pro^cV*/ of g'cncral Bolivar, wlion dictator at Caracas, and conimaudcd the sicffo before Porto C'ahollo, and was one ot tl\c llrst who fled when Bf)\cs came after tlie l)attlc of La Piierta to I'oito Cahello in .luno, 181 1. This same Duliao-ar was a young unl>eardi'd colonel of l!) years, wlio trcnililed extremely, wlien Castillo sent one of his ollicers with pianlcd men to arrest liini that same nig'ht. This officer, captain (iarcia. told me al'terward, lauj;'hiiii,', that ho luul never seen such cow- ardice in a colon*'/ .' 12 90 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. patriotism of general ]3olivar. Here is the pretext of which he made use to cover his secret purpose of revenge on this occasion. He sent an officer (tlie same Thomas iMontilla whom he had sent to general Miranda in June 1812, aftci his desertion from Porto Cabello) to the government at Carthagena, in order to de- mand from it arms, ammunition &:c. of which he was in great need, as he pretended, to enable him to carry on the siege of Santa Martha. This demand greatly surprised the government of Carthagena, as its members were well aware that general I^oli- var was amply provided with all the necessary means to besiege Santa iMartlia ; it appeared to them strange, too, that the general sent this letter after a stay of about a iortnight at Mompox, and that he had not applied in embarking at Honda. More strange did it ap])ear to ihcm, how he should not have known as positive- ly as diey did in Carthagena, the miserable state of Santa Martha, and the readiness of its inhabitants to open the gates to him as soon as he should jiresent himself with an imposing number of troops. All these considerations together gave rise to many sus- picions, and the men best informed, considering the character of general Bolivar, suspected " that his real intention was to render himself mastt!r of Carthagena, to displace Castillo, and to punish him, in revenge for the atiiont received in January 1813 ; to chansre afterwards the existins: iiovernment in recallina; the banish- ed brothers, Pineres, and finally to march with the troops of Car- thasrena united with his own, and the means which this well fur- nished fortress could afibrd him, a second time against Caracas to free his native land, and then re-establish his lost dictatorship. As soon as this letter was received, the general iManuel Castillo and the lieutenant colonel IMarino Montilla (brother of Thomas) at that time a bitter enemy to Bolivar, suggested to the governor, what mis:ht be the real intentions of the general. It was, there- fore, concluded to send an officer who could be relied on to gen- eral Bolivar at ISlompox. The bearer of these letters was one of the aid-de-camps of general Castillo, captain JManuel Davilla. — The general wrote in his letter to Bolivar : that he would sup- ply him, with pleasure, with all that he wanted ; he would find in the magazine at Savanilla, a small fort and sea port at twenty leagues distant from Mompox, between that city and Santa Mar- tha, all that he demanded, and tluU he, Castillo, had already de- livered the necessary orders to that effect ; he could nevertheless assure him positively by all the secret intelligences received from Santa Martha, that its inhabitants were waiting for him, and his army, and ready to open the gates as soon as he would present himself. He added : " he could easily convince himself of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 91 truth, if he would solely adv^ance with his troops, as far as the banks of the Cienega river," fcc. The 2;overiior Juan de Dies Amador confirmed, in a separate letter, all that general Castillo had stated, and urged Bolivar in a very pathetic and strong, but obliging manner to lose not a single moment in advancing against Santa ^lartha, the inhabitants of which would receive him as tiieir liberator. Captain Davilla met with a very harsh reception in dehvering his letters to general Bolivar, who was still at ^lompox. When Davilla came back to Carthagena he repeated to various of his friends some expressions which were not very polite, nor worthy to be used in the ordinary way of conversation. He added that various of Bolivar's ofiicers insulted him, and proposed to the gen- eral to arrest and treat him as a spy, sent expressly from Cartha- gena to examine what was passing in their head quarters ! This partv spirit, this hatred, this unworthy treatment of an officer in mission, deserving at least a ci\ 11, though it should be a cool re- ception, was communicated from the commander-in-chief to the sub- alterns, and showed clearly the vindictive character of Bolivar against Castillo and all who came from him. Davilla was dismiss- ed without any answer ! The festivals, balls, dinners, Sec. at Mompox, of which Bolivar is a passionate friend, lasted during the whole time of his stay; and the attack upon Santa jMartha was delayed. It appears that in leaving 3Iompox, he had already determined to act hostilely against Carthagena ; and in descending the river from IMompox to Magdalena, he gave orders to seize all the armed gun-boats which general Castillo had established on the river, to keep the communication open between Carthagena, Honda and Bogota. He declared the ofhcers to be his prisoners, and gave the com- mand to others chosen out of his army. This manifestly hostile act acfainst Carthairena showed clearlv his real intentions. He debarked his troops at the little fort called Carabano, and instead of marching directly against Santa I\lartha, where all were in the greatest consternation, he left it beliind and directed his march through Baraquilla, Soledad, St. Stanislaus against Cartha- gena. His head-quarters were established at Purbello, four leagues from the latter city. Here new festivals and bdlls, were his occupation for a fortnight. The inhabitants of Carthagena, anxious to hear from general Bolivar, followed his operations and lived in hopes he might act in accordance with their wishes, and take Santa Martha. But as soon as the news arrived of his hostility against the patriot gun- boats belonging to the republic, as soon as his arrival at Tnr- 92 MEMOIRS OF COLIVAR. bacco was known, the general indignation raised to such a degree, that they forgot the arbitrary acts of general Castillo, and organ- ized themselves in regular corps to repulse by force of arms, the unheard of attempt of general Bolivar against his brethren, against the cause of freedom and independence. JNIore than six hun- dred strangers established at Carthagena rallied round the gov- ernment and joined the armed inhabitants, in organizing the camp and mounting guards. General Castillo had never been so powerful as during the siege of Carthagena. IMartial law was proclaimed, which gave him unlimited power, and each one was anxious to prove his devotion to the cause. JMany thousands, and amongst them the most distinguished ladies in Carthagena, worked day and night at the fortifications, erected and enlarged in order to put the place in a better state of defence. Soon alter Bolivar's dejnnture from Carthagena to Tunja, Du- coudray Holstein was appointed commander of the four beautiful forts of Boca Chica, which arc the key of New Grenada. These forts are at the entry of the sea-port of Carthagena, and lay at the month of a very deep and wide canal, four leagues long, by which the vessels pass into the port of tlie latter place. These forts were considered the key of the main, and were a post of honor and confidence, in the command of that officer in a time of civil war, in which he served against general Bolivar, and whilst Morilla and Morales besieged Carthagena and Boca Chica. He was fortunate enough to save the foreigners at Carthagena, who came to save their lives under the protection of the batteries of these forts. He was, therefore, perfectly able to be well inform- ed of all secret transactions passing at that time. General Bolivar being soon acquainted with what passed in Carthagena, and learning the general indignation felt against him, began to fear and feel that he had acted too raslily. But being no more than four leagues from Carthagena (at Turbacco) and unable to return and attack Santa Martha, and his hostile inten- tions against Carthagena being too much divulged, he resolved to throw off, as much as possible, his responsibility. He assembled a great council of war, and there he spoke a long time, and with great warmth, against the government of Carthagena ; and at the end of his speech he asked the advice of his ollicers, and sound- ed their dis])ositions to know how he should act in this dilemma. Not one of these ofticcrs opposed the intentions of their com- mander, and had vigour of mind enough to represent the disgrace- ful conse(|uences of acting as enemies against a province which had always shown patriotism and zeal for the sacred cause of lib- erty, and never given any motive of disunion or disobedience to MEMOIRS OF BOLIV.VK. 9 n the congress of New Grenada ! Knowing the secret intentions oi their commander, these oflicers were all in favor of attacking hy force of arms, the city of Carthagcna, and of treating its inhabi- tants as enemies ! They contribnted thus to the destruction of hberty in New Grenada, under the most noisy acclammations of " long live our Liberator Bolivar, and death to Castillo and his partisans !" They marched now directly against Carthagena, but the inhab- itants of this strong fortress had shut the gates, and full of resent- ment against the undeserved hostilities already commenced by Bolivar, in making prisoners the officers belonging to Carthagcna, in the gun boats upon the river Magdalena, had spontaneously taken arms, resolved to repulse this undeserved aggression. As soon as Bolivar's troops appeared, they were received with grape shot, and compehed to retreat, and to encamp upon a large hill, about a gun shot distance from Carthagena, where a convent of friars, called the monks of JNttesr^/'tt >Se;to?-« de La Popa de La Candelaria, received him and his troops. After some days, va- rious diseases began to spread amongst them, caused in a great measure by the want of fresh water. Here I must mention a trait of the greatest barbarity, which will give a convincing proof of the exasperation of the spirit of party, which reigned at that time amongst both patriotic contesting armies ! One of the leaders in Carthagena proposed, in a council of war, after it was well ascer- tained that Bolivar would attack the place, to occupy the Popa, that hill on which Boliv'ar had established his troops, but the other objected, on account of the danger of dividing the garrison, already small in proportion, to the extent of the fortifications, and the diffi- culty of supplying these troops with the necessary provisions, this officer yielded to the majority, but being well aware that Bolivar had no other chance than to occupy the Popa, he proposed to poison the only well on it. This was executed by putting a large quantity of corrupted skins of animals, and other materials of a similar kind, into tliis well, whicli was very deep, with the express intention of poisoning its water, and killing those obhged to drink it, knowing perfectly well that Bohvar and his troops would occupy this only post on the Popa. When thev arrived, being exhausted by the march, the dust, the burning sun, and by thirst, they drank copiously of this corrupted water, which soon caused great sick- ness amongst them, and of which a great many died in the most excruciating pains. They were soon dcj)ri\'ed of every kind of fresh provisions, which the troops and the inhabitants of the province of Carthagena, all very much exasperated against Bolivar, intercepted entirely, whilst those of the fortress received them daily. 94 MEMOIRS OF BOLIV^VR. General Bolivar had with him a single small cannon, which he ordered to be established as a battery, against a place, provided witli about 80 guns, of which the smallest were twelve pounders! His commander of the artillery, Mr. Collot,/?-om tvhom I have this fact, an able and experienced French artillery officer, (who de- chned to assist, at the council of war, held at Turbacco, disap- proving highly of this hostility against Carthagena,) endeavored to make him change by remonstrating against .such a measure, as highly ridiculous and useless ; but Bohvar would hear nothing and insisted. Lieutenant colonel Collot was obliged to obey, whh the greatest reluctance. When the order was given to fire upon the place, the inhabitants of Carthagena said gestingly and in mocke- ry : "that Bohvar surely must be in need of provisions, and that he therefore was obliged to kill some ortalans (which were very abundantly foimd in that part of the environs of Carthagena) to give him some provisions !" In one word, this battery, so called, not only excited the greatest ridicule amongst all classes of the in- habitants, but gave a very contemptible idea of the mihtary dispo- sitions and skill of a captain general and commander-in-chief. He ordered the colors of the province of Carthagena, to be hoisted at his head quarters, as if he was already the master of this fortress. As soon as the troops of Bolivar were apprised that the water in the well of La Popa was corrupted, it was necessary to provide from abroad. But, as the spring water in Carthagena is very scarce, and at a great distance, this water was to be carried on horses, mules and asses, escorted by a large number of armed men to protect the convoy against the sallies of tlie garrison, or the attacks of the numerous and armed inhabitants of the neighbor- hood. Bolivar attempted in vain to induce them., by paying large- ly, to fetch him every day a fixed quantity of water for his troops. Some few consented, but the majority refused his gold and their water, and so his troops were obliged to provide lor themselves, which tired and fatigued them very much. He acted now as if he was in the enemy's land, arrested a large quantity of merchandise going up and down from Carthagena to Bogota, upon the Magda- lena river, and sold it for the maintenance of his troops. But, then I must render justice to general Bolivar, in saying that he has never been an avaricious or money making man ; that he is generous and cares little or nothing about money. I have seen him often empty- ing his purse and giving his last doubloon to an officer, who asked him tor some money on account of his salary, and when he was gone, he would turn to me and say, laughingly, " this poor devil (le pauvre diable) is more in need than I, and this golden stuff is worthless to me. I gave him all that I possessed." MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 95 Tlie true friends of Bolivar endeavored now to represent to him the dreadful conseqences of such a siege, and used every exertion to make him desist from it ; but he was deaf, and persisted in be- sieging tiie strongest forti'ess in the present republic of Colombia. The government of Carthagena called general DucoudrayHoLstein for some important military transaction from Boca Chica to Car- thagena ; he departed the JGth A])ril, and visited the fortifications at the forts of San Felipe and the Cerro by request of the gov- ernment. He saw with pleasure that all was in good order, am- munitions and provisions plenty, and joy reigning every where ; all expresbcd to him the highest indignation against the ridiculous attempt of general Bolivar, who treated his countrymen, his fellow citizens, fighting for the same cause, like enemies. So did the inhabitants of Carthagena, where Ducoudray remained a couple of hours, and then returned to his post. No one, of all the inhab- itants in Cardiagena, or in Boca Chica, was afraid of Bolivar, knowing perfectly well that he was unable to take either place ; but commerce was totally annihilated by cutting off all intercourse between Bogota, the interior provinces of New Grenada and Car- thagena. The merchants of Carthagena, ]Mompox and Bogota, applied in vain to general Bolivar for the restitution of their con- fiscated property, he replied that he could not do any thing for them, and spent the money resulting from these confiscations, more than two millions of dollars in value, for his troops. This siege lasted until the 20tli 3Iarch, but was reduced to a pure block- ade, during which, the diseases and the mortality, natural conse- quences of the miseries felt by the besieging troops, in their camp upon La Popa, increased every day. The cruel and sanguinary S[)anish general, ATontalvo, being nom- inated commander-in-chief of the army, and informed of their civil troubles, desired to take advantage of them, and sent two letters to the governor of Carthagena, Don Juan de Dios Amador, to propose to him to unite his provinces with Spain. The olHcial answer of the latter, deserves to be cited here as an account of the noble sentiments of its author, and as an unanswerable proof.of the hostile intentions of general Bolivar against the republic of Car- tha2:ena. These were his words : " We wanted by no means the pro- tection which your excellency oficrs us, in your despatches of the 25tli jMarch, and the 15tli of the present month, in which you pro- pose to end the troubles which exist between us and general Boli- var ; and supposing we did want them, we could not at all accept them. We prefer rather to perish a thousand times in this strug- gle, tlian to obtain, by such means, a triumph, which would un- 96 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. doubledly cover us with shame, and would end in the destruction of our liberty and independence. "Your excellency has addressed yourself to our ambidon, and you expect to gain by our internal troubles, but you are entirely in error ; there has been no division or misunderstanding in regard to die cause ol liberty ; no personal consideration, no opinion, no private partiality, can ever (Hsunite us. Moreover, when our am- bition is invoked, and we are exhorted to defend our rights, and repulse by force of arms, all that your excellency would under- take to resist, our tyrants, — how could you have thought, we should act in so cowardly a manner as to be ever able or disposed to unite ourselves with them ? Your excellency might have made us more flattering propositions, which might perhaps have iufiuenced us ; but having made these, they can be no other than very revolting in form, and in substance. And who would not be shocked, and with reason in hearing that a man like you, who trembles at the mere name of Bolivar, dare propose as your excellency does, to exhort us to serve as an instrument to save you, and who, at the same time recommend to us to enter again into slavejy ? What impudence, what gross ignorance in attempting to interfere, and to offer himself to take an active part in the differences between freemen ; and what is more, with the intention of breaking their chains to reduce them again to slavery ? " Experience should have apprised you, that these haughty expressions, which offend us much more by their ridiculous prom- ises of pardon, than by their style, do not at all impose upon us ; nor will they intimidate us. You have, therefore, taken a gratuit- ous trouble, by affecting so much concern, so much interest, and so much sorrow for our domestic dissentions. We know, perfect- ly, that no country has ever rendered itself independent, without experiencing troubles, and convulsions. We endure them, always keeping in mind tneir commencement and their end ; and we feel that it is necessary to. make some sacriffces. They will end at last; and, if they should not terminate spontaneously, it will be our duty to bring them to an end. But what is this to you? What have you to do with the free and independent counties of New Grenada ? Is it to have the empty name of governor of this peo- ple, or to be so in reality ? " In regard to the remainder of your excellency's despatches, I will submit them to the congress," &c. General Bolivar continued to besiege Carthagena, even after having received the official news, which the governor transmitted him through a messenger, of the arrival of the great expedition from Cadiz, at die island of IMargarita, under the orders of gen- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 97 eral ^roi-illo (Alarch 25.) The commissioner of the congress of New Grenada, the reverend father iMarimon, the governor of Car- thagena, Juan de Dios Amador, and various others, visited gener- al Bolivar at his head quarters of T/a Popa, and made hiui the most urgent representations upon the dreadful consequences of a civil war in such circumstances, and urged him to join his remain- ing forces with those of Carthagena, and march united against their common enemy. TJiey offered him tiio command-in-chief, ammunition, provisions, and all necessary supplies, to enable him to keep the field. But all was in vain ; he replied, he would con- sent under one condition, which was that Carihagcna should open to him the gates, and receive him with his troops into the fortress. As his secret intentions were too well known, they feared, not ■without some reason, that once master of the place, he would think of nothing else but to avenge himself, and to satisfy his passion. All negociations were again broken off, and hostilities renewed, notwithstanding the Spanish general Morillo, who arrived at Santa JMartha, and had debarked a strong body of troops, was already in his rear. The garrison of Carthagena had made various sorties, but they were constantlv repelled by the troops of Bolivar. At the begin- ning of May, Bolivar at last began to open his eyes, and to con- ceive that he could do absolutely nothing against Carthagena. — He found himself reduced to the humiliating necessity of sending to his enemy, general Castillo, a flag of truce, through which he requested an interview with him. This interview was managed by the father iMarimon, commissioner of the congress, at that time assembled at Bogota, who was sent expressly, as soon as this as- sembly received the dreadful news of Bolivar's marc h against Carthagena, instead of Santa Martha. This clergyman, although of a weak and timid character, was, nevertheless, a very respect- abe man — honest, upright, and an ardent patriot. He consulted with the governor and the doctor Pedro Gual, and after some vis- its paid by Marimon and doctor Pedro Gual at the quarters of general Bolivar, after many conferences on the part of the two former with Castillo, who gave his consent very reluctantly, the meeting was at last fixed on the Sth of May. At the appointed day, father Marimon conducted general Cas- tillo out of the gates of Carthagena, at the foot of La Popa, where general Bolivar waited for him in a small private house, chosen expressly for this purpose. Their mutual reception was, in the beginning, rather cool and stifl", but Marimon prevailed upon them to put themselves, at least politically, in good accordance. — 13 98 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. A treaty of i)eace and IViendsliip was then drawn up, by which these two commanders solemnly promised mutually to forget what liad passed, and to live in good harmony and friendship. General Bolivar consented to give the command of his army to general Florcncio Palacio, his cousin, and embarked the 10th of ]\]ay on board of an English armed brig, with about a dozen of his oflicers, and departed for the island of Jamaica, without having entered the city of Carthagena. Before he embarked, he ])ublished the following remarkable proclamation : — " Soldiers ! The general government of New Grenada has put me at your head, to break the fetters of our brethren of the jirovinces of Santa Martha, JMaracaybo, Coro, and Caracas, who groan under, their chains. "Venezuelans! — You ivoidd have returned to your country, and yoU; Grenadans, would have remained in yours, crowned with laurels. But this felicity, this happiness, has turned totally into mischief and unhappiness. Your arms have destroyed no tyrant, but have been stained with the blood of your brethren in two battles, very dilTcreiit in their aim, and very painful to our feel- ings. We fought in Cundinamarca (l^ogota) in order to obtain a re-union ; here (at Cartliageua) to obtain mutual co-operation ; on both occasions we have been covered with glory. We have been generous in both actions; we have granted pardon to the vanquished, and given them equal rights, and admitted them on the same footing with ourselves. We have united with those who have been against us, to march thus united, and free them from slavery, and save their fortunes and their families. The is- sue of the campaign is yet undecided. You will go into the ter- ritory of the enemy and terminate it, in disputing with me our triumph over tyranny. You, who will devote the remainder of your days to give freedom to your country, are fortunate ; but I, who cannot accompany you, and who am forced to die far from Vene- zuela, in distant and foreign lands, in order to establish peace be- between you and your countrymen, I am the most unfortunate of men. " Grenadans and Venezuelans ! — I am torn away from you, who have been my companions in so luany disasters and battles, to go and live in inactivity, and not to die for my countrv ! Judge of my sorrows and of the greatness of the sacrifice, which I make of my heart, my fortune, and my glory, in renouncing the honor of leading you to victory. The welfare of the army requires it, imperiously. I have not hesitated ; your existence here and mine are incompatiljle with each other. I have preferred yours ; your and my welfare, that of our brethren, of my friends, in fine, that MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 99 of all, (lopends on the welfare of the republic. Farewell, fare- well ! This 9tli May 1S15. (Signed) BOLIVAR. Here is again one of those 'captivating proclamations which de- serves some explanation. General Bolivar conmicnces this address with a very singular phrase in saying, " Venezuelans ! — you have retin-ned to your country crowned with laurels ; but this felicity, this happiness, has been turned totally into unhappinesss and mis- chief. Your arms have been stained with the blood of your breth- ren," Sec. How (may 1 ask) could they return to their country, crowned with laurels ? Was it because they had forced a defence- less city, as was Bogota, or because they suffered it to be pillag- ed during; fortv eiSec rh;iptor VIT. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 147 .Bolivar, Zea, IMariiio, Plar and myself, to come on shore in the afternoon, where horses would be in readiness to convey us to the villa del Norte, the head quarters of Arismendy, at a dis- tance of three leagues from the sea-port of Juan Griego. The governor himself received us at the latter port, with a numer- ous retinue, and in arriving on the public square at his head quarters. The troops received us uuder arms, and with military music. After a good and splendid dinner, the ball began, which lasted the whole night. But not a single word passed, which had any connexion with business ; Bolivar was so totally en- gaged in dancing, of which he was passionately fond, that he thought of nothing else but the dance. I was in a very me- lancholy humor, recapitulating, in my mind, all that had hap- pened from our sailing from Aux Cayes, and declined to dance, and formed a firm resolution to quit a man, whom I could by no means love or respect.- I walked up and down in the pub- lic square, and was soon joined by general Arismendy, w^ho was full of attention and kindness to me. I was astonished to find in him a frank and good man, who spoke of military mat- ters and pohiics, with much more knowledge and sense than I ever heard general BoHvar. The latter, during about a month of our being in the same vessel, and very intimate, never asked me a single question on military tactics, or any thing concern- ing our art. His great employment was to play backgammon with me, or whh Brion, or Zea, to walk up and down on deck and talk on very common topics with one or another of his officers, or to sleep. I saw him in about a month's time, three times reading in a book ; and when he did, it was the first one he found in our cabin ; and this not half an hour at a time. His favorite topics were, with me and Brion, to speak of his stay in Paris, to give us detailed particulars of his good fortune in this capital, and sometimes he asked me many questions about Na- poleon, the dresses of the ladies and gendemen at court, and what kind of ceremonies were necessary to be presented, &c. &LC.J; another time, about his mustachios, and those of the offi- cers, the modes of dress and uniforms in the French and Eng- hsh armies, but never could I speak a single word about milita- ry tactics, drills, &ic. He stopped me immediately, saying, ' oh yes, yes, mon cher ami, I know that, I know that book is very well written, but tell me' — and then he asked me a very insignificant question on absolutely indilierent trifles, which gave another turn to our conversation. 148 MEMOIUS Ul" liOLlVAU. One day 1 saw him walking, witli a quick step, to and fro on deck, absorbed in thought, and melancholy. I came up and observed that he continued so a good while, without see- ing or hearing any thing that passed around us. It was some days previous to our naval engagement. I at last accosted him and said with my usual hankness and familiarity to him : " what is the matter with you, my dear general, are you unwell, or has something happened !" " Oh no," replied he, " but we are approaching the island of Margarita, where Arismendy com- mands, and I fear this man and his character ; he is obstinate and cruel." At that time I was totally unacquainted with what had happened between these two chieftains in August, 1814, and therefore I made some inquiries about Arismendy, his man- ner of acting, and character. " Oh mo7i cher ami, Arismendy is a very dangerous, ambitious man, who governs the island of Margarita with great despotism ; he is an absolute brute, with- out any education or knowledge, and of low extraction." (I must mention here, that Bolivar thinks much of birth and good families, and treated all those which were not of high birth, with the common phrase of, — " he is of low extraction.'''') I was, therefore, much prejudiced against general Arismen- dy ; but when I found in him a plain man, and one much bet- ter instructed in military matters than Bolivar himself, I was quite surprised. I had afterwards long conversations with him, which pleased me ; and when some days later, general Bolivar made the inspection of what Arismendy had done against the Spaniards, I was highly pleased, and observed that when Boli- var asked me, in an ironical style, what I thought of this or that fortification, or battery, or redoubt, and I approved of them, and expressed the reasons of the construction of these works, our commander-in-chief was not at all satisfied with my obser- vations. Arismendy, who did not understand French, but ask- ed me afterwards to explain to him in Sjjanish my observations, was satisfied, and took me more and more into his favor. But as general Bohvar had deserted Venezuela in August, 1S14, and New Grenada, in May, 1815, it was necessary that his authority should be re-established in his native land, by a formal and solemn acknowledgment of what the general assem- bly in Aux Cayes had stipulated in his favor. Arismendy was easily gained over by various secret conversations which Boli- var had with him on the matter, in which the former received the formal promise, that Bolivar would establish a National Congress at Venezuela, as soon as he should be master of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 119 country. This formal promise was given to him, as he had given it to us before his departure from Aux Cayes, and so Arismendy hesitated not a moment to call a general assembly, or Junta in the cathedral of La Villa del Norte, to which all the officers of our squadron were invited by an order emanating from Arismendy and Bolivar. The principal inhabitants of tlie island were assembled, and the clergy, in their sacerdotal dresses, were kneeling before the altar, reciting prayers in a low voice, for the welfare of the republic. When all were as- sembled in church, the mass began, and afterwards the numer- ous cler^v remained kneehna; before the altar in silence and in prayers. These religious ceremonies, mixed with politics, were generally used by the Spanish leaders ; and their Juntas and great assembUes were always held in churches. The patriots have continued this custom. When the mass was os'er, general Arismendy delivered a long speech, in which he recommended our union, and the ne- cessity of having one single chieftain, and related what had hap- pened in Aux Cayes, and the election made of general Bohvar, whom he now recommended to his army to recognise and obey, as he, Arismendy, did. He then approached general Bohvar, and delivered him the wand of commander-in-chief, (a small reed with a golden head,) and proclaimed him solemnly, com- mander-in-chief of the republic of Venezuela and New Grena- da, which were to be re-established. Bolivar then delivered a speech, in which he declared his acceptance of the wand of commander, which Adismendy had given him up. He conclu- ded by promoting a great many of the natives to be officers in the land troops, but not a single foreigner belonging to this army was promoted, notwithstanding that a good many had distin- guished themselves, pardcularly in the action of the second of May. By particular and urgent request of the newly promoted and wounded admiral Brion, some few promotions were made among the foreigners belonging to tlie navy. I was highly displeased not to be promoted, when I could say with truth, that I had dis- tinguished myself in the combat of the second of May, had taken Bohvar's place and the command of our officers, while Bolivar sat ver}^ safely in his long boat, and out of all danger. Many of my friends, among them Brion and Zea, were astonished to see me not at the head of these promotions, having seen me at the head of the officers and volunteers, and mounting, one of the first, to enter the enemy's vessel. Chypia, Martinez and 150 MEMOIllS OF BOLIVAR. Anzoatigui, who were in the action under my orders, one of whom withdrew himself for fear of the halls, were promoted. Charles Souhlette, being a mile distant from the battle, on board the Constitution with Miss Pepa, was, notwithstanding, promot- ed to the rank adjutant-general-colonel in the staff. But these four were natives, and the most servile flatterers of general Bolivar. After these promotions, a solemn ie deum was sung in hon- or of the battle of the second of May, and on the present occa- sion under artillery salutes, &c. This behaviour of general Arismendy was very honorable to him, as it was easy to take general Bolivar's place, at a time, where he alone was four times as strong as Bolivar, and when, as is generally known, he had much more energy and patriot- ism, much more knowledge and personal bravery, than ever 'Bolivar had possessed. Arismendy was well informed that Bolivar had treated him in his manifesto, published in Cartha- gena, in September 1814,* as an intriguer and an ambitious man, who contrived to take his place ; he knew perfectly well the character of Bolivar, his ambition, jealousy, and his des- potism as dictator, having been a long time governor of the city of Caracas. But Bolivar, since his first interview with Aris- mendy on board the Commodore, had captivated the simple and plain mind of the governor of Margarita, who saw his an- cient master surrounded with vessels and power, and heard his brilliant and formal promises to assemble a congress as soon as matters were a little settled on the Main, and yielded to his promises, as Brion, and miany others of us had done before. I was, I must confess, highly displeased with all these events, and sleeping in the same room with general Bolivar from the beginning of our arrival at La Villa del Norte, in the house of a Mr. Galindo, I reproached him with good reason for not having kept his promises, so solemnly given to me in Aux Cayes, to give me my rank of general, as soon as we should arrive in a country of his own, which was free and independent. He jumped out of his hammock, and coming near my field bed said, taking my hand, that it was not his fault, but that he dared not promote any of us strangers, for fear Arismendy and other chieftains might be jealous of our promotion, that his au- thority was not yet sufficiently established to dare to take such * Sec Chaplcr VIII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 151 a Step ; that, nevertheless, he would do so, as soon as we should arrive on the iMain ; and that then, no consideration should pre- vent him from rendering me justice, &,c. &ic. I reproached him with Soublctte's promotion, known by every- one as a coward and a vile man, and very niucli disliked by his own countrymen, declaring that after what had passed in Aux Cayes with him, 1 could never admit him to he employed in my offices of the staff, which were, as usual, established in a room opposite to our bed chamber on the same floor ; and added that Soublette, in the action of the 2d May,, was a mile from the battle, on board the Constitution, and had not smelt the powder of our own guns, and still less that of the enemy's. He gave me a singular reply, in the mouth of a commander- in-chief: " I could not pass Soublette in the general promotion publislied this afternoon in the church, he belongs to one of the best families hi Caracas, and as 1 promoted Chypia and IMar- tinez to the rank of adjutant-generals-colonels in the stafi', who were younger heutenant-colonels then Soublette, I wasobhged, of course, to promote Soublette." I saw clearly by this conversation, the weakness of such a commander, appeared satisfied, and having once embarked with hhn, I took patience and remained. On the day of his being received as commander-in-chief of the armies of Venezuela and Caracas, in the island of Mar- garita, he published a proclamation, in which he said, " he had not arrived to conquer, but to protect the country, and that he invited the inhabitants of Venezuela to unite and join him, if they would be considered by their Liberators as pure and good patriots. I have not arrived," continues he, " to dictate laws to you, but I advise you to hear my voice, I recommend to you union in the government, and absolute liberty for all classes, in order that you may not commit any more absurdities and crimes ! But you cannot he freemen and slaves at the same time, if you form no more than one single mass of the whole population ', if you choose a central government — (Simon Bolivar !) if you join us, you may rely upon a sure victory." This proclama- tion is signed by BoUvar, and dated, " Villa del Norte, Island of Margarita, May 3d, 1816." Here is a new instance of the pompous style of Bolivar's proclamations, who repeated his illusory promises as he did in 1S13, and as he has not ceased to do from that time to the present day. " Liberators, liberating army, central govern- ment, advices," he. &c. resounded from one end to the other, 152 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. in all his proclamations. We shall soon see whether the in- habitants of Venezuela could rely upon a sure victory, and whether he acted as he promised. When the Spaniards were apprised of our arrival in the Villa del Norte, they evacuated, on the same night, the capital. Villa del Assumption, and the famous Spanish coward, Mr. Miguel de La Torre, retired precipitately into the forts of Pom- patar. At our landing at tlie port of Juan Griego, Arismendy, Bo- livar and I were talking, when I heard suddenly the discharge of musketry. I turned round to see what caused this firing. Bolivar told me smiling, " it is nothing, my dear friend, (speak- ing with me always in French,) general Arismendy has order- ed some Spanish prisoners, landed from our squadron, to be shot." These unfortunate men were, in landing, tied together, while others made a large hole, before which they kneeled down and v/ere shot in the back, so that they fell into their grave, which was immediately filled with earth. It happened that many of them, not receiving deadly wounds, were buried ahve iji this manner. When admiral Brion, detained in bed by his wound, heard of this, he gave the formal order to sufier no more of the Span- ish prisoners to be landed, and saved the lives of about fifty Spaniards, who were humanely treated and put to useful em- ployments. So should general Bolivar have acted, instead of Brion. It would have cost the former no more than a repre- sentation to Arismendy to save them ; he only smiled at the horrors which I expressed for a barbarous act committed in cold blood. The next day after his installation as commander-in-chief, Bolivar, in his proclamations, and in his official transactions, took the following titles : " Simon Bolivar, general-in-chief, captain-general of the liberating armies of Venezuela and New -Grenada, supreme chief oii\\Q republic of Venezuela, comman- der-in-chief of the land and naval forces," &c. &c. &c. with- out liaving conferred upon him the right to name himself su- preme chief, which made a very bad impression on all the for- eigners who came with us from Aux Cayes. As I had pro- mised to Brion to remain, I made my best exertions to quell and appease these officers, and succeeded. We were absolute- ly destitute of every thing ; the small and rocky island ol Mar- garita was unable to furnish us the necessary provisions ; the vessels were in want of rations for the crew, so that each offi- MEMOIRS OF liOLIVAR. 153 ccr and private, had a scanty ration, consislini^ of a little cake of Indian meal, not weighing two ounces, called arejm, and two small salted fishes, and nothing else ! We, general and staff officers, dined with general Arismendy, hut our table was siu- rounded by at least 50 hungry officers not belonging to the staff, who took liom our table what they could reach, so that many of tke compau}^ rose witiiout being able to satisfy their own hunger. There was no money, no clothes, nor any thing but great confusion and misery ! The 25th May the squadron departed from Margarita, Brion having recovered from his wound, and arrived the 31st before the large borough of Carupano, the port of which was protect- ed by a fort, called Sta. Rosa, upon which the Spanish colois were displayed. I have related in Chapter first, how it was taken. The patriots found a fine merchant brig and schooner, belonging to the Spaniards, with a rich cargo in each. The greatest part of the inhabitants having fled, left their stores fill- ed with provisions and dry goods, which were plundered and disappeared in 24 hours. The confusion and disorder were very great, and no precaution was taken to distribute any of the pro- visions in a regular way, but each one took what he pleased, and destroyed or left the remainder. I offered to make maga- zines, and station guards and sentries, in order, to save them, and to distribute regular rations ; but Bolivar told me, laugh- ing, ." that these guards would give the first example of taking what they chose, and that all would be useless." I was high- ly disgusted, and had already, in Margarita, asked my absolute discharge from such a service, but remained against my will, Bolivar declaring to me in a friendly but positive manner, that it was impossible for him to grant me my request. After some day's stay at Carupano, I did the same, but was again refused. The consequences of this disorder were, that after some days we had no provisions, and that some maladies reigned in the barracks, where the ordinary filthiness of this people, join- ed to the want of sufticient and wholesome food, introduced a great many diseases of which a great number died. It would have been an easy task for Bolivar to have dehvered his coun- try, in a short time, if h6 would have followed my advice ; at that time the Spaniards, struck with panic terror at our sudden arrival, retired in great haste towards Valencia and evacuated the whole of the extensive territory from Carupano to Cariaco and Guiria, so that the communifcation with Maturin by land, and through the sfulf of Trieste, was entirely left free. I will 20 154 BlEMOmS OF BOLIA'^AR. relate here some pariiculars •vvhicli passed belwocii genera] Bo- livar and nie, which will give still further illustrations of his talents and character. At my first interview with Bolivar at Aux Cayes, he pro- mised to give me my rank as general, which was due to me, having sent my commission tlirough the regular channel of the president and general-in-chief of the republic of Carthagena to the congress of New Grenada, as I have already stated. We arrived at Margarita where other ofiicers were promoted, and I was passed over, as I have mentioned. We arrived at Caru- pano, a place laying on the Main, declared free and independ- ent by our presence and that of Bolivar. After having reminded him of his promise already given, and after having said that I cared not much about a piece of paper, (meaning my commis- sion,) which gave me not a cent of pay, nor any solid advan- tages ; I added, that it was just I should not be degraded by the title of a colonel, when I had deserved my ancient rank, by my services at Carthagena, Boca Chica, at Aux Cayes, in the ac- tion of the 2d May, and since, at Margarita, and here on the Main ; and, moreover, when I saw that Soublette, whom he himself knew to be a cow^ard, ranked with me, who was an old veteran, not only covered with wounds, but deserving, for having some claims on account of the services I had rendered, my for- mer rank, &;c. &ic. I spoke very warmly and strongly, and Bolivar, taking me by the hand, gave me again his forma! pro- mise, that after the next action, when he could promote others, I should be tlie first named. He added so many obliging and friendly promises, that T was again foolish enough to rely upon his word and remained. In my frequent and long conversations with general Bolivar, I spoke to him often of the necessity of instructing the officers, who were in general very ignorant in the elementary principles of the military art, and proposed to him to establish schools for instruction in the th.eory and practice of forming depots and to drill recruits, a commission to examine the foreign officers who wished to enter the service ; to be authorised to judge of the merits and the talents of the officers in general, of their beha- viour in action, in order to recommend them for promotion, &c. I told him frankly that nothing was more degrading for an officer of honor, than to depend upon favor, flattery and pro- tection, or the caprice of one single man, by which talents and modesty were often put aside, while intriguers and flatterers, cowards and ignoramuses, w-ere adv^anced and put at the head MEMOIRS OF UOLIVAR. 155 of men, who knew a tliousaiui times better how to command. " Aiid now see," pursued I, growing warm, " that general Mar what caa he know, how will he command fifty men, is he able to do it ?" " Oh; mon chcr rtv/t/," interrupted general Bo- livar, lau2;hing, "you are perfectly correct, he cannot ev^eu command /of/r J/ie?j." After various conversations upon tliese and other mihtary matters, widi general Bolivar, he named a kind of special council of war, being at Aux Cayes, in which the military and administrative operations were freely debated. It was composed of Brion, Marino, McGregor and myself, Bo- livar presiding. A commission was also established, to exam- ine the pretensions of the foreign officers, in which I presided, composed f>f generals Piar and McGregor. At the first session held in my house, some foreign officers made objections to showing their commissions, but I stopped ihem, saying that we were assembled here by special command of general Bolivar, and that 1 would begin by obeying his orders. I immediately took from a drawer before me, my commission from the govern- mentof Carthagena, and ordered it to be passed round. So did Piar and JMcGregor, and nobody afterwards made the least difficulty. But as soon as we had arrived at the island of Mar- garita, every thing was forgotten, and Bolivar alone acted as he pleased. When at Carupano, where we stayed much longer than I expected, I again urged general Bolivar to establish a school for the instruction of the officers in theory and practice, which he at last consented to. I proposed for instructor, a lieutenant colonel Schmidt, who had served under my orders at Barcelo- na, w^hen I was the commander of the head quarters of the marshall McDonald, duke ofTarentem, governor of the citadel, he. He was an able officer and highly pleased with ray pro- position. General Bolivar authorised me to put on the order of the day, " that every officer of infantry should assemble at such a place, hour and day fixed in my orders, to receive the necessary instructions from colonel Schmidt : That those who should not comply with the present order, without a well ground- ed reason, would expose themselves to be arrested and sent for 24 hours to the fort of Sta. Rosa. During several days this school was well attended by the officers, of whom a great many distinguished themselves by their zeal to learn. I must state here once for all, tliat the majority of these young officers were good, docile, and willing to obey, as soon as diey were well treated and commanded, and that I never had to complain 156 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ol', or to punish any ol' them. It would not have been the case here, if some invidious, vile individuals, had not tried to make all my actions, my words and my orders, ridiculous and sus- ])ected, not in my presence, but always in my absence. One day colonel Schmidt came to complain that the officers began to be very neglectful of their duties, and that a great many- came not at all. I mentioned this to general Bolivar, who au- thorised me to renew and sharpen the order; but by and by the same neglect was complained of by Schmidt. I said now to Bolivar, that it was high time to punish, if we would not lose all authority, discipline, &c. He approved, and authorised me to act in accordance to the existing order. I entered the next day into the large room where the ofticers were drilled, accom- panied by some of my officers, and saw a small number of them assembled in comparison of other days, when I came to assist at their drills. I asked for the roll, on calling over which I found that among about 100, 36 were absent, of whom 15 had no excuse at aU. I ordered hnmediately the adjutants to arrest and put them for 24 hours in the fort, and sent a written order to colonel Landa?ta, who commanded at Sta. Rosa, to give them leave to walk in the fort wherever they pleased, but to allow none to go out until the hour of the arrest was expired. Enclosed were the names of these officers. I reported all to general Bohvar, who approved it highly, not- withstanding his own nephew, captain Manuel Palacios, son of his sister, was among the arrested officers. Bolivar was very well satisfied and laughed, sitting in his hammock, when I told him that it v/as necessary to commence with his nephew's pun- ishment, as giving to others a proof of his impartiality and jus- tice. He finished, by approving highly my remarks and orders, and I left him well satisfied. This was about 11 o'clock in the morning. The same day, at 6 in the afternoon, arrived general Bolivar, with six or eight officers, at my house, and af- ter having saluted me as usual, he took me by the arm, in my upper piazza, where we were alone, and spoke the following words to me : " You will never find out, mon cher ami, from whence I came just now. I have received a doleful note from my nephew Palacios, (which he handed to me for my perusal) who is in the fort, who urged me for his, and his companion's sake, to come and see him ; I did, and come from Sta. Rosa, and can tell you that these poor devils (les pauvres diahles) have requested me, in a very urgent manner, to pardon them, and to set them at liberty, and promised that they will nevev MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 157 more fail in their duty, &.c. I told them that I had not sent them to the fort, hut you ! and that 1 would promise to go and make interest with you for them, and ask you to relieve them from tiieir arrest." " What, general," said T, extremely sur- prised and shocked to hear him speaking these words, "it ap- pears as if / was the only cause of their arrest, and as if / was the author of their ])unishment ! How could you say that it is not you who have sent them to the fort, hut 11 Have you then not a])])roved highly the daily orders for the army, j)uh- lished by me in your name ? It is then /, who alone have pun- ished them, and should you not have said that their punish- ment was the natural consequence of their disobeying your or- ders. Well, then, I see that I have nothing more to do here, I am of no use, when you cannot or will not support the au- thority given to me, widiout my request or my intriguing for it ; I can remain no longer in a service where I cannot be of use," &c. &c. I was warm, and spoke fully determined to quit forever such a disgusting service. But Bolivar again en- treated me so urgently to remain with him, told me that I should be always his good friend, that I was very useful to him, &c. &;c. so that I embraced him and remained. The prisoners were released by a written order, sent by one of my aid-de- camps to colonel Landasta, and Bolivar departed after a full hour's stay at my house, very well satisfied. I must confess, I was not much satisfied, and took the firm resolution to punish nobody, to complain of nobody, and act, for a little while, in a very passive way, to see if at last, there would be any alteration in om- curiously organised, or rather our totally unorganised liberating army, wliich counted not 800 men ! One day at Carupano I found Bolivar laying in his hammock alone, looking melancholy and dejected. His face was unusu- ally pale and his eyes sunken. I asked him if he was sick ; " Oh no, no, mon cher ami, (which was always his favorite term) not at all, but Marino teases me to go with Piar and twenty of- ficers, to Guiria to recruit some more men ; he wants me to give him 2000 stand of arms, ammunition and some flecheras, (large armed barges) to convoy him along the coast. But you know what we have to fear from these two generals ; I am con- vinced they will try again to render themselves independent from me, which would renew the scenes of 1813 and 1814.* - The reader will remember ihat Marino, at that time, was dictator of the east an(! Bolivar of the west of Venezuela, and that the lirst acted entirely independently of the latter. We have seen the dreadllil consequences of this rivalship. See chapter VI. and VII. 158 • MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAK. 1 know not indeed, how to act or what to do." If 1 were in your place, I would refuse their request under various preten- ces, of which you have so many, and never would I consent to let them be absent from you ; then after what has passed in Aux Cayes,* you have certainly to fear that Marino, once de- tached from you, would try another time to shake the yoke from his shoulders. Brion who came in, heard my last argu- ments and confirmed not only what I had said, but spoke in much stronger and contemptuous expressions against Marino and Piar. Bolivar fully convinced and satisfied, promised to follow our advice. Admiral Brion had never esteemed Marino, and said many times, that he and Piar were dangerous enemies to Bolivar. Marino indeed, never had been, nor could he be dangerous to the latter, for want of talents and character, as I shall fully show at the trial of Piar ; but united with Piar, who was a col- ored man, a native of the island of Curacao, with Brion, he has done great mischief to Bolivar. Piar was an able partizan of- ficer, brave, active, a secret enemy of Bolivar, who, like Brion, hated, in general, the colored men. Piar was the soul of Mari- no, and both were inseparable friends, so the much more dan- gerous to Bolivar, as Piar, the avowed friend of the constitu- tion of the first Congress in Venezuela, in ISll, by which the colored people enjoyed the same rights as the whites, had often and loudly declared, that he wished not to see Bolivar uniting in himself alone, the three powers, but to have a Congress and good laws. Piar, who had fought various brilliant actions against the Spaniards, had a great many partisans, and was friendly and sociable with those who belonged to his family, and princi- pally with officers of foreign countries, and colored people, who all liked to serve with him in preference to Bolivar, who was haughty and imperious. The insinuating and polite manners of general Marino, rendered him very popular, and he gained a great many partisans among the simple and uncultivated people, particularly in the provinces of Cumana and Barcelona. Both * San.Tago Marino charged a colored captain, named Sobic, to find liim 300 color- ed men, which should form the genn of his body guard, and who should be dttachufi entirely to his service. tJolMe, who had served under my oi'ders at Boca Chica, and wlio was a brave and able oHicer, very much attached to me, came immediately to accjuaint nie witli tiiis strange commission ; when I communicated to Bolivar tiie se- cret orders of Marino given to Sobie, he was alarmed, and reciuestcd me to counter- act lliis plan. I told Sobie to ask from AFarino 300 doubloons, which was tiic ordina- ry engagement for 300 men 3 Marino had no moneyj and so all was finished. MEMOIRS OF nOMVAU. 159 knew perfectly well, tliat Bolivar hated them, hut that he dis- simulated this hatred ; it was, therefore, very impolitic, even dangerous, to suffer the union of the two conmiandcrs, and their absence, in the position in which Bolivar was placed. Recently arrived at Carupano, Bolivar w-as too confident that the inhabitants of VenezAiela would again rise in his favor, as thev did in 1S13. But instead of it, they left their proper- tv and' houses, and after a fortnight's stay, he could not count fifty recruits who came voluntarily to serve under his orders. His behavior as dictator, his flight, his abandoning them in tlie way he did in embarking at Cumana, had lost him their confi- dence, and many resolved and good patriots chose to keep at a distance from him, or to emigrate. Bolivar, knowing all these circumstances, and more, the great influence of Piar with the weak and ignorant Marino, should have, at least, retained Piar hy giving him some honorahle occupation ; and he was well aware, as 1 told him, that JMarino, without Piar, would have never been, by any means, dangerous. Brion and myself were highly astonished to hear that these two chieftains had, at last, persuaded Bolivar to consent to their departure, to give them arms, amunition, barges, oflicers, &:c. They took with them the colonel-adjutant-general Chypia, the best en2;infcer officer, and about twenty officers more. When I asked Bolivar how he could have granted this permission, he said that 3Iarino urged him very much, had promised him to send a numerous body of men, and particularly a very good battalion of colored people, from the island of Guadaloupe, (about 400 men strong) which had, three years before, fought in the eastern provinces of Venezuela with great success, known in that country under the name of battalion of Guiria, &lc. ^c. But as soon as Marino had arrived in Guiria, he proclaimed himself general-in-chief, organised his army, Jiis staff, named chief of the staff, colonel Chypia, and sent not a single man to general Bolivar, who was daily urging him in vain to join him, or, at least, to send him this battalion of Guiria. Nothing came. Bolivar, in fine, was no more joined by Marino nor by Piar. I have said that w^e had a great many officers, and a very small number of soldiers. Then the 300 men embarked from Margarita with us to Carupano, had their officers, all natives, from that island. I one day proposed to Bolivar to give em- ployment to these officers, and form a separate corps, which should be organised in companies, drilled, armed, k.c. and em- ploved as a guard of our head-quarters. He projiosed to form IGO MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of them, al first, no move than one battalion of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry. Both proposals were highly approved of by general Bohvar. Three days afterwards, I was surprised to receive the reports of the commanders of the out posts estab- lished around our head quarters, that the conunandant N. N. had passed with passports of the supreme chief, with such a number of officers, to go to such a place. The results of these difiercnt reports instructed me that five commandants or chiefs of a battalion, had absented themselves, with their respective officers, in search of recruits. I called immediately on the gen- eral with these written reports, and asked him if this was done by his order ? He replied to me in a very cold and unusually dry manner, that having well reflected on the nature of my pro- posal, he found it at present inadmissible, and had thought pro- per to send these officers in search of recruits, and to have more forces. I objected to him that this measure might per- haps endanger the safety of these isolated officers, knowing well that the Spaniards had approached us, as far as San Jose, a small village at two leagues distance froni our head quarters. He said there was no danger to be feared, and the officers went oft'! This change of mind in general Bolivar was caused, as 1 heard some days afterwards, by a conversation held at his even- ing assembhes in Miss Pepa's house, where Bolivar was ordi- narily surrounded by his minions and flatterers, Soublette, Pe- dro Leon Torres, Anzoafigui, Ferdinand Galindo, and others of the same description, in which they criticised the actions, or- ders, and innovations which I would introduce into their army. Soublette, a secret enemy of mine (the reader is instructed al- ready for what reasons) distinguished himself more than any one of the rest, and was truly supported by Bolivar's mistress, Miss Pepa, and her mother, who could not endure me at all, because I had never visited them in Margarita, nor in Carupa- no. Bolivar himself told me frequently, in his ordinary jesting and laughing manner, that he many times took my defence against these ladies ! They represented to the general that I was of a despofical character, that this stranger would introduce ridiculous innovations, to which they would never submit, that he, Bolivar, was very good to submit any longer to such coun- sel, and the influence which it appeared I had gained over him, &.C. The others joined in chorus, and so it happened that Bo- livar, at eleven o'clock in the night, gave the order to these commandants to depart with their respective officers. They commitied so many disorders, thai they were obliged to come MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 161 back without any forces at all, and so the same disorder remain- ed ; nothing was done. While we were in the island of iMargarita, Bolivar observed to me that it appeared the foreign officers, in our service, were not satisfied to be with him. I told him frankly, that they had no reason to be so, they had no pay, no food, no means of sub- sistence ; but, added I, the worst of all is to be commanded by young and inexperienced officers, who are generals, colonels and lieutenant colonels, and who, by their great inexperience, exposed them to lose, not only the battle, but their lives, w^ith- ont being allowed to make any dispositions, or to give salutary advice, &:c. Sec. As I was by office, age, and services, the most elevated, and the most in general Bohvar's intimacy, these officers came fre- quently to see me, and to ask my advice on different occasions ; and so I was very well acquainted with their various claims and dissatisfactions. Among them were a great many officers, French, English, Germans, Poles, who had served with dis- tinction in Europe, and some during 20 and 25 years, and who knew twenty times as much as these officers born in the country. The just observations of the officers inspired me with the idea, to make their services useful in their own ivay, viz. to create a corps of foreign troops, commanded by foreign officers, under the name of Jegion of V^enezuela. Shortly after our ar- rival at Carupano, I one day found Bolivar in good spirits and alone. We talked a great deal on indifferent topics, and after a \vhile, I introduced my plan of the creation of a foreign legion with the necessary amendments and organization, adapted to our kind of war, the country, and the resources which we could reasonably expect. I said to him, frankly, that our army, so called, was nothing more than a collection of armed men, very ill organized, clothed, drilled, instructed, and not paid at all, &,c. I entered, with my usual warmth and frankness, into all the great advantages of having such a corps of men, already acquainted with war, able to beat all the Spaniards, who re- cruited two-thirds of their soldiers among the natives, and finished by proposing to him to make an essay with 1500 men, of which 1000 should form two battalions, one of riflemen or chasseurs, and the other of grenadiers, 5O0 divided into two squadrons of light cavalry, and two companies of light artillery of 100 horse each. • These 1500 men could, after a while, be increased by mixing natives among them, to a full third, half or more, by giving to each company so many more natives, but '>! 162 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. all commanded by experienced commissioned and non-com- missioned /orejo'^i officers. 1 am certain, added I, that were these troops well commanded and treated, we shonld have in one year, 3000 of them, as each of them could write to his un- fortunate countrymen, how well they were among us, and so would we be able to finish the war in a very short time, but with the express condition that nobody else than you, general Bolivar, should have the right to interfere with them. General Bolivar heard my long demonstration with unfeign- ed pleasure, jumped from his hammock, shook hands with me, and said that my plan was so excellent, that we would continue to talk together over a good bottle of Bourdeaux wine, a pres- ent from one of the merchant vessels arrived from St. Thomas'. He called Garcia, his intendant, and ordered him to bring the wine into his bed chamber, and to say to his aid-tie-camps that he. would not be interrupted by anyone. After having drinked my health, he sat down next to our small table, and said, smil- ing : " but, mon chcr cmii, your plan is good, but one trifle is wanting." What ? said I. " The money, we have not a cent, and are as poor as Job." I said to him that the battalion of Guiria having arrived, (which deserted Marino, and took by force some flecheras to come over to us) the same battalion of more than 400 colored men, from Guadaloupe, which had been already used to our manner of carrying on the war in this coun- try for more than two years, of which I have spoken before, we could have, by adding the officers of different nations pres- sent, about 500 men already assembled here, that I had had different conversations with colonels Bidot and Boe, of whom the former had assured me, that with eight or ten dollars for each man engaged, and his passage paid, he would find easily between Martinique, Guadaloupe, St. Thomas', St. Bartholo- mews', Sic, more than 500 men, and that the other 500 would be procured, by sending to the United States of America. In regard to expenses, Brion, with his credit, could be of great use ; he had also a good quantity of merchandise, found in the two captured Spanish vessels, and in the stores left by their owners ; the two merchant vessels might be sold : all of which would afford more than sufficient means to raise, by exchange, the necessary money, without counting a good cargo of mules, asses, cacoa, tobacco and other produce of the country, which could be collected and shipped. There should be named hon- est agents, and able men, with the necessary knowledge ot the country to which they were to be sent, in order to collect re- MIOAIOIRS OV BULIVAJt. [Go sources and recruits. J3olivar said I was pcrtecily correct, and the more he heard me, the more he was convinced of the practicability of my phin. [ proposed to send for admiral Brion, who came soon after. I had already talked much with Brion upon the usefulness of the plan, but he had always expressed his fears that general Bolivar would be opposed to it, knowing too well his suspicious character, and his general aversion to foreigners. He was, therefore, much surprised to hear Bolivar so full of praise, in regard to this plan, and offered inniiediately a number of his vessels, and his credit, for the execution of the plan. We drank another bottle and separated, after having ta- ken each of us a part in the execution of the plan. Brion was charged with the vessels, and their cargoes ; Bolivar with the appointment of the officers, and I with the organization of each corps, and the general instructions to the agents and recruiting officers ; and so we separated, very well satisfied, at a late hour. But, in the warmth of my zeal for the prosperity of our enter- prise, I committed a great blunder in saying to general Bolivar, " that if 1 was not the chief of his staff, I would have desired to be the commander of that legion. These words appeared to me to have made a bad impression on the suspicious mind of general Bolivar, who treated me afterwards much more coolly, even, many times, with great dryness. I sat down the same night and drew up the outlines of my plan, which I presented the next morning to general Bolivar at the usual hour of my daily reports. As I entered his bed chamber familiarly, and without being announced, I found him lying in his hammock, as usual, occupied in reading. When he saw me, he hastily placed his book under his pillow, jumped out of the hammock to shake hands with me, but a litde cooler than usual. Surprised to see Bolivar occupied in reading, wliich he never did before, and desirous to know with what book he occupied himself, I came nearer to the hammock and took the book out from under his pillow, asking liim, " what he was reading ?" He looked a little confused, and answered : " he read it to recreate his mind a little !" It was the New Heloise, by J. J. Rousseau. We spoke now of the usual military concerns during the last twenty-four hours, and I handed him my plan of the legion. Bolivar, without even looking at it, folded it and put it under his pillow, saying : " well, well, leave it with me, I will look it over in the course of to-day or to-morrow, as soon as my time will permit." These words pronounced in a cool and dry man- 154 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ner, gave me a new conviction of Bolivar's very limited talents, and of his not being at all the man able to command for the welfare of others. I immediately took leave of him without saying a single word more. What in fact can be thought oi a. supreme chief, upon whose ac- tivity and skill depended the welfare of so many thousands, pass- ing the greatest part of his time in his hammock reading the Nou- velle Heloise, or talking with his flatterers, on trifling topics, or passing his time in the house of Miss Pepa, who had no time to examine a plan on which depended so greatly the success of his enterprise, while Brion and myself were busily engaged to prepare every thing which had been fixed the evening before. I saw the general in the evening, the next morning and after- noon, and heard not a word of the plan. Meanwhile came Brion and all the foreign ofiicers to my house to inquire if there was any news ; and being myself anxious to finish the business, I determined to speak with the general, definitively. I found him in his hammock alone and half asleep, and after some in- difterent words, I asked him abruptly; " apropos, general, have you examined the plan for the creation of that legion ?" He answered me in a furious manner, and jumping from his ham- mock [like a madman : "FoudreMr. Foreign legion! Foreign legion ! How, mon cher ami, can you think of it ? do you know the consequences of it ? no, no, no, no legion. These foreign- ers would then impose laws on me and control me." Such was precisely the reply of general Bolivar, expressed in French. While making this reply, he walked the room to and fro, evidently in a great passion. I was highly shocked and dis- pleased with such an unexpected scene, and approaching to- wards him, I took him by the arm, and exclaimed in a firm and animated voice, having an upright and clean conscience, " what means tliis ]\Ir. general. You forget, undoubtedly, that you speak to a foreigner ? And do you think that with my white hairs and at my age, I would suffer any man to betray you, or you suppose, perhaps, what I can hardly believe, that I myself should think of betraying you ?" He interrupted me here, and said in a much more moderate and friendly tone, "Ah mon cher ami, you certainly are not a stranger among us, you are one of our good citizens, and a man of honor ; you belong to the re- pulilic by your services, which are and have been distinguished, and by your marriage with a South American lady. I have never thought nor meant you, my dear friend. Yet," added he, in a more passionate tone, " there exist some other ambitious MEaiOIRS OF BOLIVAU. 1G5 foreigners who are desirous of taking my place, fsupplantcr) and who might do it." This was alhiding to general Piar, wlio had separated him- self with JMarino from IJoiivar, and chagrined to see that all his orders were disregarded hy these two chieftains, who neither returned nor sent any recruits, he imagined that Piar might take his place. I represented to him in the strongest terms, that there was not the least danger to him, in consenting to the creation of such a legion ; that it would, on the contrary, be highly useful to him and the cause, fee. All was in vain, and Bolivar would never more hear of the forming of such a plan. Admiral Brion tried also to change his mind, but could not succeed ; the whole plan was given up. One day while we were at Carupano, the enemy surprised an advanced guard of 4Q men of the cavalry, of whom a num- ber came wounded, at two o'clock in the morning, to our head quartei-s, giving the alarm of the approach of the enemy. Bolivar, immediately struck with a panic terror, dressed himself hastily, mounted his horse, and rode at full speed to the arsenal, which lay close by the port, and the fort of Santa Rosa, so that, at the first notice of the enemy's approach, he could have the chance to embark in a few minutes, oi- shut himself up in the fort. All his trunks and baggage were immediately carried from his house to the arsenal, where 1 saw them all collected. During this lime I took the few disposable cavalry and some officers, and directed my course towards the place where this guard had been surprised, to reconnoitre the enemy, and ascertain the na- ture of the danger. I ordered the troops in the head quarters to take arms and be ready to march at the first signal to repel the enemy in case of an attack. I saw no one at all, and all my reconnoitering parties having joined me, I returned with the usual precautions to the head quarters. In approaching the house of general Bolivar, in order to make him my report, I was surprised to find it empty, and dark. I heard from a dra- goon, detached by general Bolivar in search of me, that the conunander-in-chief was at the arsenal, with all hk> retinue, his household, trunks, he. I found him lying in his hammock, surrounded by his flatterers, who lay half asleep, half awake, on trunks, tables, benches and boards. As soon as I saw among them Charles Soublettc stretched out on a bench, 1 could not refrain from giving him, in presence of Bolivar and iljore than twenty officers, a very harsh reprimand, because he, beirtg. nom- 16G MEMOIRS OK BOLIVAR. inated by the geiieral-in-chief commandant of the head quar- ters, was not at his post at the head of the troops, as he should have been, and not lying on a bench, when the enemy was at- tempting to surprise us. Soublette, as usual, said not a single word. I now assured general Bolivar that there was nothing more to be feared, as I had doubled the guards at the out posts, and ordered all the troops to be ready at the first signal given. 1 escorted general Bolivar with my dragoons, to his old quarters, where trunks, baggage and papers were again ordered, and re- tired to my own house feeling more and luore the strange and cowardly behavior of the supreme chief, in every case of danger. This was an authentic proof of Bolivar's incapacity to save us in case of danger, or to put himself at the head of a body of troops to attack the enemy in person, iu the last critical mo- ment, which he never did, nor ever will do, as all those who have been in any action with him, in Venezuela, in New Gre- nada, in Peru, will readily attest : I would be understood to speak of those persons who are no longer in the service of Co- lombia, and who are not dependent upon him by theii connex- ions with that, so called, republic, and who have nothing to hope or to fear from the President Liberator of Colombia. True enough, the bulletins and proclamations, drawn up all by him- self, or under his immediate inspection, display hira as a hero, at the head of his troops ; but none of these bulletins are cor- rect, nor can they inspire in those who know the character of Bolivar, and the composition of his, so called, liberating army, any. confidence. I have already giv^en the authentic facts, in respect to three or four of his bulletins and proclamations, and shown how de- cepdve they are to distant people. On examining them close- ly, the clouds which surrounded them, and must naturally exalt the imagination of persons not well acquainted with all the circumstances, will at last disappear, and show, in his true hght, the President Liberator, his actions and his mihtary skill. General Bolivar is the same man at the present day, that he was in 181 G^ with the difterence, that he is much more vain, ambitious and bold. But dien he has the bayonets in his favor, which accounts for many things. I was now perfectly convinced that my longer remaining widi such a commander, would be of no avail. I saw clearly that all plans and advice tending to establisli order, instruction, drilk and organization, in a word, an} thing like an army, was pow- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 167 erfully counteracted by most of those who surrounded the gen- eral, and AV'ho were too much interested to leave every thing in statu quo, as being much more convenient to their wishes. My intimacy with Bolivar, with whom I was always frank, as a man of character and a free man should be, excited the greatest jealousy in all, or the greatest part of these natives. I was not only a foreigner, but 1 reprimanded, corrected and punished those wiio did wrong, and Bolivar himself, threw all the blame u])on me, as I have already shown. Sarcasm and ridicule have always had a great influence upon Bolivar, as in general they have upon half cultivated and limited minds ; and Soublette, powerfully supported by Miss Pepa, was much more at his ease in these evening assejnblies, called tertulias, dian he is on a field of battle, where he has been seen pale, trembling and mute ! To these two were joined Miss Pepa, her mother and sister, who detested me' cordially, for some words spoken pub- licly by me, against this family, and who always called me the maldito Frances. Pedro Leon Torres, whom I punished once, when I was lieutenant colonel and commander of the fort of San Jose, in Boca Cliica, where I was chief; major Fernando Galindo, whom I treated once in Aux Cayes, as he deserved ; lieutenant colonel Aiizoatigui, whom I reprimanded one day at Caru])ano, and who commanded the body guard of the supreme chief, and some others, now made a combination, and tried by degrees to create suspicions against me, in the too jealous and weak mind of general Bolivar. It appeared to me, that from the day I had mentioned the wish to command the foreign legion, general Bolivar was no more the same man ; his manners were changed ; he did not speak to me with the same confidence, with the same frankness, if he is at all capable of frankness, of which I have great doubts, as I said before. All these reasons, and moreover my impaired health, injured by privations and great exertions. of mind, de- termined me at las:, to leave a service, in which (I declare it here frankly) no man, who has feelings of self respect and personal independence, can consent to remain. I chose, there- lore, to write him an official letter, in wdiich I formally request- ed him to grant me my final discharge from the army, and that I might join my family (wife and children) which I had left at Aux Cayes to restore my impaired health. I ordered one of my aid-de-camps to deliver it into general Bolivar's own hands, and when he came back with the assurance that he had obey- ed this my -last order, I felt at my ease and cheerful. IGS MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Four days passed beforelreceivedany answer, during which, the general sent me various persons, as the adjutant Brion, the intendant Zea, his aid-de-camp Chamberlain, who was always greatly attached to me, &:c., to make me strong representa- tions, and to persuade me to remain, and to revoke my first letter. Adjutant general, Jose Martinez, my officers of the staff, and my aid-de-camps, and a great many foreigners, tried in vain to persuade me ; I remained firm, and answered that my health too much required a change of air, and rest. When Bolivar saw that nothing could retain me, he sent, at last, my absolute discharge, in very honorable and flattering terms. He had written it with his own hand, and said, among other things, that he granted me my request with great regret, (con- dolor,) and saw me departing with reluctance, but that my health having declined, he could not urge me any longer to stay, Sic. &£C. Charles Soublette was named to be my successor, and as he dared not to avenge himself upon me, he had the baseness to do it upon my too adjutants, IManuel Flores and Joseph Martinez. These two young promising officers refused posi- tively to serve any more in the staff under Soublette's orders, and had requested the general-in-chief to be placed in their re- spective ranks, in one of the battalions of infantry. This request was represented by Soublette to general Bolivar in a false and malicious way, and so he consented that these officers should be arrested, and put, for a couple of days, in the fort of Santa Rosa ; Soublette knowing very well that I was attached to them. As soon as I heard what had happened, and being now no more in the army, I wrote to general Bolivar a very strong letter against the misrepresentations of Soublette, and urged him to put these young officers at liberty, with which general Bolivar complied, and he himself returned me a very obliging answer. I inquired in vain for an opportunity for St. Thomas' or Aux Cayes, and was obliged to remain in Carupano. Two days after, BoUvar seeing that his position was very critical, as I had told him beforehand, gave orders to evacuate Carupano and to embark the same night. I came in the evening to pay a visit to admiral Brion; general Bolivar entered some time after me. I stood up from my seat and came to shake hands with him as usual. But Boliv^ar withdrew his hand hke a madman, and said in a furious tone to me, " that he would not give his hand to a man who deserved to be shot instantly !" I never saw in MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 1G9 my life, among the houses of madmen, in Charenton and Bed- lam, a fia;ure like our sujjrcme chief, at this moment ! and was doubting if it was general Bolivar or some of these ma(hnen, deserters from Bedlam, who were before me. As I have never feared any man, and as my conscience was very clear and quiet, 1 looked at him some moments, and asked in a firm and strong tone, for an explanation of these strange and unin- telligible words, and declared to him positively, that he should explain himself, and that I feared nothing. He said not a sin- gle word more to me, abruptly left the room, jumped upon his horse, and rode away. Biion, in reply to my inquiries, said to me, I need not care about what he said, as I was no longer in his service, and added that Bolivar had been the whole day in a very bad temper, having been very much disappointed, by the desertion of Marino and Piar, who had left him in a very disagreeable position, and maae it' necessary for him now to evacuate this place, where the Spaniards threatened to attack him. And then, added Brion, he is very angry with you for having insisted on leaving him, &:c. I sought Bolivar every where, but could not find him, and Brion said to me, that it would be more prudent to avoid his presence, at a moment when his passion was excited, and so he brought me, who was of course enraged at such treatment, on board of one of his own vessels, the Diana, where the cap- tain and officers treated me with the greatest kindness. Having not been able to see general Bolivar, I wrote a strong and la- conic letter to him, in which, I asked an explanation of this strange behaviour to me, and that notwithstanding I was no more under his command, I would submit to be tried before a court martial, and hear what were the charges against me, and who was my vile accuser ! That I would remain on board of the Diana, one of the vessels belonging to the expedition, and not go to St. Thomas, until the sharpest inquiry, from the be- ginning to the end of my distinguished service, should be made, and that I never could have expected to deserve such an indecorous and ridiculous treatment. I gave this letter, di- rected to general Bolivar, supreme chief, to Mr. Ballot the next morning, to deliver it into the hands of the former, telling him that I waited for an answer. Mr. Ballot gave him the let- ter, but he answered me not a single word. Some months afierwards, I found myself at Port au Prince, where general Bolivar arrived as a fugitive, in September 1816, as I will relate in the next chapter. As soon as I heard of his 22 170 MEMOIRS OF BOT-IVAR. arrival, 1 said to my landlord, Mr. Wastenfield, a German and a rich and established merchant, and to Mr. Southerland, the English agent, that I was very glad of general Bolivar's arrival in a country where he did not command, and where I could address him on equal terms. I related what had happened at (Jarupano, to these two gentlemen, and they approved my resolu- tion ; but after a while, iMr. Southerland, who feared the con- sequences of such a meeting, took me aside and observed to me, that general Bolivar, being lodged at his house, he urged me, in very obliging terms, to desist from challenging general Bohvar ; adding that the latter was very much dejected and melancholy, and that it would not be generous on my part, to pursue a man, who was 'already unfortunate enough, in such circumstances, &lc. I yielded, at last, to his representations, but refused peremptorily to a\*oid Bolivar, as both gentlemen nrged me to do; and insisted on having an explanation, before one of them, with general Bolivar, whom I feared not, and had never feared. It was then settled that Mr. Southeraland should first see general Bolivar, and make him acquainted with my in- tended visit, and see what he said to it. But if he should re- fuse, I promised to both, that I would join general Bolivar, wherever I could meet him, except in the houses of these two gentlemen, Wastenfield, and Southerland. The next morning, Mr. Southerland told me that general Bolivar would be very happy to see me, (his very expression.) I must confess that I was greatly astonished to hear such an unexpected answer from general Bolivar, and told them, laugh- ing, that he would not have sent me such a polite message at the head of his troops and so I related to them his cowardice ; in the naval action of the 2d of May, of the same year. Mr. Southerland told me then, that when general Bolivar heard from him of my being here, he changed color and was much surprised to hear this news, and told him hastily he would not see me by any means; but after Mr. Southerland had as- sured him, that in spite of my being much irritated against him, I had at last yielded to his (Southerland's) i-epresentations, to cause no scene in his house, and to consider the general's situa- tion, ^c. but that I had insisted, peremptorily, on having an explanation with him, in regard to the scene that took place at Carupano, but without intending to insult or to provoke him, &.C., Bolivar, who was now fuhy re-assured, said to Air. South- erland, that he would receive me with great pleasure. I went immediatolv and found him walking with his aid-dc-camp. jMEMoirs ok bolivar. 171 Dr. Perez, (at that time lieutenant colonel, and now general, and his secretary general in Peru,) in the large piazza in Mr. Southerland's house. As soon as I came up the steps, he left Perez and came hastily towards me, embraced me with all the demonstrations of an unfeigned satisfaction, and the; usual ex- clamation, " Ah, vous voila, mon cher ami, (ah, there you are my dear friend,) I am extremely happy to see you." He took my arm, and I sat with him on the sofa. Mr. Perez, after having saluted me, retired. I was, I must confess, more confused than general Bolivar, at such a singular reception, and could hardly know if it was the same man, Bolivar hi Carupano, and Bolivar in Port au Prince, or in June and September 1816! My confusion was the result of a painful conviction of the du- plicity of a man of such high standing, who forgot himself twice ; in Carupano, by insulting me when he loas in power, and without giving me any reasons, and in Port au Prince, in receiving me with this apparent satisfaction, when he was un- fortunate and isolated, and well aware that I was a man who would have called him to account wherever I could find him. " I insisted on seeing you," said I to him very earnestly, "to have a definitive explanation with you for your strange behaviour to me at Carupano. What induced you to ask in such an in- decorous manner ?" he. He saw clearly, that in speaking, I grew a little warm. Bolivar, who sat near to me, took my hand again and said, " that Brion had reported to him, that I had the intention to displace him, Bolivar, and to give the command to admiral Brion ! I jumped up and said, in a contemptuous manner, that [ could never believe that Brion, who had always b een very friendly towards me, should have reported such a ridiculous calumny; that my friendship and the frank and plain manner with which I had constantly treated him, (Bolivar,) my letter written from Boca Chica, my sending for him at the risk of my life, my interfering in Aux Cayes when Montilla chal- lenged him, and my zeal for his welfare, should have convinced him of the ridiculousness of an accusation, which could have never come from Brion, but perhaps //'OJ/i somebody else ! But supposing it should have come from Brion, could you not con- front me privately with the admiral, who was present, and in whose house we were together ; and I believe that would have been the shortest way. And how could I have acted so fool- ishly as to take my absolute discharge first, to lose voluntarily my authority, if I had such a plan ; and then act as a madman, to effect such a conspiracy against you at a time of my to- 172 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. •> tal isolation, 'and being sick ! I spoke raucli more, and with warmth ; so that he at last, fully convinced of the absurdity of such an accusation avowed to me, that it came not from Brion, but from somebody else ! But he would never mention his name. " It is very true," said he afterwards, " that you have always given me proofs of being a sincere friend ; that you spoke to me with frankness ; that you acted in your service like an ancient soldier, and a man of honor ; it is true, it is true, I should have considered all this before ; but, mon cher ami, (our whole conversation passed in French, as usual,) you must think no more of it, you know we are not perfect," and in saying these words he gave me his hand in sign of recon- ciliation. This explanation does honor to general Bolivar, (if, as I suppose, it came from his heart,) and w^as satisfactory to me, as I declared to him. He asked me now a great many questions concerning my private concerns, useless to repeat here, and so we departed good friends, I for Aux Cayes, and he, some months later, to the Main. I have entered in these minute details of the principal facts that happened to me, in order to show the true character of a man, who has acquired such a colossal reputation, little corres- ponding to what he is, in regard to heroism, bravery, military skill, firmness of character, and talents. I will close this chap- ter with another trait, which will show how he always takes care to preserve his own baggage, and all that belongs to him. I have already proved how he fears being wounded or killed, or takes care to have his sacred person perfectly secured. When at JMargarita, where we slept in the same room, in which he had established his office, and mine was opposite to his, on the same floor, he came one day into my office, to tell me to give the order to all the oflicers belonging to our army, from the general down to the second lieutenant, to take with them no more than a few changes of dress, and to leave behind their trunks and luggage. I, myself, take no more than six changes of clothes, ^c. In conformity to this order, every one of us left our trunks in a kind of block house, in the Villa del Norte. I had three, full of valuable arficles, and as the glass of my gold repeater was broken, Bolivar told me to leave it in one of my trunks, where I could send for them when I should be definiuvely settled. I left also all my papers, certificates of services from Europe, correspondence, and other v^ery valua- ble documents, &c. We embarked, and being one day at Carupano, on board the admiral, I was astonished to see on ■^ MEMOIRS OK BOLIVAR. 173 deck, more then 20 trunks, pretty large and heavy. I asked to whom they helonged, and was surprised to hear from Gar- cia, the mtendant of general 13olivar, that they were his mas- ter's baggage ! I learned from him that the general had given him orders to hire mules, and to trans|)ort all his baggage from Villa del Norte, to the port of Juan Griego, where we should embark, and that he did it the night previous to our embarking. When I expressed my surprise to general BoUvar some days afterwards, on seeing all these trunks in his house, he answer- ed me drylv, " that Garcia had embarked them hy mistake .'" I have related how general Bolivar carried his trunks into the arsenal, where he took shelter, when our cavalry guard had been surprised by the enemy at Carupano. This station was safe for himself and his baggage, then from the arsenal he could in five minutes embark, or take shelter in the fort of Santa Rosa. These are facts of which I was an eye witness. And so it came to pass, that after the defeat of Soublette at Carupano, all our baggage was plundered, the trunks broken open, and all was irreparably lost, because general Arismendy, hearing that Bolivar had fled, judged we were all taken or slain, and our baggage was distributed among the troops of Margarita. I regretted the loss of my watch and my papers ; wrote twice to general Arismendy, but received no answer. These were ir- reparable losses which 1 regret to the present time. CHAPTER XIV. ^' Evacuation of Carupano — Skirmish at Ocumare — Fifth flight of General Bolivar, and his retreat to the Island of Hayti — McGregor'' s retreat towards Barcelona. We have seen how general Bolivar acted in Carupano, how- jealous he was of his authority, and what were my recompen- ses after so many fatigues and disgustful services. The fear of general Bolivar that the creation of a foreign legion would com- promise his authority, shows sufliciently the little confidence he had in his own merit. Then liow could 1500 and more, for- 174 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. eigners, give him tlie law, (as he said distinctly to me) being in his country, surrounded by his countrymen, and having akeady his authority established. If George Washington should have protested against the landing of so many thousand French troops and foreign officers, during the revolutionary war, would it not liave been prejudicial to him and his country ? How different- ly did he treat these auxihary foreigners ; but George Wash- ington was a man, a soldier, a sage ; and Simon Bolivar a lili- piitian in every respect in comparison with this great man ! Should such a man be suffered to be compared whh Bolivar ? no, certainly not, as will be sufficiently shown in the course of this work. General Bolivar is not the only one who is jealous of stran- gers ; this jealousy is very common among the chieftains of Co- lombia, and is, I must say, characteristic of them. Their pre- judices, their education, their talents, their ignorance, is the nat- ural consequence of the Spanish system to suppress, in the Amer- icans, every sjjark of light and industry. The superficial knowl- edge acquired by some among them is regarded as a phenome- non, as an extraordinary and remarkable instance, and such a 'man is a hero among them, when he would be a very common and ordinary man among civilized and enlightened nations, where education, intercourse with strangers, industry and liber- al institutions, have a daily influence upon the population. The ceremonies of the catholic religion, the intolerance of the great- est part of the clergymen, the influence which monks, friars and priests have, down to the present day, upon the people, the mis- erable condition of public education, the natural apathy of the inhabitants, the total want of industry, agriculture, and com- merce, united with military despotism, can never give to Co- lombia freedom and rational liberty, and are altogether ifnfavora- ble to the production of men of talents and liberal ideas. The few existing cannot raise their voices against those of thousands, and must necessarily remain silent. Arbitrary arrests, exiles, and punishments, are the natural consequences of a military government, where bayonets and those who command them, rule exclusively. Limited talents make an illiberal government, and never can a man of character, experience, and knowledge, be suffered by such men, because they must naturally fear the consequences of his powerful influence over those who were under his imme- diate care ; and the great difference between the two, will ne- cessarily, sooner or later, be found out. In lime of danger and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 175 war, they will be consulted, suffered to take the command, to make dispositions and act ; then Jicrc they stand in danger, and expose their lives ; but once this danger passed, once in pros- perity, they captiously cavil at tliose actions of yours which have saved tliem, and employ every means to weaken the favorable impression made upon their subalterns ; they try to ridicule you, whenever and wherever they can, and sufter your presence with reluctance and difficulty. Therefore it results that the thou- sands of strangers, who have served in Colombia, could never render effective services in a country wliere their authority had been so limited, that it was impossible to act freely and in ac- cordance with their talents and experience. It is a fact, tliat tlie greater part of these chieftains have complained of stran- gers, have exiled, punished and ill-treated them, alleging that they had rendered very little or no sernce. This is the great- est injustice ever heard of, as in the course of this history I will prove, tliat Bolivar, the republic of Colombia, and hs chieftains, are indebted to strangers, and their powerful support for their existence, if not as a free, at least as an independent people. Labatut took Santa Martha, 1813, and was obliged to evacu- ate it, in consequence of the intrigues of his subaherns. He was arrested and exiled. Louis Aury saved the evacuation of the patriots from Carthagena. We have seen how Bolivar has recompensed him. Ducoudray Holstein was the last comman- der in Carthagena and protected in Boca Chica many hundred families. He was threatened to be shot ! Louis Brion sacrificed liis large fortune for the republic, and was the constant support of Bolivar, who treated him very harshly at Savanilla. He died broken hearted, at Curacao, and so poor that he did not leave a cent to pay the expenses of his burial ! General Piar, who fought bravely in 1814 and 1815, when Bolivar fled from Ven- ezuela, and who conquered, in union with Brion, the beautiful and rich province of Guayana, was arrested, tried, and shot. To whom are the Colombians indebted for their successes in 1819, in conquering New Grenada ? Was it not to foreign le- gions ? Who gained the battle of Carabobo ? was it not the Irish legion ? he. &c. Thousands of these brave men perish- ed by misery, and maladies brought on in consequence of hard- ships ; and now the Colombians boast that they have gained their independence alone, and without the aid of foreigners. They forget past services because they want them no more. 17G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. It is an astonishing Aict, that among all these chieftains of Co- lombia, not a single man can be found who deserves the name of a great man, a hero, or an extraordinary man. There ex- ists none. Can Simon Bolivar possibly pass for such an one ? It has been proved, already, hy facts, that he is not, and will be still more fully proved. In a time of revolution, when the or- dinary distinctions of rank and titles are confounded and the low- est citizen can rival any other, if he is brave or has talents, we search in vain for distinguished characters on the Main. Among the military chieftains, we find Paez, Amismendy and Padilla, who have achieved some distinguished actions ; all the rest are very ordinary characters, which have gained an undeserved name of heroes and skilful men. I left general Bolivar ready to embark at Carupano for Ocu- mare. The defection of generals Marino and Piar, the want of order, regulation, and provisions, produced diseases and mala- dies, and a good many of those who came from Aux Cayes, and the island of ]\Iargarita, with general Bolivar, fell sick and died, or left him. The enemy profiting by the faults of Bolivar, his want of firmness, activity and talents, increased their forces in proportion to the declining state of the patriots. The history of the campaign of 1816, is substantially the same as that of 181.3 and '14, in Caracas, and ended with the flight and embarkation of general Bolivar, like the year 1814. When general Bolivar saw at last that there was no hope of making recruits, or of any support and juncdon from Marino and Piar, he followed the advice of admiral Brion and evacuat- ed Carupano to seek another landing-place more convenient, and so it was determined to go to Ocumare, where he could find more resources and recruits. They landed accordingly in the bay, protected by a litde fort of no consequence, and pro- ceeded to the village of the same name, Ocumare, where he ar- rived the 3d July, 1816, with 13 vessels, of which seven only were armed. He published the following proclamation : "Head-quarters, at Ocumare, July 6, 1816. — Simon Boli- var, Supreme Chief, &j-c. ^-c. to the inhabitants of Venezuela : " An army provided with arms and munitions of war of every kind, is on the march, and under my orders, coming to liberate you. " I will drive out, and exterminate our tyrants, and I will re- store you to your rights, your country, and give you peace. On our part, the killing of the prisoners of war will cease from BIEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 177 this instant. We promise to grant a general pardon for those who submit, even to European Spaniards. " All the troops of the enemy which will join us, will partici- pate with us in the advantages and recompenses, which the country and its inhabitants can afford, " No Spaniard shall be killed, except when he may re- sist with his arms in hand. No harm will be done to the na- tives, who are found in the army of the enemy. " Our unfortunate brethren who are suffering as slaves, are from this moment declared free. Nature, rights, and govern- ment, reclaim their liberty. In the future will exist in Vene- zuela, no more than one class of inhabitants ; all will be citizens. " As soon as we have taken possession of the capital, we will convoke the people to name their deputies for Congress. Dur- ing my march upon Caracas, general Marino will besiege Cu- mana ; general Piar, sup^Kirted by general Roxas and ]\lonaga, will render himself master of the plains, and march against Barcelona, while general Arismendy, with his victorious army, will maintain himself in the island of Margarita. BOLIVAR." This proclamation is like those of the same author, viz. drawn up to deceive the ignorant, and people living at a distance. The army, of which he speaks as being under his order, consisted of 650 men, of whom not 300 had ever seen a battle, and whose officers were a greater part of them totally unfit to command. " I shall exterminate our tyrants," says general Bolivar, the 6th of July ; and the 10th of the same month he was beaten by 300 men, which Morales and Guero had assembled in haste, and fled in full gallop from the field of battle to the bay of Ocu- mare, where he embarked for the Dutch island of Buen Ayre, as I shall relate hereafter. " As soon as we have taken possession of the capital, (Cara- cas) we will convoke the people to name their deputies to Con- gress," says general Bolivar. His sincerity on this occasion is doubted by those who know him and his intentions. In 1S13, he spoke the same language, and did nothing to assemble the Congress, when it was in his power ; in 1815 he disobeyed, for- mally, the orders of Congress in New Grenada in besieging Car- thagena instead of St. INIartha ; in 1S17, when recalled, the first condition of his admission was to convoke a Congress ; it was not done ; on the contrary, he broke up the Congress assem- bled at Cariaca, and persecuted its members in 1818, and the 23 ITS MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. following events in these memoirs will show clearly that he has been, and is decidedly against the formation of any Congress ; and when forced to suffer its existence, he limited its power by military display and authority, so that the senate and chamber of representatives were no more than nominal, and the submission servants of the Presiclent Liberator. " While I march against Caracas, general Marino will be- siege Cumana; general Piar supported," &ic. &;c. This is again deception ; when some days previous to his evacuation of Carupano, he said to me that he w^as very sorry to see Marino and Piar paying not the least regard to his orders ; and when it is known that in consequence of the defection of these two chieftains, Bolivar was obhged to evacuate Carupano, &ic. To any experienced military man, the following reflections will give a convincing proof of Bolivar's weakness and small ca- pacity, as a commander-in-chief. Instead of employing every means in his power to compel Marino and Piar to do their du- ty, he approved, in an official manner, their defection, which naturally encouraged them to act in an isolated and indepen- dent way. Then if IMarino, instead of besieging Cumana, had joined Bolivar at Ocumare, the united forces of both would have been sufficient to take Valencia, which had not 200 armed men to defend it, and to march against Caracas, where there were at the time no more dian 500 men. The forces of the Spaniards were much dispersed and would have fallen an easy prey to the patriots, who could have destroyed them, isolated as they were, one column after another. This success would have reanimated the sunken spirit of the inhabitants, not in regard to patriotism, but in regard to confidenpe in Bolivar's bravery, mil- itary skill and ability to govern them. The actions of the dictator, and his flight, gave them disgust ; and therefore Bolivar himself was much discouraged to see, that after more than a month's stay at Carupano, not 70 of the inhabitants came to vo- lunteer under his orders. On the contrary, about the whole population fled on the approach of Bolivar, and we found de- serted houses. The same thing happened at Ocumare, &£c. &z;c. General Bolivar cohected, in virtue of his proclamation of the 6th of July, some hundred slaves, which were armed, and united to his troops. He collected about 800 men, armed in haste, but without instruction, uniforms, or discipline. With such a band of armed men, called the liberating army, he march- ed from Ocumare to Valencia, where, at the time, less than 200 men were able to resist him. The possession of Valencia was MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 179 precious to him, being situated between Caracas, the plains, and the fortress of Porto CabcUo, by which he could have been supplied easily from the plains, where Paez, Zarasa, Roxas, Sedeno, he. had always acted bravely and resisted the power- ful forces of Morillo. Morales arriving at Valencia, heard that general BoHvar had debarked at Ocumare. Having with him no more than a small escort of cavalry, he lost no time in waiting for more troops, collected about 200 armed men, and directed his march to- wards Ocumare. The major of the militia, Jose Guero, join- ed him with one hundred more, and with this small force he de- termined to attack general Bolivar. He met him on the 10th of July not far distant from tlie village of Ocumare, upon a hill which commanded a view of the lake of Valencia. When ]Mo- ralcs discovered the advanced guard commanded by Soublette, he put some tirailleurs among the trees, unperceived by the pa- triots, in the bushy hills where they had to pass, and took an ad- vantasjeous position with the remainder, to wait a favorable moment to attack. A small skirmish began, which lasted not a quarter of an hour, when a deserter from Morales was brought before the supreme chief, who acquainted him, that this much feared partisan was the person at the head of the Spanish troops. Soublette, as usual, and as has been stated by eye witnesses, fled immediately on hearing some musket shots ; general Boli- var, seeing his advanced guard dispersed, lost all presence of mind, spoke not a word, turned his horse quickly round, and fled in full speed towards Ocumare. Colonel Boe, (brother in lav/ of mareschal Lefebre Dugue of Dantzic, who was in this ac- tion) related to me afterwards, that Bolivar was so bhnded by fear, that his horse run against Boe's mule, loaded with baggage, and precipitated mule and baggage down the hill, without stop- ping a single moment. He passed the village at full gallop, and arrived at last at a place of safety, the bay of Ocumare, two leagues distant from the village of the same name, jumped from his horse, got into a boat, and embarked on board the Diana,* the same armed vessel which I had left about 3 hours previous to his arrival, having found a French captain, (Mr. DuClerk) who sailed from Ocumare to St. Thomas', and who treated me with the greatest kindness, and offered me a passage, gratis, on board his vessel. I had lost (as related,) in Villa del Norte, all my baggage, and had only some few changes of clothes, and my uniform, without a single cent in my pocket, being at the same time sick with an intermitent fever. We were very much 180 _ MEMOIKS OF BOLIVAR. surprised to see the whole squadron coming after us, under full sail, and we were soon joined by them, all steering towards Bo- naire laying close by the bay of Ocumarc. Here I heard the following particulars : Bolivar was so seized by a panic terror, that he arrived with only a single aid-de-camp, out of six, who was the lieutenant colonel Perez, on board the Diana. Not far distant from the bay, opposite the little fort, was a kind of farm house, under the roof of which lay stretched on a mat, the wounded major Pi- card, who lost his arm in a surprise (related in the last chapter) ol die advanced cavalry guard not far from Carupano, and who, unable to move, was carried on shore in order to be more com- fortable. When he saw Bolivar and his aid-de-camp Perez passing close by him at full speed, he called the general, and requested him for God's sake to order him to be again carried on board ; but tlie supreme chief did not hear him, or would not hear him, and embarked. Captain Demarquet, another Frenchman, and aid-de-camp of BoUvar, arrived at the bay some minutes after Bolivar's heing in the boat, and urged the boatswain to return and take him in ; but the general ordered him to proceed and put him on board the Diana. As soon as he was on deck, he directed captain Debouille,* the comman- der of this fast sailing armed vessel, and in the absence of ad- miral Brion, (on an excursion to the island of Curacao) the commander of the squadron, to make the signal to cut their ca- bles and to depart, which was done accordingly. They directed their course towards the small Dutch island of Buen Ayre where they arrived in the afternoon of the 10th of July. Thus general Bolivar left again his army, and his command, and put his person in safety, and this w^as the fifth time that he had done so since 1812. 1st. Lieutenant colonel Bolivar left in June, 1S12, the strong place of Porto Cabello, of which he was governor, and embark- ed clandestinely in the night, with some officers, in consequence of the fear he had of the revolted Spanish prisoners of war, and retired to San Mateo, leaving his garrison without commander or orders ; in consequence of which, these retired, and the place feU into the hands of Monte verde.-j- 2d. The general-in-chief, dictator, hberator of the western pro- vinces of Venezuela, S. Bolivar, embarked hastily in the night *I have Ihcse particulars from captain Debotiillc hiiiisoir f See chapter V. .\ MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 181 of the 25th of August, 1814, at Cumana, and fled with his col- league San Jago Marino, dictator of the eastern provinces of Venezuela towards ]Margarita, &,c. lie lost all presence of mind, and would not listen to any representation of his cousin Joseph Felix Rihas, and others, to remain with them on the JMain ; he sent for ^Marino, and as soon as the latter was on hoard, he ordered commodore Bianchi to cut the cables, and off he sailed. He left Ribas, Vlllapol, and thousands of his countrymen behind, who had placed their confidence in his skill and bravery, and sought safety inflight.^ 3d. The captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, Simon Bolivar, not having succeeded to take Cartha- gena by force of arms, and after having lost, in a miserable po- sition, his troops, and the province of New Grenada, embarked on board an En2;lish bris: of war, and left his countrvmen, and retired in safety to Kingston in the island of Jamaica. 4th. In the naval action, of 2d May 1816, the supreme chief of the Republic of Venezula, retired into the long boat of commo- dore Brion's armed vessel, and gave the command to Ducou- dray liolstein during the whole time of the action, which lasted about four hours.f 5th. And now, here at Ocumare, where the supreme chief fled and sheltered himself from all danger in the island of Buen Ayre. When admiral Brion arrival at Buen Ayre, from Curacao, he was much astonished to find the squadron and general Bolivar there, and came immediately on board the Diana, where gen- eral Bolivar had remained the whole day in bed, and reproach- ed him in very strong terms with his cowardice and desertion, and above all, for having given orders to the squadron to fol- low him alone, and to leave all his companions w^ithout means and assistance. This was a well deserved, but humiliating les- son, for a man of Bolivar's proud and vain character. But here, as every where, when the general was isolated, and in misfortune, he was very docile, and endured every thing. Brion, now a little cooler, admonished Bolivar to return to the Main, and rejoin the commanders on the coast of Cumana and Barcelona, and to unite again the patriotic troops. He spoke so convincingly to Bolivar, that at last he consented to depart in the same vessel for the coast of Cumana, while Brion, with *See chapter VII. tSee chapter XIII. 182 ' MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the remainder of his squadron, was going to Margarita to refit some of his vessels. As soon as general Bolivar arrived on the coast of Cumana, where he found Marino and Piar, these two received him very harshly, reproached him with his new desertion at Ocumare, and Piar threatened to try him before a court martial, and to have him shot as a deserter and a coward. This last scene enraged the vain and vindictive mind of Bolivar so much, that he afterwards was the most bitter enemy of Piar, which, as I have been assured, was the cause of his subsequent condemna- tion. Bolivar found it not prudent to remain, and embarked without delay. This essay, and the fear of being treated by other chieftains in the same manner, discouraged him so much that he ordered captain Devouille (who had received posuive instructions from the admiral, to remain at the disposal of the supreme chief,) to make the port of Aux Cayes, in the island of Hayti, from whence he had departed some months before with the sanguine hopes of the most brilliant success ! He re- mained a couple of days and re-embarked for Jaquemel, from whence he departed by land to Port au Prince, where I had, as related, my last interview with him. I forgot to say, that during the conversation with me, he told me he had heard that I was going with the expedition of gen- eral Mina, who, in fact, had made me several very honorable propositions to join his expedition, which came at the time of my stay in Port au Prince. I answered general Bolivar — " I will never go more with general Bolivar or with general Mina, as long as there is neither organization or instruction, and only a shadow of an army." Bolivar said, "I beheve, mon cher ami, you will never forget your ancien metier.'''' The president of Hayti, Alexander Petion, received him very coolly, having already been acquainted with a part of his actions. Such was the end of an expedition which sailed in May 1816 from Aux Cayes some months before, which cost large sums, and promised so brilliant results. This pitiful end must entirely be attributed to the wrong measures taken by general Bolivar, of which 1 have related some striking particulars. We have seen that Bolivar had lost, by his fault — 1st, the forces of commodore Aury, which were half of (he whole strength in ves- sels and men, lying at that time at Aux Cayes : 2d, his cow- ardice in the action of the 2d of Ma}', alienated from him the esteem and the confidence of so many hundreds of his subal- «» JlEMOmS OF BOLIVAR. 183 terns : 3d, by his weakness in following the perfidions advice of his flatterers, he annulled all the good, which 1 could have done in endeavoring to establish order, instruction and disci- pline, in a band of armed men, who called themselves generals, colonels and officers, and who had not the least notion of the first elements of our art. He was opposed, by the same weak- ness and his jealous fears, to consenting to the organization and the formation of a foreign legion, which could have had the most useful consequences. This same weakness of character induced him to consent to the departure of Marino and Piar, against his own conviction of having done wrong, and against mine and admiral Brion's well grounded advice : 4th, finally, to crown all these faults, he lost, in an attack by 300 men, when he had more than 800, all his presence of mind, and fled with all the speed of his horse, at the first musket shots, and galloped 12 miles from tlie field of battle to the bay of Ocumare, as if the enemv was at his heels. What I have related here of general Bolivar would appear imipossible and exaggerated ; but it is, unfortunate enough, too true and authentic. Hundreds of e)^e witnesses like me, as the inhabitants of Been Ayre, Aux Cayes, Jaquemel, Port au Prince, &;c., to whom these facts are perfectly known, will con- firm and testify to the correctness of ray impartial statements, if they are not blinded by self interest, or by fear of a persecu- tion, in case of their being settled on the Main or in the service of Colombia. The Gazettes in the Havana, from July, Au- gust and September, 1816, give a correct account of what had happened in Ocumare, and in which general Bolivar is treated with the most contemptuous rigor. There will be found a detailed list of all that the Spaniards found in the bay of Ocu- mare, of debarked arms, ammunitions, the beautiful and new print, fcc. All these objects were debarked in order to follow Bolivar's troops, and waiting for the transportations by mules, were left on shore. Bolivar would not suffer their being re- embarked. I fear and hope nothing from Bolivar or the Colombians ; my name is on the title page, and I will, and shall state the naked trutli, and nothing else, in order to show general Bohvar as he is, not by declamations, but by facts. I give him credit when he deserves it, and relate his actions and their conse- quences, and nothing else. Gen. Ijolivar, wlio had received powerful support from the Haytian government, has acted very ungratefully to the Hay- 184 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. tians. Before he came to Carupano, lie had sent back the Haytian captain, named Courtois, who came with his vessel from Aux Cayes as a transport ship, and treated him harshly and in a haughty manner, on his making him some just repre- sentations. At Carupano, he sent two other Haytian vessels back without paying, or consenting to give them any written promises to pay their fleet, and forced them to embark and to quit Carupano, without the least compensation for their voyage. This impolitic treatment against the Haytian vessels, and the officers which served in the land troops, united with the con- demnation of general Piar, who w"as a man of color, and shot some years later, at Angostura, made a very bad impression on the inhabitants of this hospitable island. President Petion, who was fully acquainted with the treat- ment, by Bolivar, of the Haytians, nevertheless did not re- proach him in the least, but of course, received him much cool- er, and made no great exertions for a man who behaved him- self so ungratefully. General Bolivar, in one respect, kept his promise to president Petion, on which express condition the latter assisted him so powerfully in his expedition which sailed from Aux Cayes, that he, Bolivar, would promise him the emancipation of the slaves. This general Bolivar, faithfully fulfilled, as I have shown by his proclamations, published in Margarita, Carupano and Ocumare. Bolivar did the same afterwards wdth his own slaves, in San Mateo, which did him honor. In consequence of the flight of the supreme chief from the field of battle at Ocumare, and the sailing of all the vessels from the said bay, general McGregor united the scattered troops of Bolivar's corps, and efiected a retreat along the sea shore, of which too much hasbeen spoken that is not worthy to be repeat- ed. The fact is, that McGregor had nothing else to do, but either to pej'ish or to advance as well as he could, until he ef- fected a junction of his miserable and harrassed troops with general Piar near Barcelona. The European Gazettcrs have described this retreat, in which nothing was done that was worth mentioning, like one of the most heroic actions of McGregor, and some of them had the ridiculous idea of comparing it with the retreat of Xeno- phon and general Moreau. The public is now too well per- suaded of the merit of general McGregor to render any fur- ther reflection necessary, in regard to a man who is too well known and justly appreciated. ME>I01RS OF BOLIVAR. 185 CHAPTER XV. Cause of General Bolivar''s recal to the Main — His arrival at Barcelona — Siege and occupation of Barcelona, by the Span- iards — Behaviour of General Bolivar at Barcelona. — Years 181G-17. General Bolivar, whilst in Port au Prince, was the insepara- ble friend of the brethren Pineres, whom I have mentioned be- fore,* and particularly with Celadonio, the ex-corregidor at JMompox, He regularly spent his evenings whh the two sisters of Soublette, whose mother died at Port au Prince. Mr. Southerland afterwards said to me, " that he wondered at find- ing in Bolivar nothing extraordinary, nothing to be admired, and nothing adequate to the idea he had entertained of him. I do not like," said he, " his great familiarity with every stran- ger who is introduced to him. He takes one by the arm and walks up and down my piazza with him, as if they had been acquainted for many years." I told him that Bolivar, in Port au Prince, and unfortunate, was ahogether a different man from the Supreme Chief, on the Main ; where his haughty man- ners formed a complete contrast to those he adopted here. Various other gentlemen made the same remarks, as Mr. Southerland. General Bolivar, meanwhile, passed his time in a quiet and amusing way, at Port au Prince. Admiral Brion was busily engaged, endeavoring to persuade the chieftains who remained in Venezuela, to consent to his recal. Brion was the most sin- cere friend Bolivar ever had. He had expended his large for- tune and employed all his credit, in fitting out the expedition from Aux Cayes, and he placed entire confidence in general Bolivar's skill and courage. He was grievously disappointed ; but, as he often told me, " he knew no other chieftain among the natives who possessed a greater reputation, or more authori- ' See chapter \'lll •24 18G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVA&. ty, (whether deserved or not,) than general Bolivar. He was the only military character who was able to exercise authority, sufficient to unite them all." When I spoke privately to Brion of the strange, even cowardly conduct of I5olivar, of his weak- ness, and his incapacity for command ; he asked me, often, " to whom else would you confide the command ?" We ex- amined once the native chiefs, one by one, and, I confess, could find none, who, on the whole, we thought preferable to him. Under this conviction, admiral Brion was active and ardent in favor of Bolivar, and after making great exertions for some months, he succeeded in uniting a majority of the chieftains, viz. Arismendy, Paez, Zarasa, Sedeno, Bermudes, Roxas, Monegas, and others, who consented to recal general Bolivar as their commander-in-chief, upon two express conditions. 1st. That he should assemble a congress. 2d. Thathe should direct the military operations only; and should not meddle with the administration of the Republic. He consented to comply exactly with their wishes, and prepared to sail in the Diana, captain Devouille, for Barcelona, the place appointed to re- ceive him. Before general Bolivar departed, he communicated to presi- dent Petion, the despatches and his recal, and received from him new supplies of warlike stores. Bolivar sailed the 25th December 1816, from the Haytian port, Jaquemel, on board the privateer Diana, accompanied by three of his aid-de-camps, Perez, Chamberlain and Pala- cios, his nephew ; two brothers Pineres, and some others pri- vate families, who wished to return to their country. He ar- rived the 3 1st of the same month at Barcelona, where the arms, munitions of war, and provisions given him by Petion, were immediately debarked ; and of which the patriots were in great want. General Bolivar published a proclamation, in which he again took the former titles : " Commander-in-chief, Captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, Supreme Chief of the republic," &;c. &LC. He confirmed his former procla- mations respecting the emancipation of slaves, and offering it to those who would serve in the army. He called a new con- gress, and ordered the deputies to assemble at his head quar- ters Barcelona. He proclaimed a provisional government, of which he took the presidency, under the title of " Supreme Chief of the Republic of Venezuela," &,c. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ^ 187 General Arismendy came, the 2d January 1817, wkh 300 men, to join general Bolivar. This is the same Arismendy, who, after the flight of the two dictators, Bolivar and ]\Iarino, from Cumana, in 1814, had treated them as I have related. He said, moreover, publicly, in .Margarita, on hearing of gen- eral Bolivar's flight from Ocumare, " that general Bolivar's cowardice was shown too often, and that he ought to be tried for it by a court martial, and condemned to be shot." Brion not being on the best terms with the governor of IMargarita, employed Villaret, the major-general of tlie navy, in whom Arismendy had great confidence, and who succeeded, at last, in gaining his assent to Bolivar's recal ; wlio, though he knew Arismendy 's character, and what he had said against himself, was so delighted at gaining him, that he executed all his great power of pleasing, and subjected Arismendy to his wishes, in- somuch that the supreme .chief, on the 4th January, proclaim- ed martial law, and again united the three powers in himself. Bolivar was not beloved in Barcelona. He, however, con- tinued to prevail on the inhabitants to take arms, and joining to them, as many slaves as he could collect, marched on the 5th against the posts of observation of the Spaniards, which they had established in the neighborhood of Clarius. On the 9th, at the head of about 900 armed men, with a field piece, he attacked the Spaniards, under colonel Ximenes, about 500 men strong, half of whom were placed in ambush. General Aris- mendy, who is brave, active and skilful, commanded in the action, whilst general Bolivar was behind. He sustained the combat for four hours, but being attacked on his rear and flanks, he was compelled to retire with the loss of his field piece, baggage, arms, k,c. As soon as general Bolivar discovered that his troops had fallen into an ambush, from which he was at a considerable distance, instead of rallying them and disen- gaging Arismendy, he turned his horse, and escaped with some of his officers to Barcelona, where he was in safety. A French captain, a clored man, Zenon Bouille, who fought bravely at the head of his company, was wounded and taken prisoner. After having surrendered, he was shot. The papers and plans of operations of the patriot chieftains, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. ^Vhen this victory over Bolivar's troops was known in Cara- cas, the Spanish inhabitants collected one thousand dollars in money, which they sent to be distributed among the non-com- missioned officers and privates of colonel Ximenes' troops. 188 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Government promoted each officer, one grJlde. The patriots have not, in any instance, employed such means for the en- couragement of their troops. The routed troops of the patriots retired to Texas, and were pursued by order of Coh Xiraenes. A considerable part of the 300 soldiers from Margarita, and strangers were taken pris- oners. The former were pardoned on condition of entering into the Spanish service. All the rest were shot. By this ac- tion Ximenes opened a communication with ]\Iora!es. The latter having collected more forces, attacked general Zarasa, and routed him and some smaller patriot corps; so that by the last of January, the whole province of Barcelona except the capital, came again into possession of the Spaniards. San Yago Marino, who acted separately from Bolivar, in his native province Cumana, beseiged this capital, where genera] Pardo, who commanded there, attacked him. He was repul- sed, and forced to retire to his entrenched camp in the savan- nas of del Cantaro ; whence he advanced against Cumana. General Bolivar immediately gave orders to fortify at Barce- lona, a large building which stands isolated, and formerly serv- ed as an hospital. It is called the Charity. Various privateers arrived there, bringing him officers, men, arms, ammunition and provisions, sent by the persevering activity of admiral Brion. Six heavy guns were transported from the vessel, and put in battery in this house, where he collected some of the routed troops and recruits ; so that he was again at the head of a thou- sand men, among whom were about 450 strangers, taken from the crews of the privateers. When general Pasqual Real, commander in chief of the Spanish army, called the Eastern army, heard that general Bol- ivar had taken shelter in the Charity, he united the forces of colonels Bausa, Ximenes and general Francisco Thomas Mo- rales, in order to attack the city of Barcelona, which Bolivar endeavoured to defend. But he was compelled to retire into the Charity, and from that day (10th February) the city of Barcelona was closely besieged, and by the strange negligence of the Spanish commander, the road to Cumana remained un- guarded. Urged by Bolivar, JMarino came at last, through this unguard- ed road, surprised Real, and forced him to retire. He enter- ed the city of Barcelona the 11th February. The 14th, a part of the patriotic army directed its march towards San Ber- nardino, where they attacked a part of general Real's troops MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 189 entrenched in a convent. J^ut tlicy were repulsed, and, the next day retired to Barcelona. The Spaniards attempted to force the entry of the port of Barcelona, by sea. They advanced with their squadron of 17 armed vessels, brigs, schooners, gunboats, he. and attacked (the ISth February) the privateer schooners and the four gun- boats posted to defend this entry. After a sharp action, the Spanish squadron was forced to retire. On the 19th they again returned, and were again repulsed, with great loss. The cap- tains and crews of the three privateers were French and North Americans in the service of the Republic. General Real uiiited his scattered troops, and being reinforc- ed,inarched again towards Barcelona j and reached Tuacal about two miles from the city, where he entrenched himself. On the 22d, the privateer Diana, captain T. Devouille, with 5 guns, sailed from the port of Barcelona, and attacked a Span- ish royal schooner armed with seven guns, and posted near the port, to observe what was going on in the patriotic squadron. Devouille burnt the schooner in view of the whole Spanish squadron ; not a vessel of which ventured to her support. The Diana lost nothing but half a sail, which was burnt; and she pursued her course, unmolested, to the island of jNlargarita. On the night of the 28th the Spaniards left their entrenched camp without having made an attack upon Barcelona, and re- tired towards Caracas. The 4th March, the republican gun boats, under the com- mand of the post captain, Antonio Dias, with 300 infantry on board, attacked a Spanish battery placed upon a hill called the JNIoro, near Barcelona. The patriots were greatly annoyed by this battery ; and the approach to it was dangerous, it being de- fended by is Spanish armed vessels. At day break, the fire of two of the gun boats commenced against the battery, whilst four others coming out of the river, attacked the Spaniards with such promptitude and vigor, that they thought of nothing but evacuating the battery, and the whole coast. The confusion of the enjemy was without example. The sloop of war Bay- len, and the armed brigs and schooners cut their cables and es- caped. The attack of the Indian colonel, Aunario, upon the Spanish battery was conducted with great bravery. His troops rapidly mounted the hill, once a rough and broken road, close by the shore, and exposed on both flanks to the fire of more than a hundred guns. Aunario lost but few of his kinsmen. 190 MEMOIRS OF ROLIVAR. The land troops under general Real, were dispersed or de- stroyed. General Morillo, tlie Spanish commander in chief, had, in March, fixed his head quarters at JVlaracay. When he heard of these events, he raved like a madman, and ordered general Real to be arrested and confined in the fort Del Colorado, at Laguaira. Brigadier general Morales, colonels Uniestieta and Guero, and captain Alexo, were also arrested and sent to Porto Cabello, as was supposed for cowardice in the attack on Barce- lona ; but such was the capricious and tyrannical character of Morillo, that he deigned not to inform these officers for what of- fence, nor for what length of time they were to be punished. Bolivar and Marino, elated with these unexpected successes, lost their time in festivals, und indolence. They took no seri- ous measures to unite their forces and march against Cumana, to clear the coast and the neighbouring valleys, and to drive the Spaniards from the provinces of Barcelona and Cumana. Bol- ivar, jealous of Marino's influence over the inhabitants, dechn- ed assisting him to besiege Cumana, and insisted on directing his operations against Caracas where the other had no influ- ence. Marino was in favor of besieging Cumana. And so it happened that disunion now again broke out between them, as it had done in 1813. Marino regarding himself independent of Bolivar, at last gave orders to his troops to evacuate Barce- lona. But hearing that the Spaniards were in march under colonel Aldama to attack the place, he encamped not far from this city opposite to general Bolivar's entrenched house. Marino, a second time, left his commander in chief; who was weak enough to sufter it. Bolivar sent various officers to pursuade him to return ; represenling to him the danger to which both were exposed by acting separately. He always answered equivocally. And Bolivar looked for their reunion in vain. Bolivar was greatly discouraged, feeling himself unable, widi about 1100 men, to resist the force that was advancing towards Barcelona. After the arrest of general Real, Moriho appoint- ed colonel Juan de Aldama commander of the first division of the eastern army, destined to act against Barcelona. This col- umn marched on the 2d of April from the environs of Picutu ; and on the 5th, took jiossession of the town, whilst the patriots retired towards the entrenched Charity house. As soon as gen- eral Bolivar saw the enemy approaching, he clandestinely left his post in the night of the 5th and Gth of April, with a few of- HIEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 191 ficers and a good guide, all well mounted. He told colonel Pedro Maria Freites, tliat he was going in search of more troops, and would soon return with a strong body of armed men. He confided Jo this colonel the command of the post, during his ab- sence. He departed as secretly as he could, and directed his course to the plains of Cumana, where he was again in safety. On the Gth, the Spanish connnander summoned colonel Freites to surrender ; and oflcred him honorable conditions, which he refused, under the expectation of being soon relieved by general Bolivar. He sent the messenger back with a neg- ative and spirited answer, to the Spanish camp. On the 7th, the Spaniaids assaulted the Charity house ; and the garrison, after a brave defence, were obliged to surrender. Colonel Freites, who was wounded in the action, and the intendant, Francisco Esteban Ribas, were put in irons ; all the rest, among whom were many foreigners, were butchered. The two pris- oners, after receiving the "usual barbarous treatment from the Spaniards, were transported in irons to Caracas, where they were shot. Bolivar, here in Barcelona, renewed the scenes of 1 812 when he escaped from Porto Cabello. A commander of ordinary skill and talent would not have left 1100 men in a place unfit to shelter them against a serious attack : nor would he have left them with only four days provisions. Nor would a man of in- tegrity, have left his people under the pretext of obtaining aid, which he knew to be out of his power. Yet were all these things done by the supreme chief in April, 1817, at Barcelona. Marfno had broken up his camp and retired, leaving Bolivar and his countrymen to their fate. Any other commander would have joined and marched, united with them, against the com- mon enemy. Both JMarino and Bolivar behaved here as they had done in Cumana. Each of them being jealous, and ambi- tious of command, they both sought their own security in flight and basely deserted the interests of their country. General Bolivar, by his flight, abandoned one of his aid-de- caraps, who was iniuated in many secret negociations of his master. I mean lieutenant colonel Charles Chamberlain, a native of the island of Jamaica, who had been attached to him for several years. On this subject I will copy a page from colonel Hippisley's narrative, p. 466. " At the taking of Bar- celona, captain Chamberlain was with him (Bolivar) in the rank of lieutenant colonel, with a regiment. When the general- in-chief fled from the place, he directed his friend to continue 192 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. In the command, with an assurance that if he held out for three days, he would order a strong reinforcement up to his relief. Chamberlain with difficulty retained it for the period. No re- inforcement arrived ; and knowing the cruelties which the roy- alists would inflict on him, he retired to his quarters, and the firing of a pistol was to be the signal for opening the barriers. The pistol was fired, and a second ; the barrier was opened ; the enemy rushed in, and running to his residence, found that the same shots, the sound of which gave the token for opening the gates, had also given the signal of death to the ill-fated Chamberlain and the girl of his heart, whom, to save from miseries of the worst extreme, from violation and public expo- sure, he had first shot, before he placed the second pistol to his own head. Deprived of the satisfaction of putting a period to the existence of the Englishman and his wife (for a piiest had previously united them) the royalist commander glutted his dis- appointment and revenge, by severing the bodies into quarters, and publicly exposing them on the walls of the fort." Without noticing the variance of my own relatioir from that of colonel Hippisley, as to the taking of the Charity house, I will only observe, that they coincide respecting the clandestine flight of Bolivar from Barcelona, the promise of a reinforce- ment at his departure, and the destruction of more than one thousand men ! As soon as the inhabitants of New Grenada heard of the ad- vantages gained by the patriots over the Spaniards, they began to revolt against their oppressors. In the provinces of Antro- chia and Choco, various guerillas were formed, who did great damage to the Spaniards and gained advantages. The prov- inces of Quito and Papayan, openly revolted, took arms, and drove the Spaniards out of their territory. The patriot gueril- las were so strong and so numerous, that they cut oif the com- munication between Bogota, Carthagena, and Santa Martlia. The commerce of these places was nearly destroyed. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 193 CHAPTER XVI. Conquest of the Provinces of Guayana by General Piar and Admiral Brian — Trial and execution of General Piar — Bolivar and Marino — Anecdotes. 1817. When sjeneral Piar heard, in December 1816, that the pro- vince of Guayana was confided to colonel jNiiguel de La Torre j he resolved to march against him, and take this beautiful pro- vince by force of arms. .He had heard from several officers, and had himself witnessed so great a want of firmness and cour- age in Torre, that he was satisfied his attack would not long be resisted. This, together with a plan proposed to general Boli- var when at Aux Cayes, confirmed his opinion that the enter- prise would be brilliant, and useful to the republic. The following is the plan which was proposed at Aux Cayes. General Bolivar received a long letter from colonel Bidot who was in the service of the repubhc in the neighboring plains ; stating and explaining a plan for conqueriyg Venezuela, by commencing with Guayana, because that province was rich, af- fording great resources, not having sufiered by the war ; and containing numbers of inhabitants who were secretly opposed to the Spaniards ; and would declare for independence, as soon as general Bolivar should present himself with a thousand men. He added, that the security of Morillo the Spanish general-in- chief was so great, in regard to this country, that he had left a small number of troops to defend it, and that he was confident Bolivar would succeed, fee. This letter was immediately com- municated to a number of us, and we were all in favor of colonel Bidet's proposal. Piar, with whom I spoke, was one of the warmest approvers of the plan. It must have produced the happiest effects upon our expedition. Bolivar, however, was decidedly in favor of first re-conquering his native country, Caracas ; and then, said he, " will we march against Guaya- na." This childish predilection for Caracas, was extremely injurious to the cause of independence in Venezuela ; Guaya- na was deprived of Spanish troops, and contained many who 25 194 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. were our friends, and were wailing lo join us; it had also sup- plies lor us, of every kind. A sudden attack upon it, could scarcely have failed of succeeding. I proposed to general Bo- livar to establish in St. Thomas de La Angostura, its fortified capital, a depot for recruits, because the superior numbers of the horses, afibrded a fine resource for the I'ormation of a good cavalry ; and its navigable rivers, an easy communication abroad; with the interior particularly. He preferred going to Carupa- pano, a village destitute of resources. If Bolivar could have got rid of his injudicious predilection for Caracas, an open and ex- hausted city, and have consented to conquer Cumana, as Mari- no had proposed, he would not have lost this general and his troops, which, in Barcelona, in 1817, amounted to 1500 men. Nor would he have lost this place, nor (by far the greatest loss) 1100 brave men. All these losses, certainly resulted from his predilection for Caracas. We shall see what fatal consequen- ces resulted from it in 1818. General Piar, remembering colonel Bidet's letter, confeiTcd with general Sedeno, and proposed to him, to unite their forces, and march against Guayana. Sedeno, active, brave, and en- terprising, approved highly of Piar's plan, and joined him with 1000 Llaneros, who all had perfect confidence in Piar's skill and bravery ; having, for a long time, fought under his orders. He collected about 1000 infantry; and 1000 more cavalry under Sedeno, apd having overcome the greatest labors and hardships, arrived with them, in this fine province the 10th of March, 1S17. !Many volunteers joined him, and suppUed his wants. When general Miguel de La Torre, the governor of the pro- •vince, heard of this sudden irruption, he sahied from the fortified 'tity of St. Thomas de La Angostura, at the head of 2000 cav- alry and infantry, and advanced ninety miles to San Felix. Here he found Piar and Sedeno, in order of battle, ready to receive him. La Torre had left St. Thomas unprovided with any means of defence or supply, and, subaltern-like, had taken 2000 chosen men, 90 miles from iheir garrison, and exposed hiir.self to be cut of}'. La Torre, who was in no respect to be compared with the mulatto general, as he had called Piar, owed his promotion entirely to his flattery and adulation of his mas- ter and benefactor, general Don Pablo Morillo. This will not be doubted when it is known that after La Torre had lost Guayana, as is said, by his cowardice and his wrong measures, he was promoted, by Morillo, to the rank of brigadier general; MEMOiaS OF BOLIVAR. 195 whilst Real, ^Morales and otliers, were arrested and punished, for not having taken Barcelona. Such partiality surely proves die existence of some extraordinary and secret cause. So it was, that Morillo appointed this same de La Torre as his suc- cessor in the command of the army, and in consequence of it, lost the royal cause upon the Main. The attack was commenced at San Felix, by heutenant colonel Zeuetti, daring which," as I have been assured by some who were present, colonel de La Torre, though at a good dis- tance from the fire, trembled so much as to excite the laugh of some of his own olHcers, at his position on horseback. As the action proceeded, Zeuetti's example of activity and courage, became more and more conspicuous. l>ut La Torre, seeing how bravely the battle was fought by the miserable insurgents, as he was pleased to call the ])atriots, instead of animating his soldiers by advancing to the charge, turned his horse in a con- trary direction to tliat from whence the balls were flying, and galloped oft' with some officers, and about 40 men. They directed their course for the fortress of La Angostura ; and were among the first who brought news of their defeat to the garrison. When La Torre's conduct became known to his officers they despised him ; and attributed the loss of the battle to his cow- ardice. But knowing Morillo's partiality for him, they did not dare to speak out against him. Li spite of La Torre's decamping, Zeuetti and his troops fought bravely, during niore than two hours ; when at last, some soldiers learned the flight of their governor. This news was soon communicated to others. Growing discouraged, they de- fended themselves less bravely, and were nearly all killed. Of the 2000 men, about 100 escaped. All the rest were taken or killed Piar ordered all the prisoners to be shot ; and among them the brave colonel Zeuetti. He was commandant of Angostura, and was an officer of the Spanish body guard ; a man of talents and of a liberal mind. This is satisfactorily proved by his having been an aid-de-camp of Louis Lasey, captain-general in Catalonia, who was arrested by Ferdinand, and butchered, on coming ashore near Palma, the capital of the island of Majorca. Who knows not the fate of Lasey and Por- tia? Who can trust a sovereign capable of thus treating his bravest soldiers ? The battle of San Felix decided the fate of Angostura and the province of Guayana. The road was now open for Piar and Sedeno, who approached the capital, at half musket shot 196 MJEMOIKS OK BOL,IVAR. from iis walls. The patriots entrenched themselves, so as to be protected against the guns of the fortress, but, having no ar- tillery, they could not bombard it. The ancient commander of the place, Mr. Fitzgerald, had been arrested, sent to Cara- cas, and tried for treason ; but was honorably acquitted, and restored to the command of the fortress. He was a skilful of- ficer, but severe and cruel. He condemned many of his sol- diers to be shot, upon slight suspicion of treason, which alienat- ed from him the greatest part of the garrison. General Piar made various attempts to take the place by surprise, but was repulsed by the vigilance and bravery of Fitz- gerald ; so that he was driven to blockade it. The city of Angostura is small, the streets dirty, and the houses of a com- mon size, neither handsome nor well constructed. The city lies close by the river Orinoco, partly upon the flat adjoining the river, and partly upon a hill, w4iich affords a fine prospect over the beautiful river Orinoco and its rich plains. From the mouth of the Orinoco toward the interior, Angostura is the on- ly port for SO leagues. It was badly fortified ; and contains about 500 houses. General Piar blockaded it so closely that nothing could pass either way. Colonel de La Torre having left the fortress unprovided, the garrison and inhabitants were compelled to live upon horses, mules, &ic. The governor, Fitzgerald himself, paid three dollars for a cat. During the siege of Carthagena by Morillo, in 1815, a cat was sold for eight dollars, and a dog, from sixteen to twenty dollars ! Very many inhabitants and soldiers died for want of food, and more than 1500 women and children embarked, to avoid certain death. But no man was allowed to absent himself. Notwhh- standing this misery, Fitzgerald maintained his post, while the governor of the province, who should have been the last man to depart, deserted his post, and took shelter in the island of Grenada. I am assured, that on all occasions where danger awaited him, he betrayed his cowardice ; insomuch, that when any one in danger appeared uncommonly disturbed, the Span- ish officers would say, " He has a paroxysm of Miguel de La Torre's fever." Admiral Brion arrived from Margarita at the mouth of the river Orinoco, with his squadron, and contributed powerfully to the conquest of Guayana, by forcing the passage of the river, which was defended by a numerous flotilla of Spanish armed vessels. Captain Devouille, the same who distinguished him- self before Barcelona, with seven gun boats, forced the pas- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 197 sage, and destroyed about 20 Spanish vessels of every descrip- tion ; and took many others. As soon as governor Fitzgerald received the news of the to- tal destruction of his squadron, he saw that all hope of defend- ing the ciiy any longer, must be given up. Considering the sanguinary character of Piar, he did not dare to trust to capitula- tion. He divided the small remains of his garrison among diiier- ent boats and departed with them in the night. He arrived, without any loss, at the island of Grenada. The ISth of July, 1817, general Piar entered the city of Angostura. He found many dead, and many sick, for want of food. Even his troops were struck with horror at the sight of such misery. The city of old Guayana was evacuated the 30th of August, and the whole province united to Venezuela. In both cities, the Spaniards left large stores «f merchandise and of war, and more than a thousand prisoners, among whom were the bishop, the clergy, many officers and other persons of rank and distinction, who were respected and well treated. This brilliant and eventful conquest was effected without the knowledge or the order of general Bolivar. It was owing en- tirely to the courage and exertions of two foreigners, Brion and Piar. It resulted in vast advantages to the republic. And what was their recompense ? The former died poor and brok- en-hearted in Curiaco ; the latter was shot by order of the su- preme chief. This latter had lost much of his influence by his desertion from the battle field at Ocumare. And it had cost all the great exertions of admiral Brion to effect his recal to the Main. General Piar was strongly opposed to his recal, and spoke pub- licly against him, when Bolivar resumed his former title of su- preme chief, and proclaimed martial law. After his flight from Barcelona, he was so retired in the plains, that nobody could know with certainty what had become of him. The greatest number of the patriot chieftains were averse to Bohvar's assum- ing the supreme power, and neglecting the calling of a Con- gress. His warmest friends, Francisco Antonio Zea, the for- mer members of Congress, and Jose Brion among others, had constantly, but in vain, admonished him to keep his word. They thought his absence, therefore, a convenient time to con- vene a Congress, and that the measure would be best for the republic. Brion spoke to Zea, and he to Marino and Aris- mendy, and they thought the moment propitious. Marino, hav- 198 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ing, at that time, (May 1817) esta])lished his head quarters at Cariaco, the Sth of May was fixed on, to assemble in the cathe- dral church, a junta, composed of the most respectable inhabi- tants of Venezuela, which followed the troops, among whom were many members of the first Congress of Caracas. This assembly was numerously attended. Admiral Louis Brion, the intendant Zea, Jose Cortes Madaniaga, better known under the name of the Canonicus of Chili, addressed the assembly, show- ing the necessity and urgency of estabhshing a Congress. The addresses made to the assembly, were received with unanimous approbation. Congress was re-established, and the citizens Francisco Xavier Maiz, Fronc, Alcala, Diego Valenilla, 1 )iego Alcala, Manuel G. Zaba, Fronc de Paula Novas, D. B. Ur- banija, and Man. IMancyco, were proclaimed members of this congress. This election was provisional, in order to give time to convoke all the members of the first congress. This body was to be legally constituted by the regular elections of the people. The executive was entrusted to Simon Bolivar, Francisco del Toro and Franc. Xavier Maiz. The name of the first was kept for fear he might appear and disapprove the proceedings entirely. (Some doubted the existence of the supreme chief.) But the rapid changes of the war, and the impossibility of find- ing a safe place of meeting, prevented their assembling, and after some months fruitless endeavors to that efiect, congress was obliged to dissolve and leave the three powers in the hands of general Bolivar. The idea of convoking this congress, is generally attributed to Brion and Zea, who, though much attached to Bolivar, saw with great pain the powers united in a man so incapable of exercising power judiciously, and who so often abused it. Hidden as he was in the plains of Cumana, Bolivar could know nothing of these proceedings toward having a congress. As soon, however, as he learned what was done, he fell into a violent passion, and not only annulled the proceedings, but per- secuted the members appointed, especially the Canonicus of Chili, against whom his hatred seemed more particularly di- rected. Brion and Zea, who best knew his vindictive char- acter, hastened to appease him, by a prompt submission, and by assuring him of their belief that he had been killed, and of the necessity of complying with the general wish of the inhabit- ants, and the old members of congress, to establish a govern- ment. Bolivar appeared satisfied, but from that time he treat- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 199 ed them both with less confidence, and Brlon, afterwards, at Savauilla, with harshness, as 1 will relate in the proper place. He could not endure Marino, who was implicated in the trial of general Piar, and would certainly have suffered, had he not saved himself by a timely fliiiht. General Paez, in two brilliant actions, with two thousand Llaneros, routed the Sjianiards once at Guayabal, where gen- eral Calzada had united 3000 men, and the second time at Calabozo, where Morillo himself commanded, and having lost nearly all his forces, retreated precipitately towards Valencia, where he arrived with about 300 men, the remains of 2500. These two victories of general Paez, in which he destroyed, wounded, took and dispersed, about 6000 of Morillo's best troops, made him the terror of the Spaniards. They were discouraged, and treated for die evacuation of Caracas and La- guira, that they might retire into the strong place of Porto Ca- bello. But ]\Iorillo, very unexpectedly, received news of the arrival of thirty transports, bringing him 3000 men, and a large quantity of arms, ammunition, he. He came, himself, in the beginning of June, to Cumana, where they had arrived, and after some days rest, united them with the rest of his troops, and marched against ]\Iarino, who had not moved from Curiaco. He attacked and routed him, and taking possession of Cumana- coa and Carupano, left garrisons in all these places and returned to Cumana. Instead of preparing to march against Paez, Morillo ordered the embarkation into the transports of about 4000 men, lately dome from Spain, under the escort of various armed vessels of war, in which he, and a great many staff officers embarked. This new expedidon was directed against the island of Mar- garita ; and in passing the island of Coche, took in the troops assembled there under the orders of colonel Aldama. Morillo could never forget the loss of 3000 men, on his first coming from Cadiz, in 1815, when he thought it would be an easy task to subject this small rocky island full of bushy hills, where Arismendy fought with bravery and skill. Morales also had been beaten before ; so that both Spanish chieftains were extremely bitter against these islanders. Before embarking, Morillo was heard to declare, " that now he would exterminate them with fire and sword !" The inhabitants of Margarita have done more for the inde- pendence of Venezuela, than those of any other province. They now destroyed an army of 4000, and after various inci- 200 ' MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. dents, in about a month's continual fighting, succeeded in driving them out of the island. The further particulars of these three expeditions, will be given, when I come to treat, in a separate article, of general Arismendy. Morillo, having lost nearly the whole of his 4000 men, in this bloody campaign, of about two months, after having burnt and destroyed all the houses, farms, trees and cultivation, wherever he passed in his retreat, to Juan Griego, where he had left his vessels, and having murdered every one that came in his way, man, woman and child — his cruelty and rage was not satiated. He ordered all those Margaritans, who had fought steadily under his banners ; not excepting those who, in his expedition, in 1815, had presented themselves under his gen- eral promise of Amnesty, to be put to death. They were all murdered by his express order. Such are the deeds of Don Pablo Morillo, the Pacificator of America, who will be long re- membered by the brave inhabitduts of Margarita. At the end of August, Morillo arrived in the city of Caracas, in such ill humor that, for several days, he refused to see any one. The reflection that in two months time, and under such critical circumstances, he had lost so many men, reduced him to the condition of a madman. He could discover nothing to be done for the support of the royal cause upon the Main. During his absence, Paez had beaten the Spanish generals, Calzada and Correo, not far from the city of San Fernando de Apure. The want of provisions and money, had produced sickness and desertion. The patriots invested the province of Barinas and took possession of its capital, and of the city of Guanare, (August 14th,) where they found large stores of English dry goods, and, to fdl the cup of sorrow, came the news of the total loss of the rich province of Guayana, which had supplied him with quantities of money, goods, provisions, Sic. It was scarcely any alleviation, that colonel Ximenes had attacked and beaten general San Jago Marino, the 27th of August, and taken the city of Guiria from him by assault, from which he fled headlong. The Spaniards murdered men, wo- men and children, after having committed the most shocking cruelties. In these critical circumstances, Morillo, on the 23d Septem- ber 1817, pubhshed at Caracas, with great solemnities, a gen- eral amnesty for all who had taken an active part in the patri- otic army. He was stupid enough to believe that this amnesty. MEMOinS OF BOLIVAR. 201 granted under the express condition of " returning under the Spanish domination," would make a deep impression upon the minds of the Americans. But he ouglit to have heen dis- couraged by the consideration that the Venezuelans had been but too well acquainted with the character of the Spanish chief- tains, and particularly with the duplicity, despotism and cruelty of jMorillo himself. No one confided in his promises. While he was occupied with his expedition against Marga rita, the patriots were busy in exploring the province of Guay- ana, where they found large supplies of every thing ; this prp- vince having never sufiered by any invasion during this civil war. As soon as Bolivar heard of this conquest, eiiected by Piar and Brion, two foreigners, his jealousy arose to a high pitch, but he dissembled it, and hastened to Angostura, IJe received general Piar most graciously, who naturally of a cold and dry character, received his compliments with an air of pride and disdain, which made a very bad impression upon the vain and haughty mind of the supreme chief. Piar feeling his own superiority in point of military skill and courage, had for sev- eral years shown an aversion to general Bolivar. He was ad- vanced to be major general, when JMarino was the colleague and rival of Bolivar, during his dictatorship of the eastern pro- vinces of Venezuela, in 1813-14. JMarino, who is of a lively and amiable character, but has neither firmness or talents, found in Piar the man he stood in need of, and soon advanced him to the rank of major general, and was his devoted friend and second. Piar left himself un- der no obligations to Bolivar, whom he knew to be his inferior, and at Angostura, putting himself 0:1 an equal foodng, felt not much flattered by the compliments paid him. He was well aware too, that they were insincere. Bolivar w^as busily employed at Angostura, upon his favorite plan of delivering the capital and province of Caracas. He therefore formed a plan of a campaign against the Spaniards in that province. He sent general Bermudes, with 400 men, who departed the 25tli September, with an order to unite with the division of Zarasa, whom he found at Chaguaramas. Admiral Brion, devoted to the supreme chief, and anxious that he should forget the proceedings relative to a congress, was busily employed in ovei'seeing the construction of a num- ber of gun boats, to protect the river Orinoco, and facilitate the transportation and free intercourse- l>etwi>en the inhabitants 26 202 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of Angostura and foreign places. These gun boats were well manned and sent in perfect order. . Bermudes, after having joined Zarasa, who, with 2000 horse, (Llaneros,) occupied Caburto and the advanced posts, and were extended as lar as El Ractro, on one, and St. Se- bastian, on the other side. Bermudes marched towards Cala- bozo and San Carlos, where he united with general Paez. General ]\lonagas was ordered to take possession of Barcelona. The supreme chief collected a strong body of recruits in the province of Guayana, with which he intended to act in con- cert with all these forces, against Caracas, an open and defenceless city, instead of directing them against Cuniana, which the Spaniards had fortified, and against Porto Cabello ; both of these being seaports, and affording the enemy a strong central place, whence he might be supplied, and carry the war from east to west, throughout Venezuela. Whereas Caracas is neithei- a fortress or a sea port. But representations against his favorite plan^ were made in vain. lie persisted in his par- tiality for Caracas. He was so certain of soon being in pos- session of it, that he said publicly, "the colors of the republic shall be hoisted very soon upon the tower of the cathedral of this capital." In this conviction, he published the following proclamation, directed to the inhabitants of the valley of Tuy : " Caraguins ! the precious moment decreed by divine pro- vidence, for the total expulsion of the Spanish government, from the territory of Venezuela, has at last arrived. The arms of the Republic have triumphed every where. We have been constantly victorious, from the plains of Casanare to the mouth of the river Orinoco. Twenty glorious actions have consoli- dated the fate of Venezuela. All the famous chieftains which Spain lias sent to subject us, have been beaten by our troops, except Morillo, who avoids the battle which we seek him to offer. Five thousand men protect this rich province, (Guaya- na,) five thousand others, under Gen. jMaiino, are ready to march against Cumana, and to deliver it ! Thousands of brave inhabitants of Maturin, commanded by Gen. Roxas, are ready to leceive the Spaniards, if they should attack that city. The intrepid Gen. Munagas harrasses them with his brigade near Barcelona. The brave brigade commanded by the worthy Gen. Zarasa, two thousand men strong, marched through the plains of Caracas, to deliver its inhabitants subdued by force. The army of Gen. Paez which reminds us of the deieats of Calzada, Morillo, Gonin, Lopez, Ramos, Reyes, Gongaha, and MEMOIIIS OF BOLIVAR. 203 a great many more, is four il)oiisan(l men strong. He has spread the sparks of liberty over a great j)art of New Grenada. CarasLiins ! having; delivered Guayana, 1 re-cross the river Orinoco, and will l)e soon in the midst of your capital with such a formidahlo arsny as has never existed in Venezu- ela. The forces of Morillo were reduced to nothing. The miserable reinforcement which Capine has brought him lately from Spain, (the three thousand armed from Cumana,) is not sufficient to take the fort of Pampatic, in the immortal Marga- rita. — Caraguins ! despise the power of the Spaniards ; as long as we are united we will remain invincible ! Head-quarters of Guavann, July 1st, 1826. (Signed) SlMOiN BOLIVAR. Here is a new instance of liolivar's deceitful proclamations : 1st. He says that " twenty glorious actions have consolidated the fate of Venezuela." Jt is notorious that, from the day of his re-entering upon the territory of Venezuela, (31st December 1816,) there had been fought no other glorious action, but the two gained by general Paez over Aldama and Morillo, by gen- eral Piar over De La Torre, and by colonel Gomez, in Marga- rita, over Morillo ; making in all, four. Perhaps the supreme chief includes those which passed at l>arcelona under his com- mawl and alter his flight, or those of Curiaco, Guiria, he. under Morillo's command. 2d. He accuses Morillo of avoiding the battles which he says we seek, &c. 3d. These many thousands, to come near the truth, must be reduced, at least, one third ; and the remainder forming his powerful army, were badly clothed recruits, collected in haste, and without organization or instruction. The reader will re- collect what I have said in another place, (chapter xiii.) as to the instruction and formation of these armies. 4th. The army of general Paez, which reminds us of the defeats of Calzada, Morillo, Gonin, Lopez, Ramos, Reyes, Gongona, and many others. This high sounding collection of names, can deceive none, but those at a distance from the seat of war, and have no^other means of information but these pro- clamations. The victories gained over Calzada and Morillo would be truly described, by saying that their antagonist, in a regular combat, gained the advantage. All the rest were skirmishes, with small bodies of armed men, known under the appellation of Guerillas, and among them, some Indian chiefs, as is Reyes, who came over to the patriots, after having three 204 jMEMOirs of bolivar. or four times changed his colors, hctween the contending par- tics. He had some sixty or an hundred naked and hah' armed Indians, that committed great devastation wherever they came. The bands of Guerihas were a httle better. Some might have 1 50 or 200 men, who fled ordinarily, at the first serious attack. Such was the character of the Spanish chieftains whose names are here so pom])ously enumerated. 5th. But the following cunning phrase afibrds the best ex- ample of his duplicity : " Caraguins ! having delivered Guay- ana, / recrossed the river Orinoco." By this certainly he means to be understood, that he, general Bolivar, had deliv^er- ed Guayana. When, in fact, he was about a thousand miles distant from the battle field at Guayana, carcfiilly hid in the plains of Cumana, after his flight from Barcelona. In his proclamation he names nearly all the chieftains in Venezuela, and gives them, or their corps, flattering epithets. He speaks of having delivered Guayana, ;ui(l says not a word of admiral Brion or general Piar, the actual deUverers. These two were foreigners, and if he had mentioned their names he could not have avoided the mention of their glorious actions, and their conquest of Guayana. All the rest were natives. If he had not used this mode of expression too, he could not have used tlie grand phrase, " recrossed the Orinoco.'''' This omission of mentioning the names of Brion and Piar, in a jMoclamation of which far the most important topic was the delivery of Guayana, shocked them both ; and Piar ex- pressed the bitterness of his feelings in a most sarcastic man- ner. His expressions were reported to the supreme chief, whose vanity was deej^ly piqued. But he dissembled as usual, and received Piar with the same exterior marks of kindness and reirard as before. General Bolivar was now advised to form a government, and to show that he sincerel}' wished for a republican form, and a division of the jiowcrs. But he had great objections to cahing a congress, pretending that there would be great difficulty in convening the members during the war, and he named in its place a " Supreme Council of the JWition.^^ Bolivar was charged exclusively with the executive, under tlie name of President Supreme Chief. This council was di- vided into two sections; in one, \he political section, (sectionc jiolitice,) Antonio Francisco Zea presided ; in the 2d, the militarij section, Louis Brion presided. Bolivar was well aware of the submission of both presidents to his wishes, so MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 205 that he again effectually united in himself all the powers of gov- ernment. Nothing could be done without his sanction. In his absence, messengers were continually on the road l[)etween An- gostura and his head quarters, with papers to sign, relative to one or other department, that of Zea or of Brion. This un- controlled power and inlluence of Bolivar, was said to be the principal cause of Piar's condemnation. I must here relate this too fam^ous trial, which excited a great sensation at the time. The secret causes of which are not known, as they ought to be, for they are characteristic traits in the life of the Liberator of Colombia. ]\Ianuel Piar was born in 1782, at the Dutch island of Cura- cao. He \\as a man of color, and his parents were poor, and labored for their subsistence. They nevertheless sent him to school, where he learned reading, writing and the elements of arithmetic ; and nothing ipore. He was averse to close appli- cation, and never would consent to be a mechanic^ which was too degrading for his vain and proud temper. At the age of fifteen, he passed over to the Spanish ]Main and remained there a long time before the revolution of Caracas, being in one place and another, without any fixed or steady occupation. He came to Curacao, where he married a colored woman, who brought him a small fortune. But his restless and ambitious temper did not sufier him long to remain in Curacao, where his color and extraction, kept him from aspiring to rank and fortune. He travelled over part of the Antilles islands in search of business and fojtune, until the time of the revolution in Caracas. He had left his wife and children at Curacao in the greatest mise- ry, while he lived with a young and handsome girl, whom he seduced; and whom he supported on the JMain, with her pa- rents, in a splendid manner. This family were white and of good extraction. It is a fact that, during our stay at Carupano, he established them in a large store taken from the families who had fled at the approach of Bolivar's expeditionary army in ISIG. While he lived in great abundance, he sent not the least support to his wife and children. At the beginning of the revolution (1810) at Caracas, Piar commenced his military career as a non-commissioned oflicer. Miranda had, as I have mentioned, a great predilection for -for- eigners who had served ; and preferred them, as officers, to his own countrymen, saying, that the latter should learn to obey, before they could be fit to command. He saw in Piar,' an am- bitious and courageous young man, and advanced him, bv de- 206 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. grees, to the rank of colonel ; whilst Piar, day and night, stud- ied military tactics. He distinguished himself on the field of battle, acquiring by practice, what was wanting in theory. His coolness in the hottest fire, his quickness in discerning the faults of his enemy, and his personal bravery, gained him the confi- dence ol his subalterns, whom he inspired, by liis example, with fire, and a confidence of certain success. He owed his rapid advancement to merit, and not to any intrigue, which he always despised. He advanced thus to the rank of major gen- eral, under the dictatorship of Marino, in 1813. JNIarino hav- ing in 1812, passed to the island of Trinidad, came soon after- wards, back to Cumana, where he formed a small corps of young men, and named himself dictator of the provinces of Cu- mana aud Barcelona, as I have i elated. Piar joined him very snon ; and being acquainted wilh the active part Bolivar had taken in the arrest of general Miranda; for wliom Piar felt the greatest veneration ; he detested Bolivar for this act of cruelty and treachery against a defencelees old man. This was the first cause of Marino's defection from Bolivar ; Piar having gained a complete ascendancy over the weak mind of Marino, so that Marino could do nothing without Piar. It was Marino who persuaded Piar to join Bolivar at Aux Cayes, where they lived like brothers ; and were called by Bolivar, the insepara- bles. Bolivar at that time spoke to me of Piar as a very dan- gerous man, who hated all whites, and saw with great anxiety, Marino's intimacy with him. Brion hated Piar, and in speak- ing to me of him, used to say, "that mulatto of a general, Piar, is a great plunderer and vagabond." Piar, however, was the ablest commander of them all ; and very far superior to Bolivar, not only in personal bravery, but in knowledge, of military tactics, and operations. He was so beloved by his subalterns, that foreigners particularly, preferred general Piar as a leader, to any of the other chieftains. He was cold in his manner, but plain ; and attentive to each one of them, treating them kindly, and taking the greatest care of their general welfare. But his discipline was rigorous ; and he never overlooked a fault committed under arms ; not even the slightest. His cc^ld, reserved, and often sullen manner, inspir- ed them with respect and fear ; his personal bravery and skill, with courage and confidence. He constantly supported the cause of independence in Venezuela, and many times success- fully in 1813 and '14. When the two dictators fled, Piar re- mained and fought with good success against the Spaniards. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ' 207 The chieftains, and particularly Boves, feared him and Paez, more than any other. He was sr.ccessful in Barinas and Ma- turin, and lastly, we have seen that the conquest of Guayana was conceived and executed by him ; and this conquest had, undoubtedly, the most favorable effect upon the welfare of Colombia. Piar was proud of his personal merits, and a firm and warm friend of liberty and the republican form of government. He had rough and harsh manners, the natural consequences of a neglected education, and of a hfe led in camps. He was nei- ther a flatterer nor a courtier. He was greatly attached to general Marino, who had distinguished and advanced him. Marino's soft and weak mind seemed ahvays to need Piar, who at last turned and directed every thing of any importance that Marino transacted. Piar, in speaking of Bolivar, often said, that he was a cow- ard, and an ignoramus in military operations ; that he deserved no command, because he absconded when his presence was most needed at the head of his army ; that, indeed, he never, had been at the head of his army ; that he had never seen him at the head of a corps, charging the enemy, and deciding the victory ; that, therefore, it happened that Paez had gained so many ^actions, when left to himself; that the actions of Bohvar were gained by others, and not by himself, for that he always took care to keep himself at a respectful distance from the shot ; that in his proclamations he appears to be at the head of his troops ; and lately would appear to have hberated Guayana, whilst he had absconded to the plains of Cumana ; and that he most ridiculously and contemptibly imitated Napoleon. When Bolivar arrived at Angostura, these words of Piar were officiously reported to him. But his feelings w"ere more hurt, by his seeing that he was no longer the object of so much respect as he had formerly received wherever he went. He saw him- self in a measure deserted, and even despised by those who were acquainted with his last flight from Barcelona, by wdiich he caused the miserable fate of a thousand men. Piar, who was then governor of the ])rovince, commanded of course ; and made himself many friends by his bravery ; and also by his cordial attention to every one. His house was constantly filled whh strangers, and his evening parties were much more bril- liant than those of the supreme chief. This was very natural, for general Piar did the honors of his house perfectly well. He was attentive to every one, and at his house the guests were 208 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. )nuch moro at their ease, than in the evening parties of the su- preme chief, where a certain etiquette was ohserved ; and where any man of sense and lienor was sure to be disgusted by wit- nessing the vile flatteries of such persons as Charles Soublette, Anziotigui and others. Some biting sarcasms which escaped Piar, in full comj)any, were the signal for his destruction. At that time many men of color were in the service of the patriots ; and particularly in the division commanded by Piar. iMany foreigners, good military men, said loudly that general Piar was superior to Bolivar in every thing relating to military affairs, of which the latter was quite ignorant, and that they pre- ferred to serve with Piar, rather than under the orders of the supreme chief. Admiral Prion* hated Piar, and, I lament to say, contributed greatly to his destruction. He advised to his arrest and trial before a court martial. When Bolivar, fearing the consequences, hesitated long, to take any vigorous measure ; it was Brion undoubtedly, who decided him to arrest Piar. This fact has been affniiied to me by more than twenty persons of rank and credit. Among other words against Piar, they heard him say the following. The question arose who would be named president of the court martial ; and Brion being told that he probably would be named, said, " If I should be named the president of that court martial, I would accept it under one condition, viz. that the court martial condemn Piar to capital punishment ; he is a mulatto, a vagabond, a man of the lowest class, dangerous and mischievous to all whites," &c. These persons assured me that Brion, that evening, behaved like a madman ; and that he had expressed himself in the same man- ner before. With respect to morality, Piar's character was equivocal. He was known to be over fond of money ; and to raise it as he could. He raised by exactions, a great deal at Angostura ; and converted the whole into doubloons. He lov- ed luxury of every sort, and was vain and ambhious. When his friends informed him that Brion had advised gen- eral Bolivar to arrest and try him before a court martial, as a colored man who conspired against the whites, and sought to overturn the existing government ; but that the latter had not yet decided to follow tlie advice, fearing the consequences of such an arrest, Piar lost his presence of mind and his usual bravery. He was conscious of what he had said against Boli- var, and knew that Brion was his enemy. In fear of their unit- ed power, he took the worst course a man of his standing, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAU. 209 in his circumstances, could take. Instead of consulting his friends and adherents, and submitting to them his critical situa- tion, and Ibrming a powerful party to support him in case of ne- cessitv, in the first place ; and then demanding an explanation of the supreme chief, and of Brion also, he took all his gold, and departed clandestinely in the night, following the bank of the Orinoco, in search of the means of embarking on board some vessel in wliich he could leave the country. Bolivar had surrounded him with spies, and was soon informed of his es- cape. He ordered general Sedeno to take a strong body of cavalry and pursue him, arrest him, and bring him back to the city. Some are confident that Sedeno received a secret order to kill him wherever he could find him ; but this is not certain, though Sedeno afterwards told some of his friends that he had received such an order. But it is certain that Sedeno, with his troops, o\-ertook him about six miles from Angostura, and forced him to return. On arriving at the city, he was put in the pub- lic prison, where the guard was reinforced, many patroles were walking the streets with orders to disperse any groups that might assemble to release Piar from prison. But as he had communicated his plan to no one, all his friends were astonish- ed at the news of his arrest, and utterly unprepared to defend him, otherwise it would have been easy for general Piar to as- semble a respectable force against any attempt upon his liberty. The supreme chief w-as highly pleased with Sedeno's report that he had put Piar into the prison. General Bolivar took no rest during the whole night, fearing some accident might happen to himself; he doubled his guards, and ordered his strong body guard to be ready at the first call. Brion, deeply interested for the welfare of Bolivar, to whom he had entrusted his large fortune, advised him to strike a decisive blow and to condemn Piar, in order, as he said, to frighten INIarino, Arismendy, and others, who were secretely opposed to the usurped power of the sunreme chief, and in favor of convening a Congress, that by this example he might prevent all future attempts to resist his power. This decided Piar's fate, and that the more fully, when, after two days, Bolivar saw no hostile movement in fa- vor of Piar. The fact is, that many thousands w^ere secretly indignant at the arrest of Piar; and much more so to see him treated like a common criminal ; but there was no leader, nothing prepared beforehand. They had no point of union, and feared the vengeance of the supreme chief, if they made an open declaration in favor of their general. Some of them 27 210 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. have assured me, that they had never thought of the probabil- ity of the condemnation of such a man as Piar, who had ren- dered such eminent services to the republic ; and that after his condemnation, it was too late to attempt any thing, because the supreme chief, powerfully assisted b}^ the admiral, had increas- ed his forces by means of crews of vessels, and by calling dif- ferent dispersed bodies of troops into the town. A council of war was immediately assembled over which admiral Brion pre- sided, and Charles Soublettc was appointed by Bolivar to act against Piar. Soublette, the vilest of the vile instruments of his master's wishes and orders, had been rapidly advanced, and was at this time chief of the staft' and major general of the army. Soublette, in his long catalogue of accusations against Piar, inserted so many and such horrid charges, that the latter was highly irritated, and interrupted him vehemently. Calling him publicly an impostor and a vile and imfamous liar, but Sou- blette continued his accusation with the greatest coolness. All that Piar said was in vain. His fate was decided beforehand. Various false witnesses, bribed by brilliant promises, testified under oath, that general Piar had proposed to them to murder the supreme chief, saying he was a tyrant, a usurper &c. and that Piar was afterwards, to proclaim a republican government. Others testified that general Piar had formed a conspiracy to murder all the whites, and to establish a republic, of colored and black people, of which he, Piar, was to be the president. Among these witnesses was the brigadier general Sedeno, the same who assisted Piar in the conquest of Guayana, and who, by some altercation between them, was embittered against him and had arrested him, as has been mentioned. Another witness was lieutenant colonol Hernandes, Dr. M., a surgeon, and various others. The two latter were colored men. Piar was astonished at the testimony. He said in his defence, that if he had intended to murder the supreme chief, he should not have wanted the assistance of these witnesses, he whose intripidity was well enough known to prove the absurdi- ty of such depositions. That so many persons were not wanted to kill one single man. He said that with regard to the infa- mous accusation of the most vile and servile impostor Soublette, that he had proposed to murder all the whites, he appealed to all the foreign officers who had served under him, how kindly he had treated them ; and how he had preferred them to any others, colored and black officers, and that he had then white MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 211 officers among his aids-de-camp.* That the whole accusation was a treacherous and horrible conspiracy against him who liad served the country with so much distinction and honour. He spoke with such strong and convincing eloquence, that the whole audience was deeply moved in his favor, and entirely convinced of his innocence. But his speech, and the de- fence of his council named officially, and pi'o forma, were of no avail. He was convicted and condemned to be shot on the public square, as a consj^irator against the security and safety of the republic ! A republic then, and now in September 182S, existing in the person of the supreme chief, and dictator, Simon Bolivar ! Here, as in every instance of any consequence general 13olivar has alwavs had the art to identify his person with the, so called, republic of a free and independent people. But, where is the republic ; where is the freedom and inde- pendence of Colombians ? In the afternoon previous to the day of general Piar's execu- tion. Dr. F. called on him in prison on account of some hun- dred dollars the former owed him. H'e was quiet and at ease, flattering himself he should not be executed, but banished, notwithstanding all the Dr. could say against his opinion. He grounded his hopes upon the great serv^ices he had rendered, but particularly upon his innocence of the crimes imputed to him. He spoke with warmth, and in a firm tone, showing that he felt no fear or anxiety. The lOtli of October having been fixed for the exec ution of general Piar, the strongest precautions were taken to prevent any trouble. From four o'clock in the morning, the numerous troops of the garrison were under arms ; and formed a square in the public place. A strong detachment was sent for him to the prison. Soon after, he came into the midst of the guard, in a kind of great coat, his arms crossed upon his breast. He walked firmly to the middle of the square formed by iJie troops, where a chair was placed for his execution. Being come be- fore the chair, he urgently requested the officer that he might see the supreme chief, for that he had something of great in- terest to reveal to him in person. This request was positively- denied. The officer requested him to sit down. One of them approached with a handkerchief to blindfold him, but he would not permit it, saying, he could well dispense with such a cere- " Colonel Martin, a Polish officer, was his aid-de-camp at this lime. 212 mejMoirs of bolivar. mony ; that he feared not, and never had feared, to die. But when they insisted upon it, he said ; "Well, well, do as you please." More than twenty-five muskets, close hy the chair, were directed against him ; and wlicu tlic officer hegan to com- mand, Piar exclaimed, "Viva la Patria," and fell pierced with balls. The troops and great crowd of people now cried, " Viva la Patria, Viva la Repuhlica, Viva Justicia ! !" soon after, his bod}^ was taken into an unfinished chapel and buried with great solenmity, but without any other ceremony. Tims died Piar, against whom there was no evidence except his precipitate, and extremely ill judged flight from Angostura. His enemies, with some appearance of justice, seized upon this and took his life. The niglit previous to Piai's execution the supreme chief could not sleep. He was constantly fearful of some revolution, in favor of Piar, notwithstanding the troops being under arms and ready to act every moment of the time. General San lago !\larino was implicated in Piar's trial, in consequence of what had been done respecting a Congress in May 1817, at Cariaco, and at Campano in 1816. He was at this time, in the neighbourhood of Cumana. Brion hated and despised him, and in speaking of Piar, uttered some threats against Marino, which alarmed his friends who had before known the hostile feeling of both Brion and Bolivar relative to him. Those friends immediately despatched a trusty messen- ger to Marino, advising him of his danger; upon which he de- parted for the island of Trinidad, where he was safe. Some days after the execution of Piar, Bolivar pubhshed the following proclamation. " Soldiers ! Yesterday was a day of mourning for my heart. General Piar was executed for his crimes of high treason, conspiracy and desertion. A just and legally formed court has pronounced sentence upon this unfortunate citizen, whO;, infat- uated with an ardent desire to make his fortune, and to satisfy his ambition had formed the plan to bury this country in ruins. General Piar had certainly rendered great service to this re- public, notwithstanding his behaviour has been that of a factious man ; his services have been ahvays reasonably rewarded by the government of Venezuela. Nothing desirable was left to a chief who had attained one of the highest ranks in the army : the second magistracy would have been confided to him by the absence of general Marino, but MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 213 all this sufficed him not ; he aspired to the supreme command; he was plotting the most atrocious plan which could be invented by a preverse soul. Soldiers ! he meditated not alone to kin- dle a civil war amongst us, but to introduce anarchy, to the most inhuman sacrifice of his own brethren and of his compan- ions in arms. Soldiers ! you know that freedom and indepen- dence arc our motto ! Has not mankind recovered their rights by the establishment of our laws ? Have our arms not broken the chains of slavery ? Has not the order been given that na- tional property should indiscriminately be respected among you all? Has your merit not then been amply recompensed ? Or has it not been so at least with justice ? What could general Piar desire more for you ? Are you not free, independent, respected and honored ? Could Piar promise you greater benefits than those ? No, no, no ; Piar wished to dig with his own hands, the grave in which he wished to bury the republic, in order to destroy the life, the property, and the honour, as well as the welfare, and the glory of the brave defenders of Venezuela, by destroying its children, its husbands and fathers. Heaven has contemplated this cruel paricide with horror ; heaven has given him up to the vengeance of the laws, and has not j)ermitted that a man who so greivously offended both the divinity and mankind, should sully our terrestrial globe with horrid crimes a minute longer. Soldiers, heaven protects you and the gov^ernment, which is your parent, and is earnestly watching over your security. Your chief, who is your companion in arms, and who has always shared at your head, your misery and your dangers, as well as your triumphs, and has placed his confidence in you. Rely then upon him, and be persuaded that he loves you more than if he was your father or your son. Head-quarters of An2;ostura, October 17th, 1817. (Signed) SIMON BOLIVAR." The hypocrisy and duplicity of general Bolivar's character is shown throughout this notorious proclamation in its true light. No other man could have had the assurance to say, in the face of the world, that the day of general Piar's execution was a day of mourning to his heart, when we are acquainted with the cir- cumstances of this scandalous act of arbitrary power ; when we know that the whole transaction depended on his will, and that a single w'ord could have saved this man, whose only crimes were, that he was the true friend of constitutional liberty and a foreigner. If we inquire what Arismendy and Bermudes did 214 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. against Bolivar, we shall find that these two were much more explicit against him than Piar was. Arismendy treated the dictator as a coward, who deserved death, and declared that he would shoot him as such if he put his loot on shore, (Aug. 1814.) Eermudes did the same in 1814, at Ocumare; and much more in Maturin, in June, 1817. • The following are the particulars of these strangers' transactions. The reader will recollect that Bolivar was recalled, in December 1816, from Port au Prince, to resume the command of the army, upon the express condition that he should assemble a Congress, and con- fine himself to the military operations alone. By means of martial law being proclaimed, Bolivar again as- sumed the supreme power, and destroyed all that was done in Curiaco by the provisional Congress, installed in virtue of a general assembly, held at the Cathedral church on the 8th of May ; the majority of its members being convinced that Boli- var was dead. This absence of Bolivar was certainly caused by his own cowardice ; by his escaping in the night from Barcelona, and secreting himself in the plains of Cumana. Hearing that the danger was over, he appeared again; and again indulged his haughty and despotic disposition, by annulling the transactions of Curiaco. Being made acquainted with Piar's conquest of Guayana, he passed from Barcelona into that province. In his journey he found general Bermudes establislied with his troops at Maturin; and with his usual meanness and impudence, thought to gain over Bermudes, whom he knew to be attached to a republican or constitutional government. He was received by the latter and his staff, with the most bitter reproaches for his desertion from Barcelona, his absconding to the plains of Cumana, and his measures against the membersof the congress of Curiaco. Notwithstanding all this, Bolivar gained over Ber- mudes, w'ho is weak, and in truth has no fixed character. As they sat dining together quietly, but under a good deal of con- straint, Bermudes, who drinks hard, grew ^\■arm, and renewed his reproaches to Bolivar, treating him as a deserter, a coward, and, in short, the lowest of mankind. Bolivar would never bear such treatment from his equal, much less from his subaltern. Bermudes' passion rose so high that he stood up and told Bolivar, he was tempted to cut him in pieces, and that his recollection of his glorious march from Carthagena to Caracas, with his cousin Ribas, alone restrained him. ME.MOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 215 The supreme chief, trenibhng Hke a child, sprung upon his horse and decamped as soon as possible, lest Bermudes should put his threats in execution, for he knew him to be a cruel, un- educated l)arbarian. Bolivar's proclamation of the ITih of October, is die pro- duction of a mind triumphant in a bad cause. The impartial reader will justly appreciate the charges of Bolivar against his viciim alieady slain. The reader will also give due weight to his declaration, that he has shared the dangers, as well as the triumphs, of his brethren in arms. A moment's recurrence to the facts of 1812, at Porto Cabello ; in IS 14, at Cumana; in 1816, in the naval action of the 2d of May; in Ocumare in July of the same year; in liarcelona in 1817, k,c. k.c. will af- ford a sufficient comment uj)on this part of his proclamation. I have undertaken to show the President Liberator in his true light ; and to strip him of the mask with which he has ever covered his person and his transactions. I must now relate the conduct of San lago Marino, and make the reader better acquainted with the character of a man, who, for a long time, w^as the equal, and has even been the rival of Simon Bolivar; of the hero of South America; of the Napo- leon; of the Liberator; and of the father of the republic of Colombia. As soon as Marino arrived at Trinidad, he wrote Bolivar a letter in a very submissive and supplicating style, in which he most humbly entreated him to pardon all his offences, com- mitted without his fauh ; he said the pernicious counsel and ad- vice of Piar had robbed him of the favor and affection of the supreme chief; that he would hereafter follow his guidance alone, would never deviate a hair from his duty, and would act directly according to the orders of the supreme chief, Stc. Sic. BoUvar, gratified and exulting, showed this letter to his flat- terers, and was himself the first to laugh at and ridicule it. He nevertheless pardoned, and most gmciousli/ recalled ]\Iari- no to his former rank and command, rightly judging that JNlari- no without Piar would never impede him or his views, whatever they might be. Marino, on his return, issued the following proclamation : , ^ " San lago INIarino, general-in-cliief of the aimiies of the re- public, and of that entrusted with the operations against Cu- mana, &c. &;c. to the officers and* soldiers composing his di- \nsion. Ofllcers and privates! my soul is*, even now, filled with the most appaUing sentiments, when I think, that but yesterday, 216 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. neither you or myself were reckoned a part of the great family, who, under the direction of the supreme chief of the republic, fight for liberty and independence ! How delightful are the sentiments which this day agoin fill my heart — when I see that the government like a good father, relying upon my promises, and forgetting all that has passed, receives us again under its protection, and directs me to put myself again at your head, and to command the whole })rovince. (Cumana.) Officers and privates ! if by a mischief ever to be regretted, we have until now been considered as dissatisfied, and have under this character attracted public attention ; it is now, and from, this moment, our most sacred duty to become a model of submission and obedience to the supreme chief! My sincere wish is, that the whole univ-erse may be convinced of the sin- cerity of our intentions, and find in us the most faithful sup- porters of our government. I swear by the ashes of so many of our famous companions in arms, I swear upon my honor, and upon all that is sacred on earth, that this is now the only fe- licity to which I aspire. From you who have always given me so many proofs of your love and your devotion, I expect a much stronger proof, namely, that you will co-operate to exe- cute the orders of the supreme chief. Separated nearly a year from government, from the father of the people, and the armies, and but just now reincorporated into the large and free family of Venezuela, our hearts beat with the most delightful sensations for such unexpected good fortune. Long live the Republic! Long live the Supreme Chief ! Long live Gen- eral Bolivar ! Head-quarters of San Francisco, January 26th, 1818. (Signed) SAN lAGO MARINO." Such language requires no comment. It displays the char- acter of the man ; and such are most of the Colombian chief- tains. This being the fact, the reader will readily discover how much, or rather how little, real character was requisite to enable general Bolivar to usurp and hold the supreme powder during so many years. He will also, I think, be satisfied as to what must be the disposition of a leader, who can not only suf- fer, but encourage, language so disgusting to men of delicacy, good sense and" honor. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 217 CHAPTER XVII. Campaign of ISIS — Foreign Legions — Conspiracij against Bolivar'' s power. In the beginning of 1818, the situation of the two belligerent parties had cnllrcl\ changed, in favor of the patriots, owing chiefly to the conquest cf Guayana. This rich province alone afforded more resowces to the patriots, than the seven oiher provinces of Venezuela takep together. The friends of inde- pendence now conceived the most sanguine hopes of seeing, at last, their opjircssors driven from the territory, they had sullied by their cruelty and barbarity during these last years of war and distress. I will give here a short sketch of the situation of the royal party, that the reader may be enabled to judge whether these hopes were well founded, and might have been realised, under any other leader of common talents and experience in the act of war. Unfortunately for the cause of freedom and indepen- dence, the districts of Venezuela were in the hands of Bolivar. I say unfortunately, because her freedom and independence were, by that means, completely lost. The history of this campaign is nearly a repetition of that of Bolivar's dictatorship in 1813-14, when, as now, every thing depended on his exer- tions, and all circumstances concurred most favorably to pro- duce a happy result. Boliv^ar, by his own fatdt alone, irrepara- bly lost, a second time, the most promising occasion of driving the enemy out of Venezuela, and of giving its miserable and worn out people, liberty and repose. These reflections will be justified by the facts related in this chapter. By the disgraceful expedition of IMorillo against the island of JVIargarita, he lost about 4000 of his best troops. The folly and cowardice of Miguel de La Torre, lost the rich province of Guayana, the heart of the royal family. The extensive plains, and two thirds of the provinces of .Vqpezuela, were in the hands of the patriots, who marched with numerous and su- perior forces against the Spaniards. Industry, commerce and 218 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. agriculture, were ruined by taxes, contributions and a continual change of masters. Scarcity of bands, and an utter want of security, left ibe royalists destitute of tbe means of repairing tbeir immense losses they bad lately suffered. Tbe public stores and treasury were empty. The general-in-cbief no longer enjoyed tbe confidence once reposed in him. His own discouragement deeply affected bis troops. This, together with the general want of every thing, produced daily desertions. INlany times, from thirty to fifty sailors passed over to the patri- ots in one day. Notwithstanding all tbeir losses, and tbe gloomy prospects of the royal cause in Venezuela, such is tbe obstinacy of tbe Span- ish character, that they still determined to persist in tbeir cause, and to make every exertion in support of Morillo. European Spaniards of the ^lain bad become averse to tbe emancipation of their country ; not because they did not like freedom, but because they saw no leaders in whom they could confide, to give them a fixed and good government, in place of tbe one under which they then existed. We have seen that many na- tive Spaniards took an active part in tbe struggle for indepen- dence, and supported tbeir chieftains. But tbeir hatred of I Bolivar bad now become great. It began with bis desertion ' from Porto Cabello in 1812; was increaesd by bis cruel de- cree of February 1814, by which be ordered to be put to death, not only those of tbeir countrymen who were prisoners of war, but peaceable inhabitants, many of whom bad never taken any part in tbe existing struggle. From that time hatred took tbe place of that admiration w bicb had been excited by bis rapid and early success in 1813. Rich and poor, therefore, all the Spanish families on the Main, rivalled each other, in making the utmost sacrifices to put Morillo in a condition to take the field, and to commence with renewed vigor the offensive opera- ■ tions of this campaign. It is to be lamented that these almost superhuman exertions were made in favor of such a man as . Ferdinand VII, whose name includes all that can be united in tbe persecution of all men of feeling and character, and of whom Morillo was a faithful representative. In consequence of this resolution to resist the numerous patriot armies to the last extremity, a general assembly of tbe civil and military authorities of the city of Caracas was called together. They met on the 16th of January in tbe capita], and canvassed the miserable situation of tbe royal cause. They unanimously resolved upon prompt and vigorous measures. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 219 They determined to iaiprove the condition of their soldiers, by giving them better rations, better pay, and if not the whole ar- reais at once, enough to quell their dissatisfaction. In case of desertion, to pay the inhabitants of the place where the de- serter had been enlisted, the value of his uniform and accoutre- ments, and compel them to furnish another in his place until he should be found. . Any young man who should arrest a de- serter, was declared to be free from service. Thecavalrv was reorganised. All possible means were employed to re-estabUsh confidence, and revive the public spirit. Their exertions were, in general, successful. Large voluntary contributions were made. Many ladies gave up their jewelry, gold chains, &.c. Many rich possessors of land, besides money, gave their har- vest, slaves, horses, mules, cattle, &c. Horses kept for plea sure or show, were given to the cavalry. The merchants oi fered money, provisions, Etc.. &ic. Many persons who were present, have assured me that, during several days and nights, Caracas and Laguira were complete picturesof besieged cities, where were seen vast warhke stores carried upon mules and horses. New Grenada afforded no better prospects for the royal cause. The viceroy Semano, residing at Bogota, and lately appoint- ed to this office, wrote to general iNIontalvo Torres, governor of Carthagena, that " it would be impossible to maintain himself any longer in this capital or in the kingdom, one of his divisions having been defeated in the plains of Casanare, of which the commander and seventeen others only returned to the capital. That a second division sent by him to the same plains had met with the same fate." General Urdaneta gained these two victories in October and December 1817. The tyranny and cruelties committed by the Spaniards upon the inhabitants of New Grenada ; the miserable fate of many among the most respectable householders in Bogota, who, during the stay of general iMorillo, were arrested in their houses, and shot by his order, without even a plausible pretext, had excited such detestation of the Spanish name, that the fair sex were active to do them all the harm in their power. One of them procured a detailed list of the Spanish forces in the capi- tal, and had the courage to carry it to the patriots at Casanare. She was unfortunately detected. The list was found between her stocking and shoe ; and she was publicly executed. She was deeply lamented by her countrywomen, whose hatred ol 220 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the Spaniards was gi'eatly increased by this instance of their cruelty. The garrison of JMompox, 400 men strong, was suprised in the night, and all put to death by the patriotic inhabitants, among whom were many women, v^ ho fought bravely, and con- tributed much to the success of the enterprise. The city of Carthagena, then in the power of the Spaniards, was in a kind of uproar. As soon as its inhabitants were ap- prised of general Urdaneta's victory, gained on the Gth of Octo- ber 1817, over the Spaniards, and that in consequence of it, the patriots were in possession of the province of Pamplona,' the garrison and its cruel and cowardly governor, Montalvo Torres, were terribly alarmed, and forced the inhabitants to great contributions, for obtaining provisions of every kind, in case of being besieged. The inhabitants were, moreover, em- bittered against the tyranny of Montalvo, and that of the presi- dent of the criminal court, Cano. Placards had been found on the church doors, and in the walls of Carthagena, which, in bold and seditious language, proposed killing the two tyrants of the people. In spite of the several requisitions and great re- wards offered, the authors could never be detected. They were supposed to have been posted up by some noncommis- sioned officers or privates, who were dissatisfied with their wretched condition. Numerous patriots were sent day and night through the streets of Carthagena, to preserve order and quiet. Many patiiot bands of guerillas were formed in the provin- ces of New Grenada, which greatly annoyed and distressed the Spaniards. In Venezuela, they were still more numerous and formidable. Such was the situation, in both countries, of the royal cause, at the end of 1817, and the beginning of 1818, when Bolivar commenced his operations against Venezuela. After having given to his various divisions the necessary or- ders to inarch towards the points intended, general Bolivar de- parted with his staff and a numerous body guard, at the end of December 1817, from Angostura, and directed his march to- wards the rich plains of Apure. He left about 1800 men to protect the province of Guayana, and united his forces (about 3000 men) to those of generals Paez, JMonagas and Sedeno. He arrived the 12th of February before the city of CalabozOj where Morillo had fixed his head quarters. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 221 When at Sombrero, he publishctl, on the 17th of February, the following proclamation : " To the inhabitants of the plains — Your tenitory is free of the enemy. The armies of the republic have gloriously tri- umphed over the Spaniards, from the middle of New Grenada to Alaturin, and the mouth of die river Orinoco. The armies of Boves and ^Mnrillo, which before were very numerous, are now buried in the fields, consecrated to liberty. The cities of Calabozo and San Fernando, have been taken under the pro- tection of the republic, and the remainder of the armies of Mo- rillo, routed the 12th and IGth Januaiy, (by general Paez,) flee before us, to seek a shelter in Porto Cabello 5 but in vain ! soon will they be thrown from them into the sea ! It is impos- sible to resist an army of freemen, brave and victorious. Fame will guide our steps, and the cruel oppressors of Venezuela be forced to surrender or die ! * Inhabitants of the plains — you are invincible ; your horses, lances, and your deserts, protect you against your enemies. You must absolutely be independent in spite of the haughtiness of Spain. The republican government guaranties your rights, your prosperity, and your lives. Unite yourselves under the banners of Venezuela, which is your viotorious country. This campaign will end with the surrender of the capital. You will again enjoy peace, industry, and the blessing to be free and honest men; your enemies have deprived you of these advan- tages. Be grateful to providence which has given you a wise government, much more adapted to the welfare of mankind. Head-quarters at Sombrero, 7th of Februarv, 1818. (Signed) i30LIVAR." The style of this proclamation, is an intended imitation of that of Napoleon. The truth is that the remainder of th^e armies of INIorillo, which weve Jlying before Jus victorious troops, consisted of small foraging parties, which Morillo detached from his head quarters, to procure pay for his cavalry. So far was Morillo from flying, that, as is notorious, he remained qui- etly in his head quarters at Venezuela. That the cities of Cal- abozo and San Fernando were taken under the protection of the republic, is one of the mistakes of the supreme chief. On the 7tli of February, the first was in quiet possession of Morillo, who had established his head quarters there. Gene- ral Bolivar must have known this fact, for he marched against Calabozo, and arrived Ijefore this little citv, no earlier than the 222 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. I 2{h, from ivhence JMonllo had not moved ! San Fernando was evacualccl by order of Morillo, to concentrate his forces. Thus, and no otherwise, was the place under the protection of the republic. " The remainder of the armies of Boves and Morillo fly be- fore us to seek shelter in the walls of Porto-Cabello. But in vain ; soon will they be thrown into the sea." This is an im- itation, though a poor one, of Napoleon's style. In the most important point it fails entirely ; for Napoleon generaiy kept his word. Whoever places any reliance upon these proclamations will certainly be deceived. The style of them would be a matter of little consequence, if they contained the truth only ; yet surely this kind of language is beneath the dignity of a true rejniblican. The fjrst Bulletin published by the liberating army, dated op- posite the city of Calabozo, and signed Charles Soublette, says " that the liberating army commanded by the supreme chief, de- parted the 31st of Dec. from the city of Angostura, towards the ])lains of Apure and was joined by the division of Gen. Monagas, Sedeno, and Paez, and arrived the 12th of February in sight of Calabozo, which at that time, was the head quarters of the roy- al army under the command of general Morillo. There took place an engagement in which the Spanish army, composed of the regiments of hussars, Ferdinandos, half of the infantry, and all their light troops were engaged ; the regiment of Castillo, who fought on the left wing, escaped from the general havoc of the enemies' army, being close by the city of Calabozo, which it entered. The general Morillo, surprised in the midst of im- mense plains, by an army which had marched 300 leagues, was completely beaten, ihe hrst time he drew his sword in South America, without ever attempting a general battle, or waiting for a single discharge from our infantry. The general IMorillo escaped almost alone from the field of battle, after having been saved twice, by two hussars, who parried the strokes directed against him by two of our lancers. General Morillo, the proud Pacificator of South America, was besieged in the centre of Venezuela, in. consequence of his own cowardice, and our ex- traordinary promptness. Such is the interesting picture of the action of Calabozo, presented to the military world. We have lost no more than twenty men." I shall not consume the readers time in pointing out the fol- Jies and absurdities, apparent to every niilitary man at least, MEMOIRS OF bolivar; 223 upon the face of this bulletin. The facts are tl>ese. Wlien the cavalry of the patriots approached near Calabozo, on the I2tli of February, they met with a foraging party of seventy or eighty men, who had sallied from Calabozo, and made a halt before a watering place to water their horses. They had dis- mounted, and the horses were without saddle or bridle. The men had on their short jackets, and no swords or other arms, so that it was impossible to defend themselves. They were all killed except two, who jumped upon dieir horses, and escaped into Calabozo, and reported the news to their general, Morillo, at his head quarters. During this time general Bolivar de- tached 400 men to surprise the grand advanced guard of the enemy, which were defeated. This gave time to the troops of ^lorillo in Calobozo, to form, and not only to resist the patri- ots, but to force them to retire. The Spaniards were not 1800 men strong, whilst the united force under general Bolivar, amounted to upwards of 8000 men. jMorillo, fearing that he should become destitute of provis- ions and forage, if he remained any longer in Calabozo, where the enemy could easily intercept his convoys, resolved to evac- uate it. He took his sick, baggage, stores, and a good many of the inhabitants, w'ho chose to follow him ; and placing them in the centre of his 1800 men, on the 14th of February, march- ed out of the city, directing his course towards Sombrero, in presence of the patriots, who had about 3000 cavalry. He was obliged to march through sandy and arid plains, under a burning sun, 25 leagues, until he arrived at Sombrero, at the foot of a strong chain of mountains. The .patriots followed. But notwithstanding, this great superiority, did not attempt to attack him. This cavalry, far more numerous than his, could have acted on these plains with vast advantage. At Sombreo they at- tacked him ; and were repelled with the loss of several hundred men. ^ hey pursued no fardier ; but retired towards Calabo- zo, where general Bolivar arrived the 22d February ; wh'Jst ]\IorilIo directed his course upon Barbacoa, Camatagna, and arrived in JMarch at Ortiz near Villa deCura, wdiere he effected his junction with IMorales, and colonel Lopez, and found him- self at the head of 4000 men nearly all infantry. Here he had full time to recruit and form his cavalry. General Calzada had been posted at Guard azenaga with 1000 men, to observe the movements of the patriots. General Bolivar, who united with general Paez, Monagas and Sedeno, had above 8000 men in Calabozo, took posses- 221 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. sion of San Fernando and Apure, and gave orders to occupy the province of ]3arinas. He gave the command of these op- erations to general, Paez; \vhile he himself, remained inactive at Calabozo. Bolivar left his head quarters, and directed his march to- wards Guadatinasus, San Jose and San Francise de Pimados, and joined, the 5th of March, with the cavalry of general Zarasa composed in a great part of Llaneros. On the 7th the patriots began their operations against the capital, Caracas, and on the 22d the valleys of Aragua were occupied by the different col- umns of the patriots, whilst their advanced posts were besiged in Cabrera and in Consejo. General jMorillo, finding that the city of Ortiz could no lon- ger furnish him with supplies, departed with most of his troops towards Valencia. He detached de La Tora, who had been advanced to the rank of brigadier general, to occupy Villa del Cura, Vittoria, and Las Cocuisas, where he ibund no resistance, with orders to maintain himself there, until further advice. Calzada with his troops, 1000 men, occupied San Carlos, and colonel Lopez, the city Del Pao. General Bolivar, on the evening of commencing his decisive operations against Caracas, received the unexpected news that general IMonagas whom he had detached to supply the fortifica- tions of La Cabrera, had been forced to leave this post not far from Caracas, and to retire towards Cagua. This greatly de- ranged his plans. Meanwhile general Morillo had redoubled his activity, and, supported by the zeal of .the Spaniards had provided himself with many useful warlike stores, had recruited, remounted his cavalry and united as many forces as he could in so short a time. He now thought proper to begin his offensive operations. The 12th of j\Iarch, he detached general Morales from Valencia, with 3000 men ; following him, on tlie 13th with 300 cavalry and 1000 infantry. ]\Iorales on the 14th between Guarara and San .Joaquin, had a little skirmish wiih a small detachment of the many who fled towards the post of La Cabrera, where they sallied with the forces under general ]\Ionagas 1500 strong, and took a strong position at Tapatapa. Morales attacked and routed^ them. They lost 300 men, baggage, k.c. He pur- sued and attacked them again at Villa del Cura, and forced them to retreat as far as Boca Chica, two leagues. Wlien general Bolivar heard of ]\Ionagas' defeat, he imme- diately united all the forces, near him, and ari-ived on the 1 5ih MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 225 with about 3000 men in the cnmp of Monagas, and marched with liis troops from Boca Chica towards Semen, where they encamped. The Spaniards attacked them at two o'clock in the morning, but were repelled. A secoiul attack with the bayonet, divided the combat. Bolivar was completely routed, and lost more than 1000 men, his artillery, baggage &ic. la attacking at the head of his cavalry, IMorillo received a slight wound, and gave over the command to the new brigadier deLa Torre, instead of Morales, who was mareschal de campo. La Torre, pursued the remainder of Bolivar's army, attacked him the ,''.)ih March at Ortiz, and routed him with tlie loss of 500 men. Here general Morales distinguished hiu)self in directing the charge, whilst La Torre, as I have been well informed re- mained at a respectful distance behind. On the 6th of April Bo- livar was again beaten at La Puerta, by Calzada and Lopez, whom de La Torre had detached in pursuit of him. He lost here 600 men killed and wounded ; twelve hundred, including the wounded were taken prisoners. The remainder of his ar- tillery (two field jiieces,) and of his baggage &:c. were taken ; and Bolivar escaped, by the speed of his horse, with a few officers. Morillo cured of his wound, soon afterwards joined the army and resumed the command. After these defeats, Bolivar retired to El Rincon de Los To- ros, and there united 600 cavalry and 300 infantry, the re- mainder of his forces. Colonel R. Lopez was detached against him, surprised his out posts, and, penetrated into the midst of his camp, at two o'clock in the morning, killed 400 men, taking nearly all the rest. Bolivar had just time to get out of his hammock, mount his horse, and escape in the darkness of the night. Colonel Raphael Lopez, the Spanish commander, was killed ; so was the patriot colonel Palacios who fought brave- ly at the head of his battalion ; which gave Bolivar time to es- cape. To complete these defeats of the patriots, colonel Fran- cisco Ximens, attacked Marino, at Carnpano on the 12th March, and routed him completely. The general La Torre marched May the 2d from San Car- los upon the city of Coxede, where he expected to find the enemy, but met with the advanced posts of general Paez near Camaruco, who, on his part had determined to attack the Spaniards at San Carlos. La Torre after having defeated the outposts of Paez, marched against him and routed him, not far from Coxede. Morales, on the other side, having marched 29 22G iMEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. a2;ainst Bolivar, who bad reinforced himself at Calabozo, attack- ed and routed him, and retook possession of the city. General Ijolivar retired towards San Fernando and Apure, and recruiti'd from the plains as many Llaneros as he could ; and being unmolested during the whole month of May, he had time to unite again a sufficient number of chi(;ftains separated at different posts, to do the same. Two stiong detachments of English troops under colonel Wilson came to join Bolivar at the end of jMay. A short account of the different corps that came over from Great 15ritain to the Main, may perhaps be interesting. They contributed much to the success of l^olivar's campaigns; and were rewarded with ill treatment, misery, sickness, and death. Tlie supreme chief, seeing the behaviour of the battalion of Guiria, composed of colored men from Gnadaloupe, of which I have already spoken, remembered what Brion and I had said to him, in 1S16 in Carupnno, on the usefulness of foreign le- gions ; and thought, at last that it would be well to have some foreign troops with him. He directed his agent in London to have an understanding with the English houses to which admi- ral Brion and others had written, for the purpose of forwarding such a plan. lie directed his agent to send as many such troops as could be procured. The character of Bolivar, like that of all Caraguins, is, that the moment a project is adopted, they are impatient and restless until it is accomplished ; and will hazard every thing for that jnu-jjose. So it was here with Bolivar. But, having no money, no personal credit, no pro- duce or merchandise, nothing to give in exchange, he could accomplish nothing but by the great exertions, of admiral Brion, and by means of promises, and holding out prospects of great rewards to such as would come to the Main, and serve a cause, which indeed had in itself great attractions. Propositions were therefore made to lieutenaiu colonel Hippisle)', an Englishman devoted to the American cause, to come over and bring with him a number of his countrymen. No money, but great promises were given to him, and such as he should bring with him. Colonel Hippisley, being rich and in good credit, with great pains, procured 300 men who were armed, clothed, and equiped in England, arrived at Angostura a little after the departure of general Bolivar for the army at the end of 1S17. But when the men came to see these wretched state of the ser- vice, and that the promises made them in England could never be realised ; they found the condition far worse than in their MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 227 native land ; and made loud and just reproaches to colonel Hip- pisley, for having seduced them into this service. He had no inteuiion to deceive his men ; he was himself deceived proba- bly with the same hopes that induced his men. After some months' service, he took his leave, greatly disgusted with the mihtary services in Venezuela. His second in command lieu- tenant colonel English, remained in England to procure more men ; .and sent, in detachaiLMits of from 100 to 200 each, 1000 men, to the island of Margarita, and after them, arrived there himself. But before his arrival these troops were divi- dad into three companies commanded by captains Johnston, Mcintosh, and Woodstock. To these wei'e joined about 50 or 100 men of different European nations, who made this cam- paign with general Bolivar ; who committed the great fault of distrbuting them among his division, and tliose of Paez and Monagas. This distribution, was made as I have been infor- med, for fear that they might, if left together, be dangerous to Bolivar himself. The foreigners were greatly displeased and discouraged. Thus separated, they would be of but little use ;• whereas 1 00 such men or ev^en, a less number, acting to- gether against the troops of the royalists, might have been of very great service to the republic. jMany of them left the service disgusted with this and other ill treatment. The re- mainder perished miserably for want of food, or fell victims to the climate. When colonel Hipp'.sley retired, colonel English was ap- pointed conunander of a second legion, which increased to about 2500 men ; among wliom were ofricers of distinguished merit. Lieutenant colonel E.iglish was advanced, successively, to the rank of colonel and brigadier general. He arrived in the begining of the year IS 1 9, at Margarita, where admiral Brion received him very handsomely in the port, of Pampatar. Colonel Wilson brought some few hundred men, who ser- ved in 1818. He was arrested and took his leave. The third legion was called the Irish legion, because it was composed chiefly of Irishmen, and commanded by general Devereaux a native of Ireland, and son of general Devereaux to whom he had been aid-de-camp. His father died and left him a hondsome fortune. Young and enthusiastic, he departed for Buenos Ayres, where he oftl'red his service in this new republic. Not finding what he expected, he did not remain long, but came in 1818, and offered his services to general Bolivar, with a certain quantity of arms, amunitions and war- 228 ~ MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. like stores, upon advantageous conditions, and long terms of payment, as he was authorised to do hy his friends in Ireland and England. The supreme chief accepted his ofiei's, and this encouraged Devereaux to go fartlier and propose tlie formation of a legion in his native country to he hronght here ; and to serve under his orders. He had the good fortune to please the supreme chief, who authorised hiiu to raise such a legion, con- sisting of 5000 men. Bolivar told him frankly that he had no money at his dispo- sal. I'evereauK replied, "that he wanted only an ample com- mission from him to act with full powers, and according to cir- cumstances for the benefit of Venezuela, with Bolivar's pro- mise to approve his transactions in Great Britain, where he could obtain what he desired." Devereaux arrived in Ireland with the necessary papers. Such was the state of the people, that, by the hope of greatly improving their condition, and by means ofhis splendid repre- sentations and promises, numbers of liis countrymen readily con- sented to take service in Venezuela. There had been various statements in the public papei's relative to the manner in which he succeeded. He sent, at different times, about 5000 men to Angostura and Margarita, the greater part of whom had served before. He went to London and succeeded there also. Among his officers were many, wlio, being a]iprised by their friends, in St. Thomas and Jamaica, of the miserable condition of the service on the Main, refused to embark. Their number incj-eased daily, and it has been reported that many endeavor- ed to give up their commissions and get back the money they had paid for tliem ; but that Devereaux, apprised of their in- tentions, kept out of their way, and hastened the departure of the remainder. He embarked at Liverpool in the English biig Aricl^ with two aid-de-camps, one colonel, one major, one surgeon, one chaplain, and twenty two privates. The general had chartered this brig, under a feigned name, to transport him and his com- ])anions to tlieir native country, he being a merchant who had been shipwrecked. After sailing about a fortnight, having taken his measures well, beforehand, he informed the captain and crew, that he was the patriotic general Devereaux, and ordered the master to take him to Margarita. On arriving there, he found neither his people or the necessary jirovisions. Being told that Brion and JMontilla were gone, with part ofhis men, to Rio Hacha, MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 229 he determined to join them. On arriving before this port, he saw the Spanisli colors hoisted, and his signals were not an- swered. He therefore cruised for some davs, and not learnins: where admiral Brion was, he sailed to Jamaica to obtain infor- mation. As soon as the brig anchored in Port Koyal, a guard of marine troops came, by order of the governor, to' remain on board the brig, until the duke of Manchester should determine what should be done with her. General Devereaux asked leave from commodore lluskinson to go on shore with one of his aids, but could obtain permission only for himself. During the passage, the ship's crew had rev^oltcd three times, and gen- erally had behaved very ill. General Devereaux left Port Royal in July. He was ^vell received at Savanilla, by admiral JBrion, but very coldly by colonel JMontilla. The Caraguins are generally of a jealous temper, particularly with regiird to strangers. ^lontilla's aver- sion to them is notorious.- The peo})ls of Carthagena (where he is now, b} Bolivar's appointment, intendant and commander- in-chief of three departments,) generally complain of his harsh manners, which, I confess, surprised me, when I first met with him, but upon further acquaintance, I found him attentive, po- lite and kind. He commanded part of general Devereaux's division, which had embarked with him from JMargarita. He feared, that by the superior rank of the general, he should fall under his command, and particularly refused to submit to his orders. Some provocation passed between them, but no duel was fought. General Devereaux being urgently advised by his friends to take no step against Montilla, but to absent himself for a while, from the province of Carthagena ; which he did, and they never met aiterwards. After this difference with JMontilla, general Devereaux departed for congress, which then set at Cacuta, and of which general Antonio Nerino was vice-president. Though Bolivar conferrefl upon Devereaux the rank of briga- dier general, before his departure lor Great Britain, he had never served, otherwise than as aid-de-camp to his lather, and was not a military man. But being a handsome and fine look- ing man, of great address, wit, intrigue and discernment, he easily pefceived the character of the supreme chief, and flat- tered him so adroitly as to gain his full confidence, and to ob- tain from him fidl power, with the rank of brigadier general. I have been assured that he never actually commanded his le- gion, or juincd it ; and that he never has had any command 230 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. since he has been in the service of Colombia. He remained at Cucuta as a brigaK^lier generaL After the death of general English, his ycjiing and handsome widow went to Cucuta, to receive fr. in congress the arrears of pay due to her husband, and a pension for herself. Some evil minded persons spread a report that she was not the lawful wife of the general; and the vice-president, Narino, called on her, with witnesses and an interpreter, in order to ascertain the fact. Mrs. English did not understand Spanish, nor Marino a word of English. Wlien the interpreter had explained to her the motives of Narino'.s visit, she was shocked, and spoke to him in such a manner that he felt deeply ashamed of his com- mission, which he certainly ought never to have accepted. This singular visit came to the knowledge of Devereaux, who, being at Cucuta, immediately wrote a letter to Naiino, in strong terms, certifying that the lady had been married to general English. Still they made objections, and raised difficukies. Genei-al Devereaux, inlormecl of their unjust proceedings, un- dertook her defence, and sent a formal cartel to Narino. The latter, indignant that a stianger should dare to question him, a magistrate of high rank, immediately sent the general to a dark wet dungeon, where he was confined as a criminal. He found means to apply to congress, and complained bitterly of this treatment, demanding a commission of inquiry to examine his conduct. This was granted him, and after he had remained six weeks in the dungion, without air or light, or any allowed communication from abroad, he was sent, under a strong guard, from place to place, until he reached Caracas. There he was tried before a court martial and honorably acquitted in Novem- ber 1821. The base treatment received by general Devereaux, excited in the members of congiess so much resentment against the vice-president Narino, that they turned him out of his office, and put in his place Dr. (Tcrman Roscio, who had taken great interest in general Devereaux. As soon as president Bolivar was acquainted with the injustice done to Devereaux, he ap- pointed him general of division, or major general, and oidered the widow of general English to be jiaid. We return to general Bolivar, whom we left at Sari Fernan- do de Apure, ready to recommence his offensive operations against Caracas. He took possession of the city of Calabozo in June, and gave orders to the different patriot columns, to march again upon Caracas. Their advanced party reached MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 231 effectively to Curayto, five leagues from tlie cnpiial, where the inhabitants were in great consternation. J>ut iNlorillo, who had closely observed all the movements of tiie patriots, and was much better served by his spies, than Holivar, gave orders suddenly to attack these separated divisions o;ie after another. Bolivar had actually neglected to combine his movements with those of his other divisions. The j)atriot divisions were separa- ted, routed, deprived of their brilliant successes, and lost all the advantages they had gained. Tliey were beaten in nine differ- ent actions, at Soml)rero, Macaca, La Puerta, El Caymans, Ortiz, El Rincon do F^os Toros, in the Savannas of Coxede, upon the mountains of Los Patos and Nictiros. Tliey lost in seventy days more than oOOO men in killed and |)risoners. Many thousand stand of arms, twelve standards, 7 field pieces, more than 3000 horses and mules, a quantity of cattle that follow^ed the troops, their amu;iition, baggage kc. They were compelled again to leave in the power of the Spaniards, all the cities, places on the plains, and the provinces which lay on that side of the river Orinoco. The supreme chief, leaving the re- maining scattered troops to the connnand of general Paez, re- tired in haste to -the fortress of Angostura. T will give an extract of a letter w'ritten and published by colonel M. F. P. a native of Caracas, who was in the service of Venezuela, but had leave of absence, for the purpose of re- storing his health, in the island of St. Thomas, addressed to Mr. F. a merchant in Caracas, dated St. Thomas' Julv 12th. This colonel, a man of talent, knowledge, and military skill, was so disgusted with the conduct of Bolivar, that he realized a great part of his fortune left the service, and went to live in London. " I have waited patiently the result of the last canipaign, which began at Calabozo. It has been most dreadful, and yet, such as might have been expected from the dispositions of Bolivar. After having approached the capital, at about six leagues distance, he constantly kept himself in such a position, as to expose his forces to be beaten in detail ; committing, at every step, faults, which would have been unpardonable in a corporal. In consequence of these dispositions, he had been forced "to remain on the right side of the Apure, after having sacrificed the strong and brave army which the several generals had placed under his command. The last news received from the Orinoco says, that the people begin to open their eyes upon this hero. May Heaven giant, that it may, at last, be in our power justly to appreciate his merit, his talents and his worth. 232 ME.AItJIllS OF BOLIVAR. It is astonishing tliat we slionld not liave been able to expel a handriil of Spani.u'ds from our coiiiilry, with a force of more tlian nine ilu.usand men, well arnu'd, equipcd, and amply furnished with all the necessaries of wai- ! But tliis is one of the consequences of the confusion and the disorder which di- rect our operations." Whilst a;eneral Bolivar was securing hi.s pei'son at Aiigostnra, generals Paez, Bermiides and IVlarino retired to their respective plains, Paez again took possession of the cily of Auracia, and made himself master of this part of the plains, whence he re- cruited himself", wilh great activity and success. Marino and Bermudes b!ockad(3(l Cumana, which the Spaniards had forti- fied, and reduced it to great distress. The patriots again took possession of Guiria, of Carupano, and of all the coasts of the gulph of Paria. As soon as the inhabitants of Guiria were acquainted with the results of this campaign, many (if them murmured loudly against the siqireme chiel". iMve ol the most influential men, as I have been well informed, lield a secret consultation on the subject of turning him out and })utting general Paez in his place. All were strongly enough opposed to Bolivar ; but one of the five was quite as much 0|>posed to Paez, whom he just- ly represented as illiterate, and utterly ignorant of civil afiairs. He said too, that, though Bolivar was by no means fit for the place, it might be pernicious to displace him at that time, aiid that he might now, after so much loss, probably listen to good advice and change his conduct. After warm debates which lasted two or three hours, the others yielded to his reasons ; and Bolivar remained at the head of the government. This he owed to a foreigner, who has never mentioned these par- ticulars. I have them fiom two others of the five, one of whom is dead, the other is still living. I am acquainted with the name of this foreigner, and know, that at that time, he held a high rank in Angostura. jMy iidbrmants said the change might easily have been eft'ected at that time, in s})ite of Bolivar's strong body guard ; for that the aversion to the supreme chief was uni-'^i-sal, arising partly from the conderjnation of Piar, (who left many secret, but warm friends,) but chiefly from his conduct in tlie last campaign. But the dissatisfied had no leader, and they knew that the supreme chief had numerous spies, so that they dared not U^ conjmunicate their sentiments one to another. MEMOIRS OK ISOI.IVAR. 233 CHAPTER XVm. Bolivar and Sanander — Council of Government at Angostura — Roscio and Torres — Situation of both contending parties — General Urdanetaand English — Bolivar'' s expedi'don against JVeio Grenada — His re! urn to Venezuela — Events at An- gostura — Fundamental law of the Republic of Colombia. ''Years lSlS-19. The supreme chief, however mortified, appeared with his usual retinue, and acted as if nothing adverse had happened. Through liis emissaries he received the welcome news, that "the inhabitants of New Grenada, oppressed and vexed hy their Spanish tyrants, waited only for an imposing force, to declare tJieir independence, take arms, and join the patriots. General Anander, or, as he now signs, Sanander, the vice-president of Colombia, and known to be the greatest opponent of Bolivar, was, at that time, in Angostura. He is a native of New Gren- ada, where he had many friends, who urged him to come with whatever forces, arms, ammunition, &:c. he could bring widi him. He informed the supreme chief, that the Spaniards were daily harrassed, not only by the victorious divisions of general Urdajieta, Valdes and others, but also by the numerous and strong parties of Guerillas, which augmented on all sides iu Grenada. Sanander urged Bohvar to send him with 1000 men, 3 or 4000 muskets, ammunition and other wailike stores, to New Grenada, and to give him the command of the expe- dition. But, as the supreme chief had conceived the idea of going himself, sooner or later, into this province, and as he was always jealous of any who possessed more talent and character than himself, so in this instance, as is said, he feared that Sa- nander might supplant him, or at least, do much better than he could, and that he took his measures accordingly. The opin- ion that he did so, is supported by the following facts : At the end of July 1818, there arrived at Angostura a three masted vessel, from London, and a brig from New York, with large cargoes of muskets, pistols, gunpowder, swords, saddles, 30 234 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. and every description of warlike stores, sufficient for an army. The whole was ollercd, on good terms, to general Bolivar, who purchased them. When Sanander heard of this, he press- ed the supreme chief to grant him 20,000 stands of arms, which were needed in New Grenada, together with the necessary ammunition, &.c. whicli he offered to have transported safely to that province. But Bolivar, on various pretents, (with which he is always ready,) refused his request, and gave him only 2000 stands ; he had in the stores, at Angostura, about 50,- 000 ; of which, afterwards, at the the time of his marching him- self into that province, he took a quantity with him, as well as of other warlike stores. By this conduct, as was then with good reason believed, he intended to convince the Grenadans, that he alone was able to afford the powerful assistance they were in so great need of. Whatever may have been his mo- tive, by refusing to furnish Sanander with sufficient means, he certainly delayed the emancipation of this extensive and beauti- ful country for one whole year at least. When he lost the cause of liberty and independence in 1S15, he was evidently actuated by a spirit of vanity, ambition and revenge.* And it was neither unnatural or unjust to suppose that he was now actuated by the same kind of spirit. General Sanander was now sent to New Grenada with a very inadequate supply of arms and warlike stores, far less than the Grenadans demanded, and than might have been, with perfect convenience, shared from the vast store of every thing at An- gostura. Sanander left Angostura for New Grenada, with his 2000 muskets, &lc. accompanied by the son of general I5rdan- eta, some other officers, and a small escort of soldiers. The object of his commission was to unite the numerous bodies of Guerillas in favor of the patriots, to assemble them on the fine and vast plains of Casanare, to arm, organise and fit them for action, and then to march them, united with general Urdaneta's strong division, against the capital, Bogota, and to drive the Spaniards out of Grenada, and interc(?pt the communication be- tween the royalists in this province and those in Venezuela. But how was Sanander to do all this without the necessary means ? These were withheld from him by Bolivar. He, " however, effected more with his limited means, than Bolivar See clini)tcr VIII. ^ J t MEMOIRS OK BOLIVAR. 235 himself had done in his campaign of 1818, with powerful forces. He is brave, ambitious, active and laborious, and speaks and writes with facility. He possesses a perfect knowledge of the whole face of his native country, which affords great advantages in choosing military positions. His. countrymen placed great con- fidence in him. They knew that he liad been accustomed to hardships, and that by his own personal merit and exertions, he had raised himself from the lower class in which he was born, to the rank of a general. His countrymen, therefore, preferred him to any other general, particularly to Bolivar, who was not liked in Grenada. He was so highly thought of, that his name alone terrified and discouraged his enemies. He gained various battles, and fought bravely; but stained his glory by his cruelty. After gaining the battle of Bogota, Jie ordered 28 generals and other officers, who had suiTendered themselves prisoners, to be shot. And thus he did, after this practice was abolished by agreement. By those who were well acquainted with the cam- paigns of 1818-19, the emancipation of New Grenada, w^as at- tributed principally to him. BoUvar only finished wdiat Sanan- der began, and would have accomplisehd a year sooner, had not the means been withheld from him by Bohvar. After the departure of Sanander from Angostura, the true friends of liberty saw nothing in the established patriot govern- ment, upon w^hich they could form a reasonable expectation of stability and welftire. Under the administration of the supreme chief, the state was like a ship in a stormy sea, without a firm and skilful pilot. They looked in vain for energy, activity and talent. They saw that his operations were the result of mo- mentary impulse. There was a mutability in his actions, which showed them that he acted without firmness, skill or system. Before his departure from Angostura in 1817, general BoU- /av established a council of government, of which he appointed Francisco Antonio Zea, president. Mr. Zea (who afterwards died, while minister at London,) was undoubtedly an honest and upright man ; but he was sufiering with ill health. His malady affected his mind, and prevented his acting at all, or with the requisite energy. Blindly submissive to the will of the supreme chief, he dared to do nothing without his express con- sent. And so it happened, that the most trifling decisions of this council of government, at Angostura, were sent to the su- preme chief, "wherever he could be found," for his sanction, before any step could actually be taken. General Bolivar, in his continual movements, from place to place, often left large \ 236 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAK. packets unopened, some were decided upon after a hasty glance, and sent back to Angostura. It is impossible for any human being to do every thing ; but Bolivar appeared not to have the capacity to know this, although he appeared to bo actually incaj)able of workmg in his closet more than three hours at a time. Another hindrance to business was, tliat ]\ir. Zea having lived in Spain above twenty years, Ibllovved strictly the old Spanish princijiles, habits and manners. Tt was impossible that two such men should govern an extensive country agitated by passion, civil war, and troubles of every kind. The unexpected result of the last campaign, was not of a nature to inspire confidence in the general. Disappointment enhanced the general misery. Every branch of the adminis- tration was in complete disorder, and the finances exhausted. The govennnent affording no security for a loan from abroad, Bolivar had no w^ay left to raise money, but by extraordinary and forced contributions. These w'cre imposed, and in a very arbitrary manner too," upon the inhabitants of Venezuela. But it was haid to procure m.oney in a country where industry and commerce were ruined. The few who had money in their power, were either Spaniards and secretly averse to the gov- ernment, or those who placed no reliance upon the supreme chief; so that these forced measures increased the general dis- satisfaction. Under these circumstances, the inhabitants of An- gostura saw, with a kind of abhorrence, the increasing splendor of the household of their supreme chief, his luxury, his man- ner of rewarding his old and new mistresses, his body guard, and the numerous officers who surrounded him. These were his flatterers and spies, and they hved in high style, drawing hard upon the [ew and scanty resources left for public use. The greatest part of these officers were useless to the army. Being ignorant themselves, they were most of them incapable of drilling or affording any instruction to the soldiers. Gener- ally speaking, they gained their epaulettes and rank, like Soub- lette, by flattery and devotion to the supreme chief, who was the only source of recompense and honor. As he had no in- struction in military matters himself, he was jealous of every foreigner who had the reputation of being well instructed in them. Thus it happened, that, at the court of Bolivar, syco- phants held the places of the brave, and flatterers, of men of skill and talent. The luxury of these officers of the household, excited great dissaUsfaction among the other, officers of the army, and the more so, because the cowardice of several of lIEMOinS OF BOLIVAR. 237 them had been displayed, as was Soutlette's at Oriiz, and on other occasions. The Irish colonel T. who was present, as- sured me, diat he had never, in his life, seen so much cow- ardice in epaulettes, as Charles Soublclle showed at tiie battle of Ortiz. He was so often insulted, and had become so contempti- ble at Angostura, that the supreme chief was obliged to inter- pose his own audiority for the protection of this worthy friend. The republic of V^enezuela was, in fact, a despotic military an- archy, hke that of 1813-14, so that the supreme chief, had he possessed talent, would have been puzzled to know where his attention was most requisite. He daily received news of de- fections, and reports that the dissatisfaction of the people was increasing, and was kept from breaking out, only by their fear of the bayonet. At this embarrassing and critical time, unex- pectedly arrived a man of sense, talents and character, who saved this miserable government and his country Irom total ruin. This man was Dr. German Roscio. In order to be understood, I must give here some interesting particulars, but very litde known. The Dr. was a native of Venezuela and had been a distin- guished member of die first congress of Venezuela, assembled at Caracas in ISl 1. He was like many others, arrested in July 1S12 at Laguaira, and sent to Cadiz with general Miranda. He was ])ut into a dungeon at La Caraca, not far from Cadiz. He had friends there by v,-hose assistance, he effected his es- cape to Gibraltar. From thei-e he went to London ; and thence to the United States of America ; where he met Mr. Manuel Jones, another Caraguin who lived at Pldladelphia, as an emigrant from the Main, in a private and retired manner. They soon became intimate friends. Mr. Jones died a few miles from Philadelphia in 1822 in miserable circumstances; being however at the time, die accredited charge des affaires of Colombia. He was sick in his bed during die last three or four months of his life, and would have perished with his fami- ly, if die necessaries of life had not been furnished to tkem by a number of respectable citizens to whom he was known, and who will attest the facts here related. His small salary was not paid to him by his government. Both Dr. Roscio and Mr. Jones were firm patriots, men of superior talents, and of sound knov/ledge in every branch of civil administration, particularly in die department of finance. They were competent to form a consdtution of government adapted to the condiUon, character, and genius of Uieir country- 238 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. men. Both were honest, and their dearest interest was the welfare of their country. They saw with deep regret the in- auspicious turn which the revolution of Caracas had taken. They lamented the fate of Miranda, and justly venerated his character and memory. They loudly censured the memory of general Bohvar, who had usurped the dictatorial power ; and seemed determined to retain it, though he possessed neither talent, firmness of character, nor dignity, sufficient to qualify him for such an office. Notwithstanding their private opinion of general Bolivar, they determined to use their utmost exertions to save their country. They were resolved to con- vince him. if j^ossible, of his errors, and bring him into meas- ures conducive to the welfare of their countrymen. Mr. Jones being of a feeble constitution, chose to remain in Philadelphia, where he could be free and independent ; and, heing out of the power of the supreme chief, could speak to him in plainer, and stronger language, than he would be per- mitted to use, whilst under his immediate control. He, there- fore, determined to commence a correspondence with general Bolivar. Dr. Roscio departed alone, and arrived at Angostura in the beginning of 1818, soon after Bolivar marched against Caracas. He was the bearer of many letters and papers very interesting and important to Venezuela, but particularly of a very long let- ter from his friend Jones to the supreme chief ; flattering the vanity of Bolivar, and paying him many compliments upon his good intentions, his perseverence, he. he. But he frankly told the supreme chief that the government, which he had es- tablished in Venezuela, was not at all suited to. the character of its inhabitants, nor to the complicated interests of so extensive a republic ; that, moreover, a military government would lead to anarchy, which would bring along with it the ruin of the country, and the certaia destruction of the man, vvhoever he might be, that should attempt to support such a government. I have already said that Bolivar abhorred the despotic Span- ish government, and that he could listen to the advice of en- lightened men, and approve of their plans, but that unfortunately for himself and the country, he was surrounded by vile and ig- norant flatterers, to whom he listened, and for whom his affec- tion was so great, that he often acted in compliance with their wishes against his own conviction.* If Bolivar had acted ac- See chapter XIII, ^ MiEMOIRS OF BOLIVAn. 239 cording to his own judgment, even the interest of his country would prohably in many instances have been })roniotcd. In the absence of general Bolivar, Dr. lloscio was received by the president of the council of government, Zea, in the man- ner he deserved. During his stay he made many friends ; he appears to be one of the editors of, or writers for, the Courier of Angostura, a Gazette which was protected by Zoa, and for which he sometimes furnished articles himself. This concur- rence excited a kind of rivalship between these distinguished men. As the Dr. announced his principles strongly and clear- ly, and wrote in a superior style, Zea began to grow jealous of him, and to receive him coolly, and to be reserved in their conversations. Every one was anxious to be introduced to Dr. Roscio, while the house of Mr. Zea became less fre- quented. Bolivar, on his arrival, received him as an old ac- quaintance, having known him at Caracas in 1811-12. The Dr. presented Mr. Jones's letter, wliich made the desired im- pression upon the supreme chief. Possessed of an agreeable and persuasive eloquence ; and supported by an unsullied re- putation, Roscio, in various private conversations with Boli- var, spoke with the warmth of a feeling heart, in favor of the principles advanced in the letter of his friend Jones. He was strongly seconded by the doctor, Romon Cadix, and Palacio Faxar, men of talents, and respected by the supreme chief. The result of these exertions was, that general Bolivar consent- ed to convene a Congress. He appeared to be satisfied of the necessity of changing his measures. But when he came to act, he allowed the congress very limited powers only ; still reserving to himself the supreme authority. Whether he did this in compliance with the wishes of his flatterers, or was di- rected by his own ambition is uncertain. These probably coincided. His new plan, however, evinced a total ignorance of the principles of modern repubhcan free governments, and of the excellent treatises extant upon the subject. It was of course unsatisfoctory to the enlightened patriots. He had drawn out with his own hand, a pretty extensive project ot a constitution, which he. proposed to introduce into Venezuela. In this project he proposed to institute a house of Lords, and a house of Representatives. The members of the Senate or house of Lords, were to have the title of Baron, Count, Mar- quis, or Duke he. These offices to be held for life, and titles to be hereditary. From this plan, obviously in imitation of the 240 MEMOIRS OV BOLIVAR. Britisli constitution ; it is plain that lie wished to establish a permanent aristocracy. Bolivar v,as so enchanted with his plan, that he privately communicated the project to the council of go\'ernment/and I . regret to say, the presidant Zca highly approved of it. But Dr. Roscio, being informed of the project, consulted with his friends Cadix and Faxar, and they united in such representa- tions to the supreme chief, as brought him, at first to hesitate, and then to suspend the execution of his plan. The Dr. im- mediately wrote to .Jones, stating the plan to him, and he, by an eloquent and persuasive letter directed to the supreme chief, prevailed with hhn to reject the aristocratical part of his project. It was resolved to convene a congress, and Bolivar, a second time, had the merit of subjecting his own ardent de- sire to the superior wisdom of his friends. These two instan- ces, heretofore known to but few persons, render it probable, that if Bolivar had chosen for his friends, men of information and integrity^ istead of surrounding hnnself whh vile flatterers and ignorant and selfish advisers, he would have been a very diflerent character. Dr. Roscio and others of his ablest and best friends, are dead. He appears now to be left to flatterers and ignorant and selfish advisers ; and, if he continues to be so, much longer, will destroy himself, or his country. Upon the assembling of the deputies of congress the instala- tion of this assembly took place, the loth February, under the most solemn and imposing ceremonies, which it would be useless to detail here. Franc. Ant. Zea was elected president, and general Bolivar entrusted with, the executive power. The appointment of this congress changed the form, but did not aifect the substance of Bolivar's government. Zea, an honest and virtuous man, was nevertheless weak and entirely devoted, even yet, to the general, who by private intrigue pro- cured him to be named president of the new congress. Bol- ivar knew that Zea was altogether unable to command the ar- my, and that he had not friends and adherents enough to pre- tend to govern the republic. The election was made by call- ing on the members by name and not by secret balloting ; the supreme chief was present. Some 10 or 12 deputies propos- ed JMr. Zca, otb.crs dared not to oppose the nomination ; and so I\lr. Zea was unanimously elected against the secret wish- es of many, probably a majority of them. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 241 On this occasion general Bolivar gave a new proof of his love of power and distinction. In his proclamation, dated An- gostura, Februaiy 20tli, he said ; " 1'he general congress of Venezuela has taken the supreme power, which, until this day, you had confidinl tome; I have returned it to tlie people, by rendering it into the hands of their legitimate representatives. The national sovereignty has honoicd me by putting into my hands the executive j)ower, with the title of Provisional Presi- dent of Venezuela. Venezuelans ! I feel myself unable to govern you : 1 have often said so to your representatives, who in spite of my well grounded refusal, have forced me to com- mand you. Soldiers of the liberating army ! my only ambition has al- ways been to partake with you the dangers which you incur in defence of the rej)ublic." The name of Congress made a favorable impression upon public opinion ; and the new organised government w;!s power- fully supportt'd l)y th(^ inhabitants of Venezuela : so that gene- ral B )livar succeeded in collecting an army of from 13 ta 14000 men, which enabled him to act on the offensive. lie received from England, besides the legion of which I have spoken, large carg:es of arms, ammunition, warlike stores &ic. Numbers of French, German, Polish, and other officers came to Angostura anrl JMargarita, to offer their services, with sanguine hopes of advancement and fortune and of enjoying the honor of being admitted into the ranks of those who fought for the sacred cause of liberty and independence ! General Bolivar received them well. His polite and easy manners, when in good humor, have fascinated thousands, who were unacquainted with his profound dissimulation, and his concealed jealousy of strangers. Biit when these foreigners found that they received neither pay nor good rations, and were looked upon by the na- tive troops, among whom they served, with a jealous eye, while they were obliged to traverse marshy or arid plains ; their zeal changed to disappointment and dejection. Many retired in a pitiable condition, as the inhahitants of Jamaica, St. Thom- as', Curacao &ic. can testify, from ISlOto the present time. The great exertions of the patriot commanders, and the re- viving spiiit of the people, excited sanguine hopes that the cam- paign of this year would be the la^^t, and that ilie Spaniar Is could now be driven hom the country ; and an end be put to this distressing war. 31 242 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. General Bolivar, anxious to efface the unffortunate cam- paign of 1818, conceived for this year an excellent plan, which in good hands must have succeeded. He made a dis- play of ail intention to attack Caracas, and free Venezuela from the Spanish yoke. By this he induced IMorillo to weaken New Grenada and concentrate his forces upon this point ; whilst Bolivar turning suddenly, united his forces with th.e nu- merous Guerillas, and marched, in diifcrent columns, against Bogota. He had sent general Sanander forward to prepare every tiling, as I have mentioned ; he had revived the public spirit by gaining advantages over the enemy ; so that he might easily have raised the inliabitants of these 22 provinces against their oppressors, whom they hated. Bolivar, sure of retaining his supreme power, named Zea as vice president of the government during his absence, sent gen- eral Urdaneta and \ aides with about 20 ofllcers, to the island of Margarita, to organise the troops which were there, and de- parted February the 27th, for the army. He had with him a numerous and brilliant stafl', and 2000 men i He directed his march towards the left shores of the river Araura, to join gen- eral Paez, who had about 3000 Llaneros, all mounted. General Bolivar named San lago Marino commander-in- chief of tlie corps under Bermudes, jMonagas, Zarasa, Roxas, and Montcs, about GOOO men strong, and ordered him to march against Barcelona and Cumana ; and, if they should refuse to surrender to take them by assault. These corps marched in February. Besides these forces, the patriots had in the seaports of Pompatar and Juan Gricgo, in the island of Margarita, 12 arm- ed vessels, and among them 1 corvette, 4 brigs, and 3 her- maphrodite brigs; the rest were schooners rnanned with Eng- hshmen and Americans. On the Orinoco, eight vessels were constructed, consisting chiefly of gun boats, well manned and armed. Against these forces which threatened his total destruction, the Spanish general IMorillo, had neglected notliing to put him- self in a good slate ot defence. In January, he departed from Valencia at the head of 5000 men, and ordered San Fernan- do de Apure, where La Torre commanded, and where IMoril- lo establii^hed his head quarters, to be fortified. Soon after- wards, general Paez having evacuated the city, retired towards tlie river Araura, to effect his junction with general Bolivar. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 243 INIorillo moved forward, and established his camp before the borough of CaujacaL General jMorillo hearing that many English troops had al- ready joined the patriots, became ai)i)rehensive that their num- bers would become so great, that it would lie iui|)()ssibl(: for him to resist them. He, therefore, issued a j)r(jclaniaiiou direc- ted " to the chiefs, officers, and privates of his l^ritanic .Majesty actually serving with the insurgents," to induce them to desert to the Spanish army. Among other things he said, "the government of his Catholic oMajesty, and I, particularly, have been informed of the manner in which many subjects of his Britanic ]Nhijes- ty, have been seduced in England by iNIendes and other trai- tors, to unite their fortime with those who styled themselves In- dependents of South America. The revolutionary agents have represented to them that there existed a republican government, well established laws, armies, and inhabitants who have vol- untarily submitted to such a republic. By such illusions many have been seduced to leave their country with the intention of establishing themselves there and, obtaining as a recompense for their services, property, fortune and honor ! But how cru-. elly have they been deceived. Englishmen! It is to you that I address myself ; to you who already know this famous personage (Simon Bolivar) whom you compare in England with a Washington ; but now that you have seen this hero of this miserable republic, his troops, his generals, and the crazy fools which compose its gov- ernment, you know you have been grossly deceived. You serve under the orders of a man who is in every respect very insig- nificant and you have united yourselves widi a horde of banditti, who are known by their cruel deeds. I know there are many Englishmen and othes Foreigners wdio have been deceived, who cannot separate themselves from this unjust cause, for want of means : I offer and promise, therefore, to those who voluntarily present themselves to the army under my command, perfect security for their persons, whether they may choose to be admitted into the service of his Catholic Majesty or to retire to any other country. In either case they shall be in safety. General Head-quarters at Achaguas, March 26th, ISIS. (Signed) PABLO lAIORlLLO." A decree of Ferdinand VH, dated Madrid, January 14th, 1819, and addressed to the minister of foreign relations, differs pretty widely from this proclamation of his representative on the 244 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. INIain. His catholic majesty, the protector of liberal opinions, and the bcnelactor of humanity, says, in his decree, " That all strangers taken with arms in their hands, and serving in the cause of the insurgents, within his possessions, and all who have furnished arms for them, shall be condemned to death, and their property, being within the juris(hction of his Catholic ma- jesty, shall be confiscated." On the 20th of Aiarch, general Bolivar united his forces with those of general Paez, who he made acquainted with his new plan of operations against new Grenada, requesting the support ol his cavalry of Llaneros. Paez told him, that he was ready to follow him, but that he doubted whetlier his Llaneros could be prevailed upon to do so. It is notorious that these Indians dislike to fight at a distance hom theii' plains ; and in spite of the urgent entreaties, botii of Bolivar and Paez, they refused, and declared that if lorce were used to compel them, they would desert, and return to iheir native plains where they were used to fight. The two generals were obliged to yield to their refusal, and appeased them not without ditiiculty. This act of insubordina- tion, and the consequent total want of cavalry, greatly dispirited the trooj)s of general Bolivar. Before his departure, he and Paez were attacked by a Span- ish colunm, under colonel Pacira, to whose support the ibrces under IMorillo came soon after ; and on the 27th of J\!arch, an action took place, a little way from Trapiche de La Gamaua, where the patriots were beaten. }\\ their retreat they were greatly hairassed, the Spaniards followins; them along the right bank of the river Araura, during the 2C'tli and 31st of jNJarch, and the 1st and 2d of April. General JMorillo, in his official report, ridiculed the disposition of general Bolivar. He said "the want of boats, which were unluckily destroyed in the river Apure, hindered me from crossing the Araura, in order to finish the destruction of the forces mider Bolivar and Paez, who were advancing, as th.ey said, to take the capital in two days, a rumor spread by Bolivar, when he departed hom Guayana with his i'amous reinforcement of Englishmen, Sec." But Morillo's trir.mph lasted not long. Bolivar and Paez obtained more troops, and marched against ]\?orillo, whose head quarters were at Achaguas. They attacked him on the loth of A|iri], and after a warm combat, IMorillo was totally routed, with the loss of about 1200 men, and was compelled to retreat, with the remainder of his troops, to Calabozo. The WE.MOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 245 colonel Donato Paez, brother of the general, destroyed 36 Spanish gun boats, and took 18 pieces of cannoa of large calibre. Tlie troops under the Spanish general La Tf)rre, were also routed, and compelled to make thrir retreat along the plains of Aragua, and joined their general-iii-chief in Calabozo. The consc-queiice of these two victories was the occupation of Ba- rinas by the patriots, which opened to tliein the way into New Grenada. IMorjUo again united a force, of 6000 men, and attempted to invade the plains of A pure, and to avail himself of tlie absence of Bolivar, who had been iu the province of Baiiuas to recruit, and to unite with the English troops, which had directed their march towards this point. General Paez cautiously endeavor- ed to avoid a battle, and to draw the enenty into the interior of the plains, that he rai2;ht afterwards cut off their retreat. In this short campaign, Paez manoeuvred with such skill and suc- cess, that he harrassed and even beat various detachments of the enemy, took and killed more than 1500 of them, and cut off the convoys, provisions, and other aids intended for the ar- my of .Alorillo, who was at last compelled to retreat to the island of Achaguas. General Bolivar arrived in May, with his troops of foreign- ers, at Nutrias, where he allowed tliem some rest. Paez, with about 2000 cavalry and SOO English infantry, observed, and besieged Morillo in Achaguas. He even sent strong parties towards Calabozo and San Carlos, to observe what was trans- acting in this part of tl;e country. If Bolivar had |)ossessed ordinary knowledge of the military art — if he had united his and Paez's troops with those of ]\Ia- rino, he could hue destroved Morillo's forces at a blow. He could have cut him off from all means of supply, and forced hiin to hazard an attack, or to perish by famine, or capitulate. Instead of this, he only observed the Spaniards in Acliagua, ■without making any attempt against them. When Morillo saw tliis, he united his forces, |)laced himself at their head, and opening his way through the camp of die enemy, arrived with- out any considerable loss, in June, at Caracas, whence he im- mediately detached two battalions, to reinforce the places of Cumana and Barcelona. JMeanwhile, general Marino reinforced himself daily at the Pao of Barcelona, prejjaring to attack the Spanish colonel AI- dama. Bermudes closely besieged Cumana, and Urdaneta 246 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. was destined to act in unison with general English, and the English troops arrived with him at Margarita, upon one ot the points on the eastern coast oC Venezuehi. This expedition, called the expedition of the foreigners, de- parted the loili of July, from Margarita, in 25 armed and trans- port vessels. On board the squa(h-on were 1400 English and Hanoverian troojis, and about 1000 sailors commanded, in chief, by general Urdaneta. They debarked on the coast near Barcelona, and after ctlecting dieir debarkation, the squadron was directed towards Cumana, in order more closely to block- ade die place. Marino after having routed colonel Aldaraa, on the 12di June, near Mechispeco, joined the forces of Sedeno, Zarasa, ]\lonagas, Roxas, Bermndes and Th.omas Montilla, uniting his own forces with theirs in one encampment near Saa Diego of Caburtica, where the English trooj)s, under Urdan- eta, were daily expected. From that time, every one was satis- fied that such an imposing force, ol more than 13,000 men strong, would be more than sufficient to conquer Cumana, Bar- celona, Caracas, and the whole country of Venezuela. The patriot chieftains were so certain of success that they detached 2000 men towards Cucuta, in New Grenada, to reinforce gen- eral Sanander, (who, at various times, had obtained some troops, and more arms,) in order to strengthen and encourage die pat- riots, who, since his arrival, had not ceased to join him, and he had already penetrated as far as Sagamosa, not iar from the capi- tal of Bogota. The English troops, under Urdaneta, instead of uniting with the forces of San lago ^Marino, near Cumana, debarked, as I have stated, not far from Barcelona. It has been said, that this evil course was ordered by general Rafael U^'daneta, to avoid acting under general Marino, whom he despised, and irom act- ing under whose orders, he had ever been solicitous to keep himself. Urdaneta, too, was jealous of general English, on ac- count of his great authority and influence over the English troops, who, very naturally, came more ready to obey him than Urdaneta. He, therefore, did every diing to counteract him. As soon as their debarkation was effected, a strong Spanish column opposed their advance into the interior of the province, and having no provisions, they embarked again on board the Spanish stjuadron, the 3d of August. Thev sailed towards Cu- mana, and deba]-ked near it, at Bordones, which the Spaniards had fortified. Genei-al Urdaneta, without waiting for the forces under JNlarino, ordered an attack upon Cumana, where he MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 247 was repulsed by the garrison. On the Sth of August the Eng- lish troops att;ick(Kl with the l)ayonet, and in four different charges, which they made with tlie utmost bravery, were again repulsed with great loss. The greatest part of these heroic troops perished afterwards, before a small battery called Agua Santa. Part of them fell on the field of battle, and some at ]\Iaturin, where they retired after their defeat. As this city was entirely ruined, they found but scanty means of subsistence, and perished miserably for want of food, the effects of fatigue and the climate. General English retired to the island of Mar- garita disgusted with such a service, and particularly with the behaviour of Urdaneta towards him and his troops. The squad- ron directed its course towards tiie same island. Thus ended this expedition, from which the patriots justly expected great success, and in which the English troops were uselessly sacrificed, as there is good reason to beUeve, by the ignorance and jealousy of general Urdaneta. Among the foreigners who came with general English, was a major, named Guillemore, an engineer, and an officer of dis- tingnislied merit. He directed tlie fortifications of Santa Rosa, a fort which protected the small port of Juan Griego, on the island of Margarita, which Morilla could never take, and which caused his entire defeat in this island, as I have already related. INIajor Guillemore was entirely opposed to an attack upon Cu- raana, and spoke with warmth and eloquence, to show that the attack must prove unsuccessful. Urdaneta treated him harshly, and, though he was supported by the most reasonable repre- sentations of general English himself, Urdaneta obstinately per- sisted in ordering the attack. The consequences were as I have related. When the result was known, Urdaneta, Bermu- des, Marino, and some odier native chieftains, had the baseness to exclaim loudly against these foreigners, and to call them cow- ards. They most impudently imputed to general English the mischievous consequences of the ignorance and obstinacy of general Urdaneta. General English was an enthusiast in the cause of civil liberty, and was a brave officer. He died of a broken heart, in con- sequence ol the treatment he received from Urdaneta, and of the loss of so many of his brave companions, by the jealousy and meanness of the Spaniards. He died at ]\largarita, desti- tute of almost every thing, and lamenting his engagement in such a service, ^lajor Guillemore retired, with the same opin- ion of the service. 248 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The patriots succeeded at last in getting possession of Bar- celona, on the 5th August. General Urdancta found no more than forty men acting in the fortiiied charity house. Urdaneta and Bermudes, with their united forces of more than 2000 men, were engaged ahosit two months, in getiing possession of an ill fortifiefl Spanish garrison, posted at a single house rather than a fortification, and consisting ol" less than an h.undred men, and these became destitute of lood and munitions of war. This fact may all()rd a pretty just notion of the military skill ot Urdancta and Pacz. Urdaneta ordered the foity Spaniards, found acting in the charity house, to be shot, by way of retaliation, for the following Soanish cruelty. When the patriots approached Barcelona, lieutenant-colonel Gorin, wlio commanded the Spaniards in the city, sent a detachment of thirty cavalry, to reconnoitre the ene- my, who marched towartis the suburbs of the city, without en- countering any opposition, l.i the night, this detachment sur- piised an advanced guard of six men, commanded by a ser- geant, and put ihem to the sword before they could give the alarm. They advanced rapidly towards the house where gen- eral Urdaneta was sleeping. They surprised his guard, com- manded by an English officer, a lieutenant, and killed them, but spared the ofticer, whom ihey disarmed and threatened to cut in pieces, if he were not still. They then stuffed a hand- kerchief into his mouth, and two Spaniards fastened him to the tails of their horses. Urdancta was awakened by the noise, escaped through a back door of the house, and gave the alarm to his troops. The Spaniards were obliged to retire, and de- parted at hill gallop, so that their prisoner was literally torn to pieces alive ! In June, geneial Bolivar left general Paez for the purpose of penetrating into the heart ol New Grenada with a very strong column. lie rejoined the latter, and endeavored to make him- self master of the province of Barinas, in order to cover himself on this side. Bolivar found the enciny in the valley of Sama- goso, in the p'rovince of Tunja. He had 2000 infantry, of which the greater part were European troops, and 500 cavalry. The Spanish general Barasino had about the same number. The battle, fought the 1st of July, was warm and obstinate. The English, "at last, decided tlie combat, by a vigorous charge, which forced the enemy to retire in great disorder. Barasino soon reinforced himself, and, on the 2od ot the same month, attacked general Bolivar at Patnno de Berg, near the MEMOIRS OF nOLIVAR. 249 capital of the i)rovincc of Tiinja. He was defcatctl a second time, with the loss of his artillery, hags^age, and many of his troops, among whom were his staff otlicers. A considerable number of deserters, principally cavaliy, came over to the i)at- riots. General T3olivar ])roclaimed martial law, in virtue of which all the inhabitants of New Grenada capable of serving were compelled to bear arras and join his troo])s, under the penalty of capital punishment. ITis army soon increased to 3()0() in- fantrv and 1000 cavalry. With these he marched towards the capital, Bogota. He found general Bacasino at a large farm called the V'enta Guernada, sixty miles from the capital. As the ground was hilly, and covered widi bushes, some of the English ofHcers advised general Bolivar to use stratagem, which he did successfully. He placed most of his infantry in ambush, and ordered his cavalry to gain, unseen, the rear of the enemy, so that his battle line presented a front of small ex- tent. The enemy made the attack with great bravery ; but at this moment the infantry in ambush, and the cavalry, rushed forward and attacked his flank and rear. The Spaniards were routed with a loss of more than 1000 men, and were not ral- lied until they reached i\lompox. This battle, of the 7th Au- gust, decreed the fate of New Grenada, and was attributed to the European troops. The viceroy, Samana, received intelligence of this battle in the night of the 8th ; and Bogota being an open and defence- less city, he gave orders to evacuate it immediately. In the morning of the 9th, he, with some hundred persons, left the capital. His retreat was so rapid, that he arrived at Honda in thirty hours ; a journey which usually occupies three days. He left at Bogota half a million of dollars, in silver money. Bolivar made his triumphal entry the 12th of August, and ordered the city of Ocana to be taken possession of on the ITtli. On the 2Sth, the viceroy arrived atTamburg, and sent ex- presses to IMorillo to inform him what had happened. He also sent general La Torre (the same who behaved so ill at the battle of San Felipe, and lost Guayana) with various Spanish troops to New Grenada, to take command of the royal forces in that jirovince. The Spaniards arriving at Mompox, worked day and night to entrench themselves. In Venezuela the scene of war was too frequently changed to afford anv thing interesting to the reader. Bloody struggles '32 250 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. resulted in nothing. The Spaniards driven from one place, oc- cupied another. They were routed, and recruited again. The case was the same with the patriots. War raged in every cor- ner of Venezuela, without producing any effect, important to either party. I will now proceed to events which took place in the con- gress at Angostura, during the ahsence of general Bolivar, There was in congress a strong party of true patriots and repub- licans. These men were disquieted by the devotion of their president to the will of Bolivar. This, together with the de- cline of his health, led him to refer every measure to head- quarters. Much business was left wholly undone. JNIore was delayed. The general dissatisfaction had risen already to a high pitch. Some members told him frankly, that if he did not change his course they must consider it their duty to procure his removal and to put another into his place. Some reproach- ed him with vile submission to Bolivar. He was just then en- gaged in framing a code of laws for the republic, and was un- usually regardless of the executive business. He was compell- ed to resign, and general Arismendy was elected in his place, as vice president of congress, and president of the republic, in the absence of general Bolivar. This happened in the month of October. As soon as Arismendy was in power, he procured a decree, that admiral Brion no longer deserved the confidence of the republic : that he was, therefore, dismissed, and that, in his stead his brother in law, commodore Toly was appointed Admi- ral. Arismendy ordered Brion before congress to give an ac- count of his conduct: and sent to Toly, the ribbon of the order of the Libertadores. Meanwhile Bolivar succeeded in freeing New Grenada. And all the provinces having risen in favor of independence, the Spaniards were obliged to retreat and shut themselves up in Mompox, which, as well as Santa Martha, and Carthagena, they had fortified. I3olivar, who never lost sight of Caracas, in his usual hasty manner, which he mistakes for desj)atch, settled all business in Bogota. He ordained a kind of congress of which he was the regulator. He left general Sanander, commander-in-chief, and general Anzoatigui, one of his most devoted flatterers, as second in command, and directed his march towards Pamplo- na, where he arrived the 20th of September, and remained about two months, occupied in festivals and balls. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 251 He departed at last with about two thousand men, for Gua- dalita. About SOO of these deserted. Tliey liad been taken by force from their families, and were, besides, greatly disgust- ed with die imperious manner of this Caraguin General, as they called Bolivar. The general arrived the 3d November at Montical in Vene- zuela, where he had directed the patriot chieftains of ihat pro- vince to assemble with their troops. He had with him about three millions of dollars, which had been collected from the inhabitants of New Grenada, in taxes, and by forced contribu- tions. He is said to have extorted a formal promise from the different authorities in the province, to send him regularly every month, a million of dollars. The troops, however, were never regularly paid, and the fo- reigners became the more dissatisfied when they found, that instead of being paid to them and others, who had dearly earn- ed it, it disappeared, by going into the hands of flatterers, and the officers who more immediately surrounded the general. These fared sumptuously, whilst the army was straightened for want of pay, food, and clothing. Many hundred ot these for- eigners were worn down in this march by heat, fatigue, and want of food. These were neither carried on, nor left provi- ded for, and, of course, perished miserably. As soon asIMorillo heard of this numerous collection of troops, he gave orders to evacuate San Fernando de Apure, united his different detachments, and concentrated his forces at San Car- los. The Spaniards again lost the province of Venezuela, and various families \eh the country, and embarked at Laguaira and Porto Cabello for \\\^ West Indies and the United States. The patriots had again, in Venezuela, a force of about 9000 men. Among them were 3000 English, Irish, and Hanoveri- an troops, of which many had lately arrived at Angostura and Margarita. They now marched towards the plains of Calabo- zo, so that the head quarters of both were about two days march asunder. Every one was now again certain that the Spaniards, who had not above 4500 men, and of those, two thirds natives, would at last be driven forever out of the terri- tory of Venezuela. The patriots had nothing more to do than to advance and act, and they were sure of success. They knew that the Spaniards had lost much of their confidence, that the native troops were kept from passing to the other side, only by their Spanish officers. But all these advantages, the benefit of the 252 JVIEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. country, and the course which general Bolivar pretended to de- lend, were overlooked in the sad tidinirs of the chansje that had taken place at the seat of government. On receiving these des- patches Bolivar was thunderstruck. His own personal welfare, and the gratification of his personal feelings, had always and every where l)een preeminent widi him. The cause of free- dom was but his tool. Instead of attacking the enemy with his .3000 well disciplined European troops, which were dread- ed by the Spaniards on the Main, he suffered himself to be overcome with the news of Arismendy's advancement ; and in consequence of it, at last, took a resolution, the result of which was that the war was protracted for five years, and the lives of thousands sacrificed to his love of power. With these 3000 troops, among whom were his body guard, he marched towards Angostura, or rather, against Arismendy. He knew that Arismendy, after all that had passed between them, would not be In's friend ; and there was no prospect of his being able to bring Arismendy to be, as Zea had been, his devoted minister. He knew too, that Arismendy was a de- cided republican, and would probably use all his power to es- tablish the authority of congress, and to limit the power of the supreme chief. He knew also, that Arismendy was a far more able military man than himself, and that this was manifested to the countrj , by his wonderful defence of the island of Marga- rita. He knew that Arismendy was a brave, enterprising and ambitious chieftain ; and it was peifectly natural for Bolivar to suspect him of a design to obtain the first office in the republic. Arismendy's conduct and services had made him many adher- ents, while Bolivar's cowardice and misconduct left him, as support, only his immediate dependents and flatterers. In this condition, he felt more anxiety than he had ever appeared to feel, at any time before. Vai'ious persons have assurred me, that for 24 hours he appeared like a madman ; speaking to none; looking dejected; lying in his hammock ; then jumping out of it, and pacing his room. At last, he decided to leave the command of his remaining forces to general Paez, and to march himself, with his best troops, towards Angostura. General Bolivar, with his 3000 chosen men, fully devoted to him, arrived, the 14th of November, unexpectedly, at the seat of government, at Angostura, in the province of Guayana. Arismendy, having only about COO men, and these poorly clad, armed and disciplined was obliged, of course, to submit to the MEMOIRS OF IBOLIVAR. 353 imposing force of Bolivar. He was exiled from Guayana and ordered to retire to his native i.sland, Margarita. Previous to his formal dismission from the service, he was condemned to lead a private life, and to come no more upon the iNlain. It was not that Arismendy was less dangerous, in the view of Bolivar, dian Piar had heen, that his life was s})ared. But he knew that Arismendy had many friends in congress and in the army, and diat the hrave spirited inhabitants of INlargarita, would rise in his defence ; and that the greater part of the Llaneros were his friends, as Uiey were the friends of republi- can government. Bolivar, therefore, listened to the advice of Dr. Roscio, and ventured not to take the life of Arismendy. ]Mr. Zea was reinstalled President of Congress, and Vice- President of the Republic. Dr. Roscio, and various other true friends of a free republi- can government, now united, in representing to general Boli- var, the instability of the government he had established ; and, after long, earnest and eloquent discussions, at last prevailed upon him to consent to the establishment of a congress, upon a new and more extensive plan. The conquest of New Grenada, except Santa IMartha, Car- thagena and Momp.ox, required a national representation. Those provinces of Venezuela, which were in the power of the patri- ots, were in the same situation. The inhabitants of both were anxious to have a congress, and a republican government. It was therefore urged to Bolivar to unite these two great provin- ces under one congress, and to call the new government, "The Republic of Colombia." This memorable act is generally at- tributed to the enlightened mind of the deceased Dr. German Roscio, of whom I have already spoken. It is entided, " Fun- damental Law of the Republic of Colombia." 254 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. CHAPTER XIX. Events from the Proclamation of the Fundamental Law of the^ Republic of Colombia, December 1819, xmtil the Armistice betioeen General Bolivar and Morillo, JV'ovember 1820. After having reinstalled Mr. Zea, general Bolivar, on the 25th December, 1819, left Angostura, with a numerous corps of troops, and directed his march toward the plains of Apure, He arrived, the 20th of January, at San Fernando de Apure, its capital, where he learned that the cause of independence was declining in New Grenada. I have stated, that before his departure from Santa de La Bogota, general Bolivar setded the pending business in his hasty manner. His manner has, from 1813 to die present day, consisted in pretending to do every thing by himself; to be soldier, legislator, and, adminis- trator. He seems to be unable to understand how his supre- macy can be retained in any other way. With his very limit- ed talents, and constitutional aversion to serious business, his way has kept every thing in confusion, in every department, particularly that of the finances. Agricultuie, commerce and every branch of industry, have been kept down and destroyed by heavy taxes, charges at the custom house, forced contributions, and the like. No officer, civil or military, of whatever grade, could count upon receiving his regular salary, or pay. These men, of course, let slip no opportunity of defrauding the pub- lic, or of taking bribes. Governors of provinces, and all the military men, who had it in their power, extorted from the peo- ple, besides their taxes, a proportional sum for the support of their persons, their troops and retinue. What the people were unwilling to give, was, very often, taken from them by force. The capricious decisions of an individual, united with the vexa- tions inflicted by civil and military officers upon the Grenadans, who had done so much for Bolivar, and who were entitled to better treatment, fell so heavily upon them, that they compared their present distressed condition, with what it had been under the Spanish government. Many of them preferred the latter, and deserted, and joined the Spaniards, under La Torre and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 255 Calzada. Calzada seeing his forces suddenly increased by these desertions, again took the offensive, and was preparing to march against the capital of liogota. La Torre, hearing that the patriots had retired in haste, from Los Publicos, advanced towards the plains of Guarta, to support the movements of Cal- zada, and to cut off the retreat of the enemy who were in these plains. The ra[)i(l progress of the Spaniards in Grenada, caused great alarm among the members of the provisional government established by Bolivar, and preparations were made for retreat- ing. General Bolivar heard these tidings while he was in San Fernando do Apure. He determined to march again, at the head of 4000 men, against the enemy in that province. He left his head quarters the 2Gth of January, and directed his march towards Cucuta. General ^Morillo, fearing to be attack- ed at San Carlos, had retired towards Valencia, intending to get into the strong hold of Porto Cabello, in case of any loss, or sudden attack. The departure of Bolivar, with his 4000 troops, gave him a second opportunity to reinforce himself. Meanwhile, general Bolivar was marching towards Cucuta, in Grenada. General Paez, entrusted jvith the chief command of the army in Venezuela, established his head quarters at Ma- turin, where he collected an army of 12,000 men, in which were 3000 Europeans, chieHy of the Irish legion of Devereaux. Contrary to all expectation, general Paez remained at Maturin, without attempting to attack Morillo, or even moving against him. INIorillo, therefore, returned again to San Carlos, where he recruited considerable, as he had done before at Valencia. The spirit of the Spaniards was raised, by tidings of a formida- ble expedition, fitted out by order of the king, at Cadiz, under the command of general Henry O'Donnell, (count of Abisbal.) This expedition had been ordered, in consequence of the ur- gent representations of general Morillo, who had sent pressing letters to the king, in which he strongly and truly stated the precarious situation of the royal cause in Spanish America. General Morillo had received great assistance from the com- merce of Barcelona, Cadiz, Malaga, Alicante, ficc, which suf- fered exceedingly from the war in the colonies. The richest merchants of these places, offered the king large sums of mo- ney, and support of every kind, if he would send a force suffi- cient to put an end to the war at once. This was accepted ; and, since March 1S19, the greatest preparations were making in Spain to that effect. A force of 25,000 men was collected, 256 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. to be divided into tvi^o army corps, under the command of O'Donnell, one of which was destined to act against Peru; the otlier a2;ainst the Main. The royalists in Venezuela, who had seen how ^Morillo, in 1818, with far less forces, destroyed those of Bolivar, on hear- ing this news, doubted not the success of their cause. The patriots were indebted to colonel Guiroja's revolution in Spain, which happened a little after this time, for the destruction of an expedition which was destined to forge new chains for the in- habitants of the Spanish colonies. General Bolivar, pressed on all sides for money, was advised to send an agent to London, for the purjjose of negotiating a loan sufficient to enable him to prosecute the war with more vigor. He chose the ex-vice-president Zca, (whose place was supplied by Dr. Roscio,) and gave him full and ample forces. He departed in IMarcli 1820, for St. Thomas's, whence he em- barked for London. Until the latter end of ^larch 1S20, the positions of the two armies in Venezuela, aflbrded nothing important. The opera- tions of the patriots, however, aftbrd satisfactory proof of the narrow capacities of their leaders. At Achaguas, general Paez had about 4000 men. After ]\!oril]o's evacuation of San Car- los, Urdaneta had, at this place, 3500 men. Bermudes had, at Maturin, IGOO men. Zarasa and Sedeno had 800 men at Guebrada Stonda. Monagas and Diego had 1000 men in the province of Barcelona, without mentioning the numerous guer- illas and smaller parties of armed patriots, which had no fixed camps. In the island of Margarita, there were 1200 L-ish troops, and with Bolivar 4000 chosen men. With all these mighty means, they were not able to expel Morillo and his far inferior force, from the country at once ; even though he was so hated, and the Spanish name so generally detested. Tt is a fact well known, that JMorillo had not at that time, 2000 Eu- ropean Spaniards at his disposal, that were able to take the field. All the rest of his tioops were natives, and he could place but little reliance upon them. He knew they would de- sert him upon the first defeat. From this diminutive force a deduction must still be made of as many as were necessary to the several places held by the Spaniards. Li addition to these disadvantages, the Spanish colonial finances were deranged, the army were in want of every thing, and discouraged by the failure of O'Donnell's expedition. All these circumstances united, would have ensured the success of the patriots under MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 257 leaders of ordiivciiy skill ami talent. Instead of attacking the Sp;iniards vigorously and at once, they wearied and dis- couraged their own troops by marches and countermarches, until desertions into the interior became frequent and their troops greatly diminished. In this campaign general Bolivar committed his usual fault ; that of scattering his iorces. While he marched with four thousand men towards Cucuta, and ordered general Paez to attack Morillo, and get possession of the capital, Caracas, he directed a third expedition against Santa INlartha, and accom- plished nothing. Some circumstances of this third expedition are worthy of remark. Ever since the year 1S13, colonel IMarino IMontilla had been one of the greatest enemies of general Bolivar. He served against Bolivar in Carthagena, and challenged him to a duel in 1816, at Aux Cayes, as I have related. He had engaged to go with general JNIina, in his expedition against the Spaniards in Mexico, and was prevented only by sickness. He came to Baltimore, and hearing there of the success of the cause, and that Bolivar was at the head of the government, he desired several of his friends, who were going to the Main, to exert themselves to eflect a reconciliation between him and the supreme chief. He wrote for the same purpose to his intimate friend, admiral Brion, who was much attached to him. Montilla, at length succeeded, and came over to Angostura, where he had a long, and, to him, very satisfactory interview with the supreme chief, who advanced him to the rank of colonel. He was sent, soon after, to the island of Margarita with 80,000 dollars, to accel- erate the sailing of the squadron, and pay arrears. He was directed to have an understanding with admiral Brion at Pom- patar ; and with general Urdaneta, who was destined to com- mand, in chief, the expedition against Santa INIartha. From that time, Marino Montilla was entirely devoted to general Bolivar. General Urdaneta marched, at the head of 4000 men, from San Carlos towards the province of Maracaybo, to act in unison with the troops expected from Margarita. The squadron de- parted from Pompatar, a seaport of the latter island, in the beginning of March, having on board about 1200 men, chiefly European troops. They arrived at Rio Hacha the 12th of March, and took possession of the place without resistance. It is a small and poor place, affording no resources whatever. It has a small fort, and is an open seaport, not far from Santa 253 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Martha. IVIontilla, wlio commanded these troops, expected to be joined by some Indians from the interior, who had promised to go with him a2;ainst Santa Martha. Colonel IMontilla departed from Rio Hacha, in April, and directed his march towards the valley Diipari, where he ar- rived on the 'Ith, with 1000 English, and 500 Creole troops, which had joined him. The latter were furnished with arms, brought from IMargnriia. After some snccess, colonel Montilla was stopped in his lurther operations, by a sudden mutiny of his English troops. Among the correspondence found in the baggage taken iiom the enemy, was a letter from the governor of Santa Martha to the Spanish general Limn, whom Montilla had beaten in three successive actions. It was staled in the letter, that general Urdancta was advancing with 3000 men, from Ocana, upon Santa Martha, and urged him to join him as soon as possible. Montilla, therefore, determined to march and join general Urdaneta, but was prevented by the refusal of his English troops to march any further, until all arrears were paid them. Montilla used every effort, promising them more than their due ; but in vain. The insubordination was complete, and IMontilla was forced to abandon his march, and embark on board the squadron, under the command of admiral Brion, who remained at anchor bcfoie Rio Hacha, with 13 vessels ; having on hoard six months' provisions, 5000 muskets, and a large quantity of annnunition, and other warlike stores. The governors of Carthagena and Santa IMartha, threatened with an attack, took the strongest measures of defence, and tlie latter sent his wife and children to Havana. At this time the Main was surprised by news of the revolu- tion at Cadiz, effected by colonel Antonio Guiroja, in January of the same year, 1820, in consequence of which, the Spanish constitution, of 1S12, was again introduced, in which the inqui- siuon and arbitrary })ower were abolished. This saved the cause of independence in the Spanish colonics ; and the for- midable expedition under O'Doimel was disbanded. General Morillo, who had placed his hopes in these forces, refused, for several days, to speak to any one. At length he yielded to necessity, and the constitution was proclaimed with great solemnity, in May and June, at Caracas, Laguira, and other places in the power of the Spaniards, on the JMain. He was now confident that the introduction of the constitution into the country, would make a favorable impression on the patri- ots. He, therefore, published two proclamations ; one of the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 259 king, to tlie inhabitants of the continent in America ; wherein he said : '' Wliat can you ask more ? Hear the voice of your king and your father." The second was from general JNIorillo, to tlie armv, dated Caracas, June Stli, 1S20. ^lorillo sent a circuhir letter to tlie different governors of the West India Islands, and to the Spanish minister at Washington, requesting them to order the insertion in the public papers, of ano- ther proclamation from himself, to the emigrants from thelNIain, dated Caracas, June IJth, by which he invites them to return to their own countr}-; and [)romises oblivion of past, and protection, tranquility and prosperity for the future. "Your security is sacred and inviolable ; it is founded upon the will of the king. It is in unison with my honor, my word, and my desire !" All these, proclamations, and the earnest endeavors of the king and general, were in vain. They were convinced of the duplicity and cruelty of theia Spanish leaders, and Morillo was again reduced to depend upon his own means and exertions. We have seen how colonel iNIontilla was obliged to embark in consequence of the dissatisfaction of the foreign troops, arising from want of pay and subsistence, and from the general ill treatment they received. IMontilla's hatred against foreign- ers, seems to have been greatest against Irishmen. ]More than 500 left the ^ervice, and went to Kingston in Jamaica, where the worthy inhabitants rivalled each other in relieving the suf- ferers, W'ho came among them in a most destitute condition. INIore than a third part of them died in the hospital, in conse- quence of fatigues and deprivations, which they suffered in the service of the patriots. This expedition, directed against Santa Martha and Cartha- gena, to open a free communication with Bogota, and to get command of the river 3Iagdalena, greatly weakened the force directed against Caracas and the Spaniards, who had again united many troops in the centre of New Grenada. It ended with the burning of Rio Hacha, and cost 700 men and a great deal of money. On the 10th of June, the Colombian squadron, under admi- ral Brion, with the remainder of the troops, was near Santa Martha. After firing upon the batteries of this fortress, it sail- ed towards Savanitla, a small seaport in the neighljorhood of Santa Martha, consisting of about a dozen huts. The redoubt of three pieces of artillery, was immediately taken possession of, the Spanish garrison having fled withr ut attempting any re- sistance. The Colombians landed tlieir few reraainbg troops, 260 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. expecting a large reinforcement, which had been annoimced to be coming hom the river Magdalena. Colonel Montilla di- rected his march towards Baranquilla, Soledad and St. Stan- islaus, where the Colombians were received with acclamations. Many of the inhabitant? came to join tiie troops, and lent their aid to put Montilla in condition to besiege Santa Martha, as soon as the Margarita troops should arrive. But he had neith- er besieging artillery, nor other materials fit for besieging the two strongest ])laces in New Grenada. Admiral Brion published a proclamation, directed to the in- habitants of Carthagena, in which he exhorted them to rise against their oppressors, and join the Colombians. This had the desired effect. It roused the spirit of the inhabitants, and many hundreds came, and placed themselves under the patri- otic banners. The conquest of Carthagena was feasible and easy ; inas- much as the inhabitants, harrassed by great and constant vexa- tions, had become disgusted with their Spanish leaders. The Spanish authorities disagreed among themselves; some desired an absolute king ; others, the majority, were in favor of the constitution. The viceroy, Semano, who had taken shelter within the walls of Carthagena, and the brigadier general Cano, were both arrested, by order of the other Spanish authorities, for having opposed the proclamation of the Spanish constitu- tion. They were dismissed from their places, and others, af- terw^ards, elected in their stead. The situation of Santa IMartha was like that of Carthagena. In these fortresses, as in all the places in the power of the Span- iards, there existed three distinct parties among the inhabitants and the Spanish administration ; the friends of independency, those of the Spanish constitution of 1812,. and the friends of the ancient absolute power of t!ie king. The Spanish brigadier, Vicente Sanchez de Lima, wlio, with 2700 men, was thrice beaten by Montilla and his 800; having retired to Santa Mar- tha, put himself at the head of the friends of the Spanish constitution, and introduced it, in spite of the opposition of governor Pouas. The anarchical state of the provinces of Car- thagena and Santa Martha, greatly favored the enterprise of Brion and jMontilla. But, such was the peculiar character of this war, that in the whole extent of Colombia, notwithstanding their increased moral and physical strength, no decisive operation, nothing of UtEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 261 important consoquence, took place. The incapacity of the su- preme eliicl bccunie, ifpoysihle, more apparent. Morillo's situation was also precarious and critical. The revolution in Spain rendered any efficient reinforcement from the mother country, impossible. He was aware that the new assembly of the Cortes like those in 181 1, would never consent to reco2;nise the republic of Colombia ; and would persist in tiie obstinacy peculiar to the Spanish character. Such recogni- zance was demanded by reason, policy and justice. It would have put an end to blood.-,hed and misery. It would have given vast advantages to Spain. The miseries of a destructive and protracted war, could have been obliterated by a treaty of defence and alliance between Colombia and Spain ; and by opening a free and profitable commercial intercourse !)etween two countries so long and so closely connected. In the gov- ernment of the colonies, by the King and Cortes of Spain, nei- ther liberality nor generous principles existed. The total want of money and provisions in the Spanish ar- my on the Main ; long and continual marches, and the discour- agement of the soldiers, who as well as their officers, could judge of their precarious situation, greatly weakened the Spanish for- ces. To these were added sickness and frequent desertions. Still the Spanish chiefs flattered themse'ves that the people of Colombia would eventually receive the Spanish constitution, and return to their former obedience to the Spanish authorities ; whilst the patriots were engaged at the congress, in active and zealous efforts, for the discussion and adoption of their own constitution by that asseml)ly. On this subject, the following letter is worth attention. It was written by a Spanish chieftain to one of his friends at St. Thomas' : " Letters from Caracas, Lagulra, Cumana, confirm the news that two commissaries of the congress at Guayana, Messrs. Roscio and Alzura, have presented themselves before the com- mander of one of the royal divisions, Arana, asking leave to pass to the head quarters (of Mori Ho) to present a despatch to the general-in-chief, which is presumed to contain a proposal ol this congress to submit to the Spanish government in case of the taking of the oath to the Spanish constitution at Caracas. This was not done until the 8th June. Comm.andant Arana had refused to let them pass on, but sent the dispatch to gene- ral IMorillo. The patriots are probably anxious to submit and to swear to our constitution, by following the example of Spain ; to make a 2G2 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. virtue of necessity, which perliaps, later, it might not be in their power to do." Tliis is a specimen of Spanish vanity and pre- sumption. The following facts which ought to be better known, explain the expressions of the writer. General JMorillo, sensible of his critical situation had secretly sent an agent to general Bolivar to acquaint him with the change of government in Spain, and, adroitly, to sound his views and designs with regard to it. In consequence of this private com- munication Dr. Roscio and Alzura were sent with a letter to Moiillo, with proper instructions to negociate a treaty of peace. But the letter contained not a word relative to submission, nor to the acknowledgement of the Spanish constitution. General Bolivar, in this letter to general Alorillo, grounded his proposi- tion contained in it, upon his desire to avoid the further use- less effusion of blood, hoping that, with the change of govern- ment, the minds of the Spanish leaders might change also. This blundering step of Bolivar, produced consequences most mis- chievous to Colombia. It was the means of gaining time by her enemies, to carry on the war four years longer ; and to the destruction of at least 20,000 lives. If Bolivar had presump- tuously refused to negociate with his faithless and obstinate en- emy, and had attacked him with his powerful forces, in the po- sition Morillo then occupied, there can be no doubt but that the territory might have been forever cleared of its Spanish tyrants. The first false step of Bolivar was duly appreciated by Morillo, and his private council. Upon the reception of Boli- var's letter, he sent two comn;!issioners, brigadier general Thomas de Cires, and the adjutant general Jose Domingues Duarte, to Angostura. In June they left Caracas for Laguira, ■whence they embarked for the Orinoco, for the purpose of proposing to the congress at Angostura tiieir acceptance of the Spanish constitution. And, they offered to general Bolivar the station and rank of a captain-general, and to the other chieftains their respective oflices and rank. But, soon after the departure of these commissioners, INIorillo learned that gen- eral Bolivar was not at Angostura, but in his head quarters at Montecal, nor far from him. He, therefore, sent two other commissioners, Don Francisco Linaus, and Don Carlos Marha- do, with a copy of his letter and proposals. General Morillo's long letter was directed to the congress, not of Colombia, but of Guayana. He gives himself the title of Pacificator, and speaks' of liberal principals, in virtue of MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 2G3 which he is authorised by the king, to dcffuse the blessings of peace and reconciliation among a people- born Spaniards, k.c. Sec. At the end of this letter, which is dated June 17th 1820, he says, " the deputies would submit to the congress the basis of this reconciliation. The two deputies of IMorillo then proposed an Armistice of one month ; for general Bolivar the rank of a Spanish captain- general, and the conservation of their offices ard rank to all the rest. The Armistice was granted, notwithstanding that the let- ter of Morillo proposed only, that the congress of Colombia should acknowledge the Spanish constitution and suhmit to the Spanish government! The congress answered, " Sir, the sovereign Congress extra- ordinarily convened to discuss the despatch uf your excellency under date of June 17th at your head quarters at Caracas, stat- ing that brigadier Don Thomas de Cires and Don Domingo Durate have been named to come to this capital in order to soli- cit the union of these countries with the constitutional monar- chy of Spain, and that these gentlemen will explain the princi- ples of the reconciliation proposed by the nation, resolved, the llth ot this month, in public session, that the following decree should be transmitted by me to your excellency in answer. ." The sovereign congress of Colombia desirous to re-establish peace, will readily hear all propositions made by the Spanish government, under the condition that the basis of this peace be the recognition of the sovereignty and the independence of Colombia. No other shall ever be admitted, which would in any way deviate from this basis so many times proclaimed by the government and the people of the republic. The presi- dent has the honor to be Lc. FERNANDO PENALVEE, President of the Congress. Felipe Delapaine, Secretary. At the ])alace of congtess at New Guayana, July 13th 1820, year lOih. Besides these letters written to the congress and to general Bolivar, IMorillo ordered that the different generals, governors, and other Spanish commanders throughout the territories of New Grenada and Venezuela, should direct letters of the same kind to the different chieftains of Culombia. In this manner a general correspondence was established on the whole line, but as the subject of it was the recognition of 264 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the Spanish constitution of these Cortes, and their king, with- out a word ot" the rejniblic of Colombia, all discerning men, saw that the object of it was to amuse the Colombians, and contin- ue the Armistice, whilst JVlorillo could reinforce himself and prepare lor a new campaign. The Colombians lost, by it, that opportunity of expelling their enemies. It is proper to state here, that IMorillo acted by the express order of the king ; and thai he was encouraged, by the advice of various Spaniards, living on the Main, who flattered them- selves with the hope that the congress, cind the chieftains of Colombia, tempted by the offer of retaining their rank and titles, would gladly accede to their oilers. Morillo and his advisers were, therefore, surprised and mortified by the answer of con- gress ; his advisers particularly ; for his principal object was to gain time, and prepare for a new exertion. ]\one of the Span- iards, from the king down to the lowest subject, ever, for a moment, conteniplated '.'Cknowledging the republic. On the expiration of a month, the Armistice ceased, and the war raged with new iuiy on the j)art of the Spaniards, who had employed the time in gaining strength, and who were exasper- ated by the failure of their attempts to procure the acknowl- edgement of the Spanish constitution. The Spaniards on the Main, supported Moiillo with redoubled exertions and zeal. The constitutional government excited a national spirit, and produced union. The king alone had formerly been the ob- ject of every exertion ; by the constitution, every exertion was directed, or at least intended to be so, to the benefit of the whole Spanish nation. Before the negotiations, general Urdaneta having routed general Miguel La Torre, marched against the fortified place of Maracaybo, and besieged it. The Colombian colonel Cor- dova, came from the province of Antiochia, with GOO men, de- scended the river Magdalena, and, on the 24th of June, took the city of Mompnx without resistance. He then directed his march towards Tenerifla, where he encountered 400 men and Unarmed gun boats, all which he attacked and beat. The gun boats remained in his power. He joined admiral Brion and colonel Montilla, at Savanilia, in the beginning of July. Brion detaclied tWo of the armed vessels, to go beiore Cartha- gena, and two others against Santa Martha. The patriot colonel Lara was in the environs of that fortress with about 2000 men, whom he had recruited in the province. His communi- cation was open with Montilla. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 265 In June general Bolivar with 3000 men, was at Cucuta. He advanced to Cuenca, and opened a communication with JMontilla. The 6th June Valdes routed the Spanish colonel Lopez, in the province of Popayan, and its inhabitants again declared in favor of Colom!)ia. By the conquest of jNTompox, and the destruction of the Spanish gun boats, by colonel Cordova, the river JNIagdalena was entirely in possession of the patriots, and the communica- tion between Baranca, Savanilla and Baranquilla, as far as Bo- gota, were again open to the Colombians ; which greatly facili- tated these operations against Santa Martha and Carthagena. Colonel JNlontilla established his head quarters at Baranquil- la, three miles from Savanilla, where Brion remained with his squadron to assist his further operations. At the former place 600 volunteers presented themselves, armed and organized. This reinforcement put him in condition to direct his march against Carthagena, which is about 30 leagues from Baranquil- la. In his march, he was every where received with enthusi- asm, and assisted with every thing. The tyranny and cruelty of the Spaniards was so great, that besides many other recruits, jNIontilla was joined by some hundred young men on horse- back, who had mounted and equiped themselves at their own expense. The ladies joined in the general enthusiasm, and I ha\e been well informed that hundreds of them followed the troops, in different parts of these marches, on foot, carrying a musket for one, handing food to another, to a third water, taking the greatest care of the sick ; and animating the soldiers by their spirited behaviour, cheerfulness and vivacity. As soon as the Spanish governor at Carthagena was inform- ed of ]\rontilla's march, he sent to reconnoitre the patriots, a detachment of three hundred and thirty men, which was attack- ed at Pueblo Nuevo and completely routed. Twenty officers and some privates were taken ; the remainder gained Cartha- gena, which was destitute of provisions, and, as I have said before, divided into factions. Some persons were arresfed every day, and public feeling was strongly in favor of Co- lombia. A false rumor which the secret friends of independence m Carthagena had spread throughout the city, that general Boli- var was coming with 12,000 uien, so terrified the Spaniards, that the ex-viceroy, who continued to reside there, asked as a fav^r, that he might be permitted to embark ; which was grant- 34 266 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ed him ; and he left the place togetlier with some monks and priests, foreseeing that Carthagena would fall into the power of the Colombians. During the stay of colonel Montilla at Baranquilla, he receiv- ed various despatches from the Spanish chieftains ; who, by the express order of their general-in-chief Morillo, made him proposals, similar to those they had made to general Bolivar, and to the congress of Colombia. Among them was a letter of brigadier Don Vicente JManches de Lima' who had been three times routed by Montilla and was despised, by his own party, for his cowardice. Having taken shelter within the walls of Santa Martha, he published a proclamation full of abuse and insult, against the Colombians. He said in it, that Brion and Montilla were rob- bers and plunderers, that they had set fire to the village of Rio Hachn, &c. This man, notwithstanding the cowardly as- sertions he had thrown upon tb.e characters of these two distin- guished chieftains, had now the impudence to write (2Ist July) to colonel Montilla, proposing to him to unite with the Span- iards and fight widi him, against the enemies of the king and of the Spanish nation. To this Montilla answered, " I have al- ready answered to their Ex. Don Pablo IVlorillo and Don Pe- dro Rien de Porras, who made me the same proposals as you have done, in their official letter of the 21st of this month. I stated to them that, without considering what the supreme government might determine, I would not, for my own part, consent to suspend hostilities; no.r enter into any kind of treaty which should not in clear and positive terms recognize the in- dependence of South America; and that all other treaties should be founded u})on this basis. I repeat the same to you, adding that to the education and delicacy of a gentleman, the proposal to desert my colors, and become a traitor to my oath and my country, is most revolting. I send you enclosed, a copy of your proclamation, with such notes and remarks as I thought proper to make upon it. Permit me to add, that he who continues an unjust war, who deceives the people, to con- ceal his own weakness, his indolence, his cowardice and his numerous defeats, can be no other than a bad soldier, and a worse gentleman. God and Liberty ! Head quarters at Baranquilla 2Sth July 1820." I request the reader to compare this answer with that made by the President Liberator to general La Torre, dated Chris- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 267 toval 7th July 1 820, and to judge between them. JNIariano Montilla is far superior to Simon j^olivar, in patriotism, firmness of character, personal bravery, and military skill ; and, this is acknowledged by all who know them. General Bolivar wrote to Miguel La Torre the following letter. " I accept with the greatest satisfaction, for the army here, tlie armistice for the space of one month dating from yes- terday, proposed by your excellency as commander in chief of the Spanish army. I am sorry that the commissaries of the Spanish government have been obliged to make such a long and circuitous route, &;c. &c. (Signed) S. BOLIVAR." The ingratitude of general Bohvar, as well as his gross igno- rance of civil administration, are apparent from his treatment of his constant friend and benefactor, admiral Brion. When Brion arrived at' the seaport of Savanilla, he by a proclamation to the foreign powers friendl}^ to Colombia, and particulai-ly to those who were friendly to her commercial citi- zens, reduced the duties of the custom house from 33 to 25 per cent. This he did for the purpose of inducing such for- eigners to enter there, and establish a commercial intercourse with the Colombians. The measure was politic and wise ; and met the hearty approbation of every enhghtened friend of the cause. As soon as general Bolivar arrived at Savanilla, and heard of the proclamation, he was highly displeased, and fell into a vio- lent passion. When admiral Brion attempted to explain his motives, and show the great adv'antage resulting from the change, Bolivar refused to hear him, and immediately order- ed a military publication, called a hando, proclaiming by the sound of drums, that from that day, the duties should be es- tablished upon the ancient footing of 33 per cent. The con- sequences of this act were, that he wounded the feelings, and compromised the authority of admiral Brion, (who very sensi- bly felt this public affront,) and caused the suffering and death of hundreds of his own people; for these high duties kept out vessels, and cut off necessary supplies from the squadron, and from the land troops. INIisery and want, united with the sul- try climate, produced fevers, and other maladies, to which many hundreds fell victims. General Bolivar went further. He imposed such heavy taxes upon the inhabhants of Baranquilla, Soledad, St. Stanis- laus ,Baranca, &,c., who received Montilla whh enthusiasm, that 268 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. he excited among them general dissatisfaction, by depriving them of all hope oi" reimbursement. All this was done alter JMoniilla had gone from Baranquilla to Turbacco, whither Bo- livar came and staid two days. It is his habit to wander from one place to another, gi^'ing laws, and publishing proclama- tions and decrees, altering the existing state of things, general- ly for the worse, as at Savanilla. A hasty glance, a report of one of his surrounding flatterers, even a sarcastic reflection, have suhiced to change every thing, during his stay of twenty four, and sometimes not over twelve hours. He acted thus at Raranquilla, Soledad, and St. Stanislaus, the inhabitants of all which places had made every exertion in favor of INlontilla's troops as they passed. IMontilla had the good sense to treat them politely, to exact nothing beyond their means, and to de- pend on their voluntary kindness. TSie Piesident Liberator, nnder the pretext of loans, forced them to their utmost eflbrts. They of course bore him no good will. J\ionti!la, relying upon the factious state of the interior of the Carthagenan fortresses, and those of Santa ]Martha, sent colonel Lara, with SOO of his corps, against the latter place, while he himself marched with the rest to Turbacco, where he waited for reinforcements. This place is four leagues from Carthagena. Here Montilla received from general Bolivar various des- patches for the gcvei-nor of Carthagena, brigadier general Ga- briel de 'iorres, again treating of a new arrangement and of peace. The officers hearing the proposals were well received, but the offers of Bolivar were rejected. Letters were several times exchanged between Torres and IMontllla, to no purpose. Bolivar went to Turbacco in August 1820, and renewed the ne- gotiations, but having no success, he departed after a stay of two davs. On the 1 St of September, the Spanish governor of Cartha- gena sent GOO men against colonel Montilla, at Tiu-bacco. His troops were surprised in the night of the 2d and od, and rout- ed. Cannon, baggage, ammunition, &;c. fell into the hands of the Spaniards. But among the routed troops of Montilla, were some fifty Irishmen, wlio rallied, formed themselves, and rush- ed with such vigor upon the GOO Spaniards, that they killed a considerable number, and lorced the remainder to retire, leaving their new acquisitions in the hands of these heroic Irishmen. Carthagena was supplied with fresh provisions, and, among other things, with GOO barrels of flour, by the Spanish corvette. Ceres; and was thus enabled to hold out for some time longer, MEMOIRS OF HOLIVAR. 2G9 Colonel Lara had 800 men, clilefiy natives, commanded by- European oliiccrs. He directed his march towards the Cinega, whither ad;uiral Brion had sent colonel Padilla with forty gun- boats, in sup])ort of the movements of Lara, who expected re- inforcements Irom the interior of New Grenada. jMontilla, fniding that he could ellect nothhig against Carlha- gena by remaining at Turhacco, left there a small corps of ob- servation, and came in October, with the rest of his troops, to ioin Lara, who was encamped on the borders of the river Cin- ega. He had reinforced himself considerably on his march, and admiral Uv'ion had sent him all the troops he could spare, so that when IMontilla again took the command, he was at the head of about 2500 men. Admiral Brion sailed from SavaniiJa the 19th of October with eleven armed vessels, to blockade Santa jMartha, whilst JMontilla and Lara approached it by land. Montilla passed the Cienega, attacked Sanchez de Lima, and easily routed him, on the 5th of November, at a place call- ed Fundation. The action was decided in half an hour. Governor Lima was one of the first who fled. He escaped by the road to Upar, leaving in the hands of his enemy, his ar- tillery, baggage, and 500 of his men. When the governor, general Porras, heard of this defeat, he thought no longer of defending Santa INlartha with his remaining 1500 men, but em- barked in great haste, in the night of the 8th of November, on board of the French schooner Frelon, with all his baggage, and came to shelter himself in the stronger fortress of Carthagena. After this engagement, colonel Montilla met with little re- sistance, and, being vigorously supported by the squadron of admiral Brion, he entered Santa Martha on the 1 1 ih of No- vember, having lost only a few men. They found large maga- zines and warlike stores in the place. The occupation of this important fortress was attributed prhi- cipally to the exertions and activity of admiral Brion, and the bravery of colonel Padilla, who commanded the gunboats. The latter is the colored man of that name who alterwards took the four forts of Boca Chica, (the strong hold of Cartha- gena,) Maracaybo, and, in 1814, Porto Cabello. He is now (1828) ai-rested, and in prison at Carthagena. The taking of Santa Martha, which protected the mouth ot the large river iNlagdalena, made the Colombians masters of this river, up as far as Honda, and of the road thence by land, as far as Bogota, and of all the provinces of the interior of New 270 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Grenada. After this, the fall of Carthagena could not much longer be prevented. While this was passing at Santa Martha, general Bolivar started from Turbacco, up the river Magdalena, to the province Popayan, and joined generals Sanandcr and Valdes, who had collected a force of from 6 to 7000 men. As long as these two generals acted without Bolivar, they were almost constant- ly victorious. This is attributed partly to their knowing the ground better than their general-in-chief, but principally to their being at liberty to act freely and promptly, as circumstances required. They had several thousand more men than were necessary to drive general Calzada out of that province and from the territory of New Grenada. General Bolivar's arrival disturbed all. He would follow his own notions in every thing, and spurned at all advice. He took command of these supe- rior forces, and was beaten in different actions, and was forced to retreat with only 2000 of these troops. He had indeed a numerous retinue of emigrants, amounting to above 4000 per- sons of both sexes, who (led with him towards the plains of Apure in VenezAiela. On his arrival there, he complained much of the apathy of the Grenadans. His complaints had no other foundation but his hatred, as a Caraguin, against the good people of Grenada, whose hatred he had drawn upon himself by his lorced taxes, levied without regard to order or justice. The product of these, too, was notoriously squandered upon his flatterers and favorites, so that little or nothing remained for the pay or support of the army. So discouraged were the troops, that Calzada routed them in four several actions ; the conse- quence of which was the evacuation, by Bohvar's troops, of New Grenada. The royalists not only gained more provinces, but the pub- lic opinion tMrned in their favor, insomucli that guerillas were formed, under the command of colonel Santipana, to intercept a great quantity of arms, ammunition, provisions, &:c., destined for the independent army ; many of whom too, were taken prisoners. These successes of Morillo were consequences of Bolivar's entering into negotiations with his enemies, without having first laid a foundation for these negotiations. Meanwhile general Morillo was not inactive. He came from Valencia to Caracas, and raised a new levy of 3000 men, and received 100,000 dollars in cash, besides what was delivered him, in provisions, uniforms and equipments, to enable him to MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 211 coniinue the war efficiently. The captain-general of the island of Cuba, Cagigal, promised him a similar sum every moiilli. General Bolivar, after having made his tour from Savanilla to Baranquilla, Soledad, St. Stanislaus and Turbacco, came back to San Fernando do Apure ; whence he passed to the province of Popayan. General Morillo perceiving tliat the Colombians made no movements, ordered general de La Torre, who com- manded the Spanish forces in New Grenada, to march from Tunja upon Truxillo, uniting all his disposable forces, to join him, for the purpose of attacking general Bolivar. Morillo be- ing too weak to attack the Colombians alone, waited the ar- rival of de La Torre ; and, meanwhile, on two separate occa- sions, gained some trifling advantages over the patriots. In spite of the great snpeiioritv of the Colombians, in point ot num- bers, and in regard to public opinion, which was generally in favor of independence, and which every where powerfully sup- ported them, they dared not to attempt any thing decisive ; all remained in this state of suspense. Suddenly every one was astonished with news that two offi- cers had arrived at the head quarters of general IMorillo, sent by general Bolivar, to treat again of peace and friendship. This occasioned the more surprise, as the latter had published the following proclamation, dated General Head-quarters, at Carache, October 14th, 1820. " Simon Bolivar, President Liberator, &sc. &c. Two pro- vinces more have entered into the bosom of the republic. The forces of the Liberator have advanced, amidst the blessings of the people restored to liberty. Caracas will soon be witness to a great act of justice. Our enemies will return to their country, and ours will be rendered up to its children. Peace or victory will give us the remainder of the provinces of Co- lombia. They have oflered us peace and a constitution. We will reply peace and independence, because this independence alone can assure us the friendship of the Spaniards, and to the people their free will and their sacred rights. Can we accept a code from our enemies, and disgrace the laws of cur country? Can we violate the rights of nature, by crossing the ocean, in order to unite two countries so distant from each other ? Could we confound our interests with those of a nation which had al- ways been the instrument of our torments? No, Colombians! No one has to fear the liberatmg army, which approaches with the sole intention to break your chains. She has upon her standards the colors of Iris, and desires not to sully the glory 272 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. of her arms by the effusion of human blood. By order of the President Liberator. (Signed) ANTONIO DE SUCRE, Provisional Secretary of Wary Moreover the province of Cuenca had, sometime before, de- clared her independence, and had elected a patriotic Junta. In consequence of the expedition sent by the Junta of Guaya- quil against Quito, four departments of that province, had also voluntarily submitted to the republican army. The province of Rio Hacha had done the same, so that, at that time, 15 pro- vinces of New Grenada, out of 22, had already joined the gov- ernment of Colombia ; and the Spaniards had no more than the fortress of Cardiagena, and the isthmus of Panama. In Venezuela six provinces out of eight obeyed the laws of Colombia. Such was the situation of this republic, leaving out of consid- eration, the numerous armies, the public spirit, the supplies from every quarter of Europe, the foreign tioops lull of zeal to distinguish themselves, when Bolivar suddenly renewed nego- tiations with the Spanish conmiander-in-chief. In his lette>' to Morillo, he made overtures to him, to terminate the South American troubles in an amicable way, and invited him to send, the 23d of the same month, deputies to his head quar- ters, with whom he might have a full understanding, and who might labor with him at this great work. General Morillo, surprised at receiving such a proposal in a moment so critical to him, was anxious to accept it, and wrote immediately to Bolivar to that effect. He could not think that the proposal had been without some occult motive ; and therefore gave strict orders to his subalterns commanding the troops, to redouble their activity and vigilance. He soon af- terwards moved his head quarters irom Valencia to Calabozo, that he might be nearer to the President Liberator. As general Bolivar had offered and required hostages for the security of reciprocal good faith ; jMorillo designated Don Carrea the civil governor of Caracas, Don Juan Toro alcalde, of the same place, and Don Francisco Linares. They left the city of Caracas, for Punto Pedregal, where they were to remain as hostages during the conferences between Morillo and Bolivar. Meanwhile the Colombians moved towards Caracas, and took possession of the cities of Truxillo and Merida, and of Ca- rora, a small village, three days march from Coro. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 273 November oth, two officers arrived at the advanced posts of tlie royalists, encamped at llninaraco, not tar from the advanced posts of 2;encral Bolivar. Tlicsc deputies were the colonels Sune and Ambrosco Plazo, w ho were the bearers of proposals of peace and fricndsliip, from the President Liberator. Tliey weie iuuneihati'ly conducted to the head quarters of general jMorillo, at Carache, who received them very civilly, and in- vited tliem to spend the day with him. Bolivar had, among other things, demanded of general JMorillo, to send commissa- ries to him, at his head quarters. The Spanish commander complied with this demand by sending the two Colombian colonels, with the greatest politeness, back to their general. But l^olivar, impatient that no commissaries came to him from JMorillo, sent to the Spanisji general new deputies, who arrived November 16th, and who anxiously demanded the departure of the Spanish commissaries, already named hy Morillo. These were Don Ramon Couca, Juan Rodriguez delToro and Fran- cisco Gonzales de Linares, who received orders to hasten their departure from Barquisimeto, where they were on the 17th. When they arrived at Truxillo, the head quarters of general Bnlivar, they were received as if they had been conquerers. Two treaties were here made with great despatch. One of them was an armisdce between the two contending parties, which bore the title of " Armistice betiveen the Spanish and patriot armies.'''' It began with the following introduction : "The governments ot S])ain and Colombia, anxious to finish the discords existing between the two parties, and considering that the first and most important step to attain this end is a sus- pension of hostilities, in order to explain and understand each other, have agreed mutually to name commissaries to stipulate, and to determine upon an armistice. To this end his excel- lency," Sec. (here tbllow the names of the commissaries,) after having exchanged their respective powers, dated 22d of the present month, (November,) and after iiaving exhibited their proposals and the explanations, offered by both parties, have agreed, and do agree upon a treaty of armistice, under the specified clauses in the following articles : Article \. Between the two armies, Spanish and Colombian, hostilities of every description shall cease from the moment that the ratification of the present treaty shall be published. War shall cease ; no hostile act shall be committed between diem during the whole time of the duration of this armistice. Art. 2, The time of this suspension shall last during six months, 35 274 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. dating from the day of its ratification ; but as the principal and funda:nental basis of this treaty are the good taith and the sin- cere wishes with uiiich both parties ai'e animated to end the war, a prorogation of the term now fixed, may take place for so much riiore time as may be necessary, if this term shall have expired before the conclusion of the negotiations, which shall be commenced ; in case, moreover, of tliere being a hope of bringing them to a conclusion. The treaty consists of 14 articles, in none of which is any mention made of recognizing the republic of Colombia, or of its independence. It was ratified by Bolivar at Truxillo the 25ih, and by Morillo at Carache the 2Gih of November, 1S20. The second treaty made and signed by the same persons at Truxillo, November 26th, stipulated to regulate this war upon a more humane footing, and in conformity with the rules of war among the civilized nations of Europe, that prisoners should not be put to death, but exchanged, and receive more humane treatment, the dead should be buried, &c. he. These trea- ties do honor to the humane feelings of both ])arties. After all was done, the two generals, Bolivar and Morillo, met together, and spent some time in rejoicings and festivals. The details of their meetings have been published in many newspapers, and are not worth repeating here. This measure of Bolivar excited the astonishment of all the more enlightened Colombians. They openly declared, that he had no right to solicit an armistice whh an enemy greatly infe- rior in force and in resources ; and especially, as he had, a few months before, formally declared against any treaty, which should not expressly admit the independence of the republic. Tliey asked among themselves, "what reason could he have for not ex- plaining himself upon a matter so interesting to himself, and to the republic whose representative he was ? How could he trans- gress the resolution of congiess, who, in their letter to JVIorillo, had declared that no treaty should be mode with Spain, before the Spanish government acknowledged the independence of the Colombian Republic ?" Some said that general Bolivar had acted here, as he had done every where else, rashly and precipitately, without consulting congress, or advising with any man. Others finally said, he should have better known the ob- stinacy of the Spanish character, and the duplicity of king Fer- dinand, than to flatter himself with a foolish hope, that such a man would have been able to acknowledge the independence of Colombia, as long as there existed the least hope to subject MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 275 them by the force of arms. The present Spanish sqnadron united Liniler admiral Lal)or(le, in the harbor of Havana, ready to attack either JMexico or Colombia, is the best proof of my assertion. The fact is, that general Bolivar, by acting with this rash- ness, brought upon his countrymen new scences of bloodshed and war, as will appear from the following chapter. CHAPTER XX. Renewal of hostilities — .Manifest of General de La Torre — Battle of Carabobo — Conduct of La Torre and Morales — Bolivar at Caracas — Surrender of Carthagena, Maracaijbo, and Porto Cabello — Entire evacuation of the J\lain by the Spanish forces. 1821-1824. As soon as the amistice was signed, ratified and proclaimed, general MoriUo hastened to leave his army, and to return to Spain, where a rich bride awaited him. He was glad to leave a country where he had lost much reputation by his ill admin- istration generally, and particularly by his tyranny, cruelty, and capricious duplicity, during his command on the Main. This (1 know not what to call him,) after assuming the title of Paci- ficator of South America at Bogota in 1816, ordered some hundreds of the most wealthy and respectable inhabitants to be shot : In the island of Margarita, he destroyed and put to death, hanged and shot, not only men standing upon their de- fence, but women and children also ; at Papao, Cabellos, and Boca-Chica, where he suffered the cruel Morales to burn an hospital of lazorinos. His cruelties were notorious every where. General Morillo signed the armistice, the 2Gth November, and on the 17th of December, he embarked at Porto Cabello, for the Havana. He finished his course as he commenced it ; in violation of the right of brigadier-general Morales, he named for his successor, brigadier-general Miguel de La Torre, who was both unskilful and cowardly ; who had lost many battles ; and the whole province of Guayaiia ; and was despised by his / 276 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. own officers; whereas Morales, had advanced from a private, to become a vigilant, active, and brave commander. Though detestably cruel to his enemies, he has been more than once seen, while encamped in the midst of his soldiers, giving them his own shoes, blanket, even his coat to cover the sick, while he lay almost naked upon the ground. The appointment of La Torre created jealousy and schism between these two chieftains, and finished what Morilio lelt undone towards the destruction of the remaining Spanish army in Colombia. Tiie same day that MorJllo left Porto Cabello, for the Ha- vana, a squadron of 2 frigates, 1 corvette See. with 4 transports, arrived at Laguira from Cadiz; bringing GOOO muskets, 7 000 uniforms &lc ; but no troops; in their stead came 4 commissa- ries whom the king had sent to the J\fain, to pacify it. They had received an express order to conclude a peace upon no other basis, than that the seceders should previously recog- nize and obey the constitution of the Spanish Cortes of J&18. When these commissaries were inforu:ied of the armistice of 26th of November, tliey were surprised, and openly expressed their dissatisfaction. They immediately spread a rumor that 10,000 Sj)aniards were ready to embark from Spain, and that in case the commissaries should not be able to effect a pacifi- cation upon the terms above mentioned, these troops would im- mediately sail foi- the j\Iain, and join the loyalist tioops remain- ing there. This rumor made no impression upon the patriots, because they knew it to be a fiction. General Bolivar perceived at last, that in proposing the ar- mistice of the 2Gth of November, he had acted hijudiciously. But instead of retrieving his faults as far as he could, by decla- ring that liostilities should re-commence in eight days, if the comtnissaries and La Torre should not send him a formal re- cognition of tlie republic of Colombia, he adopted a crooked course, unworthy the chief of such a country as Colombia. He subjected himself to the just censure even of La Torre, as will aj)pear by the Spanish manifesto, made out in tiie manner of La Torre, who exposed Bolivar's conduct by publishing his odicial letters. The two following documents show what was Bolivar's manner of acting : The first is a proclamation of general Bolivar to his army ; the second to the inhabitants of Colombia. " Soldiers ! Peace should have been the recompense of the armistice which is about to expire. But Spain has seen with indifference, the painful sufferings which we have experienced MEMOIRS OF UOLIVAR. 277 on her account. The remainder of the Spanish government in Colomhi:i, cannot measure their jiower \vith that of 25 provin- ces wliicli vou have delivered I'rom shivery. Colomhia ex- peels from you its entire emancipation she expects more ; slie commands yon imperiously, in the midst of your victory, to fulfil with vigor the duties of your sacred struggle. I iiave al- ways relied upon }our courage, your perseverance ; hut from your discipline alone 1 expect to have the satisfaction of ac- quiring new glory which you are on the eve of ohtaining. Sol- diers ! I hope you will have humanity and compassion even for your most bitter enemies. Be the mediators between the vanquished and your victoiious arms; and show your- selves as great in generosity as you are in bravery. Liberating head-quarters at Barinas April 17th 1821. (Signed) BOLIVAR." The second was as follows, and of the same date and signa- ture : " Colombians! the anxieties of our armies, our unheard of pri- vations ; the tears of the people ahnost expiring, force us again to take arms in order to obtain peace by expelling our invad- ers. This war, nevertheless, shall not be a war of death, not even of rigor ; itsliall be a sanctified crusade. We shnll fight to disarm, and not to exterminate our enemy. We shall strug- gle to obtain the crown of brilliant glory," &c. &ic. If it was true that " the remainder of the Spanish govern- ment in America, could not measure its power with 25 free provinces," and that " Spain saw with indifference the suffer- ings endured by him and his army," why not put an end to these sufferings, and those of the country, while he had the means of doing it in his own hands ? That Colombia had " heard with joy the propositions for peace, made by Spain," was absolutely falce ; she desired peace indeed, but she pre- ferred war to dependence, to every thing but liberty and inde- pendence ; and this had been unequivocally expressed by the voice of the whole country. It is certain that Bolivar himself was the first who proposed an armis^tice ; and it is certain that he did this at a time when, with his fai superior forces, he might easily have destroyed those of the Spaniards. Morillo and his king had simply jjroposed that Colombia should acknowledge the Spanish constitution, and to submit to her government. Their proposition was plain and unequivo- cal. How even Bolivar could propose, first an armistice of 278 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. one month, and then six months, without claiming, or even mentioning the acknowledgment of the republic, is an enigma. Such is the man who directs the destinies of two millions of his countrymen, whom he rules with absolute power, and whom he makes daily more slavish and miserable. Din-ing the armistice, the congress was removed from An- gostura to the city Del Rosario de Cucuta, in the department of Bogota, and province of Pamplona, as being a more central position between Venezuela and New Grenada, there to re- main until the new city of Bolivar could be built. I will give here some extracts from the manifesto published at the expiration, in April, of the armistice, and dated. Head- quarters at Caracas, 1821, by brigadier general Miguel de La Torre, as general-in-chief of the Spanish troops in Colombia, respecting the continuation of the war. For his introduction, he says : " From the armistice con- cluded at Truxillo, and ratified by their excellencies, the court of Carthagena, and Don Simon Bolivar, human prudence might have hoped that peace would have reigned again over the whole territory of the Main; that the unjust passions would have given way to reason, justice, truth, and to the other vir- tues," &;c. " The principal motives which had served until now, as a pretext, to justify in the eyes of the world the troubles in these countries, had, fortunately, disappeared. It was no more the despot Ferdinand who occupied the throne of Spain, it was no more an arbitrary power that disposed of the welfare of the Spaniards ; no — it was Ferdinand the Constitutionalist, who had voluntarily resigned this odious power, and who had res- tored to the law all its majesty and force. Tlie Spanish mon- archy, already spread over the whole world, was no more an union of slaves ; the Spaniards were already free." " The hopes which my predecessor had conceived, so just- ly, to re-establish peace and tranquility, for so long a time lost, having vanished, he had nothing left him to do, but to prepare again for war, when he received an official despatch from his excellency, the president, dated Cucuta 21st September, by which he invited him to new pacific proposals. During this, he, the president, accelerated his march under frivolous pre- tences, and absolutely contradictory to the proposed object." " My predecessor was nevertheless obliged to obey the or- ders of his majesty, to neglect no means to restore to this country its lost prosperity. In such a manner were the con- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 279 ferences bejnn at Truxillo, not to treat there of peace, but to suspend hos-lilitics, whilst the coiniiiissarics of his excellency the president, coidd have departed for the court of Madrid, to present their demaiuls and pretentions before tlie supreme gov- ernment of the nation, which alone could decide deHnitc ly upon them. His excellency the president was very well informed that my predecessor had no power to do it ; and it was upon this information that the ratification of the armistice was ground- ed : the contents of this treaty alone will sufficiently prove this fact" kc. In this latter assertion general La Torre was perfectly cor- rect. In the two documents signed at Truxillo, one may- search in vain for a passage which would induce the reader to think that the republic had been acknowledged by Morillo or his commissaries. To cite the whole of La- Torre's prolix and verlose letter, would be useless ; but he cites some letters and facts which are 'strongly against general Bolivar. He accuses him and gene- ral Urdaneta of having violated the armistice of January 2Sth in IMaracaybo, of which the latter took possession the 8th April during the existing treaty, at the head of a strong division, and entrenched himself, notwithstanding that hostilities were not to commence before the 12th. Before this, Bolivar violated die treaty at Barinas, which, he reinforced with a battalion of troops. In this memoir were also cited some letters which speak strongly against Bolivar, and expose his duplicity. After having corresponded and lamented much, general Bolivar at last, on the 10th of March, notified La Torre by letter, that hostilities should recommence in conformity to the 12th article of the treaty, at the expiration of thirty days. The war was renewed accordingly. After receiving this letter. La Torre left Caracas and went to Calabozo, in the beginning of April. He prepared for fight- ing, by giving out orders, that his officers, after his example, should be confessed and receive the sacraments and abso- lution. It is reported, by eye witnesses, that La Torre began already to manifest symptoms of the same fever which attack- ed him at the batde of San Felix in Guayana. Before La Torre's departure from Caracas, he ptiblished two proclamations, one directed to the army, the other to the few inhabitants remaining under his dominion. Both were dated Caracas 23d of March 1821. He made a great dis- play of w^ords, without spirit or vigor. The productions were 280 .'MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. characteristic of the man, resembling more a Capucliinade than an address of a commander-in-chief. A third proclamation was issued by general Ramon Correa y Guevara, captain-general of Venezuela, the 2Sth of March, in which he told the inhabitants, " that one single sentiment should exist ; one single opinion ; one single cry — the consti- tution, the king, or death !" But notwithstanding this display of heroic sentiment, Mr. Correa himself preferred flight to death, and set the first example, by retiring from Caracas, af- ter having, in imitation of his commander La Torre, duly con- fessed himself. Correa, wliile governor of Caracas, left the city secretly, in the night of the 14thofjMay, and Bermudes, the next evening, entered the capital, without having fired a musket. He found tlie city abandoned by all the people of any note. They had retired towards Laguaira and Porto Cabello, to live no more under the government of Bolivar. The great- est part of these inhabitants embarked for the West Indies and the United States of North America. The entry of Bermudes into Caracas resembled a funeral. In the streets were found a mass of miserable wretches, some begging a cent for cliarity. Prostitutes mingled in the ranks of the soldiers, amidst the ringing of bells, and the sound of cannon. Bermudes gave a ball, at which, not four ladies of distinction were found; all the otheis were colored peo[)le or blacks. He ordered, under heavy penalties, a general illumina- tion for three nights, gave ditmers and festivals, and lived jo- vially, at tiie expense of the ruined inhabitants. Bermudes published an appeal to the inhabitants, inviting them to join his troops ; and, with great pains, obtained about 300 blacks of the lowest class. Bermudes attempted to raise, by imposition, some money for the support of himself and his troops, but could not obtain so much as GUOO dollars. The rabble broke into some stores and plundered them, and were with difiiculty re- strained by the troops. In ]\Iay ISOl, the forces of general Bolivar amounted to 15,000 in VenezAiela alofie. Among these were more than 2000 European troops, whilst La Torre, (by his own fault, as is said,) had not (3000. Well informed persons have said, that be relied upon the deceitful ]iromises of Bolivar, who flattered him with hopes of peace, (and this appears from La Torre's memoirs,) expecting that the negotiations would end in peace, he remained inactive, whilst Bolivar was reinlorcing himself on all sides. In La Torre's memoirs are found fre- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAIl. 2Sl quent expressions of his good faith and his love of peace, and his unbounded devotion to peaceful measures, (wliicli no one doubt- ed who knew his military character.) The feelings of the Spanish troops towards their leader, are also to be considered. The majoiity of them were displeased at his being their com- mander. They said that he was a coward, and that he had done nothing since the first breach of the armistice at Barinos, in December 1S20, though from that breach, it was plain that I3oli\ar did not incline to observe the treaty of Triixillo. After the action of Carabobo, well informed men asserted, that the loss of the Spanish forces in Colombia, was entirely the fault of La Torre ; that instead of uniting all his forces in the little village, he contented himself with the first division, consistinsr of 2500 infantry and about 1500 cavalry, command- ed by himself and ^Morales, whilst Bolivar, who joined Paez at San Carlos, had about 6000 infantry, among whom were about 1100 European troops, (called the British legion,) and 3000 Llaneros on horseback. The village of Carabobo, celebrated for the famous battle fought there die 2Gth of June, is situated about half way be- tween San Carlos and Valencia, six leagues distant from the latter city. There the Spaniards had taken a strong position. This position was judiciously chosen by i\Iorales, who, in all military matters, was, beyond comparison, superior to his com- mander. The shape of the ground afforded great advantage, or rather a decisive superiority, over any assailant, for if an enemy forced a passage in front, they might retire to the next position, and so for several steps, disputing every inch of ground with advantage, while the assailants, fighting at disadvantage, must suffer considerable loss. It is a plain, interspersed with hills, of which, the greater part were covered with trees, and full of rocks, which defended them on every side. Thirty thous-and men might manoeuvre on the plain with ease, having in front but one defile, and that, the only passage to Valencia. The Spaniards confident that their wings were well protect- ed, the left wing, moreover, resting upon a deep morass, post- ed themselves on the public road. Upon a hill opposite the defile, they placed two pieces of cannon and a squadron of cavalry on their right wing. In this position they waited for the enemy during twenty days, confident of success whenever ihev should Ijc attacked. Bolivar knowing that die welfare of the republic depended upon this battle, when he saw the enemy's position, wavered 282 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. whether to attack them or not. He assembled a council of war and again proposed an armistice. His subalterns unani- mously, and with disdain, rejected the proposal.. General Marino proposed to turn the position of the enemy ; but after having discussed and rejected various plans and proposals, the majority decided to risk every thing and attack the enemy in his strong hold. Against Bolivar's proposal to try another ar- mistice, Paez and IJermudcs spoke with great warmth and in strong terms. On the 24th of June, the Colombians, about 8000 strong, came before the enemy. When Bolivar saw the passage so strongly guarded, he again hesitated to commence the attack. But Paez and Bermudes warmly insisted upon it. Whilst they were discussing the subject, there stood among Bolivar's reti- nue, one of his guides, who overheard the conversation. This man, who was perfectly acquainted with the country, cam.e near the Liberator and told him, in a whisper, that he knew a foot path, through which the right wing of the Spaniards might be turned. Bolivar knew the man well, and after consulting with him a short time, secretly detached three battalions of his best troops, and a strong column of cavalry under the command of general Paez, to follow the guide. This pass was one of the most difficult in the country, particularly for the British legion, who made part of the column. They were obliged to go sing- ly, and their shoes were so cut to pieces by the sharp stones that their feet were wounded deeply. These brave men ac- tually tore their shirts and made bandages for their feet, to enable them to go on. They succeeded perfectly, being mask- ed by the forest, but as soon as the enemy discovered them, he was obliged, of course, to direct part of his forces against them. The royal battalion of Bengos nearly complete, and consist- ing of European Spaniards, at first, intimidated the Colombian battalion called Los Bravos de Apure, which fell back upon the British legion. Encouraged by this success, they advanced against tlie legion wliicli they mistook for a Creolian corps, and directed a well aimed fire against it, which was well returned. Soon after the Spaniards charged uith the bayonet, and dis- covered their mistake by being charged in their turn, with the bayonet, by the British legion. This charge was directed with such celerity and force, that the Spaniards began to be dis- couraged and to give ground. They were at last dispersed, and vvere followed by the English bayonets. What remained of these Spaniards were nearly all destroyed by a squadron of TVIEMOIRS OF BOLIVAxi. 2S3 Paez, called ihu sacred squadron, A squadron of llic enemy altcniptcd to charge the British legion, but were driven back by their well directed fire ol" musketry, and forced to retire. This unexpected disaster upon the rear of the Spanish right wing, so disconcerted general La Torre that he lost all presence of mind. The confusion was soon spread among the Span- iards ; their cavalry dis])ersed widiout having made one charge. The Spaniards retired precipitately and in perfect disorder, leaving their cannon, train and baggage. General Paez dis- played great activity and bi'avery. He placed himself at the head of the cavalry and pursued the Spaniards, liut his men were so badly mounted, and the horses so fatigued and weak, that, though the ground was even, he was not able to break the files of die Spanish infantry. If his cavalry had been good, not a single Spaniard could have escaped. In one of their unsuccessful charges, general Sedeno, colonel Plaza, and a black man, who, on account of his bravery, was called El Primero, (the first,) were killed. These brave men, finding tlieir eflbrts to break one of the enemy's infantry lines unavailing, precipitated themselves into the midst of the bay- onets. In this battle the enemy lost more than 500 men. La Torre, with die remains of his forces, shut himself up in Porto Cabello. Spaniards, who were eye witnesses, have assured me, that he was one of the first who came within the fortress. The loss of the Colombians w^as not great. The English le- gion had about 30 killed and 100 wounded. Their comman- der received various wounds, of which he died. The Colom- bians were obliged to attribute the success of this march to this handful of brave foreigners. These received from general Bolivar the name of Carahoho. General Paez distinguish- ed himself highly ; but ]3o!ivar, though he kept himself as usual, at a respectable distance from the danger, assumed the princi- pal glory of the victory, and entered Valencia the same day with his troops. I have these details from the pen of a foreigner, who, at that time, was a superior officer in tiie service of the republic, ami who fought in this action, in the British legion. His report continues as follows : " This affair, such as it is, will form an epoch ill the history of Colombia. The two principal actions, upon which depended the welfare, or rather the existence Qt" Colombia, were undoubtiuily gained by the valor of the Euro-» pean troops in their service, viz, the action at Boyaca, which 284 jMemoirs of bolivar. decided the fate of New Grenada, and this at Carabobo, which made the Colombians masters of Venezuela. It is certain that these troops have been rewarded in an iil manner ! There exists not, I believe, soldiers more ill treated than those in Co- lombia ; badly clothed and fed, exposed to all the inclemen- cies of a climate not very healthy, to a scorching sun in the day time, and to cold and rainy nights- To these must be added the forced marches, the fatigues and the continual move- ments of a partizan war. Such a soldier must liave a very ro- bust constitution to exist for any length of time, &ic. In the battle of Carabobo, die Spanish infantry only, fought; and, from the commencement of the action, the two Spanish commanders La Torre and Morales, were not united in regard to the command, and the plan of operations to be pursued. JMorales who commanded in chief, the cavalry, 1 500 strong, well chosen, perfectly well mounted, and able to beat the 3000 Llaneros, whose horses, unable to resist one well directed charge, had the baseness not to order a single charge ; and to remain a quiet spectator of the destruction of the infantry. He was highly displeased at being under the command of La Torre, and, as I am well informed, so jealous, that he disregarded several orders from the latter to charge the enemy. His bitterness and obstinacy were so great, that he heard, unmoved, the most urgent entreaties of the Spanish cavalry officers under his command, to charge, or at least to permit them to charge the enemy, whilst they were in the plain. The officers pointed out to him (which he must have seen himself) the advantageous times and positions for charg- ing. But he expressly refused them permission to move. Wlien they saw his obstinacy, they became discouraged, left their ranks, and were follovvcd by their subalterns, without hav- ing made one charge upon the patriot troops. One single squadron, which remained, attempted to charge upon the Brit- ish legion, but were driven back, as I have stated. The Spanish infantry alone sustained the whole battle, viz, 2500 men against 7(300. I have heard from good authority, that if the British legion had not been with the Colombians, they would, in all probability, have lost the battle. The regiment of Va- lencia about GOO strong, covered the retreat ; and at four dif- ferent times, repelled the cavalry of Paez consisting of 3000 Llaneros, and that in a fine plain, where half the number of almost any other cavalry, would have swept the ground clean gf these 600 infantry. V MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 2S5 The news of this defeat, spread consternation amongst the Spaniards. Such was the confusion and terror in the fortress of Porto Cahello, that if Bolivar had inarched against the place without loss of time, he would have got possession of it. iMore than twenty Spanish royalists, whom I saw afterwards at the island of Curacao, assured me of this. From that time, ahove 20,000 inhahitants of Caracas, Laguira, and Porto Cahello, seeing the royal cause upon the IVlain completely lost, and cursiiig the cowardice and apathy of La Torre, emharked for foreign lands. After the action at Carahoho, the fortress of Porto Cahello was so fdled with fugitives, that sixteen dollars a week were paid for the use of a single room ; and the price of provisions rose an hundred fold ! the apathy of La Torre excited great Indignation amongst the most distinguished Spaniards. Of this 1 will cite, from among hundreds, one proof; a letter da- ted Porto Cahello June 29th 1S21, inserted in the Gazette of Curacao. " There has been no great change in the situation of this city since my last of the 27th. The unfortunate dissendons between La Torre and IVIorales are continual. The apathy of the first is so great that the majority suspect him of treachery. He will not consent to the desire of the greatest part, that Morales take the chief command ; nor will he listen to any solicitations to permit him to go out of the place with the 2000 chosen troops which remain in it, in order to make a junction with the forces of Pereira and Lopez, who have sent express after express to him for that purpose. But all is in vain. It appears that he fears that Morales, once out of the place, would turn him out, and put himself at the head of the army. We have here in the place more than 4000 men able to serve, and who would enlist themselves with great pleasure, if any body else but La Torre should be appointed commander-in-chief. Could you believe that since he has been in the city he has not ordered any efficacious measures to defend the place in case of attack. Such is in fact the criminal inactivity of La Torre. God grant that we may have a change soon !" After the battle of Carahoho, general Bolivar published an order of the day, under loth July, informing that he had given the name of the battalion of Carubozo to the corps before call- ed the British legion ; and as colonel Ferrier their commander, had died (of his wounds received in the battle of Carahoho) various promotions took })lace in the corps. 28G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The news of this victory inspired tlie congress assemhled at Cucuta, with the liveHest enthusiasm. They immediately passed a decree that did honor to their sentiments, and is too well know to need insertion here. In speaking of this decree I musi be ])ermitted, deeply to regret that the glorious death of colonel Ferrier was not noticed in it. He died at the head quarters of the British legion. His merit surely entitled his name to a cons])icuous place in one of the four columns of a paper devoted to the fame of those who fought for the liberty of Colom])ia. I must add that notwithstandina; the national gratitude decreed by the congress of Colombia, the battalion ol Carabobo, which, on the 1st of June 1821, contained above a thausand men ; in August 1823, had not fifty men left. The rest, except a very few, perished in the country. The last commander of the battalion, lieutenant colonel Brandt, in Aug. 182'3, arived from Laguaira, at Caracas, in a ])itiable condition, his uniform torn in pieces, without a change of clothes, having no boots, only a single pair of old shoes ; and not a cent of money in his pocket. He was besides, lame and deaf. He addressed himself to Charles Soublette the Intendant of Cara- cas, requesting an order for at least a small amount due upon his salary for ])ast services. He could obtain nothing. Sou- blette was then living in the highest style. Lieutenant colonel Brandt for aught that appears, might have perished, but for the hospitality of captain ^laitland, commander of the Colombian brig Pinchita and his odicers, who kindly received him on board, in the harbour of Curacao. Such is the gratitude of Colombia to her deliverers ! Let their conduct towards the for- eigners who so ably assisted them in the days of trouble, be compared to that of the United States towards Steuben, Kos- ciusco, and La Fayette. Caracas and Laguaira were lost, whilst Torre, with more than 4000 men, was lying idle, and detested in Porto Cabello. Colonel Peregra a brave and enterprising oflicer, being left to his fate by La Torre, was forced to surrender by capitulation. This increased the complaints and murmurs againat La Torre, who was now hated and despised by all. On the 29th of June, in the evening, general Bolivar with general Paez and a numerous and brilliant retinue, entered the city of Caracas, and ordered the taking possession of Laguaira. lint he found not a white inhabitant in the deserted streets of Caracas. The greatest part of the houses were empty ; many .of the stores were pillaged; the streets were filled with beg- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR, 2S7 gars, nnd dead bodies. Some miserable negroes cried " Viva Colombia, and begged for cents : destruction," misery and death, had taken up their abode in this once flourishing, rich, pop- ulous and joyous city. Bolivar compared this entry into Caracas with that of Au- gust ISIo, and was surprised, and not a little frightened. His indignation rose against all who had fled to escape from falling asrain under his douiinion. He immediately ordered a procla- mation to be published and fixed to the corners of the principal squares and streetS5_ in which he said: "Caracas shall not be the capital of a republic ; but the capital of a vast government, administered in a dignified manner and worthy of its importance. The vice-president of V enezucla, enjoying all the attributes of a great magistrate, you will always find a source of justice in the centre of the republic, who will spread plentifuly his be- nevolence over all the branches of public welfare in your country. Caraguins ! be thankful to the ministers of the law, who from their sanctuary of justice, have left you a code of freedom and equality. Caraguins ! lavish your admiration upon the heroes who have given existence to Colombia. Genaral Liberating head-quarters, Caracas, June 30th 1 824. . (Signed) BOLIVAR." This great IMagistrate whom this great General announced to the people of Venezuela as the worthy administrator who would spread plentifully his benevolence over all the branches of public welfare ; his vice-president of Venezuela, (whose title was afterwards changed to that of Intendant) was Charles Soublette ! so well did he administer, that, on three or four oc- casions, the principal inhabitants of Venezuela exclaimed against him ; and so diftlisive was his benevolence, that, on ac- count of his insolence and incapacity, (as has been generally said) his protector was obliged to recal him, and to give this intendancy to general Tobar. In order to remedy in some measure the evils of this gene- ral emigration, general Bolivar published the following procla- mation. "Caraguins! The dissatisfaction felt at this moment from the general emigration which has followed the royal party, has caused me the greatest sorrow. Your flight, and the tot-al abandonment of your property, could not have been the effect of a spontaneous movement; no — it must have been from fear either of the armies of Colombia, or of those of the Spaniards. 288 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. Royalists ! You may rely upon what has heen agreed upon, as to the re2;ularity ot" this war ; and upon the policy of the day, which holds in detestation and horror, the past times when the genius of crimes had arrived at its highest pitch ; shocking to all sentiments of humanity. Royalists, return to your posses- sions. Caraguins ! Your emigration is a manifest offence against the Spanish government, which you think to please and flatter. Your fears of the arms of the king, in his teirible reactions, are no longer well grounded, because the Spanish chieftains are the generals La Torre and Correa, and no longer Boves or Morales. Caraguins ! I know you are patriots, and you have abandon- ed Caracas ; but could you in conscience fly before the arms of Colombia ? No, no, no ! &lc. &lc. San Carlos, July oil, 1821. (Signed) BOLIVAR." The stupor of La Torre, discouraged the royal party. All who were rich and faithfully attached to the royal cause, emi- grated. Above 24,000 of them, unwilling to live under either La Torre or Bolivar, departed for the West-Indies, Spain and the United States. The consequences of Bolivar's indignation at this extraordi- nary emigration, were soon felt. Before he left Caracas he confiscated the houses and lands of the emigrants, to a great amount, dividing them among his chieftains and courtiers. He imposed heavy taxes and contributioiis upon the few inhabitants who had not emigrated, hut had lived retired in the country, and devoted to the royal cause. He adopted two measures which greatly increased the misery of the inhabitants. 1st. The Spanish government had coined a small copper money, which was generally known under the name of the pau- per's money. It was intended for the benefit of those who were poor, whether they had become so by the fury of civil war, in- ability to labor, or in any other way whatever. This money was every where received without hesitation. In Caracas, a Spanish dollar is divided into halves, quarters and eighths. The eighth is called a real. The half of each real is called a medio real, and this was the lowest coin in value. In this state of the circulating medium the Spanish government emit- ted a copper coin, called quariiilo, one of which was worth half the medio real. Four sols were the value of a quartillo ; so that the dollar being divided into 32 parts, as many differ- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 289 ent articles might be bought with it. A poor man, (and the poor were very numerous,) therefore, who earned one real a day, could buy sixteen different articles for himself and family. This poor-money, besides enabling the poor to live, kept down the price of the necessaries of life, and thus benefited both rich and poor. An ordinary family might live well with a dollar a day, whereas now they can live but poorly with twice tliat sum, Wiien general Bolivar entered Caracas, in June 1823, there was above two and a half millions of dollars, of this poor-mo- ney, in circulation, in the capital, and in the province of Cara- cas ; and no one iicbitated to receive it. He ordered, by a decree, that this money should circulate no longer. The price of every thing rose immediately, and with it, the public suffer- ing ; and that, to sucli height, that many perished of hunger and want. 2d. The second measure was a decree, as an extraordinary war contribution, that the harvests of all the possessions be- longing to emigrants, should be collected and put into the stores belonging to the government. This W'as done in such hurry and confusion, that in the collection many frauds w'ere committed. Such dilapidations attended the collection, that, from all these productions, not more than asixth part ever found its way into the public stores. He ordered that the land own- ers, who had remained in the country, should, under pain of capnal punishment, give up their harvests of every kind, and deliver them into the public stores. He allowed the owners one fifth part only. The loss of the batde of Carabobo, and the stupor of La Torre in Porto Cabello, spread disgust and consternation among the Spaniards on the Main, insomuch that on the 21st Sep- tember, 1821, tlie strong fortress of Carthagena surrendered by capitulation. La Torre was at last removed, and was succeeded by Mo- rales ; but it was too late. The strength of the Spaniards, and their confidence that they should eventually regain their supe- riority, were gone. The expedition of Morales against Coro and lAIaracaybo, served only to prolong the season of war and bloodshed. Nothing was produced by it of more importance, than that by his usual course of conduct, Charles Soublette obtained the nick-name of Miss, or lady Soublette. Paez and Padilla, fortunately for Colombia, retrieved such of her affairs, as had been thrown into confusion, and well nigh lost bv the 37 290 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. timidity and weakness of Soublette. IVIaracaybo, which had been in possession of Morales since September 1822, fell again into the hands of the Colombians, after a l)loody and destructive naval action, which did great lioaor to the intrepidity of its commander, general Padilla. jMaracaybo surrendered in August 1823, and, soon after, Morales embarked for Havana. He left the country loaded with the execrations of the inhabitants, which he deserved by his multiplied barbarities and cruelties. Porto Cabelk) surrendered at last, on the IGthof July 1824, and this closed the evacuation of the Main by the Spaniards No armed enemy was now to be feared. This surrender was also the work of Padilla, sustained by general Paez. CHAPTER XXL Conduct of thp Dutch Government in the Island of Cvrocno against the Republic of Colombia and the Spaxiards — Of the expedition against Porto Rico, and spoliations committed hj the Dutch Government of Curacao, under pretence of the criminality of Gtneral D. II. Since the revolution at Caracas, the island of Curacao had been the head quarters of the Spaniards. It was rendered precious to them by its fine harbors, and its proximity to the Main. Having gold, they possessed the means of being pro- vided with every thing requisite to carry on the war, and to furnish the fortresses and places of Porto Cabello, Laguaira, Coi-o, ]\hiracaybo, Cumana, &c. with provisions and ammuni- tion. The richer classes, m.embers of the government, and merchants, were nearly all in favor of the Spaniards ; the peo- ple were for the patriots. In 1822, there appeared an official statement of facts, pub- lished by the Fiscal of Caracas, Mr. Narverte, and by the president of the court of admiralty at Laguaira, Mr. Francisco Xavier Yanes, in a pamphlet form, with the following title : " Exposition of the conduct observed by tlie Dutch govern- ment of Curacao, in the pending war of the republic cf Colom- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 291 bia with Spain. — Caracas. From the priiuing ofiico of Jolm Gutiencs. JSJi." AVhun this appeared, the governor of Cura- cao, Paiilus Ktrloff Cantzlaai-, whose conscience was not clear, made every exertion to suppress it. But 1 had hicnds, who provided nie a copy, from which 1 wih extract some curious facts tiiat are httle, or not at all known, out of that country. From these, and other facts stated in this chapter, I shall show the corrupt perverseness of these leaders of a government, which Yancs, the ])resident of the court of admiralty, at La- guaira, designated by the name of " that gang called the Dutch government of Curacao ;" of which Cantzlaar was at that time the chief. He said also, that '• that gang" had treated the Cc- lomhians like dogs, particularly after the battle of Carabobo. " Here," said he, " aie some proofs : The Colombian priva- teer, the Valoroso, captain Bernardo Ferreiro, having lost his maiu-mast, in January 1S22, not far from Curacao, was forced, in distress, to enter tliat port, under protection of the laws and rights'of nations. He was allowed to enter, but, soon after, his vessel was seized and illegally condemned under the pre- text of reprisal for two Spanish vessels, taken by the privateer Condor, in the territorial jurisdiction of Curacao. This pretext was false, for the court of admiralty at Laguaira had proved that the two Spanish schooners, Fortuna and Experiencia, taken by tlie privateer Condor, were seized in latitude 11 degrees 50 minutes north, and longitude GS degrees 35 minutes west, and consequently without the waters of Curacao. Instead of examining the fort, enquiring of the captain of the Valoroso, or advising the government of Colombia that any re- oaration was claimed, the government of Curacao passed at vnce all forms used in such cases, and sold the vessel at public pendue. " In the course of Dec. 1818, the privateer brig Irresistible, (now called the Venudor,) cruising under the colors of the East Shore of the river Plata, took vessels, two destined to Porto Cabello and Laguaira, one of which was a Spanish, the other a Dutch vessel, called Armonia, and belonging to iNIr. Theodore Jutting, which was retaken by a Duch frigate in her passage from Bonair to Los Rogues, for Margarita, and restored to her owner. As soon as this was known in Curacao, the gov- ernment published a ban, ordering all the foreigners to present themselves before the Fiscal, who, as soon as he ascertained the persons belonging to the Main, ordered them to leave the island within eight days. 292 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. "In the year 1819 the Colnniliian privateer General Eng- lish took a Dutch schooner, the Intrcpida, commanding from Cuchito Curacao, to transport property belonging to the enemy. She was taken in tow by the privateer and conducted to one of the ports of Margarita for adjudication. There was at that time, in the port of Curacao, a Colombian privateer called the Sosegada, which on the simple demand of George Curiel,* owner of the Intrepida was immediately sequestered by the government of Curacao, by way of reprisal. It was not before this was done, that complaints were made to the government of Colombia asking damages, indemnification and satisfaction, for insults offered the colors of his Majesty, the king of the Netherlands. " At the time of the invasion of Coro, a citizen, Joseph Amaes, was obliged to shelter himself in the island of Aruba. He took with him a female servant obtained at Coro, not for speculation, but for his own use as a servant. She came from the sequestered property of a Spaniard, Don ]\Ianucl Ganzales, who reclaimed her of the government of Curacao. The latter gave an order to seize the servant in the house of Amaes, and to deliver her to the Spaniard, notwithstanding that Amaes, at the time, proved her to be his legal propeity. This act of the government of Curacao, was, therefore, a plain violation of the law of nations. After the Spanish commander had taken possession of the city of Coro, in virtue of a capitulation made with colonel Go- mez, one of his first measures was to seize the slaves and nudes upon the neigliboring farms belonging to republicans, who had emigrated. These were ordered to be sold in the West In- dies, or exchanged for provisions and warlike stores. Whilst vessels were preparing to transport them, the Dutch slaves were locked up in the prison. When two vessels came from Coro to Jamaica, bringing 380 slaves to exchange for provisions, the British government ordered the vessels to leave the port within 24 hours. They did so ; and steered for Havana. " But in the island of Curiaco all that were bought were in- discriminately admitted ; slaves have been sold there for three barrels of codfish each ! * This George Curiel is a colored man, a mcrohnnt in Curacao entirely devoted to the Spaniards, as is 'J'hecd jre jL.llinj;- ajid liis two brotliers Christopiier and AViiliam. Those and Frederic h'wiz, have dune great miscliiof to Colombia, by the powerlul support they have given to the Spaniards. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 293 r. This horrid traffic beins; now prohil)itecl by all civilized na- tions, the govennneiit of Curiaco, by permitting it in their ter- ritory, have violated the laws of nations, no less tliaa those of nentrality. These facts (and a great many more miglit be adduced) are suflicient to show the avaricious and cruel conduct of the government of Curiaco, towards the citizens of the republic, who fled from tyranny, and souglu shelter in their island. " That government has received into their ports Spanish sub- jects and privateers, whilst it has refused, or confiscated those of the republic. It has assisted the Spaniards with provisions and munitions of war, in opposition to a cause in which the whole human race is interested ; at the same lime that it has plundered those who were devoting their property and their lives to the support of that cause. It has moreover, destined to hopeless slavery, many'hiunan beings, who, by the existing laws of their country, as well as by those of nature, were enti- tled to freedom. All this and much more, has been done by the Dutch government of Curiaco, for gold. " All these facts are inconsistant with a strict neutrality, and are, therefore, in violation of the rights of the Colombians. Dated from the harbor of Laicuaira April 1 5th 1S22. (Signed) FRANCISCO XAVIER YANES. President of the Court of Admiral ti/"* In the morning of the 29th October 1 S23, a prize of a Colom- bian privateer came into Curacao to escape from the chase of a Spanish armed vessel. The governor, Cantzlaar, ordered her to sail immediately. The prize captain, an American citi- zen, represented in vain, the danger to which she would be ex- posed by going out, and requested a delay of two days, which was refused. The captain of the Spanish privateer Especu- ladora, being at the time in the harbour, and informed of the governor's order, sailed out and cruised before the island, to take the prize vessel. The coptain's papers were in perfect order, and the actual cruising of the Spanish vessel, afibrding a strong additional reason for staying in port, he went again to the governor, and told him, that he could not go out without losing his few men, himself, and the vessel. About seven o'clock in the evening, a guard came on board, the comman- der of which, in the name of the governor, ordered the prize * Of this clocutnciit I have given only a short extract, 294 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. captain to weigh anchor and set out without delay. The cap- tain and his crew again declared that they could not suhmit to so unjust an order. They were compelled, hy blows with broadswords and muskets ; and favored hy the darkness of tlie nightj escaped the enemy lying in wait for tliem. Such was the conduct of Cantzlaar, that a second memoir appeared against him, sent from Porto Cabello in the month of January 1S24. I endeavoured, hut in \ain, lo procure it. My friends have informed me, that tliis was more full, stronger and better written, than the former. Cantzlaar may be considered the ne plus ultra of bad gov- ernors. He was denounced by the merchants generally, and at length removed, to the great joy of the inhabitants. Spanish doublons were exchanged at Caracas, at the rate of twenty dollai's in the current money. Mr. George Curiel, a merchant, being obliged to pay eleven thousand dollars in current money, sent the value in doublons at the fixed rate of twenty dollars, as they wei-e usually taken by the receiver gen- eral. But Mr. Van Uytrecht told him, that he had received an order from the governor, not to receive, from that time, a doublon, at moi-e than sixteen dollars in current money ; and Spanish dollars at only 12, instead of 15, as they had been, received. i\h-. Curiel complained of the order ; and wished to take back his doubloons. This was refused ; and he was giv- en to vmderstand that he might have them back, after he had paid his debt in current money. It was at that time impossi- ble to obtain spch a sum in cui-rent money, without paying very high interest ; and this Mr. Curiel was compelled to do. This happened in April 1S23 ; whereas the 3d of JMay, then next, was the time fixed by the governor ior beginning to receive doublons and dollars at the treasury, at the rate spec- ified in it. The decree excited the public indignation against Cantzlaar ; but it was not revoked. In November 1822, a seizure was made of some dye-wood, coming from Maracaybo, and belonging to i\lr Curiel. The pretext for the seizure was that an exact declaration of the weight had not been made at the custom house, the exact weight of /owr pieces, among about two thousand, not hn\\n^ been declared. Report of this fact being made to the gover- nor, he ordered the wood to be taken from the vessel, and de- posited in the Fiscal's yard. There it was weighed again ; piece by piece. Two pieces only being found to vary, Curiel was permitted to take it back. But by the operation, which MESIOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 295 occupied seven weeks, the owner incun-ed great loss in time and expense ; in fact, lie was thereby accused of an attempt to defraud the government. In February lSi4 Mr. Samuel Lyon, merchant in Curacao, had a controversy wiih tlie Fiscal, who is tlie chief of the po- lice, about a vessel winch the police officer had neglected to visist until it was so late in the day that the vessel could not sail that evening ; Mr. Lyon complained to the governor, wlio ordered the Fiscal himself to examine the officer and report to him ! The captain of the Spanish privateer Contella, after having, in 18il, jjillaged many vessels sailing under Dutch colors, and belonging to inhabitants of Curacao, and having upon the high seas, so ill treated the captain from Curacao, of the Dutch merchant schooner Admiral Vander Capellen, that he died in consequence of it ; a i'evf days afterwards, had the audacity quietly to enter the port of Curacao with his privateer. He was immediately charged, before the governor, with the crim- inal transactions, and positive prooi's were adduced. The gov- ernor was entreated to arrest him, and detain his vessel until satisfaction for his crimes should be made by the Spanish gov- ernment. Instead of complying with this just demand, he per- mitted the vessel to sail out secretly at midnight of tiie same day. It was loudly declared, in Curacao, at the time, that the captain obtained his permit to sail, by the power of doubloons. The details of this villainous vransaciion may be found in the Gazette of Curacao, No. 41, of the year 1S2L During the year 1820 and thence into 1823, of his adminis- tration, Cantzlaar issued above one thousand decrees, rules, ordinances, he. Tliese are carefully bound in six enormous folio volumes, and are to be seen in the office of the Fiscal, or secretary of state. For all purposes of government, they are worse than useless. But they are sure proofs of his obstinate disposition to vex and harrass the small population of 2300 souls conmiitted to his government. Cantzlaar reduced the salaries of the officers of government so low, that their families could not be supported by them. Many of them were actually forced to ask charity, or to borrow, or to seek illicit means of subsistence ; whilst he took care to provide himself abundantly with every thing. His master, the king of the rv'etherlands, attributed his reducnon of salaries, to a spirit of economy, and was so p'eased, that he gave him an- nually a gratuity of 8000 patagues, in addition to his salary of 1800 llorins. This king is an honest man, but he knew noth- 296 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. jng of the oppressive system by which the governor enlianced the misery and desperation of the inhabitants of Curacao. Therefore I wrote privately to H. JM. the king of the Neth- erlands, in A})ril 1 824, what I now here repeat ])ublicly : " that his governor of the island of Curacao, Paulus RoelofF Cantz- laar, abused the name of his master, and disgraced the Dutch government." The character of C'antzlaar is a compound of hypocrisy, dcspodsm, avarice and meanness. He was, of com-se, detested by all who were obliged to have any thing to do with him, and obtainetl the name of" the Jittle Jesuit." The following are among hundreds of anecdotes current of him : He made a contract with a colored man named Barien to furnish him a certain number of flat boat (called pit ntje) loads of stone for building a w\all; at the rate of two patagnes per canot (one iloUar and six jyencc.) The stone was delivered ac- cording to contract. But when Barien called for his money, the governor told him some of the boats were not well loaded, and that he had not stone enough Jbr his purpose. The other replied that he could furnish more boat loads at the same price. " No, no," said the governor " it is better to weigh the stones and pay you by the pound." Barien eventually got about half his money ; which it is to be remarked, was payable ont of the public treasury, The sellout or high constable received every month eight patagues, for the purpose of cleaning the prisons, furnishing water &c. In order to receive a good sum at once, he let it lie for ]0 months, until it amounted to 80 patagues. Can- tzlaar decided upon his claim " that a man who could advance 80 patagues could advance more," and the constable received nothing ! The consequence of this villainy was, that the prison- ers were wretched sufieiers ; often without a drop of water ; which in Curacao is not obtained easily. In April 1823, a schooner w'as lost near Pescaduo, a small port of Curacao. Cantzlaar ordered a clerk of the comptroller's office to zo there and take an exact account of the articles sa- ved bom the vessel. Mr. Herman Boyer, after having strictly and fully complied with the order, was directed to present a bill of the particulars of his expenses ; in this voyage of about five miles. The whole amount was about eight reals (50 cents.) After a fortnight the governor decided, that " as the bill was charged too high, he could not make an order for the payment." Mr Boyer had a wife and children. Mr, Nie- MEMOIRS OF UOLIVAR. 297 buhr the comptroller, ashamed of such meamiess, paid his clerk from his own pocket. A young man named Weiss, a clerk in the Fiscal's oflice, having received no salary for about a year, was in want of a penknife and a small box of wafers, for the use of the office. He mentioned it to the Fiscal, but as the governor had given strict orders that not a quill should go from the public stores without his fiat, ]Mr. Weiss was obliged to draw up a formal re- quest in writins:, Avhich was signed by the Fiscal and sent to the governor. " After dn-ee days' delay the decision of the gov- ernor was sent to the oftice in writing, " that he granted the box of wafers, but refused the penkuite." On Tuesday February 3d, while the governor was in town giving public audiences, as is usual on that day of the week, Mr. Elsevier, the Fiscal, who is second in rank and dignity in the siovernmeut of Curacao, was in want of twelve sheets of wrapi)ing paper, and a box of sand for his office. He made his demand in writing, and signed it. The governor, with his own hand, changed the figures 1-2 to 1-4, and then signed his fiat "the Schoui /jy.Vacht, (rear admiral in rank) and governor of the island of Curacao, and its dependencies." Upon this the Fiscal received six sheets of brown wrapping paper, which cost the government of Curacao about three cents. This second dignity, the counsellor Fiscal, IMr. Isaac James Rammelmann Elsevier, is designated by his favorite words " he moot betaalen," (he must pay.) The third personage in the island is Mr. Daniel Serurier, president of the tribunal of justice ; so called. He is a cor- rupt, base, hardened drunkard ; and is the devoted servant of the governor, and of his clerk Hagunga. That the government of Curacao in 1S22 — 1824, was ex- tremely base, I trust will furdier appear, from the relation of a transaction which excited great sensation at the time, and in which I was concerned. Tiie proceedings of this government to which 1 now allude as oppressive, fraudulent and base in the extreme, were against myself, Bantista Troine, and Charles Frangatt Yoyel. The projected expedition against the Span- ish island of Porto Rico, the object of which was to render its inhabitants /ree and independant of Spain, excited great atten- tion and interest. With two brigs, which were intended to form part of the force of that expedition, I entered the port of Cu- racao in distress. This being a neutral port, I had of course a right to protection, by the laws of nations. The brigs were 38 298 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAU. laden with rich cargoes ; and Cantzlaar and Corapaguree, for the purpose ot" hiying their hands upon this properly, caused me to be arrested, while I was in port, and in the condition just stated. For the purpose of covering this outrage and direct- ing the public attention from it, they and their coadjutors took great pains to occupy the columns of various newspapers, with false and calumnious statements relative to my character, and to the objects of the expedition. 1 will give my statement. When 1 took my final leave of the service on the Main, my desire was to retire altogether from such scenes asjiad engag- ed the greater part of my life ; and to devote my time to my growing family. AVith this view 1 engaged in hterary pursuits and gave lessons in various branches, with which in the course of my life, I had become sufficiently acquainted to teach them to others. While I was living in this manner, I received, one night, at Curacao, a visit from some rich foreigners who were well settled in the island of Porto Rico. They urged me strongly, to place myself at the head of a numerous party of wealthy inhabitants of that island, for the purpose of expelling the Spaniards from it, and rendering the island free and inde- pendent. I had declined various pro})osals made me to join the patriots in INIexico and Buenos Ayres, and I now declined this urgent one of these inhabitants of Porto Rico, notwithstand- ing that they assured me, they placed entire confidence in me, and in me alone ; and that they would ha\e nothing to do with any other military chieftain. About a month after, a larger number of them came to me, and gave me such proofs of their spirit and al)ility to accomplish their purpose, that I consented to their proposal. This happened at the end of the year 1821. I removed with my whole family from Curacao to St. Thomas'. There I left them, and came myself to the United States, where I soon found many enterprising men ready to aid me. The expedition against Porto Rico, was, as yet, a project, which could not be realized, until I should have received all the powerful means promised me. Proceeding with part of my vessels, from St. Barts to Laguaira, I encountered a heavy storm at sea, and was forced to put into the port of Curacao with the brigs, the Eondracht and the INIary, in a state of dis- tress, the IGth of Sept. 1822. The 23d 1 was arrested by or- der of governor Cantzlaar, in the house of the Fiscal judge. The governor, conscious of the baseness, or rather of the odium of the proceeding, exerted himself to throw the blame of the arrest upon the Fiscal and the tribunal. But the villainy was MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 299 his own. He was indeed influenced by advisers, who were in- terested with himself in the spoils they were to gain. I shall not detail the villanies of these men ; they are too well known. I will say here (what I have authentic documents to prove,) tliat Cantzlaar, Elsevier, D. Serurier, HaL,lVAK. 317 At Bolivar's request, Paez covered the retreat, and made one or two charges, which saved the remnant of the infnntr^^ from destruction. Soon after the hist charge, which he led himself, he retired on one side, and having dismounted, was seized with a fit, and lay ujjon the ground, foaming at the mouth. Colonel English, who related the circumstance to me, was |)re- sent. He went up to Paez, but was warned by some of his people not to touch him ; and by no means to disturb the gen- eral. " He will soon be well," said they, " he is often so, and none of us dare touch him until he is perfectly recovered." Colonal English, however, approached, and having sprinkled some water in his face and forced a little down his throat, he soon recovered ; and coming to his recollection, he thanked him cordially ; saying that he was a little overcome by the fa- tigue of the day, having with his lance and his own arm, killed thirty-nine of the enemy.. He said he fell his illness coming on, as he was running ttie fortieth through the body. The bloody lance lay by his side, and he presented it to colonel English as a memorial of his friendship and afiection. Paez soon recovered and joined his legion, and when colonel Eng- lish departed, he presented him with three very fine horses from his own stud. After the refusal of general Morrillo to give quarter, Paez was never known to spare the hfe of a prisoner. At the batde of Calabozo, having been successful in several charges, by which he forced the royahsts to retreat, he was in the height of good humor, when an officer, who had been taken by his men, was brought to him. The officer was mounted. The general asked him a few questions, and then directed his m^ni of business to do his duty. The Spaniard begged hard for his life. "Well," says Paez, "ride to yonder tree," pointing to one at some distance, " and when you get there, escape as fast as you can, and take care I do not come up with you." The officer obeyed, and when he arrived at the tree, casting one glance behind, commenced his race. Paez pursued and soon overtook him. He was just going to strike his lance through him, when the officer with some presence of mind said, " gen- eral Paez is too noble to take an advantage ; my horse was tired ; but if you, general, will give me your horse, and the same liberty, I think I could save my life." " Done !" an- swered Paez ; ajid immediately the Sj)aniard was mounted upon his horse. The distance was again pointed out. The officer rode to the spot and started afresh. Paez meanwhile 318 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. mounted the jaded horse. He started also, gained ground, and iv\ about two miles actually overtook the Spaniard, and pierced him through with his spear. The case was witnessed by hun- dreds: and the air rans; with the applauses of the sanguinary aez I 'o P Juan Bautista Arismendy, general of division, of the order of Liberators, ex-governor of the island of Margarita, &:c. he. was born in 178G in the island of Margarita, of parents in as good circumstances, as this sterile si)ot could make them ; whose inhabitants subsist upon fishing and navigation. Arismendy is one of those men who are said to form them- selves, and who become lit for the station they occupy in the world, by the force of genius or natural ability. He possesses a natural tact or disposition, which no education, though it may direct, can ever give. From his youth, he was devoted to hunting and fishing. The first formed his coup (Vceil and taught him stratagem. Bolh hardened his body, by exercise and ]irIvation. His figure is broad, strong, and about five feet two inches high. His complexion is tawny and sun burnt. His hair is yellow, his eyes are small and piercing, and he is probably, the most active chieftain in Colombia. He has re- ceived no education and can scarcely read or w^'ite. His pen- etrating genius, and his insinuatmg manners, advanced him in the army ; and when Bolivar created himself dictator, he appoint- ed colonel Arismendy governor of the capital, Caracas. In this post he distinguished himself by his vexations and cruelties; and made himself many enemies. In 1814, when Venezuela was in a declining condition, he left Caracas, and went, as brigadier-genei-al and governor of the island of Margarita, into his native country. He re-estab- lished order in this province, fortified those places which afford- ed a good defence, and built a number of small forts, redoubts and batteries. Here he made himself very popular by his good and just administration, and acquired a great ascendancy over his countrymen ; so that after the battle of La Puerta, which was lost bv the dictator in June IS 14, he was absolute master of Margarita, where he acted without control ; insomuch that when the two dictators, Bokvar and Marino, in IS 1 4 came to his island for shelter, he compelled them to depart without admitting them even to common hospitality. He was jealous of his authority, and determined to hold the supreme command of Margarita ; and he knew that Bolivar had a right to com- mand him wherever thav were tos^ether. Bolivar knew well MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 319 the character of Arismendy, and did not dare to remain. From that time, general Arismendy remained in quiet possession of his absolute command, and organised and disciplined his army ; and administered much better than Bolivar had ever done. By his kind reception of foreigners, he attracted many priva- teers to the island ; their prizes were sold there ; and com- merce flourished under Arismendy's protecting care of the merchants and their interests. He contented himself with a moderate income, the product of regular duties, and taxes. Margarita was then the entrepot hetvveen the Venezulan and Grenadan patriots, and the commercial world of the West-In- dies, and of the United States of America. In iNIarch, 1815, general Morillo's mighty expedition arrived from Cadiz, at the island of Margarita, on the same day with that of general IMorales, from Guiria. Arismendy and the inhabitants of Margarita sqw the impossibility of resisting this united force ; and therefore accepted the capitulation oftered them by Morillo. It was clearly stated in the articles of capit- ulation that none of the inhabitants should be molested for their political opinions. In direct violation of this stipulation, num- bers of the most respectable inhabitants were secretly arrested in the night. Arismendy himself found means to escape, and conceal himself in the mountains. IMorillo ofiered great reward to have him taken and delivered up to him ; and strict search was every where made for him ; but in vain. As he was perfectly acquainted with all the foot-passes in the woods and mountains, and as the inhabitants were devo- tedly attached to him, he soon succeeded in uniting about fifty of the bravest of them, whe determined to drive the Spaniards from the island, or die. He Hved with them some time upon roots and wild fruits, and the pioduce of hunting. He anima- ted their spirits by his conversation and examples, to such a degreee, that they proiuised to follow wherever he chose to lead. His first object was to procure arms and ammunition, of which his party were entirely destitute. Knowing all the Sj)an- ish outposts, he began by surprising one of them, held by a cor- poral and four men, Arismendy, and twelve of his men armed with clubs and long knives, surprised this port in the night, killed the five men, and took their arms and cartridges. Aris- mendy proceeded in this manner killing the Spaniards in the night and taking their arms and ammunition, for several months. Before any assistance could arrive, Arismendy and his men were again in the mountains. He continued in this manner to weaken the Spanish force, until he obtained not only a consid- 320 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. erable quantity of arms and ammunition, but many recruits also. His successful enterprises reanimated the fallen spirit of the inhabitants. Arismendy, though already enabled to act upon a larger plan and with effect, was still in want of every thing, but principally of arms and munitions of war. He had nothing to expect from the iMain, because, after the liight of Bolivar from Cuma- na, the remaining patriot chieftains were reduced, like himself, to provide for their troops as they could. But the spirit of pat- riotism was now so strong in Margarita, that the women joined with their husbands, brothers and friends, in their efforts again to become i'ree. They voluntarily gave their jewelry, pearls, golden earrings, crosses, &c. for the support of the war. They made shirts and other necessary clothing for the troops. Aris- mendy was unanimously elected supreme chief. Some patriot clergyman offered golden and silver vases of the church, which they had taken the precaution to bury and secrete before the Spaniards landed. These valuables were secretly sent to St. Thomas', to be exchanged for arms and munitions of war. Aris- mendy is very sanguinary ; and now particularly, was extremely exasp(3rated against the Spaniards. Morillo, who had about 3000 men left, lost nearly all these by Arismendy's bravery. There remained not 600 in the city of Assumption, and the forts of Pompatar, v.hen I arrived with general IBolivar, at this island, in May, 1816. The Spanish commander had embark- ed and gone to the Main, sometime before. Arismendy constructed long perogues to carry from 150 to 200 men, who were armed with guns taken from the Spaniards. The inhabitants of Margarita, being sailors from their earliest youth, and very brave, soon filled these boats with their best men. Being so constructed that sails and rudders could be used, they took a great many Spanish vessels by boarding, the crews being armed with muskets, swords, (called manchitas,) and long knives. In this way they procured important means to carry on the war. They made prizes of great value, and took plenty of provisions. The Margaritans had never attack- ed, or taken any other vessels, than those with Spanish papers, and under Spanish colors. Arismendy established the strict- est order in every thing, and acted with great probity and dis- interestedness, living like the soldiers, and among them. The public stores were full and well preserved by the commissa- ries. Arismendy organised his little republic much better than any of bis countrymen had done before. Every one w^as satis- niEMOmS OF BOLIVAR. 321 fied and ready to assist him. In a short time he received new SLipjjlies of muskets and warlike stores. Many privateers came to offer their service, and his seaports were soon tilled with prizes. Arismendy now become powerful and well supported, car- ried on his attacks more openly. He intercepted a number of convoys, and surprised whole corps and destroyed them. He erected various forts, redoubts and batteries, that he might have difierent points of attack and defence. Old and young of both sexes worked day and night, exposed to the fire of the Span- iards, who seeing the spirit of their opposers, lost all courage and confidence. General Arismendy pointed out to me vari- ous women, who fought like the best of his cannoniers, and who took up from the ground a great many balls and grape shot that came from the enemy, loaded them into their own guns, and returned them t,o the Spaniards. AVhen Arismendy, Bolivar and myself made the circuit of these forts, the former assured me, that these women were of the greatest service, by animating their friends and relations to fight, and by carrying the sick and wounded on their shoulders. They would not suffer a man to leave his battery, but brought them food and spirits, handed cartridges, and indeed did the work of brave soldiers. Whilst they performed these services, they were chanting patriotic songs, and that amidst the heaviest fire of the enemy. During my stay in INIargarita, general Arismendy, among many instances of the heroism of their women, related to me the following : The wife of general Arismendy had a rich uncle, who had been many years settled at Trinidad, and had often press- ed her to come and visit his family. At the end of 1815, she suggested to her husbend the plan of going, herself, to Trini- dad, to pay the long desired visit, and also for a more import- ant purpose, which was to solicit from her uncle, by way of loan, a large sum of money for the purpose of aiding the war. Her husband refused his consent to her going, and pointed out the dangers to which she would be exposed in that time ot war and trouble, and particularly from the numerous cruising ves- sels of the enemy, which then filled the seas, in almost every direction from Margarita. She persisted, however, in her pur- pose, and at length obtained his consent, and a proper com- mission from him, for obtaining the loan. She was young, handsome and well educated. She embarked in a small 41 322 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. schooner, without ev^ea a servant, and when she went on board, was unknown to any one in the vessel. After sailing some days with a feir wind, the schooner was chased and overtaken by a Spanish privateer, and though she sailed under Dutch colors, was sent into Porto Cabello. As soon as she arrived in this city, she was recognised by a number of persons, as the wife of general Arismendy, and was immediately arrested and put into a dark and damp dungeon in the citadel. Arismendy, who almost always put his prison- ers to death, had spared three Spanish colonels and majors, whom he put into one of his forts, that they might serve him as hostages, in case of need. The governor of Porto Cabello knew their situadon. They were beloved by their superior of- ficers, and the governor sent one of his officers to Arismendy's wife, with his word of honor, that she should be immediately set at liberty, if she would write a line to her husband, and per- suade him to release the three Spanish officers, in exchange for her. She feared that her husband would be weak enough, as she expressed it, to consent to the proposal, and she posi- tively refused to write. By the urgency of the governor, she understood the importance of these officers, and told him plain- ly that she would not write. She received a number of visits to the same piu'pose. At length the governor came himself and endeavored to persuade her, but in vain. They then threatened her, but she replied, laughing, that it would be cow- ardly to torment a defenceless woman, whose only crime was being the wife of a patriotic general. They next employed more rigorous treatment, with regard to her living, but still treated her respectfully, and promised her immediate liberty if she would write to her husband to release the officers. At length she became vexed with their importunity, and told the officer who came to her, that if general Arismendy were in- formed of their cowardly treatment of her, he would be as mad as a tiger, and would put to death thousands of Spaniards, men, women and children, all that might fall into his power. That, for her part, she was determined never to commit so weak and vile an act as they required of her, and that she would suffer a thousand deaths rather than attempt to persuade her husband to forget his duty. During three months she was treated with great barbarity, but she remained firm, and constantly gave the same answers. The Spaniards, at last, finding that nothing could aher her de- termination, perniitted her to pass the island of Trinidad, fear- MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. . 323 ing that if her husband should hear of her detention, he would do as she predicted. Such was the wife of general Arisniendy, at the age of 23 years. General Arismendy now lives retired, at a beautiful country seat, not far from Ocumare. CHAPTER XXIV. Recapitulation of Facts — General Bolivar as he is, and not as he is commonly believed to be. I have shown how general Bolivar acted from 1810 to 1814. His campaigns in Peru do not come within my plan ; but they are well known, as are also his political transactions, his des- potism, and the Bolivian Constitution, which is his own work, and by which his principles are fully developed. The memoir of the late martjuis De Torre Tagle, late pre- sident of Peru, which uill be found in No. 9 of the Appendix, is a remarkable document to show the character of general Bolivar. The marquis has been represented as a traitor, be- cause he stated the truth in a time when Bolivar's power was at a low ebb. The truth, however, will be re-established ; and history will transmit it to posterity. In the appendix, No. 10, will be found another document, a leiter from iMr. IManuel Vidaurre, one of the most distin- guished patriots of Peru, which places the character of Bolivar in a just light. I will endeavor to give his portrait. General Bolivar in his exterior, in his phisiognomy, in his whole deportment, has nojhing which would be noticed as characteristic, or imposing. His manners, his conversation, his behaviour in society, have nothing extraordinary in them ; nothing which would attract the attention of any one who did not know him. On the contrary, his exterior is against him. He is five feet four inches in height, his visage is long, his cheeks hollow, his complexion a livid brown. His eyes are of middle size, and sunk deep in his head, which is covered thinly with hair, and his whole body is thin and meagre. He has 324 , MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. the appearance of a man of sixty-five years old. In walking, " his arms are in perj)etual motion. He cannot walk long, but soon becomes fatigued. Wherever he goes his stay is short, seldom more than half an hour, and as soon as he returns, his hammock is fixed, he sits or lies, and swings upon it after the manner of his countrymen. Large mustachios and whiskers cover a part of his face, and he is very particular in ordering each of his ofiicers to wear them, saying that they give a mar- tial air. This gives him a dark and wild air, particularly when he is in a passion. His eyes then become animated, and he gesticulates and speaks like a madman, threatens to shoot those with whom he is angry, steps quick across his chamber, or flings himself upon his hammock ; then jumps off it, and or- ders people out of his presence, and frequently arrests them. There is nothing about thern which can inspire respect. When he wishes to persuade, or bi'ing any one to his purpose, he employs the most seducing promises, taking a man by the arm, and walking and speaking with him, as with his most intimate friend. As soon as his purpose is attained, he becomes cool, haughty, and often sarcastic ; but he never ridicules a man of high character, or a brave man, except in his absence. This practice of abusing people in their absence, is characteristic of the Caraguins generally. The following is extracted from colonel Hippisly's 'Narrative of the Expedition to the rivers Orinoco and Apure, in South America.' London, 1819. p. 382. " I had a full opportunity of surveying the general (Bolivar) while he was conversing with captain Beire. From what I had heard of him, I was led to expect in appearance, a very different man from the one I saw before me. General Boli- var is a mean looking peison, seemingly, though but 38, (^7 falliot dire que 34 ; parlc Col. Jlippisly en V an 1818,) about 50 years of age. He is about five feet six inches in height, thin, sallow complexion, lengthened visage, marked with eve- ry symptom of anxiety, care, and I could almost add, despon- dency. He seemed also to have undergone great fatigue. His dark, and according to report, brilliant eyes, were now dull and heavy, although I could give them credit for posses- sing more fire and animation, when his frame was less harrass- ed. Black hair loosly tied behind with a piece of ribband, large mustachios, black handkerchief round his neck, blue trowsers, boots and spurs, comjileted his costume. In my eyes he might have passed for any thing but what he was. MEWDRS UK BOLIVAK. 325 Across the chamber was suspended oni- of the Spanish ham- mocks, on which he occasionally sat, lolled and swang, whilst conversing, and seldom remained in the same posture Ibr two minutes together," &lc. General Bolivar occupies himself very litde in studying the military art. He understands no theory, and seldom asks a question, or holds any conversation relative to it. Nor does he speak of the civil administration, unless it happens to fall within the concerns of the moment. I often endeavored to bring him into serious conversation on these subjects ; but he would always interrupt me ; ' yes, yes, mon cher ami, I know this, it is very good ; but appropos^ — and immediately turned the conversation upon some different sub- His reading, which is very little, consists of light history and tales. He has no library, or collection of books, befitting his rank, and the place he has occupied for the last fifteen years. He is passionately fond of the sex, and has always two or three ladies, of which one is the favorite mistress, who follows him wherever he goes. Dining is an amusement of which he is also passionately fond. Whenever he stays two or three days in a place, he gives a ball or two, at which he dances in his boots and spurs, and makes love to those who happen to please him for the mo- ment. Next to this amusement he likes his hammock, where he sits, or lolls, conversing or amusing himself with his favorite mistress, or other favorites, some of whom I have named in the course of this work. During this time, he is inaccessible to all others. The aid-de-camp on duty says to those who have important business to transact with him : ' his excellency is deeply engag- ed at present, and can see no one.' When he is out of humor, he swears hke a common bully, and orders people out of his presence in the rudest and most vulgar manner. From his habits of life, or rather from his love of pleasure, it happens that many pieces of business are heaped together, and left to his secretary, as his decree of Sth ■March, 1S27, fixing the custom house duties of Venezuela, which is attributed to Ra- venga, and which has destroyed the commerce of the countiy. W^hen he suddenly recoUectssome business, he calls his secre- tary, and directs him to write the letter or decree. This brings more to mind, and it often happens that in one day he hurries ofi'the work of fifteen or twenty. In this manner it often hap- 326 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. pens that decrees, made on the same day, are in direct oppo- sition to each other. General Bolivar has adopted the habits and customs of the European Spaniards. He takes his siesta, (noon nap) regu- larly, and eats his meals hke the Spaniards. He goes to tertu- lias, (coteries,) gives refusios, and always dances the first min- uet with the lady highest in rank in the company. This old Spanish custom is strictly observed throughout Colombia. Inasmuch as general Bolivar is the sport of circumstances, it is difficult to trace his character, while, in the same ratio does it become less worth tracing. Bolivar, in success, differs, not circumstantially alone, from Bolivar in adversity ; but he is quite another man. When suc- cessful, he is vain, haughty, ill natured, violent ; at the same time the slightest circumstances will so excite his jealousy of his authority, that he arrests and sometimes condemns to cap- ital punishment, those whom he suspects. Yet, under the po- liteness of a man educated in the so called beau monde, he, in a great measure, conceals all these faults. They appear in his fits of passion ; but never then, unless he is sure of having the strength on his side, the bayonets at his command. When he finds himself in adversity and destitute of aid from without, as he often did from 1813 to 1818, he is perfectly free from passion and violence of temper. He then becomes mild, patient, docile, and even submissive. Those who have seen him in the changes of his fortune will agree that 1 have not overcharged the picture. The dominant traits in the cliaracter of general Bolivar, are ambition, vanity, thirst for absolute, undivided power, and pro- found dissimulation. He is more cunning, and undestands man- kind better than the mass of his countrymen ; he adroitly turns every circumstance to his own advantage, and spares nothing to gain those he thinks will be of present use to him. He is officious in rendering them Httle services ; he flatters them, makes them brilliant promises; finds whatever they suggest very useful and important, and is ready to follow their advice. A third person suggests something to him, or he meets with some unexpected success. Instantly he resumes his true cha- racter, and becomes vain, haughty, cross and violent; forgets all services, and all obligations, speaks with contempt of those he had just courted, and if they are powerless, abandons or sacrifices them, but always manifests a disposition to spare those whom he knows are able to resist him. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 327 At Aux Cayes general Bolivai and I lived very much and very intimately together. Our conversation turned one day upon general Marino, and he said, laughing to me, " Oh I despise jNIarino. He is a brute and not able to command four men." INIarino at that instant came in. Bolivar met him at the door and embraced him \varmly> as a dear liiend, and we remained together, an hour or more. Bolivar represented general Ai'ismendy to me as a man without an education, and yet as a very intriguing and dangerous man. He was evidently afraid of Arismendy. He remember- ed that when he himself, and Marino, came as fugitives to Juan Griego, in 1814, Arismendy had prevented his remaining there at all, and even tlieratened violence if he attempted to do so. Bolivar had not forgotten this when we came to jMargarita after the sea fight in jNIay, 1S16, and would probably then have been afraid to venture himself on shore ; but that Brion who on account of his wound had been put ashore, and Lad made such representations to Arismendy as had reconciled him to Bolivar, and induced him to come on board our vessel. As soon as Arismendy came on board, Bolivar immediately took him down into the cabin and conversed with him for a good while. He regained Arismendy by giving him a formal promise to convene a new congress, and lay aside his title of supreme chief, which was very offensive to the republican Arismendy. The latter relying on his word, engaged again to recognise him as commander-in-chief. The day after Arismendy's formal recognition of Bolivar as commander-in-chief, he took again the title of supreme chief. And when I told him that Arismen- dy would be offended, be said, "never mind, never mind, I care not much for Arismendy, I have gained him over, and he will do as I wish ; and then he is a brute and sees no further than the end of his nose. But when, in 1S19, at Angostura, Arismendy had compelled Zea to leave the place of vice-president, and had taken it him- self, Bolivar became so alarmed for his own supremacy, that he left his command to general Paez, and marched about 250 miles with his body guard, against Arismendy, and reinstated Zea, with whom he could indeed do as he pleased. But he could, and did only send him back to his former command, at Margarita. Whilst general Bolivar stood in need of the military skill of general Piar, he flattered him highly ; but when he came to fear his influence, he sacraficcd him. He would not at that 32 S MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. time have put Piar to death, if he had not been so advised and supported by others ; not because he was unwilling to have Piar ])ut out of the way, but because ne would not have dared to condemn him. In 1826, general Paez openly raised the standard of rebel- lion against the lawful authorities ; and he was not only not punished, but suffered to remain in conniiand, as before. His impunity, like that of Arismendy was owing to the strength of his party. General Bolivar's disposition with regard to money is the reverse of miserly, and he is thought by most people to be very generous. His disposition in this respect cannot be better described than by saying that if he had a himdred thousand pounds to day, he might very probably not have a cent tomor- row. He very seldom gives money to those that are in want, or to those who from delicacy refrain from asking for it, but he bestows profusely on his flatterers. General Bolivar has been compared to Napoleon Bonaparte. Bolivar in his proclamations imitates, or endeavors to imitate the style of Napoleon. He began with a small body guard and afterwards greatly increased it, like Napoleon. He is ambitious, absolute, and jealous of his command, like the other. On public occasions he is simply dresed, while all around him is splendid, hke Napoleon, and he moves quickly from place to place like him. With respect to mihtary and administrative tal- ents, there is no resemblance between them. Bohvar, when dictator of Venezuela, ordered the execution of 1253 Spaniards and Islenos, prisoners of war and others, who were, in fact put to death in February, 1814. This was done in cool blood, and no entreaties would save them. I have mentioned an instance of his want of feeling, which I witnessed at the port of Juan Griego in May 1814, and another in the na- val combat just before.* The first was attended by an additional circumstance of cruelty ; that the prisoners were compelled to dig their own graves ! Admiral Brion was on shore on account of his wound, but as soon as heard of this execution, he sent positive orders, that no more prisoners should be taken on shore even if Bolivar himself ordered it ; and by this means about 120 lives were saved. See chapter VII. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 329 The following Tact was related to me, by a respectable eye- witness, whom 1 would name, but for the danger of exposing him to the vengeance of the dictator, liberator. The relator, at tlie time he stated the fact to me, I presume, had no lliought of mv writing the liistory of Jiolivar. During a small skirmish Avhich general Bolivar had with a Spanish detachment, not iar from Araure, in 1S14, one of his officers came full speed and reporKM.l to him, that an isolated company was attacked in a busily hill, a mile from liis head quarters, and that they were in great want of cartridges. Twelve soldiers, who heard the report, immediately offertid themselves to carry the cartridges. I^olivar ordered the chief of his staff, Thomas iNJontilla, to send with each of tliese sol- diers a box of cartridges. But as there was no road at all, they were obliged to seek a passage through a very thick forest, full of briars and thorns, in order to ascend the hill. After liaving labored to force their way until they found there was no probability of penetrating farther, they w-ere comiielled to return to head quarters, with their boxes of cartridges. They explained to the dictator the impossibility of going further and showed him their clothes, torn in pieces, and their bodies cov- ered with blood and wounds. Bolivar, in a furious passion, call- ed them cowards, rascals, traitors, i^c. and ordered the three first who arrived to be shot. His major-general, or chief of the staff, Thomas JMontilla, who is a great favorite, his com- mandant of the artillery Joseph Collat, and various other of the surrounding officers of the staff, entreated him to revoke his order. The men fell upon their kness and with pathetic lamentations entreated him to spare their lives, as they were innocent, and fathers of large families. All was in vain. As they came into his presence, two or three together, he renewed his_order ; and the whole twelve were bound and shot. On various occasions has Bolivar manifested the same disposition, as on this, as I have shown.* Colonel Hippisley, in his work already cited, says, p. 464, " Bolivar would ape the great man. He aspires to be a second Bonaparte, in South America, whiiout possessing a single talent for the duties of the field or the cabinet. He would bu king of New Grenada and Venezuela, 'without genius to command, consequence to secure, or abilities to su})port the elevated sta- See cliaplcr XII. 330 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. tion to which his ambition most assuredly asjnres. In victory, in transient prosperity, he is a tyrant, and displays the feelings and littleness of an upstart. He gives way to sudden gusts of resentment, and becomes, in a moment, a madman, and, (par- don the expression,) a blackguard; throws himself into his ham- mock, (which is constantly slung for his use,) and utters curses and imprecations upon all around him, of the most disgusting and diabolical nature. In defeat, in danger, in retreat, he is perplexed, harrassed and contemptible, even to himself, weigh- ed down by disasters, which he has neither skill or strength of mind to encounter, lighten or remove. In this state he appear- ed to me at the retreat to, and from, San Fernando, when he looked the image of misery and despair. "He has (p. 4G2) neither talents or abilities for a general, and especially for a commander-in-chief. The numerous mistakes he has made throughout the whole of his campaigns, for the last eight years, have nearly desolated the provinces and anni- hilated the population. The repeated surprises he has expe- rienced from the enemy, (already seven,) prove my assertion, and bear me out in declaring that any one of them would have disgraced a corporal's guard. '' Tactics, movements and manoeuvres, are as unknown to him as to the lowest of his troops. All idea of regularity, system, or the common routine of an army, or even a regiment, he is totally unacquainted with. Hence arise all the disasters he meets, the defeats he suffers, and his constant obligations to re- treat whenever opposed to the foe. The victory which he gains to day, however dearly purchased, (of which his list of killed and missing, if he calls lor, or keeps such deta'ls, must evident- ly convince him) is lost tomorrow, by some failure, or palpa- ble neglect on his part." Thus it is that Paez was heard to tell Bolivar after the ac- tion at Villa del Cura, that he would move off his o'.vn troops, and act no more with him in command ; adding, " I never lost a batile wherein I acted by myself, or in a separate command, and I have always been defeated when acting in concert with you and under your orders." The native and black troops (freed slaves) can, and do dash on, in their native country. Yet, under the name of courage, they will rush, without order, regularity or discretion, upon the enemy, resolved at that mo- ment to conquer, or to die ; and if, in this onset, they are beat- en or repulsed, and find themselves " able to go about" and to retreat, " the devil take the hindcrmost" appears to be the MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 331 g-eneral cry ; for they all continue to run iinill they reach a place of safety ; and it is allowed hy the royalist troops tlieni- selves, that the patriotic army, with Bolivar at their head, was never heatcn in this respect." " The final slaughter of the prisoners, after the hattle, or during the retreat, is completely acquiesced in by Bolivar, who has himself condescended to witness this scene of butchery, infamy," &ic. These passages are sullicient to confirm what I have said in the course of these memoirs, of general Bolivar and his troops. I could cite various other writers, to the same purpose. It is true that his flatterers and courtiers have endeavored to compare general Bolivar with Napoleon ; but none of them have suggested to him the idea of aspiring to deserve being compared with Washington. All who have compared him with the latter were either strangers, or those who have seen Boli- var, perhaps, a few hours, or not at all. Bolivar's conduct as dictator in Venezuela, in 1813-14, as supreme chief in 1S1G-17-1S, his project of a monarchical constitution, in which he proposed the creation of a senate for life, with the titles of dukes, marquises, counts, barons, he, in 1819, the constitution of Bolivia, the secret history of his protectorate in Peru, his behaviour in Venezuela, his famous proclamation directed to the grand convention of Ocuna, and his self nomination as supreme chief or dictator of Colombia, are proofs of his ambition, his hypocrisy, and his secret deter- mination to become an absolute monarch. A great man would have directed the efforts of the ambitious and ignorant chieftains of Colombia to one point, driving their common enemies from the country, in the first place, and then establishing a free government. Bolivar's object has invariably been his own personal aggrandizement, to the exclusion ot every good and noble purpose. He is certainly a rare example of great ambition, unaided by talents, or virtues of any kind. Yet, such are the inhabitants of Colombia, that they are ruled by this man. In his recently published organic decree, dated August 27di, 1828, in tide 1, he says : "Art. 1st. The attributes of the supreme chief embrace the maintenance of the peace in the interior, and the defence from abroad ; the command of the forces by land and sea ; the ne- gotiations, war and peace, and die treaties ; die nomination of all the ofliccrs. 332 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. The right to give decrees and the necessary rules, (regle- mcntos,) of whatever nature they may he ; to niodily, to reform the estabhshed laws, and to alter thcni ; the execution of the decrees and rules, also of those laws which shall remain in force. The collection of taxes, the administration of justice, the execution of the judgments, the approl)ation or the alteration of the sentences in the councils of war ; the commutation of pun- ishments, with the advice of the council of state, and upon the proposal of the courts, or having ])reviously heard them; the granting of amnesty or pardon, for puhlic or private offences, always with the advice of the council of state. The delivery of commissions or lettres de marque. The exercise of ihe natural power as chief of the general adminis- tration of the repuhlic in all its branches, and in virtue of being entrusted with the supreme power of the state ; finally the presi- dency of the council of state, when he thinks proper. Art. 2d. The supreme chief will be assisted in the exercise of the executive power, with the light and the advice of a coun- cil of ministers." This famous decree speaks so much, that I may safely ap- peal to it, in support of what I have said of its author. I have adverted to the difficulty of tracing the character of this personage, arising from his being so much the creature of circumstances. He has not sufiicient vigor of spirit, nor courage of lieart, nor talent, to escape from a critical situation, or to rise from a fall, without help from abroad. His good fortune in receiving such help, has been almost uninterrupted since 1813. But the great secret of his great power lies in the char- acter of the people over whom he rules. Lieutenant colonel Simon Bolivar, whilst he was governor of the fortress of Porto Cabello, in June, 1812, left the fortress and embarked clandestinely, with some ofiicers, in the night, without giving any previous notice to the garrison, without any order, without any capitulation, without any armistice, or pre- vious treaty with the enemy. He embarked for fear of the prisoners of war who had revolted and taken possession of the citadel. An old soldier might admit the place to be no longer tenable. ]3ut here the frarrison findina: that their commander had deserted without leaving them any order or advice, actually redred in good order, and reached Valencia, by land without losing a man ; and without anv attack from the prisoners in the citadel. It is an invariable rule that the commander ol a place, ill limi; of war and danger, should never leave those who have MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 333 been committed to his care. And iliis rule is reasonable, and perfectly just. 2d. Simon Bolivar, the dictator, liberator of the West of Venezuela, embarked in the greatest haste in the nisjht of the 25th August, 1S14, at Cumana, and fled with San lago Marino, from the field of war. He so completely lost his presence of mind, that in spite of the warmest repre- sentations of his cousin Ribas and many others, he would hear nothing, and remained on board commodore Bianchi's vessel. He sent various messages to iMarino, urging him to enibark, and as soon as Marino arrived, he ordered the commander to cut his cables and sail. Rihas, and a thousand other brave ni'en, re- mained and fought for their independence and freedom. We have seen how Arismendy and Bermudes forced them to leave the ports of Juan Gerigo and Ocumare, treating them as fugitives and cowards, and threatening to shoot them if they set their feet on shore.* ^^;3d. General Bolivar came suddenly to the height of power, and was named captain-general of the armies of New Venezuela and New Grenada ; because the congress ol the latter country was in great need of some authority to subject the province of Cundinamarca and to occupy Santa Martha ; (lS14and begin- ning of 1S15.) He felt a second time his absolute inability, and after his ill fated siege of Carthagena, embarked for the island of Jamaica, whilst general Palacio, with the remainder of the army which Bolivar had left, fought bravely and gained advantages over the Spaniards. f 4th. The occupation of Carthagena and Boca Chica, by the patriots, offered a new occasion to distinguish himself. He left Aux Cayes for Margarita, and in the naval combat, (May 2d,) chose his place in the long boat of commodore Brion's vessel, (the only vessel engaged, and which took the Spanish royal brig Intrepida,) through mere cowardice, leaving to anolli- erthe command of the officers and vohmteers, in his stead. J In consequence of this action, general Arismendy, ignorant of the part Bolivar had taken in it, not only became reconciled to the latter, but placed himself again under his orders. If Arismendy had been made acquainted with Bolivar's conduct " See chapter A'lTI. tSec chapters IX. and X. tSce chapter XIII. 334 ' MEMOIKS OF BOLIVAR. in this nction, It would been the destruction of the projected expethtion against \ cnezucla.* 5tli. At the action of Ocuniare, (July 10th, ISOG,) the su- preme chief left the field in a perfect fright, and rode full speed (he is always careful to have the best runners) two leagues ; jiunpcd from his horse, and embarked on board the fast sailing privateer, Diana, captain Debouille. As soon as he was on board, he ordered the captain to cut his cables ; and arrived at the little Dutch island Bonair. General McGregor as- sembled the remainder of the trooj)s left by Bolivar, and, with them, joined general Piar at Barcelona. f When admiral ]3rion arrived at Bonair, from Curacao he was astonished to hear of the flight of the supreme chief, and reproached him severely. Bolivar received his reproaches with great docility, feeling at this time his entire dependence upon the admiral. Brion, who was quick tempered, becoming cooler, succeeded at last in persuading Bolivar that his honor absolutely required him to return to the Main and rejoin his troops; and he ordered captain I'ebouille to put himself at the disposal of the supreme chief. Bolivar directed his course toward the coast'of Cumana. On his landing, Marino and Piar, wb.o had left him at Carupano, reproached him with his cowardly flight from Ocumare, and told him that if he did not embark immediately they would arrest and try him before a court martial. He embarked speedily, and arrived at Jaque- mel, whence he passed to Port au Prince. J Brion now employed all his influence to procure Bolivar's recal to the Main. After long and great exertions, he succeed- ed, chiefly by giving his word that Bolivar would assemble a congress, and establish a republican government, to which the latter most readily consented. In consequence of this stipula- tion, he was recalled, and arrived at Barcelona in the latter part of 1816. As soon as he was again at the head of the troops he disregarded his promise, resumed his title of supreme chief, and proceeded as he had done before. § 6th. The supreme chief, in the night of the 5th and 6th April 1817, fled from the fortified place of Barcelona, aban- * Sec chapters xiii. and xiv. ] Sec chapter xiv. j; See chapter xiv. \N Sec cliaptcr xi\ . and xvi. IME.MOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ooO doning his aid-de-camj), Chanibcrlaiii, and more than 1000 men. The latter perceiving that the Spaniards had gained the walls, killed his wile and himself. All the rest were murdered by the Sjianiards. At this time, the supreme chielhid himself in die remotest part of the plains of Cumana, where he remain- ed about seven weeks. 7tli. Tlie supreme chief left the scene of war, in 1S18, after his unsuccessful campaign in Venezuela. The details of this campaign are alone sufhcient to give a correct idea of his mili- tary talents. He came for shelter to the strong place of Angos- tura in Guayana. These facts, (and many more might be adduced,) suflicienlly prove that Bolivar frequently lost his presence of mind, and that the most propitious circumstances concurred to restore his fortune. 1 have said enough of his talents for administration, and his mode of proceeding in civil matters, in the course of these memoirs. But how is it possible (the questions naturally arise) that general Bolivar should have liberated his country, and ])reserv- ed in himself the supreme power, without superior talents .'' li by ' liberating his county' it be meant that he has given his country a free government, 1 answer, that he has not done so ; and this question, I think, is thus fairly disposed of. If it be meant, that he has driven out the Spaniards, 1 answer, that he has done Httle, or nothing, towards this ; far less, certainly, than the meanest of the subordiate chieftains. To the ques- tion, how he can have retained his power, without superior talents ? I answer, in the first place, that the reputation of superior talents, goes a great ways. But I shall not desire the reader to be satisfied with this ansv/er. Before the revolution of Caracas April 19lh ISIO, and ever since that time, the Spaniards diemselves have constantly and powerfully contributed to assist the patriots in all their enter- prises ; by forcing the inhabitants to withdraw themselves from an onerous and base submission; by>leaving them no other al- ternative but to resist op])ression, cruelty and death, by force of arms, or submit to them. Without any disposition to dispar- age the bravery, the constancy of the Colombian people, I say that the policy, and the whole behaviour of the Spanish chief- tains, during the war on the jMain, has operated powerfully to- wards the freedom and indeiiendence of the peo})le. It has been a stimulous applied with very little respite. Their ob- stinacy, their hypocrisy, their barbarous cruelties, their CiUire 336 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. want of moderation, of even the semblance of liberal policy, of talents, and of courage, have contributed cHicaciously to al- ienate from them the confidence and favorable oj)inion of the people. These inhabitants naturally chose to be under the dominion of their native chieftains, rather than to ])erish under the cruelties and vexations of the Spaniards. If these latter had adopted a liberal system for administering the provinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, as soon as the Americans per- ceived the precarious situation of the mother country, I ven- ture boldly to pronounce, that none of them would have thought ol separating Irom Spain. This opinion is supported by the well known fact, that not one of the patriotic juntas in 1810, had dreamed of detaching itself from the adored king Ferdi- nand. The stupid management of the Spanish authorities lias facilitated all the operations of the patriots. The grievous faults of Bolivar, and some of his generals, have been exceed- ed by those of his adversaries. It is not strange, therefore, that Bolivar should have been able to do all he has done with very limited talents. It has been said, long since, that oppression cannot be exer- cised upon any people beyond a certain point ; that passing this point certainly produces resistance, and at length, revolt and revolution. The territory of Colombia has a vast extent of coast. It was impossible that it should be guarded by the Spanish troops that were sent out. Bolivar, when beaten and driven from one place, had only to go to another. The ad- vantage in point of numbers, was vastly against the Span- iards. Their greatest number of troops never exceeded twenty thousand ; whereas, on the part of the patriots, there was a great majority of the people of the country containing about two millions of souls. Guiroxa's revolution, in favor of the con- stitution of 181.2, occupied Spain at home, and prevented her sending powerful aid to jMorillo. The Spaniards generally, and Morillo among the rest, became tired and worn out ; their troops deserted by hundreds. If Morillo had sought to aid Bolivar, he could not have done it more effectually, than by ap- pointing La Torre his successor ; for tlie drooping and sickly state of the Spaniards at that time. La Torre was but a poor physician. A powerful moral cause stood also in aid oi Boli- var ; I mean public opinion ; which, if not unanimously in his favor, was certainly so against the cruel deeds ol the Span- iards; and the Colombians, in their choice between two evils, very naturally took that which appeared to be the least. MEMOIRS OF ROrjVAU. 337 By examining the conduct of the Spanish chieftains, hoth in Venezuela and New Grenada, we shall find that they afforded great assistance to the limited talents of the supreme chief, liberator. In Venezuela, the captain-general Don Juan de Casas, as early as ISOS, began to irritate the minds of the inhabitants of Caracas, by arresting, in a very arbitrary and impolitic man- ner, a great many inhabitants belonging to the first and most respectable families (niantuanos) in that province. There was no odier motive for his arrest, than ill founded suspicion ; and he was compelled to set them at liberty. But the impression remained, and stirred up many enemies to his government. Caj)tain-general Don Vicente Emparan, his successor, was the victim of his own obstinacy. Without regard to the dispo- sition, or feelings, or opinions of the inhabitants, he blindly fol- lowed the ordeis of the regency at Cadiz, which continued to dictate and maintain laws made in time of Ferdinand the Cath- olic, and Philip II. Emparan, by refusing to be advised, lost himself and the Spanish cause. His great security, and the idea of his power, joined with his obstinacy, gave occasion to the revolution of the 19th April 1810, in Caracas. The junta which succeeded him, took the title of Provisional Junta of Venezuela, conservators of the rights of his catholic majesty, Ferdinand 7th, which proved that this junta and its constituents, had no idea of detaching themselves from Spain. Its detailed official report explained this very clearly, and con- cluded by offering the Spanish government money and support of every description, to maintain the war into which it was dri- ven, against Napoleon. The regency of Cadiz answered their kind offers by a vehement decree, dated Aug. 3d, 1810, by which the province of Venezuela was declared to be in a state of blockade ! thus treating its inhabitants like enemies of the nation. The regency ordered every means to be employed to turn out a junta sincerely attached to their king ; and to punish them as rebels. The mission of Don Francisco Cortavaria, by the regency and Cortes of Spain, to the island of Porto Rico, was the con- sequence of the decree of August 3d. He had a commission to pacify the Main, and to force its inhabitants to receive a new captain-general from the hands of those who ruled in Spain. This mission increased the fire of civil war, instead of extin- guishing it. 43 338 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. ( The weak and cowardly captain-general Millares, who suc- ceeded Emparan, was but an object of contempt and mockeiy to this subaltern, Don Domingo JMonteverde, who treated him hke an instrument laid aside, when it becomes useless to our purpose. The latter audaciously put himself in place of the other, and violated the treaty of Vittoria, made July 12ih 1812, with JMiranda. Monteverde's government was the reign of Islenos, friars, monks, priests, and intriguers of various descriptions. Boves, Morales, Suasola, Antonanza, Puy, Rosette, and other Span- ish Chieftains of this sort, had the upper hand. His adminis- tration was a series of perfidies, cruelties, and persecutions ; one of the most complete and horrid anarchy. Simon Bolivar with a respectable force approached the lim- its of Venezuela, announced its deliverance, and promised the inhabitants relief and freedom. These wretched people, reduc- ed to despair, flocked by thousands to his standard for refuge from misery and death. Desertion became general in the loy- al army ; and these troops united with many thousands of vol- unteers, augmented Bolivar's legions, and reduced the forces of the enemy, to so small and weak a number, that he had nothing to do, but to march forward, assured of success and victory. The confidence of the country in the Spanish troops, and the dread of them, declined in proportion as confidence in the patriot troops increased. Thus he advanced into the inte- rior of Venezuela, supported by a series of successes, which cost him very little; and thus he entered the capital, Caracas, whence the enemy had fled. IMcn, money, arms, munitions of every description, were offered himfiom every corner, and, united with the zeal of about a million of people, desirous in assisting him to destroy the feeble remnant of the enemy, very ordinary talents only were requisite to direct this power- ful mass of forces and means, to the utter extermination of Spanish despotism and cruelty. But the weak Bolivar was so elated with his unexpected suc- cess, that, at the height of his fortune, he lost all reflection and imagined that every thing was accomplished. His gross faults were the only cause of his ruin. They brought on the subse- quent misery of his countrymen, and the downfall of the cause of freedom in Venezuela. The year of 1813 saw him upon the summit of human grandeur and glory. The next year saw him a fugitive in dan- ger of being shot for desertion like the meanest soldier, and MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 339 forced to seek shelter ina sister republic, Carthagena, whom he afterwards treated as a foe ; laying siege to her capital in 1815. General Monteverde, being wounded, left Porto Cubello for Curacao, where he lived in high style, from the plunder and vex- ations carried on against the inhabitants of Venezuela.* He left the command of the remaining royal troops, to colonel Salomon, whose conduct we have noticed. After Bolivar's Uight from Cumana, in August 1814, military despotism began again to hold the reins of the royal govern- ment. The captain-general, Cagigal, had the nominal power, but Boves, ]Morales, Ccvallos, and odier Spanish chieftains, acted throughout Venezuela, wherever they came, as masters and conquerors. The best proof of this, is the massacre of the most respectable inhabitants of Valencia, which took place in presence of Cagigal, and went unpunished. Similar ex- cesses were committed, unpunished, in all the other provinces of Venezuela, and throughout its whole territory persecutions and the most barbarous crueldes were multiplied and became the order of the day. The only man who had character and firmness enough to preserve the city of Caracas itself, from pil- lage was the marquis of Leon. And this lie did, as the reader will recollect, by overaweing a mulatto Ueutenant colonel, (Muchado) who had been a slave of the count of La Grange. But the marquis was not a military man ; his authority was per- sonal, limited, and momentary. He was probably, the only man at that time on the Main, qualified by character to re-establish the royal authority. But instead of giving him full powers for that purpose, the king of Spain sent ten thousand bayonets, with a chieftain more capricious, hyorcitical, despotic and sangui- nary, than any of his predecessors. Such was Don Pablo Mo- rillo, who imagined, that to overawe every one, he had only to present himself. He took the title of " pacificator of the new world," and arrived on the Main with the philanthropic principles, which characterise him in many of his letters. He wrote to the king Ferdinand, that it was necessary to regenerate Spanish America, and to exterminate, by fire and sword " the present population, and create a new one." He began by grossly oppressing the only man capable of rendering him * He gave to a colored woman in Curacao, the mislBess of tlje hotel where he lived every day, one hundered dollars for the expense of his table onl\'. I have this fact from the woman herself. 340 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. great service, the marquis of San Leon. Him he arrested and took with him as a prisoner, on his journey, because the mar- quis could not, or would not, pay him an extraordinary tax of twenty thousand dollars. Admiral marquis De Euriles, the friend und counsellor of Morillo, greatly assisted Bolivar, by the advice he gave Morillo, after he knew it was impossible for }um ever to reconquer the Main. General Morales, who succeeded La Torre, was better quali- fied to raise the royal party, but his barbarous cruelty, his igno- rance of policy, and his despotic principles, alienated from him the good opinion of both parties. Such was the general state of affairs in Venezuela, from 1810 to 1824, when the last of the Spaniards were driven from the Main by the capitulation of Porto Cabello. Let us now look at New Grenada. The viceroy Don Antonio Amar, was an honest man and desired the welfare of the country, but he was too old and too weak to hold the reins of government in a time of revolution and trouble. He hesitxted, and then gave way. Don Antonio Soria succeeded him, and did worse. From that time there had been no viceroy worthy of notice. Every province had its junta and its governor or president, who acted only by the province ; and these had no union, no understand- ing among themselves. They died away, one after another. The reader may perhaps be acquainted with the atrocious deeds of the bishop of Cuenca and his army of death, filled with friars and priests. He was another Peter the Hermit with his fanatical brethren the Crusaders. In Carthagena, Santa Martha, Porto Bello, &ic. the Spanish chieftains, after having pillaged, left the places to their subal- terns and fled. In the eight provinces of Venezuela and the twenty two of New Grenada, the viceroys, the captain-generals, governors, and Spanish leaders, have made every effort to alienate the af- fections of the Americans, by their tyranny, cruelty, duplicity and their general conduct as impolitic as it was barbarous. The king, the regency, the cortes and the juntas of Spain have powerfully seconded the patriots. Ever since 1810, the Spaniards have done all they could do in favor of the patriots. Besides the conduct of the Spanish chieftains has undoubtedly favored the enterprises of general Bolivar, and assisted his fee- ble efforts. His generals and subalterns, and all the inhabitants of Colombia have powerfully supported him. Many of his .ME.MOIKS UF BULIVAK. 341 generals have done far more than he has to free the country from the Spaniards. Amongst them Louis Brion was distinguished ; as were also the generals Ribas, Vihapol, Pacz, Zarasa, Piar, Palacios, Arismendy, Gomez, Sanander, Padilla, and others. None of these generals, have ever abandoned, or in any respect behaved so meanly as Bolivar has done. To these brave men Colom- bia, and Bolivar himself, owe the expulsion of the Spaniards and the salvation of the country ; if their present expulsion may be called so. Of these, Brion, Ribas, Villapol, Piar, and Palacio, live no longer. Sanander and Padilla are arrested, and will probably be condemned to deatli.* The brightest deeds of all these generals, were performed in the absence of Bolivar. Abroad, they were attributed to his military skill and heroism, while in fact he was a fugitive, a diousand miles Irom the scenes of their bravery, and never dreaming of their successes. What has he done in Peru ? He has destroyed freedom and independence there, as in Colombia. f His protectorate there, answers exactly to his dictatorship in Colombia ; a despotic, mihtary anarchy ; which has driven the best inhabitants Irom both countries, or rendered them slaves, and which, for many years to come, will be felt as the pernicious efiect of Bolivar's incapacity and despotism. General Bolivar, moreover, has never in person commanded a regiment, nor four soldiers. He has never made a charge of cavalry, nor with a bayonet. On the contrary, he has ever been careful to keep himself out of danger. He has always taken the precaution to provide himself with excellent horses and good guides, and whenever the fire approached him, has made use of both. The plain narration of fact composing these memoirs proves this assertion. General Bolivar's expedition in 1813, against Monteverde, and its complete success, has made him famous abroad. I have shown how easy, in his situation, success w^as ; that he had only to go forward. The merh, whatever it may be, ot con- senting to go forward with a hand full of men after the depic- tion of colonel Castillo, is general Bolivar's. The expedition * Written November lOtli, 1828. t The two battles fought in Peru were gained in his absence ; in the one he was a hundred miles from the field of action ; In (he second at Ayachuco; he was sick. General Sucre gained both, and Bolivar had the honor and the name. 342 .MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. was conceived and planned, not so much by Bolivar as by his cousin Ribas, who was not only the soul, but the h'iend also of Bolivar. He and colonel Brizeno persuaded Bolivar to per- severe and go forward, when, as respectable eye witnesses have assured me, Bolivar himself wished, upon the defection of Cas- tillo, to return to Carthagena. This entry into Venezuela was the most brilliant epoch in the military career of general Bolivar. I have shown how easily it was made. Very litde talent, surely, was requisite to drive a handful of Spaniards out of the country, and by so doing, give libertv to ihe Venezuelans. He did neither, but fled for shelter to New Grenada. But the memory of his grandeur remained, and having been the tyrant of his country, he was regarded as her Liberator. His fame procured him a good reception at Tunja, in November, 1814, and the congress of New Grenada named him captain-general of the armies of Venezuela and New Grenada, the highest military charge in the Spanish American armies. But this was trifling when com- pared with his dictatorship in Venezuela. Congress, and all true friends of liberty, now entertained san- guine hopes, that Bolivar had acquired wisdom by experiencing adversity, and that he felt an ardent desire to retrieve his faults and deserve the confidence of congress. These hopes were founded upon his verbal promises made to his friends in Tunja, and upon his numerous proclamations, and solemn promises, to give freedom, liberty and welfare to the Grenadans. But he had acquired the habit of acting as master, and of following the impulses of his vain and haughty disposition. He entirely disregarded the confidence placed in him, and the obligation be was under to the congress of New Grenada, which placed him at the head of a strong army, that he might be enabled to fulfil the important and double commis- sion given him. He took, with perfect ease, the open and un- defended capital of Bogota, but suffered his troops to plunder it, during 48 hours. The most important task assigned him, was the conquest of Santa Martha, which, at the time, could have been easily completed ; but he preferred the gratification of his own revenge, in besieging Carthagena, which had re- ceived him within her walls, with distinguished hospitality whilst he was a fugitive, and proscribed by Arismendy and Bermudes. His principal aim, in besieging, and endeavoring to take Car- thagena, was to avenge himself upon Castillo, who commanded MEMOIRS OF BOI.IVAR. o4o in the place. The dreadfiil consequences of tliis siege have been detailed already. In the assembly of patriots, held in the beginning of 1S16, in the city of Aux Cayes, (iiayti,) its inembeis named general Bolivar as their commander-in-chief, because commodore Brion, upon whom the expedition depended, had, formally and open- ly, declared that if Bolivar should not be appointed the com- mander-iu-chief of the projected expedition, he would not ad- vance a single dollar. Brion was, at that time, the principal supporter of the patriots ; commodore Aury was the next ; but the former had more money, and a more extensive credit than the latter, and was animated, by the great promises of Bolivar, to act in lus favor. The president of Hayti, Alexander Petion, was also in favor of general Bolivar, and assisted him power- fully in the projected expedition. Besides all this, Bolivar had sacrificed his fortune iti favor of the cause, and had been the most elevated chieftain, in rank, since 1813. Commodore Aury was the only member of this assembly w^ho opposed, not the nomination of Bolivar, but his assuming the civil and military power, alone. He proposed a council of government of three or five members, over which Bolivar should preside. Bolivar rose and spoke vehemently against a divis- ion of power, and concluded by saying that he would rather re- sign than consent to Aury's proposal. Bolivar was well aware that Brion and Petion would do little or nothing, if any other chieftains were elected ; and, therefore, ventured to speak of resignation. Not a voice was heard in support of Aury ; and Bolivar proposed a loud and individual vote ; which was given for his being commander-in chief of the projected expedition. The proceedings were reduced to writing beforehand, and were signed by every member except Aury ; upon whom Bo- livar avenged himself, as we have seen. From the time that Aury expressed himself so strongly against the absolute and undivided power of Bolivar, the latter began to fear that others might follow Aury's example. Since 1813, Bolivar had been accustomed to have all around him ac- knowledge and submit to his authority and obey implicitly all his orders, how^ever arbitrary or despotic. When the dictator ordered the execution of the 1200 Spaniards in February, 1814, more than a thousand inhabitants of Caracas and Luguai- ra, murmured deeply against this cruel and sanguinary deed ; but no one dared to oppose, or even to speak openly against it. 344 MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. When Bolivar heard from me that general San lago Marino had given a secret commission to captain Bouille, a colored man, to rccniit 300 choice soldiers from Hayti, he became very uneasy, and said to me that Piar had certainly advised Marino to do so. He added that Piar being a colored man was a very dangerous one, and that he had the greatest influence over Ma- rino, and that Piar's object was to enable Marino again to be- come his rival, as he had been in 1813 and '14. He then re- quested me to find some means of defeating Marino's object, without having it known that he, Bohvar, cared about it. This was done as I have already related. As soon as the supreme chief arrived at Carupano, from the island of Margarita, his body-guard was organised. Twenty- five men, with an officer, were daily placed before his head- quarters, and relieved every twenty four hours. In December, IS 17, when Bolivar arrived at Barcelona, he again organised a body-guard. This was repeated at Angos- tura, and since that time this corps has been augmented so much that he appointed the general of division, Raphael Urdaneta, the commander-in-chief of it. He had various generals of brigades under his orders ; but principally general Anzoatigui, who was always blindly devoted to him. Since that time this body-guard has accompanied him every where. There can be no doubt that the institution of this body-guard has been the ruin of liberty in Colombia ; because the bayonets have supplied the place of both military and administrative skill, ever since the Spaniards were driven j'rom the territory. These alone have kept the weight of argument and opinion on his side. In imitation of the famous motto, " Ultima Ratio i?eg-w??i," en- graved upon the cannon of Frederick 2d of Prussia, Bolivar should engrave upon the muskets of his body-guard, " Ultima Ratio Dictatomm.'''' Their bayonets, supported by the money supplied by English stock jobbers, have given him a suprema- cy over the congress, which, in the latter fimes of his presiden- cy, has been the slave of his will. 1 may ask, has any one of the disUnguished patriots ever opposed the least hint, to his known will ? These patriots, having nothing to oppose to the bayonets of Bohvar, have always the majority of members against them. Bolivar has several times ofl^ered his resignation, but never unless he knew beforehand, that no one would dare to appear in favor of accepting it. He has a great many enemies, but the bayonets are all on his side. MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 345 In order to preserve his usurped power, he is earcful to treat all his guards well, and to attacli dieir ofTicers to hiui by paying great attention to them, and making them large presents. He took his Colombian body-guard to l^eru ; and when he left Peru, in IS26, lie brought baek a body-guard along with his Colombian troops, 1500 Peruvians, under the plausible pretext of having troops sufficient to march against the rebels at Valen- cia. His being in power simply, attaches many to him. A great source of his influence is, his iiaving the disposal of all the offi- ces of Colombia, in the civil and military departments, and those who Hatter and please him best, get the best offices, with- out the least regard to tlieir qualifications. He is a great dis- sembler, and possesses such easiness of manners, that lie charms tliose whom he wishes to gain to his purpose, seldom refusing their requests, and never meeting them with rebuke. The most common actions of men in power, under whatever name they may rule, are generally regarded as generous and extraordinary deeds. Far nobler deeds of private men pass unnoticed. This is the case with Bolivar. He spends 20 or 100,000 dollars, without hesitation, when lie can immediately have what sum he pleases. He knows well that so long as he reigns, he shall not want money. The great mass of the people are ignorant, bigoted, and rude, to a degree not easily conceived by one educated in almost any protestant country, particularly in the North American states. Hence it is, that Bolivar's speeches, proclamations, promises, conversations, are thought of so highly. These peo- ple once getting a notion into their heads, keep it fast. They think Bolivar a great man, and believe that his monstrous faults are in fact the faults of others, because he tells them so. Be- sides, he generally shows only the fair side of any event v, hat- ever.* Whenever he is about to appear, on solemn occasions, before the public, he is careful to prepare his friends and creatures, by informing them what he intends to do, and how they are to act. He then goes, surrounded by a numerous body of offi- cers, all devoted to him, and a large number of troops, who re- main without, under arms. Surrounded by this Ibrcc, he is * See his memoir justificative published at Cartliaffena in Sept. 1814-, his procla- mation before he embarked for Jamaica, in May, liJlJi that published after Uic ex- ecution of {general Piar, in 11517, &c 44 34G MEMOIRS OF BOLIVAR. always sure of the strongest party. This military show imposes upon all, and so overawes his boldest and most decided ene- mies, that they are forced to be silent, knowing his vain, vin- dictive and treacherous character, and being sure that, if they opposed him, they should, sooner or later, become the victims of his vengeance. A more striking proof of his vindictive spir- it need not surely be required, than his siege of Carthagena, carried on for the purpose of taking vengeance on JMorillo, for an insult received two years before, and to avenge Pineres' de- feat, (and his own) in his effort to be elected president of the government of that province.* What senator or representative could be rash enough to oppose him ? He could not be op- posed, with any chance oi success, but by some military chief- tain, who should have at command a force equal, at least, to his own. All the present chieftains are in favor of Bolivar, and all hold offices of a high grade, under him. The power and the wealth of the country are in the hands of those who are inter- ested deeply in supporting the power of Bolivar. It is by means of all these advantages united, that general Bolivar has preserved his power since 1813. His security is now so great that he feels himself above dissembling any longer. He has thrown off the mask, and acts the part, and speaks the language of an independent and powerful sovereign. He will preserve his power as long as those who surround him remain attached to him, probably as long as he lives. His re- moval, whether it happened by his death or otherwise, would produce a civil war. All well informed men who are acquainted with the different manners and habits of thinking, and with the herteogeneous characters of the provinces, and tb.e chieftains now composing this colossal mass, called a Republic ; will agree with me that it is impossible, so to unite these parts, that the body may enjoy that liberty which is necessary to the existence of a republic. If, therefore, Bolivar should be suddenly removed, these ambi- tious chieftains, each of whom has his partizans and admirers, would place themselves at the head of armed men, and march one against another. The hatred of which I have spoken in my introduction, which exists in a very high degree between the Caraguin and Grenadan government ; and the jealousy ex- isting among all he chieftains, would soon overturn the state. ' See chapter Ylll JIE.MOIRS OF BOLIVAR. 347 Colombia would be ilie theatre of a desperate and bloody war. The strongest would reign just when and so long as he contin- ued to be so. I speak freely of the characters of the princijial chieftains in Colombia ; and I have a right to do so, for 1 know them well. My acquaintance with them has been sufficient to give me a knowledge of the degree to which their minds have been culti- vated and enlightened, as well as of their distinctive characters, and their actual worth. It is absurd to suppose that a people kept in ignorance, slavery, bigotry and superstition, for three centuries, can be raised at once to the degree of light, knowl- edge and virtue, possessed (for example) by the people of the United States, who, perhaps are the only people ripe for the blessings of true liberty, which is grounded upon wise laws, and su])ported by a liberal and virtuous population. Time alone, and that well improved, by giving the Colombians good schools, and atibrding them good examples, and a frequent intercourse with enlightened strangers, can by degrees introduce among them the elements of knowledge, and raise them to that high state of mind which is capable of appreciating freedom. Who, in Colombia, is able to give wise laws ? Who is able to make the people see their use, or to persuade or compel them to obey such laws ? Who can be found there to support such laws in opposition to his own individual interest ? Boli- var's example, had he been capable of setting it, would have gone a great way toward producing the happiest results. But unfortunately for Colombia, and indeed for all the other Span- ish republics, Bolivar has neither virtue, firmness nor talent to raise himself above his own sphere of mediocrity, passion, am- bition and vanity. He is far from being competent to lay a foundation for good law^s, schools, useful institutions and a flour- ishing commerce. Had he been fit for these things, he would long since have invited and protected strangers and encouraged agriculture, in a country where soil and climate combine to lighten the labour of man, and to muhiply the comforts of life. He would have encouraged commerce, instead of depressing it. He would have made it the interest of the clergy to inspire the people, who are devoted to them, with the principles of a just education, of morality, union, and patriotism. He would have insisted upon the freedom of religious opinion, and have protected the people in the use of all the means necessary for the enjoyment of it. He would have consulted men of expe- 343 srEMOiRS or bolitar. rience and virtue ; and surrounded himself with men of talents and probity. ,- ' • But what has tliis man clone diirins; tlic last four years, that is, since 1824, wiien Colombia was cleared of the last Spanish soldier ! Instead of remaining in his native country and em- ploying all the means in his powder to establish a solid govern- ment, we see him, even as early as 1822, seeking a new field for his ambition, a new scene of what he deems glory. He goes to the South, overruns a new country, destroys the con- gress in Peru, and places himself there, at the head of a des- potic military government, and there renews the dictatorial vil- lanies of 1813 and 14 in Venezuela. By force of arms he detaches a portion of Peru, calls it the republic of Bolivia, giv- ing it a monarchical constitution, of which he is the president and protector. When he saw that his protectorship was going the wrong way, he thought of no remedy, but a timely retreat; the same he had always been accustomed to resort to. He retired to Guayaquil, whence, as I have been well in- formed, he secretly sent out emissaries to Valencia, Caracas, Porto Cabello and Carthagena. Paez having openly raised the standard of revolt against the existing constitutional form oi government, Bolivar adroitly seized this pretext, named him- self dictator, annulled all congressional forms, and took all the powers to himself; and passing over to Valencia, held secret conferences with Paez, and his old and intimate friend, Dr. JMigiiel Pena, and not only left Paez unpunished, but confirm- ed him in his post. Bolivar is suddenly struck with conviction of the necessity of a reform and a change in the constitution of Colombia ! The national convention assembles at Ocana. During their session, Bolivar, some leagues otT, with an anxious and jealous eye, sur- veys their operations. The result, is too w^ell known. The convention expires, and Bolivar, become its heir, is compen- sated for all his restless nights and his sorrow ; and sits upon his throne, wddi the title of " Supreme Chief, President Libera- tor!"* Such is the political life of the cunning Simon Bolivar. His favorite rule is, to do every thing by himself; and he has act- ed upon it, overturning or transforming every thing. At the head of the twelve departments, he placed, under the name of ^See AppcndiX; documents Nog. 11 and IS MEMORS OF BOLIVAR. 349 intendants, military chieftains, the greatest part of wliom were totally unacquainted with any kind of administration whatever- He made Souhlette intcndant of Caracas ; Marino, of Maturin, and so on. He has destroyed \]w little commerce of the coun- try by heavy i:n[)orts, by his lamous decree on patents, by his not admitting of the Colombian vales in the public treasury, by imposing arbitrary taxes upon merchants, by incarcerating,' foreigners, which he did at Laguaira and Caracas in the be- ginning of 181G, and refusing to hear their just representations. Agriculture and national industry have been destroyed by his campaigns in Peru, and by the numerous levies, recently made, by way of prejiaration against a new attack of the Spanish, ex- pected from Cuba, against Colombia. The finances are so ruined that Bolivar knows not how, any longer., to pay the interest of the English loan, and keep the national credit even up to its present sunken state. Thus has Boli\ar destroyed the welfare of Colombia, and ruined Peru, and should he appear elsewhere, his appearance would produce the same result. But the worst of Bolivar's acts is the last, where he has impu- dently thrown off his flimsy mask, and declared that "bayo- nets are the best, the only rulers of nations." This pernicious example, it is to be feared, will be followed by other chieftainSj in the new Spanish Republics. APPENDIX. NO. I. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA. The sovereign Congress of Venezuela, whose authority has been voluntarily recognized by the people of New Grenada, lib- erated by the arms of the republic, considering, 1. That the ])rovinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, united in a single republic, possess all the requisites for attaining the highest degree of power and prosperity : 2. That if formed into distinct republics, and even united by the closest ties, far from profiting by their great advantages, they could, with difficulty, give stability to, and command respect for their sovereignty : IJ. That these truths, being deeply impressed upon the minds of all men of superior talents, and sound patriotism, have deter- mined the governments of the two republics, to agree upon their union, hitherto obstructed by the vicissitudes of war. Wherefore, actuated by necessity and mutual interest, and con- forming to the report of a special committee of deputies from New Grenada and Venezuela, In the name, and under the protection of the Almighty, they have decreed, and do hereby decree, the following Fundamental Law of the republic of Colombia : Art. 1. The republics of Venezuela and New Grenada are henceforth united in one, under the glorious title of the Republic of Colombia. 2. Its territory shall comprehend the former captain-ger.eralship of Venezuela, and the viceroyalty of New (Jrenada, comprehend- ing an extent of a hundred and fifteen tliousand square leagues, the precise limits whereof shall be fixed hereafter. 3. The debts contract(;d se})arately by tlie two republics, are hereby consolidated as a nfaional debt of' Colomlna, for the pay- ment of'which all the j)roper'y of the state is pledged, and the most productive branches of the public revenue shall be appropri- ated. 352 APPENDIX. 4. The Executive power of tlie Republic sliall be vested in a President; and, in the case of vacancy, in llie Vice -President, both to be provisionally appointed by tlie present Congress. 5. The Republic of Colomiiia shall be (pro tern.) divided into the tlu-ee great departments of Veneznfda, Quito, and Cundina- marca, comprising the provinces of New (Jrenada, which de- nomination is henceforth al)olished ; and their capitals shall be the cities of Caracas, Quito, and Bogota, the adjunct, Santa Fe, be- ino- annulled. (). Each department shall have a superior administration, with a chief, to be appointed for the present by the Congress, and en- titled a Vice President. 7. A new city, to be called Bolivar, in honor of tlie assertor of the public liberty, shall be the capital of the Rcj)ulilic of Colombia. The place and situation to be fixed on by the first general Con- gress, upon the principle of adajjting it to the exigencies of the departments, and to the future grandeur to which nature has des- tined this opulent country. 8. The General Congress of Colombia shall assemble, on the first day of January^ 1821, in the town of Rosario de Cucuta, "which, tVom various circumstances, is considered the most eligi- ble situation. It shall be convened by the President of the Re- public, on the first day of January, 1821, who shall communicate such regulations concerning elections, as may be found by a spe- cial committee, and approved by the present Congress. 9. The constitution of the republic of Colombia shall be formed by the general congress ; to which shall be submitted, in the form of a plan, the constitution decreed by the present congress, which, together with the laws enacted by that body, shall be provisional- ly carried into execution. 10. The arms and flag of Colombia shall be determined on by the general congress, and in the mean time those of Venezuela being most known, siiall continue to l)e used. 11. The present congress shall adjourn on the l.jth January 1820, after which the new elections to the general congress of Colombia shall be made. 12. A committee of six members and a president shall replace the congress, whose particular power and duties shall be regula- ted by a decree. 13. The republic of Colombia shall be solemnly proclaimed throughout the towns and armies, accompanied by public festivals and rejoicings, and this ceremony shall take jilace in the caj)ital on the 25th of the present month, in commemoration of the birth of the Saviour of the world, through whose especial favor this wished for union, regenerating the state, has been obtained. 14. The anniversary of this political regeneration shall be per- petually celebrated with the solemnities of a national festival, at APPENDIX. 353 to citizens flislincruished by their virtues and tlicir talents. T.'ie present fundamental kivv of the RepuLlic of Colombia shall be solemnly promulgated throughout the towns and armies; in- scribed on all the public rt^cords and deposited in all the ar- chives of societies, municipalities, and corporations, both clerical and secular. Ciiven at the Palace of the Sovereign Congress of Venezuela, in the city of St. Thomas de Angostura, on the ITth day of ] De- cember, in the year of our Lord 1819, and ninth of independence. Francisco Antonio Zea, President nf the Congress; Juan Germar Rosico, Antonio M. 13riceno, Ignacio Munas Manuel Sedeno, Eusebio Afanador, Onofre Eazal, Juan Martinez, Fian- cisco Conde, Domingo Arzura, Jose Espana, Diego BautistaUr- baneja, Jose Thomas Machado, Luis Thomas Poraza, Juan Vin- cente Cardoso, Ramon Garcia Gadiz. Diego De Volknitla, Dep- uty and Secietary. NO. l{. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF THE UNION OF THE PEOPLE OF COLOMBIA. We the Representatives of the People of New Grenada and Venezuela, in general Congress assembled. Having carefully considered the fundamental law of the Re- public of Colombia, passed by the Congress of Venezuela at the city of St. Thomas de Angostura, on the J7th day of December A. D. 1819, are of opinion, 1. That united in one Republic, the provinces of Venezuela and New Grenada, possess all the means and faculties necessary to place them in the most elevated state of power and prosperity. 2. That constituted into separate Republics, however closely bound by the ties of union, they would find it difficult to give sta- bility to their sovereignty, or inspire respect for it. 3. That deeply penetrated by these advantages, all men of su- perior intelligence, and distinguished patriotism, have declared, that the governments of the two Republics should form an union, which the vicissitudes of war have hitherto prevented. 4. Finally, that the same considerations of reciprocal inter- course, and a necessity most manifest, had made it obligatory on the congress of Venezuela, to anticipate this measure, which has been approved in the most authoritative manner by the unanim- ous voteSjOf the people of both countries. In the name, and under the auspices of the Su[)r(me Being, they have decreed, and do boldly decree, the solemn ratification of the Fundamental Lata of the Rcjniblic of Colombia, wnich has been before mentioned, in the following manner : 45 354 APPENDIX. Art 1. The people of New Grenada and Venezoula, being uni- ted in one nationul body, founded on a compact, which deter- mines tliat the government is now, and ever shall be^ popular and representative. 3. This new nation shall be known and denominated, by the title of the Repnb/ic of Colombia. J3. The Colombian nation is, and shall forever be, irrevocably free and independent of the Spanish monarchy, and of every oth- er foreign power or domination ; nor shall it ever be the patrimo- ny of any family or person. 5. The supreme national power shall always be separately exercised, and divided into legislative, executive and juridi- cal. 5. The territory of the Republic of Colombia shall compre- hend all that was within the ancient captain-generalship of Ven- ezuela, and the viceroy alty of New Grenada; hut reserving for a more suitable time their precise demarcation. 6. For the more advantageous administration of the Republic, its territory shall, for the present, be divided into six or more de- partments, each bearing a particular name, with a subordinate administration, dependent on the national government. 7. The present congress of Colombia shall form the Constitu- tion of the repuflic, in conformity with the sentiments here ex- pressed, upon those liberal principles which liave heen consecra- ted by the wise practice of other free nations. 8. They recognise in eon^olidvm as the national debt of Colom- bia, all the debts which the two people have separately contracted, and for which they make responsible all the property of the re- pulilic. 9. The congress shall, in the mode that maybe found conven- ient, appropriate the most productive branches of the public rev- enue, the taxes, and a special sinking fund created for the purpose, for the redemption of the principal, and paying the in- terest of the pulilic del)t. 10. In more favorable circumstances, there shall be erected a new city, with the name of the Liberator, Bolivar, which shall be the capital of the republic of Colombia. The plan and scite shall be determined by congress, founded on the principle of ac- commodation to the convenience of the different parts of this vast territory, and the grandeur to which this territory is destined by nature. 11. Meanwhile, until congress shall establish the distinc- tive insignia, and the Ibig of Colombia, the actual flags of New Grenada and Venezuela shall be continued in use. 12. The ratification of the establishment of the Colombian Republic, and the publication of the Constitution shall be cele- APPENDIX. 355 brated in ihe towns and in the armies, with festivity and public rejoicings, making known in all places, the solemnity of the day on whi(;ii the Constitution is promulgated. 1;J. There shall be, perpetually, a national festival, for three days in each year, upon which shall be celebrated the Anniver- sary : 1 , Of the emancipation and independence of the people of Co- lombia : '2, The union in one republic, and the r:>labUshmcnf of the con- stitution : 3, To the great triumphs and splendid victories by which we have conquered our enemies, and secured these blessings. Art. 14. The national festival shall be celebrated every year on the -^oth, •2Gth and '^Tth of December, consecrating each day to the special remembrance of one of those three glorious causes, and in particular, to that of the virtues, the intelligence and the services rendered to the country. The present fundamental law of the union of the people of Co- lombia, shall be solemnly promulgated in the towns, and in the armies ; inscribed on the public registers and deposited in all the archives of the cabildos and c >rporations, civil and ecclesiastical, and shall be communicated to the supreme executive power by a special deputation. Dine in the j)htce of the general Congress of Coloml)ia, in the town of Rosario de Cucuta, the l-2th of July, A. D. IS'^D, twelfth year of independence. Jose Ignacio Marques, President, Anto.vio M. Briceno, Vice President. Felix Restrepo, Manuel M. Guijan o, Pedro F. Carbajal, Jose Cornelius Vallaria, Casimiro Calvo, Miguel Ibanez, Francisco de Orbegogo., Carlos Alvarez, Diego F. Gomez, Lorenzo St. Ander, Juan B. Esieves, Jose Antonio Yanes, Andreas Rojas, Bernar- dino Tovar, Jose Antonio Paredes, Gabriel Briceno, Louis Igna- cio Mendoza, Toaguin Plata, Jose Prudencia Lanz, Jose Manuel Restrepo, Francisco Jose Olero, Miguel Tobar, Jose J. Borrn(eherv of more tlinii tilOO Spaiiiiirds and Isleno in Lnguairu and Caracas, executed by Bolivar's order. Ai' thor. APPENDIX. SG5 riga, chief of the staff, would come from Ituancayo, from the com- mander-in-chief, to have an interview with said minister, and to receive the despatches, two of which were in fact delivered to him, for the viceroy La Serna, number 9 and 1'2, accompanied by the official despatch and letter for his Excellency general Canterac, nnmbers 13 and 14, the replies to which are numbers 15 and 16. The conference with general Soriga was altogether of a private nature, as he declared from the beginning, that La Serna alone could give a definitive answer. In this conference, as in all the others, the minister proceeded to establish negociations exclusive- ly on the basis of iiidependence, and he there solicited, as had been proposed by general Bolivar, in case of being refused an as- sent to the preliminary convention of Buenos Ayres, a particular treaty of union and friendship, might be concluded with Peru, on the basis of independence. Having punctually given an account of all that had been doing to general IJolivar, he wrote me a letter of approbation, number 17. By this letter, it appears that all that I did on this sul>ject wate with his knowledge and concurrence ; and all that the minis- ter proposed had been previously arranged without his deviatino- in the slightest respect from his instructions. There was only one difference, general Bolivar was not desi- rous that a convention should be formed with the Spaniards, even ujwn the basis of independence ; he wished to propose a thing that was not to be fulfilled, whilst I was always resolved to proceed with good faith, to comply exactly with my duty and to restore peace to Peru by the sincere union of Spaniards and Peruvians. Who would not esteem jlhis conduct the most honorable and beneficial to the country? If the end of this war was to gain in- dependence, if this could be obtained without the effusion of blood, and without aggerating the sacrifices of a devastated territory, why did general Bolivar wish to risk the object by the uncertain result of a itattle? Why was the greatest part of the Peruvian ar- my to perish, which should serve as the defence of this soil ? Why, in case that the forces of Colombia should triumph, should this country remain at the mercy of Bolivar, for him exclusively to de- cide on its fate and destiny ? What honorable man, in my case, would have performed so rash and desperate a part? My desire was to terminate the war. The congress wished the same thing, manifested sufficiently in the order of the 14th of last January, number 8. I am certain that my conduct in this particular could only ap- pear bad to general Bolivar, and to his ambitious satellites, but to no other people or inhabil^ant of the world. Before God and man, my conscience tells me I have proceeded with recUtude, I owed much to the people for having reposed their confidence in me. I fulfilled my obligations on this account, by exerting myself for their good and prosperity, at the expense of a thousand risks and 3G6 APPENDIX. sacrifices. At some future period, my actions will be properly es- timated, and an impartial posterity, not agitated by the passions of deluded, ungrateful and intrigueing men, will do me justice. I was anxiously expecting a reply from his excellency the vice- roy, on the negociations above mentioned, when the troops, which garrisoned the castles of Callao, refused obedience to the inde- pendent authorities. This happened three days after the minis- ter of war had returned from Xauja to Lima; and the enemies of order, well satisfied that the government had no part in this rev- olution, endeavored to throw the suspicions on him. As I had no previous intimation of this charge, I confidently believed, and ma- ny others believed, that it was a political and military stratagem general Bolivar made use of, with the double object of overthrow- ing the government, which he could not decorously attack, and to beat the Spanish forces which might advance to the assistance of the castles. Many circumstances concurred to give plausibility to this pre- sumption. General Bolivar not only charged me expressly from Caxamarca, under date of the I'^tli of last December, that the bat- tallion Vargas, should leave Callao to be replaced by that of Buenos Ayres, but in his letter of the 7 th of January of the same year^ No. 19, in which he mentions his having been informed of the insur- rection of the grenadiers of that body in Lima, he orders the bat- talion Vargas, to be ready to march, as was afterwards done, and that Callao should be defended by the troops of Peru and the Rio de La Plata. Colonel Ileres, on the 9th of the same month, in his letter. No. 20, recommends to me very particularly from Bolivar, his orders contained in his official letter of the 14th Decemlier, from Caxa- marca, that is to say, the same ordersVith regard to the charge of battallions; and that all the royalists, all factious individuals, and the followers of Riva vVguera, should be shot — not oidy were the troops distributed according to the directions of general Bolivar, but some days previous to the insurrection at Callao, general Al- varado was named by him governor of that place. Colonel Val- divieso, who was really the governor, was removed, without cause, or any just motive. The same thing had happened a few days previously at the request of the general-in-chief of the army of the centre. Don Henriguez Martinez, to the commander of one of the forts, Don Francisco Cabero and Sifuentis. This extraordinary combination of simultaneous changes, offered presumptive evidence to my suspicion ; and other things occurred to confirm it. Not being able to conceive that there was any ne- glect in the service of the castles, or in the administration of the corps, I was astonished, at not having received any information of it from the governor of the place, and that no commander or offi- cer had made any discovery on this subject ; and finally, that the generals of the Andes were constantly encouraging expectations APPENDIX. 367 of recoverincr the castles. All this induced the belief that the two fold object of the revolution was to depose the government, and to beat the Spaniards; but principally so, when the Colombian offi- cer, Ucarte, the aid to colonel llcres, in passing over to the Span- iards, was found, with either a true or forged passport from his co- lonel. Such a casualty induced a suspicion that Ugarte was car- rying over an insidious and detailed information, and that the Spanish forces were speedily coming to Callao. Ultimately it has become notorious, that the authors of the movements in Callao were only colonel Moyano, and lieutenant colonel Oliva, who had formed their plan without depending on any external assistance to realise the undertaking. After the loss of Callao, general Boli- var, trampling upon my authority, commissioned general Martinez to execute the premature measures which are contained in the co- py No. 21, directed to the ministers at war, with the note, No. 22. As, according to received orders, Martinez was to cause the in- fantry to march instantly, the capital remaining unprotected and without the power of being garrisoned in a proper manner, I sum- moned a Junta of generals; and after having read the said instruc- tions, I was of opinion the troops should not march, which was agreed upon by the Junta. I thus saved the capital from the dread- ful catastrophe which it would have suffered from the revolutions of general Bolivar — a service which is, perhaj>s, not properly ap- preciated, from its not being generally known. In the meantime Bolivar, separating himself entirely from the conduct of the government, which still subsisted, and without any resard to the congress, directed, under date of the 10th of Febru- ary, to general Martinez, the scandalous note. No. 23, which he sent to the government with the official note. No. 24. The con- gress being consulted in all that had occurred, resolved upon what is contained in the order, No. 25. The fulfilment of the determinations of Bolivar, was still sus- pended, when general Gamarra appears, commissioned to carry into effect the orders given to Martinez. The legislative body was informed of this circumstance, the only superior authority whom I would acknowledge, and they issued an order of suspen- sion, which appears in the paper No. 2(3. There was no remedy ; the president of Colombia required his mandates should be obey- ed in Peru , and it was to be done. Invested now with a dictatorial character, without paying the least attention to the sanction of the representative authority, he names general Necochea, civil and military chief of the capital, commanding him to fulfil his orders ; in virtue of which appointment, with the consent of the congress, I delivered up the command to Necochea on the 17th of Februa- ry, after having received the note No. 27. I thus terminated my career in the supreme government of Pe- ru, called independent, which I had maintained with so much re- pugnan .e, and with the object alone of freeing the country from 368 APPENDIX. an obstructive authority. It was on tliis account I received the command at Callao from general Sucre, and that I did not re- nounce it on the arrival oi" Bolivar, although I was strongly urged to it by the deputy Carrion. When the congress, in naming Bolivar dictator, sent to know my wish, by Don Arce, I replied, that, as a public man I would f'ullil immediately, whatever the Peruvian congress should resolve upon, in order that they should not think me ambitious of the com- mand. In fact, I preserved the command whilst I thought it in- dispensable to preserve the country from being sacrificed. Last- ly, when the government of the capital was offered me by the Spanish authorities, 1 refused it, since there is at present no dan- ger whatsoever, or absolute necessity, for my services. I, being separated from the government, Bolivar determined to crown his works, by ordering me to be arrested and shot, as well as many illustrious and respectable Peruvians, who, according to his opinion, might oppose his design. The Supreme Being has saved us and placed us under the protection of the national army. We will continually exert ourselves for the felicity of oar country, always contributing to its increased prosperity, and to prostrate the progress of the tyrant. His immeasurable ambition shall find no aliment in Peru, nor shall he ever domineer over its illustrious citizens. It is as true that Bolivar has endeavored to persecute, without cause, every Peruvian of talents, or who could make a figure, as that, when general La Fuente caused the last change in Truxil- lo, and was called the Pacificator of the North, Bolivar immedi- ately determined to destroy him. La Funete caused the Peruvian cuirassiers to sustain themselves against the hussars of the guard of Bolivar, who wished to trample upon them. From that time he determined to deprive him of the Presidency of Truxillo, separate him from the army, and send him toCiiili, under the mis- erable and puerile pretexts which appears in his letter, No. 28. In this letter he also disapproves of tlie conduct observed towards Riva Aguero ; yet it had his entire approbation, and he ever wished it more rigorous, as appears from his official letter of the 1 1th December, No. 2. As to general Santa Cruz, the said let- ter evinces sufficiently the ancient hatred that the president of Colombia felt for him, and which he has after expressed and man- ifested, by the repeated entreaties that general Sucre has made to me, to cause himself and Santa Cruz to be tried by a coun- cil of war, on account of the late events of the South. The ob- ject of this was the destruction of Santa Cruz ; and on this account I refused acceding to the proposal. I cherish the flattering idea that, during my government, in the most turbulent times, and in the midst of a civil war, Providence has not permitted a drop of hu- man blood to be shed. Some rigid measures were indispen- sably taken to prevent our being devoured by anarchy ; but every APPENDIX. 3G9 Peruvian was set at liberty, and restored to his house before I gave up tlie command. 1 maintained tiiis without receiving a real of sal- ary as supreme chief, in order that the most necessitions might be relieved, and assisting many with my own fortune, and burthening myself to sustain the lustre of tiie rank which I had obtained. I believe my administration has been marked by mildness, justice and disinterestedness, and if my government was not the best, my inten- tions were perfectly correct and pure. United now to the national army, our fates will always be the same. I shall never be dazzled by tlie false glare of chimerical ideas, which bewildering the de- luded people only lead to their destruction, and to make the for- tunes and satiate a horde of adventures. On every side we see nothing but ruin and misery. In the course of the war, who but those who called themselves defenders of the country had ruined our fortunes, devastated our fields, relaxed our morals, oppressed and distressed the people? What has been the fruit of this rev- olution. What is the positive good that has resulted to the coun- try ? The total insecurity ^of property and individuals. I detest a system which has not for its object the general good, and which does not conciliate the interests of all the citizens. Oh Peru ! peaceable country, in which I first beheld the day ; delightful country ! that appears destined for the residence of the Gods I Do not permit temjjles to tyranny to be raised within your limits, under the false pretext of liberty. Do not believe that your happiness is intended by a show of a false equality. From the instant that you shall succumb, a colossal power will oppress you witli the weight of a most cruel despotism. Already the people governed by Bolivar, groan under it ; and if fate is fa- vorable to him, all the other states of America will follow their unhajipy example. From the cordial and sincere union of Spaniards, every good may be expected ; from Bolivar desolation and death. The Marquis of Torke Tagle. Lima, March 16, 1824. JUSTIFICATORY DOCUMENTS. No. 1.] — Extract of a letter, of the 5tli December, 182:5, wiittcii by Don Joso Benardo de Tagle, to general Simon Bolivar. 1 laid the communiiiation of La i'uonte before the congress, without giving any opinion respecting Riva Agiicro, but only requesling their resolve in order to com- municate it. Tiie congress docs not ajiprovo that liiva Aguero, should go to Chili ; and says that you and rnyself :-bould dcleriniui; on this subject. The law is clear, and the crimes of this unlortunate man delerniiue his ])unishment. I complied with what is due to justice, but I assure you that, after having been for many vears a public character, and experienced the pain of being obligefl to decide upon the l;it(! of men, a day of greater unhappiness than was occasioned by deci- ding upon that of Hiva Aguero, 1 have never in mv life experienced. I believed 47 370 APPENDIX. that he must have set off for Cliili ; for certainly he would not have thought it prudent to wait there (Truxiilo) the determination of tlie congress. Anxiously do I wish to know tiie fate of that man. No. 2.] — Head Quarters of the Lihertador Caxamarca, December 14, 1823. To the minister of umr. As I arrived yesterday vvithout my secretary, he having been taken ill on the road, I addressed myself directly to your Excellency. I last night received the communications of his Excellency to the 30th of last month by which I have learnt the dislodgement of the expedition of Arica, and tile suspicion that was entertained against the vice admiral of Peru.* As the brig Boyaca, with captain Coro, has arrived on the west of Huanchaco, with tile object of sending assistance to the party of Riva Aguero, there is not the least doubt that hopes are entertained of keeping that party alive, which appears almost extinct. Consequently, Iliave dictated measures for securing the vessels of Peru and Colombia, which might be attached by the partizans of Kiva Aguero, or by the Spanish squadron, consisting of four sail, of which I have been informed by the captain of the port of Callao, and by an original letter from his Excellency, the president of the Republic. The communicatjons of yesterday have not failed to produce a very dsiagreeable impression upon me ; they show me that obsta- cles are multiplying on every side to the liberty of Peru The expedition of Chili is dispersed, and even returned to its country. i?anta Cruz and his par- tizans entertain very sinister ideas ; Guise the same. The factions of Lima are making great progress in Canta and Huarochiri. The expedition of Herrera, sufficiently manifests the royalist party that predominates in Lima, in the most extraordinary manner. Finally, the combination of yesterday's news is terrible, and scarcely leaves me any hopes of a favorable result to be wrested from misfortune, even by force; every thing threatens ruin in this country. Whilst 1 advance towards the North, the South falls into contusion ; and v\licn I return to the Soutli, I am certain this part of the North, will inevitably be thrown in the utmost disorder, because Peru has become the camp of Argamant, where no one is understood. Whatever direction I take, I meet with opposition. Who would have conceived that the party of Riva Aguero, should be able to recruit accomplices by the attraction of an infamous piece of treason ? Yet such is the situation of things. It is my opin- ion, that if the government does not establish terrible measures against the royal- ists, and against factions iyidividvals ; that Pern will be the victim of its own clemency. The orders of the government upon Riva Aguero, and his accompli- ces, are very just and very much to tiic point, and ought to be rigorously complied with; besides, /a77i of opinion that the same orders shoidd be extended to the other accomplices of Lima, and others of Riva Jiguero's party, or that of the Spaniards. The government should demand from the congress terrible laivs against conspirators, of whatever j^arty they may be; and the government should cause these lairs to be executed uith inexorable rigor. Peru is under- mined by her enemies, and only a countermine can save her. I do not ve nlure to dictate measures which 1 judge salutary, because I am not a Peruvian ; and every thing I do is attributed to Colombia and sinister views. Let the relation of Herera speak for itself, which declares that the contributions create enemies to Colombia, as if the contributions were for the use of Colombia alone, and did not belong to the expenses of Peru and its authorities. Before now I have repeated that I wished that the government of Peru would incur the odiimi which will fall on me for these strong measures, and that I v. oidd do the rest. In proof of which, I have taken charge of lliis civil war, whifh certainly has been attended with its share of odium and cakunny ; but it was my duty to take charge of it, * The government of Peru always entertained the best opinion of the vice admiral. He was not accused of any thing in the coniniunicaiion to general Polivar. It was only stated to him that a serjeanl-major, who had conic troin the Chili expedition at Arica to Lima, had reported that the vice-admiral had burnt the provisions at that place, and was on his way to Huanchaco, with general Santa Cruz. APPENDIX. 371 in order to save this country. Tiianifs to God ! it has had a speedy result ; but there will certainly be a reaction, if strong caustics are not applitd to the gang- rene that this domestic war has left. To destroif the hostile and factious gueril- las, the battalion Vargas should immedinteli/ march from Callao, towards Can- ta, to be replaced by the battalion of Rio de La Plata, or Chili, or by both, for the better preservation of the castles. Let (•olonol Cordero take the coniiuand of tlie guerilla; of Sierra, against Xuuja and Pasco, and let every assistance be given him for the subsistence and movement of his troops, or ample orders to supply wherever he may be. In this way the parties of Mancebo, Rinavilca, Carrcuo, and Vidal, will be de- stoycd, and the opponents of Villar will be silenced, who on account of the hatred which is borne to him, in the country, have been found by Rinavilca, the oppo- nents of Icgitiiiiate govcrnaient. I always thought Mancebo and Villar wwo l)ad men, and pri'judicial to the country. If colonel Cordero does not tind sub- sistence for his battalion, let hiin scour the country to Caxatamba, and leave the lorce necessary to maintain order. From Huarochiri, some troops of the line from Chili, should proceed with the same object, which would also prevent the destruction of the (Jhiliati in the climate of the coast. It is incredible how neces- sary it is to throw all our army amongst the mountains, to accustom them to march, and to the climate of the country, which is to be the scene of war. On the same account I ardently desire tliat all troops of Chili, which may arrive on the coast of Peru, should move towards the mountains in anyway and in any di- rection. Afterwards they can be reunited and organised in the most convenient and best way possible. By this operation the salvation of the Chilian troops will be obtained, and an expense saved the'government which it is not able to sustain on account of i's present state of penury. As to Messrs. Santa Cruz and Guise, the government will take such measures as will bo dictatated by their wisdom — for my part, I shall soon be in Truxillo, from which place I can communicate to the government whatever occurs to me upon these and other subjects of much importance. Before terminating this official letter, I must add, that the corps commanded by Raboa have now acknowledged the legitimate government, who were the most obstinate; they are in this city in a most lamentable state, on account of their small force and miserable condition. But I shall attempt to improve it as far as lies in my power Within six days I shall be in Truxillo, and there I shall dictate measures to regulate every thing according to the views of the con- gress, and the government. The promotion of general La Fucnte has appeared to me just and proper on account of his good conduct in such critical circumstan- ces. May God preserve your Excellency. (Signed) Bolivar. No. 3.]— Pativilca, January 11th, 1824. My dear President— At last I am convalescent from my indispo-iition, which appears terminated, and has only left me a little debilitated. I cannot exactly mention the day when I shall set off for the capital, but it will be as soon as I am a little stronger. Colonel Heres will speak to you about a very important affair, which I communicate to him, under this date. I think it is of the greatest importance, and recommend it to you most earn- estly. I charge you with secrecy and promptitude in the execution of it. I am your affectionate friend and servant, Bolivar. To His Excellency Don Jose Bernardo Tagle. No. 4.]— Pativilca, January Ilth, 1824. To Colonel Heres. My esti- mable Colonel — On account of the arrival at Lima of Mr. Alzaga, and the pressing requests which have been made to the government to commence negociations on the convention, celebrated between the comnussioners of bis Catholic Majesty and the government of Buenos Ayres, His Excellency, the Liberator, thinks that an armistice can take place between general La Serna and the government of Peru, whicli, lasting six months or more, shall protect us from being invaded by the Spanish army, which, at present, has a great numerical preponderance over that of Colombia. In cff<;ct, His Excellency desires that the convention of Buenos Ayres should be ratified with the (Spaniards of Cuzco before it is ratified by our side, because it will be Ibc means of obtaining more favorable terms; when, on the contrary, if we ratify it before La Serna, he being sure of our assent, wouM 372 APPENDIX. increase his pretensions excessively, and all the disadvantages would fall upon us. The Libertador is of opinion, that the government, in accordance with the con- gress, should send a tlai; of truce to Cuzco, or wherever La Serna may be, inviting this general to enter upon a conference, the basis of wliich shall be the said ar- mistice. This being agreed to by La Serna, he will send conuuissioners to Xauja, fully authorised to treat with us upon the armistice, a rule of demarcation, and other particulars, which his excellency proposes. His excellency desires that the lan- guage which the government makes use of, may be in these, or other similar terms, indicating frankness of principle, liberality of ideas, and absolute confidence in the liberating armies and its chiefs. La Serna must be addressed with noble pride, and without discovering, in any manner, our state of present debility. The Liber- tador is so satistied with the result of this negotiation, that his excellency is re- sponsible for the liberty of Peru, after an armistice of six months. All the ditfi- culty rests in the allair being well managed, in order that its motive may never transpire. His excellency, the Liberator, does not wish to give his countenance to the commencement of this negotiation, because it would indicate a state of debility in the army, and a want of confidence in oui- own forces, that would cause the illu- sion of ojjinion to vanish, whicli the Spanish now entertain of his excellency, and every thing would fall through. La Serna, and the other chiefs, would not con- sent to any thing to accelerate their march towards us, and the result of a battle would he inicertain. As soon as tlie auxiliaries arrive, which his excellency has asked from Colonibia, and which he expects within six months, the teai's which at present surround us, will be dissipated. The greatest address is necessary in the management of this affair, and the most inviolable secrecy. The proposal which the government will make, always in its own name, (and by no means in that of the Lihertailor,) may be divulged to a few persons, but the causes from which they originate nuist remain absolutely a secret, even to those who assist in the ne- gotiation. On this account, his excellency has not permitted me to reply, offi- cially, to the government, resj)ecting tiie arrival of Mr. Alzaga, his presentation to the convention, &c. &c. and you will mention this to his excellency, the presi- dent, in the name of the Libertador. The president must write with a certain frankness to the chief, of the vanguard, or to the viceroy, La Serna, in these or similar terms: "that he has been informed that La Serna, animated by the most noble sentiments of philanthropy, was desirous of terminating the war of America by a pacific negoiiation; that there has been sufficient blood shed; that the en- lightened worlil is scandalized at this fratricidal contest; that the cannons have tluunlered long enough; that American blood has flowed too long by the hands of brothers; that being all sons of liberty, and defending the rights of humanity, it appears that this sanguinary war is more monstrous from its inconsistency, than from the disasters which it causes; that we are men, and should employ reason before force; that, let us once come to an understanding, and the good of Ameri- ca, and that of Spahi, will concentrate in the same point; the peninsular govern- ment, the Cortes, and the king, have acknowledged the independence of all Ameri- ca; that Ikienos Ayres has ahcatly concluded her treaties, Mexico the same, and Colond)ia has already set on foot at Bogota a negotiation with the Spanish agents, on the preliminaries of an armistice and ])eace. It thus appears that Peru alone is unfortunate in not enjoying repose, as the contending parties liave not come to an understanding; that the government of Spain could derive many advantages from the actual position of Peru; and that human prudence would dictate that Spain should make use of the last hope which remains to her, of treating advantageously with us." La Serna nuist farther be told, "that, on account of the mission of Mr. Alzaga, from the government of Buenos Ayres, and that a convention having been proposed, which has been concluded between the conuuissioners of his Catholic majesty and Buenos Ayres, his excellency, the president, invites general La Ser- na to declare, explicitly, his intentions, his will, his assent, or his rejection, of these treaties." The government should make it appear, in directing this comnuinica- tion, that the Libertador has no concern in it; that he has not merely withheld his assent, but that he has not even the least knowledge of the beneficent intentions of the government. In fine, not a word must be sjjoken in the said communica- tion, of his excellency, the Libertador. Adieu, my dear friend; this letter, al- *.9* APPENDIX. 373 thouo;h private in its form, has virtually all the character of an official letter. Let it be considered so in c;i.se of necessity. 1 am entirely yours, Jose de Espinar Rabricado. ]Vo. 5.] — Lima, January 1.3th, 1S2 J. ^^o,st Excellent Sir — I helieve most firm- ly, that every step towards a convention with the Spaniards, will be useless, until we shall know from them whether they are disposed to ne;uished civil and military knowledge, shall pro -eed to general Cantarac, or to general La Serna, in case the former shall not possess sutficient power. This previous step, I think, very important to the salvation of Peru ; it will mark out the path we are to pursue in out ulterior ar- rangements, and I am resolved upon it. I only wait for the approbation of the sovereign congress, which is to be obtained by your excellency, to whom I re- iterate the assurances of my high consideration and esteem. (Signed) Jose Bernardo de Tagle. To the President of the Congress. No. 6.] — Lima, Jaiuiary l()th, 1S24. To the most excellent Simon Bolivar. Mv dear Libertador and fiiend — In consequence of what you informed me in your estimable letter of the 11th of the present month, and by the letter under the same date, directed to colonel Heres, by your secretary, I proceeded to lay before con- gress tht communication, a copy of which I transmit to you, marked No. 1, with the reply, which is marked No. 2. I have, in accordance with colonel Heres, determined to direct a communication, in w hich, besides the general points, w hich are contained in the letter of your secretary, are comprehended those which have been suggested and almost dictated by the said colonel, and are copied and mark- ed No. ij. The plenipotentiary of Buenos Ay res, to w horn it was suggested by the minister of war, that general Guido should convoy this communication, on account of its importance, and in order better to explore the political attitude of the chiefs of the Spanish army, as appeared most proper to Heres, he refused his consent to the nomination, thinking it would be better to send some Peruvian of character, de- sio'iiating, at the same time, the said minister of war. Colonel Heres told me, that, in case of necessity, he should approve of this nomination; and I am now seeking a person to whom I can entrust this important commission; under the de- termination that, should I not meet with any other Peru\ian than the minister of war, w ho could fulfil this commission, I shall send him, notwithstanding the great loss he will be to me. Colonel Heres tells me, that the express must immediate- ly set off, so that I have no time to write more fully. Your most all'ectionate friend and obedient servant, Jose Bernardo de Tagle. No. 7.] — To the most excellent Don Bernardo Tagle. My general and my friend — After I left your house, I reflected at my leisure on the letter which you should write to La Serna. The minister of war is right in his opinion. It is bet- ter to say nothing of the transmission of the papers. It appears to me all those should he sent which are received from P>urope, merely saying that they are en- closed; but as you have more judgment than myself, you may resolve upon what you may think most proper. I am your all'ectionate friend. (Signed) J. de Heres. No. 8.] — 4 o'clock P. ]\r. of the 17th of January. My esteemed general — Have the goodness to defer our interview with Mv. Berindoaga to this night, at 7 o'clock, in your palace, as I am at present occupied with Mr. Alzaga. I am, general, your obedient .servant, J. G. Perez. No. 9.] — Lima, January 17th, 1824. Most excellent sir — General Heres, named by the government of Buenos Ayres, to convey to your excellency, in be- half of the deputies of Spain on this continent, the preliminary convention, must have reached you about the same time that Don Felix Alzaga, the minister pleni- potentiary, arrived here, soliciting the government of Peru to accede to this con- vention. 374 APPENDIX. This o;overnmcnt has been informed of the favorable desire of your excellency to terminate a sanguinary war, more monstrous by its inconsistency than by the disasters which it occasions. The enlightened world is scandalized at this fra- tricidal contest, in which the son-* of liberty, in both hemispheres, tight against each other, witiiout the Spanianls on their side being able to determine the object. Cannon have resounded too long ere the imperious voice of justice and humanity have been heard, througii the mean* of a formal negotiation. The Cortes and the king, tar fioiu revolting at the independence of America, have authorised their coaunissioners to the northern and southern continents, to treat with them on this bans. Buenos Ayres and Mexico have already concluded their treaties. A ne- gotiation in Bogota is already set on toot by the Spanish agents, on an armistice and preliminaries of peace, with respect to Colombia. Why, then, shall Peru alone be the scene of the inoU dreadful war, when the Spanish troops in her territory are directed by your excellency, who^e sentiments of philanthiopy, as well as the liberal principles which animate the chiefs of your ariuy, are so well known.' Let the etfmion of blood, then, cease; let reason regain her rights; and let us preserve tho^e forces which should give subsistence and life to the country. The govern- ment of Peru invites your excellency to declare explicitly your intentions and will, respecting the preliminary convention, celebrated between the commission- ers of his Catholic majesty and Buenos Ayres. To tbi; effect your excellency might appoint deputies to proceed to Xauja, the same thing taking place on the part of this government. In order to commence a conference, and to establish some points which may contribute to give formality to this negotiation, the briga- dier-general, Don Juan de Berindoaga, minister of sta'e, of war, and marine, and also charged with the department of foreign relations, is now despatched to your excellency. Peru may hope, that the day will soon dawn, which is to behold the Spaniards and Peruvians again linked together with the indissoluble ties, produced by good faith, perpetual friendship, and the advantageous union formed by recipro- cal rights. I have the honor to offer to your excellency the sentiments, &.c. From the most excellent Jose Bernardo Tagle to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna. (This is a copy, Tagle.) Hipolito Uivanue. No. 10.] — Instruction which the president of the republic of Peru gives to Don Juan de Berindoaga, brigadier-general, minister of state, of war and marine, and charged with the department of foreign relations, for the fulfilment of his commis- sion, to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna, or to his excellency Don Jose de Cantarac, in the case pointed out in these instructions. 1st. General Don Juan de Berindoaga, must proceed to the most excellent Don Jose de La Serna, or to his excellency general Don Jose Cantarac, should he pos- sess all the necessary powers, with the object of declaring the favorable disposi- tion of the government of Peru, to terminate the present scandalous war in which we find ourselves engaged. 2d. The comnussioned general can make the necessary explanations on this mat- ter, and regulate every thing according to the manner he may deem most proper, in order that deputies may be namcil by the chiefs of the Spanish troops, to treat on the armistice that is mentioned in the preliminary convention of Buenos Ayres, keeping always in mind, that in this, as in every other negociation with the Span- iards, the independence of America must be the basis. 3d. The deputies being nominated, the said general Berindoaga can return to Lima, or communicate from Xauja, there waiting the orders which may be for- warded to him. 4th. The contents of the note under this date, which is directed to his excellen- cy Don Jose de La Serna, and the copy of which accompanies these instructions, will be the guide of his proceedings. 5th. In all that may occur, not comprehended in these instuructions, he will proceed conformably to the peculiar circumstances which may present themselves, and according to the previous knowledge that he has of the government of Peru, always consulting its greatest advantage. Jose Bernardo de Tagle. Liina, January 17th, 1824. Hipolito Unanue. APPENDIX. 375 No. 11.] — \n additional and very confidential article to the instructions given under lliis date, to the minister plenipjtenliary, Don Juan dc Berindoa^a. In case the Spaniards should be averse to treatino; on the preliminary conven- tion of Buenos Ayres, the minister can propose to them on the basis of indepen- dence a particular treaty with Peru. Jose Bernardo de Tagle. Lima, January 17th, 1S24. No. 12,] — Xauja, 27th January 1S24. IMost Excellent Sir — ITavino; yester- day arrived at this town, with the credentials of minister plenepotintiary of inde- dep3ndent Peru, near your excellency, or his excellency Don Jose de Cantarac, shoald he posses powers to commence a negotiation, this general yesterday sent to the said town tield-marshal Don Juan Loriga, and general-in-chief of the staff, with instructions to have an interview with me and to receive the letters directed to your excellency, and that I should wait a reply in Lima, or some intermediate point, without yoarjurisdiction; since in yourexcellency alone the powers of fultill- ing my commission reside. These things having taken place in pursuance of the philanthropic ideas of my government, and, I being obliged to proceed to Lima, as I am not permitted to speak to your excellency, it is my duty to propose a sus- pension of hostilities for the necessary time to treat on the expediency of the pre- liminary convention of Buenos Ayres, and other reciprocal interests : Your excel- lency will please to command, if you should think proper, two deputies to proceed to Xauja, or any other point, where the same number will inunediately be sent by Peru. I hope that your excellency penetrated with the necessity of putting an end to the war, opposed to the views of this enlightened age, and to all liberal principles, will be pleased to accede to.these measures proposed by my govern- ment, anxious to enjoy peace, as the greatest good that any triumph could obtain. I have the honor, &.c. From the most Excellent Juan de Berindoaga, to the most Excellent Don Juan de La Serna. No. 13.]— Xauja, 27th January 1824. Most Excellent Sir— To field-marshal Don Juan Loriga, general-in-chief of the staff, sent by your excellency to have an interview with me, and to receive the letters I had to deliver to him, I have shown my credentials as Minister plenepotentiary, nearyour excellency, or near his excellency Don Jose de La Serna. Not having the pleasure of speaking to your excellency, as I am obliged to return to Lima, or wait for a reply in some in- termediate point without the territory occupied by the Spanish arms, I enclose to your excellency two parcels for the most excellent La Serna, one from his excel- lency the president of the republic of Peru, the other to me, opened, relative to the objects of ray commission ; will your excellency order that they be sent to their direction, and accept the particular consideration, &c. From the most Excellent Juan de Berindoaga to the most excellent Don Jose de Cantarac. No. 14.] — Xauja, 27th January 1824. To the most excellent Do7i Jose Can- tarac. NIost excellent Sir — Much have I regreted not having spoken with you in Huancayo, as I expected, I think my mission would have had a more speedy and satisfactory result to our reciprocal interests. Notwithstanding, I flatter my- self that your excellency will contribute as much as is in your power to the con- clusion of all the differences that subsist between Spain and Peru. Lntil this hap- py day shall arrive, it is with pleasure I assure your excellency of the considera- tion, &.C. From the Most excellent Juan de Berindoaga. No. 15.] — I have received the letter, under date of yesterday, which your ex- cellency directed to me from Xuaja, enclosing two parcels for the viceroy of Peru, Don Jose de La Serna; one from Don Bernardo Tagle, and another, open, from your excellency, which will be forwarded to day, by express, to their destination. As I am not authorised to commence any negotiation, your arrival at this place would have been useless. I will esteem it as a favor if your excellency will cause 376 , APPENDIX. the parcel to be delivered which I send to you for colonel Aldunati. May God preserve your excellency many years. (Signed) Jose Cantarac. Head-quarters at Huancayo, January 27th, 1824. No. 16.] — IIuANCAYo, January 28th, 1824. To Don Juan de Berindoaga. Esteemed sir — I reply to your excellency's letter of yesterday, by assuring you that my desires are, and alv. ays will be, for the conclusion of the disagreement, now existing between some parts of Peru and the mother country; and 1 shall take a particular pleasure in co-operating to this end. As 1 have already officially in- formed your excellency, not being empowered to connnence any negotiation, your desire would be of no avail in personally j)roceeding to my heail quarters. Yours, &c. JosK Ca]nterac. No. 17.] — Pativilca, February 7tli, 1824. My dear president — I have seen, with the greatest satisfaction, the result of the mission of general Berindoaga, as it was perfectly well managed by the negotiator. By this step we have been able to sound the feelings and state of the enemy. General Berindoaga has done very well in giving the enemy the idea of a new treaty, which might be favorable to them; thus they may be led to expect sometliing from the negotiation. On the whole, every thing has appeared to me perfectly right. I understi^id that you have desired to have a document from me, showing my approbation of the mea- sure of entering into the negotiation with the enemy. This document is justly desired, and 1 am ready to give it in the most solenm manner; but I will observe to you, with frankness, that a doubt of my probity has never yet occurred but to my enemies, and I have nev-er considered you as one of them. The proposal of Carrion, for a minister, was a piece of forgelfulness on my part, not recollecting, at the time, that there was a minister appointed, and in the exei-cise of his func- tions. I knew that Mr. Valdiviero was in the territory of Riva Agueio, and that before, he had been minister, and nothing more. I have, for Mr. Valdiviero, the esteem and consideration which he deserves. Have the goodness to make this public. To general Berindoaga, to whom I am going to write very fully, have the goodness to present, in the mean time, the expressions of my satisfaction for his excellent conduct in the mission he has just fuliilled. Accept, for yourself, the expression of, &c. Bolivar. No. 18.] Secretary General's office of the Constitutional Congress of Peru, Lima, Jaimaiy 14th, 1824. To the acting Secretary of His Excellency the Libertador. Mr. Secretary — We have the honor of directing to your excellency, for the information of his ex- cellency the Libertador, the annexed notes, originals and copies, forwarded on ac- count of the arrival of the minister ])lenipotentiary from the state of Buenos Ayres, near this government, Don Felix Alzaga, with the princijial object of soliciting the accession of this government to the preliminary convention, held between Buenos Ayres and tlie connnissioners of his Catholic majesty, on which important affair the sovereign congress lias determined to suspend theii- resolution, luitil they learn the opinion of his excellency the Libertador. Touching this matter, the congress have vacillated between conflicting reasons; for if on one side they are iirged by the primary object of securing the independence and liberty of the re- public against the intrigues of bad faith, and the spirit of domination profoundly rooted in the breasts of all Spaniards, who are always ready to violate the most sa- cred stipulations; — on the other side, they are urged by the desire of terminating a contest, which, infallibly, must be very bloody, not only on account of their prosperity and ie))eated success, during the two preceding years, and the impro- per conduct which many of our countrymen have pursued in the towns they have occupied, and in the incursions they have made; which conduct, according to re- port, has alienated the minds of the people, to the prejudice of themselves, as well as to the great American cause. To which may be added, the state of annihila- tion of tlie i)ublic treasury, wholly unable, at present, to give assistance and ac- tivity to a numerous army, which is reipiircd in order that the result may not be doulitbil, and this deficiency of the treasiu-y can only l)e supplied by violent ex- tortions, which would probably be frustrated on account of the poverty of indi- APPENDIX. 377 vidual fortunes. Uiuler these circumstances, and because the conj^cress have in- trusted to the Libertador tlie salvation of the country, and ileposited in his military skill, prudence and knowledi^e of the human heart, unlimited confidence, they hope to hear his thoughts on this delicate subject before proceeding to any resolu- tion. May God |)reserve your excellency. (Signed) Manuel Terreyros. To Joaquin Arrcse, Deputy Secretary. No. 19.] — Copy of the articles 2d and 9th, of the letter of the 7th of January, 1S24, from gener.il Bolivar to Don Jose Bernardo de Tagle. 2d. Mucii do I regret the atl'air of the grenadiers of the Rio de La Plata, since it indicates a continued state of anarchy. Have the goodness to tell general Mar- tinez, from me, that I should be much pleased, if, for the honor of the arms of his country, an examplary punishment should be made among the accomplices in this affair. That if they belonged to Colombia, I would show him how they ought to be punished, as I did, when a military tunuilt took place in Truxillo, between the cuirassiers of general La Fuente and the hussars of my escort, a few hours before I left that place. This all happened on account of the hatred borne us by all those of the party of Riva Aguero, who always look upon us as the usurpers in Peru, having previously calumniated their government to us as guilty of corruption. 9lh. 1 am desirous of having a great army near Huanuco, to prevent the enemy from getting to Lima. On this account, I desire that the battalion Vargas should be ready to niarch to the mountains, in order that our troops may be augmented on that side. The troops of Peru and the Rio de La Plata, are more than sufficient to defend Callao. Let new recruits be made in Lima, and the coast of its depart- ment, to augment the battalion of Pardo Zelo, which should reside in Callao to se- cure the recruits. This battalion should not be less than a thousand strong, and he is decidedly the best chief, that is, as I have beeninformedby every one. Let all the recruits be from the coast, or else they will die. You can send recruiting parties to this department, or that of Lima, to raise troops to augment the defence of Callao. I should observe to you, that all Peruvian troops, not employed in a for- tress, will infallibly desert, and thus all the expense and trouble will be lost. You cannot imagine the difficulty I have had, to retain in the ranks the troops of the north. Every day the battalions are renewed, and are always composed of re- cruits. Whenever they sleep in the open air, or perform long marches, they all desert. Such troops are not worth a groat. Their own chiefs proposed to me to send them to Callao, but as they were all mountaineers, I know that they would die. I prefer sending them to "Caxamarca, where their subsistence will cost noth- ing, and they will be in a good climate. Their muskets are good for nothing. Finally, I frankly tell you, that I only depend upon the troops of Colombia, and, on this account, I am obliged to draw the last which remain in Callao and Lima, to enable me to do something of importance. No. 20.] — Extract of a letter from colonel Tomas Heres, to Don Jose Bernardo Tagle, of the 9th of January, 1824: "The Libertador enjoins me very particular- ly to write to you about having carried into effect the measures which he connnu- nicated to you in his official letter of the 14th of December, from Caxamarca. In the state of this diseased body, amputations only can save it. No. 21.] General Secretary's office, Head-quartei-s, Pativiica, February Sth, 1S24. To the gcnernl-in-chiif of the army of the Centre. Generaj^— The army of the enemy may approach the capital, and your excellency, onaccoiuitof the inferiori- ty of the forces under your command, iind yourself unable to make any resistance. Under this impression, his excellency, the Libertador, commands me toconununi- cate to you what follows, which is to contribute to the liberty of Peru. 1st. Your excellency will cause all the corps of iniantry, without any excep- tion, to commence their march to this place, by the route which you shall esteem most expedient, cither through Chuncay, by old Frapiche to llctes, thence to Huawza, and thence to Pativiica. 2d. The corps of cavalry oiytht to form the vanguard, md the guerilla parties ought to be nearest the cneiily, as corps of observation. 48 378 APPENDIX. 3d. Your excellency will despatch, at any expense, some confidential and daring men to Callao, fo go on board all the armed vessels there, but most particularly the armed vessels Guagas, Venganza and Balcarso, and others of this description, with orders to bore holes in them, either to sink them completely, or render them use- less. 4th. His excellency commands that all horses and mules shall be taken from the capital and its vicinity, and all articles of war, which are there to be found, all merchandise which may be emjjloyed to clothe the army; finally, all that may be useful to us and which would assist the enemy. 5th. The transportation from the capital of these articles of war, clothing and the rest, must be efiected in any way, and that your excellency may judge most convenient. 6th. On no pretext whatever, should any thing be left in Lima which could be of any use to the Spaniards. 7th. To this effect his excellency, the Libertador, empowers you (keeping only in view the safety of tlie country and the army, and the necessity of removing resources from the reach of the enemy) to proceed to demand from the govern- ment, and from individuals, all articles of war, every thing useful in magazines, all moveable objects, and all merchandise which may be applied to clothing the army. 8th. His excellency authorises you, in case of refusal, or any resistance, in giving up the articles asked for, to take them by force, and thus prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. 9th. Finally, general, his excellency, the Libertador, desires that your excel- lency should be impressed with the importance of this commission, and that it should be fulfilled by your excellency, with all the zeal, activity, and all-suffi- cient energy and skill necessary in the unfortunate event of an invasion of the capi- tal, by the enemy's ibrce, which is to be feared. 10th. In order that the third article of these instructions may take effect, your excellency will oiler, to those employed, a great sum of money, which must be paid. 11th. For this, and other expenses, which are absolutely indispensable under these circumstances, and to fulfil many other objects, his excellency empow- ers you to lay a contribution on persons of property, strenuously exacted, and see that it is immediately complied with. 12th. Your excellency will publish a proclamation in the capital, and in all places through which the army will pass under your command, in order that every man, and every slave, who may wish to follow the army, may present themselves, and become incorporated into it, without any fear of being return- ed to their masters. Your excellency has nothing to expect from the inhabitants voluntarily ; you must demand and take every thing by force. This metliod, in truth, is hard, but in the present state, it is indispensable. May God, &.c. (It is a copy, Espinar.) (Signed) Jose de Espinar. No. 22.] General Secretary's office, Head-quarters, > Pativilca 8th February, 1824. > To the 7ninister of war. Mr. Minister — I send you a copy of the note under this date, which I directed to Don Henriques Martinez, by order of his Excellency the Libertador. May God, &c. To the minister of war, from Jose de Espiner. No. 23] General Secretary's office. Head-quarters, > Pativilca, 10th February, 1824. > To the General of the army of the centre, Bon Henriques Martinez. Mr. General — I send you a duplicate, by order of his Excellency, the Libertador of my communication of the 8th of the present month, charging you again with its fulfil- ment. Callao is lost; and do not doubt but this is a work of the Spaniards. The capital will share the same fate, and you are exposed to be involved in its ruins. \ our Excellency is authorised to save yourself, and to save the remains of the army, the marine of war, and of connnerce, for all which his Excellency not only APPENDIX. 379 delegates to yo\i the ample and extraordinary power of which he is possessed, hut at the same time he makes you resi)onsil)le lor anj^ omissiun in tlie I'ullihiient of his instructions, Mhieh no human power can resist.* Your Excehency will not only have the measures executed which 1 communicated to you in my note of the 8th, but, also, you will order a communication to be had with vice-admiral Guise, in these, or similar terms; that vice admiral Guise must enter Callao with his squadron, seize upon and take out all vessels, without exception, and those which he cannot remove he must sink or set on fire ; and all those vessels which he sliall succeed in removino;, sliall be considered as enenucs ])roperty, be con- demned as good prizes, agreeably to the laws on that subject ; and that he shall proceed afterwards with his squadron to the North, to receive the orders of his Excellency the Libertador. You will endeavor, general, to save every thing that is possible ; and to remove from the capital every thing which may be of use to the army. Your F^xcellency will proceed as a delegate of the Liberator, who invests you with his powers to do every thing which his Excellency would do, were he present. Your Excellency must imagine that the country being lost, all the ties of society are \H-oken, that llicre is no authority, nothinj^ to l)e re- garded, that you must deprive the enemy of the immense resources of which he is about to take possession. For all which his Excellency has received suthcient authority from the congress, wliich he transfers to you. JNIay God, &c. To the general from Jose de Espinar. (It is a copy, Hurrero.) No. 24.] Lima, February 12th, 1824. Mr. Minister— I have just received the official letter of his Excellency, the Libertador, a co])y of wliich 1 transmit to your Excellency in the order that, placing the contents of it before his Excellen- cy, the President, he may be pleased immediately lo send me a reply, that 1 may in consequence guide myself by what the said most excellent gentleman shall de- termine. Henriques Martinez. To the minister of war. No. 25.] General Secretary's office of the Constitutional Congress ) of Peru, Lima, February 12th, 1824. ) Mr. Minister — The soverei£;n congress being acquainted, through the notes of the 8th and 9th of the presentinonth, directed by the Libertador to general Mar- tinez, have resolved, —that a committee should be named from this body, who, with due instructions, shall proceed to his Excellency, the Libertador to make some necessary representations to him, in order that proper measures maybe adopted ibr the salvation of the country; and that the effect of the said notes shall be suspend- ed, as far as regards the security of the capital, till a reply shall be received from the Libertador, the government still continuing to remove the munitions of war ; and in case the enemy should advance upon the capital, every thing wliich would as- sist them to the prejudice of the cause, and the army of the country. By orders of the congress, we communicate this to your Excellency, in order that, having the goodness to lay it before the President of the republic, he may cause the same to be fulfilled. May God, &c. From Joaguin and Araese, deputy secretary ; Jose Bartolome Sarate, deputy secretary, and minister of state in the department of the government. Lima, February 12th, 1824. Let the previous order of the sovereign congress be observed and fullfilled; let a certified copy be made of it, and let it be transmitted to the minister of war for its fulfilment in the part which apper- tains to him. Tagle. (It is a copy, Urnanua. ) * What respect and obedience to the congress ! What considcralinn for the Execu- tive power ! Wiien this was said from general Bolivar did he tliink liiinsclf omnipotent .' What delirum !— what sacrilege. Note of Torre Taglk. 380 APPENDIX. No. 26] Department of War and Marine,) Lima, February 15, 1824. ) H. S. Minister — At the request of his Excellency, the President of the re- public, I luul the honor of transmitting for your information and consequent ef- fects, the order, which under this date, the deputy secretaries of tlie congress have directed to me. The sovereign congress being informed of the note of the Secretary of his Excellency, dated the 11th of the present month and di- rected to general Don Agustin Gamana, in which he confers upon him the powers which he had before given to general Don Henriques Martinez, should the latter not have fultilled them, which note was presented by the minister of war, the congress have resolved, that carrying into due effect what was before sanctioned, in consequence of the conunission conferred upon general Maitinez, the result of the committee despatcheil from that body to the Liber- tador shall be received before any innovation is admitted. By order of the same, we connnunicate this to your Excellency that by your transmiting it to the President of the republic, it may have its due ef- fect. May God preserve, &c. JoAGUiN DE Arrese, Dcputy Secretary. Jose Bartolome Sarate, Deputy Secretary. I offer to your Excellency, the sentiments, &c. (It is a copy, Unanue.) 4. No. 27.] General Secretary's ofhce, of the Congress, } Lima, February 17th, 1824. ) The congress having been duly sunuiioned, and only twenty-seven delegates having been assembled, which number is not sufficient, according to law, to constitute a quorum, the said gentlemen formed themselves into a private junta, when the reply of his Excellency the Liliertador was laid before them, and the request of general Necocbea, and in consecjuence of the urgent necessity which connects the state of the castles of Cailao, with the protests of responsibility again repeated, have agreed — that the charge thereon being accepted by lus excellen- cy, the Libertador, the govermnent should he told, that the moment has arrived, in which the decree of tlie 10th of the present month must be published ; and if, by that authority, any chief should appear, with suificient credentials, demanding the civil and military command, in virtue of which it shidl be given him, the said chief must be informed, that the congress, to prevent the abandonment of this city, has sent a committee to his excellency, the Libertador ; audit i» hoped that he will prudently await the reply before carrying into effect this measure. All which you will have the goodness to communicate to the president of the re- public, for his information and consequent orders. May God, &c. JoAQUiADE Arrese, Dep. Sec'ry. Jose Bartolome Sarate, Dep. Sec'ry No. 28.] — To the minisfir of state iii the department of the^overnmcnt. Lima, February 17th, 1824. Observe it and fulfil it, and in consequence, let the decree, of the 10th of the present month, of the sovereign congress, be pro- claimed ; and afterwards, let the civil and military conunand of the capital be de- livered up to Don Mariano Necochea, on whom it has been conferred by his ex- cellency, the Libertador, after having accepted the supreme dictatorship given by the sovereign congress. (Signed) Tagle. {It is a copy, Unaiiue.) * ' No. 29.] — Pativilca, January 2!)tli, 1824. My dear president — This morn- ing I received the note, from the government, enclosing me the proposals, or rather the orders of general La Fuento, that despatches should be sent to his com- panions in arms. The tone of La Fuente with the government, has shocked nie, though previously T had reasons to be surprised at nothing. lie says, very plain- ly, that the desj)atclics must be sent ; that is to say, he orders it. This general, my dear Presid(mt, is more absolute than the congress, yourself, or L Will you believe, that whilst he commanded at Trusillo, he retained those persons in the APPKXDIX. 381 service, whom the frovernment had ordered to be shot? Colonel Devalos com- manded the day of the night of my arrival at 'I'ruxillo, and sent to me for orders. He has, furthermore, set Silva Novoa, and Mancebo at liberty, who had robbed the state of more than a hundred thousand dollars ; and this same La Fuente knows it by the declaration of Kiva Aguero. I gave orders for these men to be arrested ; and 1 added, in conversation, that I would set them at liberty, in order that they might leave the country whenever the money should appear. Silva of- fered to make important disclosures, but nothing was done, all through the man- agement of La Fuente. He, besides, excites jealousies among the troops, by his unjust preferences. His pride is such, that he sent me the countersign hy his aid, I liein<' with my stafl'at Truxillo ; as if he were the chief, and not myself. At the dinner table, he placed himself at my right. He came no farther than the doorof tlie drawing room to receive us ;* he never came to my house to consult me about anv thing, as you have done so often, the minister of state, and others. I know this was owing to your excessive goodness, but I also know the distance between vourself and him is immense. I will add, that these things made no im- pression upon me till this moment, but the insubordination of La Fuente is so great, that we cannot depend upon his obeying any thing that is ordered. You must understand, that I reproved him very much for his disobedience to the gov- ernment, respecting the execution of the criminals, who were ordered to be shot, and I exhorted him to submit to the laws and the authorities. He replied, that he was commanded to commit an assassination, since the order was for the se- cret execution of the men, without trial and without witnesses. I replied to him, that I did not doubt that this all originated from Berindoaga ; and that you were too good, and too much of a gentleman, and that, occasionally, Beriiidoaga's ad- vice was not the best, as in this case ; for a secret execution, without trial ofp(r- sons of cunseqiience, was a shocking thing, and had always been disapproved of. Permit me, my dear president, to avail myself of this opportunity, to give you my opinion, frankly, on this atiair, Finally, I have many reasons for be- lieving' that general La Mar will experience much disgust from general La Fuente ; he told me so himself before leaving that place, and expressed his regret that there was not another Prefect to this department. If general La Mar should be ap- pointed Prefect of this department, with the power of nominating a Sub-Prefect, to take charge of the Perfecture, he only retaining the authority and title, I think the service would proceed rapidly, and the embarrassments would be diminshed. If this idea appears good to you, you can propose it to the congress from me. Let Mr. La Fuente go to Chili, to relieve Mr. Salazar, and every thing will be right (reserved but certain.) General La Fuente is really opposed to Riva Aguero and Herrera, but entirely devoted to the other accomplices of this con- spiracy. He loves general Santa Cruz passionately ; so much so, that he wished me meanly to stoop to him. The purport of all this is, that the altar has remain- ed entire, and that the idol alone is wanting, which was thrown down to make room for the successor, who is expected. This successor may be Santa Cruz, La Fuente, or any other ambitious person. The altar must be destroyed. Adieu my dear president, I am cordially youis, Bolivar. *■ These ridiculous and whimsical (ihservations of g'enoral Bolivar, show plainly, not alone his vanitv, hut ills nicdiociitNof mind. A man of superior talent, even general (Jeorge Washington, \\inil