PROJECTS FOR THE REORGANIZATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 IN THE ERA OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
 
 BY 
 
 HISATA ASBURY SANTO 
 
 B. C. Tung 'Wen College 1918 
 A. B. De Pauw University 1920 
 
 THESIS 
 
 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment 
 of the Requirements for the 
 
 Degree of 
 
 MASTER OF ARTS 
 IN HISTORY 
 
 IN 
 
 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 1922 
 

 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 
 192 ^ 
 
 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY 
 
 SUPERVISION BY- 
 
 
 BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
 
 Head of Department 
 
 Recommendation concurred in* 
 
 Committee 
 
 on 
 
 Final Examination* 
 
 *Required for doctor’s degree but not for master’s 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/projectsforreorgOOsant 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter I. Introduction 1 
 
 Chapter II • Plans of Colonial Autonomy under 
 
 Parliament 26 
 
 Chapter III. Real and Personal Unions 46 
 
 Chapter 17. Projects for a Commonwealth of 
 
 Nations 70 
 
 Chapter V. The Problem of Imperial Reconstruction 
 
 Unsolved 98 
 
 Appendix. A List of Digests for Imperial Re- 
 organization 106 
 
 Bibliography 109 
 

 
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Aoknowledgment 
 
 In my present study I am greatly indebted to Professors 
 Evarts B. Greene and Theodore 0, Pease of the University of Illinois. 
 The former suggested the problem, and frequently helped me by his 
 criticism and useful suggestions. The latter has earnestly guided 
 my research to its final completion, and his constructive criticism 
 as well as painstaking review were a constant source of encourage- 
 ment to me. I owe much to Misses Margaret Hutchinson, Fanny Pun- 
 lap, and Helle M. Signor of the University of Illinois Library, 
 and to Miss Ruth Lapham of the Uewberry Library, Chicago, all of 
 whom have aided my work through their valuable services. Again, 
 in gathering my materials I have incurred obligations to several 
 libraries, which I gladly take this opportunity to acknowledge: 
 to the John Garter Brown Library, the Library of Oongress, the New- 
 berry Library, the Libraries of Columbia, Harvard, and Yale Uni- 
 versities, and to the Libraries of the Universities of Chicago 
 and Illinois. I wish to express my appreciation of Mr. Dix Harwood, 
 of the English Department, University of Illinois, who has kindly 
 aided me in composition and improved the style of the thesis. 
 
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Chapter I 
 Introduction 
 
 The subject of inquiry in this thesis are the projected solu- 
 tions of the problem of the reorganization of the British Empire during 
 the American Revolution. 
 
 It has been said that the seeds of the Revolution were existent 
 as far back as 1607^ is generally agreed that the Revolution actual- 
 
 ly began with the Peace of Paris in 1763 • Viewed from the standpoint of 
 imperial reorganization^, however^ it may be said to have started at the 
 close of the seventeenth century^ when the Stuarts’ American policy of 
 royal control and consolidation rippled the peaceful calm of colonial 
 home rule. Then cams a period of seventy-five years in which the 
 problems of imperial defence and colonial union occupied the imperial 
 statesmen and publicists of the age. 
 
 With the close of the Seven years' the needed reconstruc- 
 
 tion of the rapidly swollen empire became a grave concern of the thought- 
 ful on both sides of the sea. Row the problem was not the military 
 defence of the empire,, but constitutional reform... However, the matter 
 was hopelessly complicated and irritated, by the unfortunate experiments 
 of Grenville and Townshend, with the result that the problem itself was 
 unsolved and the chain of colonies passed away forever from the empire. 
 
 In order to solve this problem, viz. the constitutional 
 reorganization of the vast empire, numerous projects were brought 
 forward during the three decades following the peace of 1763* 
 
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 pirst came crude schemes of colonial union and uniform governments 
 ( 1760 - 1769 ); later carefully matured plans of American representation in 
 
 the British parliament (1764-1776). Theories of representation, it is 
 true, had great influence on the shaping of popular opinion in imperial 
 politics, but they had little chance of success in actual politics of 
 the era. 
 
 This group of reconstruction projects the writer intends 
 to treat in a summary manner so as to give more attention to others of 
 greater import, that is, schemes for colonial autonomy under parliament 
 (1773”1778), for real and personal unions (1769-I78O), and for a com- 
 monwealth of nations (1775-1782). The first of these groups was "the 
 logical result of the failure of the system of representation, and - 
 intended to harmonize the constantly recurring conflicts between the 
 parliament snd the Colonies through the constitutional recognition of 
 the then prevailing imperial system. The second one was designed to 
 unite Great Britain and America mainly or solely by means of the royal 
 bond. That is to say, the union of the two integral parts of the em- 
 pire was to be maintained through either the employment of the Crown 
 and a limited parliament, ot that of the Crown alone. Thus, the pur- 
 pose of the real and personal unions was, it is evident, to out as 
 much as possible the powers of that "audacious" Parliament. The last 
 of the series consisted in the establishment of several new nations on 
 the ruins of the tottering empire. In this system different portions 
 of the scattered dominions were to become self-governing, practically 
 independent, or indeed even so in theory. Singularly enough this category 
 
 of projects anticipated in the main, if not exactly, the-coming into be- 
 ing of- that British commonv/ealth of nations in o>ur age. 
 
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-3- 
 
 Sucli teing the case, each of these groups of projects 
 will he the subject of a chapter; the last chapter will summarize 
 the others. The remainder of this introduction will review briefly 
 British colonial beginnings and Mercantile policy, and survey the 
 problems of imperial defence, colonial union, and American repre- 
 sentation. 
 
 Considered from the standpoint of colonial policy, British 
 
 colonial history falls into certain natural divisions — the age of 
 
 beginnings (1497-1650), the Mercantile regime (1650-1830), the era 
 
 of S3^tematic colonization (1830-1860), the laissez-faire (1860- 
 
 1885), and the coming of the British commonv/ealth of nations 
 1 
 
 (1885- ). Here, hov/ever, we are chiefly concerned with the first 
 
 two divisions. 
 
 "A new thing,*’ observes Egerton, "is coming into being, 
 
 viz:- Colonization as worked out by the Anglo-Saxon race, and the 
 
 2 
 
 Mother State is puzzled how to deal with it." The problem is how, 
 in the days before steam and telegraph, to maintain the authority 
 of the Crown in countries, separated by thousands of miles of sea. 
 
 In this stage, the first naive impulse is to give to the individual 
 grantee full pov/er to manage his own settlement in his own way, so 
 long as he maintains, as far as possible, the English laws. How- 
 ever, the crudity of this early view Was -^recogaized,* and the theory 
 of the trading company wasoadoidted^ the government of the colony to 
 
 1 
 
 Hugh Edward Egerton, A Short History of British Colonial 
 Policy . 1-7. 
 
 2 
 
 Ibid. , 1. 
 
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be lodged in the hands of a governor appointed by a council in 
 England. Side by side with this, however, we find complaints of 
 the practice of conferring governing powers on trading companies, 
 and assertions of the need of governing the colonies on a common 
 plan. The grant of Maryland to Baltimore, on the other hand, ap- 
 pears to be a return to the cruder point of view of the Elizabethan 
 
 days. Altogether we sense an uncertainty, a groping amidst strange 
 3 
 
 surroundings. 
 
 At last, however, the meaning of colonization dawned on 
 statesmen. The Navigation Act of 1651, it is true, only gave ef- 
 fective erabodiement to a traditional policy; but the English mer- 
 chant soon followed in the footsteps of the English shipowner and 
 shipbuilder, and, for a century after, the theory obtainedthat the 
 raison d* etre of the empire was to benefit the commerce of the mother 
 country. In spite of Britain* s beneficial policy towards her 
 dependencies, this theory relegated the colonies to a position of 
 permanent subordination in the economic evolution of the empire. 
 
 It is true, that counter to this main current, we find under the 
 last two Stuarts a narrow stream of royal interference. But, 
 serious as such action might have been in its c onsequences, the 
 Revolution of 1688 came too soon for those consequences to happen, 
 and henceforth the formula above stated held, the field. The 
 great wars of the first half of the ei^teenth century were trade 
 wars; Ireland, America, war and peace, were but pawns in the game, 
 
 3 
 
 Egerton, A Short History of British Colonial Policy, 
 
 1-2, 23-54. 
 

 
 
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which was to win Great Britain coimnercial supremacy* From the 
 economic theory of the eighteenth century, this policy might have 
 been wise, hut, as worked out, it involved the consequences that 
 the colonial interests were to he always sacrificed to those of the 
 mother country. So accustomed, however, had the colonies become 
 to the Mercantile theory and indeed so easy were the opportunities 
 for evasion, that probably things might have gone well for some 
 time in the same manner, had not a crisis been precipitated by the 
 causes of the American Revolution. 
 
 In the meantime, the American colonies, especially the 
 northern part, had^ been fast growing even during the first quar- 
 ter of the Mercantile regime (1650-1695), and their trade expansion 
 
 was regarded, from the British and imperial points of view, as an 
 
 4 
 
 excKscence inconsistent with the raison d’etre of the enpire. 
 Moreover, as the colonization of America was the result of a 
 religious as well as political dissension in the British State, the 
 consequence was the planting on American soil of communities whose 
 actual development tended steadily towards the formation of an or- 
 ganic body politic with interests distinctly different fi*om those of 
 
 5 
 
 Britain and the empire. This was radically opposed to the aims 
 of the Restoration statesmen and their successors. No doubt, says 
 a noted student of British colonial problems, it was the economic 
 argument which clinched the matter in the final decision to proceed 
 
 4 
 
 Egerton, in his review of G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial 
 System, I, II. Eng. Hist. Rev., XXJIIi, 574. 
 
 5 
 
 0. H. VanTyne, The American Revolution , 5-5; Egerton, 
 
 ibid. . 574. 
 

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 6 
 
 against the Massachusetts charter in 1684. 
 
 True it is that England, consistently acting upon a 
 false economic principle, developed a rounded colonial system, hut 
 political and economic problems cannot be separated. Sven early in 
 the Mercantile period, cases were not lacking where political reor- 
 ganization of the nev/ empire was considered and projected. Thus, 
 
 7 
 
 in 1652, Sir Thomas Modyford of Barbados, later governor of the 
 islands, proposed colonial representation in the Parliament at 
 Westminster as a necessary step tov^ards imperial reform. As already 
 hinted, the Stuart policy of consolidating the northern provinces 
 under Sir Edmund Andros might have been influenced by the absolute 
 theory of government. Nevertheless, it must be noted that consider- 
 ations of effective defence and trade regulations under one gover- 
 nor instead of a dozen must have appealed to any statesman. Indeed, 
 it was partly for the defence of New York, then claiming the Iro- 
 quois lands, that James II. created the short-lived Dominion of 
 8 
 
 New England. Amid the wars of William, Anne, and George, animated 
 discussion went on over the questions of imperial defence and 
 colonial union that might put the new empire on a more solid founda- 
 
 Egerton, in his review of G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial 
 System , I, II. Eng. Hist. Rev., XXVIII, 574. 
 
 7 
 
 Sir Thomas Modyford (1620( ?) -1679) was at first a zealous 
 royalist, but went over to the Parliamentary side. Coming over to 
 Barbados in 1649, he became governor of the islands in 1660, and 
 j, govemor of Jamaica in 1664. 
 
 J. S . Bassett, A Short History of the United States , 114; 
 L. M. Larson, A Short History of England and tbe British Empire , 
 
 397; G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, II, 303-304. 
 
-7- 
 
 tion. Various sorts of reorganization sohemes were presented by men 
 
 9 
 
 like Penn, Livingston, Coxe, Keith, Franklin, and Kennedy. Kearly 
 tencoonventions were held under the royal authority to fix the quotas 
 of men and money which each colony was expected to raise for the com- 
 mon defence, and to hold treaties with the Indians. 
 
 Indifferent as was the Board of Trade for many years to -c 
 both the progress and designs of the French as well as to the popular 
 discussions of colonial and imperial reorganization, it came, with 
 the appointment of Halifax and Townshend,to be occupied with schemes 
 for colonial administration, probably prompted by the French expulsion 
 of English traders from the Miami valley. The Crown at length 
 determined to contest the claims of France. In August, 1753^ Earl 
 
 Bolderness instructed the royal governors to repel force by force, if 
 
 11 
 
 protests should fail, while the Lords of Trade, in a letter 
 dated August 18, 1755> required them to recommend to their assemblies 
 the immediate appointment of commissioners to meet in a convention. 
 Thereupon, a congress met at Albany on June.lp, 1754. An important 
 problem before this congress was to overcome the jealousies of the several 
 
 colonies and to get them to unite for the purposes of defence to make 
 
 a powerful band of states out of "a Rope of Sand loose and 
 
 9 
 
 R. Frothingham, The Rise of the Republic of the United 
 States, 109-117; K. Eotblack, Chatham's Colonial Policy, 167; B. Frank- 
 lin, Writings, (Smyth ed.). Ill, 41-43; L.K. Sathews’, Benjamin Franklin's 
 plans for colonial union (1750-1775 )> " Am.Pol.ScRev. , VIH, 
 
 11 
 
 A. B. Hart, Coiibempor&rias, II, 356-357; h.I. Col. Doc., vl, 794- 
 
 795 . 
 
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 12 
 
 unconnected.'' Here several plans of military and political 
 
 13 
 
 union of the colonies were submitted. The Albany plan of union, 
 as finally adopted, proposed to establish a new American government, 
 consisting of a president-general appointed by the crown, and a 
 grand council of forty-eight representatives from the several pro- 
 vinces. Besides Indian affairs, the grand council was to take 
 charge of colonial defence, with powers to tax and to legislate, 
 subject to the approval of the president-general and the King in 
 council. This plan, it is apparent, implied an assumption by the 
 
 colonies of a far greater share of the cost of defence than had 
 
 14 
 
 hitherto been customary. The commissioners at Albany, observed 
 
 Governor Shirley, "had no expectation" that the colonies would adopt 
 
 this plan, and this unfortunately turned to be the case. 
 
 While the Albany congress still was in session, the Board 
 
 of Trade sent its plan of union to Secretary of State Sir Thomas 
 15 
 
 Robinson. This plan radically differed from that formulated at 
 
 12 
 
 Beer , "British Colonial Policy," Pol. Sc. Quarterly, XZII, 
 13; H.Y.Ool.Doc. , VI, 659 ; Franklin, Writings (Smyth ed. ) 111,203-204. 
 
 13 
 
 Plans of union were made by Richard Peters, Thomas 
 Povioaall, Thomas Hutchinson, Meshech Weare, William Smith, and Benja- 
 min Franklin. Of these gentlemen the first two proposed plans of 
 purely military defence; and the last two colonial unison on federal 
 basis for both political and military purposes. The Albany plan, as 
 adopted, was a synthesis of other plans as well as Franklin *s, to 
 whom too much credit seems to have been given. 
 
 14 
 
 Beer, "British Colonial Policy," Pol. Sc. Quarterly, XXII, 
 14; E. Channing, Histoiy of the United States , II, 570. 
 
 15 
 
 Cf. Hubert Hall, "Chatham*s Colonial Policy," Am. Hist. 
 Rev., V, 664; Basil Williams, "Chatham and the Representation of the 
 Colonies in the Imperial Parliament," Eng. Hist. Rev., XXII, 756- 
 758. 
 

-9- 
 
 Aibany in that it contaDQplatsI only a oolonial union of military lafenca. 
 Pointing out bha grava iangar to Amsrioa from pranob anoroaohmants, tha 
 plan atatai '’»tha urgant naoassity thara ia of an immadiata union of 
 3a7aral 3oloniaa" in oriar to maintain forts, to raiaa aoldiara, and to 
 dafray tha axpanaaa of praaanba to tha Indiana. B^sidss provisions) for 
 foe oolonial appointaaot of oommisslonsrs and an intar-oolonial assambly, 
 it M3 proposal that tha 0ro« shouli appoint a ooamanisr-in-obiaf of 
 all tha prorinoial foroas ani of all the troops sent from 3reat Britain, 
 plausible as suoh a scheme »as, it hai almost no chance of success in 
 7iew of the recent unanimous rejection by the colonists of the ilbany 
 plan. Bence, it was suggestei that recourse be taken to Parliament to 
 create some such military anion. Ihe imposition of such a union oy 
 an act of parliament was legal, bat as such a step was in direct oppo- 
 sition to the expressed wish of America, it would hare defeated its own 
 purpose, which was to secure the hearty cooperation of the colonists 
 in the impending crisis with the French. Ihe suggestion of a Parlia- 
 mentary union of the colonies, especially one of a purely military 
 nature, contained within it the idea of parliamentary taxation of the 
 
 1 -.-17 
 
 30 loni 33 . 
 
 ^°FKcladine "the people of the 3olonies from all share in the 
 ohoice of the 3rani°3ouncil, " sail Franklin, "would prohably gire ex- 
 treme iissatisfation, as well as the taxing them oy act of Farliamen , 
 where they hare no representatires. " John Almon, Biographical Ane^dot.,, 
 
 II, 182. 
 
 17 . 
 
 Oolonial polioy," Pol.- S3 
 Hobblaok,op. oib.,173; op. oit.,11, 139-191* 
 
 Quanbarly, KXIIi 29; 
 

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 With the Albany and Board plans unratified, the French and 
 
 Indian War had to be carried on, and fighting had already begun. 
 
 Just at the time of American disasters at Oswego and Louisbourg,John 
 
 16 
 
 J/;itchell, a noted English naturalist and historian, proposed a scheme 
 of "a triple union" of North American colonies "to retrieve our pre- 
 sent losses, and to prevent the like for the future." As a workable 
 measure of defence, he suggested a division of America into three sec- 
 tions, viz. Northern, Niiddle, and Southern. The provinces, he ex- 
 plained, "are generally too small for their safety and defence . . . ; 
 but uniting several of these * . together for the purposes at least 
 
 of defence, if for nothing else, this inconvenience may be removed, 
 without producing any other that might arise from changes of forms of 
 government, alterations of constitutions, &C." All the colonies in 
 this triple union, said Mitchell, have a natural connection and 
 interest in one another; and they must units together to defend and 
 
 secure the frontier at all times, as well as to root the French out 
 
 19 
 
 of them at present. Serviceable a this Mitchell scheme might have 
 been in the struggle with the French, it was never put into practical 
 operation. 
 
 Looking over this long series of projects from those of Ken - 
 nedy and Dinwiddis to that of Mitchell, one is impressed with the 
 
 18 
 
 John Mitchell (d.l766), F.R.S. , emigrated to Virginia in 
 1700, and returned to England in 1748. Besides works on botany, he pre- 
 pared ”4 j/iap of the British and French Dominions in North America," 
 
 1755> and "The Contest in America between Great Britain and Prance, 
 etc." Cf. LymaU Carrier, "Dr. John Mitchell, etc, "Am. Hist A'ssn. An- 
 nual Report, 1918,voi.l, 201-2 1 . 9 . 
 
 *1 
 
 ^John Mitchell, The Contest in America, etc. 3S-42. 
 
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- 11 - 
 
 importance attached to military defence in each of them. Obvious- 
 ly with a critical war on hand, the political or constitutional 
 phases of those projects, were insignificant or nonexistent. That 
 they all failed of adoption was indeed unfortunate, but they paved 
 the way towards reorganization schemes of more permanent and funda- 
 mental nature. In the next twenty years we notice a great number 
 of plans purporting to effect colonial reform and imperial recon- 
 struction. 
 
 Even during the war, Pitt gave his attention to the future 
 
 government of the American colonies. Canada, he imagined, might be 
 
 erected into a kingdom for Prince Edward, and if necessary another 
 
 soverei'gnty might be created in the colonies themselves. Such a 
 
 confederation of crov/ns in his view would be more effective and more 
 20 
 
 natural. In 1760, Dr. Samuel Johnson, of tbe Zing^s College, 
 
 21 
 
 New York, was urging the need of uniform provincial governments. 
 Calling attention to ’’the disunited state of our Colonies” as a 
 fatal danger, the learned writer proposed the royal appointment of 
 ”a Vice Roi, or Lord Lt to reside at New York ... with a commission 
 to continue only for three years.” An American congress, composed 
 of two representatives from each province, he thou^t, should be 
 created to meet at New York under the presidency of the Lord 
 
 20 
 
 Hall, op* pit., 673. Pitt entertained, says Hall, some 
 such schemes by 1756, about 1766, and in 1775. 
 
 21 
 
 On July 30, 1760, Dr. Johnson sent to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury a copy of his "Questions relating to Union and Govt of 
 the Plantations.” This was not made public by the advice of the 
 Archbishop, though it was made known to the Earl of Halifax and 
 V/illiam Pitt. N. Y. Col. Doc., VII, 441-443. 
 
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 Lieutenant to consider common affairs of the provinces. A year 
 
 EE 
 
 later, writing to Lord Barrington, Governor Bernard acquainted 
 his lordship that "There is ... no System of Government in N Amer- 
 ica that is fit to be made a moudule of ... therefore, ... it must 
 be upon a new plan...." The "sensible people" of Rhode Island, 
 
 Connecticut, and Massachusetts, he added, would rather favor the 
 
 25 
 
 establishment of royal governments. A few years afterwards, when 
 he was fairly disposed to colonial representation, the governor 
 still insisted upon the uniform governments in America as a means of 
 efficient administration and imperial security. In 1764, Thomas 
 Pownall published his "Administration of the British Colonies." 
 
 Being quite conscious of the need of imperial reorganization, he 
 wrote "that our kingdom may be no more considered as the mere king- 
 dom of this isle, with many appendages of provinces, ... , but as 
 a grand marine dominion consisting of our possessions on the At- 
 lantic and in America united into a one interest in a one centre...*’ 
 The offices of the Lords of Trade and the Secretary of State, he 
 
 urged, should be amalgamated in a separate one with the rank of a 
 
 S4 
 
 Secretary of State, for efficient colonial administration. 
 
 In the meantinie situations both in Britain and America 
 were fast drawing to a crisis when the Stamp Act Congress met in 
 
 EE 
 
 Lord Barrington (Viscount William Wildman) was then 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Pitt-Newcastle Ministry (1757-61). 
 
 53 
 
 E. Ohanning and A. 0. Coolidge, Barrington-Bernard 
 Correspondence . 43-44. 
 
 54 
 
 Whether due to his advice or not, such change as urged 
 by Pownall was made" four years later, when the, office of Secretary of 
 State for the Southern Department was created with Lord Halifax at 
 its head. 
 

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-13- 
 
 York, Octobor 7,1765. In tho iniist of tho ijion-Importation rogimo, 
 it was proposal in Naw York that an Amarioan constitution bass! on a union 
 of tha colonies in ona gcnaral congress shouli bs sat up for tba security 
 ani development of colonial liberty. Thus under the preuaxt of framing 
 common regulations of trade with Indians, the assembly of .New York at its 
 session in Decemoer, 1769, with the concurrence of Lieutenant Governor 
 
 Oolden, tried in vain to invite each province to elect representatives 
 
 ' . 25 
 
 clothed with powers to meet and legislate for the whole. 
 
 By the year 177 O came an end of the second stage of reorganizatioi 
 ideas, which was, as has been said, singularly distinguished from the first 
 stage in that it was chiefly political ani constitutional, and not military 
 ,yore important was the third stage of imperial reconstruction projects, 
 which purported to solve the jarring constitutional claims of the two 
 great parts in the empire not through colonial union, but through .American 
 
 representation in the British Farliameno. 
 
 'Taxation without representation is tyranny" — an American ouu- 
 barst of indignation airakal by Srsnyilla— »a3 promptly ®3t a plausible 
 
 29. 
 
 ' 3 . Banoroft, Biatory of tha Q nitad Statss, VI,316; 3a«msl 
 3oopar to Ihomas Posnall, Boston, Jan. 1,1770, in imarioan aiatorioal 3s- 
 visi., 7111,312. Hsaring of this proposal, Virginia ohoss Patriot Bsnry and 
 Siohard Bland as hsr rsprsssntativss. 4ndrs« Olivar broaohsd tha plan in 
 sassaohusatts, but it did not maat »ith ganaral fs 7 or. Bommanting on tha 
 plan, Samaal Boopar ramarkad; " Sa do not wish for an astablishmant lika 
 iraland." Ani ba axpaotad that it would ba naithar agraaabla at homa nor 
 
 to the colonies. 
 
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-14- 
 
 theory of virtual representation developed, by Jenyns, yates, Lyttleton_, 
 
 26 
 
 and Mansfield, No doubt, the theory was a favorite one with the minis- 
 
 ters of the time, but it could not convince any one but a legal pedant 
 
 like Grenville, This legal fiction was bitterly and widely repudiated 
 
 2'7 
 
 not only in America, but also in England, During a debate on the 
 
 repeal of the Stamp Act in 1*766, when Grenville tried to entangle Pitt 
 
 in a discussion on virtual representation, the latter brushed it away with 
 
 one sweep of his arm: *' I come not here , armed at all points, with law 
 
 cases and acts of Parliament, with the statute book doubled down in dog’s- 
 
 ears, to defend the cause of Liberty I am past the time of life 
 
 26 
 
 to be turning to books to know whether I love liberty, or not.” 
 
 No sooner had the theory of virtual American representation 
 
 crumbled to pieces in the face of severe criticism, than there arose 
 
 in the empire a strong agitation in favor of actual American representation 
 
 29 
 
 in the Parliament at Westminster, Thus during the next decade or 
 so both at home and in the colonies was rising a demand for 
 representation in order to establish afresh the powers 
 
 26 
 
 M,0. Tyler, The Literary History of the American Revolution 
 1/ 83; S. Jenyns, objections to Taxation of American Colonies, etc, ; 
 Channing, History of the United States, ill, 7l; T.C. Hansard, The Parlia- 
 mentary History of England, XVI, 167, 172-175; A. P. Pollard, factors in 
 Modern History, 254. 
 
 ^*^Edward Bancroft, Remarks on the Review of the Controversy 
 between Great Britain and Her ColonIes7”etc, 99-102; i£ defence 
 
 of the Exclusive Right, etc, S2-83* 
 
 ^28 
 
 i’s.L. Grant, "Colonial policy of Chatham," Queen's Quarterly, 
 
 XIX, NO, 2, 123-124; B. Wilson, George m, 305 . 
 
 2 ^ ——————— 
 
 It is now well known that Gov.. Shirley and Dr. franklin 
 
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-15- 
 
 to 
 
 of the Parliament over the American dominions and thus ^reconstruct 
 the tottering empire on a firm constitutional basis. With the ar- 
 guments presented in support of this claim by Otis, Pownall, and 
 
 30 
 
 Grenville we are well familiar. More elaborate arguments and 
 
 plans were offered by Crowley, Bancroft, and Bushe. 
 
 31 
 
 Thomas Crowley, Chatham’s correspondent, proposed in 
 1766 that Parliament should invite each colony "to elect and send 
 5, 4, 3, 2, or 1 members to sit in Parliament, so to form an 
 union." In the same year the author of "Reflexions on Representa- 
 tion in Parliament, &c." presented an ingenious scheme of a similar 
 nature. After a brilliant display of his knowledge of Blacks tone, 
 the author poiniid out the constitutionality and need of "a more 
 complete representation of the people" in the whole empire. Again, 
 pointing out the various benefits to arise out of American repre- 
 sentation the writer argued: "This would give every part of the 
 British dominions a weight in the legislature proportional to its 
 
 importance in the community and no more;... every general election 
 
 urged representation as early as 1750-1754. 
 
 30 
 
 Besides those mentioned above are Stephen Hopkins ( 1764 ) , 
 Lord Shelbuine (1766-1767?), and William Knox (1768), each of whom 
 advocated, or at least favored, American representation in Parliament 
 
 31 
 
 Thomas Crowley published "Dissertations on the Grand 
 Dispute between Great Britain and America," (Lond. 1774), and "Let- 
 ters and Dissertations, etc." (Lond. 1776). However, they were 
 written during the period under our discussion here. Crowley, a 
 Quaker merchant who had traveled in America, was a correspondent of 
 Lord Chatham, and Crowley tried to convert Chatham and the world to 
 one imperial parliament with representatives from Ireland and all 
 the Colonies. Basil Williams, Life of Pitt , II, 302; Basil Wil- 
 liams, "Chatham and the Representation of the Colonies in the Im- 
 perial Parliament," Eng. Hist. Rev., XXII, 756-758. 
 
♦ 
 
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-16- 
 
 woTild not only see the comparative increase or diminution “the 
 
 strength of Great Britain and America, hut every county in England, 
 
 every province in America, and every parish ... in the V/est-India 
 
 Islands. This would unite the colonies to the fellow subjects in 
 
 Europe by the closest ties, by the only ones indeed which can form 
 
 an intimate and lasting union, the equality and mutual respect." 
 
 Quite alike were the arguments put forward in 1769 by Edward Ban- 
 32 33 
 
 croft and Geiv-ase Barber Bushe, who besides ably attacked the 
 
 theory of virtual representation and forcibly demanded even the 
 
 same sort of representation as that enjoyed by 'British subjects. 
 
 Elaborate as these writers' arguments were in advancing the 
 
 demand for American representation, they singularly failed to 
 
 submit any v/orking project of concrete nature, and this we find in 
 
 34 
 
 the schemes of Maseres, Growl ey, and Adam Smith. Butting his fin- 
 
 35 
 
 ger on the sore point in the imperial system, Baron Francis Maseres 
 advocated what he calls "the natural and obvious way of solution". 
 
 32 
 
 Edward Bancroft was an Englishman of letters, whose 
 career as an English or American spy, or both at once, is well 
 known. He wrote a pamphlet entitled "Remarks on the Review of the 
 Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies." (Lond.1769). 
 
 33 
 
 Burke is £,suppos,eded to have written "The Case of Great 
 Britain and America," (London, 1769). 
 
 34 
 
 Cf. Hist. MSs. Com., Earl of Dartmouth , II, 244; Monthly 
 Review . (June, 1774), 486. 
 
 36 
 
 Baron Maseres (1731-1824), sometime attorney-general of 
 Quebec, is quite well known by his opposition to the Quebec Act, and 
 his "Additional papers concerning Quebec," (London, 1776), and also 
 "Considerations on the Expediency of Admitting Representatives from 
 the American Colonies into the British House of Commons," (London, 
 1770) . 
 

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-17- 
 
 namely, the admission to Parliament of American representatives. 
 
 "About four score persons," he thought," might be admitted to sit in 
 
 Parliament as members of the House of Commons for all the King's 
 
 dominions in America, the West Indies as well as North America." 
 
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 must be allowed to be supreme and incontestable, and all their acts 
 
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 pass any bill relating to any colony till one year after its first 
 
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 36 
 
 project the author hoped America would thankfully accept. 
 
 Crowley demanc&d, late in 1773, that "an Act of Parliament 
 be passed to grant the constitutional honor of being REALLY REPRE- 
 SENTED in Parliament to such Colonies, who by petitioning signed 
 
 by the Speaker of each Assembly on behalf of the Province, shall 
 
 37 
 
 REQUEST such Favor of Government, which is to be coupled with 
 
 II 
 
 Parliamentary taxation over America. As a model of working consti- 
 tution for this expanded body politic, he recommended the constitu- 
 tion of Massachusetts, where "more than twenty of the most remote 
 of" lEO townships "decline sending Representatives, on account of 
 distance and expence, nevertheless, as they have a right of repre- 
 sentation granted them, they pay Taxes in common with those who 
 
 38 
 
 send Representatives." Later, when the trend of events conclusive- 
 
 36 
 
 Maseres, Considerations, 10-16, passim. 
 
 37 
 
 (Thos. Crowley), Dissertations, 3. 
 
 38 
 
 Ibid. , 9-10. 
 

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-18- 
 
 ly indicated the coming of the inevitable 03c*i sis of the empire, 
 
 Crowley gave his last words on the subject. America and Britain, 
 
 he declared, should each immediately appoint ei^t plenipotentiaries 
 
 to meet at the Bermudas, and "there dispationately concert a happy 
 
 and durable Plan of Union, and just proportionate limited Taxation; 
 
 with a clause to grant to any Colony a representation ... on their 
 
 39 
 
 petitioning...." Vividly he saw the imminent danger in imperial 
 politics, and accurately he pointed out the crux of the whole 
 problem- -the conflict of Parliamentary taxation and American repre- 
 sentation. As a practical way out, he suggested colonial repre- 
 sentation and uniform taxation throughout the empire, which he be- 
 lieved would save the impending situation. This same principle was 
 more ably set forth by Adam Smith in the same year of 1776. 
 
 Smith *s plan of imperial reorganization consisted of, 
 politically, representation of every part of the scattered empire, 
 
 and, economically, of self-sufficing free trade and imperial uni- 
 40 
 
 form taxation. Thus, in the last chapter of his celebrated 
 "Wealth of Nations," he shows how the British system of taxation 
 might be extended along with representation in Parliament to the 
 colonies in such a way as to produce a great addition to the im- 
 perial revenue and a large permanent surplus for the redemption of 
 debt. Thereupon the learned economist promptly recommen^d "a fair 
 
 39 
 
 (Thos. Crowley), Dissertations , 98-99; Cf. Basil Wil- 
 liams, "Chatham and the Representation of the Colonies in the Im- 
 perial Parliament," Eng. Hist. Review, XZII, 756-758. 
 
 40 
 
 J. S. Nicholson, A Project of Empire , xi. 
 
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-19- 
 
 and equal representation of all those different provinces” in the 
 
 British Parliament, or the States-General of the British empire as 
 41 
 
 he callK. it. Thus, in place of the Greek ideal of friendly- 
 disintegration, Smith set up the ideal of Roman organization with 
 one essential difference, viz. the provision for the representation 
 of the outlying provinces. It was the absence of this principle, 
 in his view, which ruined the Roman imperial system, and it would be the 
 adoption of this same principle that would hind into one the dif- 
 ferent parts of the vast empire. 
 
 Throughout these three projects of imperial reorganiza- 
 tion one easily recognizes their keynote, that is, the representation 
 and taxation of the empire in Parliament. ^ compared with the ear- 
 lier plans the emphasis is laid upon the practical and concrete 
 points at issue. Proposals for American representation, he it ob- 
 served, actually ended with those of Maseres, Grow ley, and Smith. 
 
 When Adam Smith advocated colonial representation at 
 Westminster, he was by no means unaware of the difficulties it 
 would encounter, but he said it would come "not from the nature of 
 
 things but from the prejudice and opinion of the people on this 
 
 42 
 
 and on the other side of the Atlantic." However, that was not 
 
 entirely the case. In the first place, there were 
 
 many people who held that America did not want representation in 
 
 41 
 
 Nicholson, p£. crt 213-4 ; Adam Smith, Weal th of Natiois , 
 (2d Rogers ed.), 206 - 7 '; W, Hunt, Political History of England, Z,137. 
 
 42 
 
 John Ra©',, Life of Adam Smith, 282-283. 
 
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 Parliament. For instance. Dr. Franklin, who had proposed it in the 
 
 fifties, oaffie definitely to oppose it by 1767-^^ «hen citizens of 
 
 Bostons were told in l768 that Parliament might offer to receive their 
 
 44 
 
 representatives, they declared that they did not want it. 'Indeed, 
 such was the general tone of the majority opinion on both sides of 
 the sea. A close analysis of this attitude to the proposed system 
 of imperial reorganization would bring to light two main categories of 
 objections those of a geographical and those of a political and 
 
 social nature. 
 
 The 3,000 miles of hazardous Atlantic voyage, it was clear, 
 had to be overcome in case a project for representation was put into 
 operation. This geographical obstacle was generally taken up as the 
 conclusive and fatal argument against the system on the anvil. The 
 most brilliant argument against it was voiced by Edmund Burke who portray- 
 3 d a vivid picture of the awkward and harmful working of such a constitu- 
 tion. "But," said the Bristol representative, "let us suppose all 
 those moral difficulties got over. The ocean remains. you cannot 
 
 pump this dry; . • • * ^ 
 
 remove the eternal barriers of the creation'." But nature, he con- 
 
 Franklin, Writ ings, (Smyth ed.), V, 17. 74; 456. 
 
 eotblack, op. cit., 184; P.O.Hutohinson, .Diwy Jf^i^ilters 
 of Thomas Hutchinson, II, 183^^* 
 
 Thus on Feb. 11, 1768, the ^Massachusetts House of Repre- 
 senStives resolved that they could not be equally represented because o 
 being separated by an Ocean of 1000 leagues. Similar resolutions were 
 made by other provincial and county bodies. 
 
 ^^Burke, ^/iritings and Speeches, (Beaconsfield ed),II, 135-158 ^ 
 Burke, Selections, 53-57- 
 

 
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tinued, is too hard for representation; and America is, and ever 
 will he, without actual representation...; nor v;ill any minister he 
 wild enough even to propose such a representation in Parliament. 
 
 As collateral difficulties, others pointed out that it would he im- 
 possible for American members of Parliament to meet any emergency 
 call of sessions, and that enormous expenses as well as lack of due 
 intelligence would make representation useless, if not harmful. 
 
 Besides the geographical harrier coupled with its corol- 
 laries, there were no less serious obstacles of a political and social 
 nature in the way of representation. On the British side, it was 
 opposed on the ground that America had no gentry class worthy of 
 Parliamentary seats. S’ ear was entertained of the introduction of 
 American members to Westminster. ”The sudden importation of so 
 much eloquence,” said Jenyns, "at once would greatly endanger the 
 safety and government of this country; ...our most excellent consti- 
 tution." Again, it was feared that despite Parliamentary regula- 
 tion, the jarring interests of the various dependencies mi^t 
 
 48 
 
 destroy the very fabric of the British imperial system. 
 
 Across the sea, on the American side, graver objections 
 were raised. Americans justly criticized open corruption in and out 
 of Parliament. Besides corrupting our ideas of government and our 
 manners, an alliance with Britain, they protested, would open every 
 Senate and Council Chamber on the continent to the influence of 
 
 47 
 
 Jenyns, p£. cit . , 429; Of. William Barron, Colonization 
 of Free States, 150-151. 
 
 48 
 
 Reflections moral and Political on G-reat Britain and her 
 Colonies ( London, 1770 ) , 21. 
 
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 49 
 
 British gold. it was also said that in Parliaicent British msmbers would 
 
 outvote the American representatives, because of the possible numerical 
 
 superioritjf of the former over the latter. Representation is not safe, 
 
 it was complained, because of being liable to too partial and heavy taxa- 
 50 
 
 tion. Therefore, they denounced, it would be "not a blessing but a 
 
 51 
 
 snare" for America. 
 
 Thus, apart from the obstacle of the Atlantic waters there 
 stood in the way of representation the American lack of a gentry class 
 and its supposed destructive influence on the constitution, as well as 
 the American fear of British corruption and of being outvoted in parlia- 
 ment. These natural, political and social difficulties were hardly 
 ignored even by the advocates of a representation system. To mention 
 but one, Baron Maseres devoted over twenty-three pages to the discussion 
 of the inevitable objections; yet he discounted all the others, Burke's 
 "Opposuit iiiiatura" was still insuperable. Being well aware of this 
 fact, Crowley urged as a happy medium the adoption of an enlarged edition 
 of the Massachusetts constitution. 
 
 The opposition on these and other grounds to American repre- 
 sentation was no less strong in the field of actual politics than in that 
 of political speculation. As early as in the year of 
 
 A O 
 
 "^^(Jchn Almon), Ths Remembrancer, pt. 1,289. 
 
 50 
 
 (Crowley), Dissertation, 5^23; Mass. Bist. Soc. , Collections 
 4th series, IV, 440. 
 
 ^^(John Adams, and Jonathan Sewall),Bovanglus,and Massachu- 
 settensis; or Political Essays, 108-109; John Adams, in his "Address to 
 the" Inhabit ants”of”Ssiachu^^ of March 13, 1775, summed up all ths 
 
 points of objection to American representation in the British Parliament. 
 
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-E3- 
 
 the Stamp Act congress, the idea of colonial representation in 
 
 Parliament ceased to he heard of, men generally acquiescing in "Sam" 
 
 Adams' view that it was wholly impracticable. As already alluded 
 
 to, the Massachusetts house of representatives, other similar 
 
 bodies, and town and parish meetings resolved one after another 
 
 that their representation was impracticable, impossible, and even 
 
 52 
 
 "inconsistent with the English constitution." 
 
 In point of fact, there v/as little probability that Great 
 Britain would admit American members to the Parliament at West- 
 minster. On March 1, 1768, De Berdt, a London agent of the House 
 
 of Representatives of Massachusetts, reported that there was "no 
 
 63 
 
 probability of admittance to send Representatives here;..." 
 
 Lord Ohatham, proposing, on January 9, 1770, in Parliament a reform 
 
 bill concerning English and Scotch representation, never said a 
 
 54 
 
 word about colonial representation. Gommenting on this point. 
 Prof. Grant observes This Imperial Parliament he (Chatham) would 
 have made more truly Imperial; he urged reform at home, and the 
 idea of Colonial representation in both Houses of the Imperial Par- 
 liament at least floated before his mind; but to the last Chatham 
 
 52 
 
 Samuel Adams, Writings , (Cushing ed.) I, 186; Votes and 
 Proceedings of Boston , 1772, 11-12; Peter Eorce, Ameri^_^n_Arehi^ 
 4th series, I, 529 . As already noted the Massachusel;'ts”'House ~o? 
 Representatives resolved against representation on Peb. 11, 1768, 
 and did so again on Jan. 23, 1773. 
 
 53 
 
 Colonial^ See, of ^ XIII. 331. 
 
 54 
 
 Cf. Basil Williams, "Chatham and Representation," 
 
 Eng. Hist. Rev., XXII, 766-758; Hall, "Chatham's Colonial Policy," 
 Am. Hist. Rev., V, 664. 
 
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-24- 
 
 was true to the ideal of Imperial control". 
 
 Four years afterwards, Governor Pownall, the zealous 
 
 I 
 
 advocate of representation, reviewed with authority the point in 
 question when he said: "A British Union of all the British domin- 
 ions, hy admitting the American Colonies into Parliament, has been 
 now for nearly twenty years repeatedly recommended to this country, 
 by those who knew circumstances of both countries.... V/hen it was 
 first proposed, v/ithin the period of the last war, it might have 
 been easily, and would have been chearfully carried into execution. 
 Ten years ago it was not yet desperate--but the spirit of this 
 country disclaimed the idea: and the government of it never v/ill 
 or can engage in any such measure,... The nation,... slept while 
 it pronounced- -Time is to come. — Time is. — ... Time*s past. 
 
 56 
 
 The Colonies now in their turn have 1 earnt to renounce this union." 
 
 Early in 1778, when Under -Secretary of State William Eden 
 
 was busy drafting the peace terms to America to be proposed by the 
 
 Carlisle commission, it was thought and asked: "Shall any share of 
 
 57 
 
 Representation in the House of Commons be given?" However, the 
 commission, on their arrival in America, proposed no such term, 
 but recommended an establishment of reciprocal deputation of each 
 other *s Parliament, which offer was flatly rejected by the Congress 
 
 55 
 
 V/, L. Grant, "Pitt*s Theory of Empire," Queen* s Quarter- 
 ly, XVI, Ho. 1, 36. What Prof. Grant meant by Pitt's ideal of the 
 Imperial control is Parliamentary control of trade navigation. 
 
 56 
 
 Thomas Pownall, Administration of the British Colonies. 
 
 II, 82-83. 
 
 57 
 
 B. P. Stevens, Facsimiles , IV, Ho. 379, 5. 
 
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- 25 - 
 
 at Philadelphia. With this sad result there came practically an end to 
 the agitation and speculation on American representation in the 
 imperial parliament. 
 
 Such . were the problems of the British empire 
 and solutions^suggested in the course of a century and a quarter since 
 1650. First, it was mainly the question of imperial defence and 
 colonial union, which stood in the forefront of the imperial politics 
 up to the Seven Years' War. Then came the problem of constitutional 
 reconstruction of the empire. This transition from the first stage 
 to the second took place at the close of the war, and it is characteri- 
 zed with such vague suggestions for imperial reform as those by Pitt, 
 .Johnson, Pownall, and the New York assembly. Lastly, the third stage 
 began when attempts were made to solve the same problem by means of 
 colonial representation in the British parliament. Thus, having survey 
 ed at some length the three stages of imperial reorganization, we 
 are now ready to proceed to another stage, where the old problem, 
 it was thought, would be solved through schemes built upon the prin- 
 ciples of colonial autonomy and parliamentary supremacy'. 
 

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Chapter II 
 
 Plans of Colonial Autonomy under Parliament 
 
 VThile severe criticism was deraolishins the project for 
 American representation, counter projects for imperial reorganization 
 based on the principles of colonial autonomy and Parliamentary su- 
 premacy were being suggested. Apparently these aimed to reconcile 
 the two f ‘.mdamental questions at issue; "Should there be a British 
 empire ruled by Parliament in all its parts, either in England or 
 oversea, or should Parliament govern at home, and should the provin- 
 cial assemblies govern in America with only a federal bond to unite 
 them?”^ In doing so, the new system endeavored to formulate some sort 
 of 0 onat it ut ion 'midway ■' between the two extremes just mentioned. A 
 closer study, however, reveals that the solution now proposed by 
 this system involved nothing more than the recognition of the im- 
 perial system then actually in existence. 
 
 Within thisnewset of schemes are found three kinds, viz. 
 those of (l)uniform imperial taxation, (2 ) provincial legislative in- 
 dependence, and (3)federal legi slati on and royal administrative con- 
 trol. The first and Second kind were founded on the assumption of ac- 
 tual supremacy of British Parliament, while the third was founded on 
 legal or theoretical supremacy of the Parliament. Again, according to 
 the first tv;o systems, the Grovm had no control whatsoever of Amer- 
 ican governments except as part of the British legislature, while 
 
 1 
 
 Van Tyne, American Revolution, 11. 
 

 
 
 
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- 27 - 
 
 by the third system, the King was to have large powers through his 
 appointment of a royal representative, who was to be vested with 
 administrative authority^ 
 
 Speaking of the plans for uniform imperial taxation, one 
 
 will readily recall what Adam Smith said concerning the extension of 
 
 the British taxation system to all the outlying provinces of the 
 
 empire. This, he considered, could not be done without their repre- 
 
 2 
 
 sentation in the British parliament. On the contrary, the author 
 
 of the "Plan of Reconciliation (1776) declared that the British 
 
 taxation should extend throughout the great empire without any colonial 
 
 representation at Westminster, because such representation would be 
 
 impracticable at any rate. "The whole essence of this political 
 
 controversy (between America and Britain)" he wrote, "will be found, 
 
 by all honest and impartial men, to consist in two objects. First, 
 
 in obtaining Justice for England by American taxation. Secondly, in 
 
 obtaining constitutional Security for America in the operation of our 
 
 5 
 
 taxation laws." 
 
 This writer tried to devise a system which would recon- 
 cile the jarring claims of both England and America, and found " a 
 lasting principle of Reconciliation" in the uniform imperial 
 taxation. "As all Government," he said, "implies expence, so equal 
 Justice requires that all expences necessary for the protection of 
 the States, should be divided, by some equal rule, amongst all those 
 2 
 
 Smith, Wealth of Nations, (World Library ed,), 748. 
 
 — 
 
 A plan of Reconciliation between Great Britain and her 
 Colonies, etc.y 2. 
 
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- 28 - 
 
 individuals in the coiniiiunity who have possession of the property . ^ 
 According to him, it is of no consequence to justice, whether the geo- 
 graphical situation of the property be found on the norther or souther side 
 of the river Trent, on this or the other side of the Atlantic Ocean; so 
 long as it is equally protected by the fleets and armies furnished by 
 the States. Thus in his mind "geographical distance of place ..... 
 
 5 
 
 creates no obstruction to the operation of our taxation laws " 
 
 The ture and only constitutional principle, he argued, upon which the 
 parliament of Great Britain could tax them in common with the people 
 of England, where the nature of the tax would permit . . . Thus all 
 tax laws intended to affect the colonies would become so general laws 
 as to affect England and the colonies- alike; so that no tax might be 
 paid by "our distant provinces," but what is obliged to be paid in the 
 same manner and proportion in England. Since Britain's annual expenditure 
 rose to enormous sums, continued the writer, "the distant provinces should 
 contribute, a tax on all houses and land, tax upon all rents arising from 
 houses or land, all debentures, upon goods exported to distant provinces. 
 Stamp. Act be new-modelled, to be extended to Colonies." 
 
 4 
 
 A Plan of Reconciliation between Great Britain and her Colo- 
 nies; etc., 5. 
 
 5 
 
 pid, 52. 
 
 6 
 
 Ibid, 13-22 passim. 
 

 
 
 
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-29- 
 
 Golonial representati on in Parliament, which idea had been 
 much discredited by this time, received only a scant attention. The 
 colonists in America, he contended, voluntarily left their native 
 country. • .consequently putting it out of their power to become 
 electors for representatives to serve in the British Parliament. If 
 they wanted to vote, he again contended, they should come back to 
 
 7 
 
 Great Britain. Furthermore, he maintained that America should re- 
 ceive "the full benefit and security of the English constitution, by 
 being taxed in common with His Majesty's subjects residing in Eng- 
 land."® Viewed in the light of such contentions the author of the 
 "Plan of Reconciliation" must still have entertained an old notion 
 that the supremacy of Parliament must be maintained even at the ex- 
 pense of colonial self-government. Therefore, this plan would not 
 have solved the problem at issue, but it merely would have left Amer- 
 ica with her grievances. Nothing was conceded to America, and the 
 proposed uniform taxation system, on the contrary, added to the bur- 
 den already borne by the colonists. Morever, this scheme would have 
 definitely established the hitherto questioned supremacy of Parlia- 
 ment, and it also set aside the project of American representation. 
 Such being the case, the uniform imperial taxation plan could only 
 add fuel to the troubles. 
 
 The second system, which is now to be considered, was dis- 
 cussed during the years 1773-1775 by prominent loyalists and con- 
 
 7 
 
 A Plan of Reconciliati on between Great Britain and her 
 Colonies; etc.^', 43 
 
 8 
 
 Ibid .. 113 
 

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- 30 - 
 
 servative constitutionalists like Edmund Burke as alternatives to the 
 systems of representation already fatally criticized. The new system, 
 whose keynote was provincial legislative control, contained little 
 that was new or liberal. It was intended to maintain the existing 
 constitution of the colonies and empire although in a somewhat improved 
 form. Every one of these schemes embodying this was bound up with 
 the idea that Parliamentary supremacy must be maintained at any cost, 
 or the very empire itself would break asunder. They all conceded 
 that provincial legislatures should be allowed independence of Parliament 
 in their local concerns. Therefore, the system they proposed was 
 entirely foreign to the projects of colonial federation under Parlia- 
 ment, or imperial federation through colonial representation. Then 
 it is not difficult to see that such a system was merely an improved 
 
 edition of the existing constitution in the British empire. 
 
 G 
 
 Among the advocates of this conservative constitutional 
 system were leading loyalists like Thomas Hutchinson, lYyles Cooper, 
 and Samuel Seabury. All of them agreed to the principles of Parlia- 
 mentary supremacy and provincial legislative independence. These 
 two principles shaped their projects for imperial reconstruction which 
 were utterly devoid of originality and historical background. In 
 his speech of January 6, 1775^ iu the Massachusetts assembly. Governor 
 Hutchinson reviewed at great length the prevailing political thought 
 in the colonies. It has been urged, he said, that it is part of 
 the liberties of English subjects, which has its foundation in nature, 
 to be governed by laws made by their own consent in person, or by 
 their representatives ; that the subjects in t his province are 
 

 
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-31- 
 
 not, and can not te represented in the Parliament of Great Britain; 
 and, consequently, the acts of that Parliament cannot he binding 
 
 9 
 
 upon them. do not find, gentlemen,” continued the governor, "in 
 
 the charter, such an expression as sole power, or any words which 
 import it. I know of no line that can be drawn between the supreme 
 authority of Parliament and the total independence of the colonies; 
 it is impossible there should be two independent Legislatures in one 
 and the same State; for although there may be but one head, the Zing, 
 yet the two Legislative bodies make two governments as distinct as 
 the Zingdom of England and Scotland before the Union. If we might 
 be suffered to be altogether independent of Great Britain, could we 
 have any claim to the protection of that government, of which we are 
 no longer a part?”^^ Any plan, he maintained, by which the kingdom 
 and the colonies are no longer one empire is imperfect. Again, a 
 year later, he expressed that he had 'hever had one plan for the 
 government of America. The supremacy of Parliament must never be 
 given up.” Nevertheless, Hutchinson earnestly desired for the 
 provincial legislatures the full enjoyment, especially in matters 
 of taxation, of all powers consistent with this supremacy. 
 
 After all, what the loyal governor thought of, observes 
 Hosmer, as the happy solution of the problem of the British empire 
 was in all essential respects what has been hit upon as the English 
 
 9 
 
 J. Z. Hosmer, Life of Thomas Hutchinson , 365. 
 
 10 
 
 Ibid . 365-367; P. 0. Hutchinson, 0 £. cit » , I . 409n. 
 
 11 
 
 P. 0. Hutchinson, 0 £. cit . . I, 188-189, 214; Hosmer, 
 op . cit . , 260-261. 
 

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-32- 
 
 policy of the nineteenth century. Each colony within its own limits 
 
 administers itself, quite unvexed by interference from the mother 
 
 land: each colony admits the power at home, — colonial autonomy under 
 
 12 
 
 Parliamentary supremacy. Favorable as this view of his theories 
 would be to Hutchinson he was not very far from it. 
 
 The plan submitted in 1774 by Dr. Myles Cooper, president 
 of King*s College, is based on ”a formal allowance of the rightfull 
 supremacy in general of Great Britain over the American colonies — 
 a declaration of our opposition to a state of independence with a 
 corresponding behabiour — a respectful remonstrance on the system of 
 taxation — an assurance of our willingness to contribute , in some 
 equitable proposition, towards defraying the public expense--and the 
 proposal of a reasonable plan for a general American constitution.’^*' 
 In the following year Samuel Seabury advocated the "settle- 
 ment of an American constitution, "granting provincial self-govern- 
 
 14 
 
 ment under the sovereign imperial parliament. He stated his 
 sentiments upon the line that ought to be drawn between the suprem- 
 acy of Great Britain and the dependency of the Colonies." "I imagine’ 
 he further said, "that if all internal taxation be vested in our own 
 
 legislatures, and the right of regulating trade by duties, bounties, 
 
 __________ 
 
 12 
 
 Hosmer, 0 £. cit . . 260; Cf. A. C. McLaughlin, "The 
 Background of American Federalism", Am Pol. Sc. Review, ZII, 234-235. 
 
 13 
 
 A. C. Flick, Loyalism in Hew York during the American 
 Revolution , 12n. ^ 
 
 14 
 
 (S. Seabury. ) View qf the Controversy between Great 
 Britain and Colonies : 34-35, 16-17. 
 

 
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- 53 - 
 
 &3. ’03 l3ft in tbs power of the parliamsnt; ani also the right of enact- 
 ing all general laws for the gool of all the colonies, that we shall 
 have all the security for our rights, liberties, ani property, which 
 human policy can give us: The iepenlence of the Colonies on the mother- 
 country will be fixei on a firm foundation; the sovereign authority of 
 Parliament, over all the iominions of the empire will oe establishei, ani 
 the mother-country ani her Colonies will be knit together, in ONE 3S4^5D, 
 EISM.4ND C0MP4CT BODY."^^ 
 
 In developing this system of imperial constitution, Ssabury 
 undoubtedly took great pains to reconcile the jarring interests between 
 Parliamentary supremacy ani taxation. If the British parliament, he . 
 asked, had a right to make laws to bind the whole empire, A.m3rican 
 assemblies would become useless. But, a little consideration, he thought, 
 
 G 
 
 would remove this difficulty. "Qur Assemblies," he said, "from their 
 very nature of things, can have but a legated, subordinate, ani local 
 authority of legislation. fheir authority must be subordinate to the 
 supreme sovereign authority of the nation, or there is imperium in imperio 
 Everything that relates to the in- 
 ternal policy and government of the province . . . comes oefore them, 
 whether they be matters of law or revenue. But all laws relating oo 
 the empire in general, or all the colonies conjunctively, or which 
 regulates the trade of any particular colony, in order to make it 
 comparable with the general good of the whole empire, must be left 
 
 ^^(S.Beabury), /iew of the Controversy dftween 3££at Britain 
 and Colonies, 47 - 43 . 
 
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 16 
 
 to the parliament . . . when questionel v^hat we would get by 
 
 thie arrangement, if Parliament had authority to make imperial laws, to 
 rsgulats iaparial traia, to raisa imparial fsjanaa, ani it laft ua nothing 
 wbioh »3 aould oall our own, tlia laarnai Ssabury answarai at onoa: "Lot 
 it ba oonaiiarai that no aobaina of human polioy oan ba so oontrivai ani 
 aariai bat that something must ba laft to the integrity, pradanoa, and 
 
 ,17 
 
 wisdom of those who govern,' 
 
 The loyalists, however, were not the only people who advocated 
 the constitutions in which Parliamentary supremacy and provincial legis- 
 lative independence dominated through and through. Such we also find in 
 those of gdmund Burke ani tfia author of "plan of Reunion." 
 
 During his debate on the Puller motion in the Bouse of Commons, 
 April 19 , 1774 , the noted representative from Bristol spoke at length on 
 American taxation, setting forth his wiews on the imperial constitution. 
 
 He said, "I look, I say, on the imperial rights of Creat Britain, and 
 
 the 
 
 privileges 
 
 which the colonists 
 
 ought to snjoy under 
 
 rights, to be 
 
 just the most 
 
 reconc 
 
 liable things in th: 
 
 I he 
 
 parliament 
 
 of Creat Britain s 
 
 its at the head of 
 
 tens 
 
 ive empire 
 
 in two capac 
 
 ities= 
 
 one as the local 
 
 of 
 
 this island 
 
 , providing for 
 
 all 
 
 things at home, imm^ 
 
 by 
 
 no other 
 
 instrument than 
 
 the 
 
 executive power. T 
 
 ex- 
 
 Ihe 
 
 1 6 
 
 (3. Seabury), 7isw of the Controversy between Creat Britain 
 ani Colonies, 34-35» 
 
 17 
 
 'ibid, 39 
 
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-35- 
 
 other, and I think her nobler capacity, is what I call her imperial 
 character ; in which, as from the throne of heaven, she superintends 
 all the several inferior legislatures, and guides and controls them 
 all, without annihilating any. As all these provincial legislatures 
 are only co-ordinate with each other, they ought to be subordinate 
 to her; else they can neither preserve peace, nor hope for mutual 
 justice, nor effectually afford mutual assistance. It is necessary 
 to coerce the negligent, to restrain the violent, and to aid the 
 weak and deficient, by the overruling plenitude of her power. She 
 is never to intrude into the place of the others, whilst they are 
 equal to the common ends of their institution. But in order to en- 
 able parliament to answer all these ends of provident and benefit 
 
 dent superintendence, her powers must be boundless Shall there 
 
 be no reserved power in the empire, to supply a deficiency which 
 may weaken, divide, and dissipate the whole? I consider the power 
 of taxing in parliament as an instrument of empire, and not as a 
 means of supply. • . . Such, sir, is my idea of the constitution of 
 the British empire, as distinguished from the constitution of 
 Britain. 
 
 Nevertheless when reconciliation was in the air, Burke 
 moved a bill for renewing peace with America upon the ancient con- 
 stitutional ground, giving satisfaction to the colonies upon the 
 article of taxation, and a general redress of their grievances; con- 
 sulting in every point the freedom of America, the dignity of Par- 
 
 18 
 
 Burke, Selections, 116-117 
 

 
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-36- 
 
 liament, and the rights of Great Britain. In the said hill, he lays 
 
 down "That no aid, subsidy, tax, duty, loan, benevolence, or any 
 
 other burthen or imposition whatsoever, shall, .be. .collected upon 
 
 the inhabitants of any colony. . . in America, by the authority, or 
 
 in virtue of any act of Parliament, or in any other manner, or by 
 
 any other authority, than the voluntary grant of the general assemblj 
 
 or general court of each colony. . . , and which shall be assented 
 
 to by his Majesty’s Governor, and otherwise confirmed according to 
 
 the usage of each province respectively, any law. . . , or any other 
 
 19 
 
 whatsoever, to the contrary notwithstanding. " 
 
 Regard must be had to the heart of the above clause which 
 
 is J:o maintain not the abstract right of Parliamentary right to levy 
 
 tax on the colonies, but "to bind them to England with the ties of 
 
 freedom" in the form of free and voluntary grants by the Congress or 
 
 provincial assemblies. The question with me, he said, is not whether] 
 
 you have a right to render your people miserable, but whether it is 
 
 not your interests to make them happy. The problem, in fact, was 
 
 one not of abstract right but of expediency; and nothing would be 
 
 20 
 
 lost by satisfying American desire. 
 
 What Burke is driving at is clear -- that is to maintain 
 the status quo of the then imperial system, but to reform abuses and 
 to prune away inexpedient practices. To him the British Parliament 
 
 19 
 
 David Hartley, Letters on the American War , 29. 
 
 20 
 
 H. J. Laski, English Political Thought, 228-230. passim. 
 

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- 37 - 
 
 must be supreme and provincial legislatures must be subordinate to 
 the Parliament, but free to manage their own affairs as they please. 
 Moreover, they are "to grant voluntary aid in their own way, being 
 unvexed by the Parliament. True it is that in Bur.he's eyes the con- 
 stitution was altogether admirable; all that was wanted was the re- 
 moval of abuses, which hindered it from being well; all what he 
 laboured for was to bring Parliament into a sound state by reforms. 
 Nevertheless, he was a man who could grasp the whole situation and 
 offer an equitable solution. 
 
 In the same conservative school was the author of "Plan of 
 
 21 
 
 Reunion”, who w;?s evidently an ardent English imperialist of the extreme 
 type.. He readily acknov/ledged that "there would be a propriety in 
 admitting representatives from America into Parliament, for infor- 
 mation concerning the state and ability of the c onstituents , and for 
 
 collecting more equally the sense of the several parts of the em- 
 22 
 
 pire." Hewas,^ however, well aware that real and absolute represen- 
 tation of all parts and people of the British Imperial State ab- 
 surd and impracticable. Therefore, in his plan no?/ proposed, he 
 would not repeat "What we have already proposed concerning the ad- 
 mission of American representatives in Parliament; because it is in 
 
 21 
 
 This book is dedicated to the Gentlemen of the Committee 
 in charge of subscriptions for wounded Soldiers in the American War so 
 that its publication might bring some profits for them. 
 
 22 
 
 Plan of Re -uni on between Great Britain and Her Colonies , 
 
 86 . 
 

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-38- 
 
 no respect necessary for the purposes of freedom or security.” 
 
 Thus in this excellent work, he vindicated the sovereign 
 authority of the British Parliament over the whole empire; showed 
 that the colonieSjuigi^-t only he considered as a part of that em- 
 pire; hut as helping to constitute that republic or national in- 
 terest, which it’^^^ the duty of Parliament to regulate and manage; 
 again demonstrated that taxation cannot he separated in idea from 
 sovereignty, reduced to nothing the colonial dread of Parliamentary 
 sovereignty, hy introducing into it, as an essential part, a tem- 
 porary representation chosen from the mass of the people, and re- 
 O 
 
 turning among them, to submit to the la¥/s which they themselves 
 
 enacted ; shows existing system of colonial government to he I 
 
 23 
 
 essentially deficient; and pointed out how it might he improved. 
 
 It on the first and last points that the author dwelt 
 at frreat length. "In every independent state or empire,” he main- 
 tained "independent of several separate distant provinces, each 
 claiming, originally, equal privileges, of necessity there must he 
 supposed a fixed seat of government, and a sovereign superintending 
 legislative authority. Even where the union supposes the several 
 provinces to continue on any equal footing in order to introduce un- 
 iformity and vigour into government, without which the safety and 
 welfare of the whole must continually he brought into danger, the 
 most powerful or the most active, or the most convenient province 
 
 23 
 
 Plan of Re-union between Great Britain and Her 
 
 Colonies, 168-170. 
 

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-39- 
 
 will be obliged to take the lead, and in many oases must assume sov- 
 ereign authority, to which, expediency, or fear, produce a ready sub- 
 
 PA 
 
 mission from the other co-estates. ...” If the colonists must 
 be their own legislators, he continued to argue, it was necessary 
 that there should be a superintending head to keep each within its 
 due bounds and to guide the advantage of the whole: no colonial 
 regulation, therefore, ought to be final, and in matters of trade 
 particularly, should have no effect, till it hed undergone a crit- 
 ical examination in Parliament, and h£d been found compatible with 
 O 
 
 the general J.nterests of the empire. Agreeable to this plan of the 
 superintending care of Parliament, let every act of provincial legiS' 
 lation go through the present colonial forms. Let all the arguments 
 for and against any new regulation, or abolition of the old, be fair- 
 ly stated in writing for the information of Parliament by the con- 
 sent of the managers on both sides of the question in the colonial 
 legislature. If it be a matter of immediate necessity, let the ad- 
 mission of the majority take place for a certain time in the colony, 
 till it can be brought before Parliament. Let the sanction of Par- 
 liament be necessary for every regulation respecting trade and 
 
 every perpetual provincial law. "Parliament then must put the last 
 
 25 
 
 hand to the police of the Colonies.” 
 
 Evidently our writer insisted upon the urgent necessity of 
 due colonial submission to, and actual supremacy of, the British 
 
 24 
 
 Plan of Re -uni on between Great Britain and Her 
 Colonies , 9-10. 
 
 25 
 
 Ibid, 153-157 passim. 
 
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- 40 ^ 
 
 parliament. Tb®reupon_, he inquired how the two apparently conflicting 
 
 organs of imperial political mechanism reconcile each other through the 
 
 elucidation of the spheres of the both organs. The Parliament, he 
 
 thought, ought to enjoy of right a general control over the foreign 
 
 affairs, colonial trade foreign and inter-provincial. These evolved 
 
 into the problems of armaments land and sea, war and peace, customs and 
 
 trade regulations. Again, it was proposed that Great Britain should 
 
 take upon herself the whole civil and ecclesiastical establishments of 
 
 26 
 
 the several colonies, as v/ell as the payments of all salaries. 
 
 The author of "Plan of Reunion," it is noted, stressed very 
 much the supremacy of Parliament as the "connecting head" of this 
 great imperial State, coupled it with extensive powers over colonial 
 affairs, and left to the provincial legislatures merely local autonomy 
 of a very limited degree.. 
 
 This idea, compared with Burke’s, was more sensible of Parlia- 
 mentary supremacy, and it was less attentive to the provincial self- 
 government. Although both Burke and our present writer emphasized the 
 heed and importance of Parliamentary guidance, the former seemed to lean 
 to a more liberal view on the ground of expediency. Burke deserved 
 the credit of being able to put aside entirely an empty plea of abstract 
 right which satisfied legal pedants. Burke's plea failed in 
 the face of the obstinate George III, yet it was something that 
 ninety years after his speech the British Rorth America Act 
 
 ^^plan of Reunion between Great Britain and Her Colonies , 
 
 158 - 161 , 165 . 
 

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- 41 - 
 
 should have given dreain fsli'^enfee^ance. 
 
 In the meantime the Boston Port hill, the Quebec act, end 
 the other repressive' acts were heaping fuel on the kindled fires of 
 revolution. In the midst of great consternation the first Gontin- 
 ental Congress met at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. As a body 
 the Congress did not assemble with any predetermined revolutionary 
 purpose. Many loyalists and indeed moderate men of both parties be- 
 lieved that it would be a means of arranging a reconciliation with 
 Britain, and though the most decided loyalists would have nothing to 
 do with it, even they hoped for a good result; one third of the 
 
 delegates, John Adams said, were Whigs, one third Tories, end the 
 
 ?7 
 
 rest mongrel. There, on September 28, 1774, Joseph Gallov/ay of 
 the Pennsylvania delegation, submitted his ’^Plan of a proposed Union 
 between Great Britain and the Colonies," together with an accom- 
 panying resolution. 
 
 This plan of union consists of eleven articles setting 
 forth a scheme of colonial federation v/ith a President-General to 
 be appointed by the Grown, and "a Grand Council,” to be composed of 
 representatives chosen in the several assemblies, acting ”in con- 
 nection with, and subordinate to, the British Parliament.” This 
 proposal Galloway supported with an able speech, expounding, as it 
 did, his constitutional theory of the British State. Since, he said, 
 the colonies are undoubtedly members of the British State, they 
 must be united more closely to the mother country, for the mutual 
 
 27 
 
 Hunt, 0 £. ci t . , X, 132. 
 
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-42- 
 
 interest of "both America and Britain. At the same time, he entirely 
 
 28 
 
 disapproved "the black scheme of independence. ” Nevertheless, 
 
 being well aware of a grave defect in the imperial constitution with 
 
 respect to the colonies, Galloway labored anxiously to draw up such 
 
 a constitution as could secure both imperial unity and colonial 
 
 autonomy. At first, he imagined, American representation might be 
 
 a tentative solution, and came to the Congress with the idea of pro- 
 
 29 
 
 posing representation in Parliament. However, he discovered that 
 
 the general feeling was that such representation was impracticable, 
 
 and this fact seems to have led the sagacious Pennsylvanian to 
 
 30 
 
 change his proposal. Gallov/ay it is thought concerted his plan 
 
 > > 
 
 31 
 
 ) > 
 with the loyal governors of New Jersey and New York. 
 
 In support of his frame of government, he argued: "There 
 
 is a necessity that an American legislature be set up; or else that 
 
 32 
 
 we should give the power to Parliament or Zing. Thereby, he pro- 
 posed the establishment of a Grand Council, a unicameral federal 
 legislature, charged with legislation, taxation, and control, of 
 
 28 
 
 J. Galloway, Candid Examination , 34, 54, 60; Ibid , Plain 
 Truth, 70; Ibid, Reply to an Address to the Author of a Pamphlet..., 
 83-8fe. 
 
 29 
 
 Galloway to Wm. Franklin, Sept. 3, and Sept. 5, 1774, N. 
 J. Arch. X, 475-477; W. Franklin to Dartmouth, Sept. 6, 1774, Ibid , 
 
 Dec. 6, 
 
 X, 473-475, 503-507, Frotbingham, Rise of the Republic , 367-368; 
 
 G. Bancroft, ££. cit . , VII, 140;. C. Becker, pglitical parties etc., 149 n. 
 
 30 
 
 Carl Becker, The History of Political Parties in the 
 Province of New York, 1760-1776, 149; N. J. Arch., X, 474. 
 
 31 
 
 Ibid, 149; J. Galloway, Candid Examinations, 50-53; 
 
 N. J. Arch., X, 474. 
 
 32 
 
 C. H. Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 
 
 195-196 n. 
 

 
 
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- 43 - 
 
 general Amerioan affairs, xhe acts of this federal legislature were to 
 be subject to the assent of the President-Genneral and revision of the 
 British Parliament. On the other hand, the acts of fhe Parliament re- 
 lating to America could not be valid without the approbation of the 
 Grand Council, which would thus assure a constitutional instrument for 
 the colonists to check any undesirable measures of the Parliament. 
 
 This device of mutual check was indeed ingenious as well as original. 
 
 Besides being a royal representative, the President-General 
 was designed to be the chief executive of American government clothed 
 with authority "to cause them (acts of Parliament and the Grand Council 
 to be carried into execution." He was ever to execise, it was pro- 
 vided in Article VIII, "all the legislative rights, powers, and autho- 
 rities, necessary for regulating and administering all the general 
 police and affairs of the Colonies, in which Great Britain and the 
 Colonies, or any of them, the Colonies in general, or more than one 
 Colony, are in any manner concerned, as well civil and criminal as 
 commercials" 
 
 It is obvious that such powers as these are no less extensive 
 than those of the President of the United States, and would imply a 
 wide control of colonial affairs on the part of the King, Therefore, 
 the Galloway system clearly assigned a large degree of colonial 
 government to the Crown, and left the control of the Parliament 
 almost wholly nominal. Indeed, the plan itself represented the 
 trend of American opinion that the colonists owed their allegiance 
 to the King alone, and had no relation with that august parliament. 
 Furthermore, this scheme anticipated in essece not only the new colo- 
 nial system of Great Britain in the centuries that followed, but 
 
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-44- 
 
 also the American federal union set up on the ruins of "the old em- 
 pire in the west." Had Galloway* s project "been carried to a success- 
 ful issue, wrote a noted writer, we might have now presented to the 
 world the noble spectacle of an empire greater than half a continent 
 and seventy-five millions of people. Though Galloway's plan 
 failed of adoption in the Congress, history should still do justice 
 to the high order of his constructive statesmanship. 
 
 By way of summary, it may be said, that the constitutional 
 reconstruction of the British empire had been on the anvil for nearly a 
 dozen years when the system of colonial autonomy and Parliamentary 
 supremacy began to have serious consideration in many minds. The 
 new system started with somewhat strange schemes of imperial uniform 
 taxation. Substantially the recognition of the status quo of the 
 empire was then urged by the loyalists, Burke, and the author of 
 "Plan of Reunion." Lastly, Galloway planned a federated colonial 
 autonomy under quasi -supremacy of the British Parliament. Comparing 
 each scheme within the system, we find the first, on the whole the 
 most unsatisfactory ‘to America, because it would increase the griev- 
 ances rather than to diminish them. The second one, it may be ob- 
 served, is not liberal in that it only affixes a seal of constitu- 
 tional recognition to the imperial system hitherto in operation with 
 which ^ the colonists wers jg^reaAiy iissatisf ied^ On the other hand, 
 
 the Galloway project is liberal enough to allow America a large 
 
 33 
 
 Quarterly Review, CLXXXVIII, 441. 
 
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- 45 - 
 
 degree of home rule. It provides a large measure of royal admin- 
 istrative control in American government, but does not conflict with 
 the expressed views of the colonists themselves. As has been ob- 
 served, this system was intended to take place of the "impracticable'’ 
 schemes of colonial representation^ while it succeded in so doing it 
 came to naught so far as actual realization was concerned. Indeed 
 the Galloway project had its place in practical politics, but its 
 fate was nevertheless very miserable and this we all know. 
 

 
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Chapter III. 
 
 Real and Personal Unions 
 
 As has been noted, Galloway’s device of mutual assent to legis- 
 lation put the British parliament and the Grand Council in practical ef- 
 fect on the same and equal footing, though the latter was expressly dec- 
 lared to be "an inferior and distinct branch of the British Legislature," 
 united and incorporated with it "for general American affairs."! On the 
 other hand, the Galloway constitution conferred extensive powers on the 
 royal representative, and this amounted to an effective control by the 
 Crown of the federated government of America. Therefore, the Galloway 
 system recognized the supremacy of the British Parliament only as a 
 legal theory, and its importance lay in the royal administrative grip 
 that it would tighten over American government. Yet, strictly speaking, 
 this was not a personal union, for there was besides the Grown another 
 
 organ of government the Parliament. Rightly considered, this must 
 
 be a real union of Amei’ioa and Britain, through the emplyment not only 
 of the common King, but of the common Parliament. And it is this des- 
 cription of constitutional system that we are next to study. 
 
 Schemes for real union were projected by Governor Pownall, 
 and many others during the several years preceding the Declaration of 
 Independence. One important characteristic of the new system was the exist- 
 ence of some kind of parliamentary control over the American body politic, 
 which was at the same time the basic point differentiating the real from 
 the personal union. Needless to say, the new schemes were distinguished 
 
 I 
 
 Galloway, Candid Examination, 68. 
 
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- 47 - 
 
 froHi those discussed in the preceding chapter by the provisions of the 
 a 
 
 former for large degree of American legislative independence, if not com- 
 
 A 
 
 plete, of the British Parliament, and for a great measure of royal ad- 
 ministrative control. 
 
 In regard to Pownall's support to the projects of American rep- 
 resentation, enough has been said. By the year 1768 the governor seemed 
 
 to have been quite convinced of the expediency of colonial representation 
 
 2 
 
 through his discovery of the Chester precedent of 1450. The sequence of 
 events, however, was working constantly to modify his ideal of colonial 
 and imperial reorganization. Thus, in the 17?4 edition of his "Administ- 
 ration of the British Colonies," he frankly acknowlegsd that the time 
 had passed for the projects of representation. And he endeavored to es- 
 tablish some sort of compromised government between the two extremes of 
 imperial and provincial government, favoring, of course, 'free colonial 
 autonomy in internal matters. Then, he "proposed that after the result . 
 of the present Congress, the King should appoint a Congress of Deputies 
 from all the Colonies to be regularly chosen by the Assemblies, and a 
 Moderator, or person to preside, should be appointed by the King .... 
 
 He supposed a general Government might be formed, like that of Ireland; 
 
 3 
 
 and many other advantages might arise." 
 
 It is hard to draw any concrete system of government out of 
 those few sentences which Pownall uttered on September 29^1774, just at 
 
 II 
 
 the time when Galloway was about through his speech on the "Plan of Union. 
 2 
 
 C. A. i. Pownall, op. cit., 204. 
 
 3 
 
 P.0. Hutchinson, op. cit., 1,251 
 

 
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- 48 - 
 
 It is, however, clear that the governor believed it to be the theory 
 of imperial constitution that the American colonies should perform their 
 duty of "aid and service" to the supreme government in return for the 
 protection they received from amd within the empire. They should, he 
 thought, be free to act and trade within the empire and they had, he 
 also thought, a right to be governed in domestic affairs by their own 
 internal taxes which went to meet the local expenses. However, he 
 saw "an essential difference between internal and external taxes," the 
 latter being levied in the form of custom duties as the colonial con- 
 tribution for imperial defense and other purposes. Referring to this 
 point, in his speech of February 8, 1769> House of Commons, 
 
 Pownall said in substance that the colonists never claimed exemption 
 from both of such taxes, up to 1766, but they refused to pay either 
 as their retaliation on England f or Townshend 's act*. Compromise and 
 agreement, he hoped, would be reached by England abandoning her claim 
 to internal taxation, and by America withdrawing her objection to the 
 
 external taxation. That would, he sincerely believed, bring both 
 
 4 
 
 parties back to the position before 1763. 
 
 Just at this time he received "Instructions to the Pennsyl- 
 vania delegates in the Congress" and "an Essay on the Constitutional 
 Power of Great Britain over the Colonies in America." Cbserving the 
 American contentions set forth in them, he did not object to the colo- 
 nial claim to "an exclusive right of internal legislation." But, he 
 
 C.A.W. Pownall, op. cit., 268-269 
 
, tiir 
 
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-49- 
 
 did not listen a moment to their demand that England should renounce 
 all powers of taxation both internal and external. This, he added, 
 could not be done without dissolving the very empire itself. 
 
 Such in brief was Pownall's programme of imperial re- 
 construction in the year 1774. At the time when he expressed the above 
 idea , Lord Dartmouth intimated to Mr. Thomas Hutchinson that Mr. Pown-r 
 all had a mind to go to America and be the King's representative and 
 preside over all the colonies. "I answered him," wrote Hutchinson, 
 "that I know no better person." The pownall scheme , it is well known, 
 had very little influence either in Parliament or in the ministry of 
 the time. 
 
 Some months before Pownall's statement was made, there ap-r 
 
 peared in London a pamphlet entitled "America vindicated" written by 
 "a Friend of both Countries." Another one styled "Some Candid Sug- 
 gestions" was published in 1775 • Again, a pamphlet called "Obser- 
 vations : Reconciliation of Great Britain, and the Colonies; etc. " 
 was put out by "a Friend of American Liberty" in 1776. Each of these 
 proposed nearly the same sort of constitution for the empire, which 
 are featured with such as (1) non-Parliamentary taxation, (2) Par-- 
 liamentary trade regulation, (3) imperial gurantee of American de- 
 fence, and (4) American home rule with a congress. As was the case 
 with Bancroft's plan, the schemes of 1774 and 1776 provided the ex- 
 
 5 
 
 Pownall, Administration, II, 89-111 passim; C.A.W. 
 
 Pownall, op., cit., I, 269- 
 
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-50- 
 
 press renunciation by the Parliament of her taxing powers over Ameri- 
 
 6 
 
 ca. According to the project of Parliamentary trade regulation 
 
 was to be retained just as in those of Bancroft and Pownall«. But Par- 
 liament could not under pretence of regulation lay havey duties on the 
 articles of commerce. And only eight per cent, duties were to be 
 levied on all the goods imported from foreign countries. 
 
 In each of the three projects there was found an express 
 provision coneerning the imperial guarantee of American defence. In 
 the plan of 17?4 "that freedom should be guaranteed against all for- 
 eign invaders.” In that of lV75 ^ clause was inserted that "if any 
 of the colonies judge necessary to levy forces for sea or land, for 
 
 their own security, against any enemies, native or foreign, to be 
 
 7 
 
 paid from common stock, as safety of each is benefit of all." 
 
 Again, in the scheme of 1776, it was provided : F'or our security 
 against the introduction of British troops to enclose us in times of 
 tranquility, when we had forgot the use of arms, a perpetual stand- 
 ing militia bill should form part of the compact by which means the 
 people of the colonies would keep up their martial spirit, and al- 
 ways be prepared against the attack of arbitrary Power, As it 
 would be useful, reads the same provision, in case of sudden inva- 
 sion, to have a small number of troops at all times ready to repel 
 such invasion, the King should have a right to send a certain 
 
 ivionthly Review, April, 1774, 329; A Friend of Ameri- 
 can Liberty, Observations: etc., 35. 
 
 n 
 
 Some Candid Suggestions , 15. 
 

 
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- 51 - 
 
 limited number, for instance, 10 or 12,000 upon the Continent, whose 
 
 immediate exertions might be sufficient to prevent an enemy, until. 
 
 the militia could be assembled and brought up.» More than this 
 
 stipulated number, it added, the Crown should not send without the 
 
 consent of the general convention or Congress.. 
 
 In respect to general American government, all the 
 
 three plans agreed in the most essential point, that is., America should 
 
 recognize the British King as sovereign. The plans of 1VV5 and 1776 
 
 even 7/ent as far as to confer upon him the powers to appoint provin- 
 
 S 
 
 cial governors, councilors, and judges. The scheme of 1774 express- 
 ly provided a Lord Lieutenant for America. The same plan as well as 
 
 that of 1776 stipulated the establishment of a general congress of 
 
 9 
 
 deputies from the several provincial assemblies or the people. In 
 the latter plan, it was provided that the function of the general 
 congress was to regulate the posts, general currency, and proportions,^ 
 of the provincial forces, besides all other common affairs, provided 
 they were not contrary to the right therein allowed to the British Par- 
 liament. One special business of this congress, it was further said, 
 was to keep "a vigilant and careful watch over the designs and trans- 
 actions of the British Ministry and parliament" so as to prevent 
 
 10 
 
 tyranny in its embryo. Again, in point of provincial autonomy, the 
 0 
 
 Some Candid Suggestions, 15; A Friend of American Li- 
 berty, op. cit.., 55; Channing, History of the United States, .IIl,165n. 
 
 9 
 
 Monthly Review, April, 1774, 525; A Friend of American 
 -Liberty, op. cit.., 56. 
 
 ”io 
 
 A Friend of American Liberty, op. cit.:, 56-57» 
 

 
 
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-52- 
 
 three schemes aimed to maintain the existing assmeblies as the basic 
 structure of a new federal government of America. 
 
 iVith the mention of Thomas Pownall, and the three authors 
 of 1774-1776^ the list of real'-unionists is not exhausted. There yet 
 remains a notable one, Edward Bancroft, of whom mention has already 
 been made. In his "Remarks on the Review of the Controversy," this 
 noted writer proposed what he called a political union in a civil ca- 
 pacity based on equity, mutual advantage, and reciprocal affection. 
 
 The scheme began with a provision for parliamentary control of trade, 
 including that of colonial exports, which power, he thought, was "abun- 
 dantly sufficient to secure the Dependence of the Colonies" on Great 
 
 n -4. • 
 
 Britain. 
 
 As for parliamentary taxation of the colonies, he was 
 really opposed to it. Since, he maintained, the parliamentary con- 
 trol of trade "mildly exercised, over a loyal and grateful People" was 
 "the utmost Extent of Taxation that one People can exercise over 
 another," the Parliament should disclaim all rights of taxing the Ame- 
 rican colonies even for the purpose of regulating commerce. He was 
 quite aware of the fact that taxing right for the regulation of com- 
 merce might be "under specious Pretences . . . perverted to the Pur- 
 
 12 
 
 pose of raising a Revenue." Summing up all these, he remarked: This 
 is the Policy which Britain can alone govern the East and West; and 
 
 11 
 
 Edward Bancroft, Remarks, 122,129« 
 
 12 
 
 Ibid, 123* 
 
-53- 
 
 that this Wisdom alone can heal the Wounds of Public Credit, and support 
 
 13 
 
 the Weight of a tottering Empire. 
 
 Important as this phase of the plan was in Bancroft's 
 mind, it is a provision for a federal government that interests most the 
 student of imperial reconstruction. Pointing out the existence of one 
 common interest and necessity of unanimity in war and in other emer- 
 gencies, Bancroft advocated the formation of " a general League and 
 Confederation, for their common Government, and mutual Support and 
 Defence: And for managing, directing, and ordering all Affairs concern- 
 ing the whole Confederation.” As a concrete procedure, he advised that 
 a certain number of commissioners be chosen, by the assembly of each co- 
 lony, and authorized to hear and determine all affairs of war and peace, 
 
 arts, supplies, pecuniary grants, and all things which are proper concomi- 
 
 14 
 
 tants or consequences of such union or confederation. 
 
 The number of these commissioners from each colony might 
 depend upon the discretion of each colony, but their voices ought to be 
 limited according to the number and wealth of the inhabitants in the 
 colony concerned. They were to be annually. elected, assembled at stated 
 times, or on particular occasions, dy some one of the King's governors, 
 or other persons to be appointed by him for that purpose^ the assent of 
 such royal representative was to be necessary to give validity to the 
 acts of the general congress. Such acts of the congress as night be 
 passed and assented by the royal reprentative were. absolutely binding 
 
 “ i 
 
 13 
 
 Edward Bancroft, Remarks, 129-130. 
 
 ^"^Ibid, 124. 
 
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- 54 - 
 
 upon the Eoembers of the union just as those of their assemblies^ Aids 
 and grants would be made according to the wealth and population of each 
 colony, and in such manner and form as to each colony should appear most 
 eligible* As a guard against corruption and evils of the deputies in 
 congress, it was suggested that the provincial assemblies should issue 
 instructions to their deputies upon any matter of an extraordinary na- 
 ture or import. 
 
 Besides the power of taxation and legislation, the general 
 congress of the union was to be clothed with authority to determine final- 
 ly "all disputes between two or more colonies; while any difference 
 
 between the colonies and any other of his majesty's subjects or allies 
 
 X ^ 
 
 are to be decided by the King in Council!' 
 
 Bancroft considered the relations of America with Britain 
 in her war with other foreign powers, and stated that the congress 
 should grant "Proper Aids and Supplies," while the Parliament should not 
 attempt to procure them. This, he observed, will afford them the pleas- 
 ing opportunities of demonstrating their affection and loyalty to their 
 
 17 
 
 sovereign. 
 
 In reviewing such a project as Bancroft's, one should re- 
 member that it was proposed in 1769, when there existed little notion of 
 a federal system in the thinking minds of the empire. Therefore, the 
 system here proposed was obviously in advance of the times. Bancroft's 
 
 " j 
 
 15 
 
 Edward Bancroft, Remarks, 124 - 125 * 
 
 ^^Ibid, 127. 
 
 ^*^lbid, 126. 
 

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- 55 - 
 
 plan is federal or at least quasi-federal, and its essential elements 
 are the general congress^ a Lord Lieutenant. and < royal governors, pro- 
 vincial autonomy, imperial trade control, and reformed judicial sys- 
 tem. The scheme itself secured almost complete legislative indepen- 
 dence for America, and it also assured the Crown administrative con- 
 trol. It stipulated no royal control of American legislation in any 
 way, but it did stipulate direct and effective royal control of Ameri- 
 can administration. However, one should not lose sight of the importance 
 of parliamentary trade control provided in this plan, which itself places 
 the whole plan in the category of real union instead of personal union. 
 
 Generally considered, probably the most significant part of 
 the system of real union, as has been said, consisted in American legis- 
 lative independence by the definite renunciation of the taxing powers 
 on the part of the British parliament. This, however, did not mean the 
 end of parliamentary control over America, Instead, the Parliament 
 would still retain a definite hold over the colonies through its trade 
 regulation, external taxation, or gurantee of American defence. This 
 point, it may be observed is the differentiating feature of the real 
 union from the personal union. The second important part of the system 
 of real union was royal appointment of the chief American executive and 
 judicial functionaries, and the third was the establishment of a general 
 congress on a federal basis. 
 
 The proposed real unions were indeed a great concession from 
 the imperial standpoint, since they reduced the authority of the Parlia- 
 ment to a negligible state in the light of its past glory. Even this 
 

 
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- 56 - 
 
 ooncession was unsatisfactory to the colonials, for they were claiming 
 
 that they had nothing to do with the "audacious Parliament." Indeed, 
 
 many Americans and some English were willing to allow a power to the 
 
 King as an individual, which they would not admit when he considered him- 
 
 18 
 
 self as a part of the legislative power of the imperial State... Thus, 
 
 the notion of personal union came to be advocated by many writers who 
 
 19 
 
 had often quoted the case of the Elector of Hanover. 
 
 Writing his "Summary Views" in 1774, Thomas Jefferson, one 
 of the most systematic American publicists on imperial problems, held 
 that, American settlements having been effected at the expense of indi- 
 viduals, and not of the British public, the emigrants thought it proper 
 to continue their union with Britain by submitting themselves to the 
 same common sovereign, the Grown, which was thereby mads the central 
 link, connecting the several parts of the empire. At the same time, 
 Jefferson definitely deduced that the British Parliament could not main- 
 tain her "visionary pretensions" of superiority over America, because 
 
 American "States never supposed, that calling in her aid, they thereby 
 
 20 
 
 submitted themselves to her sovereignty." However, the Virginian 
 never went so far as to propose any concrete project for imperial re- 
 organization on the principle of personal union. 
 
 21 
 
 In 1775 "the liberal Granville Sharp urged that there 
 should be established a system of government founded upon the princi- 
 18 
 
 Essays Commercial and Political, 53; J.P. Foley, Jeffer- 
 sonian Cyclopedia, 963 * 
 
 J. Tucker, A Series of Answers, 53 
 
 2 ^- " , 
 
 Foley, op_._ci_t_.^_'963_; 
 

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- 57 - 
 
 plss of personal union, ^'yhers such colonies or comiimnities^ he said, are 
 
 so far away from the realm, -{^q render it impossible and impracticable 
 
 for them to enjoy a share in the authority of the parliament, it becomes 
 
 necessary to allow them separate and independent legislatures, "by which 
 
 they may be held in subjection, and a union, to the Crown, but not to 
 
 the Parliament." The union between Great Britain and Ireland, he cited as 
 
 an example of the true constitutional mode of connecting British domini- 
 
 22 
 
 ons that are otherwise separated by nature. 
 
 It was reported from London early in October, 1*775^ "It 
 
 is under consideration to form a parliament, or general council, for all 
 
 the provinces in America, something similar to that of Ireland; the gov- 
 
 23 
 
 ernors and some particular officers to form an upper house," 
 
 Again, at about the same time a similar and more detailed 
 scheme was made by the author of "Present Peace and future Government of 
 the British Colonies." Its first article provided: 
 
 "That during the seasonable interruption the winter months 
 months will give to hostilities in America, the governors of the Colonies 
 be directed to call the Assemblies of each province together, and to ac- 
 quaint them with his |/;ajesty’s gracious intentions of affording them a 
 legal opportunity, of manifesting the sincerity of their desires of a 
 
 21 
 
 Granville Sharp (1735-1813) '^Q-s a liberal and philanthro- 
 pic character who notably advocated the cause of America and fought 
 against slavery and press gang. He wrote "A Declaration of the People's 
 natural rights to a Share in the Legislature" in 1775» 
 
 22 
 
 ^/.onthly Review, LIII, 180. 
 
 Moore, Diary of the American Revolution, I, 147* 
 
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-58- 
 
 speedy reconciliation with Great Britain; — by each Assembly choosing a 
 certain number of deputies (suppose) four members of the council, and 
 tweleve of the representatives of each province to meet at Sew York or 
 Philadelphia, and form an assembly of deputies.” 
 
 And the second article stipulated that, if the said deputies 
 desired., his Majesty would appoint a Lord Lieutenant, who would concur 
 with the deputies in "such wise, just, and salutary measures, as may be 
 thought most expedient for settling the present peace of America and for 
 establishing its tranquility and allegiance upon the most lasting founda- 
 tion. " 
 
 This plan consisted of seven other minor articles, all branch, 
 ing out from the first and second. By this project, observed the learned 
 author, the Crown would maintain its constitutional security by the de- 
 puties who tax them returning among their constituents to partake of the 
 burdens they have laid upon them. The whole number of deputies, not be- 
 ing mors than 144, he added, their frequent election will be the more 
 necessary; and forty-eight deputies from the councils will be an equal 
 security to the prerogative of the Crown and the privileges of the peo- 
 
 According to this proposal, it is considered, there were to 
 be constituted a Lord Lieutenant similar to that of Ireland, and an 
 American congress of deputies from the twelve provinces, numbering 144 
 popular representatives and forty-eight royal councilors. Inasmuch as 
 
 24 
 
 Monthly Review, LIII, 441. 
 

 
 
 
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the councilors of the several provinces were appointed by the King, their 
 sitting in the congress would have secured to the Crown its influence in 
 the congress aside from that in the councils. And this general American 
 legislature was to be unicameral just as the one proposed by Joseph Gallo- 
 way. But the reported plan from London provided a bicameral body, the 
 upper house of which was to consist of the "governors and some particular 
 officers" to be appointed by the King, thus also assuring the maintenance 
 of the royal authority. Therefore, the two projects were in full accord 
 with each other so far as the partial control by the Crown of American 
 federal legislation was concerned. Nevertheless, the two differed in 
 the number of legislative chambers. Again, both of them provided a Lord 
 Lieutenant as the royal representative with similar powers to that of 
 Ireland. There was, however, no stipulation concerning the relation and 
 status of the American congress in respect to the British Parliament, 
 evidently showing that there should exist no relation between the two, 
 since both sections in the imperial body politic were to be bound to- 
 gether only by the personal tie of the King. The original feature of 
 this couple of schemes, it may be further observed, consisted in a pro- 
 vision for a Lord Lieutenant and partial control by the Crown of general 
 American legislation. All the same in respect to personal union, but 
 
 different from the above by the absence of a provision for a Lord Lieute- 
 
 25 
 
 nant was a project offered by William Henry Drayton, of South Carolina. 
 
 25 
 
 Drayton was one of the most ardent and active patriots. Dp 
 to 1774 he was opposed to the popular movements and upheld the reyal 
 prerogative. However, the five acts of Parliament and his dismissal 
 from the council and court seem to have led him to change his mind. 
 
 Gibbes, op. cit., 1, 12, 59^; A. B. Hart, ContemporarieSj» ll, 449-451. 
 

 
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- 60 - 
 
 On August 10, 1774, Drayton wrote under the signature of 
 "Freeman" a brilliant pamphlet, addressing it to the Congress then just 
 convening. Being deprived of his office as King's judge on account of 
 this writing, the South Garolinan enlisted in the cause of the Revolu- 
 tion, and served in Congress for some years thence until 1779, when he 
 died at the age of 36. The author started his work with a review of 
 Britain's despotic rule in America through (1) Parliamentary taxation 
 without colonial representation, (2) autocratic constitution where 
 councils acted both as legislators and as chancellors, (3) ill-suited 
 judicial system, and (5) arbitrary exercise of powers by Parliament 
 over the colonies. 
 
 With these in mind, Drayton proceeded to vindicatet.be rights 
 and liberties of the Americans. Flatly denying the right of Parlia- 
 ment to tax, the author proposed the abolition of "the Constitution of 
 the present councils in America, by Mandamus." hew ones, he urged, 
 should be composed of members called out by the King from American fa- 
 milies. He also advocated the reform of the American judiciary ,.which^ he 
 
 said, should make the British House of Lords a final court of appeals 
 
 27 
 
 for America. The King's prerogative, he thought, ought not and could 
 not of right be more extensive in America than in Great Britain. 
 
 Then the South Carolian came to his most essential part of 
 his work, where he demanded a new system of government for the colonies. 
 
 2 A 
 
 Gibbes, op. cit., 17. 
 
 27 , . . 
 
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- 61 - 
 
 Ths basic point of the scheme was in a clause stipulating a High Court 
 of Assembly of Korth America, which was to be convened by the royal 
 writs to the two houses of the assembly in each colony to choose an 
 equal number of persons in each house as their and each of their Repre- 
 sentatives in the High Court* The Court, he said, shall have powers 
 to make laws of a general nature binding the whole continent of North 
 America as well as concerning all general aids to the Crown. It was 
 also an essential part of his plan that America was legally to main- 
 tain to the King like faith and allegiance as the people of England, 
 and the High Court was to grant general aids to the Crown in the 
 same way as the British parliament does. To be sure, each colony was, 
 in his mind, to regulate its internal polity as heretofore by its own 
 internal legislature. 
 
 Such, he observed, seemed to be the grievances and claims 
 of America, and the form of legislature was in conformity with the 
 principles of English constitutional law. To him some such system of 
 government appeared to be an absolute necessity. And if the whole 
 continent, he added, should be thought too extensive under one legis- 
 lature, that impropriety could be easily remedied by dividing the 
 
 whole into two districts as nearly equal as may be a division 
 
 28 
 
 naturally pointed out by every principle of true policy. 
 
 The original feature in the Drayton project was in the 
 High Court, which would have combined at once the legislative and 
 
 28 
 
 1 9 . 
 
 'Sibbes, op. cit.. 
 
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-62- 
 
 executive departments of the federal government of America, without 
 any lord lieutenant ot the like. The High Court was to be composed 
 of an equal number of representatives from each chamber of the pro- 
 vincial assemblies, thus allowing each province an equal voice in the 
 general government. Again, it was bicameral, and the upper chamber 
 was probably intended to be made up of deputies from the councils, 
 and the lower chamber of those from the houses of representatives. 
 
 In this connection, he insisted on the reform of provincial councils 
 by royal appointment of leading American families to such offices 
 
 99 
 
 instead ^f Snglish placemen and strangers. He warned that the 
 exercise ;of judicial powers oy the governors and councils of several 
 provinces threatened "the very existence of the freedom of a State; " 
 and argued that they "can not of right possess any judicial power 
 
 30 
 
 whatsoever." And he favored the reform of the judicial system based on 
 the principle of separation of powers. 
 
 As has been observed, the High Court was to be convened by 
 the King’s writs directly to the two houses of the provincial legis- 
 latures, the High Court was to grant aids to the Crown in the same 
 way as Parliament did, and there was to be no constitutional relations 
 between that body and parliament. therefore, it is not unfair to 
 
 29 
 
 "Wc do not," he held, "yet decline dignities. Lordships, 
 and dukedoms, bU 4 we have an qquitable right to the benefit of the 
 English constitution." — Gibbes, op. cit., 29* It must be remembered 
 that propsals for the creation of American nobilities were already made by 
 men like William Knox and Gov. Bernard. 
 
 30 
 
 Gibbes, op. cit., 29, 17- 
 

 
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 •'.«,. I 
 
-es- 
 say that Drayton had in mind a constitution based on personal union in 
 contradistinction with that founded on real union or colonial autonomy 
 under Parliament. 
 
 This constitutional scheme the Carolinan ‘addressed to "the 
 Deputies of Eorth America in General Congress" for consideration. It v?as 
 three weeks before Galloway proposed his famous plan of union. Con- 
 trasted with Galloway's plan, Drayton's was entirely different in that 
 its structure was bicameral ^ equally representing. each provincial 
 assembly, instead of being unicameral wit-h. proport ional^-representat ion 
 • the Galloway scheme. Another point of difference was a provision 
 
 for the royal representative in the project of the Pennsylvanian, which 
 found no place in that of the Carolinan. Nevertheless, both were 
 eqaully federal. 
 
 There yet remains a very important scheme for imperial re- 
 organization, which comes well into the category of personal union. 
 
 That is found in the "Plan, or Articles of Perpetual Union, Commerce, 
 and Friendship, between Great Britain and her American Colonies," 
 which appeared in London about Uaj, l^SO, when General Clinton had just 
 captured Charleston. This unknown writer showed an escellent knowledge 
 of political science and constitutional law. His plan aimed to accom- 
 plish three great objects, viz. solid political union between America 
 
 51 
 
 and Britain, American home rule, and imperial trade freedom. 
 
 51 
 
 The first of these three objects were intended to be se- 
 cured by articles 2-3, 5~6, 9-12, 52-53; second, by 6-12, 21-56, and 
 38; the third, by 13-19, and 37. Cf. Plan, or Articles, 69. 
 

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- 64 - 
 
 ID ths first place. Great Britain, Ireland, and America were 
 
 henceforth to be but one empire and one people under the common Crown of 
 32 
 
 Great Britain, enjoying the same or similar privileges; and for the 
 purpose of imperial defence, the King should have full powers to com- 
 mand the armed forces to be furnished by the several nations upon their 
 
 33 
 
 respective consent. According to Article XXXII, the Crown should 
 appoint a Lord Commssioner paid by Great Britain; to whom all acts 
 passed by Congress should be formally presented "as a matter of infor- 
 mation only." This royal representative should be perpetual president 
 
 of the General Congress, and he or his deputy should have a voice in 
 
 34 
 
 case of equality. 
 
 Furthermore, ths King as ths sovereign of America should 
 appoint , direct, and disiiiss all the provincial governors who were 
 to be paid by the provinces. The governor, read Article X, with the 
 advice of his council, should have the disposal of all places of civil 
 trust within his government, the appointment of all the inferior 
 officers of the militia, and the "subordinate" power to command the 
 militia to any part within the limits of his province. In appointing 
 governors, it was provided, the Crown must select them from among 
 natives, or resident inhabitants of at least three years standing in 
 America. 
 
 32 
 
 Plan, or Articles, I9. ( Art. V.) 
 
 Ibid, 16-18 passim. 
 
 ^^Ibid, 50 ( Arts. XXXII»XXXIII» ) 
 

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- 65 - 
 
 Aside from the above points, it was stipulated that "the 
 
 present laws of Great Britain extend to be in force over the whole of 
 
 British America, except where they interfere with any other particular 
 
 35 
 
 laws in the American dominion." This, and the other provisions 
 
 above noted, are clearly intended to gain American dependence on Great 
 
 Britain, and thus to unite two great dominions into one great empire. 
 
 The second purpose of the "Plan, or Articles of perpetual 
 
 Union," that is, American home rule, was to be obtained by proposals 
 
 to be discussed below. For administrative purpose, British America 
 
 was to be divided into four provinces of l^ova Scotia-Mew England, 
 
 Kew York-pennsylvania-Kew Jersy, yaryland-Virginia-h'orth Carolina, 
 
 and South Carolina-fflorida. Again, each province was to be subdivided 
 
 36 
 
 into counties, and each county into districts. As a federal govern- 
 ment of America there were provided a General Congress, an Executive 
 Board, and a Lord Commissioner. Article XXIX said that "the Congress 
 shall be the grand legislature, superintending, and controling power 
 throughout all British America; that it shall be possessed of an autho- 
 rity finally to settle all differences that may arise between the 
 different Provinces." Of course, the Congress had the sole power to 
 tax the people for the necessary purposes of government. It was to be 
 composed of Delegates annually chosen by the Electors of each province, 
 and it was to sit at least two months in Philadelphia or some other 
 
 37 
 
 convenient place, 
 
 35 
 
 Plan, or Articles, 19 (Art. V.) 
 
 36 
 
 Ibid, 31-32 (Arts. XXI, XXII.) 
 
 37 
 
 Ibid, 37 (Art. XXV.) Notable provisions were made in 
 

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- 66 - 
 
 The executive power of the federal government was to be 
 vested in "a deputation, commission, or executive power” composed of 
 tweleve Deputies in all , or three from each province. These Deputies 
 were to be annually chosen from the Representatives of the people by 
 the Electors of each province* and the ""Deputies were to receive a com- 
 mission with general instructions for their future conduct, and were to 
 
 solemnly take an oath to maintain the laws and to keep the Union in- 
 58 
 
 violate. They, it was further declared, shall form "a perpetual 
 
 court at Philadelphia, or some other central and convenient place." 
 
 The two-thirds of them, or eight Deputies, should make a quorum; and 
 
 they should have the receipt and payment of all the money collected in, 
 
 and all those in the revenue department should be of their appointment. 
 
 The Executive Board was further empowered to call out and command the 
 
 39 
 
 militia within the limits of their authority. The Lord Commissioner, 
 
 it is said, shall be perpetual President of the Executive Board as 
 
 well as that of the General Congress, and be has a vote in case of a tie. 
 
 In conformity with the principle of American self-government 
 
 the British parliament was to renounce "all claims, rights, or titles, 
 
 which it has or might have enjoyed over British America," whether of 
 
 40 
 
 taxation, or legislation, either internal or external. Again, on 
 
 in regard to suffrage, indirect election, and proportional 
 representation. All males over 20 years of age could vote in the elec- 
 tion of Electors who would choose Representatives for the province at 
 large. Vide Arts. XXIII, XXVII/ and XXVIII, in Plan, or Articles. 
 
 ^^Ibid, 46 (Art. XXX.) 
 
 59 
 
 Ibid, 49/ (Art. XXXI) 
 
 40 
 
 Ibid, 53 (Art. XXXVI.) 
 
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- 67 - 
 
 the same ground, no military force in the British pay was to be kept up 
 or maintained in America without the formal consent or requisition of 
 
 the Congress. 
 
 The provincial governor was to be advised and checked on 
 
 important matters by a council of twenty-four annually chosen by the 
 
 Electors of the province. Every province had to establish county 
 
 courts and a supreme court of law, whose justices were to be appointed 
 
 by the governor and the council, and to be paid by the province. The 
 
 provincial assembly, besides its obvious and regular functions, had 
 
 to transmit to the secretary of the Congress "a faithful account of 
 
 41 
 
 the true state of each province."' Moreover, the province should 
 have a militia made up of all the males capable of bearing arms 
 between twenty-five and twenty-eight. 
 
 The freedom of trade within the empire, the third aim 
 
 of the new constitution, was to be secured to all the subjects of 
 
 Britain, Ireland, and America. Nevertheless, the last mentioned 
 
 42 
 
 nation was to suffer some limitations.' By Article XIV, all commodities 
 gro'wn or made in Britain and Ireland were to be absolutely duty free 
 throughout Amierica, unless they were carried by foreign vessels, in which 
 case they v/ere to be subject to the paymient of tv^3nty per cent. duty. 
 
 ^^This report was to be made with special reference to 
 
 trade, industry, agriculture, and the best means to promote the prosperity 
 
 of the province concerned. 
 
 42 
 
 plan, or Articles, 24, 54. 
 

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- 68 - 
 
 On the other hand, American export and import goods were made subject to 
 a certain duty fixed for that purpose. Foreign goods, it was said, 
 must pay twenty per cent., if carried in vessels belonging to imperial 
 subjects; and thirty per cent., if carried in foreign bottom, upon their 
 importation into America. The revenue thus obtained was to support pro- 
 vincial governments. Obviously these provisions were calculated to put 
 in full play the economic principles of iViercantilism in the interests 
 of the empire at large, and especially in those of the British Isles. 
 
 The grant of the produce of twenty per cent, of import duty, it is 
 noted, must be regarded as an innovation and concession in favor of the 
 provincial governments, and thus America in general. 
 
 In way of review, the characteristics of this elaborate 
 scheme for imperial reconstruction will be pointed out. First of all, 
 there was to be no parliamentary control whatsoever over America. On 
 the other hand, the British Grown was to be the sovereign of America, 
 and, as such, he was to appoint the Lord Commissioner who would preside 
 over both the General Congress and the Executive Board, although hia 
 assent was to be no requisite for their acts. Furthermore, the King 
 was authorized to appoint all the governors of the provinces. In 
 the second place, the Congress was made the supreme American legislature 
 and the Executive Board of twelve Deputies the highest executive magis- 
 tracy, The judiciary consisted of county courts, provincial supreme 
 courts, and the Congress, the final court over interprovincial disputes* 
 Thus, it is clear that the plan fell in the category of personal union, 
 for there was no common organ of government except the Crown among the 
 three distinct political entities Britain, Ireland, and America. 
 
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- 69 - 
 
 Coffipared with the projects of Sharp, Drayton, and a few others, the 
 "Plan, or Articles of Perpetual Union" was by far the most elaborate 
 and complete in that it represented a brilliant synthesis of all the 
 other projects found in the same category. Perfect and ingenious as 
 this new proposed constitution was, it was none Dhe less one of those 
 fanciful products of political speculation. 
 
 In conclusion of the present chapter,, a few words may be 
 said upon the general features of the proposed systems of real union 
 as well as of personal union. In the first system the most signifi- 
 cant features were parliamentary taxation as in Pownall's plan, or 
 
 parliamentary trade regulation as in the schemes of Bancroft and 
 43 
 
 1776^ or imperial guarantee of American defence as in the projects of 
 1774, 1775> and 1776. On the contrary, in the second system we find 
 not even allusion to any control by the Parliament over the American 
 dominions, and the only tie among the different national bodies poli- 
 tic was the Crown. The two systems were characterized with royal 
 control of American legislation or adminitration, or both, in large or 
 small degrees. Again, throughout the projects of either system we 
 notice provisions for a general legislature for America at large. 
 
 Some plans stipulated the royal appointment of a Lord lieutenant or 
 the like, and the high executive and judicial officers, which would 
 assure the Grown a great deal of administrative control. To be brief, 
 the kernel of the schemes of imperial reorganization examined in this 
 chapter was in the union of America and Britain mainly or solely by 
 
 means of the royal bond. 
 
 - - - - - - 
 
 Parliamentary taxation and trade regulation was to be 
 but the same in reality. 
 

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Chapter IV 
 
 Projects for a Commonwealth of Nations 
 
 Occasionally the projects of representation and of 
 colonial autonomy seemed to be inspired by dreams of imperial re- 
 construction; but in time both of them, damaged by severe criticism, 
 were swept before the rising tide of sentiment for real and personal 
 unions. The schemes for real and personal unions in their turn 
 gave place to projects for a commonwealth of nations. Projects of 
 this last order are of three kinds, calling respectively for (1) 
 a supreme council or reciprocal deputation, (2) a dual or separate 
 parliament, and (3) an Anglo-American or American-Bur opean con- 
 federation. 
 
 The first of the three kinds is based on either a supreme 
 council or reciprocal deputation by both America and Britain. It 
 resembles the recent imperial conferences as giving opportunity for 
 the representatives of the different parts of the empire to confer 
 on certain general affairs of common interest. Such a plan for 
 imperial reconstruction was submitted to consideration by the 
 author of "A Plan for conciliating the Jarring Political Interests 
 of Great Britain and her Colonies” in 1775. The substance of this 
 plan is that the Board of Trade and Plantation be converted into a 
 Supreme Council of Colonies and Commerce, to which a certain limited 
 deputation shall be sent from both houses of Parliament, and 
 
 1 
 
 representatives from the Colonies and West Indies be admitted. 
 
 Again, in the same year Sir Robert Harris presented his plan which 
 
 1 
 
 Critical Review, XXZIZ (1776), 74. 
 
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-71- 
 
 is essentially the same with the one just described. In this 
 
 scheme, however, it is expressly provided that there shall be 
 
 chosen by ballot by the Assemblies in North America and West Indies 
 
 a certain number of members to represent them in the Supreme Goun- 
 2 
 
 oil. 
 
 These two projects, proffering a distinctly original 
 measure of reform, are certainly v/orthy of consideration on the 
 part of students of colonial problems. Apart from them are schemes 
 which are founded on the basis of reciprocal representation of 
 each dominion in the other’s legislature. This is certainly re- 
 volutionary in that it virtually establishes in the British empire 
 distinct political entities of equal authority. Such constitutions, 
 it is evident, are not likely to be presented unless situations are 
 very critical. But such a crisis was at hand. News of the Battle 
 of Saratoga reached England in November of 1777. Parliament met 
 on January 20, 1778, after the Christmas recess. On the other 
 hand, the treaty of alliance between America and Prance was signed 
 February 6, in the same year, bringing a great sea power into 
 hostility with England. Eleven days later Lord North presented to 
 Parliament his long-promised bills for conciliating America. They 
 
 passed, and granted practically everything to America except 
 3 
 
 independence. It was provided that the King should appoint five 
 commissioners "to treat, consult, and agree with any body or bodies 
 
 2 
 
 Gentleman’s Magazine, XLV (1775), 369. 
 
 3 
 
 David Hartley, Letters On the American War , 53-54; 
 Gentleman’s liLagazine (Feb., 1778), 51; W.E.S. Taylor and J.H. Prince, 
 Chatham Correspondence, IV, 507-508; History of Great Britain during 
 North . Pt. 2, 297. 
 
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-72- 
 
 politic and corporate, or with any assembly, or assemblies of men, 
 
 or with any person or persons whatsoever, of and concerning the 
 
 power and authority of the King and Parliament of Great Britain over 
 
 the said colonies, and of and concerning the independency of the 
 
 said colonies on the Eing and Parliament of Great Britain, as the 
 
 4 
 
 case may require." 
 
 5 
 
 Under -Secretary William Eden, one of the commissioners 
 
 thus appointed, was very instrumental in working out the peace 
 
 terms of the commission. He asked himself a series of questions. 
 
 Shall each American province "be put at the footing of Ireland in 
 
 regard to its military force?" "Shall the Oommissioners be allowed 
 
 to consent in any case to the Governors becoming elective?" "Shall 
 
 a general Congress be legalized and perpetuated? Shall any share 
 
 of Representation in the House of Oommons be given, and plans be 
 
 arranged to put the Idea into a practical shape? YiThat shall be 
 
 granted or conceded as to the future Nomination of Executive, 
 
 6 
 
 judicial, military and finance officials?" 
 
 Arriving in America in early June, 1778, the Oommission, 
 of which Earl Carlisle was the head, promptly presented to President 
 Laurens of the Congress entirely different terms of peace. In his 
 Majesty’s name, they proposed that "The most unrestrained freedom 
 
 4 
 
 Hartley, op. pit . , 54. 
 
 6 
 
 Wm. Eden, 1st Lord Auckland, became Under -Secretary of 
 State for the Northern Department in 1771; in 1776, a member of the 
 Board of Trade; in 1780 Chief Secretary in Ireland; in 1785 Ambas- 
 sador to Prance. 
 
 6 
 
 Stevens* Facsimiles , IV, Nos. 4-5. 
 
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-73- 
 
 should be given to the American trade; that no military force 
 shotild be maintained in any part of America, without the consent 
 of a General Congress or of the Provincial Assemblies; they offered 
 to concur in measures which mi^t tend to discharge the debt con- 
 tracted by Congress, and which might in the mean time, raise the 
 credit and value of the paper circulation; that union thus restored 
 should be perpetuated by a reciprocal deputation of agents from 
 the respective States, who should have the privilege of a seat and 
 voice in the Parliament of Great Britain; or if such agents were 
 sent from Britain, that they should have a seat and voice in the 
 
 assemblies of the different States to which they might be respective- 
 7 
 
 ly deputed." 
 
 The conditions now offered were so ample that they 
 seemed to reserve nothing to the mother country but the mere 
 shadow of an authority over her colonies; not to put an end to the 
 declared and avowed independence of America, but to legalize to 
 that country actual independence. "We sent out," said the rhetoric- 
 al Burke, "a solemn embassy across the Atlantic, to lay the Crown, 
 the Peerage, the Commons of Great Britain at the feet of the 
 
 American Congress." The Congress, however, was determined before- 
 
 8 
 
 hand not to listen to any terms whatsoever, and therefore the 
 ardent efforts of the British Commission failed; it sailed for home 
 
 7 
 
 History of Great Bri ta in dur ing North . pt. 2, 325; 
 
 John Berkenhout, Lucubrations on Ways and'lleans, 68. 
 
 8 
 
 John Adams, Works, VII, 307; Hart, Contemporaries, II, 
 
 586-687. 
 

 
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 9 
 
 on NovemlDer 23, 1778. 
 
 While the returning commissioners were still in mid-At- 
 lantic, there was being printed in London a pamphlet, which pur- 
 ported to propose a similar plan to that of the Carlisle Commission. 
 This was a work of a member of Parliament, entitled "An Examination 
 into the Conduct of the Present Administration.... And a Plan of 
 Accommodation with America." The immediate motive of writing this 
 pamphlet was probably to avert the Franco -American alliance. Thus, 
 as a preliminary step to settle the American trouble, the honourable 
 
 member of Parliament argued that "We ought to remove our troops, 
 
 10 
 
 from every part of America" with certain exceptions. Thereupon, 
 
 he said, England would at the same time withdraw the Commission 
 
 (it was known to the writer that the Commission was on the way 
 
 11 
 
 home), and declare immediately the cessation of hostilities. After 
 thus relinquishing America, the writer urged that Britain apply 
 her whole strength and resources against France, v/ho will be com- 
 pelled "in a short time to the necessity of signing our peace." 
 
 12 
 
 America, her position then reversed, would surely abandon France. 
 
 With these premises the writer proceeded to propose his 
 scheme of reorganization of the empire. "The only question that re- 
 mains," he said, "is with respect to a nominal dependence. If 
 
 9 
 
 Stevens* Facsimiles , IV, No. 105, 
 
 10 
 
 The exceptions are Halifax, Quebec, and St. Augustine, 
 for they are excellent strategic, fishing, and commercial points. 
 Examination, etc., 50. 
 
 IT 
 
 Examination, 50-51. 
 
 12 
 
 Ibid., 51-54. 
 
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-75- 
 
 America then should offer to come into such terms as would avoid 
 
 a total separation, and a constant and reciprocal support between 
 
 the two countries, so that the strength of the one country, should 
 
 he the strength of the other, and their interests so closely united, 
 
 that nothing would separate them, I would give up the nominal 
 
 dependency to procure such an union. Taxation nobody thinks of; 
 
 and the article of altering their Government they themselves have 
 
 13 
 
 established, provided they agree to the union of interests." 
 
 According to this project, British America was to have 
 
 complete self-government with the Gongress as the sovereign 
 
 authority clothed with ample pov/ers, although the British Grown was 
 
 to retain the prerogative of declaring war and peace. Furthermore, 
 
 the Gongress was to control the internal defence or such army and 
 
 navy as was necessary for the defence of America, and to appoint 
 
 14 
 
 every civil and military officer. Another, and probably the most 
 
 significant feature of the new plan, however, consisted in a 
 provision that "a Council, or Agents, ought to be appointed by the 
 King to reside in America, to take care of the interests of this 
 country in America; and in the same manner, a Gouncil, or Agents, 
 ought to be appointed by the King to reside in America, to take 
 care of the interests of this country in America; and in the same 
 manner, a Gouncil, or Agents, should be appointed by the Gongress 
 to reside in Great Britain, to take care of the interests of America 
 here, with competent salaries, appointed by their respective 
 
 13 
 
 Examination, 54. 
 
 14 
 
 Ibid. , 55. 
 

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-76- 
 
 oonntries, ” 
 
 By this means, he oommented, the strength of Great 
 
 Britain would hecome the strength of America, and the strength of 
 
 America that of Great Britain. Therefore, he continued, "that 
 
 dread and terror, which constantly hangs over my mind, that America 
 
 is to ruin us by drawing away our people, getting possession of the 
 
 West-Indies, Newfoundland, and Quebec, and becoming more powerful 
 
 than us at sea, would be in a great measure, if not entirely, re- 
 15 
 
 moved • " 
 
 Furthermore, there was a provision that the natives of 
 
 each country should be treated as natives of the other, and that 
 
 they should enjoy all the privileges of the subjects of the other. 
 
 Again, the ports of the one nation should be reciprocally open to 
 16 
 
 the other. Even in the light of the present day regulation of 
 citizenship and commerce, the provisions here examined show 
 liberality. 
 
 The "reciprocal deputation of agents" proposed in June, 
 1778, by the Carlisle Oommission, it may be recalled, nov/ appeared 
 as one of the most important features of this new constitution. 
 
 It is interesting to note that both of these schemes intended to 
 "legalize" the existing Congress, and provided a system of "reci- 
 procal deputation" as the connecting link of both countries. Again, 
 the two plans recognized a complete self-government of America with 
 a mere reservation of external sovereignty to the British Crown, 
 
 16 
 
 ] 
 
 16 ' 
 
 Examination . 56. 
 Ibid., 54-56. 
 

 
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-77- 
 
 even allowing the Americans to maintain an army and navy for 
 internal defence. In a way they resemble the constitution of the 
 Irish Free State ratified on January 7, 192E. In respect to 
 maintenance of internal defence and imperial reservation of ex- 
 ternal sovereignty, they are all alike. 
 
 Leaving the first category, we now turn to the second, 
 which consists in the schemes of dual or separate Parliaments, The 
 first part of the category in question includes plans of imperial 
 reorganization where the British Parliament is considered as one 
 national as well as imperial, "The parliament of Great Britain," 
 said Burke in a speech elsewhere quoted, "sits at the head of her 
 extensive empire in two capacities; one as the local legislature 
 of this island.... The other, and I think her nobler capacity, is 
 what I call her imper ial character ; in which, as from the throne of 
 heaven, she superintends all the several inferior legislatures, and 
 guides and controls them all, without annihilating any. As all 
 these provincial legislatures are only co-ordinate with each other, 
 they ought to be subordinate to her; else they can neither preserve 
 
 mutual peace, nor hope for mutual justice, nor effectually afford 
 
 17 
 
 mutual assistance." This is a theory held not only by Burke, but 
 also by many who have worked out or reflected on imperial recon- 
 struction on the assumption that the British Parliament has dual 
 
 capacities — national and imperial. Among those who proposed such 
 
 18 
 
 projects as this were the author of "Occasional Letters" and 
 
 17 
 
 Edmund Burke, Selections. 116. 
 
 18 
 
 The part concerned here in the "Occasional Letters" was 
 written during 1778-1780, and its author styled himself as an "In- 
 dependent Man." 
 

 
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-78- 
 
 Thomas Wyoliffe, who wrote "On Government." 
 
 Being still hopeful of America *s return to the old al- 
 legiance, the author of the "Occasional letters" proposed an imme- 
 diate appointment of commissioners hy Ireland, Britain, and America 
 
 19 
 
 to settle all the differences hy stipulating terms of a union. 
 
 The three nations, he urged, should form one people and one empire 
 
 under one Grown "for defence and offence, hut each People distinct 
 
 20 
 
 as far as concerns their separate interests." Therefore, he con- 
 tinued, "the Colonies and our Sister Island (=Ireland) ought to he 
 subject to our ( sBritish) Parliament, especially when it cannot he 
 made appear to he either their own interest, or to that of the 
 community at large, that such a system should continue to exist for 
 the future." He made it clear that he would desire, not a union 
 blending their legislatures with Parliament; hut rather the unity 
 of the monarchy, leaving each country free to regulate its own 
 
 commerce, hut solemnly engaging it to furnish aids towards the sup- 
 
 21 
 
 port of the executive power in every exigency. 
 
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 the British Parliament was at once that of the British national and 
 imperial body politic without any change of composition. Theoretic- 
 ally, there were to exist three national Parliaments in the commun- 
 ity laiown as the British empire, while there was to he one imperial 
 Parliament at the summit of the imperial entity. However, one of 
 
 19 
 
 Occasional Letters, 76. 
 
 20 
 
 Ibid., 10, 76, 44, 76n, 12. 
 
 21 
 
 Ibid ., 76n, 44, iv. 
 
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-79- 
 
 the three national Parliaments was to become at the same time the 
 imperial Parliament. The same in principle and yet more elaborate 
 was the "heads of an imperial magna carta" presented in 1779 by 
 Thomas Wycliffe of Liverpool in his excellent treatise "On Govern- 
 ment . " 
 
 Applying a searching test to the imperial constitution 
 
 then in operation, Wyoliffe observed that it was a want of a better 
 
 system of imperial government than the present system, which had 
 
 been the cause of this unhappy dispute. Therefore, "the reunion 
 
 on this wretched constitution," he argued, would not stand the test 
 
 2E 
 
 of existence, and then it must be erected upon a new basis* It 
 
 was for this reason that Wycliffe drafted what he called the "heads 
 
 of imperial magna carta," which consisted of nine articles. In the 
 
 first place, "it was provided that the Eing, Lords, and Oommons 
 
 of Great Britain, who jointly constitute the Government of "the 
 
 British Realm," were to be made at once the Emperor, the Upper 
 
 Senate, and Lower Senate of the British empire, who jointly consti- 
 
 23 
 
 tute the Government of "the Imperial Realm." 
 
 In Article VI of the "imperial magna carta," it was 
 stipulated that the three estates of the British Government to 
 
 bind and oblige themselves at all times to defend and support the 
 imperial government "with money, fleets, armies, or any other 
 
 22 
 
 Thomas Wyoliffe, On Government. 46. 
 
 23 
 
 V/ycliffe considers that Great Britain and her Zing 
 are well qualified to wear the imperial honours. Of. Ibid., 43-44; 
 see also. Ibid . , 48 et seq . (Articles, I, II, III.) 
 

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-80- 
 
 assistance" necessary and proper for the defence and support of all 
 
 24 
 
 the hranches of the empire. Again, Article VII provided that the 
 three estates of the imperial government, in consideration of this 
 support, do bind and oblige themselves, and their respective suc- 
 cessors, always to be accountable to the British Grovernment, for all 
 the tribute-money, or emoluments of any sort or kind, that they may, 
 at any time, receive from any of the branches of the empire. The 
 same principle is applied to the American nation which, like Great 
 Britain, is to pay as a nation such a tribute to the Emperor as 
 shall be agreed upon. 
 
 Commenting on the point in question, V/ycliffe remarked 
 at length: "The first thing necessary for the safety of the empire 
 is to destroy the powers of all its branches, leaving no power but 
 that kingdom, which is the seat of the empire; for, if all the dif- 
 ferent kingdoms of the empire are allowed power .. .they will most 
 certainly unite that power against, and if they can, they will 
 destroy that kingdom honoured with the imperial seat, in hopes of 
 obtaining that honour themselves; therefore, power must not be suf- 
 fered in the branches of an empire, it being utterly incompatible 
 with the safety of the whole." On the other hand, as to the safety 
 of the branches of the empire, he added, the emperor would be ob- 
 liged by treaties to defend them against all insults at sea, and 
 
 the same treaties would allow them a sufficient strength to defend 
 25 
 
 them on land. Because of the very geographical nature of the 
 
 24 
 
 Wycliffe, pp. cit . , 49-50. 
 
 25 
 
 Ibid ., 22-24. 
 

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-81- 
 
 empire, the navy was to he entirely imperial, and a land force of 
 
 certain fixed numbers was to be maintained by each nation in the 
 
 26 
 
 great imperial commonwealth. 
 
 The last two articles dealt with the imperial guarantee of 
 
 non-interference in the national affairs of each nation; no national 
 
 government was to interfere with that of another. Again, Wyoliffe 
 
 held that each nation in the commonwealth should have ”a free 
 
 liberty to choose their own form of government, and afterwards an 
 
 uncontrolled exercise of their own civil government, and internal 
 27 
 
 polity." Elaborating the point in question, he observed that 
 
 whenever a number of distinct national States are collected into 
 
 one imperial State under a free constitution, then the imperial 
 
 government can only have a ri^t to make general laws respecting 
 
 the external government of all the nations in the empire; but 
 
 they can have no right to interfere in making particular laws 
 
 respecting the internal government of any national State, or king- 
 28 
 
 dom whatever. However, he added, the imperial government has as 
 
 undoubted a right to give laws externally to every nation in the 
 
 empire, and to enforce obedience to the imperial laws, as a national 
 
 government has to give laws internally to every subject in the na- 
 
 29 
 
 tion, and to enforce obedience to the national laws. This theory 
 of national and imperial government, Wycliffe endeavored to prove by 
 
 26 
 
 V/ycliffe, 0 £. pit . , 21-^8, 
 
 27 
 
 Ibid., 26 
 
 28 
 
 Ibid., 12, 40-43. 
 
 29 
 
 Ibid. , 13. 
 

 
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-82- 
 
 referring to the historical facts of the Assyrian, Grecian, and 
 Roman empires, which, he thoa^t, had "been destroyed chiefly on ac- 
 count of "the unlawful practice"... "distinct governments inter- 
 
 30 
 
 fering with each other in their internal concerns." 
 
 In regard to citizenship both national and imperial, a 
 
 careful distinction in legal status was drawn; though in no respect 
 
 31 
 
 was there any discrimination or inequality. Freedom of trade and 
 full enjoyment of wealth should, in his mind, he granted to all the 
 imperial subjects irrespective of their different nationality. 
 Moreover, every nation in the British commonwealth, he urged, should 
 have "the same religious establishment, softened by the same toler- 
 ation" as in England. 
 
 In making a comparative study of the above plan and that 
 in the "Occasional Letters," one can see a very close analogy. In 
 point of the dual capacity of the British Parliament, the two 
 schemes are in full accord. The Wycliffe project, however, is si- 
 lent upon the Irish Parliament, which is definitely incorporated in 
 the other. As for imperial defence and other general affairs, the 
 former is explicit as well as definite, while the latter provides it 
 in vague and general terms, although both of them agree upon them in 
 principle. Viewed in the light of the present British imperial 
 constitution, the two projects for imperial reconstruction have 
 correctly anticipated the coming of the British commonwealth of 
 
 30 
 
 Wycliffe, Ojo. cit . , 16. 
 
 31 
 
 Ibid., 22, 26. 
 
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-83- 
 
 nations. Nevertheless, the constitution built upon the theory of 
 a dual Parliament is not democratio in that it does not allow a 
 formal voice to the otht. nations of the empire except G-reat Britain. 
 In order to answer such a complaint, there was proposed another in- 
 genious project called "A Plan of Pacifi cation with America," which 
 again consisted of nine articles. 
 
 In Article VII of this plan, there is found a provision 
 that "a NATICNAI PAELIAIVIENT (imperial in the sense we have used)" 
 be constituted and held in Great Britain, composed of deputies from 
 the Gommons and House of Lords of Great Britain, Ireland, and Amer- 
 ica, with authority, to manage and regulate (subject to the negative 
 of the Crown) THE GENERAL APPAIRS AITL INTERESTS of the EMPIRE, 
 leaving to the distant legislatures of each of these great component 
 
 parts of the State, the power of taxation and regulation of its 
 
 3E 
 
 internal polity." Like the Parliaments of Great Britain and of 
 
 Ireland, the American Parliament was to be con^osed of a House of 
 
 Lords and a House of Gommons. Another feature of the plan is found 
 
 in a provision for "a Viceroy or Lord Lieutenant, with a negative 
 
 on acts of the American Parliament," which is not seen in the 
 
 33 
 
 schemes of the dual parliament system. 
 
 Apart from the establishment of a distinct and separate 
 imperial Parliament, American lords, and a viceroy, the present 
 plan is quite in accord with the schemes of the dual parliament 
 system. The clauses relating to imperial and internal defence are 
 
 32 
 
 Ghanning and Hart, American History Leaflets, No. 14, 22, 
 
 33 
 
 Ibid. , 22. 
 
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-84- 
 
 not different from most of those we have thus far discussed in the 
 
 present chapter. Like the Wycliffe plan this project stipulated 
 
 that a certain ratio shall be settled as to the share of each 
 
 34 
 
 nation^s contribution towards the imperial defence. 
 
 The separate imperial parliament system, it is noted, is 
 certainly logical as well as constitutional. After all this is 
 really the synthesis of two ideals — the dual parliament and American 
 representation. Yet there was no time for the ingenious plan to 
 
 fit 
 
 be put into operation, nor is there such constitution working at 
 
 A 
 
 present. Neither recent imperial conferences nor imperial war 
 
 cabinets are of this kind. And the importance of such a constituticn 
 
 in the British empire still lies in the future. 
 
 The third and last category of constitutional projects to 
 
 be examined here purported to establish a confederation of one kind 
 
 or another upon the ruins of the empire already breaking down. 
 
 These schemes, it is true, were quite different from those above 
 
 discussed in that the former recognized the legal and constitutional 
 
 independence of each nation in the empire, while the latter did not. 
 
 35 
 
 One of the first of such proposals was made by John Cartwright 
 in 1775, when he published his "Letters on American Independence." 
 
 34 
 
 Ohanning and Hart, American History Leaflets, No. 14, 22 
 
 35 
 
 John Oartwright (1740-1824) was a brother of G-eorge 
 Cartwright (1739-1819), and was an officer in the British Navy. He 
 spent some time in America previous to the Revolution, and during 
 the Revolution he refused to fi^t against America. Like Tooke 
 and Hardy, Oartwright was also a zealous advocate of Parliamentary 
 reform and universal suffrage. 
 

 
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-85- 
 
 To Cartwright "profound constitutional knowledge," the 
 
 Anglo-American union either by representation advanced by Bermard 
 
 or by the dual parliament system expounded by Burke seemed to be 
 
 36 
 
 "the basest of insidious designs." "America cannot," he said, 
 "according to my ideas of justice or freedom, be laid under restric- 
 tions of any kind, for the purpose of strengthening and aggrandizing 
 the state or legislature of Great Britain, except with her free will 
 
 and consent independently and voluntarily given by express stipnla- 
 
 37 
 
 tion and contract." "In fact," he continued, "it remains for 
 Great Britain to choose whether by acting the deaf, hau^ty tyrant, 
 she will stick herself into poverty and contempt, or, by a conduct 
 
 worthy herself and her boasted knowledge, and love of freedom, she 
 
 % 
 
 shall render herself, not only the all powerful guarantee of the 
 
 independence, and monopolizer of the trade of America, but at the 
 
 38 
 
 same time the dreaded, the dictatorial arbiter of Europe.," 
 
 Thereupon, he entered upon his main theme, and demanded 
 
 the immediate declaration not only of the thirteen Continental 
 
 colonies, but also of East and West Eloridas, Bova Scotia, St. 
 
 Johns Island, and Quebec, as "each of them to be henceforth held 
 
 to be free and independent States, owing no obedience or subjection 
 
 39 
 
 whatsoever to the parliament of Great Britain." Thereby, Cart- 
 
 36 
 
 John Cartwright, Letters on American Independence , 11. 
 Cf. Sir Francis Bernard, Select Letters, 34-40. 
 
 37 
 
 Ibid., 72. 
 
 38 
 
 Ibid ., 72. 
 
 39 
 
 Ibid. , 35. 
 
- 86 - 
 
 wright wished to establish what he called the "Grand British League 
 and CJonf ederacy, " which in nature was a confederation pure and simple 
 of Great Britain and these newly created ei^teen "free and inde- 
 pendent States," althou^ Great Britain was to assume povi/ers similar 
 to those of a protecting State over an international protectorate. 
 "Would it not be reasonable for the British American States," he 
 asked, "as in a manner political wards of Great Britain and relying 
 wholly on her for external pr otecti on, totally incapaci tat e them- 
 selves for entering into any treaties or alliances with any foreign 
 
 40 
 
 powers whatsoever?" As a means to reaching this object, he pro- 
 posed the organization of a grand Continental Congress, to which 
 each of the eighteen States should send one delegate, and which 
 should never assemble but upon the summons of the Briti^ Ambassa- 
 dor-General. The business of this congress, he thought, should only 
 be to deliberate "peace, war, and such other occasional matters as 
 might be of general consignment." To the government of each American 
 
 State, he added, a resident consul should be stationed for the ease 
 
 41 
 
 of the business of the British Ambassador -General. 
 
 42 
 
 In regard to the measures of defence, Cartwright argued 
 that no fortifications should be built for either external or in- 
 
 40 
 
 John Cartwright, Letters on American Independence , 11. 
 
 Cf. Sir Francis Bernard, Select Letters, 40. 
 
 41 
 
 Again, he proposes that subordinate courts of British ad- 
 miralty mi^t be permitted the various American states. This, it is 
 evident, resembles the establishment of consular jurisdiction in a 
 certain sense. 
 
 42 
 
 In this connection mention must be made of a clause re- 
 garding a war embarked in by the American States. In case an Amer- 
 ican State goes to war in contempt of the British Ambassador -General, 
 the British admiral stationed in America is to seize all ships and 
 
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- 88 - 
 
 fine anew the boundaries of the eighteen new States in order to 
 
 maintain their balance of powers. Another provision stated that a 
 
 new State would be created out of a territory having a population of 
 
 50,000 and capable of political independence, provided it aclaiowledg- 
 
 ed the ling of Great Britain as its lawful sovereign, adopted the 
 
 Protestant faith as the established religion, and consented to be a 
 
 party to the League and Confederacy. However, until its admission 
 
 to the confederation, such a territory was to be subject to the 
 
 46 
 
 British government. Thus, from what has been said, it is very 
 evident that Great Britain was to assume a sort of guardianship 
 over a chain of States in the Western hemisphere. 
 
 This is almost identical with the German Confederation 
 (1815-1866). There the collective will of the member states was 
 expressed throu^ a diet of plenipotentiaries which sat at Frankfort 
 under the presidency of Austria. Here the collective will of the 
 member states was to be expressed through the Grand Continental 
 Congress of delegates under the leadership of Great Britain, who 
 took a large share of responsibility to defend and protect the 
 other eighteen member states of the Anglo-American confederation. 
 
 Quite like Cartwright's plan of confederation was one 
 proposed in 1780 by the unknown author of ”An Essay on the Interest 
 
 46 
 
 Cartwri^t, ojg. cit . , 41 (Art. XI). 
 

 
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of Great Britain.” The new scheme was simpler than the one above 
 
 noted. Its first article stated that the British empire, eastern 
 
 as well as western, should be comprised of one people, imitually 
 
 entitled to all liberties, immunities, and privileges whatsoever. 
 
 The western British empire or America was to he divided into four 
 
 governments of Canada, Hew England, Virginia, and Florida. According 
 
 to the third article, the British constitution should be the basis 
 
 of the constitutions of all these nations, and should be in every 
 
 respect conformable to it, except where by the act of confederaticn 
 
 declared to differ; to consist, like ours, of the King, Lords, and 
 
 Commons. Each State, it was proposed again, was to make such laws 
 
 48 
 
 as it thought proper for its internal government. A war entered 
 into on account of one State, declared Article V, shall be con- 
 sidered as the cause of the whole and prosecuted accordin^y. The 
 contingepts of tbe ^differeatrstatesw stall be fixed by a proper valua- 
 tion. Another provision stated that the grant of free trade and 
 preferential privileges should be made for Great Britain, while 
 fifteen per cent, discriminatory duty should be laid upon foreign 
 goods. By the last two articles, "any accession made to the con- 
 
 47 
 
 Another confederation was contemplated in a pamphlet 
 called "Renovation without Violence yet possible.” London, 1780. 
 Here the British America, West Indies, and Ireland were to form 
 "One body of Confederate States." Cf. Monthly Review (Feb. 1780), 
 166. 
 
 48 
 
 Essay on the Interest of Great Britain , 21 (Art. IV) . 
 However, it adds, such laws should not be inconsistent with a 
 free representation, habeas corpus, jury trial, and a free tolera- 
 tion of religion. 
 

 
 
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-90- 
 
 federacy by conquest or consent" is to be formed into a new State 
 
 or States, and to be put under the same form of government, and re- 
 
 49 
 
 ceived as another member of the An^o-American confederation. 
 
 Qontrasted with the Cartwright plan, this scheme lacked a 
 
 common organ of government and an explicit clause as to the positicn 
 
 of Great Britain in the confederation. It is true that there was 
 
 some hint on this point where it was said that "Our (British) 
 
 executive power is a sufficient bond of union for the greatest and 
 
 50 
 
 almost distant nations." Therefore, it is hardly too much to say 
 that our author intended to let Britain lead the proposed Anglo- 
 American confederation. Again, contrasted with Wycliffe*s project, 
 the present plan is different in that the former allov/ed "a free 
 liberty to choose their own form of government," while the latter 
 required each American State to form a government consisting "of 
 the King, Lords, and Commons." Like Cartwright's scheme, the new 
 one had a provision concerning new territories and their admission 
 as new states upon certain conditions. Taking all these into con- 
 sideration, one might well suppose a league of states, having each 
 the same form of government, as states in the American Federal 
 Union, and v/here each state is equal to any other. 
 
 The same in principle, but different in scope of con- 
 
 49 
 
 Essay on the Interest of Great Britain , 23 (Art. VIII). 
 
 50 
 
 Ibid. , 12. 
 

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-91- 
 
 federation, was a scheme brought out by a noted Scotch economist, 
 
 51 
 
 Dr. James Anderson. This proposal begins with arguments against 
 
 absolute American independency, the demand for which he compared to 
 
 that of "an ignorant child" expressing "the great desire to handle 
 
 52 
 
 edged tools, or to walk upon a precipice." Were they, asserted 
 the economist, to be entirely independent, and left to struggle with 
 the wide world as well as to settle those internal disputes, they 
 would quickly be obliged to apply to some sovereign power for as- 
 sistance. To avoid all these evils and to obtain the blessings, 
 argued Anderson, nothing seemed more necessary than to lay open the 
 trade to America to all the maritime powers in Europe. In return 
 for this favor, the maritime pov/ers of Europe were to become guaran- 
 tees of the articles of a convention in so far as they regarded 
 
 America. Believing that the advautages '"of such' a plan would be 
 53 
 
 great , Anderson submitted his "Outlines of a General Pacification" 
 which was to be the fundamental law of a new Ameri can -European con- 
 federacy. The "Outlines" consisted of thirteen articles, antf- of 
 these five are concerned with war, disputes, and non-interference; 
 four with trade; and the rest with territorial jurisdiction, and 
 
 51 
 
 James Anderson (1739-1808), LL.D., was a practical far- 
 mer and an author of many works on rural economy and was the first 
 propounder of the theory of rent. Here we are concerned with his 
 book on "The Interest of Great Britain, with regard to her American 
 Colonies considered;... a plan for a general Pacification." London, 
 1782. This book was written by December, 1781. 
 
 52 
 
 J. Anderson, Interest of Great Britain . 15-17. 
 
 53 
 
 Anderson, 0 £. cit . , 17. 
 

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-9 2- 
 
 Other minor affairs. 
 
 V/ith regard to the territorial jurisdiction and division 
 of America, Article VI stipulated; 
 
 "To Great Britain shall belong Florida, east and 
 west, Georgia, Carolina, the tovm of Nev/ York with Long 
 Island and Staten Islands, and the county of Nev/ York, 
 properly so called (if it shall be thought worth while 
 to keep them) Hova Scotia, with its dependencies; Canada, 
 with its dependencies; Terra de Labrador, and Hudson*s 
 Bay, Newfoundland, and all the islands in the ViJest Indies 
 that Britain possessed at the beginning of the present 
 war, --unless it shall be otherwise stipulated. 
 
 "To Spain, France, Portugal, Holland, and Denmark, 
 the several territories and islands they respectively 
 possessed at the beginning of the present war. And, 
 
 "To the States of America, under the regulation con- 
 tained in this treaty, the provinces of Virginia, Maryland, 
 Pennsylvania, the Jersys, that part of New York not re- 
 served by Great Britain, and Nev/ England, v;ith all its 
 
 54 
 
 dependenc i es . . . . " 
 
 Concerning the status of American States, the plan went on to say 
 that American States or dominions "shall at all times remain in the 
 state of strict neutrality, under the guarantee of this con- 
 federacy.” Consequently, neither Buropean intervention nor e.xtension 
 
 54 
 
 Anderson, 0 £. cit . , 19 (Art. VI). 
 
V. 
 
-95- 
 
 55 
 
 of conflicts was to "be suffered in the American sphere. 
 
 As to commerce, he provided that the trade to every part 
 
 of America, including the V/est Indies, should be open and equally 
 
 free to all the powers who entered into this confederation either as 
 
 privileges or as guarantees; but all others should be wholly ex- 
 
 56 
 
 eluded from it. All goods imported into any part of America after 
 certain weeks from the day of signing of this treaty, by the sub- 
 jects of any of the confederate powers shall be admitted duty free, 
 and no bounties upon importation shall be allowed excepting always 
 consumable provisions of all kinds. According to the fourth article, 
 on goods exported from America such duties may be imposed as the 
 ruling powers in each district shall judge most expedient. As to 
 the inland commerce between neighbouring states in America, all im- 
 ports shall be free except provisions; and, on exports, no hi^er 
 
 duty shall be imposed than the same rate as in the case of exports by 
 57 
 
 sea. He provided also a regulation concerning contraband goods in 
 case of war in Europe. When any of the confederated powers should 
 be at war in Europe, all timber fit for shipbuilding, hemp, ropes, 
 saltpetre , gunpowder, instruments of war, and all kinds of naval 
 and military stores, should be declared contraband commodities, with 
 
 55 
 
 Anderson, on. cit . , appendix, 23. If any member state neg- 
 lects to observe this rule, such power would be excluded from the 
 Confederacy and her ships may be seized in American waters by any 
 other member as lawful prizes. 
 
 56 
 
 Ibid . , appendix, 18. All treaties relating to America, 
 West Indies, etc., would consequently be abolished. 
 
 57 
 
 Ibid. , appendix, 19-20. 
 
-94- 
 
 respect to the belligerent powers, and, as such, might be legally 
 seized and confiscated, when en route to an enemy country. The 
 ship only, if neutral property, was to be restored to the owners. 
 This phase of the proposed constitution was probably the most im- 
 portant to the Scotch economist of the free trade school, since he 
 was seeking not for "that distressing monopoly", but the actual 
 advantages of American trade. Of all the powers concerned in this 
 treaty, observed Anderson, perhaps the American States would find 
 their situation the least benefited by it. They would, he supposed, 
 no doubt, strongly oppose Article VII, which provided the restora- 
 tion of the loyalist property. 
 
 Rightly considered, the Anderson constitution was not 
 without many points of wisdom. Among these are the stipulations 
 in regard to permanent neutrality of America and free trade to 
 American states, Nevertheless, there were also points decidedly 
 disadvantageous to American interests, such as foreign holdings of 
 strategic places and certain restrictions on American trade. As 
 for the practicability of the plan, it may be well doubted. However 
 fair, wrote the Monthly Review, "all this may appear to the specu- 
 lator in his closet, we cannot on the review of them avoid recol- 
 lecting, that it is interest alone which establishes the rights of 
 government, and power that maintains them." Accordingly, continued 
 the reviewer, it is natural to think that right would be totally 
 out of the question in devising the bargain at the negotiation; 
 
 where each of the contracting parties will insist on the terms their 
 
 58 
 
 swords have carved out for them. 
 
 68 
 
 Monthly Review (June, 1782), 422-427. 
 

 
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-95- 
 
 Before concluding this chapter, mention must be made of 
 Doctor Franklin^s "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," 
 prepared on May 10, 1775. This was a proposal for a confederation 
 of American colonies, with express provisions for admitting Canada, 
 Ireland, and the West Indies, But it wholly excluded Great Britain 
 for reasons to be mentioned later. As machinery of government, the 
 project intended to establish a General Congress of delegates from 
 each colony, and the Executive Council of twelve to be appointed 
 by the Congress for three years from among its members. The one 
 was, it is noted, the supreme authority of the new confederate 
 government, and was to be clothed with powers over foreign relations 
 including reconciliation with Great Britain, trade, currency, and 
 posts, and the appointment of all the general officers, civil as 
 well as military. The other was during the recess of Congress"to 
 execute what shall have been enjoin’d thereby; (to) manage the 
 general Continental business and Interests; to receive applications 
 from foreign countries; (to) prepare Matters for the consideration 
 of the Congress;" and to conduct some other minor affairs. 
 
 Apart from these there was one notable clause. "After 
 which the Union thereby established," thus runs the last article, 
 
 "is to continue firm, till the Terms of Reconciliation proposed in 
 the Petition of the last Congress to the King are agreed to; till 
 the Acts since made, restraining the American Commerce (and Fish- 
 eries,) are repealed; till Reparation is made for the Injury done 
 to Boston, by shutting up its Port, for the Burning of Charlestown, 
 and for the Bxoence of this unjust War; and till all the British 
 Troops are withdrawn from America. On the Arrival of these Events, 
 

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-96- 
 
 the Oolonies return to their former Oonnection and Friendship with 
 
 Britain: But on Failure thereof, this Confederation is to be per- 
 59 
 
 petual.” Thus, it is evident, the Franklin project was an act of 
 retaliation and protest rather than a solution for the reorganiza- 
 tion of the Britisn empire. For this reason, his plan was hardly 
 of the same nature as those we have thus far discussed at length. 
 
 This scheme, it is true, was read before the Congress on July 21, 
 1775, but no action was taken. "Franklin was fond of planning con- 
 stitutions and probably had no expectation of this particular 
 
 scheme meeting with general favor. At all events he did not press 
 60 
 
 it.” 
 
 As a conclusion on the chapter, a word may be added about 
 the significance of the projects for commonwealth of nations. 
 
 Of the first system the schemes of a supreme council had its analogy 
 in recent British imperial conferences. The plans of reciprocal 
 deputation, it is true, do not seem to have been realized yet. 
 
 The first part of the second system, where the British Parliament 
 is to be considered a Parliament national as well as imperial, has 
 been the living case ever since the days of Burke and his prede- 
 cessors. As for the project for a separate imperial Parliament, we 
 know of no such instance in English history. The third S3rstem, in 
 which a confederation either Anglo-American or American-Eur opean was 
 speculated, is not very far from being a mere castle in Spain. In 
 
 59 
 
 Franklin, Writings (Smyth ed.), VI, 420-426; Journal of 
 Continental Congress, II, 195-199. 
 
 60 
 
 Ohanning, A History of the United States , III, 447. 
 

 
 
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 spite of the passing of a large portion of the old British America 
 from the empire, a larger commonwealth of nations embracing one- 
 fifth of the earth's lands came into being in the nineteenth century, 
 and that spectacular body politic is still enlarging. Of course, 
 the several nations in the British empire are not legally indepen- 
 dent States as projected in the plans of a confederation above dis- 
 cussed, but for many practical purposes they are treated as such. 
 Therefore, it is not too much to say that the schemes of a confeder- 
 ation are realized so far as practical situations are concerned. 
 
 On the other hand, as to the realization of Anderson's Ameriean- 
 European confederation, time alone might tell. 
 

 
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Chapter V. 
 
 The Problem of Imperial Peconstruc tion Unsolved 
 
 We have nov; finished an extensive survey of proposals for 
 the reorganization of the British empire during the American Revolu- 
 tion. The problem of imperial reorganization was by no means easy 
 and simple, because of the heterogeneous conditions, complicated 
 relations, and jarring interests not only in each political entity, 
 but also in the empire at large. As has been observed, that re- 
 fined legal fiction of virtual representation, v/hich was devised, 
 expanded, and applied to the American colonies, met crushing criti- 
 cism on both sides of the sea. Chatham’s dictum that it was "futile, 
 frivolous, and groundless" was conclusive enough of the failure of 
 the theory itself. Alongside with virtual representation went a 
 serious agitation in favor of actual American representation in 
 Parliament so as to legalize parliamentary legislation and taxation 
 over the colonies. It is true that such an idea was abroad as far 
 bacii as 1750 and even 1652, but the active campaign for it began 
 about 1764. In this connection such figures as Otis, Po?mall , 
 Crowley, Bushe , iJaseres, Bancroft, and Smith, are recalled. Por 
 some time the representation movement appeared to be viewed with 
 favor and might have been realized, had not some serious obstacles 
 stood in its v;ay. nevertheless, plans of representations played a 
 significant part in imperial politics of the age. 
 
 The passing of the representation regime in the middle of 
 the seventies was follov/ed by a counter movement — colonial autonomy 
 under Parliament during the years 1773-1776. One group of writers 
 

 
 
 
 
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-99- 
 
 advocated a system of uniform imperial taxation and provincial self- 
 government. And loyalists and conservatives recommended projects 
 for a large measure of colonial home rule under the supremacy of the 
 Parliament, v/hile Joseph Galloway urged a different scheme of govern- 
 ment which was to establish an unicameral federal congress, "an 
 inferior branch" of the Parliament. All these schemes implied the 
 American recognition of pari iamentary authority over the colonies. 
 This system, it is noted, was substantially to annul the oft-re- 
 peated colonial assertion, and to legalize parliamentary contention 
 so frequently made. i5uch being the case, it was very distateful 
 to most colonists, and the systems met with little favor. 
 
 Coincident with the failure of the plans of colonial 
 autonomy, other schemes of a different nature were brought forward. 
 Of these some fell v/ithin the category of real union, and others 
 within that of personal union. These two systems were undoubtedly 
 formulated with a close attention to the failure of the measures of 
 American representation and of colonial autonomy under Parliament. 
 Therefore, they endeavored to have little or no relation v\/ith the 
 Parliament, and devised a new method of solution by taking over the 
 Grown as the connecting link between the two parts of the empire. 
 
 As already noted, the most notable of the projects for real union is 
 one proposed by Mward Jancroft in 1769, while those for personal 
 union are found in the scheme of William H. Drayton and in the 
 "Articles of a Perpetual Union". Practical as these plans might 
 have been, they, nevertheless, failed to receive powerful support. 
 
 If carried out these schemes would have been bound to strengthen 
 
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- 100 - 
 
 the control of George III over American affairs, a plan no more 
 welcome in America than in England. Therefore to many colonists 
 such constitutional mechanism Vi/as nothing more than a hollow of 
 mockery. 
 
 Lastly came various devices of constitutional reform of 
 the empire. All of them, however, agreed in setting up full and com- 
 plete self-government in each dominion of the great empire, viz. 
 America, Britain, and Ireland. Naturally in this system there would 
 be no royal or parliamentary control over America, and thus it would 
 make America sovereign in all but name. Indeed, some projects of 
 this system went so far as to declare America "free and independent” 
 even in theory. As has been noted, of this system there were three 
 kinds. The first one included schemes of a supreme council and of 
 reciprocal deputation. The second was based on Burke’s theory that 
 the British Parliament acted in two capacities, national and imperil 
 or it was based on the principle of a separate and distinct imperial 
 Parliament. The third or last kind consisted of projects for a con- 
 federation either Anglo-American or American-nuropean. And the only 
 connecting link, if any, between the several self-governing nations 
 was either a supreme council, a reciprocal deputation, the Parlia- 
 ment as the imperial legislature, or the presidency of Great Britain 
 in the confederation. Correctly understood, each plan of the three 
 kinds anticipated the British commonwealth of nations in our century. 
 
 Viewed in another li^ht, the projected solutions of the 
 
 problem of imperial reorganization showed a line of evolution in 
 political speculations on the British empire and her colonies. In 
 
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- 101 - 
 
 the first place, the solution of the problem v;as attempted by the 
 invention of a theory of virtual representat ion , and after its 
 failure by the ae:itation in favor of actual representation in 
 Parliament. There we find an evidence of democratic movements in 
 the imperial politics of the era. Nevertheless, representation v;as 
 believed impracticable, and a solution was sought in colonial 
 autonomy under Parliament, which was indeed repugnant to many colo- 
 nists who asserted their right of self-government pure and simple. 
 Responding to -{jhis contention of the colonists, schemes were laid 
 dow'n for real or personal union. The one recognized a limited 
 authority of Parliament over America, the other none at all. There- 
 fore, in the plans of personal union the British Crov/n was made the 
 only connecting link and tie between America and Britain. Here 
 again we see a great forward step towards democracy in imperial 
 politics. To the seceding dominion, however, even such constitu- 
 tions could not be satisfactory. Then, it was probably thought 
 wise to propose a more radical constitution, which was done by the 
 several projects for a commonwealth of nations. These ran from a 
 supreme council to a league of "free and independent Btates." In 
 
 N 
 
 the last one v/e now see the dissolution of the British empire it- 
 self. In brief, the projected solutions of the problem of imperial 
 reconstruction evolved from that sophistic theory of virtual Amer- 
 ican representation to the utter dissolution of the great imperial 
 system v/ithin less than a score of years. 
 
 To be sure, the reorganization of the British empire was 
 felt necessary v/ith the rise of the question of imperial defense. 
 

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- 102 - 
 
 the solution of which was attempted by means of colonial unions. 
 After the *5even Years' War, however, the need of imperial defense 
 was less pressing. On the other hand, the necessity of imperial 
 constitutional reorganization became uppermost in imperial politics 
 with the acquisition of vast territories by the war. And it is this 
 great problem which taxed the thinking men on both sides of the 
 ocean. Then they suggested and contemplated projects for American 
 representation, colonial autonomy, real and personal unions , and 
 confederations. In point of time, proposals of American represen- 
 tation and colonial autonomy were made during the years 1750-1775. 
 Agitation in favor of real and personal unions was rife in the 
 several years before the signing of the Declaration of Independence, 
 while projects for a commonwealth of nations were in the air during 
 the period of 1775-1782. 
 
 Making some statistical observation we count over fifty 
 projects for imperial reorganization in the period we have con- 
 sidered.^ Of these about twenty w^ere made by Americans, ard the 
 rest by Englishmen. Again, we must take account of ten American 
 schemes of colonial union and imperial defense, which are included 
 in the twenty. Therefore, only ten plans came from America for 
 projecting American representation, colonial autonomy, real and 
 personal unions, and a commonwealth of nations. Thus, there were 
 three plans for American representation, four for colonial autonomy, 
 two for real and personal unions, and one for a commonwealth of 
 
 1 
 
 See Appendix below, 
 
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-103- 
 
 nations. On the other hand, from England came thirty projects in 
 all. They contemplated by far the larger number of reforai measures 
 of American government and representation in Parliament, It was the 
 British who proposed nearly half of the schemes of colonial autonomy, 
 and almost all of the plans of real and personal unions, and a 
 commonvreal th of nations. 
 
 When we consider only those projects which w-ere brought 
 forward since 1773, we have twenty-nine of them, and only eight be- 
 long to American publicists. The proportion of American projects, 
 it is noted gradually decreases in the period of 1773-1782. Further- 
 more, almost all of them were advanced before the year 1776, and only 
 one after that. Again, it was 1774 that saw? more than the half 
 of the American plans. On the contrary, it v/as after 1775 and 
 notably during 1778-178E that most of the English projects came out. 
 And there are twenty-one of them from 1775 to 178-2. Of these twenty- 
 one, seven were proposed in 1775, and eight in 1778-1782. Taking 
 all these facts into consideration, v/e can safely conclude that the 
 American projects for imperial reconstruction had almost come to an 
 end by 1776, v;hile those of the British just began to come out in 
 1775. Buch a conclusion is at least true so far as the plans since 
 1773, or more important and radical ones are concerned. This would 
 probably reflect the trend of events and public opinion on both 
 sides of the water. 
 
 All of the projected solutions for imperial reorganization, 
 hov/ever, did nothing in the way of solving the problem so pressing 
 and important. Indeed, they utterly failed of adoption, not to 
 
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-104- 
 
 speak of actual execution, and the problem of imperial reconstruction 
 itself v;as unsolved after all. However, it had disappeared entirely 
 with the secession of the Thirteen Colonies from the empire. There- 
 fore, so far as the problem is concerned with that part of America, 
 now making the .nucleus of the United States, there was no need of 
 such solution after the Peace of 1783. Indeed the problem of im- 
 plied reorganization shifted from the seceded colonies to Canada, 
 Australia, Hew Zealand, and South Africa. 
 
 The net result of the projected solutions for the reorgani- 
 zation of the British empire is to remain as patterns for later 
 solution of the sane or similar problems. Ho less than the American 
 
 Revolution, it is believed, have they furnished valuable lessons in 
 
 2 
 
 colonial government. Unfamiliar to many as these projects are, they 
 are nevertheless, sources of v/isdom whence one can draw lessons in 
 colonial policy and in imperial reorganization. If rightly utilized, 
 they v/ould certainly be of great value in solving the problems of 
 the British empire to-day. To illustrate, Edmund :Surke ' s project 
 contained in his "’Bpeech on American Taxation” in 1774 remained mere 
 material for future legislation. Yet it was something that ninety 
 years after his speech the British Horth America Act gavel'-^en his 
 dream full substance. Again, his and others' schemes of the system 
 of a dual Parliament are seen in full play at the present time. 
 
 E. 
 
 Cf. G. B. Adams, "The Origin and the Results of the Im- 
 perial Federation Ilovement in England," Proceedings of Wisconsin 
 Historical Bociety 1898 , 95 
 
 3 
 
 H. J. Laski , Political Thought in England . From Locke 
 to Bentham . EE9-E30. passim 
 

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- 105 - 
 
 Plans of real and personal unions are now actualized in fact, if not 
 in theory. As for the projects for a supreme council or reciprocal 
 deputation, we are not entirely without some analogies such as 
 British Imperial Conferences and the Imperial l.ar Cabinet. Again, 
 correctly considered, the present British commonwealth of nations 
 is in reality a confederation of independent nations so far as 
 
 4 
 
 practices are concerned. Thus, we see a fair, if not full, reali- 
 zation of the dreams of the projectors for imperial reconstruction 
 in the days of the American Revolution. Such facts would amply en- 
 dorse the value of those projected solutions for the reorganization 
 of the British empire in those critical days. 
 
 4 
 
 See their being full members of the League of Nations, 
 and their maintenance of quasi-diplomat ic relations with foreign 
 powers at present. 
 

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Appendix 
 
 1 
 
 A List of Projects for Imperial Reorganization (1773-1782) 
 
 A, Colonial Autonomy under Parliament (1773-1778). 
 
 a. Uniform Imperial Taxation (1776). 
 
 (1) 1. Adam Smith, 1776. B 
 
 (2) 2, "A Plan of Reconciliation between Great Britain and 
 
 her Colonies," (London, 1776). B 
 
 b. Provincial Legislative Independence (1773-1887). 
 
 (3) 1. Thomas Hutchinson, 17 73 -17 74. A 
 
 (4) 2. Myles Cooper, 1774. B 
 
 (5) 3. Samuel Seabury, 1775. A 
 
 (6) 4. Edmund Burke, 1774. B 
 
 (7) 5. "A Plan of Reunion between Great Britain and her 
 
 Colonies," (London, 1778). B 
 
 c. Federal Legislation and Royal Administrative Control (1774). 
 
 (8) 1. Joseph Galloway, 1774. A 
 
 B. Real and Personal Unions (1769-1780). 
 a. Real Union (1769-1776). 
 
 (9) 1. Thomas Pownall, 1774. B 
 
 (10) 2. "America Vindicated," (London, 1774). B 
 
 (11) 3. "Some Candid Suggestions towards Accommodation of 
 
 Differences with America," (London, 1776). B 
 
 1 
 
 Edward Bancroft is placed on the list on account of the 
 peculiar importance of his plan for real union. 
 
 A and B indicate American and British respectively. 
 Projects whose authors are not known are indicated by 
 the titles of their publications. 
 

 
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-107- 
 
 (12) i. 
 
 "Observations: Reconciliation of Great Britain 
 and the Colonies," (Philadelphia, 1776). A 
 
 (13) 5. 
 
 Edward Bancroft, 1769. B 
 
 b. Personal Union (1774-1780). 
 
 (14) 1. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, 1774. A 
 
 (16) 2. 
 
 Granville Sharp, 1775. B 
 
 (16) 3. 
 
 "The Present Peace and future Government of the 
 British Colonies," (London, 1775). B 
 
 (17) 4. 
 
 William Henry Drayton, 1774. A 
 
 (18) 5. 
 
 "A Plan, or Articles of Perpetual Union, Commerce, 
 and Friendship, between Great Britain and her 
 American Colonies," (London, 1780). B 
 
 Gommonwealth of Nations (1776-1782). 
 
 a. Supreme 
 
 Council and Reciprocal Deputation (1775-1778). 
 
 (19) 1. 
 
 "A Plan for conciliating the jarring Political 
 Interests of Great Britain and her Colonies," 
 (London, 1776). B 
 
 (20) 2. 
 
 Sir Robert Harris, 1775. B 
 
 (21) 3. 
 
 Carlisle Commission, 1778. B 
 
 (22) 4. 
 
 "An Examination into the conduct of the Present 
 Administration. .. .And a Plan of Accommodation with 
 America," (London, 1778). B 
 
 b. Dual and Separate Parliam^ats (1774-1780). B 
 
 (23) 1. Edmund Burke, 1774. B 
 
 (24) 2. "Occasional Letters on Taxation," (London, 1778- 
 
 1780). B 
 

 
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-108- 
 
 (25) 5 , Thomas Wycliffe, 1779. B 
 
 (26) 4. "The Alarm, or A Plan of Pacification with America, 
 
 (New York, 178?). A 
 
 c. Anglo-American and American-Eur opean Confederations (1775- 
 1782) . 
 
 (27) 1. John Cartwright, 1775. B 
 
 (28) 2. "An Essay on the Interest of Great Britain in re- 
 
 gard to America," (London, 1780). B 
 
 (29) 3. Benjamin Franklin, 1775. A 
 
 (30) 4. James Anderson, 1782. B 
 

 
 
 
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Bibliogyaphy 
 
 A, Bibliographical Guides . 
 
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- 110 - 
 
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■M 
 
- 111 - 
 
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- 112 - 
 
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tilL. 
 
-113- 
 
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 ( T — 1 - _ _ _ - Historica l and Political Reflec- 
 
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-114- 
 
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 ( ) . Extra Official State Papers . Addressed to the 
 
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 ( ) , The Justice and Policy of the late Act of Parlia - 
 
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-115- 
 
 ( ) ,A Speech , intended to have been delivered in th e 
 
 Hous’e of (Commons , in support of the Petition~^roin 
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-116- 
 
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 , Tract, VI. ^ Expostulatory Letter addressed to the 
 
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-117- 
 
 ,A Letter to Edmund Burke, Ssq « and &c » in Answer 
 
 t^ his pr inted Address of March 22 , 1775 , &c . 
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 ■% 
 
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-118- 
 
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-119- 
 
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 Bouton, Hathan, Pr ovine ial Papers . Documents and Records 
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- 120 - 
 
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 , The History of Political Parties in the Province of 
 
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-lEl- 
 
 Galdecott, Alfred, English Qolonization and Empire , Hew 
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 1903. 
 
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 . Federations and Unions within the British Empire , 
 
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