'L I B RAHY 
 
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 Of ILLINOIS 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBAN A-CHAMPAIGN 
 
 L161 — O-1096
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY ADDRESSES 
 
 OF 
 
 1844 
 
 AND 
 
 1845. 
 
 BY 
 
 SALMON PORTLAND CHASE 
 
 AND 
 
 CHARLES DEXTER CLEVELAND 
 
 LONDON: 
 SAMPSON LOW, SON, AND MARSTON. 
 
 MILTON HOUSE, LUDGATE HILL. 
 PHILADELPHIA: J. A. BANCROFT AND CO. 
 
 1867.
 
 L 
 
 HwBTI 
 
 PHILADELPHIA ADDRESS. 
 
 •==♦=- 
 
 162336
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 •HE great contest in our country between 
 Freedom and Slavery began with the 
 very formation of our Constitution, and 
 continued, with various intermissions, 
 down to the overthrow of the giant-mon- 
 ster by the proclamation of our martyr-President — 
 Abraham Lincoln — January I, 1863. As the future 
 historian will desire as many landmarks as possible of 
 this great life-and-death struggle, the following Ad- 
 dresses are now re-published in a form more permanent 
 than when they first appeared. It is now nearly a 
 quarter of a century since they were written. A new 
 generation has come upon the stage, comparatively 
 io-norant of the opposition encountered and the odium 
 endured by those who thus early fought the great battle 
 of Freedom. "We fought, indeed, with the moral wea- 
 pons of justice, conscience, and the Word of God ; but 
 uro-ed, at the same time, that all these should be con- 
 summated at the ballot-box. We hoped and prayed 
 for the peaceful overthrow of slavery by legislative 
 enactments, and we asked all classes to aid us. We 
 asked "Whigs " to vote against the vilest oligarchy that 
 the sun ever shone upon, and in accordance with those 
 true principles of Freedom with which their name had
 
 8 PREFACE. 
 
 been for centuries so honourably associated. We asked 
 '* Democrats " to bear in mind the true meaning of the 
 word they had so constantly in their mouths ; and so to 
 vote as to secure the ascendancy of true Democracy 
 everywhere — the rights of man as ma?i, without distinc- 
 tion of colour, country, or condition. And we asked 
 Christians simply to vote as they prayed. But no : the 
 "Whiffs" seemed to care more for "national banks," 
 and "tariffs," and "internal improvements," than the 
 eternal principles of justice, and the inalienable rights 
 of man. The " Democrats" seemed to think more how 
 they should so "join hand in hand" with their " Southern 
 brethren " as to secure to themselves the spoils of office. 
 And the Christian, while he would pray at the evening 
 prayer-meeting that our country might be governed by 
 " righteous men ruling in the fear of God," would vote 
 the next day for those who seemed to say in their hearts 
 — " How doth God know ; and is there knowledge in 
 the Most High ? " Alas ! He has since shown us how 
 He " knew," in the terrible judgments with which He 
 has visited us for our great national sin. 
 
 Despairing, therefore, of winning over either of the 
 two great parties to the cause of Freedom, the ardent 
 friends of Liberty determined to organize a new party 
 founded on its sacred principles. The consciences as 
 well as the indignation of a large number in the Free 
 States had been aroused by the triumphs of the slave 
 power in the long-contested Missouri struggle in 1820 
 and 1 82 1; and in 1836 some earnest abolitionists in 
 New York nominated and voted for an anti-slavery 
 candidate for the Presidency, though there was no 
 national organization. By the time, however, that the
 
 PREFACE. 9 
 
 next presidential election came around in 1840, the 
 " National Liberty Party " was organized, and James 
 G. Birmey, its candidate for the Presidency, received 
 seven thousand votes. At the next election, in 1844, 
 he received nearly seventy thousand ; and in 1 848 
 Martin Yan Buren, the "free-soil" candidate, received 
 about two hundred and fifty thousand. Thus the party 
 for Freedom, so small and so despised at first, grew 
 stronger and stronger every year, until in i860 it 
 placed Abraham Lincoln in the presidential chair. 
 Then, as is well known, the slave-power, despairing of 
 any longer controlling the counsels of the government, 
 as it had done for half a century, raised the standard of 
 rebellion to overthrow that government, and that, too, 
 to found another "whose corner-stone should be 
 Slavery." But, blessed be God, that, though encouraged 
 and aided by too many traitors in the North, they were 
 utterly thwarted in their infernal purpose, and that no 
 portion of our country is now, or ever again can be, 
 trodden by the foot of a slave. 
 
 It is to be hoped that in the earlier days of this long 
 contest between Freedom and Slavery, the following 
 Addresses exerted their share of influence for the 
 righteous cause, and in ultimately bringing about the 
 auspicious result — of Freedom's being inaugurated in 
 our public counsels. But, however this may be, the 
 authors are more than willing to present them now to 
 the present generation and for future times exactly as 
 they were then written, and thus to contribute another 
 mite to the permanent anti-slavery literature of their 
 country. C D. C. 
 
 London, May, 1867.
 
 NOTE. 
 
 Or the two Addresses I place the Philadelphia first, simply 
 because it was the first in the order of time. Had I placed 
 them according to their merits, the Cincinnati Address would, 
 of course, come first ; and the other next indeed, but, in the 
 expressive language of Milton — " long after next." 
 
 C. D. C.
 
 ADDRESS OF THE 
 
 LIBERTY PARTY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE 
 STATE.* 
 
 Friends and Fellow Citizens. 
 
 T a Convention of Delegates of the 
 Liberty Party of the Eastern section 
 of Pennsylvania, held in Philadel- 
 phia, Feb. 22, 1844, the under- 
 signed was made the chairman of a com- 
 mittee appointed to address you upon the great 
 cause which we are laboring to promote. We 
 now, therefore, proceed to set before you our 
 views, our principles, and our aims ; to state the 
 means by which we believe those aims will be ac- 
 
 * I may now (1867) here state these facts, that the Liberty 
 Committee ordered, at first, twenty thousand copies of this 
 address to be printed, and the types to be kept standing, as it 
 was not stereotyped ; and that two editions more, of twenty 
 thousand each, were subsequently printed.
 
 12 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 complished ; and to invite your cordial and earnest 
 co-operation with us, to secure such results as, we 
 are sure, will be for the best good both of our 
 State and of our country. 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY. 
 
 In the first place, then, we would state, that the 
 Liberty Party, though new in its organization, is not 
 new in its principles. It is, in the great elements of 
 its character, only an old party revived. It is, in 
 its principles, the same party as that which, in 1 776, 
 rallied around the Declaration of Independence, 
 and " pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their 
 sacred honor," to maintain the noble sentiments 
 avowed in that instrument, that " all men are 
 created equal, and are endowed by their Creator 
 with the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness." It is, in its principles, the 
 same party as that which, in 1787, formed our 
 own federal Constitution, the great object of which, 
 as set forth in the preamble, is " to establish 
 justice — to promote the general welfare — and to 
 secure the blessings of liberty." It is, in its 
 principles, the same party that, in the same year, 
 in the Congress of the old Confederation, passed, 
 unanimously, that ever-to-be-honoured Ordinance, 
 in which it is declared that the whole territory of 
 our country North and West of the river Ohio, 
 should never be trodden by the foot of a slave.
 
 ADDRESS. 13 
 
 Such, fellow citizens, are the principles of our 
 party. We cherish the same views as Washington, 
 who wrote these verv words, — " There is but one 
 effectual mode by which the abolition of slavery 
 can be accomplished, and that is by legislative 
 authority, and this, so far as my suffrage will 
 go, shall not be waxting." We cherish the 
 same views as Patrick Henrv, who declared " that 
 we owe it to the purity of our religion, to show 
 that it is at variance with that law which warrants 
 slavery."* We cherish the same views as Robert 
 Morris, who, in the Convention for forming the 
 Constitution, pronounced slavery to be "a nefarious 
 institution." We cherish the same views as 
 William Pincknev, who said in the House of 
 Delegates of Maryland, in 1789, "By the eternal 
 principles of natural justice, no master in this state 
 has a rio-ht to hold his slave for a single hour." 
 We cherish the same views as Jefferson, who 
 uttered these memorable words, " I tremble for 
 my country when I reflect that God is just, and 
 that his justice cannot sleep forever." We cherish 
 
 * In a letter dated January 18, 1773, Patrick Henry thus 
 wrote :— " Is it not a little surprising that the professors of 
 Christianity, whose chief excellence consists in softening the 
 human heart, and in cherishing and improving its finer 
 feelings, should encourage a practice so totally repugnant to 
 the first principles of right and wrong ?" Again he says : — 
 u It would rejoice my very soul that every one of my fellow 
 beings was emancipated. Believe me, I shall ever honour 
 the Quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery."'
 
 14 PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 the same views as Dr. Rush, who declared slavery 
 to be " repugnant to the principles of Christianity, 
 and rebellion against the authority of a common 
 Father." And we cherish the same views as 
 Madison, who said, in the Convention of 1787, 
 that it was " wrong to admit into the Constitution 
 even the idea that there could be property in 
 man." 
 
 Yes, fellow citizens, these men of former days, 
 and many more that might be named, saw and felt 
 the evils of slavery. They saw that it must be a 
 curse to any country ; and they saw the great in- 
 consistency of cherishing it in our own. They 
 saw, too, that if they themselves had any right, in 
 1776, to resist unto blood for a pound of tea, the 
 slave had an infinitely higher right to make the same 
 resistance for an infinitely higher object. This, one 
 of these patriot spirits had the candour to express, 
 declaring " that in such a contest the Almighty had 
 no attributes which could take sides with the mas- 
 ter." The men of those days looked forward, confi- 
 dently, to the speedy extinction of slavery. In the 
 Conventions of several of the States that met to 
 ratify the Constitution, these opinions were unequi- 
 vocally expressed. In the Convention of Massa- 
 chusetts Judge Dawes remarked, that " slavery had 
 received its death-wound, and would die of con- 
 sumption." In the Convention of Pennsylvania, 
 Judge Wilson, himself one of the framers of the 
 Constitution, said, " The new States which are to
 
 ADDRESS. 15 
 
 be formed will be under the control of Congress, 
 in this particular, asd slavery will never be 
 introduced among them." And that great 
 man, whose illustrious example can never be too 
 often held up to us for imitation — General Wash- 
 ington — wrote to John Sinclair, u The abolition of 
 slavery must take place, and that too at a period 
 not remote." 
 
 Such, fellow citizens, were the opinions of the 
 men who laid the foundations of our republic ; men 
 of hio-h, noble, wide-reaching views ; and who feared 
 that nothing would so endanger the permanency of 
 the fair fabric which their wisdom had reared, as 
 the continuation of slavery. Far different, indeed, 
 felt and spoke and wrote those men, from many 
 of our modern, so-called statesmen : far different 
 from the Calhouns and the McDuffies, who declare 
 " slavery to be the corner-stone of our republican 
 institutions :" far different from Henry Clay, who 
 has proclaimed, unblushingly, that he is opposed to 
 " any emancipation, immediate or gradual ; " and 
 who pronounced the opinion of Madison, " that man 
 cannot hold property in man," to be a " visionary 
 dogma : " far different from Martin Van Buren, 
 who pledged himself before election to veto any bill 
 that Congress might pass to abolish slavery in the 
 District of Columbia : and far different from many 
 pther prominent men of our times, whose highest 
 ambition, we feel constrained to say, seems to be, 
 to cringe to the slave power.
 
 1 6 PENNS YLVA NIA 
 
 We will now, therefore, proceed to set before you, 
 historically, and in a very succinct manner, these 
 
 CHANGES AND THEIR CAUSES. 
 
 Very soon after the formation of our Constitution, 
 the slaveholders saw the great political power which, 
 for the sake of peace and union, its framers had given 
 them ; and they determined to use it for their own 
 aggrandizement. Whether there was any express 
 understanding, or any secret compact among them, 
 that in all questions touching slavery they would 
 go together as one man, can never be known. Be 
 this, however, as it may, the fact that they have 
 done so remains, and it is clear to every one who 
 knows anything of the history of our country. No 
 matter what other questions, apparently of momen- 
 tous interest, have distracted different parties ; here 
 the slaveholders, true to their instincts, have pre- 
 sented but one undivided front. 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 In the year 1790, Congress accepted from the 
 States of Maryland and Virginia the territory often 
 miles square, now the District of Columbia, for the 
 purpose of locating there the capitol of the nation. 
 When these states ceded this territory to Congress, 
 they " relinquished the same to the government of 
 the United States, in full and absolute right and
 
 ADDRESS. 17 
 
 exclusive jurisdiction/'* and all the state laws that 
 before had existence there, became, of course, by that 
 verv act, null and void. The very act of Con- 
 gress in that year, in relation to this subject, shows 
 this truth most conclusivelv ; for that act ordained 
 that the laws of Maryland and Virginia should con- 
 tinue in force until otherwise ordered. To pass an 
 act for their continuance is, of course, a full admis- 
 sion that thev would not continue without such an 
 act. That act, therefore, is precisely the same as if 
 Congress had enacted an entire new code for the per- 
 petuity of slavery there. Had it any right to do this 
 constitutionally? Clearlv not. To aro^ue that 
 it had, would be to argue against the sun. The con- 
 stitution gives no power to Congress to establish 
 slavery. The men who framed that instrument 
 would not allow the word " slave" to be inserted in 
 it. Its preamble declares one of its objects to be to 
 " secure the blessings of libertv " not the curse of 
 slavery ; and article fifth of the Amendments reads 
 thus : " No person shall be deprived of liberty with- 
 out due process of law." The act of Congress, 
 therefore, that was framed to introduce slavery into 
 the District of Columbia, was a plain, open, total 
 violation of the constitution. But the Slave power 
 went unitedly for it, and the deed was done. But 
 every man, woman, and child, there held as a slave, 
 
 * See Act of the State of Maryland, passed December 19, 
 1791. 
 
 B
 
 18 PENNS YL VAN I A 
 
 is at this moment virtually free ; and the Supreme 
 Court of the United States would doubtless so de- 
 cide, were it not for the fact, to which we shall 
 soon particularly allude, that a majority of its judges 
 are from the Slave states. 
 
 And now we ask you, fellow citizens, to look at 
 this subject for one moment longer. Look at the 
 capitol of our nation, over which Congress, in the 
 words of the Constitution, "exercises exclusive legis- 
 lation in all cases whatever ;" look at it, transformed 
 into a slave-market, the most extensive and loath- 
 some of any in the world. See there, the domestic 
 slave trade vigorously and unblushingly carried on 
 in open day, a trade, which Judge Cranch and 
 eleven hundred other citizens of the District, in a 
 memorial to Congress in 1828, declare to be " more 
 cruel in its operations and more demoralizing in its 
 effects than the African slave trade itself." See 
 there, in the daily papers, standing advertisements 
 for the purchase of men, women, and children. See 
 there, every two or three weeks, cargoes of human 
 beings shipped on board vessels for a Southern 
 market, like so many beasts. Like beasts, did we 
 say ? Aye, worse ; for, horrid as it is, they are 
 
 FETTERED, TWO AND TWO, IN IRONS ; and should 
 
 any accident happen to the vessel, they have not 
 even the chance of making an exertion for their 
 safety ; but, as in that awful case that lately oc- 
 curred near the mouth of the Ohio, may see others 
 saving themselves, while they, helpless and un-
 
 ADDRESS. 19 
 
 pitied, must go at once, with their heavy irons 
 fastened about them, deep, deep to the bottom. 
 
 And how, fellow citizens, think you, these slaves 
 are kept in security, until they can be safely ship- 
 ped ? We will tell you. To a considerable extent 
 in jails, built by your money, supported by your 
 money, protected by your money. These, with 
 the private prisons, are the receptacles for the safe 
 keeping of husbands separated from wives, and 
 wives separated from husbands ; of children from 
 parents, and parents from children ; until, as they 
 term it, " a cargo can be made up." Men of Penn- 
 sylvania ! ye who enjoy the blessings of freedom 
 unmolested ; ye who can look around on the happy 
 faces at your own fireside, and feel that, in subjec- 
 tion only to the Providence of God, they are all 
 vour own, and that no spoiler's hand can snatch 
 one of that endeared group away, will you not feel 
 in a case like this ? Aye, and will you not act, too ? 
 How ? you may say. How ? By giving your vote 
 for such men to fill all our public offices, from the 
 highest to the lowest, as will exert all the power 
 they can, to put an end to this abomination ; to this 
 deep, foul, national disgrace. If the Slave states, 
 in order to prop up a little longer their heaven- 
 daring system, will send men to Congress to legis- 
 late for Slavery, will not you have the humanity as 
 well as the manliness, to send men who will legis- 
 late against it ? 
 
 But we cannot enlarge upon this subject, full of
 
 20 PENNS YL VA NT A 
 
 interest though it be, but will next, in historical 
 order advert to 
 
 THE PUB CHASE OF LOUISIANA IN 1803. 
 
 Fifteen millions of dollars of the people's money 
 were paid to France for this territory, and when the 
 purchase was made, French law, which before had 
 obtained there, ceased, and it was the duty of Con- 
 gress to adopt the same measures in relation to this 
 territory, as it adopted in 1787 in relation to the 
 North West Territory, namely, to make it free. 
 But no, this would not suit the slaveholders, and it 
 was not done ; and thenceforth that vast territory 
 was to have its rich soil moistened with the tears and 
 blood of the slave. The consequences are already 
 seen. Three states have already been formed out of it, 
 having now ten votes in the House of Representa- 
 tives, and six votes, almost one-eighth, in the Senate 
 of the United States. Here you see another of the 
 monstrous encroachments of the Slave power upon 
 constitutional liberty. Next in order, we will in- 
 introduce you to 
 
 THE PURCHASE OF FLORIDA IN 102 1. 
 
 This was purchased of Spain ; and again it became 
 the duty of Congress to make such provisions, that 
 a slave should never tread its soil. Slavery, we know, 
 is not a state of nature, and the right to hold a slave
 
 ADDRESS. 21 
 
 is not a natural, but a legal right. Slavery is a 
 creature of positive law, and exists within those 
 limits, and within those limits ONLY, where the 
 laws that sanction it have force. The second clause 
 of section second, article fourth, of the Constitution, 
 says, " Congress shall have power to make all 
 needful rules and regulations respecting the terri- 
 tories belono-ino; to the United States;" and article 
 fifth of the " Amendments," reads, " No person 
 shall be deprived of liberty without due process of 
 law :" while the preamble declares one of its objects 
 to be, " to secure the blessings of liberty." 
 
 Now, what are the facts? We all know them, 
 and know them too well. There are now, according 
 to the last census, in the territory of Florida, twenty- 
 five thousand seven hundred and seventeen human 
 beings held in slavery there, i» utter, shameless 
 defiance of the Constitution. And what have been 
 the consequences to this nation ? Since 1836, more 
 than forty millions of dollars have been ex- 
 pended on the Florida war, for the special benefit 
 of the slaveholder, to drive the red man from his 
 native forests and from the graves of his fathers, 
 that he might not be able to give shelter to those 
 who should fly to him for protection from the hand 
 of oppression and tyranny. We first purchase 
 Florida for five millions, and then expend 
 forty millions more, that the slaveholder may 
 hold his victims with a more secure grasp. But 
 the money, enormous as is the amount, and coming
 
 •22 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 home as it does to every man in the country, is 
 nothing, and less than nothing, when we look at 
 the lives sacrificed, the miseries endured, the cruel- 
 ties practised, and every principle of honor and 
 justice and humanity outraged and trampled on. 
 Men of Pennsylvania ! have vou not something 
 to do with slavery ? 
 
 MISSOURI STRUGGLE IN 1 8 20-22. 
 
 The next instance of the alarming extension of the 
 Slave power, and one ever to be remembered, was 
 the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave 
 state. In 1820, the " District of Maine" petitioned 
 for admission into the Union. It was proper that 
 she should be admitted ; she had all the requisite 
 qualifications, and no objections could be made to 
 her on independent grounds. But the Slave power, 
 with Henry Clay, then Speaker of the House, at 
 their head, declared, unequivocally, their firm and 
 determined hostility to the admission of Maine, 
 until Missouri should have been admitted as a 
 Slave state. The struggle was long and severe. 
 The debate on the subject was protracted through 
 two sessions, and the excitement throughout the 
 country was intense. The representatives from the 
 Free states showed more spirit, more manliness, 
 and a firmer determination to defend the Consti- 
 tution from violation than they have ever done 
 since ; and one of our own representatives, John
 
 ADDRESS. 23 
 
 Sergeant, delivered, on that occasion, a speech to 
 which Pennsylvanians will ever be proud to refer. 
 At first, the friends of freedom were in a majority. 
 But the slaveholders, never for a moment relaxing 
 in their vigilance, continued to move on in solid 
 column ; and soon gained over enough of Northern 
 votes to turn the scale, and thus that execrable 
 project was finally carried, in utter defiance of every 
 principle of natural justice, and of the letter, as well 
 as of the general spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 Lastly, but six months ago, a most nefarious 
 plot was matured by the President and the Southern 
 members of his cabinet, in a manner as mean from 
 its secrecy, as the measure itself was daring in its 
 wickedness— A PLOT TO ANNEX TEXAS 
 TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Such is one class of facts, in the history of our 
 country, to show the alarmingly increasing influ- 
 ence of the Slave power in the councils of the 
 nation. Let us now proceed to another class of 
 facts. 
 
 PREPONDERANCE OF THE SLAVE POWER IN 
 ALL THE MOST IMPORTANT OFFICES 
 OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 I. Presidents. 
 
 Since the organization of our government, the 
 Slaveholding states have had six Presidents, who 
 will have served, at the end of this term, forty-
 
 24 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 THREE YEARS AND ELEVEN MONTHS ; the Free 
 
 states, four, who have served twelve years 
 and one month : and one of these four, Martin 
 Van Buren, was elected on the ground of his being 
 " a Northern man with Southern principles." And 
 be it remembered, that no President from the Free 
 states has ever been elected for a second term. 
 
 2. Secretaries of State. 
 
 Next in importance to the President is the office 
 of Secretary of State. He it is that has the manage- 
 ment of all the business and correspondence with 
 foreign courts ; that instructs all ambassadors, 
 ministers, commissioners, and consuls ; and that 
 negotiates all the treaties. Of the sixteen Secre- 
 taries of State since the formation of the Constitu- 
 tion, the Slave states have had twelve, the Free 
 states four. 
 
 3. The Judiciary. 
 
 In the Judiciary, the very balance wheel of our 
 government, and which has continually before it 
 the most important questions of which man can 
 take cognizance ; questions of constitutional law ; 
 questions of chartered rights and privileges ; ques- 
 tions involving millions of property; and above 
 all, questions that are to decide the liberty or 
 slavery of man ; here, we say, the preponde- 
 rance of the Slave power is still more alarming. 
 
 First, look at the Districts, and see how une- 
 qually, how unjustly they are divided. Vermont,
 
 ADDRESS. 25 
 
 Connecticut, and New York constitute one District, 
 with one Judge. They have forty-two Repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, and a free population of 
 3,030,826 ; while Alabama and Louisiana, with but 
 eleven Representatives, and with a free population 
 of but 521,183, a little more than one sixth of 
 the former, constitute another District, with another 
 Judge. Then compare, where the comparison 
 comes more home to ourselves. New Jersey and 
 Pennsylvania constitute the third District; Missis- 
 sippi and Arkansas the ninth. The former has 
 twenty-nine Representatives in Congress, and a 
 free population of 2,096,601 ; the latter, but five 
 Representatives in Congress, and but 258,079 of 
 free population. 
 
 Second, look at the manner in which the bench 
 of the Supreme Court of the United States has ever 
 been, and still is constituted. Of the twenty-seven 
 Judges of that Court, since the adoption of the 
 Constitution, the Slave states have had seven- 
 teen, the Free states but ten : and of the eigh- 
 teen Attorneys-General, the number has been against 
 us in the still greater ratio of thirteen to five. 
 Within the last nine years, six appointments have 
 been made to the bench of the Supreme Court, and 
 all these from the Slave states; and that, too, 
 men of Pennsvlvania, when we had within our own 
 domain such men as Binney, and Dallas, and 
 Chauncey, and Sergeant, and Rogers, and Gibson ; 
 men whom we know to be equal to any, and supe-
 
 26 PENNS YL VAN I A 
 
 rior to most of those who now occupy the seats of 
 that high tribunal. Is there not something deep, 
 dark, designing in all this ? Does not the Slave 
 power mean to keep, if it can, a majority of the 
 Judges on their side, to decide their way in all 
 questions involving human liberty? Who, with 
 his eyes open, can for one moment doubt it ? 
 
 4. Speakers of the House. 
 
 But the Slave power is not content with all this. 
 It is determined, if it can, to give its own com- 
 plexion to our national legislation. To this end, it 
 has so managed, generally, that the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives shall be identified with 
 its interests. He it is that appoints all the Com- 
 mittees of the House. These Committees report 
 on the various subjects committed to their charge, 
 and their reports are printed in large numbers, and 
 sent abroad on the wings of the wind, all over the 
 land. Look back, then, into' the history of our 
 national legislation, and you will find that in thirty 
 elections for Speaker of the House of Representa- 
 tives, the Slave states have secured their man 
 twenty-one times, or for forty years ; the Free 
 states, nine times, or for seventeen years. 
 With the exception of Mr. Taylor, of New York, 
 who served three years, the Free states have 
 not given a Speaker to the House since 
 1809. Then go over to the other side of the Capitol, 
 and you will find that of the seventy-six Presidents
 
 ADDRESS. -21 
 
 of the Senate, pro tempore, the Slave states have 
 had sixty, the Free states sixteen. 
 
 But we have neither space nor time, fellow 
 citizens, to take up all the Offices and Departments 
 of our Government, and to comment upon each 
 separately. We will therefore select a few, and 
 place them in a tabular form, comparing the num- 
 ber of those furnished bv the Free states with those 
 furnished by the Slave states, and leave you to 
 make vour own comments. 
 
 
 Free 
 
 states. 
 
 Slaye 
 states. 
 
 Presidents .... 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 Secretaries of State 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 Judges of the Supreme Court . 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 Speakers of the House 
 Presidents of the Senate (j)ro tern.) 
 
 9 
 16 
 
 21 
 
 60 
 
 Attornevs-General . 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 Secretaries of War . 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 „ „ Navy . 
 ,, ,, Treasury 
 Postmasters-General 
 
 8 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 Ministers of all kinds to foreign 
 
 
 
 powers .... 
 
 52 
 
 80 
 
 136 232 
 
 We said that we would leave you to make your 
 own comments. We cannot, however, but remark, 
 that whenever Northern men have been elected or 
 appointed to any of these high offices, Southern
 
 28 PENNS YL VAN I A 
 
 men, whose vigilance is worthy of a better cause, 
 have always been very careful first to see that the 
 persons thus selected have a " fellow feeling " with 
 themselves on the subject of slavery. In i84.i,six 
 persons, all from the slave states, had been 
 nominated to diplomatic stations previous to the 
 nomination of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts 
 to the Court of St. James, and all were confirmed 
 without hesitation ; but his nomination was laid on 
 the table. For what reason ? Because he was 
 unfit for the station ? No ! for no one doubted 
 that in every intellectual qualification he was im- 
 measurably superior to all the rest. But — and 
 mark it well, fellow citizens — because he was 
 thought by the Southern senators not to favor 
 sufficiently their "peculiar institutions;" a soft 
 phrase which they use, we know, for slavery, when 
 conscience, paying thus an involuntary tribute to 
 justice and virtue, would cause the latter term to 
 stick in their throat. At the rejection of such a 
 man, a few Northern editors did, for a time, shake 
 off their mouse-like spirits, and speak out like men. 
 The nomination was at last confirmed, but — and 
 mark this, too — not until some of the Northern 
 friends of Mr. Everett had the meanness so far to 
 cringe to the Slave power, as to send letters to 
 Washing-ton to assure their " Southern friends " 
 that he was not tinctured with " abolition senti- 
 ments." And within this year, of six nominations 
 sent on one day to the Senate of the United States
 
 ADDRESS. 29 
 
 to fill important public stations, five were from the 
 Northern and one from a Southern state ; all from 
 the Free states were rejected, while the one from 
 Virginia was confirmed : though he had been a 
 second in a duel, which, in a moment, made a wife 
 a widow, and a family of children orphans. 
 
 THE SLAVE POWER CONTROLS THE GREAT 
 INTERESTS OF OUR COUNTRY. 
 
 Having thus shown you, fellow citizens, the vast 
 preponderance of the Slave power in all the impor- 
 tant offices of our government, we will now proceed 
 to set before you a few other facts, which prove, 
 conclusively, how it has extended its power and 
 exerted its influence in every possible direction, to 
 the greatest injury of our country's best interests. 
 
 I. The Navy. 
 
 Ever since the glorious act of England in eman- 
 cipating all the slaves in her West India colonies — 
 an act which, from the most happy results that 
 have followed, seems to be held up to the world as 
 a signal example that it is always safe to do right, 
 — the Slave power has been most vigilant in 
 securing a preponderance in the Navy. The 
 " Home Squadron " has been a favourite measure 
 with them, that they might have protection for 
 their infamous coastwise slave trade, as well as pro- 
 tection for their sea coast. A guilty conscience
 
 30 PEJSINS 7LVA NIA 
 
 sees a thousand threatening dangers where an 
 honest man sees none; and the slaveholder seems 
 to have continually flitting before his distempered 
 vision scores of vessels laden with armed free 
 blacks from the West Indies, approaching our 
 Southern shores, to avenge the cause of their 
 brethren in bonds. Hence they have taken special 
 care to have a majority of the officers of the Navy 
 from their own states, and to have the Naval 
 Bureaus at Washington under their own control. 
 
 Of the forty-three officers in the Navy Depart- 
 ment in Washington, thirty-one are from the Slave 
 states, and but twelve from the Free states ; and of 
 all the officers in the Navy, whether in actual ser- 
 vice or waiting orders, Pennsylvania, with a free 
 population more than double that of Virginia, has 
 but one hundred and seventy-seven, while Virginia 
 has two hundred and twenty -four. The late Secre- 
 tary of the Navy, Judge Upshur, in the first year 
 of his office, appointed thirty-two midshipmen, of 
 whom fifteen were taken from Virginia, and the 
 other seventeen from Maryland, Delaware, and the 
 District. — We might extend this train of remark 
 to a great extent, but we have not space. The facts, 
 however, show the deep, well-laid design of the 
 Slave power to be, to secure the services of the 
 Navy for the defence of Slavery, and, in the event 
 of a war, to secure the possession of the Navy 
 
 itself. 
 
 Look, now, fellow citizens, at the appropriations
 
 ADDRESS. 31 
 
 for the fiscal year ending June, 1844. They are 
 — for the Army, more than two millions ; for the 
 Fortifications, &c, more than four millions; for 
 the Navy, more than eight millions, and for the 
 Peace establishment, not quite seven millions of 
 dollars. Here, in a time of profound tranquillity, 
 the expenses for war are more than double those 
 for peace. 
 
 But why so much, you may ask, for the Navy ? 
 We will tell you. The " Home Squadron " is to 
 consist, this year, of sixteen vessels. Yes, 
 fellow citizens, to protect our own coasts, an esta- 
 blishment is to be kept up of three frigates, six 
 sloops, two steamers, and five brigs and schooners. 
 Do you ask the reason of all this array of 
 military force ? Let the late Judge Upshur, the 
 Secretary of the Navy, himself from Virginia, 
 answer. In his late Report he speaks of " those 
 incursions from which so much evil is to be appre- 
 hended." A£ain ; " The effect of these incursions, 
 on the Southern portion of our country, would be 
 disastrous in the extreme." And again : " The 
 Soutliern naval stations, more especially, re- 
 quire a large force for their security. A large 
 number of arms is kept in each of them, which, by 
 a sudden irruption of the class of people who are 
 not citizens, might be seized and used for very 
 disastrous purposes." 
 
 Here, fellow citizens, you have the whole of it. 
 Here you see that we of the Free states are to be
 
 32 P EXITS YL VA XI A 
 
 taxed to an enormous amount, and that the power 
 of the General Government is to be used, to keep 
 the slaves of the Southern states from insurrection ! 
 The question will not now, we think, be asked by 
 vou — " What has the North to do with Slavery?" 
 
 2. The Post Office. 
 
 Scarcely any one of the great elements of modern 
 civilization is productive of more happy results to 
 a country than the post office system, when pro- 
 perly conducted ; that system by which a Govern- 
 ment takes upon itself the obligation to give to its 
 subjects or citizens the power of communicating 
 one with another, at any distance, throughout its 
 whole domain. But that this system may do the 
 most good, two things are essential ; namely, 
 security and cheapness. The farmer, or the 
 merchant, or the tradesman, who wishes to learn 
 the state of the markets — the mechanic or laborer, 
 who desires to know the rate of wages — the friend, 
 who is anxious to hear of the welfare of a friend, 
 from whom he has long been parted — the mother or 
 the father, who wishes to hear from an absent child 
 — the emigrant, who has left the home of his youth, 
 and gone out into the far West, but who yet wishes 
 to o-ain frequent tidings from that spot he has left 
 behind, so dear to his memory ; — all these should 
 be able to communicate with each other, freely and 
 safely, indeed, but cheaply. The greatest, 
 
 THE STRONGEST CEMENT OF OUR UNION, WOULD
 
 ADDRESS. 33 
 
 BE A CHEAP HATE OF POSTAGE. In Great 
 
 Britain, a Monarchy, a friend can send a letter to 
 a friend to any part of the kingdom for two 
 cents ; while in republican America it -would cost 
 him, in most cases, from six to twelve times that 
 sum. . 
 
 Now, fellow citizens, let us tell you that the 
 great obstacle to a safe and cheap postage is the 
 Slave power. In 1835, Amos Kendall, the 
 Postmaster General, to please the citizens of 
 Charleston, South Carolina, wrote to the Post- 
 master there, " So far as I can prevent it no anti- 
 slavery pamphlets or papers shall be circulated 
 through the public mails ; ' and the citizens of 
 that city met, and passed a series of resolutions, in 
 which thev declared themselves determined to 
 resist, by force, any attempt to send through the 
 mail what they termed " incendiary pamphlets ; ' : 
 and actually opened a number of letters, and 
 burnt a large number of papers and pamphlets! I 
 But this is not all. In the same year the Post- 
 master of New York " assumed the responsibility" 
 of suppressing such papers as he thought proper, 
 and of refusing the mail to such citizens as had 
 sent to him some copies of the Anti-Slavery 
 Reporter; and in the year 1838, a large number 
 of the " Baltimore Religious Magazine/' con- 
 taining an article on " Bible Slavery," which did 
 not please the slavebreeders of Petersburg, Vir- 
 ginia, were taken from the Post Office, and burnt 
 
 c
 
 34 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 in the street, in the presence, and by direction of 
 the Mayor and Recorder ! ! Such outrageous 
 violations of the Constitution need no comment. 
 
 You thus see, fellow citizens, how the Slave 
 power tramples on the sac?*edness of the mail. We 
 will now show you by figures how and why the 
 same power has thus far opposed, and successfully 
 opposed, all reduction of our present enormous 
 rates of postage. 
 
 According to the last report of the Postmaster 
 General, the excess of revenue over the expenditure 
 in the Free states is 552,066 dollars ; while the ex- 
 cess of expenditure over the revenue in the Slave 
 states is 545,262 dollars ; that is, while the Free 
 states are a gain to the department of more than half 
 a million of dollars, the Slave states are a loss to 
 the department of over half a million of dollars ; in 
 other words, Northern freemen pay the postage of 
 Southern slaveholders. Compare our own state, 
 fellow citizens, with Virginia, and the contrast is 
 still more striking'. In Pennsvlvania the excess of 
 the revenue over the expenditure is 147,409 dol- 
 lars ; in Virginia the excess of expenditure over the 
 revenue is 50,777 dollars; so that our citizens, 
 besides paying our own postage, pay the postages 
 of Virginia, and then have enough to make up the 
 deficiencies of Maryland, South Carolina, and 
 Mississippi. No wonder the Slave power has 
 opposed all reduction of rates. The present system 
 suits them exactly. And what do we get in return
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 for thus paying their postage? We have told 
 
 you. We have our letters opened and our papers 
 
 bu?*}it. 
 
 3. Public Lands. 
 
 Whenever there is to be any distribution of 
 money, fellow citizens, the slaveholders always 
 manage to get the " lion's share." This they did 
 in the " Distribution Bill," which was passed in 
 1 84 1, to distribute the proceeds of the public- 
 lands among the several states. They secured 
 their object by having the distribution based upon 
 " federal numbers," that is, according to their re- 
 presentation in Congress, where three-fifths of the 
 slaves are represented, and not according to free 
 population. Supposing the proceeds of the public 
 lands to be three millions of dollars, Pennsylvania, 
 with a free population more than double that of 
 Virginia by 142,349, instead of receiving more 
 than double the amount, will receive 74,521 dol- 
 lars less ; and with a free population equal to that 
 of Maryland, Virginia and North Carolina, received 
 94,330 dollars less. Had our Representatives in 
 Congress had any just sense of what is due to the 
 dignity, the honor, and the interests of their own 
 state, thev would have withstood, to the very last, 
 a bill so grossly and palpably unjust. And let us 
 tell you, fellow citizens, that you never will have 
 Representatives in Congress of the right character 
 until you make an effort to elect them. To secure 
 
 w 
 
 the end, you must adopt the means.
 
 36 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 4. Surplus Revenue. 
 Of the same character was the Bill passed in 
 1836, to distribute the surplus revenue in the 
 Treasury of the United States among the several 
 states. The Secretary of the Treasury calculated 
 that there would be twentv-two millions of dollars 
 
 ■ 
 
 to be distributed, and that, too, in the words of the 
 Bill, " in proportion to the representation of the 
 states in the Senate and House of Representatives." 
 Bv this method of distribution the Slave states, with 
 3,789,674 free inhabitants, received 9,428,580 dol- 
 lars, while the Free states, with 7,003,239 free in- 
 habitants, received but 12,571,420 dollars. Had 
 our states received in proportion to our number of 
 free inhabitants, instead of twelve millions and a 
 half, we should have received eighteen millions. 
 The state of Virginia received 1,721,090 dollars; 
 Pennsylvania, 2,244,900 dollars ; but had the whole 
 amount of surplus revenue been proportioned as it 
 shouldhavebeen, we should have received 3,1 25,927 
 dollars, or nearly one million more. Or, to place the 
 injustice of this measure in a still broader light, a 
 Virginia slaveholder, with an hundred slaves, re- 
 ceives as much as sixty-one freemen of Penn- 
 sylvania. We need make no further comments, 
 fellow citizens, on a Bill so palpably unjust. 
 
 5. Ratio of Representation. 
 Immediatelv after the last Census of the United 
 
 w 
 
 States had been taken, it became the duty of Con-
 
 ADDRESS. 37 
 
 gress to fix a new ratio for Representation. The 
 subject was before the House of Representatives 
 for a long time, and a variety of numbers were 
 proposed that should be entitled to one Repre- 
 sentative. At last thev agreed that there should 
 be one for every 50,189, which would have given 
 306 members to the House ; and they sent the Bill 
 to the Senate. That body, however, which, of the 
 two, has ever been most subservient to the Slave 
 power, saw that this would not do. They saw 
 that this Bill would give the Free states a majority 
 of 68 in the House. They knew, indeed, that 
 our states must have, in any case, a majority ; but 
 thev also knew that thev could better manage and 
 break down a small majority than a large one, and 
 immediately they set themselves to work to see 
 how they could weaken us the most. They, 
 therefore, sent back to the House a Bill, giving 
 one Representative to every 70,680 of federal 
 population, and which would reduce the House 
 from its then number, 242 members, to 223 ; and 
 give the Free states a majority of 47 instead of 68. 
 But why that odd number 680 ? We will tell you, 
 fellow citizens. It deprives the four great states of 
 the North, namely, Massachusetts, New York, 
 Pennsylvania, and Ohio of one member each. 
 Take that number off, and let it be 70,000, and 
 all the other states would have precisely the same 
 number of Representatives. It would injure no 
 one to take off the 680 ; but put it on, and it gives
 
 3 8 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 to the great states we have mentioned one Repre- 
 sentative less. 
 
 And then, too, look at the fractions unrepre- 
 sented. While all the Slave states have but 
 140.092, the Free states have 218,678, a differ- 
 ence of 78,586. The fraction of Virginia is 2, 
 that of Pennsylvania is 27,687, besides that she 
 is deprived of one member in the House. And 
 the House, to their shame be it said, concurred in 
 this Bill, so clearly and designedly lessening their 
 influence. Even the correspondent of the " New 
 York Herald" could thus write at the time: — 
 " The Senate Apportionment has robbed the North 
 of at least one quarter of its practical influence in 
 the Union when regarded in its full extent; and 
 the members of the Free states who voted for it 
 have thus yielded and surrendered the rights of 
 their constituents, and violated their trusts." 
 
 THE SLAVE POWER THE CHIEF CAUSE OF 
 OUR FINANCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS ; OR, IN 
 PLAINER WORDS, OF " HARD TIMES." 
 
 I . By controlling things abroad. 
 
 If you will take the pains, fellow citizens, to look 
 into our commercial treaties with foreign nations, 
 you will find that the great majority of them are 
 made with reference to the products of Slave labor. 
 All our ambassadors to foreign courts have ever
 
 ADDRESS. 39 
 
 been particularly instructed in this respect. The 
 cry has been continually, cotton, cotton ; tobacco, 
 tobacco ; rice, rice. For very many years after 
 the formation of our government, wheat and flour, 
 the products of the Free states, constituted the 
 chief articles of our export. We hardly need tell 
 you that these were years of unexampled prosperity 
 to our country. But in later times, and particu- 
 larly since the signal overthrow of the friends of 
 freedom in the Missouri struggle, down to that 
 ever-to-be-remembered and disgraceful letter of 
 instructions, written by Daniel Webster to Mr. 
 Everett, at London, respecting the slaves ship- 
 wrecked in the Creole, the Slave power, by uniting 
 with one or the other of the two great parties of 
 the North, has managed so adroitly, by securing 
 all the important offices of the Government to 
 itself, that the foreign markets for free labor pro- 
 duce have been growing less and less, and those for 
 the products of slave labor have been constantly 
 enlarging. We have seen England, France, Austria, 
 and Russia, one after another, induced, by the 
 incessant persuasions of our General Government, 
 to modify or remove their onerous duties on 
 cotton and tobacco ; while not an effort has 
 been made to induce England to alter her corn- 
 laws ; or to persuade France, or any other 
 European power so to modify their tariffs, as to 
 favor the importation, into those countries, of the
 
 PENNSYL TAX I A 
 
 wheat, the provisions.* the product* of the 
 
 beiies, the forests, and the mines, or any of the 
 
 - rious manufactures from the Free states ol the 
 Norm 01 the West 
 
 2. B, controlling things at home. 
 
 Here, fellow us, ire have to speak of a 
 
 subject, which we have all. within the last ten 
 
 us, more or less severely felt — the influence of 
 
 the Slave power in producing our embarrassments 
 
 _:..:: :e, in agriculture, and in all the arts and 
 
 employments of life. Looking always with a most 
 
 jealou- m the prosperity of the North, and 
 
 knowing that, vrith the indomitable energies of 
 
 free labor, it can adapt itself to almost any system, 
 
 - -. the i of the Slave 
 
 .. - ". rerl n chat lg . . :. .:- JR. 
 
 Very man ars ago foreign commerce found 
 
 no tavor in its eves, but d mestic manufactures 
 
 * * 
 
 re loudlv called for. Well, domestic manufac- 
 tures were e? I -.. I. But scarcely had the 
 North begun to put forth its giant strength in 
 tr.v:::. vr ";-.--.; the South felt that it- locks must be 
 
 - inded a return to free trade, under 
 
 the thi sal of dissolving the Union, unless this 
 demand implied with. All the changes 
 
 that hav \ :n made in the tariff that have ope- 
 
 Ingland has lately made some alteration in her tariff 
 as regards ** provisions ; " but no thanks to the powers at
 
 ADDRESS. 41 
 
 rated unfriendly to Northern interests, (and such 
 changes have taken place every few years,) have 
 been made by the South ; and " the great compro- 
 miser," Henry Clay, has always managed to 
 "compromise" but one way — against free, and 
 for slave labor. 
 
 But, above all, look at the enormous losses which 
 the North has sustained from its Southern trade, 
 It has found, by its own sad experience, that there 
 is more than one " Grand Gulf" at the South; 
 that the whole South is but one Grand Gulf, 
 constantly calling for and swallowing up the 
 free capital of the Free states. This, the failure 
 of the U. S. Bank; this, the losses of thousands of 
 merchants, and manufacturers, and mechanics 
 throughout our Free states, affecting everywhere 
 so injuriously the great farming interests, most 
 conclusively prove. 
 
 It is computed that the Slave states owe the 
 Free states, at the lowest estimate, THREE 
 HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS; 
 while some have reckoned it as high as four 
 
 HUNDRED AND FIFTY MILLIONS. In 1837, New 
 
 York and other cities of the North and East, lost 
 ONE hundred millions of dollars in Southern 
 debts. In 1838, Maryland, Virginia, and Ken- 
 tucky lost eighty millions of dollars, because 
 Mississippi, that "chivalrous" state, refused to 
 pay for the slaves she had illegally imported. 
 But this loss fell ultimately on the Free states,
 
 42 P ENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 who received in payment for the debts due to 
 them from the slave selling states, paper endorsed 
 by the banks of the slave buying states — the 
 banks at Mobile, Vicksburg, Grand Gulf, and 
 New Orleans. 
 
 And now, fellow citizens, let us come home to 
 ourselves. You all remember, too well, the 
 fall of the United States Bank, and the other 
 banks in Philadelphia, a few years ago ; and how 
 many banks in the interior, by having more or 
 less of the stock and other obligations of these 
 institutions, were materially crippled. And you 
 remember, too, the utter failure of many of our 
 best merchants ; and the great, though not de- 
 structive, losses of many more. Why, and whence 
 all this ? We will tell you, — connections with the 
 Slaveholding states, by speculations in cotton, by 
 giving long credits to Southern merchants for 
 goods, and by purchasing the stocks of their banks, 
 and railroads, and other companies, to enormous 
 amounts. The United States Bank has now due 
 to it from the Slave states debts to the amount of 
 at least twenty millions of dollars ; and the 
 merchants of Philadelphia, including all who pur- 
 chased Southern stocks, lost from the year 1834 
 to 1839, at the lowest estimate, thirty millions 
 OF DOLLARS, in the Slave states, of which they 
 will never receive one cent. 
 
 Here, then, we have an amount of fifty 
 MILLIONS OF DOLLARS utterly sunk. The dis-
 
 ADDRESS. 43 
 
 tress which these losses occasioned, you all, fellow 
 citizens, well know ; and many, too many, of you 
 most deeply feel. How many a person in the 
 decline of life, who had retired from business, how 
 many an orphan, how many a widow, had their 
 all laid up in that mammoth institution, in the 
 fullest assurance that it would yield them a sure 
 and regular return while life should last. And at 
 its fall, how much sorrow, how much distress, how 
 much real, bitter, pinching poverty did it bring 
 with it. How many a hearth was made cold and 
 cheerless, how many a mansion made desolate, 
 how many were thrown upon the cold charities of 
 the world. Nor were the losses confined to 
 Philadelphia. By no means. They reached every 
 corner of the State — every log house beyond the 
 mountains. Can fifty millions of dollars 
 be sunk in a city, the great emporium of trade and 
 commerce — the great receiver and distributor of 
 the products of labor, and the loss not be felt 
 along every road, and highway and canal that 
 leads to it ? Can a central, vital function of the 
 body be diseased, and the derangement not be felt 
 throughout every vein and artery of the system ? 
 Impossible. 
 
 OUR OBJECT. 
 
 And now, fellow citizens, you may ask, what is 
 our object in thus exhibiting to you the alarming 
 influence of the Slave power ? Do we wish to
 
 44 PEJntS YL YA NIA 
 
 excite in your bosoms feelings of hatred against 
 citizens of a common country? Do we wish to 
 array the Free states against the Slave states in 
 hostile strife? NO, fellow citizens, NO, NO. 
 But we wish to show you that, while the Slave 
 states are inferior to us in free population, having 
 not even one half of ours ; inferior in morals, 
 being the region of bowie knives and duels, of 
 assassinations and lynch law : inferior in mental 
 attainments, having 1 not one-fourth of the number 
 that can read and write ; inferior in intelligence,* 
 having not one-fifth of the number of literary and 
 scientific periodicals ; inferior in the products of 
 agriculture and manufactures, of the mines, of the 
 fisheries, and of the forest ; inferior, in short, in 
 everything that constitutes the wealth, the honor, 
 the dignity, the stability, the happiness, the true 
 greatness of a nation, it is wrong, it is unjust, it is 
 absurd, that they should have an influence in all 
 the departments of government so entirely dispro- 
 portionate to our own. We would arouse you to 
 your own true interests. We would have you, 
 like men, firmly resolved to maintain your own 
 rights. We would have you say to the South, — 
 
 * And here, in this connection, we would remark, that if 
 Northern freemen had a proper sense of their own dignity 
 and rights, they would say to every editor of a newspaper or 
 magazine, who cringes to the Slave power, if you choose 
 rather to favor that region so devoid of intelligence, to that 
 region go; and we will support those journals that "know 
 their rights, and knowing dare maintain."
 
 ADDRESS. 45 
 
 if von choose to bus: to vour bosom that system 
 which is continually injuring and impoverishing 
 vou ; that svstem which reduces two millions and 
 a half of native Americans in your midst to the 
 most abject condition of ignorance and vice, with- 
 holding from them the very key of knowledge ; 
 that system which is at war with every principle 
 of justice, every feeling of humanity; that system 
 which makes man the property of man, and per- 
 petuates that relation from one generation to 
 another; that system which tramples, continually, 
 upon a majority of the commandments of the 
 Decalogue ; that system which could not live a 
 day if it did not give one party supreme control 
 over the persons, the health, the liberty, the 
 happiness, the marriage relations, the parental 
 authority and filial obligations of the other ; if 
 vou choose to cling; to such a svstem — cling; to it ; 
 but vou shall not cross our line ; you shall not 
 bring: that foul thing; here. We know, and we 
 here repeat it for the thousandth time, to meet, for 
 the thousandth time, the calumnies of our enemies, 
 that while we may present to you every considera- 
 tion of duty, we have no right, as well as no 
 power, to alter your State laws. But remember, 
 that slavery is the mere creature of local or statute 
 law, and cannot exist out of the region where such 
 law has force. " It is so odious" savs Lord 
 Mansfield," that nothing can be suffered to support 
 it but positive law."
 
 46 PENNS YL VAN I A 
 
 We would, therefore, say to you again, in the 
 strength of that Constitution under which we live, 
 and which no where countenances slavery, you 
 shall not bring that foul thing here. You shall 
 
 CD O 
 
 not force the corrupted, and corrupting blood of 
 that system into every vein and artery of our body 
 politic. You shall not have the controlling power 
 in all the departments of our government at home 
 and abroad. You shall not so negotiate with 
 foreign powers, as to open markets for the products 
 of slave labor alone. You shall not so manage 
 things at home, as every few years to bring bank- 
 ruptcy upon our country. You shall not, in the 
 apportionment of public moneys, have what you 
 call your " property" represented, and thus get that 
 which, by no right, belongs to you. You shall 
 not have the power to bring your slaves upon our 
 free soil, and take them away at pleasure ; nor to 
 reclaim them, when they, panting for liberty, have 
 been able to escape your grasp ; for we would have 
 it said of us, as the eloquent Curran said of Britain, 
 the moment the slave touches our soil, " The ground 
 on which he stands is holy, and consecrated to 
 the Genius of Universal Emancipation." 
 Thus, fellow citizens, we come to 
 
 THE GREAT OBJECT OF THE LIBERTY PARTY. 
 It is, in the words of the Constitution, " to 
 
 ESTABLISH JUSTICE ; TO SECURE THE BLESSINGS 
 OF LIBERTY." It is, ABSOLUTE AND UNQUALI-
 
 ADDRESS. 47 
 
 FIED DIVORCE OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT 
 FROM ALL CONNECTION WITH SLAVERY ; and we 
 
 would, therefore, here utter our solemn protest 
 against the nefarious doctrine avowed bv Henry 
 Clay, in the Senate of the United States, in 
 January, 1839, that " this Government is bound 
 to protect the domestic slave trade." We would 
 say, in the eloquent language of that noble son of 
 freedom, Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, " Let the 
 whole North in a mass, in conjunction with the pat- 
 riotic of the South, withdraw the moral sanction and 
 legal power of the Union from the sustainment of 
 slavery." We would employ every constitu- 
 tional means to eradicate it from our entire country, 
 because it would be for the highest welfare of our 
 entire country. We would have liberty established 
 in the District, and in all the Territories. We 
 would put a stop to the internal slave trade, pro- 
 nounced, even by Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of 
 Virginia, to be " worse and more odious than the 
 foreign slave trade itself." We would, in the 
 words of the Constitution, have " the citizens of 
 each state have all the privileges and immunities 
 of citizens in the several states ;" and not, for the 
 color of their skin, be subjected to every indignity, 
 and abuse, and wrong, and even imprisonment.* 
 
 * Read the memorial of citizens of Boston to the House of 
 Representatives, on the imprisonment of free citizens of Mas- 
 sachusetts by the authorities of Savannah, Charleston, and 
 New Orleans.
 
 48 PENJS T S YL VA NIA 
 
 We would have equal taxation. We would have 
 the seas free. We would have a free and secure 
 post office. We would have liberty of speech and 
 of the press, which the Constitution guarantees to 
 us. We would have our members in Congress 
 utter their thoughts freely, without threats from 
 the pistol or the bowie knife. We would have the 
 right of petition most sacredly regarded. We 
 would secure to every man what the Constitution 
 secures, " the right of trial by jury." We would 
 do what we can for the encouragement and improve- 
 ment of the colored race, and restore to them 
 that inestimable right of which they have been so 
 meanly, as well as unjustly, deprived — the right 
 of suffrage. We would look to the best interests 
 of the country, and the whole country, and not legis- 
 late for the good of an Oligarchy, the most arro- 
 gant that ever lorded it over an insulted people.* 
 We would have our commercial treaties with foreign 
 nations regard the interests of the Free states. 
 We would provide safe, adequate, and permanent 
 markets for the produce of free labor. And, 
 when reproached with slavery, we would be able 
 to say to the world, with an open front and a clear 
 conscience, our General Government has nothing 
 
 * The slaveholders, at most, do not number over 250,000 ; 
 not so many as there are inhabitants in the city and districts 
 of Philadelphia. How humiliating that such a set of men 
 should govern such a counti'y.
 
 J-. 
 
 iDDRESS. 49 
 
 to do with it, either to promote, to sustain, to 
 defend, to sanction, or to approve. 
 
 Thus, fellow citizens, you see our objects. You 
 may now ask, by what means we hope to attain 
 them. We answer, by 
 
 POLITICAL ACTION. 
 
 What is political action ? It is, acting in a 
 manner appropriate to those objects which we wish 
 to secure through the agency of the different 
 departments of Government. He, for instance, 
 who desires Congress to charter a national bank, 
 or to pass a highly restrictive tariff, will do what 
 he can to send to Congress such men as are known 
 to be favorable to those objects. So he who is 
 interested for the freedom of millions of the human 
 race; who desires that our general government 
 may be entirely divorced from all connection with 
 slavery ; who wishes to see our country governed 
 by "just men," will, if consistent, adopt measures 
 appropriate to secure such ends. What are those 
 measures ? There is but one answer. The only 
 way in which he can act constitutionally, is to go 
 to the ballot-box, and there, silently and unostenta- 
 tiously, deposit a vote for such men as will do 
 what they can to carry out those principles which 
 he has so much at heart. This is political 
 action, or action in political affairs ; and is as 
 pure, in itself, as action in domestic, or mercantile, 
 or ecclesiastical affairs. We grant that not the 
 
 D
 
 50 PEflffiS YLVA NIA 
 
 purest associations have been connected with the 
 phrase, because good men have too often stood 
 aloof from political action, and have left the great 
 affairs of government to be managed by not the 
 most worthy ; — by those who make politics a sort of 
 
 trade. 
 
 But we now, fellow citizens, propose to you a 
 sort of political action in which you may most 
 ardently engage without being soiled. It is the 
 same political action which was enjoined more than 
 three thousand years ago. " Moreover thou shalt 
 provide out of all the people able men, such as fear 
 God, men of truth, hating covetousness, and place 
 such men over them to be rulers." * This, fellow 
 citizens, we have done, and this we ever intend to 
 do; and in this action we now invite your aid. 
 
 In saying this, we do not intend to underrate 
 moral suasion. Far, very far, from it. None can 
 value it more highly. We are always using it, and 
 we hope ever to use it till slavery is overthrown. 
 Moral power is, indeed, the great power. But as 
 in most other cases, so here, this power must have 
 a lever which it can grasp and wield, in order to 
 be effectual. That lever is Political Action. 
 Why ? Plainly, because Slavery is the creature of 
 " political action," and how else than by " political 
 action" can it be abolished? The laws that sus- 
 tain slavery are not the laws of God, but in total 
 
 * Exodus xviii. 21.
 
 ADDRESS. 51 
 
 violation of His laws. Neither did thev make 
 themselves ; and the} 7 cannot annul themselves. 
 They were made by men, and by men only can 
 they be repealed. But they were made by selfish, 
 unjust men ; by men regardless of the rights of 
 their fellow-men. They must therefore be repealed 
 by men of a character totally different : by men 
 who regard justice and equal rights : by men who 
 have no sympathy with the proud oppressor: by 
 men who will dare to do right ; who will meet any 
 obloquy, and face any danger in the course where 
 duty leads. And how are such men to be placed 
 in office ? We answer, of course, by votes, 
 fellow citizens. There is no other constitutional 
 way. The case is as clear as any axiom in mathe- 
 matics. 
 
 We ask, then, how can any good man — any true 
 friend of his country's best interests — any lover of 
 justice and humanity — for a moment doubt what 
 his duty herein is? Will he withdraw from all 
 action in the questions c^ the deepest public inte- 
 rest, and leave everything to be managed by those 
 who make politics a trade ? And if he makes no 
 effort, in the way the Constitution provides, to 
 remedy great evils, with what face, we ask, can he 
 complain of the continuance of those evils ? But 
 you may ask why we adopt a 
 
 SEPARATE ORGANIZATION. 
 
 We answer, because we believe this to be the 
 
 0< 
 
 #V" 
 
 *«*%** 
 V
 
 52 PEXNS TL VAN I A 
 
 only effectual mode to accomplish our object. For 
 years arid years we tried both the two great poli- 
 tical parties ; but all in vain. Henry Clay himself 
 said in the U. S. Senate, " It is not true, and I 
 rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two 
 great parties in this country has any design or aim 
 at abolition. I should deeply lament if it were 
 true." Of the great number of candidates, there- 
 fore, whom we would question as to their views in 
 relation to our great objects, some would not 
 answer at all ; some would answer in a manner 
 insulting to our feelings ; and some would answer, 
 like the oracle at Delphi, as profound as unmeaning. 
 A verv few would answer favorablv to secure our 
 votes, and then, after they were elected by our 
 votes, would turn around and laugh at our credu- 
 lity. A sense of what is due to ourselves and to 
 the best good of our country, has compelled us, 
 therefore, to the course we have taken. 
 
 At the approaching election, fellow citizens, you 
 will have before you the candidates of three parties, 
 from which vou are to choose. The candidate of 
 the Whig party for the Presidency is 
 
 HENRY CLAY. 
 
 It is painful to us, fellow citizens, at any time, to 
 speak against the character of any one. But in a 
 case like this, when most unworthy candidates are 
 presented for your suffrage by two of the parties,
 
 ADDRESS. 53 
 
 feeling must yield to duty, and we must tell you 
 why they are unworthy of your confidence. 
 
 There are some features of the moral character 
 of Hexry Clay which we have not the least desire 
 to discuss. From the time that he first entered 
 upon public life at Washington, until within a very 
 few years, unless common fame has done him the 
 grossest injustice, his moral character could not but 
 meet the reprobation of every good man. Had he 
 given any evidence of sincere repentance, we would 
 be the last even to allude to these things. That he 
 is utterly unworthy of the suffrages of the friends 
 of liberty, however, we need hardly tell you. That 
 a man who will say in a speech before the Coloni- 
 zation Society, that he is utterly opposed to all 
 emancipation of the slaves, either " immediate or 
 gradual, without their removal ;" that a man who 
 exerted all his influence for the admission of Mis- 
 souri into the Union, as a slave state ;* that a man 
 who declared in the Senate of the United States, 
 February 9, 1839, that "that is property which 
 the law declares to be property " — " that two hun- 
 
 * As if the deed itself was not bad enough, he must add to 
 its wickedness, the wickedness of violating the Fourth Com- 
 mandment. " It was in this very Chamber, Senator Holmes, 
 of Maine, presiding in a committee of the Senate, and I in a 
 committee of twenty -four of the House of Representatives, on 
 a Sabbath day, that the terms were adjusted by which the 
 Missouri compromise was effected." Speech, Feb. 23, 1835. 
 In his recent Southern tour, he has been guilty of the same 
 sin to a most shameless extent.
 
 54 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 dred vears of legislation have sanctified negro 
 slaves as property ;" who, in the same speech, 
 pronounced the opinion of Madison, that " man 
 cannot hold property in man," to be a " visionary 
 dogma;" and who had the awful blasphemy to 
 compare men, held as slaves, with other " live 
 stock ;" that such a man has no claims to a free- 
 man's vote we need, certainly, take no pains to 
 prove. 
 
 But that which should render Henry Clay 
 still more odious, if possible, in the eyes of every 
 good man, is the fact that HE IS THE GREAT 
 DUELLIST OF THE LAND. The first affair 
 of murder in which he was engaged was with 
 Colonel Daviess, of Kentucky, in 1805. A chal- 
 lenge was given and accepted, and both parties 
 were proceeding to the work of death, when the 
 seconds brought about a reconciliation. His mur- 
 derous intention, however, remained. The second 
 duel was with Humphrey Marshall, also of Ken- 
 tucky, in 1808. They exchanged shots three 
 times, and both parties were slightly wounded, 
 when thev declared themselves " satisfied." The 
 third duel was with John Randolph, then Senator 
 from Virginia, when Mr. Clay was Secretary of 
 State under John Quincy Adams. At the second 
 shot Mr. Clay's ball passed through Mr. Ran- 
 dolph's dress, when both parties declared a cessa- 
 tion of hostilities. In these instances, indeed, he 
 did not kill his antagonists ; not, however, from
 
 ADDRESS. do 
 
 want of intention, but from want of skill. But the 
 fourth affair of murder, in which Mr. Clay has 
 been engaged, is that which ought to stamp his 
 name with lasting infamv ; for it was he that 
 penned the challenge, and arranged the terms of 
 that fatal duel which, in February, 1838, sent 
 Jonathan Ciller, a member of Congress from the 
 State of Maine, to his grave. Mr. Wise, in his 
 place in Congress, declared, that Henry Clay 
 " governed all the preliminaries" of that murderous 
 affray ; that he (Mr. Wise) " protested against the 
 language of the challenge, which closed the door to 
 an adjustment of the difficulty, but was over-ruled 
 by Jlr. Clay ;" and that, " had the principals and 
 the two seconds been free to act in this matter, not 
 a shot would have been fired."* His hands, there- 
 fore, are stained with the blood of the murdered 
 Cillev, and all the waters of the ocean cannot wash 
 it out. Lastly, as late as 1841, he showed as much 
 eagerness for murder as ever 5 for when, after that 
 bitter war of words between himself and Mr. King, 
 of Alabama, in the U. S. Senate, Mr. Clay pro- 
 nouncing what Mr. King had said to be " unjust, 
 false, and cowardly," intending thereby to provoke 
 a challenge, that he might have the choice of 
 weapons, Dr. Linn, of Missouri, handed a note to 
 Mr. Clay, the latter said, before opening it, in tones 
 
 * See Globe and National Intelligencer of January 29, 
 i8|2, and Pennsylvanian of January 31, 1842.
 
 56 PENNS TL VA NIA 
 
 of most embittered rage, "a challenge, I suppose; 
 I ACCEPT IT ;" thus showing that age had not 
 cooled his ardor for the work of death. 
 
 Thus, fellow citizens, you have before vou the 
 candidate of the Whig party for the Presidency. 
 The law of Pennsylvania, passed March 31, 1806, 
 reads thus: " Any person fighting a duel, challeng- 
 ing, or accepting a challenge, shall pay the sum of 
 500 dollars, and suffer one year's imprisonment 
 at hard labor, in the same manner as convicted 
 felons are now punished/' You therefore see, that, 
 had Henry Clay been tried by our laws, he would, 
 at three several times, have been sent to our Peni- 
 tentiary. 
 
 We now ask vou to listen to the warnings of 
 some of the wisest and best men in our land. Savs 
 the distinguished Dr. Beecher, in a sermon deliv- 
 ered about two vears after Hamilton was murdered 
 by Aaron Burr, — 
 
 " The inconsistency of voting for a duellist is glaring. To 
 profess attachment for liberty, and vote for a man whose 
 principles and practice are alike hostile to liberty, is a farce 
 too ridiculous to be acted by freemen. 
 
 " In our prayers we request that God would bestow upon 
 us good rulers ; ' just men, walking in the fear of God.' But 
 bv voting for the duellist we demonstrate the insincerity of 
 such prayers. 
 
 " But you may say, if I do not vote for the man on my side, 
 will not this be helping his antagonist, and will not this be as 
 bad as if I voted directly ? No . . It is certainly a different 
 thing whether a vile man comes into power by your ageney, 
 or en spite of it. But suppose the duelhst in all respects,
 
 ADDRESS. 57 
 
 excepting this crime, is a better man than his opponent ; of 
 two evils may we not choose the least ? Yes, of two natural 
 evils you may ; if you must lose a finger or an arm, cut off 
 the finger ; but of two sinful things you may choose neither, 
 and therefore you may not vote for one bad man, a mur- 
 derer, to keep out another bad man. It is ' to do evil that 
 good may come,' and of all who do this, the Apostle declares 
 ' their damnation is just.' 
 
 " And now let me ask you, in conclusion, will you any 
 longer, either deliberately or thoughtlessly, vote for these 
 guilty men ? Will you renounce allegiance to your Maker, 
 and cast the Bible behind your back ? Will you confide in 
 men void of the fear of God, and destitute of moral principle? 
 Will you intrust LIFE to MURDERERS and LIBERTY 
 to DESPOTS ? Will you bestow your suffrage, when you know 
 that, by withholding it, ycu may arrest this deadly evil — when 
 the remedy is so easy, so entirely in your power 5 and when 
 God, if you do not punish these guilty men, will most inevi- 
 tably punish you ? " 
 
 Says Dr. Sprague, of Albany, in a sermon 
 preached after Cilley was murdered by Graves, — 
 
 " Let every citizen, when he goes to the ballot-box, in- 
 quire whether it will be safe to put his dearest interests into 
 the keeping of a murderer ; and let him resolve, as he would 
 keep a conscience void of offence, that no man who gives or 
 accepts a challenge, shall ever have his vote." 
 
 With reference to the assertion often made, that 
 " we must choose the least of two evils," Dr. Bush- 
 nell, of Hartford, thus most solemnly exclaims : — 
 
 " Merciful God ! has it come to this, that in choosing: rulers, 
 we are simply to choose whether the nation shall be governed 
 by seven devils or ten ? Is this the alternative offered to our 
 consciences and our liberties ? There never was a maxim 
 more corrupt, more totally bereft of principle, than this — that 
 between bad men,you are to choose the least wicked of the two."
 
 58 PERNS YL VA NIA 
 
 What now, fellow citizens, shall be thought of 
 those who, within a few weeks, have been running, 
 in thousands, to hear the harangues of GRAVES 
 the MURDERER, and who would elevate to the 
 Presidency THE GREAT DUELLIST OF 
 THE LAND? 
 
 The candidate of the Democratic party is 
 
 JAMES K. POLK. 
 
 In the first edition of this Address, fellow-citizens, 
 you will remember that the name of Martin Van 
 Buren was inserted in this place. He was evi- 
 dently the decided favorite of the great majority 
 of his party at the North ; and no one doubted that 
 he would receive the nomination of the Convention 
 which was to assemble at Baltimore. Well, the 
 Convention met. The Slave power insisted that 
 two-thirds of the votes should be necessary to con- 
 stitute a choice ; northern democrats yielded, as 
 usual, to their masters ; when lo ! Mr. Van Buren, 
 who at first had 146 out of 266 votes, is finally re- 
 jected, and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, receives 
 the vote of the Convention. 
 
 But what had Mr. Van Buren done to displease 
 the slaveholders ? We will tell you : He had 
 written a letter — the most creditable document he 
 ever wrote — against the immediate annexation of 
 Texas ; that scheme of the Slave power to extend 
 its nefarious " institution." He, therefore, received
 
 ADDRESS. 59 
 
 but TWELVE votes from the Slave states, and a 
 slaveholder is brought forward, who is an earnest 
 advocate of Texas annexation, with all its at- 
 tendant wickedness and consequent calamities ; and 
 who has distinguished himself in nothing but in 
 the "tyranny with which he exercised his authority 
 for four years, while Speaker of the House, in 
 enforcing the " gag rule," to an extent that not 
 even its notorious author had ever contemplated. 
 
 And now we would ask, with all earnestness, 
 how much longer, Citizens of the Free states, are 
 ye to remain in vassalage to the slaveholding 
 demagogues of the South ? How much longer 
 will you do the bidding of that mere handful of 
 men, who, with the words of democracy on their 
 lips, are not only themselves trampling upon the 
 dearest rights of two and a half millions of people 
 in their own region, but have left no arts untried 
 to make you their " allies " in support of their 
 wicked system ? Democrats of the North ! ve 
 who possess some self-respect, how much longer 
 will you submit to these things ? Answer at the 
 ballot-box ; and let the insolent u overseers" know, 
 in a language which thev will understand, that 
 they may rule slaves, but shall not rule FREEMEN. 
 
 We now present to you our own candidate, 
 
 JAMES GILLESPIE BIRNEY, 
 
 Of Michigan, and invite your strictest scrutiny 
 into his character, and his qualifications for the
 
 60 PENNS YL VAN I A 
 
 high office for which we have nominated him. 
 Born in Kentucky, in 1792, a graduate of 
 Princeton College, in 18 10, and a Student of 
 Law, at Philadelphia, he began the practice of his 
 profession at Danville, his native place, and sub- 
 sequently pursued it at Huntsville, Alabama. We 
 have no space to go into the particulars of his life. 
 His early attention to the subject of Slavery ; his 
 acceptance of the agency of the American Colo- 
 nization Society, for the Southern states, as a 
 means by which he thought he might do good to 
 the slave ; his subsequent convictions of the utter 
 inadequacy of that bubble scheme to effect the 
 alleged object ; his long and most able letter of 
 resignation as Agent, and as Vice-President of the 
 Society, in which he makes the just remark, " we 
 are living down the foundation principles of our 
 happy institutions;" his noble act of giving free- 
 dom to all his own slaves; his efforts, against abuse 
 and obloquy and threats of personal violence, to 
 establish a free press in Cincinnati ; the great 
 ability he displayed in conducting that press ; his 
 speeches and essays and constitutional arguments 
 on the subject of slavery, all these incidents of his 
 life, and many more as creditable that might be 
 named, give abundant evidence of his ample 
 qualifications for the highest office in our govern- 
 ment. But his talents and attainments, however 
 great, would be nothing in our estimation, if they 
 were not accompanied by something higher, purer,
 
 ADDRESS. 61 
 
 nobler. It is his stern integrity of character ; it is his 
 hio-h moral courage, it is his devoted and consistent 
 piety, that make James Gillespie Birney 
 eminently deserving the vote of every good man. 
 
 Our candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 
 THOMAS MORRIS, of Ohio, is one also in 
 every way worthy of your confidence. While to 
 his moral character no exceptions can be taken, in 
 his public career he has shown himself to be a 
 true Democrat by his regard for the rights of the 
 people and the whole people. After that notorious 
 anti-abolition speech of Henry Clay, to which we 
 have before referred, Thomas Morris, of Ohio, 
 belonging to the so-called Democratic party, pre- 
 sented a preamble and a series of resolutions to the 
 Senate, drawn up with great ability, to meet the 
 sophistry and the declamation of the Kentucky 
 senator. He knew that to aet thus would be to 
 lose his position with his own party ; but he took 
 the course which duty, not self-interest, pointed 
 out, and at the next election he was left at home 
 to enjoy the richer rewards of an approving con- 
 science ; for 
 
 " More true joy Marcellus exiled feels, 
 Than Caesar with a Senate at his heels." 
 
 Our candidate for Governor is 
 
 DR. FRANCIS JULIUS LEMOTXE, 
 
 Of Washington countv. Of him we need sav but 
 little, as he is well known throughout the State,
 
 62 PENJS T S YL VAN I A 
 
 as much for his pure and elevated character, as for 
 his distinguished intellectual abilities. Of strict 
 integrity himself, he would leave no honest efforts 
 untried that our State should have, at home and 
 abroad, the same character for integrity, by the 
 just payment of all our debts. True, he has 
 fought no battles, but those of moral principle in 
 the cause of human rights. But the time has 
 nearlv gone bv, we trust, when the fact of a man's 
 having been engaged in one or more wars, shall 
 be thought to make him any better qualified for 
 filling the chair of State. 
 
 Such, fellow citizens, are the candidates which 
 we present to you. Into their characters, and into 
 the characters of all whom the Liberty Party, now 
 or hereafter, may nominate for office, we invite 
 your strictest scrutiny. If they be not found such 
 as must meet the approbation of every good man 
 who desires to see the highest offices in our 
 country filled by "just men, ruling in the fear of 
 God ;" men who will be a " terror to evil doers, 
 and a praise to them that do well ; " do not give 
 them your suffrage. But if they be, come and 
 help us to put them in. As to the probabilities of 
 our success, we have everything to encourage us, 
 not only in the JUSTICE, but also in the 
 
 PROGRESS OF OUR CAUSE. 
 
 The scenes of mob violence that occurred in the 
 city of Boston, in 1835, when those who spoke
 
 ADDRESS. 63 
 
 publicly against slavery were threatened with 
 every indignity, are well known. Xow the Liberty 
 Party hold their meetings in " old Faneuil Hall," 
 the " cradle of Liberty," and that immense room 
 is crowded with eager listeners. A daily Liberty 
 paper, also, conducted with signal talent, is pub- 
 lished in that city ; while the vote of Massa- 
 chusetts, from a few hundred in 184 1, has reached 
 to nearly 9000 in 1843. In 1836, a mob at 
 Cincinnati tore down the press, and hunted for 
 the life of our candidate for the Presidency, and 
 assailed with personal violence others well known 
 as friends of the cause, Now there is published in 
 that city, also, a daily paper, which, with consum- 
 mate ability, advocates our principles. In 1837, 
 resolutions from the state of Massachusetts, on the 
 subject of slavery, were thrown by Congress, with 
 contempt, upon the table ; now, resolutions from 
 the same state are referred to a large committee, 
 of which the great champion of the right of 
 petition is chairman. The majority in Congress 
 against receiving all petitions on the subject of 
 slavery, at first very large, has been growing less 
 and less every year ; until, at last, the " gag rule," 
 as it is called, was lately carried but by barely one 
 vote. In 1837, Dr. Crandall, of New York, was 
 throjvn into prison, in the District of Columbia, 
 for having anti-slavery pamphlets in his trunk. 
 Now, a voice breaks forth from the dark walls of 
 a prison in that very spot ; the sound penetrates
 
 64 PEXXS YL YA NI A 
 
 the doors of the Capitol ; and the petition to 
 Congress, from a colored man, to interpose in his 
 behalf, is referred, by a large majority, to the Com- 
 mittee on the Judiciary. In 1840, the first year 
 of the organization of the Liberty Party, our vote 
 for President -was hardly 7000 in all the states ; 
 while the last year, even for state officers, it 
 amounted to upwards of 60, COO : thus more than 
 doubling itself every successive year. The returns 
 that have been received of a few elections this 
 Spring show a still greater increase. New Hamp- 
 shire, which last Fall gave only 3594 votes, has 
 this Spring given about 6000. It requires but 
 little arithmetic to see how soon, at this rate, our 
 cause will be triumphant. Every day we are re- 
 ceiving in all the Free states, large accessions to 
 our numbers, of true and honest hearts ; while we 
 hear from the Slave states themselves, voices all 
 around, to encourage us in our labors. In Delaware 
 many of its best citizens are interested in the cause, 
 and latelv held a conference to adopt measures for 
 the abolition of slavery in that state. In Maryland 
 the infamous slaveholders' convention was an emi- 
 nent instance how " God makes the wrath of man 
 to praise him,'' as it doubtless advanced the cause 
 of human freedom in that state very many years ; 
 for an able weekly paper is now published in Bal- 
 timore that takes strong anti-slavery ground. In 
 Virginia we receive the most cheering intelligence, 
 that, in a number of counties, systematic efforts are
 
 ADDRESS. 65 
 
 making to circulate anti-slavery publications, and 
 to spread anti-slavery principles. In Tennessee a 
 regular anti-slavery society has been established. 
 In Kentucky one gentleman writes us, " The 
 Liberty Party is destined to be the most powerful 
 auxiliarv in the hands of Providence for the over- 
 throw of American slavery;" while that noble 
 champion of human rights, Cassius M. Clay, by 
 his letters and speeches, and unceasing personal 
 efforts, is gaining for himself a name that will grow 
 brighter and briohter as time rolls on. 
 
 Thus far at home. But if we look abroad, we 
 find quite as much to gladden our hearts. The 
 happy workings of emancipation in the British 
 West Indies have exceeded the most sanguine ex- 
 pectations of its warmest friends. The order and 
 industrv that there universally prevail — the 
 wonderful improvement in morals, in education, 
 and in everything indicative of a nation's pros- 
 perity, are all clear manifestations of the blessing 
 of God that attends an effort of justice and philan- 
 thropy. The Emperor of Russia has already done 
 much, and means to do still more, for ameliorating 
 the condition of his serfs. France and Holland 
 will, doubtless, soon take the same steps with their 
 colonial possessions that Great Britain has with 
 hers. The Bey of Tunis, even, has abolished the 
 internal slave trade throughout his dominions, and 
 has himself set to his people the noble example of 
 giving liberty to all his own slaves, and of requiring 
 
 E
 
 66 PENNS YL VA NIA 
 
 all the officers of his court to do likewise ; while 
 Mexico and the Republics of South America are 
 determined that their practice shall be consistent 
 with their avowed principles of liberty. Our 
 country, as you thus see, fellow citizens, must 
 therefore move soon in the great work, or we shall 
 be left alone in our disgrace, with no one to sym- 
 pathize with us, no one to countenance us in our 
 course — a course as inconsistent with our profes- 
 sions, as it is disgraceful, and odious, and wicked 
 in itself. 
 
 Come, then, men of Pennsylvania, citizens of 
 the same state as Franklin, and Rush, and Wilson, 
 and the Morrises, who thought as w r e think, and 
 who, were they now living, would doubtless act as 
 we are now acting, — come and join us in this good 
 work. Join us, to use such moral means as to 
 correct public sentiment throughout the region 
 where slavery exists, and to impress upon the 
 people of the Free states a manly sense of their 
 own rights. Join us, to place " just men ' in all 
 our public offices; men whose example a whole 
 people may safely imitate. Join us, to free our 
 General Government from the ignominious re- 
 proach of slavery ; to restore to our country those 
 principles which our fathers so laboured to esta- 
 blish ; and to hand these principles down afresh to 
 successive generations. It is the cause of truth, of 
 humanity, and of God, to which we invite your 
 aid. It is a cause of which vou never need be
 
 ADDRESS. 67 
 
 ashamed. Living, you may be thankful, and 
 dying, you may be thankful, for having labored in 
 it. We have, as co-laborers with us, the noblest 
 allies that man can wish. Within, we have the 
 deepest convictions of conscience; the clearest 
 deductions of reason ; and, all over the world, 
 wherever man is found, the first, the most ardent 
 longings of the human soul. Without, we have 
 the happiness of nearly three millions of the 
 human race ; the honor, as well as the best in- 
 terests of our whole country ; and the universal 
 consent of all good men, whose moral vision is 
 not obscured by the mists of a low, misguided 
 selfishness : while we seem to hear, as it were, the 
 voices of the great and the good, the patriot and 
 the philanthropist, of a past generation, calling to 
 us, and cheering us on. But, above all these, 
 and beyond all these, we have with us the highest 
 attributes of God, JUSTICE and MERCY. 
 With such allies, and in such a cause, who can 
 doubt on which side the victory will ultimately 
 rest. 
 
 May He who guides the destinies of nations, 
 and without whose aid " they labor in vain that 
 build," so incline your hearts to exert your whole 
 influence to place in all our public offices just and 
 good men, that our country may be preserved, 
 her best interests advanced, and her institutions, 
 free in reality as in name, handed down to the 
 latest posterity.
 
 68 PENNSYLVANIA ADDRESS. 
 
 Signed on behalf of the Eastern State Com 
 mittee, and by their direction, 
 
 Charles Dexter Cleveland, 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 Approved by the Western State Committee, 
 Russell Errett, Chairman.
 
 CINCINNATI ADDRESS. 
 
 ^fe,
 
 PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
 S soon as the following Address ap- 
 peared, I was struck, as indeed all who 
 read it were, with its great eloquence 
 and power; but I felt that its in- 
 fluence would be, comparatively, very much limited 
 in consequence both of the form and of the mediums in 
 which it appeared, — in solid columns, and in two or 
 three anti-slavery papers of but small circulation. I, 
 therefore, wrote to the author, asking of him the per- 
 mission to divide it into appropriate headings, to add 
 statistical notes corroborative of its general statements, 
 and to have it stereotyped in a pamphlet form. In 
 reply, he gave me full liberty to do with it whatever I 
 thought would be best for the great cause we both had 
 so much at heart. Accordingly, after making such 
 sub-divisions as I thought appropriate, and adding such 
 statistical notes as I thought would fully confirm the 
 assertions of the Address as to the alarming encroach- 
 ments, as well as the baleful influence of the Slave 
 power, I was enabled, by the generous contributions of 
 a few friends, to have it stereotyped, and to print 
 twenty thousand copies. These were soon disposed of; 
 and so many were subsequently ordered from different
 
 72 PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
 parts of the country, that not less than one hundred 
 thousand in all were printed and distributed ; it being 
 pronounced by many as " decidedly the most efficient 
 campaign document the Liberty Party could use." 
 
 Since that time the author has, as is well known, 
 risen to high political and judicial distinction. But 
 nothing that he has done or written in these positions 
 will place him any higher in the estimation of posterity 
 than this noble Address, when the time and circumstances 
 in which it was written are considered. Had he then 
 gone with the so-called " Democratic" party, he might 
 soon have filled almost any office of trust or honor he 
 might desire. But he chose to come out from it and to 
 be separate, preferring truth and righteousness with 
 private life, rather than any public elevation based on 
 falsehood and wrong. The result has been, that at this 
 present time he has awarded to him, by the very best 
 people in every part of our land, a confidence in his 
 wisdom, ability, and integrity of character exceeded by 
 that in no other public man now living. 
 
 C. D. C.
 
 THE ADDRESS OF THE SOUTHERN 
 
 AND WESTERN LIBERTY 
 
 CONVENTION. 
 
 *4&)^
 
 NOTE. 
 
 I would not, of course, thus republish this Address of my 
 
 early college friend without his approbation. Accordingly, 
 
 in the latter part of 1865 I wrote to him on the subject. He 
 
 replied, with characteristic kindness, in favor of my design, 
 
 saying, in substance, that he would like to see the two 
 
 Addresses bound together in print as their authors were in 
 
 friendship. Pressing literary avocations, however, and health 
 
 not the most robust, prevented me from giving my attention 
 
 to the matter at that time. But having come abroad for my 
 
 health in June, 1866, and having now, in the Spring of 1867 , 
 
 a little leisure in this great metropolis, I have thought it a 
 
 very favorable opportunity for completing the work so long 
 
 contemplated. 
 
 C. D. C. 
 
 London, May, 1867.
 
 THE ADDRESS OF THE 
 
 SOUTHERN AND WESTERN LIBERTY 
 
 CONVENTION, 
 
 HELD AT CINCINNATI, JUNE II AND 12, 1845,* 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 WITH NOTES BY A CITIZEN OF 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 ! AVING assembled in Convention as 
 friends of Constitutional Liberty, who 
 a believe the practice of slaveholding to 
 be inconsistent with the fundamental 
 principles of Republicanism, of Religion, and of 
 Humanity, we think it our duty to declare frankly 
 to you, our fellow citizens, the views which we 
 hold, the principles by which we are governed, and 
 the objects which we desire, by your co-operation, 
 to accomplish. We ask and expect from you a can- 
 did and respectful hearing. We are not a band of 
 fanatics, as some foolishly imagine, and others slan- 
 derously assert, bent on the overthrow of all Govern- 
 
 See note 1 in Appendix.
 
 76 CINCINNATI 
 
 merit and all Religion. We are citizens of the United 
 States, having our homes in the West and the South- 
 west, some in the Slave states, and some in the 
 Free, bound to our country by the most endearing 
 ties and the most solemn obligations, filled with the 
 most ardent desires for her prosperity and glory, 
 and resolved, so far as in us lies, to carry forward 
 and perfect the great work of individual, social, and 
 civil elevation which our fathers nobly began. 
 
 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 The American Revolution was not a mere political 
 accident. It was an inevitable result of a Ions; train 
 of causes, all conspiring to make men impatient of 
 oppression. It was a necessary battle in the pro- 
 gress of the great conflict between Despotism and 
 Freedom, between the Aristocratic and the Demo- 
 cratic principle. 
 
 Our fathers so regarded it. They claimed for 
 themselves no new or peculiar rights : they only 
 demanded security in the enjoyment of those rights 
 to which, as descendants of Englishmen, they were 
 entitled under the Great Charter : to which, as men, 
 they were entitled under the grant of the Creator. 
 They asserted the equal right of all men to the im- 
 munities which they claimed for themselves. It was 
 impossible that they should not see and feel the 
 gross inconsistency of the practice of slaveholding 
 with their avowed political faith. The writings of 
 the Revolutionary period afford the amplest evidence
 
 ADDRESS. 77 
 
 that they did perceive and feel it. But slavery was 
 already in the country, interwoven with domestic 
 habits, pecuniary interests, and legal rights. It ex- 
 isted under the sanction of the laws of the several 
 colonies bevond the reach of the direct legislation 
 of Congress. The consequences of an immediate 
 affranchisement of the enslaved were, also, generally 
 dreaded. Our fathers, therefore, confined them- 
 selves to general declarations of the great doctrine 
 of equal rights, which lies at the basis of all just 
 government ; and without directly interfering with 
 the legislation of any particular member of the con- 
 federacy, endeavoured to establish the national Go- 
 vernment and Policy upon such principles as would 
 bring about, at length, the desired result of Uni- 
 versal Freedom. 
 
 We solicit your particular attention, fellow citi- 
 zens, to this statement. It has been the practice of 
 many to represent the American government as the 
 patron and guardian of slavery. Some have even 
 dared to say that it was the purpose of the foun- 
 ders of the government that it should fulfil this 
 office. We join issue with all such persons. We 
 denounce all such representations as libels upon 
 the great men who won and bequeathed to us the 
 precious heritage of Free Institutions. We insist 
 that from the assembling of the First Congress in 
 1774, until its final organization under the existing 
 constitution in 1789, the American Government 
 was anti-slavery in its character and policy.
 
 78 CINCINNATI 
 
 The importance of this position, and the proba- 
 bility that this address will be read by some who 
 have not examined it, justify the appropriation of 
 some space to the proof of it. 
 
 FIRST CONGRESS. 
 
 We therefore invite your attention to a memorable 
 act of the First Congress, which assembled in 1774. 
 The Non-Importation, Non-Consumption, and Non- 
 Exportation Agreement of that illustrious body, 
 signed in their individual and representative capa- 
 cities, by the delegates of all the represented colo- 
 nies, and promulgated to the world as the solemn 
 act of United America, contained this remarkable 
 clause : — " We will neither import nor purchase 
 any slave imported after the first day of December 
 next : after which time we will wholly discontinue 
 the slave trade, and neither be concerned in it our- 
 selves, nor will we hire our vessels or sell our com- 
 modities or manufactures to those who may be 
 concerned in it." The entire agreement of which 
 this clause was part was not, indeed, intended to 
 be of perpetual obligation : yet the singularly em- 
 phatic phraseology of this part of it manifests clearly 
 enough the understanding; of the delegates as to the 
 obligation thev assumed for themselves and for the 
 country. It was, in fact, a deliberate national vow 
 and covenant against all traffic in human beings, 
 and was so understood by the people at large. Vir- 
 ginia proceeded, soon after, to abolish the slave
 
 ADDRESS. 79 
 
 trade by a solemn act of legislation, and her exam- 
 ple was followed by all or nearly all the States. 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 Two years afterwards, the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence was promulgated to the world. In a single 
 sentence of this great Act, our fathers imbodied the 
 fundamental principles on which they proposed to 
 establish the free government of the United States. 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all 
 men are created equal ; that they are endowed by 
 their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that 
 among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness." In these words, for the first time in 
 the historv of the world, was the doctrine of the 
 inalienable right of every man to life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness, solemnly proclaimed as 
 
 THE BASIS OF A NATIONAL POLITICAL FAITH. 
 
 This declaration pledged its authors, and the nation 
 which made it its own, by adoption, to eternal hos- 
 tility to every form of despotism and oppression. 
 "With this declaration inscribed upon their banners, 
 they went into the war of the Revolution, invoking 
 the attestation of the " Supreme Judge of the world" 
 to the rectitude of their purposes. 
 
 After a protracted and dubious struggle, the in- 
 dependence of the American Republic was at length 
 achieved, and the attention of Congress was turned 
 to the establishment and extension of free institu- 
 tions. Beyond the Alleghany Mountains, then the
 
 80 CINCINNATI 
 
 western limit of civilization, stretched a vast terri- 
 tory, untrodden except by the savage, but destined, 
 in the hope and faith of the patriots of the Revolu- 
 tion, to be the seat of mighty states. To this terri- 
 tory, during the war just terminated, various States 
 had set up conflicting claims : while the Congress 
 had urged upon all, the cession of their several pre- 
 tensions for the common good. The recommenda- 
 tions of Congress prevailed. Among the States 
 which signalized their patriotism by the cession of 
 claims to Western Territory, Virginia was pre-emi- 
 nently distinguished, both by the magnitude of her 
 grant and the spirit in which it was made. The 
 claim of Virginia comprehended almost all that is 
 now Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. She yielded it all, 
 almost with no other condition than that the terri- 
 tory should be disposed of for the common benefit, 
 and finally erected into Republican States. The 
 absence of all stipulations in behalf of slavery in 
 these cessions, and especially in that of Virginia, 
 furnishes strong evidence of the prevalence of anti- 
 slavery sentiment at that day. But the action of 
 Congress, in relation to the territory thus acquired, 
 supplies decisive proof. 
 
 ORDINANCE OF 1 787. 
 
 It was in 1787 that Congress promulgated the 
 celebrated Ordinance for the Government of the 
 Territory north-west of the river Ohio. In this 
 ordinance, for the purpose of " extending the fun-
 
 ADDRESS. 81 
 
 damental principles of civil and religious liberty ; 
 * * to fix and establish those principles as the basis 
 of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which 
 for ever thereafter should be formed in said terri- 
 tory," Congress established " certain articles of 
 compact between the original States and the people 
 and States in the territory to remain for ever 
 unalterable, unless by common consent." One of 
 these articles of compact declared that there should 
 be " neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in 
 the territory, otherwise than in the punishment of 
 crimes ;" providing, however, that the right of 
 retaking fugitives from service should be preserved 
 to the citizens of the original States. This ordi- 
 nance was adopted by the unanimous vote of all 
 the States, there beino- but a single individual nesra- 
 tive, which Avas given by a member from New 
 York. Upon the question of excluding slavery, 
 we may fairly assume that there was entire una- 
 nimity. 
 
 It seems to us impossible to conceive of a more 
 significant indication of National Policy. The 
 Congress was about to fix for ever the relation of 
 five future States to the question of slavery. 
 Under the influence of the liberal opinions of 1776, 
 Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, 
 Rhode Island, Vermont and Pennsylvania, had 
 already abolished or had taken measures for abo- 
 lishing slavery within their limits. It was expected 
 that other Atlantic States would follow their 
 
 F
 
 82 CINCINNATI 
 
 example. The creation of five non-slaveholding 
 States in the West would evidently secure a per- 
 manent majority on the side of Freedom against 
 Slavery. There was, at that time, no other national 
 territory out of which slaveholding States could be 
 carved: nor was there any thought of acquiring 
 territory with such an object. And yet the votes of 
 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, 
 South Carolina and Georgia were given, and 
 unanimously given, for the positive exclusion of 
 slavery from all the vast region now possessed by 
 Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, 
 and for the virtual restriction of the right of 
 reclaiming fugitive servants to cases of escape from 
 the original States. There was very little compro- 
 mise here. There was clear, unqualified, decisive 
 action in the fulfilment and in renewal of the solemn 
 pledge given in 1774, reiterated in 1776, and in 
 pursuance of the settled national policy of restrict- 
 ing slavery to the original States, and of excluding 
 it from all national territory and from all new 
 States. 
 
 It is to be borne in mind that neither in this 
 ordinance, nor in the national acts which preceded 
 it, did the Congress undertake to legislate upon the 
 actual personal relations of the inhabitants of the 
 original States. They sought to impress upon the 
 national character and the national policy the stamp 
 of Liberty ; but they did not, so far as we can see, 
 attempt to interfere with the internal arrangements
 
 ADDRESS. 83 
 
 of any State, however inconsistent those arrange- 
 ments might be with that character and policy. 
 They expected, however, and they had reason to 
 expect, that slavery would be excluded from all 
 places of national jurisdiction, and that whatever 
 in the arrangements of particular States savoured 
 of despotism and oppression, and especially that 
 the system of slavery, which concentrates in itself 
 the whole essence and all the attributes of despotism 
 and oppression, would give way before the steady 
 action of the national faith and the national policy. 
 Such was the state of opinion when the Con- 
 vention for framing the Constitution of the United 
 States assembled. The ordinance of 1787, which 
 was the most significant and decisive expression of 
 this opinion, was promulgated while the Constitu- 
 tion-Convention was in session. The Constitution, 
 therefore, is to be examined with reference to the 
 public acts which preceded it, and the prevalent 
 popular sentiment. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 And the first thing which arrests the attention of 
 the inquirer is the remarkable preamble which is 
 prefixed to the operative clauses of the instrument, 
 in which the objects to be attained by it are parti- 
 cularly enumerated. — These are, " to form a more 
 perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic 
 tranquillity, provide for the common defence, pro- 
 mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings
 
 84 CINCINNATI 
 
 of liberty." It would be singular, indeed, if a 
 constitution adopted for such objects, and under 
 such circumstances, should be found to contain 
 guaranties of slavery. We should expect, on the 
 contrary, that, although the national government 
 created by it, might not be directly authorized to 
 act upon the slavery already existing in the States, 
 all power to create or continue the system by 
 national sanction would be carefully withheld, and 
 some safeguards would be provided against its 
 further extension. And such, in our judgment, 
 was the true effect of the Constitution. We are 
 not prepared to deny, on the one hand, that 
 several clauses of the instrument were intended to 
 refer to slaves ; nor to admit, on the other, all the 
 consequences which the friends of slavery would 
 deduce from these clauses. We abstain from these 
 questions. It is enough for our purpose, that it 
 seems clear that neither the framers of the Consti- 
 tution, nor the people who adopted it, intended to 
 violate the pledges given in the Covenant of 1774, 
 in the Declaration of 1776, in the Ordinance of 
 1787 ; that they did not purpose to confer on Con- 
 gress or the General Government any power to 
 establish, or continue, or sanction slavery anywhere; 
 that, if they did not intend to authorize direct 
 national legislation for the removal of the slavery 
 existing in particular States under their local laws, 
 they did intend to keep the action of the national 
 government free from all connection with the
 
 ADDRESS. 85 
 
 svstem ; to discountenance and discourage it in the 
 States ; and to favour the abolition of it by State 
 authority — a result, then, generally expected ; and, 
 finally, to provide against its further extension by 
 confining the power to acquire new territory, and 
 admit new States to the General Government, the 
 line of whose policy was clearly marked out by the 
 ordinance and preceding public acts. 
 
 We cannot think that any unprejudiced student 
 of the Constitution, examining it in the light of 
 precedent action, and contemporary opinion, can 
 arrive at any other conclusion than this. No 
 amendment of the Constitution would be needed 
 to adapt it to the new condition of things, were 
 every State in the Union to abolish slavery forth- 
 with. There is not a line of the instrument which 
 refers to slavery as a national institution, to be 
 upheld by national law. On the contrary, every 
 clause which ever has been or can be construed as 
 referring to slavery, treats it as the creature of 
 State law, and dependent wholly upon State law 
 for its existence and continuance. So careful were 
 the framers of the Constitution to negative all 
 implied sanction of slaveholding, that not only were 
 the terms " slave," " slavery," and " slaveholding" 
 excluded, but even the word "servitude," which 
 was at first inserted to express the condition, under 
 the local law, of the persons who were to be 
 delivered up, should they escape from one State 
 into another, was, on motion of Mr. Randolph of
 
 86 CINCINNATI 
 
 Virginia, stricken out, and " service" unanimously- 
 inserted, " the former being thought to express the 
 condition of slaves, and the latter the obligation of 
 free persons." 
 
 That such was the general understanding of the 
 people will be the more manifest if we extend our 
 examination beyond the Constitution as originally 
 adopted, to the amendments subsequently incor- 
 porated into it. One of these amendments, as 
 originally proposed by Virginia, provided that " no 
 freeman should be deprived of life, liberty, or pro- 
 perty, but by the law of the land" and was copied, 
 substantially, from the English Magna Charta. 
 Congress altered the phraseology by inserting, in 
 lieu of the words quoted, " no PERSON shall be 
 deprived of life, liberty, or property, WITHOUT 
 due PROCESS OF LAW ;" and, thus altered, the 
 proposed amendment became part of the Constitu- 
 tion. We are aware that it has been held by dis- 
 tinguished authority, that the section of the amended 
 Constitution, which contains this provision, ope- 
 rates as a limitation only on national and not upon 
 State legislation. Without controverting this opi- 
 nion here, it is enough to say that, at the least, the 
 clause prohibits the General Government from 
 sanctioning slaveholding, and renders the continu- 
 ance of slavery, as a legal relation, in any place of 
 exclusive national jurisdiction, impossible. 
 
 For, what is slavery ? * It is the complete and 
 
 * See Note 2 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 87 
 
 absolute subjection of one person to the control and 
 disposal of another person, by legalized force. We 
 need not argue that no person can be, rightfully, 
 compelled to submit to such control and disposal. 
 All such subjection must originate in force ; and, 
 private force not being strong enough to accomplish 
 the purpose, public force, in the form of law, must 
 lend its aid. The Government comes to the help 
 of the individual slaveholder, and punishes resist- 
 ance to his will, and compels submission. The 
 Government, therefore, in the case of every 
 individual slave, is THE real enslaver, depriv 
 ing each person enslaved of all liberty and all pro- 
 perty, and all that makes life dear, without imputa- 
 tion of crime or any legal process whatsoever. 
 This is precisely what the Government of the 
 United States is forbidden to do by the Constitu- 
 tion. The Government of the United States, there- 
 fore, cannot create or continue the relation of master 
 and slave. Nor can that relation be created or 
 continued in any place, district, or territory, over 
 which the jurisdiction of the National Government 
 is exclusive ; for slavery cannot subsist a moment 
 after the support of the public force has been with- 
 drawn. 
 
 We need not go further to prove that slaveholding 
 in the States can have no rightful sanction or sup- 
 port from national authority, but must depend 
 wholly upon State law for existence and con- 
 tinuance.
 
 S3 CINCINNATI 
 
 We have thus proved, from the Public Acts of 
 the Nation, that, up to the time of the adoption of 
 the Constitution, the people of the United States 
 were an anti-slavery people ; that the sanction of 
 the national approbation was never given, and never 
 intended to be given, to slaveholding ; that, on the 
 contrary, the Government of the United States was 
 expressly forbidden to deprive any person of liberty, 
 without due legal process ; and that the policy of 
 excluding: slavery from all national territorv, and 
 restricting it within the limits of the original States, 
 was early adopted and practically applied. 
 
 SENTIMENTS OF DISTINGUISHED MEN OF THE 
 REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 
 
 Permit us now, fellow citizens, to call your atten- 
 tion to the recorded opinions of the Patriots and 
 Sages of the Revolutionary Era ; from which vou 
 will learn that manv of them, so far from desiring 
 that the General Government should sanction 
 slavery or extend its limits, were displeased that it 
 was not, in terms, empowered to take action for its 
 final extinction in the States, and that almost all 
 looked forward to its final removal bv State autho- 
 rity with expectation and hope. 
 
 The Preamble of the Abolition Act of Pennsvl- 
 vania of 1780, exhibits clearly the state of many 
 minds. " Weaned/' savs the General Assembly, 
 " by a long course of experience from those narrow 
 prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we
 
 ADDRESS. 89 
 
 find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevo- 
 lence towards men of all conditions and nations ; 
 and we conceive ourselves, at this particular period, 
 extraordinarily called upon by the blessing we 
 have received, to manifest the sincerity of our pro- 
 fessions and to give a substantial proof of our 
 gratitude." 
 
 The sentiments of Mr. Jefferson are too well 
 known to justify large quotations from his writings. 
 We invite, however, your attention to two sentences; 
 and will observe, in passing, that his opinions were 
 shared by almost every Virginian of distinguished 
 patriotism or ability. 
 
 In his Notes on Virginia, he said : " I think a 
 change already perceptible since the origin of the 
 present revolution. The spirit of the master is 
 abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, 
 his condition mollifying, the way, I hope, pre- 
 paring, under the auspices of Heaven, for a total 
 emancipation ; and that is disposed, in the order of 
 events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather 
 than by their extirpation." 
 
 On another occasion he said : " Nobody wishes 
 more ardently than I to see an abolition not only of 
 the trade, but of the condition of slavery ; and cer- 
 tainly nobody will be more willing to encounter 
 every sacrifice for that object." 
 
 In a letter to John F. Mercer, George Washing- 
 ton said : " I never mean, unless some particular 
 circumstances should compel me to it, to possess
 
 90 C INC INN A TI 
 
 another slave by purchase ; it being among my 
 first wishes to see some plan adopted by which 
 slavery in this country may be abolished by law." 
 
 In a letter to Sir John Sinclair, assigning rea- 
 sons for the depreciation of Southern lands, he said : 
 " There are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual 
 abolition of slavery, which neither Virginia nor 
 Maryland have at present, but which nothing is 
 more certain than that they must have, and at a 
 period not remote." * 
 
 General Lee of Virginia, in his " Memoirs on the 
 Revolutionary War," remarked, " The Constitution 
 of the United States, adopted lately with so much 
 difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil, 
 (the slave-trade,) after a few years. It is much to 
 be lamented, that, having done so much in this way, 
 a provision had not been made for the gradual 
 abolition of slavery." 
 
 Judge Tucker, of Virginia, in a letter to the 
 General Assembly of that State, in 1796, recom- 
 mending the abolition of slavery, and speaking of 
 the slaves in Virginia, said : " Should we not at the 
 time of the Revolution have loosed their chains and 
 broken their fetters ? or, if the difficulties and dan- 
 gers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt 
 during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our 
 dutv to embrace the first moment of constitutional 
 health and vigour to effectuate so desirable an 
 
 * See Note 3 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 91 
 
 object, and to remove from us a stigma with which 
 our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our 
 consciences to reproach us ? " 
 
 Luther Martin, of Maryland, left the Convention 
 before the Constitution was finally completed. He 
 opposed its adoption, and assigned, in his report to 
 the Maryland legislature, as a leading reason for 
 his opposition, the absence from the instrument of 
 express provisions against slavery. He said that it 
 was urged in the Convention, " that by the pro- 
 posed system we were giving the General Govern- 
 ment full and absolute power to regulate commerce? 
 under which general power it would have a right 
 to restrain or totally prohibit the slave-trade ; it 
 must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and 
 disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except 
 from the exercise of that power the only branch of 
 commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and 
 contrary to the rights of mankind : — that, on the 
 contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in 
 our Constitution the further importation of slaves, 
 and to authorize the General Government, from 
 time to time, to make such regulations as should be 
 thought most advantageous for the gradual aboli- 
 tion of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves 
 which are already in the States." 
 
 James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, signed the Con- 
 stitution, taking a very different view of its pro- 
 visions, bearing upon slavery, from that of Mr. 
 Martin, but agreeing with him entirely as to
 
 92 CINCINNATI 
 
 slavery itself. In the Ratification Convention of 
 Pennsylvania, speaking of the clause relating to the 
 power of Congress over the slave-trade after twenty 
 years, he said: "I consider this clause as laying 
 the foundation for banishing slaverv out of this 
 country. It will produce the same kind of gradual 
 change which was produced in Pennsylvania : the 
 new States, which are to be formed, will be 
 under the control of Congress in this particular, 
 and slavery will never be introduced 
 among them. It presents us with the pleasing 
 prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknow- 
 ledged and established throughout the Union." 
 
 In the Ratification Convention of Massachusetts, 
 Gen. Heath declared that" Slavery was confixed 
 to the States now existing : it could not be 
 extended. Bv their ordinance Congress had 
 declared that the new States should be repub- 
 lican, and have no slavery."* 
 
 In the Ratification Convention of North Caro- 
 lina, Mr. Iredell, afterwards a Justice of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, observed, 
 "When the entire abolition of slavery takes place, 
 it will be an event which must be pleasing to 
 every generous mind and every friend of human 
 nature." 
 
 In the Ratification Convention of Virginia, Mr. 
 Johnson said, " The principle of emancipation has 
 
 * See Note 4 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 93 
 
 begun since the revolution. Let us do what we 
 will, it will come round/' 
 
 In the course of the debate in the Congress of 
 1789, the first under the Constitution, on a peti- 
 tion against the slave-trade, Mr. Parker, of Vir- 
 ginia, remarked, that " he hoped Congress would 
 do all that lay in their power to restore human 
 nature to its inherent privileges, and, if possible, 
 wipe off the stigma which America laboured under. 
 The inconsistency in our principles, with which we 
 are justly charged, should be done away, that we 
 may show by our actions the pure beneficence of 
 the doctrine which we held out to the world in our 
 Declaration of Independence." In the same de- 
 bate Mr. Brown, of North Carolina, observed, 
 " The emancipation of the slaves will be effected in 
 time : it ought to be a gradual business ; but he 
 hoped Congress would not precipitate it to the 
 great injury of the Southern States." And Mr. 
 Jackson, of Georgia, complained, " That it was 
 the fashion of the day to favour the libertv of 
 the slaves." 
 
 These citations might be indefinitely multiplied, 
 but we forbear. Well might Mr. Leigh , of Vir- 
 ginia, remark, in 1832, " I thought, till very 
 lately, that it was known to everybody, that 
 during the revolution, and for many years after, 
 the abolition of slavery was a favourite topic jvith 
 many of our ablest statesmen, who entertained, 
 with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or
 
 94 C INC INN A TI 
 
 ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the 
 object." 
 
 THE CONSEQUENCES EXPECTED TO FOLLOW 
 SUCH ACTS AND OPINIONS. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: The public acts, and the 
 recorded opinions of the fathers of the revolution 
 are before you. Let us pause here. Let us reflect 
 what would have been the condition of the country 
 had the original policy of the nation been steadily 
 pursued, and contrast what would have been with 
 what is. 
 
 At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, 
 Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
 Hampshire, and Pennsylvania, had become non- 
 slaveholding States. By the ordinance of 1787, 
 provision had been made for the erection of five 
 other non-slaveholding States. The admission of 
 Vermont and the District of Maine, as separate 
 States, without slavery, was also anticipated. There 
 was no doubt that New York and New Jersey 
 would follow the example of Pennsylvania. Thus 
 it was supposed to be certain that the Union would 
 ultimately embrace at least fourteen Free states, and 
 that slavery would be excluded from all territory 
 thereafter acquired by the nation, and from all 
 States created out of such territory. 
 
 This was the true understanding upon which the 
 Constitution was adopted. It was never imagined 
 that new Slave states were to be admitted j unless,
 
 ADDRESS. 05 
 
 perhaps, which seems probable, it was contemplated 
 to admit the western districts of Virginia and North 
 Carolina, now known as Kentucky and Tennessee, 
 as States, without any reference to the slavery 
 already established in them. In no event, to which 
 our fathers look forward, could the number of Slave 
 states exceed eight, while it was almost certain 
 that the number of Free states would be at least 
 fourteen. It was never supposed that slavery was 
 to be a cherished interest of the country, or even a 
 permanent institution of any State. It was expected 
 that all the States, stimulated by the examples 
 before them, and urged by their own avowed prin- 
 ciples recorded in the Declaration, would, at no 
 distant day, put an end to slavery within their 
 respective limits. So strong was this expectation, 
 that James Campbell, in an address at Phila- 
 delphia, before the Society of the Cincinnati, in 
 1787, which was attended by the Constitution 
 Convention, then in session, declared, " The time is 
 not far distant when our sister States, in imitation 
 of our example, shall turn their vassals into free- 
 men." And Jonathan Edwards predicted in 1791, 
 that, in fifty years from this time, it will be as dis- 
 graceful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be 
 guilty of common robbery or theft. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that, had the original policy 
 and original principles of the Government been 
 adhered to, this expectation would have been 
 realized. The example and influence of the
 
 96 CINCINNATI 
 
 General Government would have been on the side 
 of freedom. Slavery would have ceased in the 
 District of Columbia immediately upon the esta- 
 blishment of the Government within its limits. 
 Slavery would have disappeared from Louisiana 
 and Florida upon the acquisition of those terri- 
 tories by the United States. No laws would have 
 been enacted, no treaties made, no measures taken 
 for the extension or maintenance of slavery. Amid 
 the rejoicings of all the free, and the congratula- 
 tions of all friends of freedom, the last fetter would, 
 ere now, have been stricken from the last slave, 
 and the principles and institutions of liberty would 
 have pervaded the entire land. 
 
 ACTUAL RESULTS. 
 
 How different — how sadly different are the facts 
 of history ! Luther Martin complained, at 
 the time of the adoption of the Constitution, " that 
 when our own liberties were at stake, we warmly 
 felt for the common rights of men : the danger 
 being thought to be passed which threatened our- 
 selves, we are daily growing more and more insen- 
 sible to those rights." This insensibility continued 
 to increase, and prepared the way for the encroach- 
 ments of the political Slave power, which originated 
 in the three-fifths rule of the Constitution. This 
 rule, designed, perhaps, as a censure upon slavery, 
 by denying to the Slave states the full representa- 
 tion to which their population would entitle them,
 
 ADDRESS. 97 
 
 has had a very different practical effect. It has 
 virtually established in the country an aristocracy 
 of slaveholders. It has conferred on masters the 
 right of representation for three-fifths of their slaves. 
 The representation from the Slave states in Con- 
 gress has always been from one-fifth to one-fourth 
 greater than it would have been, were freemen 
 only represented.* Under the first apportionment, 
 according to this rate, a district in a Free state, 
 containing thirty thousand free inhabitants, would 
 have one representative. A district in a Slave 
 state, containing three thousand free persons and 
 forty-five thousand slaves, would also have one. 
 In the first district a representative could be elected 
 only by the majority of five thousand votes : in 
 the other, he would need only the majority of five 
 hundred. Of course, the representation from Slave 
 states, elected by a much smaller constituency, and 
 bound together by a common tie, would generally 
 act in concert, and always with special regard to 
 the interests of masters whose representatives in 
 fact they were. Every aristocracy in the world has 
 sustained itself by encroachment, and the aristocracy 
 of slaveholders in this country has not been an 
 exception to the general truth. The nation has 
 always been divided into parties, and the slave- 
 holders, by making the protection and advancement 
 of their peculiar interests the price of their political 
 
 * See note 5 in Appendix. 
 G
 
 98 CINCINNATI 
 
 support, have generally succeeded in controlling 
 all. This influence has greatly increased the in- 
 sensibility to human rights, of which Martin in- 
 dignantly complained. It has upheld slavery in 
 the District of Columbia and in the Territories, in 
 spite of the Constitution : it has added to the Union 
 six Slave states created out of national Territories :* 
 it has usurped the control of our foreign negotia- 
 tion/!- and domestic legislation:? it has dictated 
 the choice of the high offices of our Government 
 at home,§ and of our national representatives 
 abroad : || it has filled every department of execu- 
 tive and judicial administration with its friends and 
 satellites:^! it has detained in slavery multitudes 
 who are constitutionally entitled to their freedom : 
 it has waged unrelenting; war with the most sacred 
 rights of the free, stifling the freedom of speeches 
 and of debate, setting at naught the right of petition, 
 and denying in the Slave states those immunities 
 to the citizens of the free, which the Constitution 
 guarantees : and, finally, it has dictated the 
 acquisition of an immense foreign territory, not for 
 the laudable purpose of extending the blessings of 
 freedom, but with the bad design of diffusing the 
 
 * See note 6 in Appendix. 
 f See note 7 in Appendix. 
 J See note 8 in Appendix. 
 § See note 9 in Appendix. 
 11 See note 10 in Appendix, 
 ^f See note 1 1 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 99 
 
 curse of slavery, and thereby consolidating and 
 perpetuating its own ascendancy. 
 
 WHAT WE MEA>~ TO DO. 
 
 Against this influence, against these infractions 
 of the Constitution, against these departures from 
 the national policy originally adopted, against these 
 violations of the national faith originally pledged, 
 we solemnly protest. Nor do we propose only to 
 protest. We recognize the obligations which rest 
 upon us as descendants of the men of the revolu- 
 tion, as inheritors of the institutions which they 
 established, as partakers of the blessings which they 
 so dearly purchased, to carry forward and perfect 
 their work. We mean to do it, wisely and pru- 
 dently, but with energy and decision. We have 
 the example of our fathers on our side. We have 
 the Constitution of their adoption on our side. It 
 is our duty, and our purpose, to rescue the Govern- 
 ment from the control of the slaveholders ; to 
 harmonize its practical administration with the 
 provisions of the Constitution, and to secure to all. 
 without exception, and without partiality, the rights 
 which the Constitution guarantees. We believe 
 that slaveholding, in the United States, is the 
 source of numberless evils, moral, social, and 
 political ; that it hinders social progress ; that it 
 embitters public and private intercourse ; that it 
 degrades us as individuals, as States, and as a 
 nation ; that it holds back our country from a
 
 100 CINCINNATI 
 
 splendid career of greatness and glory. We are, 
 therefore, resolutely, inflexibly, at all times, and 
 under all circumstances, hostile to its longer con- 
 tinuance in our land. We believe that its removal 
 can be effected peacefully, constitutionally, without 
 real injury to any, with the greatest benefit to all. 
 
 HOW WE MEAN TO DO IT. 
 
 We propose to effect this by repealing all legisla- 
 tion, and discontinuing all action, in favor of 
 slavery, at home and abroad ; by prohibiting the 
 practice of slaveholding in all places of exclusive 
 national jurisdiction, in the District of Columbia, 
 in American vessels upon the seas, in forts, arsenals, 
 navy yards ; by forbidding the employment of 
 slaves upon any public work ; by adopting resolu- 
 tions in Congress, declaring that slaveholding, in 
 all States created out of national territories, is un- 
 constitutional, and recommending to the others the 
 immediate adoption of measures for its extinction 
 within their respective limits ; and by electing and 
 appointing to public station such men, and only 
 such men as openly avow our principles, and will 
 honestly carry out our measures. 
 
 The constitutionality of this line of action cannot 
 be successfully impeached. That it will terminate, 
 if steadily pursued, in the utter overthrow of sla- 
 very at no very distant day none will doubt. We 
 adopt it, because we desire, through, and by the 
 Constitution, to attain the great ends which the
 
 ADDRESS. 101 
 
 Constitution itself proposes, the establishment of 
 justice, and the security of liberty. We insist not, 
 here, upon the opinions of some, that no slave- 
 holding, in any State of the Union, is compatible 
 with a true and just construction of the Constitu- 
 tion ; nor upon the opinions of others, that the 
 Declaration of Independence, setting forth the 
 creed of the nation, that all men are created equal, 
 and endowed by their Creator with an inalienable 
 right of liberty, must be regarded as the common 
 law of America, antecedent to, and unimpaired by 
 the Constitution ; nor need we appeal to the doc- 
 trine that slaveholding is contrary to the supreme 
 law of the Supreme Ruler, preceding and con- 
 trolling all human law, and binding upon all 
 legislatures in the enactment of laws, and upon all 
 courts in the administration of justice. We are 
 willing to take our stand upon propositions gene- 
 rally conceded : — that slaveholding is contrary to 
 natural right and justice; that it can subsist 
 nowhere without the sanction and aid of positive 
 legislation; that the Constitution expressly pro- 
 hibits Congress from depriving any person of 
 liberty without due process of law. From these 
 propositions we deduce, by logical inference, the 
 doctrines upon which we insist. We deprecate all 
 discord amons; the States ; but do not dread dis- 
 cord so much as we do the subjugation of the 
 States and the people to the yoke of the slave- 
 holding oligarchy. We deprecate the dissolution
 
 102 CINCINNATI 
 
 of the Union as a dreadful political calamity ; but 
 if any of the States shall prefer dissolution to sub- 
 mission to the Constitutional action of the people 
 on the subject of slavery, we cannot purchase their 
 alliance by the sacrifice of inestimable rights, and 
 the abandonment of sacred duties. 
 
 Such, fellow citizens, are our views, principles, 
 and objects.* We invite your co-operation in the 
 great work of delivering our beloved countrv from 
 the evils of slavery. No question half so important 
 as that of slavery engages the attention of the 
 American people. All others, in fact, dwindle into 
 insignificance in comparison with it. The question 
 of slavery is, and, until it shall be settled, must be, 
 the paramount moral and political question of the 
 day. We, at least, so regard it ; and, so regarding 
 it, must subordinate every other question to it. 
 
 It follows, as a necessary consequence, that we 
 cannot yield our political support to any party 
 which does not take our ground upon this question. 
 
 THE DIFFERENT PARTIES. 
 
 I. The Democratic Party. 
 What, then, is the position of the political parties 
 of the country in relation to this subject? One of 
 these parties professes to be guided by the most 
 liberal principles. " Equal and exact justice to all 
 men;' 5 "equal rights for all men;" "inflexible 
 
 * See note 12 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 103 
 
 opposition to oppression," are its favourite mottoes. 
 It claims to be the true friend of popular govern- 
 ment, and assumes the name of Democratic. 
 Among its members are, doubtless, many who 
 cherish its professions as sacred principles, and 
 believe that great cause of Freedom and Progress 
 is to be served by promoting its ascendancy. But 
 when we compare the maxims of the so-called 
 Democratic party with its acts, its hypocrisy is 
 plainly revealed. Among its leading members we 
 find the principal slaveholders the chiefs of the 
 oligarchy. It has never scrupled to sacrifice the 
 rights of the Free states, or of the people, to the 
 demands of the Slave power. Like Sir Pertinax 
 McSycophant, its northern leaders believe that the 
 great secret of advancement lies in " bowing well." 
 No servility seems too gross, no self-degradation 
 too great, to be submitted to.* They think them- 
 selves well rewarded, if the unity of the party be 
 preserved, and the spoils of victory secured. If, 
 in the distribution of these spoils, they receive only 
 the jackall's share, they content themselves with 
 the reflection that little is better than nothing. 
 They declaim loudly against all monopolies, all 
 special privileges, all encroachments on personal 
 rights, all distinctions founded upon birth, and 
 compensate themselves for these efforts of virtue, 
 by practising the vilest oppression upon all their 
 
 * See note 13m Appendix.
 
 104 CINCINNATI 
 
 countrymen, in whose complexions the slightest 
 trace of African derivation can be detected. 
 
 Profoundly do we revere the maxims of true 
 Democracy ; they are identical with those of true 
 Christianity, in relation to the rights and duties of 
 men as citizens. And our reverence for Demo- 
 cratic principles is the precise measure of our 
 detestation of the policy of those who are permitted 
 to shape the action of the Democratic party. 
 Political concert with that party, under its present 
 leadership, is, therefore, plainly impossible. Nor 
 do we entertain the hope, which many, no doubt, 
 honestly cherish, that the professed principles of 
 the party will, at length, bring it right upon the 
 question of slavery. Its professed principles have 
 been the same for nearly half a century, and yet 
 the subjection of the party to the Slave power is, 
 at this moment, as complete as ever. There is no 
 prospect of any change for the better, until those 
 democrats whose hearts are really possessed by a 
 generous love of liberty for all, and by an honest 
 hatred of oppression, shall manfully assert their 
 individual independence, and refuse their support 
 to the panders of slavery. 
 
 2. The Whig Party. 
 
 There is another party which boasts that it is 
 conservative in its character. Its watchwords are 
 " a tariff," " a banking system," u the Union as it 
 is." Among its members, also, are many sincere
 
 ADDRESS. 105 
 
 opponents of slavery ; and the party itself, seeking 
 aid in the attainment of power, and anxious to 
 carry its favorite measures, and bound together by 
 no such professed principles as secure the unity of 
 the Democratic party, often concedes much to 
 their anti-slaverv views. It is not unwilling, in 
 those States and parts of States where anti-slavery 
 sentiment prevails, to assume an anti-slavery atti- 
 tude, and claim to be an anti-slavery party. Like 
 the Democratic party, however, the Whig party 
 maintains alliances with the slaveholders. It pro- 
 poses, in its national conventions, no action against 
 slavery. It has no anti-slavery article in its 
 national creed. Among its leaders and champions 
 in Congress, and out of Congress, none are so 
 honored and trusted as slaveholders in practice and 
 in principle. Whatever the Whig party, therefore, 
 concedes to anti-slaverv, must be reluctantlv con- 
 ceded. Its natural position is conservative. Its 
 natural line of action is to maintain things as they 
 are. Its natural bond of union is regard for 
 interests rather than for rights. There are, 
 doubtless, zealous opponents of slavery, who are 
 also zealous Whigs ; but they have not the general 
 confidence of their party ; they are under the ban 
 of the slaveholders ; and in any practical anti- 
 slavery movement, as, for example, the repeal of 
 the laws which sanction slaveholding in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, would meet the determined 
 opposition of a large and most influential section
 
 106 CINCINNATI 
 
 of the party, not because the people of the Free 
 states would be opposed to the measure, but 
 because it would be displeasing to the oligarchy 
 and fatal to party unity. We are constrained to 
 think, therefore, that all expectation of efficient 
 anti-slavery action from the Whig party, as now 
 organized, will prove delusive. Nor do we per- 
 ceive any probability of a change in its organiza- 
 tion, separating its anti-slavery from its pro-slavery 
 constituents, and leaving the former in possession 
 of the name and influence of the party. With the 
 Whig party, therefore, as at present organized, it 
 is as impossible for us, whose mottoes are " Equal 
 Rights and Fair Wages for all," and " the Union 
 as it should be," to act in alliance and concert, as 
 it is for us so to act with the so-called Democratic 
 party. We cannot choose between these parties 
 for the sake of any local or partial advantage, 
 without sacrificing consistency, self-respect, and 
 mutual confidence. While we sav this, we are 
 bound to add, that were either of these parties to 
 disappoint our expectations, and to adopt into its 
 national creed as its leading articles, the principles 
 which we regard as fundamental, and enter upon 
 a course of unfeigned and earnest action against 
 the system of slavery, we should not hesitate, 
 regarding, as we do, the question of slavery as 
 the paramount question of our day and nation, to 
 give to it our cordial and vigorous support, until 
 slavery should be no more.
 
 ADDRESS. 107 
 
 With what party, then, shall we act ? Or shall 
 we act with none? Act, in some way, we must: 
 for the possession of the right of suffrage, the right 
 of electing our own law-makers and rulers, imposes 
 upon us the corresponding duty of voting for men 
 who will carry out the views which we deem of 
 paramount importance and obligation. Act together 
 we must ; for upon the questions which we regard 
 as the most vital we are fully agreed. We must 
 act then ; act together ; and act against slavery and 
 oppression. Acting thus, we necessarily act as a 
 party ; for what is a party, but a body of citizens, 
 acting together politically, in good faith, upon 
 common principles, for a common object ? And if 
 there be a party already in existence, animated by 
 the same motives, and aiming at the same results 
 as ourselves, we must act with and in that party. 
 
 THE LIBERTY PARTY. 
 
 That there is such a party is well known. It is 
 the Liberty party of the United States. Its prin- 
 ciples, measures, and objects we cordially approve. 
 It founds itself upon the great cardinal principle of 
 true Democracy and of true Christianity, the 
 brotherhood of the Human Family. It avows its 
 purpose to wage implacable war against slaveholding 
 as the direct form of oppression, and then against 
 every other species of tyranny and injustice. Its 
 views on the subject of slavery in this country are, 
 in the main, the same as those which we have set
 
 103 CINCINNATI 
 
 forth in this address. Its members agree to regard 
 the extinction of slavery as the most important end 
 which can, at this time, be proposed to political 
 action ; and they agree to differ as to other ques- 
 tions of minor importance, such as those of trade 
 and currency, believing that these can be satisfac- 
 torily disposed of, when the question of slavery 
 shall be settled, and that, until then, they cannot 
 be satisfactorily disposed of at all. 
 
 The rise of such a party as this was anticipated 
 long before its actual organization, by the single- 
 hearted and patriotic Charles Follen, a German by 
 birth, but a true American by adoption and in 
 spirit. u If there ever is to be in this country," he 
 said in 1836, " a party that shall take its name and 
 character, not from particular liberal measures or 
 popular men, but from its uncompromising and 
 consistent adherence to freedom — a trulv liberal 
 
 m 
 
 and thoroughly republican party, it must direct its 
 first decided effort against the grossest form, the 
 most complete manifestation of oppression ; and, 
 having taken anti-slaverv ground, it must carrv out 
 the principle of Liberty in all its consequences. It 
 must support every measure conducive to the 
 greatest possible individual and social, moral, intel- 
 lectual, religious, and political freedom, whether 
 that measure be brought forward bv inconsistent 
 slaveholders or consistent freemen. It must em- 
 brace the whole sphere of human action; watching 
 and opposing the slightest illiberal and anti-repub-
 
 ADDRESS. 109 
 
 lican tendency, and concentrating its whole force 
 and influence against slavery itself, in comparison 
 with which every other species of tyranny is tole- 
 rable, and bv which every other is strengthened 
 and justified." 
 
 Thus wrote Charles Follen in 1836. It is im- 
 possible to express better the want which enlight- 
 ened lovers of liberty felt of a real Democratic 
 party in the country — Democratic not in name 
 only, but in deed and in truth. In this want, thus 
 felt, the Liberty party had its origin,* and so long 
 as this want remains otherwise unsatisfied, the 
 Liberty party must exist; not as a mere Abolition 
 party, but as a truly Democratic party, which aims 
 at the extinction of slavery, because slaveholding is 
 inconsistent with Democratic principles ; aims at 
 it, not as an ultimate end, but as the most impor- 
 tant present object ; as a great and necessary step 
 in the work of reform ; as an illustrious era in the 
 advancement of society, to be wrought out by its 
 action and instrumentality. The Liberty party of 
 1845 is, in truth, the Liberty party of 1776 re- 
 vived. It is more : It is the party of Advancement 
 and Freedom, which has, in every age, and with 
 varying success, fought the battles of Human 
 Liberty, against the party of False Conservatism 
 and Slavery. 
 
 • See Note 14 in Appendix.
 
 110 CINCINNATI 
 
 WILL YOU NOT JOIN IT ? 
 
 And now, fellow citizens, permit us to ask, whether 
 you will not give to this party the aid of your 
 votes, and of your counsels ? Its aims are lofty, 
 and noble, and pacific ; its means are simple and 
 unobjectionable. Why should it not have your 
 co-operation ? 
 
 ANTI-SLAYERY MEN ! 
 
 Are vou already anti-slavery men? Let us ask, 
 is it not far better to act with those with whom you 
 agree on the fundamental point of slavery, and 
 swell the vote and augment the moral force of anti- 
 slavery, rather than to act with those with whom 
 you agree only on minor points ; and thus, for the 
 time, swell a vote and augment an influence which 
 must be counted against the Liberty movement, in 
 the vain hope that those with whom you thus act 
 now, will, at some indefinite future period, act with 
 you for the overthrow of slavery ? There are, per- 
 haps, nearly equal numbers of you in each of the 
 pro-slavery parties, honestly opposed to each other 
 on questions of trade, currency, and extension of 
 territory, but of one mind on the great question of 
 slavery ; and yet you suffer yourselves to be played 
 off against each other by parties which agree in » 
 nothing except hostility to the great measure of f 
 positive action against slavery, which seems to you, 
 and is, of paramount importance. What can you 
 gain by this course ? What may you not gain by
 
 ADDBESS. Ill 
 
 laying your minor difference on the altar of duty, 
 and uniting as one man, in one party, against 
 slavery ? Then every vote would tell for freedom, 
 and would encourage the friends of liberty to fresh 
 efforts. Now every vote, whether you intend it so 
 or not, tells for slavery, and operates as a discou- 
 ragement and hindrance to those who are con- 
 tending for equal rights. Let us entreat you not 
 to persevere in your suicidal, fratricidal course ; but 
 to renounce at once all pro-slavery alliances, and 
 join the friends of liberty. It is not the question 
 now whether a Liberty party shall be organized ; it 
 is organized and in the field. The real question, 
 and the only real question, is : Will you, so far as 
 your votes and influence go, hasten or retard the 
 day of its triumph ? 
 
 ALL MEN OF THE FKEE STATES ! 
 
 Are you men of the Free states ? And have vou 
 not suffered enough of wrong, of insult, and of 
 contumely, from the slavehoidino; olio;archy ? * 
 Have you not been taxed enough for the support 
 of slavery ? t Is it not enough that all the powers 
 of the government are exerted for its maintenance, X 
 and that all the Departments of the Government 
 are in the hands of the Slave power? How long 
 
 * See Note 15 in Appendix, 
 t See Note 16 in Appendix. 
 X See Note 17 in Appendix.
 
 112 CINCINNATI 
 
 will you consent bv vour votes to maintain slavery 
 at the seat of the National Government, in viola- 
 tion of the Constitution of vour countrv, and thus 
 give vour direct sanction to the whole dreadful 
 system ? How long will you consent to be repre- 
 sented in the National Councils bv men who will 
 not dare to assert their own rights or vours in the 
 presence of an arrogant aristocracy ; and, in your 
 State Legislatures, bv men whose utmost height of 
 courage and manly daring, when your citizens are 
 imprisoned, without allegation of crime, in Slave 
 states, and your agents, sent for their relief, are 
 driven out, as you would scourge from your pre- 
 mises an intrusive cur, is to protest and submit? 
 Rouse up, men of the Free states, for shame, if 
 not for dutv ! Awake to a sense of vour degraded 
 position. Behold your President, a slaveholder; 
 his cabinet composed of slaveholders or their abject 
 instruments ; the two Houses of Congress submis- 
 sive and servile ; your representatives with foreign 
 nations, most of them slaveholders ; your supreme 
 administrators of justice, most of them slaveholders; 
 your officers of the army and navy, most of them 
 slaveholders.* Observe the results. What nume- 
 rous appointments of pro-slavery citizens of Slave 
 states to national employments ! What careful 
 exclusion of everv man who holds the faith of 
 Jefferson and Washington in respect to slavery, 
 
 * See Note 18 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 113 
 
 and believes with Madison " that it is wrong to 
 admit in the Constitution the idea of property in 
 man," from national offices of honor and trust ! * 
 What assiduity in negotiations for the reclamation 
 of slaves, cast, in the Providence of God, on foreign 
 shores,t and for the extension of the markets of 
 cotton, and rice, and tobacco, ay, and of men ! 
 What zeal on the judicial bench in wresting the 
 Constitution and the law to the purposes of slave- 
 holders, by shielding kidnappers from merited 
 punishment, and paralyzing State legislation for 
 the security of personal liberty ! What readiness 
 in legislation to serve the interests of the oligarchv 
 by unconstitutional provisions for the recovery of 
 fugitive slaves, and by laying heavy duties on 
 slave-labor products, thereby compelling non- 
 slaveholding laborers to support slaveholders in 
 idleness and luxury ! When shall these things 
 have an end ? How long shall servile endurance 
 be protracted ? It is for you, fellow citizens, to 
 determine. The shameful partiality to slaveholders 
 and slavery which has so long prevailed, and now 
 prevails, in the administration of the government, 
 will cease when you determine that it shall cease, 
 and act accordingly. 
 
 * See Note 19 in Appendix. 
 + See Note 20 in Appendix. 
 
 II
 
 114 CINCINNATI 
 
 ALL NON-SLAVEHOLDERS OF THE SLAVE 
 
 STATES ! 
 
 Are you non-slaveholders of the Slave states? 
 Let us ask you to consider what interest you have 
 in the system of slavery. What benefits does it 
 confer on you? What blessings does it promise to 
 your children ? You constitute the vast majority 
 of the population of the Slave states. The aggre- 
 gate votes of all the slaveholders do not exceed one 
 hundred and fifty thousand, while the votes of the 
 non-slaveholders are at least six hundred thousand, 
 supposing each adult male to possess a vote. It is 
 clear, therefore, that the continuance of slavery 
 depends upon your suffrages. We repeat, what 
 interest have you in supporting the system ? 
 
 THE FRUITS OF SLAVERY. 
 
 Slavery diminishes your population and hinders 
 your prosperity. Compare New York with Vir- 
 ginia, Ohio with Kentucky, Arkansas with 
 Michigan, Florida with Iowa. Need we say 
 more ? * 
 
 It prevents general education. It is not the in- 
 terest of slaveholders that poor non-slaveholders 
 should be educated. The census of 1840 reveals 
 the astounding facts that more than one-seventeenth 
 
 See Note 21 in Appendix
 
 ADDRESS. 115 
 
 of the white population in the Slave states are 
 unable to read or write, while not a hundred and 
 fiftieth part of the same class in the Free are in the 
 same condition, and that there are more than twelve 
 times as many scholars at public charge in the Free 
 states as in the Slave states.* 
 
 It paralyzes your industry and enterprise. The 
 census of 1840 also disclosed the fact that the Free 
 states, with two millions and a quarter inhabitants 
 more, and ninety-ei^ht millions acres less than the 
 Slave states, produce annually, in value, from 
 mines, thirty- three millions dollars more j from the 
 forests, eight millions dollars more ; from fisheries, 
 nine millions dollars more ; from agriculture, forty 
 millions dollars more ; from manufactures, one 
 hundred and fifty-one millions dollars more. At 
 the same time, the capital invested in commerce by 
 the Free states exceeds the capital similarly in- 
 vested in the Slave states by more than one hun- 
 dred millions of dollars ; and the tonnage of the 
 former exceeds the tonnage of the latter by more 
 than a thousand millions tons ! This enormous 
 disparity, which will strike attention the more 
 forcibly when it is considered that much of the 
 capital employed in the Slave states is owned in 
 the Free, can be ascribed to no cause except 
 slaverv.f 
 
 * See Note 22 in Appendix, 
 t See Note 23 in Appendix.
 
 116 CINCINNATI 
 
 It degrades and dishonors labor. In what 
 country did an aristocracy ever care for the poor ? 
 When did slaveholders ever attempt to improve the 
 condition of the free laborer ? " White negroes" 
 is the contemptuous term by which Robert Wick- 
 liffe, of Kentucky, designated the free laborers of 
 his State. He saw no distinction between them 
 and slaves, except that the former may be converted 
 into voters. Chancellor Harper, of South Caro- 
 lina, teaches that, " so far as the mere laborer has 
 the pride, the knowledge or the aspiration of a 
 freeman, he is unfitted for his situation." And he 
 likens the laborer "to the horse or the ox," to 
 whom it would be ridiculous to attempt to impart 
 " a cultivated understanding or fine feeling." 
 Governor McDuffie, in a message to the legislature 
 of South Carolina, went so far as to say that " the 
 institution of domestic slavery supersedes the neces- 
 sity of an order of nobility, and the other appen- 
 dages of an hereditary system of government." Of 
 course the slaveholders are the noble, and you, the 
 non-slaveholders, are the ignoble, of this social 
 svstem. 
 
 m 
 
 Slavery corrupts the religion and destroys the 
 morals of a community. We need not repeat Jef- 
 ferson's strong testimony. In a message to the 
 legislature of Kentucky, some years since, the 
 Governor said, " We long to see the day when the 
 law will assert its majesty, and stop the wanton 
 destruction of life which almost dailv occurs within
 
 ADDRESS. Ill 
 
 the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth." And the 
 
 Governor of Alabama, in a message to the legisla- 
 
 ' © © 
 
 ture of that State, said, " Why do we hear of stab- 
 bings and shootings, almost daily, in some part or 
 other of our State?' A Judge in New Orleans, 
 in an address on the opening of his court, observed, 
 " Without some powerful and certain remedy our 
 streets will become butcheries, overflowing; with the 
 blood of our citizens." These terrible pictures are 
 drawn by home pencils. Can communities prosper 
 when religion and morality furnish no stronger 
 restraints on violence and passion ?* 
 
 Slavery is a source of most deplorable weakness. 
 What a panic is spread by the bare suggestion of a 
 servile insurrection ! And how completely are the 
 slaveholding States at the mercy of any invadino- 
 foe who will raise the standard of emancipation ! 
 In the revolutionary war, according to the secret 
 journals of Congress, South Carolina was " unable 
 to make anv effectual efforts with militia, bv reason 
 of the great proportion of citizens necessary to 
 remain at home to prevent insurrection among the 
 negroes, and to prevent the desertion of them to the 
 enemy." We need not say that if the danger of 
 insurrection was then great, it would be, circum- 
 stances being similar, tenfold greater now.f 
 
 * See Note 24. in Appendix, 
 f See Note 25 in Appendix.
 
 11- CINCINNATI 
 
 Slavery seeks to deprive non-slaveholders of 
 political power. In Virginia and South Carolina 
 especially, has this policy been most steadily and 
 successfully pursued. In South Carolina the 
 political power of the State is lodged in the great 
 slaveholrling districts by the Constitution, and to 
 make assurance doubly sure, it is provided, in that 
 instrument, that no person can be a member of the 
 legislature unless he owns five hundred acres of 
 land and ten slaves, or an equivalent in additional 
 land. The right of voting for electors of President 
 and Vice-President is, in South Carolina, confined 
 to members of the legislature ; consequently, in 
 that State no non-slaveholder can have a voice in 
 the selection of the first and second officers of the 
 Republic. In Virginia the slave population is 
 considered the basis of political power, and the 
 preponderance of representation is given to those 
 districts in which there is the largest slave popula- 
 tion. The House of Representatives consists of 
 one hundred and thirty-four members, of whom 
 fifty-six are chosen by the counties west of the 
 Blue Ridge, and seventy-eight bv the counties 
 east The Senate consists of thirty-two members, 
 of whom thirteen are assigned to the western, and 
 nineteen to the eastern counties. Alreadv the free 
 white population west of the Blue Ridge exceeds 
 the same class east in number, but no change in the 
 population can affect this distribution of political 
 power, designed to secure and preserve the ascen-
 
 ADDRESS. 119 
 
 dancy of the slaveholders, who chiefly reside east 
 of the Ridge, so long as the Constitution remains 
 unchanged. 
 
 TO NON-SLAVEHOLDERS. 
 
 These, non-slaveholders of the Slave states, are 
 the fruits of slavery. You surely can have no 
 reason to love a system which entails such conse- 
 quences. Yet it lives by your sufferance. You 
 have only to speak the word at the ballot-box, and 
 the system falls.* Will you be restrained from 
 speaking that word by the consideration that the 
 enslaved will be benefited as w r ell as vourselves ? 
 or by the selfish expectation that you may your- 
 selves become slaveholders hereafter, and so be 
 admitted into the ranks of the aristocracy? If 
 such considerations withhold you, we bid you 
 beware lest you prepare a bitter retribution for 
 yourselves, and find, to your mortification and 
 shame, that a patent of nobility, written in the 
 tears and blood of the oppressed, is a sorry pass- 
 port to the approbation of mankind. 
 
 TO SLAVEHOLDERS. 
 
 We would appeal, also, to slaveholders themselves. 
 We would enter at once within the lines of selfish 
 ideas and mercenary motives, and appeal to your 
 consciences and your hearts. You know that the 
 
 * See Note 26 in Appendix.
 
 120 CINCINNATI 
 
 system of slaveholding is wrong. Whatever theo- 
 logians may teach and cite Scripture for, you know 
 — all of you who claim freedom for yourselves and 
 your children as a birthright precious beyond all 
 price, and inalienable as life — that no person can 
 rightfully hold another as a slave. Your courts, 
 in their judicial decisions, and your books of 
 common law in their elementary lessons, rise far 
 above the precepts of most of your religious 
 teachers, and declare all slaveholding to be against 
 natural right. You feel it to be so. God has so 
 made the human heart, that, in spite of all theo- 
 logical sophistry and pretended Scripture proofs, 
 you cannot help feeling it to be so., There is a 
 law of sublimer origin and more awful sanction 
 than any human code, written, in ineffaceable cha- 
 racters, upon every heart of man, which binds all 
 to do unto others as they would that others should 
 do unto them. And where is there one of all your 
 number who would exchange conditions with the 
 happiest of all your slaves ? Produce the man ! 
 And until he is produced, let theological apologists 
 for slaveholding keep silence. Most earnestly \J 
 would we entreat you to listen to the voice of 
 conscience and obey the promptings of humanity. 
 We are not your enemies. We do not pretend x&^ 
 any superior virtue ; or that we, being in your 
 circumstances, would be likely to act differently 
 from you. But we are all fellow citizens of the 
 same great Republic. We feel slaveholding to be a
 
 ADDRESS. 121 
 
 dreadful incubus upon us, dishonoring us in the 
 eyes of foreign nations ; nullifying the force of our 
 example of free institutions ; holding us back from 
 a glorious career of prosperity and renown ; 
 sowing broadcast the seeds of discord, division, 
 disunion : and we are anxious for its extinction. 
 With Jefferson, we tremble for our country, when 
 we " remember that God is just, and that his 
 justice cannot sleep for ever." With Washington, 
 we believe " that there is but one proper and 
 effectual mode by which the extinction of slavery 
 can be accomplished, and that is, by legislative 
 authority ; and this, so far as our suffrages will go, 
 shall not be wanting." 
 
 We would not invade the Constitution ; but we 
 would have the Constitution rightly construed and 
 administered according to its true sense and spirit. 
 We would not dictate the mode in which slavery 
 shall be attacked in particular States ; but we 
 would have it removed at once from all places 
 under the exclusive jurisdiction of the National 
 Government, and also, have immediate measures 
 taken, in accordance with constitutional rights and 
 the principles of justice, for its removal from each 
 State by State authority. In this work we ask 
 your co-operation. Shall we ask in vain? Are 
 you not convinced that the almost absolute mono- 
 poly of the offices and the patronage of the govern- 
 ment, and the almost exclusive control of its 
 legislation and executive and judicial administra-
 
 322 CINCINNATI 
 
 tion, by slaveholders, and for the purposes of 
 slavery, is unjust to the non-slaveholders of the 
 country ? * Can you blame us for saying that we 
 will no longer sanction it ? Are you not satisfied, 
 to use the language of one of your own number, 
 u that slavery is a cancer, a slow consuming cancer, 
 a withering pestilence, an unmitigated curse ? ' 
 And can you wonder that we should be anxious, 
 by all just, and honorable, and constitutional 
 means, to effect its extinction in our respective 
 States, and to confine it to its constitutional 
 limits? Are you not fully aware that the gross 
 inconsistency of slaveholding with our professed 
 principles astonishes the world, and makes the 
 name of our countrv a mock, and the name of 
 liberty a by-word ? And can you regret that we 
 should exert ourselves to the utmost to redeem 
 our glorious land and her institutions from just 
 reproach, and, by illustrious acts of mercy and 
 justice, place ourselves, once more, in the van of 
 Human Progress and Advancement ? 
 
 TO ALL FRIENDS OF LIBERTY, AND OF OUR 
 COUNTRY'S BEST INTERESTS. 
 
 Finally, we ask all true friends of liberty, of 
 impartial, universal liberty, to be firm and stead- 
 fast. The little handful of voters, who, in 1840, 
 wearied of compromising expediency, and despair- 
 
 * See Note 27 in Appendix.
 
 ADDRESS. 123 
 
 ing of anti-slavery action by pro-slavery parties, 
 raised anew the standard of the Declaration, and 
 manfully resolved to vote right then and vote for 
 freedom, has already swelled to a Great Party, 
 strong enough, numerically, to decide the issue of 
 any national contest, and stronger far in the power 
 of its pure and elevating principles. And if these 
 principles be sound, which we doubt not, and if 
 the question of slavery be, as we verily believe it 
 is, the great question of our day and nation, it 
 is a libel upon the intelligence, the patriotism, and 
 the virtue of the American people to say that 
 there is no hope that a majority will not array 
 themselves under our banner. Let it not be said 
 that we are factious or impracticable. We adhere 
 to our views because we believe them to be sound, 
 practicable, and vitally important. We have 
 already said that we are ready to prove our devo- 
 tion to our principles by co-operation with either 
 of the other two great American Parties, which 
 will openly and honestly, in State and National 
 Conventions, avow our doctrines and adopt our 
 measures, until slavery shall be overthrown. We 
 do not, indeed, expect any such adoption and 
 avowal by either of those parties, because we are 
 well aware that they fear more, at present, from 
 the loss of slaveholding support than from the 
 loss of anti-slavery co-operation. But we can be 
 satisfied with nothing less, for we will compromise 
 no longer; and, therefore, must of necessity
 
 124 CINCINNATI 
 
 maintain our separate organization as the true 
 Democratic Party of the country, and trust our 
 cause to the patronage of the people and the bless- 
 ing of God ! 
 
 Carry then, friends of freedom and free labor, 
 vour principles to the ballot-box. Let no difficul- 
 ties discourage, no dangers daunt, no delays 
 dishearten you. Your solemn vow that slavery 
 must perish is registered in heaven. Renew that 
 vow ! Think of the martyrs of truth and freedom ; 
 think of the millions of the enslaved ; think of the 
 other millions of the oppressed and degraded free ; 
 and renew that vow ! Be not tempted from the 
 path of political duty. Vote for no man, act with 
 no party politically connected with the supporters 
 of slavery. Vote for no man, act with no party 
 unwilling to adopt and carry out the principles 
 which we have set forth in this address. To 
 compromise for any partial or temporary advan- 
 tage is ruin to our cause. To act with any party, 
 or to vote for the candidates of any party, which 
 recognizes the friends and supporters of slavery as 
 members in full standing, because in particular 
 places or under particular circumstances, it may 
 make large professions of anti-slavery zeal, is to 
 commit political suicide. Unswerving fidelity to 
 our principles ; unalterable determination to carry 
 those principles to the ballot-box at every election ; 
 inflexible and unanimous support of those, and
 
 ADDRESS. 125 
 
 only those, who are true to those principles, are 
 the conditions of our ultimate triumph. Let these 
 conditions be fulfilled, and our triumph is certain. 
 The indications of its coming multiply on every 
 hand. The clarion trump of freedom breaks 
 already the gloomy silence of slavery in Kentucky, 
 and its echoes are heard throughout the land. A 
 spirit of inquiry and of action is awakened every- 
 where. The assemblage of the convention, whose 
 voice we utter, is itself an auspicious omen. 
 Gathered from the North and the South, and the 
 East and West, we here unite our counsels, and 
 consolidate our action. We are resolved to go 
 forward, knowing that our cause is just, trusting 
 in God. We ask you to go forward with us, 
 invoking His blessing; -who sent His Son to redeem 
 mankind With Him are the issues of all events. 
 He can and He will disappoint all the devices of 
 oppression. He can, and we trust He will, make 
 our instrumentality efficient for the redemption 
 of our land from slavery, and for the fulfilment of 
 our fathers' pledge in behalf of freedom, before 
 Him and before the world.* 
 
 * See Note 28 in Appendix.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CONSISTING OF NOTES TO THE 
 
 CINCINNATI ADDRESS. 
 
 •t&S^Sr
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CT^h HESE are precisely the same notes that 
 *^aa were appended to the Cincinnati Address 
 in 1845. But could similar notes, sta- 
 tistical and historical, be brought down 
 to 1 860, including accounts of the passage of the 
 " Compromise Measures ;" of the infamous " Fugitive 
 Slave Law ;" of the " lynchings " and murders of 
 northern citizens in the Slave states : of the burnings 
 of negroes ; of the massacres of the peaceful settlers 
 in Kansas, &c, &c, they would present a picture of 
 horrible barbarities [hardly paralleled on the page of 
 history. 
 
 Note No. I. 
 
 The Southern and Western Liberty Convention, held 
 at Cincinnati, on the 11th and 12th June, 1845, was 
 the most remarkable Anti-Slavery body yet assembled 
 in the United States. The call embraced all those who 
 were resolved to act against Slavery, by speech, by the 
 pen, by the press, and by the ballot. It was not there- 
 fore exclusively a Convention of the Liberty party; and 
 accordingly not a few were in attendance who had not 
 acted with that party. The whole number present, as
 
 130 APPENDIX. 
 
 Delegates, was about two thousand — from the States of 
 Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan ; from the Terri- 
 tories of Wisconsin and Iowa ; from Western Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Western Virginia, and from Kentucky. 
 Deputations were also present from Massachusetts, 
 New York and Khode Island ; and the whole assembly, 
 including spectators, varied during the sittings from 
 two thousand five hundred, to four thousand persons. 
 Letters were received from Samuel Fessenden and 
 Samuel H. Pond, Me., Titus Hutchinson, Vt., Elihu 
 Burritt and H. B. Stanton, and Phineas Crandell, Mass. ; 
 Wm. Jay, Wm. H. Seward, Gerrit Smith, Horace 
 Greeley, Wm. Goodell, Lewis Tappan, New York; CD. 
 Cleveland, F. Julius Lemoyne, Thomas Earle, Pennsyl- 
 vania; F. D. Parish, Ohio; Cassius M. Clay, Lexington, 
 Ky., and John Gilmore, Virginia. The Chairman of 
 the Committee which reported this able address, and 
 by whom it was written, was S. P. Chase, Esq., of 
 Cincinnati. 
 
 Note No. II. 
 
 " A slave is one who is in the power of his master, 
 to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dis- 
 pose of his person, his industry, and his labor : he 
 can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire anything 
 but what must belong to his master." — Law of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 " Slaves shall always be reputed and considered real 
 estate ; shall be, as such, subject to be mortgaged^ 
 according to the rules prescribed by law, and they 
 shall be seized and sold as real estate." — Law of 
 Louisiana.
 
 APPENDIX. 131 
 
 " Penalty for any slave, or free colored person, 
 exercising the functions of a minister of the gospel, 
 thirty-nine lashes." "Penalty for teaching a slave 
 to read, imprisonment one year." " Every negro, or 
 mulatto, found in the State, not able to show himself 
 entitled to freedom, may be sold as a slave." — Laws of 
 Mississippi. 
 
 " For attempting to teach any free colored person, 
 or slave, to spell, read or write, a fine of not less than 
 two hundred and fifty, nor more than five hundred 
 dollars." — Law of Alabama. 
 
 " Any person who sees more than seven slaves with- 
 out any white person, in a high road, may whip each 
 slave twenty lashes." " Every colored person is pre- 
 sumed to be a slave, unless he can prove himself free." 
 — Lavjs of Georgia. 
 
 " Slaves shall be deemed sold, taken, reputed, and 
 adjudged, in law, to be chattels personal in the hands 
 of their owners and possessors, and their executors, 
 administrators, and assigns, to all intents, construc- 
 tions, and purposes whatever." " Whereas, many 
 owners of slaves, and others, that have the manage- 
 ment of them, do confine them so closely to hard 
 labor, that they have not sufficient time for natural 
 rest, be it enacted that no slave shall be compelled to 
 labor more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four, 
 from ^larch 25 to September 25, or fourteen for the 
 rest of the year." " Penalty for killing a slave in a 
 sudden heat of passion, or by undue correction, a fine 
 of five hundred dollars, and imprisonment not over six 
 months!" — Laws of South Carolina. 
 
 " In the trial of slavey the Sheriff chooses the Court,
 
 132 APPENDIX. 
 
 which must consist of three Justices and twelve slave- 
 holders, to serve as jurors." — Law of Tennessee. 
 
 "Any emancipated slave remaining in the State 
 more than a year, may be sold by the overseers of the 
 poor, for the benefit of the literary fund." "Any slave, 
 or free colored person, found at any school for teach- 
 ing reading or writing, by day or night, may be 
 whipped, at the discretion of a Justice, not exceeding 
 twenty lashes." "Any white person assembling with 
 slaves, for the purpose of teaching them to read or 
 write, shall be fined not less than ten, nor more than 
 a hundred dollars."— Laws of Virginia. By the revised 
 code of this State, seventy-one offences are punished 
 with death, when committed by slaves, and by nothing 
 more than imprisonment when by whites. 
 
 "Any slave convicted of petty treason, murder or 
 wilful burning of dwelling-houses, may be sentenced to 
 have the right hand cut off, to be hanged in the usual 
 manner, the head severed from the body, the body 
 divided into four quarters, and the head and quarters 
 set up in the most public place in the county, where 
 such fact was committed."— Law of Maryland. 
 
 We might extend such extracts from such laws, (if 
 laws they can be called,) to the size of an octavo : — 
 laws that would disgrace the most savage people upon 
 the face of the earth. In reference to them, the editor 
 of the New York Tribune, of November 25, 184 5, thus 
 speaks : " Laws which allow one man to sell another 
 man a thousand miles away from his wife, and their 
 children five hundred miles apart in other directions, 
 without right or hope of reunion — which allow men to 
 beat, ravish, or even murder women of the degraded
 
 APPENDIX. 133 
 
 caste with impunity, in the presence of a dozen wit- 
 nesses of their own color, if there are none of the 
 ruling caste to testify against them — laws, which give 
 to a white drunkard and gambler all the earnings of 
 an ingenious and industrious black family for life, with 
 privilege to flog them into the bargain — these laws are 
 hateful to God, and pernicious to mankind. We can 
 comprehend them as well in New York as in Kentucky, 
 and they cannot be less than infernal anywhere." 
 
 Note No. III. 
 
 In a letter to Robert Morris, Washington also said, 
 " There is only one proper and effectual mode by which 
 the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is 
 by legislative authority ; and this, as far as my suffrage 
 will go, shall never be wanting." 
 
 In a speech in the House of Delegates of Maryland, 
 Win. Pinckney said, "By the eternal principles of 
 natural justice, no master in this State has a right to 
 hold his slave for a single hour." 
 
 Dr. Rush, of Pennsylvania, declared slavery to be 
 " repugnant to the principles of Christianity, and rebel- 
 lion against the authority of a common Father." 
 
 Note No. IV. 
 
 In the same Convention, in reference to the provi- 
 sions of the Constitution that Congress should have 
 power to stop the domestic slave trade, called in that 
 instrument " the migration of persons," Judge Dawes 
 remarked, that "slavery had received its death wound, 
 and would die of consumption."
 
 134 APPENDIX. 
 
 Note No. V. 
 
 The -whole number of representatives In the House 
 is 223. Of these the Free states have 135, the Slave, 
 88 ; and of these 88, but 68 are the representatives of 
 freemen, the remaining 20 being representatives of slave 
 property. 
 
 The manner in which the present ratio of representa- 
 tion was fixed, is one which should cover with lasting 
 disgrace the Northern representatives who voted for it. 
 The number fixed by the House, was one representative 
 for every 50,189 inhabitants. This would have given 
 them 306 members ; but the Senate, fearing the influence 
 of so large a body of freemen as this would give, sent 
 back the bill, with the ratio of 70,680, which would 
 reduce the House to 223, and give the Free states a 
 majority of 47, instead of 68. But why the odd num- 
 ber, 680? It deprives four great States of the North, 
 namely, Massachusetts, Neiu York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, 
 of one member each. 
 
 Even the correspondent of the New York Herald 
 could thus write at the time : " The Senate apportion- 
 ment has robbed the North of at least one quarter of its 
 practical influence in the Union, when regarded in its 
 full extent ; and the members of the Free states who 
 voted for it, have thus surrendered the rights of their 
 constituents, and violated their trusts." 
 
 It is curious, also, to look at the fractions unrepre- 
 sented. The Slave states have but 140,092; the Free, 
 218,678. The fraction of Virginia is but 2! that of 
 Pennsylvania, 27,687. 
 
 In the Presidential contest of 1841, the Slave states
 
 APPENDIX. 135 
 
 had 1 1 4 electors ; the Free, 1 6 1 ; while the whole popular 
 vote of the Slave states was but 693,434; the Free, 
 1 ,7 1 0,04 1 . That is, while the Free states had but about 
 two-fifths more in the number of electors, they had 
 nearly three times as many popular votes. Pennsylvania 
 had 26 electors, and a popular vote of 287,697; while 
 Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia together, had 28 
 electors, and but 159,525 popular vote: that is, with 
 but little more than half the popular vote they had two 
 more electors. 
 
 Note Xo. VI. 
 
 Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, 
 and Florida. 
 
 Xote Xo. VII. 
 
 It is well known that by far the greater number 
 of our foreign ministers have been from the Slave states, 
 and that they have ever been most vigilant to promote 
 the interests of those States, while the far more impor- 
 tant interests of the Free states have been, compara- 
 tively, neglected. In 1841, out of seven persons nomi- 
 nated, in succession, for diplomatic stations, six were 
 from the Slave states, which were all immediately con- 
 firmed, while the nomination of the seventh, Edward 
 Everett of Massachusetts, was laid on the table, till the 
 slaveholders could satisfy themselves that he had no 
 views adverse to their " peculiar institutions." 
 
 What untold benefit would it have been to our Free 
 states, if foreign nations had been induced, as they 
 doubtless might have been, to favor our agricultural 
 and manufacturing products, as they have been induced,
 
 136 APPENDIX. 
 
 by slaveholding ministers, to favour cotton, tobacco, 
 
 AND RICE ! 
 
 Note No. VIII. 
 
 No one man has so much influence over our " domestic 
 legislation," as the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
 tives. He it is that appoints all the committees, which 
 committees bring before the House such subjects, and 
 present them in such aspects, as best suit their views. 
 Since the organization of our government, in 1789, out 
 of the 56 years the Slave states have had the Speaker 
 3 8 years, the Free, 1 8 years. With the exception of 
 John W. Taylor, of New York, who served three years, 
 the Free states did not give a Speaker to the House from 
 1809 to 1845. 
 
 Note No. IX. 
 
 Of the ten Presidents, since 1789, the Slave states 
 have had six, who will have served at the end of the 
 present term, 44 years ; the Free states four, who have 
 served 16 years. In this, Gen. Harrison's whole term 
 of four years is reckoned. What is also worthy of 
 remark, is, that no Northern President has served more 
 than one term. 
 
 Next in importance to the President is the office of 
 Secretary of State, as he manages all the business and 
 correspondence with foreign courts, instructs our foreign 
 ministers, and negotiates all treaties. Of the I 5 who 
 have filled this office, up to 1 845, the Slave states have 
 had 10, who have served 37 years; the Free states 5, 
 who have served 19 years.
 
 APPENDIX. 137 
 
 Note No. X. 
 
 In nothing is the gross injustice practised towards 
 the Free states, more conspicuous than in the persons 
 employed in those civil executive offices, at the city of 
 Washington, and in those Diplomatic and Consular sta- 
 tions abroad, where the compensation is by salary. In 
 the following list we give the persons employed in a few 
 of the States, with their salaries, and the number of free 
 white inhabitants of the respective States. 
 
 
 Persons. 
 
 Salaries. 
 
 Dols. 
 
 Free population 
 
 C Virginia 
 
 II 4 
 
 200,395 
 
 740,968 1 
 
 | New York 
 
 57 
 
 63,250 
 
 2,378,890 | 
 
 ( Maryland 
 
 *33 
 
 170,305 
 
 318,204 | 
 
 |^ Pennsylvania 
 
 90 
 
 123,790 
 
 1,676,115 } 
 
 f District of Co. 
 
 99 
 
 77ASS 
 
 30,657 | 
 
 ( Massachusetts 
 
 43 
 
 86,245 
 
 729,030 j 
 
 J Kentucky 
 
 7 
 
 34> I 5° 
 
 59°> 2 53 I 
 
 1 Ohio 
 
 6 
 
 4,400 
 
 1,502,122 J 
 
 
 Note 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 ■ 
 
 The Judiciary is the balance-wheel of our go- 
 vernment. It takes cognizance of questions of the 
 highest earthly moment — questions of constitutional 
 law — questions of chartered rights and privileges — 
 questions involving millions of property — and, above all, 
 questions that decide the liberty and slavery of man. If 
 there be any spot, therefore, that should be free from 
 sectional bias, it is the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, the judges of which should be appointed, not 
 only for their high legal attainments and integrity,
 
 138 APPENDIX. 
 
 but with reference to the number of inhabitants, and, 
 consequently, to the legal interests of the different parts 
 of the country. But how entirely opposite has been the 
 practice. Of the 30 Judges of that Court, the Slave 
 states have had 1 7 ; the Free states, 1 3 ; and that, too, 
 while the free inhabitants of the Slave states are but 
 about four and a half millions ; the inhabitants of the 
 Free states nine and a half millions — more than double. 
 Then look at the most unjust manner in which the 
 circuits are divided. Vermont, Connecticut, and New 
 York, with 42 representatives in Congress, and a free 
 population of over three millions, constitute one circuit ; 
 while Alabama and Louisiana, with but 1 1 representa- 
 tives, and a free population of but half a million, consti- 
 tute another circuit. New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 
 with a population of two millions, constitute the third 
 circuit. Mississippi and Arkansas, with a free popula- 
 tion of but half a million, constitute the ninth circuit. 
 We say free population, because the poor slave has 
 nothing to do with courts of law, having no legal rights 
 to maintain. 
 
 Lastly, observe the same inequality and injustice, 
 carried out in the salaries of the Judges. Louisiana, 
 with a free population of 183,959, has one Judge at a 
 salary of 3000 dollars; Ohio, with a population of 
 1,519,4.64, more than eight times as great as that of 
 Louisiana, has only one Judge, at a salary of 1 000 : that 
 is, while he has more than eight times as many people to 
 do business for, he receives but one-third as much pay. 
 Arkansas, with a free population of 77,639, has one 
 Judge at a salary of 2000 dollars ; New Hampshire, 
 with a population of 284,573, has but one Judge, at a
 
 APPENDIX. 139 
 
 salary of IOOO dollars. Mississippi, with a free popula- 
 tion of 180,440, has one Judge, who receives 2500 
 dollars; Indiana, with a population of 685,863, has but 
 one Judge, who receives only 1 000 dollars; receiving 
 but two-fifths as much pay for doing more than three 
 times the work. 
 
 Note No. XII. 
 
 The following is a portion of the Address of the 
 Pennsylvania Convention, held in Philadelphia, Feb- 
 22, 1844 : — 
 
 " The great object of the Liberty party is, in the 
 words of the Constitution, ' to establish justice ; to 
 
 SECURE THE BLESSINGS OF LlBERTY.' It is, ABSOLUTE 
 AND UNQUALIFIED DIVORCE OF THE GENERAL GOVERN- 
 MENT FROM ALL CONNECTION WITH SLAVERY. We WOuld 
 
 say, in the fervent language of that noble son of free- 
 dom, Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, 'Let the whole 
 North, in a mass, in conjunction with the patriotic of 
 the South, withdraw the moral sanction and legal power 
 of the Union from the sustainment of slavery.' We 
 would employ every constitutional means to era- 
 dicate it from our entire country, because it would be 
 for the highest welfare of our entire country. We 
 would have liberty established in the District, and in all 
 the Territories. We would put a stop to the in- 
 ternal slave trade, pronounced, even by Thomas Jeffer- 
 son Eandolph, of Virginia, to be ' worse and more 
 odious than the foreign slave trade itself.' We would, 
 in the words of the Constitution, have ' the citizens 
 of each State have all the privileges and immuni- 
 ties of citizens in the several States ;' and not, for
 
 140 APPENDIX. 
 
 the color of their skin, be subjected to every indig- 
 nity and abuse, and wrong, and even imprisonment.* 
 We would have equal taxation. We would have the 
 seas free. We would have a free and secure post-office. 
 We would have liberty of speech and of the press, 
 which the Constitution guarantees to us. We would 
 have our members in Congress utter their thoughts 
 
 © © 
 
 freely, without threats from the pistol or the bowie- 
 knife. We would have the right of petition most sacredly 
 regarded. We would secure to every man what the 
 Constitution secures, ' the right of trial by jury.' We 
 would do what we can for the encouragement and im- 
 provement of the colored race. We would look to the 
 best interests of the country, and the whole country, and 
 not legislate for the good of an Oligarchy, the most ar- 
 rogant that ever lorded it over an insulted people. We 
 would have our commercial treaties with foreign na- 
 
 © 
 
 tions regard the interests of the Free states. We would 
 provide safe, adequate, and permanent markets for the 
 produce of free labor. And, when reproached with 
 slavery, we would be able to say to the world, with an 
 open front and a clear conscience, our General Govern- 
 ment has nothing to do with it, either to promote, to 
 sustain, to defend, to sanction, or to approve." 
 
 Note No. XIII. 
 
 The following is a brief history of the several reso- 
 lutions which have passed the House of Representa- 
 
 * Read the memorial of citizens of Boston, to the House of 
 Representatives, on the imprisonment of free citizens of Mas- 
 sachusetts by the authorities of Savannah, Charleston, and 
 New Orleans.
 
 APPENDIX. 141 
 
 tires since 1836, against the consideration of any peti- 
 tions respecting slavery. They are familiarly called 
 " Gag Resolutions," and go by the name of the persons 
 who introduced them. 
 
 Pinckney's Gag was passed May 26, 1836, by a ma- 
 jority of 46. Of the 117 yeas, 82 were from the Free 
 states. 
 
 Hawes's Gag, January 1 8, 1 837, by a majority of 58. 
 Of the yeas, 70 were from the Free states. 
 
 Patton's Gag, December 31, 1838, by a majority of 
 48. Of the yeas, 52 were from the Free states. 
 
 Atherton's Gag, January 1 2, 1839, by a majority of 
 48. Of the yeas, 49 were from the Free states, and all 
 of the Democratic Party. 
 
 Johnson's Gag, Jan. 28, 1 840, by a majority of 6. Of 
 the yeas. 28 were from the Free states, and all bet one 
 of the Democratic Party. But none of these "gags" 
 would have been carried had it not been for Southern 
 TVhigs. Of the yeas for Johnson's Gag, 40 were Whigs 
 from the Slave states. This, as well as every other 
 important subject of legislation in Congress for the last 
 thirty years, shows clearly, that with the South, all party 
 distinctions give way at once, at the bidding of slavery. 
 When Xorthern men shall be as united for liberty as 
 Southern men have been for slavery, how soon will our 
 country be free from its present reproach ! 
 
 Xote Xo, XIV. 
 
 The Liberty party, at the Presidential election in 
 1840, gave 6983 votes; at the election in 1844, it 
 gave 62,324 votes. Its growth has been regular, and 
 as rapid as could be expected. It resorts to no unwor-
 
 142 APPENDIX. 
 
 thy means to increase its numbers, and desires others to 
 join its ranks, only as they are convinced of the truth 
 and righteousness of its principles. 
 
 Let it not, however, be despised for its yet compara- 
 tively small numbers. The great philosophical historian, 
 Milman, says, " It is erroneous to estimate strength and 
 influence by numerical calculation. All political changes 
 are wrought by a compact, organized, and disciplined 
 minority." This is the secret of the success of the slave- 
 holders. They have controlled the government for the 
 past fifty years, because they have been a " compact, or- 
 ganized, and disciplined minority." It is computed, on a 
 careful estimate, that there are not more than 250,0:0 
 slaveholders in the land, and that of these, deducting 
 widows, minors, and others, there are not more than 
 150,000 voters. When the Liberty party shall be "a 
 compact, organized, and disciplined minority," of such a 
 size, and shall control the counsels of the nation in 
 favor of liberty, as the slaveholders now control them 
 in favor of slavery, how soon will slavery die ! Reader ! 
 will you not resolve that you will be one to help in 
 brinsincr about such a glorious result ? 
 
 Note No. XV. 
 To the question " what has the North to do with 
 slavery ?" no answer more satisfactory, and none more 
 eloquent, certainly, can be given, than the following 
 extract from a letter from Cassius M. Clay, dated 
 Lexington, Kentucky, October 25th, 1845, to Messrs. 
 C. D. Cleveland, J. Bouvier, W. Elder, and T. S. 
 Cavender, a committee that forwarded to him a series 
 of resolutions adopted at a meeting held in the State
 
 APPENDIX. 143 
 
 House, in Philadelphia, to sympathize with him in the 
 brutal assault made upon his press, and the violence 
 threatened to his person, by the mob of the 1 8th of 
 -August : — 
 
 " The question has been again and again asked, in 
 the most complacent simplicity, ' What has the free 
 North to do with Slavery?' The Slave states added 
 to the Union; the unconstitutional establishment of 
 slavery in the district of Columbia ; its unlawful 
 sufferance in the territories, the high seas, and places 
 of national, exclusive jurisdiction, answer, the North is 
 as guilty of this crime against man's supremacy and 
 immortality as the South ; more so, because she is 
 derelict in her duty, with far less temptation. But as 
 no offence goes unpunished, she is reaping the fruit of 
 her sorry policy, by the unjust and disgraceful wars in 
 which she has been compelled to engage — by taxes 
 which have been imposed upon her — by the immense 
 capital which has been swallowed up in Southern bank- 
 ruptcy — by the hanging of citizens without trial by 
 jury and without law — by the imprisonment of her 
 seamen — by the expulsion of, and insult to, her ambas- 
 sadors — by the denial of justice in courts of national 
 justice — and, lastly, by the impudent seizure and for- 
 cible abduction of her own freeborn citizens upon her 
 own soil, and their incarceration in distant prisons. 
 Shall any one be so base as any longer to ask, 'What 
 has the North to do with Slavery?' or, rather, shall 
 not the cry henceforth for ever, until the end, be, 
 'What shall the North do, to have nothing to do with 
 Slavery ?' "
 
 144 APPENDIX. 
 
 Again, in the same letter, speaking of the threats 
 uttered against himself, and the attack upon the free- 
 dom of the press, he says : — 
 
 "If this be an unnecessary infliction of the slave 
 power, I call upon the nation to relieve me. If it be 
 a necessary woe, following in the wake of American 
 slavery, then, by all that is sacred among men, or holy 
 in heaven, let Americans rise in the omnipotency of 
 the ballot, and say, Slavery shall die ! " 
 
 That is the true doctrine. Let all the citizens of 
 the Free states, and all the non-slaveholders in the 
 Slave states, RISE IN THE OMNIPOTENCY OF 
 THE BALLOT, AND SAY, SLAVERY SHALL 
 DIE. 
 
 Note No. XVI 
 
 According to the Constitution, direct taxes must 
 be apportioned among the several States in the 
 ratio of their representation; and as the slave repre- 
 sentatives would increase this number, it would also 
 increase the amount of the tax in the same ratio. But 
 mark how the slaveholders have escaped the conse- 
 quence of this "compromise." The whole net revenue 
 of our Government, from the 4th of March, 1 789, to 
 January 1, 1845, has amounted to about 975 millions 
 of dollars ; of which but little more than 1 2 millions 
 have been received in direct taxes ; and of this, the 
 South has paid for her slave representation only 
 1,256,553 dollars, or about one million and a quarter. 
 But had the revenue of the Government, amounting to
 
 APPENDIX. 145 
 
 975 millions, been raised by direct taxation, the South 
 would have had to pay, as her proportion, for her slave 
 representation, over 105 millions; but instead of that 
 she has paid but one million and a quarter. 
 
 When, therefore, at the close of the last war, our 
 country was in debt about 1 20 millions of dollars, the 
 South resolved that this should not be paid by direct 
 taxes, but by duties laid upon imported goods. 
 Accordingly the Tariff of 1 816 was established. It 
 was then emphatically a Southern measure. That 
 Tariff, for instance, admitted the articles used for the 
 clothing of slaves at a duty of Jive cents on the dollar's 
 worth, and charged twenty cents on the dollar's worth of 
 finer articles used for the clothing of free laborers, 
 thereby making the honest labor of the Free states 
 pay four dollars, while the slave labor of the Slave 
 states paid but one, for clothing. 
 
 The Free states, however, with their industry and 
 skill, soon accommodated themselves to this state of 
 things, and their manufactures, by degrees, rose to a 
 height of great prosperity. But no sooner was our 
 national debt paid, than the South, ever watchful of its 
 purpose, resolved to strike a death-blow at the pros- 
 perity of the Free states ; and, accordingly, the cele- 
 brated "compromise" Tariff of 1832 was devised and 
 carried ; in which the " compromise " was, as it ever 
 has been, all one way. Nothing is clearer than that the 
 Slave power put on the Tariff in 1 8 1 6, and took it 
 off in 1832. They have done just as they pleased. 
 Reader, it is in your power to say, they shall do so no 
 longer.
 
 146 APPENDIX. 
 
 Note No. XVII. 
 
 The aggregate amount of the appropriations for 
 the navy, for three years previous to 1846, was 
 17,357,556 dollars, a considerable portion of which 
 was spent for the home squadron, which consisted, in 
 1843, of one frigate, three sloops of war, four brigs, 
 one schooner, and one steamship. But why all this 
 array of naval force on our own coast at a time of pro- 
 found peace ? Let the late Judge Upshur, a Secretary 
 of the Navy, and a Virginian, answer. In his first report 
 to Congress, he speaks of " those incursions from which 
 so much evil is to be apprehended." Again : " The 
 effect of these incursions on the Southern portion of 
 our country would be disastrous in the extreme." And 
 again : " The Southern naval stations more especially, 
 require a large force for their security. A large 
 number of arms is kept in each of them, which, by a 
 sudden irruption of a class of people who are not 
 citizens, might be seized and used for very disastrous 
 purposes." Here, men of the Free states, you have 
 the whole of it. Here you see how we are taxed to 
 provide a force to keep the slaves of the Southern states 
 from insurrection. " What has the North to do with 
 slavery ?" 
 
 Again : look at the Post-Office Department. How 
 enormous were the rates of postage for fifty years; and 
 even now (1845) they are by no means so low as they 
 should be. But why those high rates ? In order that 
 the Free states, where there is so much more corre- 
 spondence, might make up the loss the department 
 sustained in the Slave states. In 1844, tne -^ree states
 
 APPENDIX. 147 
 
 were a gain to the department of more than half a 
 million of dollars, while the Slave states were a loss to 
 the department of more than half a million. The 
 Liberty party will not cease in their efforts in this 
 matter, till the postage here is the same as it is in 
 England; two cents, prepaid by stamps, for ael 
 
 DISTANCES, ON EVERY LETTER WEIGHING HALF AN 
 
 ounce. What comfort and joy would this bring to the 
 door of every farmer, tradesman, mechanic, merchant, 
 and professional man throughout the land ! 
 
 Again : see how we were taxed to support the 
 Florida war. That war, so disgraceful to our country, 
 cost forty millions of dollars ; and it was undertaken, 
 prosecuted, and finished, solely for the benefit of the 
 slaveholder, that the slave, escaping from his tyranny, 
 might not find protection in the wigwam of the red 
 man. It was for this that the decree went forth, that 
 the Indian must be driven from his native forests ; and 
 the foul deed was done. " "What has the North to do 
 with slavery ?" 
 
 Note No. XVIII. 
 
 Of the 43 officers in the Navy Department in 
 Washington, in 1844, there were 31 from the Slave 
 states, and but 1 2 from the Free states : and of all 
 the officers in the Navy, whether in actual service or 
 waiting orders, Pennsylvania, with a free population 
 more than double that of Virginia, had but 177, while 
 Virginia had 224. 
 
 Note No. XIX. 
 
 Never was this policy of the slaveholders more con- 
 spicuous than in filling the vacancy on the bench of
 
 148 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Supreme Court, occasioned by the death of Judge 
 Thompson, in December, 1843. Two or three most 
 able and upright men were rejected by the Senate, 
 because it was feared that they had sentiments adverse 
 to slavery. And how tame, on all such occasions, have 
 been the Senators from the Free states! But such 
 instances might be multiplied indefinitely. 
 
 Note No. XX. 
 See the letter of instructions written by Daniel 
 Webster, as Secretary of State, to Edward Everett, our 
 minister at London, respecting the slaves shipwrecked 
 in the brig Creole ; a letter of such a character as to 
 receive a deservedly severe review from an independent 
 and able editor of the Secretary's own party — Charles 
 Kinsr, of the New York American. 
 
 Note No. XXI. 
 In 1790, Virginia, with about 70,000 square miles 
 of territory, contained a population of 748,308 ; New 
 York, with about 45,000 square miles of territory, 
 contained a population of 340,120, not one half. In 
 1840, Virginia had 1,239,797; New York, 2,428,921, 
 nearly double. In 1800, Kentucky had 220,955 in- 
 habitants; Ohio, 45,365 : in 1840, the former had 
 increased to 779,828; the latter, to 1,519,467 inha- 
 bitants. In Virginia there are 12 free inhabitants to 
 a square mile; in New York, 52. 
 
 Note No. XXII. 
 
 According to the last census there are of scholars 
 in free schools, in the Free states, 432,173 ; in the 
 Slave states, 35,580. Ohio alone has 51,812 such
 
 APPENDIX. 149 
 
 scholars, more than are to be found in all the 1 3 Slave 
 states. 
 
 In 1837, Governor Campbell reported to the Virginia 
 legislature, that from the return of 98 clerks, it appeared 
 that of 4614 applications for marriage licenses, no less 
 than 1047 were made by men unable to wbite ! 
 How admirably calculated to assume the responsibilities 
 of the father ! 
 
 Note Xo. XXIII. 
 
 Shipping, value of, in the Free 
 
 states .... dols. 6,311,805 
 
 „ „ Slave states 704,291 
 Manufactures, value in the 
 
 Free states . . . 334,139,690 
 
 „ Slave states 83,935,742 
 
 ?> 
 
 Note No. XXIV. 
 
 " From long-continued and close observation, we 
 believe that the moral and religious condition of the 
 slaves is such, that they may justly be considered 
 the heathen of this Christian country, and will bear 
 comparison with heathen in any country in the world. 
 The negroes are destitute of the Gospel, and ever will 
 be under the present state of things." — Report published 
 by the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, December 
 3> 1833. 
 
 The Rev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached before 
 two associations of planters in Georgia, thus writes : 
 " Generally speaking they (the slaves) appear to us to be 
 without God and without hope in the world ; a nation 
 or heathens in our very midst."
 
 150 APPENDIX. 
 
 In the I oth Annual Report of the Sunday School 
 Union, we see that there were that year in the Free 
 states 5 04, 835 scholars ; and in the Slave states 82,532. 
 The single state of New York had 161,768 about twice 
 as many as all the Slave states together. 
 
 Note No. XXV. 
 
 The following table shows the force that each of 
 the thirteen States supplied for the regular army from 
 1775 to 1783 inclusive, and also, the sums allowed to 
 the several States for expenses incurred during the 
 Revolutionary "War. 
 
 States. 
 
 Troop 
 
 s furnished. 
 
 Money allowed. 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 dols. 
 
 12,497 
 
 dols. 4,278,015 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 
 67,907 
 
 17,964,613 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 
 5,908 
 
 3,782,974 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 
 3**939 
 
 9> 28 5>737 
 
 New York, 
 
 
 17,781 
 
 7,179,982 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 
 10,726 
 
 5>34 2 >77° 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 
 25,678 
 
 14,137,076 
 
 Total of the present ) 
 seven Free states, y 
 
 
 
 172,436 
 
 61,971,167 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 
 2,386 
 
 839,319 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 
 13,912 
 
 7,568,145 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 
 26,678 
 
 19,085,981 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 
 7,263 
 
 10,427,586 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 
 6,417 
 
 11,523,299 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 
 2,679 
 
 2,993,800 
 
 Total of the present J 
 
 
 
 
 
 six Slave states. 
 
 
 59>335 
 
 52,438,130 
 
 Besides this, it might be added, that of the 45 officers
 
 APPENDIX. 151 
 
 of the revolutionary army, the seven Northern States 
 furnished 30, the six Southern States 15. 
 
 By this table it will be seen, that while the Northern 
 States furnished about three times the number of troops 
 furnished by the Southern States, they received not 
 one-fifth more money. North Carolina, South Carolina, 
 and Georgia, furnished but 16,359 troops, and received 
 about 25 millions of dollars; New York furnished 
 17,781 troops, and received but 7 millions. Virginia 
 received over a million of dollars more than Massachu- 
 setts, while she furnished but a little more than one- 
 third the number of soldiers. 
 
 Note No. XXVI. 
 The following extract from a speech of the Mayor 
 of New Orleans indicates what power is felt to lie in 
 the ballot-box. " So long as the people at the North 
 contented themselves with the name of Abolitionists, we 
 of the South had nothing to fear, but now that they 
 carry the subject to the ballot-box, we have reason to 
 tremble for the safety of our institutions." 
 
 Note No. XXVII. 
 
 Another instance of gross injustice that occurs to 
 us, is the Distribution of the Surplus Revenue, by the 
 Act of 1836. The sum to be distributed was 37,468,859 
 dollars ; and the act declared that it should be divided 
 in proportion to the representation of the several States 
 in Congress. Of this, the South, with a free population 
 of 3,789,674, received 16,058,082 dollars; while the 
 North, with a free population of 7,003,229, received 
 but 21,410,777 dollars. So that for each inhabitant of
 
 152 APPENDIX. 
 
 the free North there was but 3.05 dollars, while for each 
 free person of the South there was received 4.23 dollars; 
 or 1.18 dollars more for each free person in the South, 
 than for each free person in the North. Consequently, 
 the South, by this operation alone, received for her slave 
 representation in Congress more than fouk millions of 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 But what makes the injustice of this distribution still 
 more flagrant, is the fact, that the surplus revenue was 
 mostly accumulated by Northern industry and enter- 
 prise ; first, from the duties on imported merchandise, of 
 which the North pays three dollars to one paid by 
 the South ; and second, from the sales of the public 
 lands, which are mostly bought by settlers from the 
 Free states. So that, in short, while the Free states 
 were mainly instrumental in accumulating the surplus 
 revenue, in its distribution the Slave states received 
 more than their just share by over four millions of 
 dollars ! Who will now ask, " What has the North to 
 do with slavery ?" 
 
 Note No. XXVIII. 
 
 The following is the concluding paragraph of the 
 Address of the great Liberty Convention of the Friends 
 of Freedom in the Eastern and Middle States, held in 
 Boston, October 1, 2, and 3, 1845. 
 
 " And, now, men of the free North ! — Citizens of the 
 Eastern and Middle States ! — by every consideration of 
 religion, humanity and patriotism, you are urged to the 
 exertion of all your powers for the overthrow of slavery. 
 Your homes and your altars, your honor and good 
 name, are at stake. The slave in his prison stretches his
 
 APPENDIX. 153 
 
 manacled hands towards you, imploring your aid. A 
 cloud of witnesses surrounds you. The oppressed mil- 
 lions of Europe beseech you to remove from their path- 
 way to freedom the reproach and stumbling-block of 
 Democratic slavery. From the damp depths of dungeons 
 — from the stake and the scaffold, where the martyrs of 
 liberty have sealed their testimony with their blood — 
 solemn and awful voices call upon you to make the dead 
 letter of your republicanism a living truth. Join with us, 
 then, fellow citizens. Slavery is mighty : but it can be 
 overthrown. In the name of God and humanity, let us 
 bring the mighty ballot-box of a kingless people to bear 
 upon it. The model man of our Republic, who might 
 have been a king, but would not, calls from his grave 
 upon each of us to do that, which he solemnly declared 
 himself ready to do — to give his vote to free the slave 
 and to abolish the wicked phantasy of property in man. 
 He shall not call in vain. We acknowledge the duty of 
 consecrating our votes to the deliverance of the oppressed, 
 and joyfully do we perform it."
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 LETTER TO THE MANAGERS OF THE 
 
 PHILADELPHIA BIBLE 
 
 SOCIETY. 

 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 O the foregoing Addresses I append the following 
 " Letter to the Managers of the Philadelphia 
 Bible Society," for the following chief reasons. 
 First, because the Philadelphia Address 
 has always, in my mind, been intimately associated with the 
 Letter, bearing to it, as it does, the relation of cause and 
 effect.* 
 
 Second, because it contains a quotation from a letter of the 
 author of the Cincinnati Address, showing his noble senti- 
 ments upon the duty of giving the Bible to the slave, at a 
 time when public opinion upon the subject was such, that 
 even the American Bible Society would not receive a separate 
 fund for the purpose of supplying our slave population with 
 the Scriptures. 
 
 Third, because, as my letter was not put upon the minutes 
 of the Society, probably on account of its length, it may at 
 some future time be asked why I presented my resignation 
 as their President, and why it was accepted. This letter and 
 the action of the Society upon it give the answer. 
 
 Fourth, because, at that time, no other paper to which I 
 applied would give my letter a place in its columns, but the 
 " American Anti-Slavery Reporter ;" and hence, though it 
 was copied into the '' British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Re- 
 porter," but few in our country ever saw it. I feel, therefore, 
 
 * The u Address " appeared in the latter part of April ; 
 the " Letter '' was sent on the third of June.
 
 158 ADDENDA. 
 
 that justice to myself demands that it be put in a form more 
 permanent as well as more accessible. 
 
 Fifth, because the action of the Bible Society upon my resig- 
 nation is a fair exponent of the position of the Christian Church 
 at that time upon the subject of Slavery. The managers re- 
 presented the most prominent denominations of Christians 
 in our city, and not only had the full confidence of their re- 
 spective churches, but stood high in the estimation of the com- 
 munity at large. When they, therefore, felt it to be their 
 duty virtually to eject their President from his office on account 
 of his anti-slavery views so publicly expressed, it is conclusive 
 evidence what was the prevailing sentiment of Christians on 
 the subject in 1844 ; and it seems to me that this their action 
 should have a record in the page of history. 
 
 I would only add that, though I feel, of course, unspeakable 
 joy that the spirit of liberty is noiv so triumphant in our land, 
 and that the principles once so generally odious are now the 
 settled convictions of the best and largest portion of the nation, 
 I reprint this letter in no unkind or retaliatory spirit towards 
 those to whom it is addressed. I felt, indeed, at the time, 
 deeply grieved at the course taken by the managers of the 
 Society, but I never either impugned their motives or harbored 
 the least feelings of resentment towards them, believing that 
 they verily thought they ought thus to act in order to advance 
 the best good of the Society whose highest interests and use- 
 fulness it was their duty to promote and extend. But whether 
 their action then was right or wrong, and whether or not the 
 end justified the means, I am now more than willing to leave 
 to the calm judgment of an enlightened Christian public, 
 at this, or at any future time. 
 
 C. D. C. 
 
 May, 1867.
 
 TO THE 
 
 MANAGERS OF THE PHILADELPHIA 
 BIBLE SOCIETY. 
 
 Christian Brethren, 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 3rd June, 1844. 
 
 HEREWITH tender to you my resig- 
 nation as President of the Philadelphia 
 Bible Society. To that post of honor 
 and responsibility, in one of the great de- 
 partments of Christian benevolence, I was elected in 
 Xovember, 1839. What the Society did for the years 
 previous, and what it has done since ; what changes, 
 beneficial or otherwise, have been introduced ; how 
 many or how few plans have been devised and executed, 
 for engaging the earnest co-operation of Christians of 
 all denominations throughout the sphere of our labors; 
 how much or how little agency I may have had in what 
 has been done ; how much or how little I may have 
 labored in the many ways in which such a cause calls 
 for continuous and efficient action ; — of all these things 
 I have, of course, nothing to say. The record of a part,
 
 160 ADDENDA. 
 
 though but a part, is before you. It has become history, 
 and history it will remain. 
 
 And here, wishing you, as a Society, all wisdom in the 
 choice of my successor ; still greater success in all your 
 future plans of benevolence ; and for each of you indi- 
 vidually the richest of all blessings — here I might close. 
 But that plainness and Christian candour which, I trust, 
 will ever characterize me through life, and which, at 
 such a time, are due alike to you and to myself, demand 
 that I should say something more. 
 
 Ever since you elected me to be your President, it has 
 been my fixed purpose that I would continue such no 
 longer, certainly, than it appeared I held the office by 
 the unanimous wish of the board. If there be any place 
 where entire confidence, entire harmony, entire love should 
 prevail, it is where Christians meet together to devise 
 plans for the circulation of that Word, the very essence 
 of which is love and good- will to man. Not that all the 
 Board should have precisely the same views in morals, 
 religion, or politics. To require that, or to expect that, 
 would be as absurd as to require or to expect that all 
 should look alike, or be of the same stature. While each 
 claims for himself the right to hold his own opinions 
 upon all subjects without being amenable to the Board, 
 each should have the justice and magnanimity, as well as 
 Christian charity, to allow the same to all other members, 
 never dreaming that diversities of opinion in individuals 
 conflict with their duties as managers, or commit the 
 Board in the slightest degree to their own peculiar views. 
 But it seems that the time has arrived when there is to 
 be an exception to this clear rule of action. 
 
 On the 1 7th of last month, when calling on one of the
 
 ADDENDA. 161 
 
 vice-presidents, to consult with him, as one of the commit- 
 tee, in relation to our anniversary, he said that he felt it to 
 be his duty, as my friend, to say that a number of members 
 of the Board had within a few days expressed opinions 
 adverse to my being re-elected the President of the 
 Society ; and that there would doubtless be many votes 
 given against me at the next election, or words to that 
 effect. The ground of the opposition, he said, was the 
 charge of my being the author of " The Address of the 
 Liberty Party of Pennsylvania to the People of the 
 State." To that charge, with however much of odium it 
 may be attended in this community, I would here plead 
 guilty. But how it was that my being the author of that 
 " Address " conflicted with my duties as your President 
 did not, I confess, so readily appear. The thought im- 
 mediately occurred to me that the most prominent mem- 
 ber of the Pennsylvania Bible Society is, and has been 
 for many years, a slaveholder. I say it not in the least 
 spirit of unkindness to that gentleman, but merely state 
 it as a fact, with which I know many of you are familiar. 
 Yet I never heard it whispered even, that such a relation 
 constituted any objection to his being, year after year, 
 elected to the responsible office of corresponding sec- 
 retary. 
 
 How, then, my being the author of an Address to the 
 people of Pennsylvania advocating the eternal principles 
 of truth and justice — an Address, every moral sentiment 
 of which is, I believe, in accordance with the truths of 
 that. Bible which we have been laboring to spread — an 
 Address which calls upon all good men to exert their 
 influence to elect such rulers as have the fear of God 
 before their eyes — an Address which holds up one man, 
 
 L
 
 162 ADDENDA. 
 
 the idol of a great party, in the light in which every moral 
 man, not to say Christian, should view him— an Address 
 which speaks of slavery as Christian men, in growing 
 numbers, all over the world are speaking of it, whose 
 moral vision is not obscured by the thousand selfish in- 
 terests that ensnare the soul and lead captive the under- 
 standing — how, I say, my being the author of such an 
 Address disqualified me from being the President of a 
 Bible society did not, I confess, appear so plain to me. 
 
 It is enough for me, however, to have been assured 
 that a considerable portion of the Board seem to think 
 so; and therefore, agreeably to the resolution always 
 formed in my own mind, to preside over you no longer 
 than it seemed to be desired by a wish unanimous or 
 approximating to unanimity, I deem it best to retire 
 from your body, that you may select some one to fill 
 my place in whom you can all harmoniously unite. 
 
 Allow me, however, to say that there are some ques- 
 tions connected with this subject, entirely independent 
 of myself, which it may be well for the Board to ask and 
 seriously to ponder. Are they prepared, as a body, be- 
 fore the world, to take what will seem to be pro-slavery 
 ground, in deeming one unfit any longer to preside over 
 them from his anti-slavery views ? Are they prepared 
 in this day of increasing Christian light, and in the face 
 of the Christian public, to do anything that would seem, 
 in the slightest degree, to countenance or strengthen a 
 corrupt sentiment on the subject of slavery ? What, 
 then, I ask, will be thought of the offering up, as a 
 peace-offering, a brother as a sacrifice upon the altar of 
 its Moloch? I ask not what a Christian public, merely, 
 may think of such things; but I ask what will high-
 
 ADDENDA. 163 
 
 minded men think ? Will it not seem to them some- 
 thing like persecution for opinion's sake ? and will it 
 meet their sense of right action, to have anyone, though 
 they might not agree with him in sentiment, removed 
 from a responsible station, for writing what he has 
 written under a deep sense of duty and responsibility. 
 
 Such are a few questions which the Board may here 
 ask. Others of a similar character will doubtless pre- 
 sent themselves. 
 
 Let it be here borne in mind, brethren, that I have 
 never asked you to espouse the opposite side; that I have 
 never asked you to take anti-slavery ground, except by 
 doing all you could to circulate the best of all anti- 
 slavery books —the Bible. You will bear me witness 
 that, notwithstanding my Avell-known views on the 
 subject of Slavery, I have never introduced them into 
 the Board. Not that I was prevented by any considera- 
 tions of unpopularity. Were I governed by such 
 low motives, I never, in Philadelphia certainly, should 
 have written that Address — no, nor ever have divulged 
 the sentiments I hold. But having thought often and 
 deeply upon the course which it was duty for- me to 
 take, I never could see what good could be done by 
 bringing the subject of Slavery before our Board, limited 
 as our sphere of operations is to the city and districts. 
 I have lamented, indeed, and deeply lamented, that the 
 American Bible Society, in its annual report, when 
 giving its estimate of the destitution of our country, has 
 never mentioned the poor down-trodden slave. I have 
 thought the course pursued by that society as yielding 
 to the prevailing corrupt sentiment of the day, certainly 
 not in keeping with the spirit of the Gospel.
 
 164 ADDENDA. 
 
 And here I am glad to be able to present to you some 
 high confirmation of my views. My early and honored 
 friend, S. P. Chase, Esq., of Cincinnati, for many years 
 the efficient president of the Young Men's Bible Society 
 of that city, one of the most prominent members of the 
 Liberty party in Ohio, and who needs no eulogy of 
 mine to his moral and intellectual worth, in a letter 
 dated May 28th, 1843, tnus writes : — 
 
 " Our Young Men's Bible Society and yours, are 
 " two most important auxiliaries. Can we not do 
 " something to arouse the American Bible Society 
 "from its apathy in regard to the destitution of 
 " the Slaves ? When they propose to put a Bible 
 "in every family, and omit all reference to the 
 " Slaves ; and when, giving an account of the 
 " destitution of the land, they make no mention 
 " of two and a half millions of people perishing 
 "in our midst, without the Scriptures, can 
 " we help feeling that something is dreadfully 
 " wrong ? " 
 
 This, brethren, is a most solemn question. It is a 
 question which I verily believe the Board of the 
 American Bible Society, so far as they may have 
 yielded, directly or indirectly, openly or silently, to a 
 corrupt public sentiment on this subject, will have to 
 answer at the bar of Him who has declared, that " if 
 ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin ;" and that 
 " inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, 
 ye did it not to me." The spirit of Christianity is a 
 spirit of universal love and philanthropy. She looks 
 down with pity, and, if she could, she would look with
 
 ADDENDA. 165 
 
 scorn upon all the petty distinctions that exist among men. 
 She casts her benignant eye abroad over the earth, and, 
 wherever she sees man, she sees him as man, as a being 
 made in the image of God, whether an Indian, an African, 
 or a Caucasian sun may shine upon him. She stoops from 
 heaven to raise the fallen, to bind up the broken- 
 hearted, to release the oppressed, to give liberty to the 
 captive, and to break the fetters of those that are 
 bound. She is marching onward with accelerated step, 
 and, wherever she leaves the true impress of her 
 heavenly influence, the moral wilderness is changed 
 into the garden of the Lord. May it never be ours to 
 do what may seem to be even the slightest obstacle to 
 her universal sway. 
 
 Such, brethren, are a few of the many interesting 
 thoughts that crowd upon me on this occasion. But I 
 have already written more than I intended, and I 
 cannot enlarge. In bringing this communication to a 
 close, allow me to express to you individually, and as 
 a Board, my most sincere Christian attachment. What- 
 ever course any members may have taken in relation 
 to this matter, I must believe that they have acted 
 from what has seemed to them a sense of duty. Far 
 be it from me to impeach their motives. Time, the 
 great test of truth, may show them their course in a 
 very different light from that in which they now view 
 it. I may, as a Christian, lament that their views of 
 duty are not more in unison with my own. I may, as 
 a man, feel heart-sickened at the diseased, the deplorably 
 diseased state of the public mind, in relation to two 
 and a half millions of my fellow-men in bondage. I 
 may, as a citizen of a Free state, blush at the humiliat-
 
 166 ADDENDA. 
 
 ing fact, that not only the tyranny, but the ubiquity of 
 the slave power is everywhere so manifest ; that it has 
 insinuated itself into our free domain to such a degree, 
 that there seems to be as much mental Slavery in the 
 Free states, as there is personal in the Slave states. I 
 may feel all this, but I must not impeach the motives 
 by which others have been governed. 
 
 And now let me, in conclusion, leave those points in 
 which some of us may differ, and look only to those in 
 which we have all agreed. Let me recur to pleasing 
 recollections. Let me look back to the past five years, 
 during which time we have all moved on so harmoniously 
 too-ether in our labors to furnish the destitute with the 
 volume of Divine truth. I can truly say that our 
 action together has ever been to me one continued 
 source of pleasure. If there have been differences of 
 opinion (and these have been very few and very slight) 
 they have been settled as Christians always should set- 
 tle them, in the kindest and most confiding manner. I 
 thank you for all your kindness to me. I thaDk you for 
 your confidence so early shown and so long continued. I 
 thank you for the cordial support you have ever given 
 to the various measures proposed to increase the resources 
 and to extend the usefulness of our Society. And let 
 me assure you, that of all the pleasing reminiscences 
 of my life none will ever be to me sources of more 
 grateful meditation, than those connected with the five 
 years in which we have moved on, hand in hand, so har- 
 moniously together. If, during those years, in our labors 
 to carry the Gospel to the destitute, we have been the 
 humble instruments of bringing even one sinner to turn 
 from the error of his ways ; of giving even to one those
 
 
 ADDENDA. 107 
 
 consolations which the Bible alone can give, we may 
 feel, indeed, most richly rewarded for any amount of 
 time or of labor we may have devoted to the work. 
 
 Again, wishing you from my heart, individually, and 
 as a Board, the richest of Heaven's blessings, 
 
 I remain, very sincerely, 
 
 Your friend and brother, 
 
 Chaeles Dexter Cleveland. 
 
 As soon as the Secretary, Mr. John Sparhawk, had read 
 the foregoing letter, he offered a resolution that my resigna- 
 tion be not accepted. A long debate thereon ensued, but the 
 resolution was lost by the decisive vote of seven to fourteen. 
 A counter resolution was then offered that my resignation be 
 accepted "with regret,'' which was carried, fourteen to seven. 
 Theodore Cuyler, Esq. then offered the following, which was 
 carried unanimously, the whole number of managers present 
 — twenty -one — voting aye. 
 
 " Resolved, — That this Board are mainly indebted to 
 '• Professor C. D. Cleveland for the prominent and in- 
 " fluential position it has attained in the regards of this 
 " Christian community, and that they bear an earnest 
 " testimony to the sound judgment and unwearied zeal 
 " which have ever characterized the discharge of hi? 
 " duties in his responsible office." 
 
 THE END. 
 
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 List of Publications. 9 
 
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 List of Publications. 11 
 
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 List of Publications. 13 
 
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