CENTRAL CIRCULATION BOOKSTACKS The person charging this material is re- sponsible for its renewal or its return to the library from which it was borrowed on or before the Latest Date stamped below. You may be charged a minimum fee of $75.00 for each lost book. Theft, mutilation, and underlining el books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. TO RENEW CALL TELEPHONE CENTER, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN AUG 251995 When renewing by phone, write new due date below previous due date. L162 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/fourhundredyears02patt Four Hundred \ ears AMERICAN HISTORY. BY JACOB HARRIS PATTON, AM., Ph.D., AUTHOR OF “NATURAL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES,” “POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR AMERICAN YOUTH,” ETC. WITH AN IN TROD UCTION By JOHN LORD, D.D., LL.D., AUTHOR OF “BEACON LIGHTS OF HISTORY,” ETC. VOL. II. NEW YORK: FORDS, HOWARD, & HULBERT. Copyright : In i8 ? 6, by J. B. FORD & COMPANY; in 1882, 1891 and 1892, by FORDS, HOWARD, & HULBERT. <31S> PvlK v,^ i Usl M i/i s^/NOlS- CHAPTER XLI1. MADISON’S ADMINISTRATION Condition of the Country. — Erskine’s Negotiation. — Depredations up«n American Commerce. — Bonaparte’s Rambouillet Decree. — Aifair of the Little Belt. — The Census. — Indian Troubles. — Tecumseh and the Prophet. — Battle of Tippecanoe. — The two Parties. — The Twelfth Con- gress. — Henry Clay. — John C. Calhoun. — Threatening Aspect of For- eign Relations. — John Randolph. — Debates in Congress. — Another Em- bargo. — War declared against Great Britain. — Opposition to the War. — Riots at Baltimore. — Operations in the North-west. — Surrender of Hull. — Impressment of American Seamen. — Failures to invade Canada. The incoming administration was virtually pledged to continue the foreign policy of its predecessor, though that policy had not yet accomplished what its sanguine friends anticipated. The prediction of the Federalists — the conservative party of those days — that such measures would lead to a war with England, seemed to be near its fulfilment. The prospect was gloomy indeed. The nation was totally unprepared for such an event. Neithei army nor navy to command respect ; no munitions of war worthy the name ; the defences of the seaboard almost worthless ; the revenue, owing to the embargo and non- intercourse acts, much diminished and diminishing more and more. The President and his cabinet desired to re- lieve the country of these pressing evils. To accomplish this end, negotiations were commenced with Erskine, the resident British Minister. The youth- ful Erskine was a generous and noble-hearted man ; a CHAP. XLII. 1809. B*VU> 616 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, warm friend of the United States, unused to the tricks of diplomacy, he really wished to act generously for the in- 1809. terests of both nations, and not selfishly for his own. He knew that Britain would derive great advantage from the renewal of trade with the United States, and hoped that the latter might he induced to take sides in the present struggle against France. In accordance with the spirit of certain instructions, Erskine thought himself authorized to offer “ a suitable provision for the widows and orphans of those who were killed on hoard the Chesapeake," and to announce the conditional repeal of the Orders in Council as far as they applied to the commerce of the United States. This re- peal was to take place on the tenth of the following June. 1810 . The President, on this assurance, issued a proclamation, giving permission for a renewal of commercial intercourse April. w ith Great Britain. The news was hailed with joy throughout the land. In a few weeks more than a thou- sand ships, laden with American produce, were on their way to foreign markets. This gleam of sunshine was soon obscured. Four months after the President issued another proclamation ; he now recalled the previous one, and again established non-intercourse between the two countries. The British ministry had disavowed the provisional arrangement made by Erskine, giving as one reason that he had gone beyond his instructions. In the communica- tion accepting Erskine's offer to provide for the sufferers in the Chesapeake affair, the provision was spoken of as an “ act of justice comporting with what was due from his Britannic majesty to his own honor." This uncourteous remark gave offence, and furnished another pretext for breaking off the negotiation. The failure of this arrangement, which had promised so much, greatly mortified the President and his cabinet, and as greatly wounded the self-respect of the nation. In consequence of this feeling, Jackson, the special envoy, MERCHANTS ASK PERMISSION TO ARM THEIR SHIPS. 617 sent soon after by England, was not very graciously re- ceived. Negotiations were, however, commenced with him, but after exchanging angry notes for some months, all diplomatic intercourse was suspended between the two countries. American commerce had now less protection than ever. In the desperate' conflict going on in Europe it was impossible to obtain redress from any of the belligerents. The ocean swarmed with French and English cruisers, while Danish privateers infested the northern seas. They all enjoyed a rich harvest in plundering American mer- chantmen, under the convenient pretence that they car- ried goods contraband of war. Great numbers of ships thus pillaged were burned at sea to destroy all traces of the robbery. Willing to trust to their own genius to escape capture, the American merchants asked permission to arm their ships in self-defence. Congress denied the request, on the ground that such a state of affairs would be war ! The people, however, thought there was little to choose between actual war and a system of active legal- ized piracy. Even the planters and farmers, finding on their hands a vast amount of produce, for which a market was denied, were now inclined to strengthen the navy, that it might protect commerce, or if necessary make an irruption into Canada, and by that means compel Great Britain to repeal her odious decrees. France in the mean time was committing greater out- rages on American commerce than even England. Bo- naparte issued a decree, the Kambouillet, by which any American vessel that entered a French port or a port of any country under French control, was declared liable to confiscation. It shows the deliberate design of this pi- ratical decree, that it was not promulgated till six weeks after its date. The first intimation American merchants received of its existence, was the seizure of one hundred and thirty-two of their ships, in French ports. These CHAP XLII. 1810 . Mai 28 . 618 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, were soon after sold with their cargoes, and the rnonev, . amounting to eight millions of dollars, placed in the 1810 . French treasury. Expostulations against such high-handed measures were treated with contempt and insult. The French minister of foreign affairs even charged the United States u with a want of honor, energy, and just political views/' in not defending themselves. Bonaparte's great object was to drive them into a war with England, and thus exclude from her American produce. With this in- tention he pretended he would revoke the Berlin and Milan decrees, on condition the United States would make their rights respected, or in other words, go to war with Eng- land. At this time the only port in Europe really open to American commerce was that of Archangel in Russia. There American ships, after running the gauntlet between French and Danish cruisers, landed their cargoes of merchandise, which were thence smuggled into France and Germany. Ere long Bonaparte's want of money mastered his hatred of England, and he unblushingly became the viola- tor of his own decrees, and sold to the Americans, at enor- mous prices, licenses which gave them permission to in- troduce their products into French ports. 4 * None felt the national insult given in the Cfcessjeake affair so deeply as the naval officers. They wer iously watching for an opportunity to retaliate. The frigate President, Captain Rodgers, was cruisin^off the capes of Delaware, when a strange sloop-of-warjpave chase, but when within a few miles, her signals nothing answered, she stood to the southward. The President now in turn gave chase, and in the twilight of the evening came within hailing distance. Rodgers hailed, but was answered by the same question ; another hail was given with a similar result. The stranger fired a gun, which was replied to by one from the President. These were TECUMSEH AND THE PROPHET. 619 succeeded by broadsides from both vessels. The action chap. lasted about twenty minutes, when the stranger was com- pletely disabled. Rodgers hailed again, and now was 1810 . answered that the vessel was his Majesty's sloop-of-war Little Belt. The disparity in the injury done to the re- spective vessels was quite remarkable. The Little Belt had more than thirty of her crew killed and wounded, while the President was scarcely injured, and had only one person slightly wounded. The affair created much ex- citement in both nations, and served to increase that alienation of feeling which had been so long in existence. The statements of the commanding officers differed very much as to the commencement of the encounter, but as each government accepted the testimony of its own officers, the matter was permitted to drop. The census just taken, showed the following result: — the ratio of representation was fixed at thirty-five thou- sand : Free Whites. Slaves. All others. Totals. Reps. 5 , 862 , 093 . 1 , 191 , 364 . 186 , 446 . 7 , 239 , 903 . 182 . Events of serious interest were occurring on the western frontier. Numbers of Indian tribes from time to time had ceded their lands and moved farther west. But the in- satiable white man still pressed on ; his cultivated fields still encroached upon the Indian's hunting-grounds, and game was fast disappearing. When is this grasping at land to end ? asked the savages of each other. Two brothers, twins, of the Shawnee tribe, resolved to free their brethren from the aggressions of the settlers. Their plans were well laid, and showed an intimate knowl- edge of the secret of influence. The one, Tecumseh, was to play the warrior's part, the other Elskwatawa, more commonly known as the Prophet, appealed to their superstitions ; he professed to be a wonderful medicir e- man, and in communication with the Great Spirit. Tecumseh travelled from tribe to tribe, all along the 620 HISTORY OF THE AHERICAX PEOPLE. CHAP. XLII. 1811 . frontiers, from north of the great lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, and by his eloquence endeavored to unite them in a universal conspiracy against the common enemy He knew the attempt to expel the invaders would he vain, but he hoped his people would unite as one man, and refuse to sell them any more of their lands. To ac- complish their purpose the Indians must be independent ; they must dispense with the few comforts they received from the white man, and they must spurn the religion which missionaries had been laboring to teach them. The Prophet fulfilled his part ; he awed his simple auditors with imposing powwows ; the Great Spirit had given him marvellous powers. He could at a word make pumpkins, as large as wigwams, spring out of the earth ; or ears of corn, each large enough to feed a dozen men ; he appealed to then reverence for the customs of their ancestors, and sneered at their degradation in being the slave of the white man’s whiskey, or fire-water, as he significantly called it. He must be obeyed — they must throw aside the blanket and dress in skins ; instead of the gun they must use the ancient how and arrow ; and the iron toma- hawk must give place to the stone hatchet of their fathers ; hut above all, they must discard the religion of the white man ; it was the rejection of their ancient religion, which made the Great Spirit so angry. Alarm spread along the frontier settlements. The Miamis had sold a portion of their lands on both sides of the Wabash. Tecumseh was absent at the time, hut protested afterward, contending that as all the lands be- longed equally to all the Indians, no tribe had a right to sell a portion of them without the consent of the others. General William Henry Harrison, the Governor of the Territory of Indiana, held a conference with Tecumseh, who at the time professed to he friendly, hut his conduct afterward excited suspicion. Lest the Indians should unexpectedly commence hostilities, Harrison marched to BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 621 the town lately established by the Prophet, at the junction of the Wabash and Tippecanoe rivers. Messengers sent by the Prophet met the army a few miles from the town. Though Indians were hovering around the army on its march, yet efforts to hold a conference with them had thus far been unsuccessful. The messengers expressed great surprise that the Americans should approach their town, since the Prophet and his people were very desirous of peace. Harrison assured them that he had no intention 'jO engage in hostilities, unless they themselves should attack him, and he invited the Prophet and his chiefs to an interview the next day. The messengers departed ap- parently pleased with the proposal, and on their part promised full compliance. Knowing the Indian character, Harrison suspected treachery, and encamped with great caution ; his men, placed in a hollow square, slept upon their arms. The next morning, about four o'clock, the Indians suddenly attacked the camp, but failed to break the line. For three hours the contest was very severe. The Indians would advance with great impetuosity, and then retreat to renew the effort. These movements were regulated by signals given by rattling deers' hoofs. When daylight appeared, the mounted men charged, and the savages fled in great haste. The next day the Prophet's town was found to be deserted. Tecumseh himself was not present at the battle of Tippecanoe. The belligerents of Europe still continued their ag- gressions upon American commerce. Recent intelligence from France indicated but little prospect of obtaining re- dress for present grievances, while the impressment ques- tion made the affairs with Great Britain still more com- plicated. Differences of opinion prevailed, as to the best means of obtaining justice for these foreign aggressions. The people of New England, and the merchants of the CHAP. XLIL 1811 Nov. 7 . 622 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. tions, and to our own municipal laws.” — Lord Chief Justice Campbell, ic his Lives of the Cl ncellors, vol vii. p. 218. THE PRESIDENT RECOMMENDS WAR. 627 own manufacturers ; you will stimulate them to become a naval power, which one day may dispute with you the supremacy of the ocean.” u In a short time the English government would he compelled to repeal its odious de- crees.” “ To protect commerce is to aid agriculture, to benefit the northern as well as the middle and southern States. Moreover, it is essential to the preservation of the Union ; the commercial States will not endure that their rights should be systematically trampled upon from year to year, and they denied the defence which the God of nature has given them.” The discussions of these five months had a great influ- ence upon the public mind. Though unwilling to use harsher measures than to authorize the merchants to de- fend themselves by arming their ships, the President sent a special message to Congress recommending an embargo for sixty days. The hill was amended by substituting ninety for sixty, in which form it passed, debate being cut short by the rule of the previous question. One month and a half later, intelligence from France made known that Bonaparte, in violation of his word, had declared the obnoxious decrees of Berlin and Milan hence- forth the settled policy of the Empire. Thus the Emperor had entrapped the President. But England was as much in the wrong as France, and if so, why not declare war against both ? — It was openly avowed in Parliament that the offensive decrees and blockades must be maintained, or France could receive raw material from the United States ; continue her manufactures, and thus obtain the means to carry on the war. Great Britain also wished to secure for her own people the monopoly of commerce, as well as that of manufacturing for the world. The President finally sent another message to Congress, in which he recapitulated the wrongs inflicted by England in her impressments and violations of the rights of neutrals. This was plainly a war message, and in accordance with CHAP, XLII. 1812 A'oru 4. June 628 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLII. 1812 . June 18 . that view, a bill was drawn up declaring war against Great Britain. It was passed by a strictly party vote : — in the House 79 to 49, in the Senate 19 to 13. The people were far from being unanimous in their approbation of the declaration of war. The minority of the Lower House of Congress published an address to their constituents, in which the views of those opposed to the war found expression. After a review of the contro- versy between the U nited States and the belligerents, they contend there was equ'al cause for hostilities against both England and France ; that it was unreasonable to expect the full recognition of neutrals' rights while the desperate conflict in Europe was in progress ; that conflict would soon end, and then the cause for war on our part would be removed. The Address says, “ The effect of the British orders of blockade, is to deprive us of the commerce of France and her dependencies, while they leave open to us the commerce of all the rest of the world ; the former worth yearly about six millions and a half, and the latter worth thirty-eight millions. Shall the latter be sacrificed for the former ? A nation like the United States, happy in its great local relations ; removed from that bloody theatre of Europe, with a maritime border opening vast fields of enterprise ; with territorial possessions exceeding every real want ; its firesides safe ; its altars undefiled ; from invasion nothing to fear ; from acquisition nothing to hope, how shall such a nation look to Heaven for its smiles, while throwing away as though they were worth less, all the blessings and joys which peace and such a distinguished lot include P But how will war upon the land protect commerce ? How are our mariners to be benefited by a war which exposes those who are free, without promising release to those w T ho are impressed ? But it is said that war is demanded by honor. If honor demands a war with England, what opiate lulls that honor to sleep over the wrongs done us by F ranee ? ” THE EMBARRASSMENTS OF CONGRESS. 629 Such was the diversity of opinion as to the expediency chap. of engaging in war, especially when the country, in every respect, was so unprepared. The opponents of the measure 1812 were assailed as unpatriotic, which they retorted by charg- ing the advocates of war with subserviency to the policy of France. It was easier for Congress to declare war, than to ob- tain the means to prosecute it. The treasury was almost empty, the non-importation acts, and embargoes, had nearly ruined the revenue ; the army was very limited in number, and very deficient in officers of experience ; while the navy was wanting in ships and munitions. Congress passed a bill to enlist twenty-five thousand men as regu- lars, and authorized the President to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers. In appointing officers for the army, recourse was had, almost exclusively, to those who had served in the Kevolution ; but the most prominent of these had passed away, and the remainder, with but one or two exceptions, had been engaged in civil affairs for thirty years ; and men competent to drill the recruits were not to be found. To remedy this want, Congress, now for the first time, made provision for the constant and liberal instruction of two hundred and fifty cadets in the military art, by estab- lishing professorships in the Academy at West Point. Here was another instance of the foresight of Washing- ton. He had, during his administration, urged upon Con- gress to establish and maintain a school in which military tactics should be taught to officers, who in turn could easily drill the militia. The wise policy of the measure was amply shown in the rapidity with which the American volunteers were drilled and made efficient soldiers in the late Mexican war. But for the present the nation suffered 1846 severely from false economy in not founding the Academy when first proposed. The first exhibition of the war spirit and the party 630 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLII. 1812. June 22 . feeling which existed was an attempt to stifle the freedom of the press. The editor of a paper in Baltimore, Alexander Hanson, a. grandson of a president of the continental con- gress, had spoken in moderate terms in condemnation of the declaration of war. A few days after, the mob, headed by a Frenchman, destroyed his press and compelled him to fly for his life. Receiving no protection in his rights, as the magistrates connived at the outrage, Hanson and some twenty others thought it their duty to vindicate the liberty of the press. Among this number was General Henry Lee, — the chivalric Light Horse Harry of the Rev- olution, — the intimate friend of Washington, his eulo- gist by appointment of Congress, afterward Governor of Virginia, and General Lingan, also a worthy officer of the Revolution. They determined to defend the office of the paper. The mob appeared and stoned the house ; the magistrates meanwhile made no effort to quell the riot. Thus the rabble raged during the night ; in their attempts to force their way into the house, one of the ringleaders was shot. General Lingan was killed outright, and some of the other defenders of the office were most shamefully mangled and abused. General Lee w^as maimed for life. The leaders of the riot were never punished, though afterwards brought to trial, — a mere farce, — the district attorney even expressing his regret that all the defenders of the office had not been killed. General William Hull, who had served with some dis- tinction in the Revolution, and now Governor of Michigan Territory, was appointed commander of the forces in that region. The Territory contained about five thousand in- habitants, mostly of French origin. He received orders to invade Canada, the ardent friends of the war complacently thinking the inhabitants of that British province would cheerfully put themselves under the protection of the stars and stripes. Hull, however, found himself in a short time surrounded by a superior force of British and In- GENERAL HULL SURRENDERS HIS ARM'S. 631 dians ; the enemy also held possession of Lake Erie, and had easy communication with the rest of Canada, while between Hulks army and the settlements, intervened a vast and unbroken forest of two hundred miles. He urged upon the government to secure the command of the Lake before any attempt should be made at invasion, and also to furnish him not less than three thousand well pro- visioned troops. But he was told that he must content himself with two thousand men, while nothing could be done to secure the control of the Lake. When Hull arrived at Detroit, then a village of some eight hundred inhabitants, he had but eighteen hundred men, of whom the greater part were militia ; there he re- ceived orders to invade Canada immediately. But by a strange blunder, the intelligence of the declaration of war, designed for Hull, and franked by the Secretary of the Treasury, fell into the hands of the British. They availed themselves of the information, and immediately seized Mack- inaw ; the first intimation the garrison of that distant post received of the declaration of war. In a short time Hull himself was surrounded, and his communications cut off. The British general Proctor came up the Lake with reinforcements, whilst the British Fur Company enlisted their employees and excited the Indians. To open a road and obtain supplies, Hull sent out a detachment, but it fell into an ambuscade and was defeated. He now fortified himself, and to open communications to the river Raisin, sent another detachment under Colonels McArthur and Cass ; they became bewildered in a swamp, and were forced to find their way back to the camp. Presently General Brock, governor of Lower Canada, arrived at Malden with more reinforcements. He passed over the river and summoned Hull to surrender, who re- fused, and an attack was made upon his position, both from the British vessels and batteries. Brock landed and approached with seven hundred and fifty regulars, and as 3HAP, XLII 1812 . July 9 . Aug 14 . 632 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLII. 1812. Aug. 16 . many Indians. Hull had but eight hundred men, and threatened with destruction, as he imagined, by an over- whelming force, he surrendered his army and all Michigan at the same time. G-reat indignation was expressed at this failure. The difficulties of Hull’s position were very great, and perhaps, while no one doubted his personal courage, he may have wanted that sternness of soul so necessary to a successful commander. Those in authority screened themselves, by making the unfortunate general the scape-goat for their blunders, in sending him with a force and means so inade- quate. When brought to trial, two years afterward, he urged in defence, that all the inhabitants of the territory would have been exposed to certain massacre had he at- tempted further resistance. The court, however, found him guilty of cowardice, and sentenced him to he shot ; but in consideration of his revolutionary services, the Presi- dent granted him a pardon. His papers, since published, have revealed the insurmountable difficulties that sur- rounded him. It is remarkable that one of the causes of the war, was removed within four days after its declaration. France unconditionally repealed the Berlin and Milan decrees, then Great Britain repealed her Orders in Council, which had been based on the French decrees. The impressment question still remained unsettled. Nearly six thousand cases of alleged impressment were on record in the State Department at Washington. It was admitted on the floor of the House of Commons, that there were probably sixteen hundred native-born Americans held in bondage in the British navy. Of these several hundred had already been liberated, and a willingness was expressed to dis- charge the remainder, as soon as their nationality was fully known. But the British naval officers complained that the plea of American citizenship was very much abused ; by forged documents, or by certificates, originally AMERICAN SHIPS IN ENGLISH PORTS. 633 genuine, but transferred from one seaman to another as oc- cha p. casion required. The English government, moreover, was so trammelled by forms that very seldom could the impressed 1812 sailor obtain redress ; all such cases must be brought be- fore the Court of Admiralty in London, to reach which was almost impossible. This, after all, was to be a war to protect personal free- dom ; to obtain security from the visits to our ships of British press-gangs, led by insolent officers, and as such took hold of the sympathies of the American people. But Britain said, pass a law prohibiting our seamen from enlisting in your service, and we will not search your ships. The reply was, the flag of the United States, must shield those seeking its protection. This sentiment ap- peared to England very like an effort to seduce her sea- men from their allegiance. When intelligence of the declaration of war reached England, the government acted generously in relation to the American vessels in its ports. Instead of being con- Aag fiscated as in France, these ships were permitted six weeks to load and unload, and in addition were furnished with protections against capture by English cruisers on their way home. Yet these very vessels and their car- goes were liable to confiscation, when they should arrive in their own land, and that by a law of Congress ! As one of the causes of the war had been removed, Foster, the British Minister at Washington, proposed a cessation of hostilities until another effort should be made to arrange the impressment question. This proposal was not accepted by the American government. Not until all hope of reconciliation was passed, did the English au- thorities issue letters of marque and reprisal against American commerce ; and they still continued to grant licenses and protection to American vessels carrying flour to Spain for the use of the British armies in that country. Hulks surrender threw a shadow over the prospect of 634 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLII. 1812 . Sept Oct. 9 . conquering Canada. Strenuous efforts were made to in* crease the army on the frontiers of New York. Majoi General Dearborn, who, when a youth, had served in the Revolution, and had been Secretary of War, under Jeffer- son, had under his command, in the vicinity of Lake Cham- plain, five thousand troops, three thousand of whom were regulars ; and two thousand militia were stationed at different points on the St. Lawrence, east of Sackett’s Harbor, while another army, miscellaneous in character, being composed of regulars, volunteers and militia, was stationed at different points from the village of Buffalo to Fort Niagara. The latter troops were under the com- mand of General Yan Rensselaer. To insure success the Americans must have the con- trol of the Lakes Erie and Ontario ; on the latter they had already a little sloop-of-war, of sixteen guns, and manned by a regular crew. Captain Chauncey, of the navy yard at New York, was appointed to the command of the Lakes. He purchased some merchant vessels, and fitted them out with guns and other equipments, brought from Albany, at an immense amount of labor. He soon however swept the Lake of British ships, which took refuge in Kingston harbor ; the Frontenac of the times of French rule in that quarter. Lieutenant Elliot, in the mean time, was sent to equip a fleet on Lake Erie. By a daring exploit he cut out from under the guns of Fort Erie, two British armed vessels, which had just come down the Lake from Detroit. The invasion of Canada commenced by an attempt to obtain possession of Queenstown, on Niagara river. Owing to a deficiency of boats, only about six hundred men, partly regulars and partly militia, passed over. Colonel S. Yan Rensselaer, who commanded the militia, became separated from his men, and Colonel Christie, who com- manded the regulars, failed on account of the rapidity of the current to reach the shore. Those who landed were DEATH OF GENERAL BROCK — AMERICAN PRISONERS. 635 immediately attacked with great vigor. Rensselaer soon fell, wounded, but he ordered Captains Ogilvie and Wool to storm the battery, which they did in fine style, driving the British into a strong stone house, from which they could not be dislodged. General Brock, the same to whom Hull surrendered a few months before, was in command. Suddenly he headed a sortie from this house, which was promptly repulsed, and he himself slain. During this time, a space of five or six hours, the Americans were striving to pass the river, hut only five or six hundred succeeded. Suddenly a hand of Indians emerged from the woods, and joined in the fray ; these were soon put to flight by Lieutenant Winfield Scott, who, with a company of regulars, volunteered for the pur- pose. The want of boats, and the want of system, had prevented a suitable number of Americans from passing over. In the mean while General Sheafe was advancing from Fort George, with reinforcements for the British. This intelligence, together with the sight of the wounded, who were brought in boats to the American side, somewhat cooled the ardor of the militia, and they refused to pass the river to aid their countrymen. Their wits were also sharpened, and they suddenly discovered that their com- mander had no constitutional authority to lead them into Canada. The result was, that those who had gone over, about one thousand in number, were compelled to surren- der themselves prisoners of war. General Van Rensselaer, mortified at the want of spirit manifested on the occasion, resigned his command in disgust. Inefficiency reigned in triumph all along the frontier. An expedition against Detroit, under the command of Harrison, was abandoned for want of means. The volun- teers from Kentucky, as well as others, became mutinous and refused to advance. One failure followed another in rapid succession. The officers were quarrelling among CHAP. XLII. 1812 . Oct. 13 . 636 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAP. XLII. 1812. 1807. 1810. 1833. 1882. themselves, charging each other with cowardice and fighting bloodless duels, while the soldiers deserted in bands, and those who remained were insubordinate. These failures were unsparingly ridiculed in the newspapers opposed to the war. Soon after the establishment of the Government the religious portion of the people began to inquire as to their duty in sending the Gospel to the heathen of other lands. Samuel J. Mills and some other students of Williams Col- lege consecrated themselves to the work of foreign missions. A monument — a marble shaft surmounted by a globe — in Mills Park, just outside the village, marks the spot where these students met behind a haystack to confer with each other and consecrate themselves to the work of evangelizing the heathen. The result was the formation of the Ameri- can Board of Missions, which has had a remarkable success in extending the knowledge of the Gospel and introducing a Christian civilization in remote heathen lands. This Society was specially patronized by the Congregation alists and Presbyterians ; the latter, after twenty-one years of co- operation, withdrew and formed the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. Meanwhile other denominations entered with zeal upon tne work — the Baptists (1814), the Metho- dist Episcopal (1819), Reformed Dutch Church (1832), Protestant Episcopal (1835), and afterward others ; in all fifteen societies were formed. Under the control of these societies the missionaries and native teachers whom they have trained now number many thousands. The exertions of these devoted men have been crowned with remarkable success ; they have displayed much practical wisdom in the management of the missions, and have translated the Scriptures into the languages of the various people with whom they labored. For these evidences of their scholar- ship and their enlightened zeal they have oftentimes re- ceived the commendations and thanks of European educated men and statesmen. CHAPTER XLIII. MADISON’S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED. The Vessels of the Navy. — The chase of the Constitution. — Capture of the Alert. — The Guerriere. — Incidents. — The Macedonian. — The Frolic. — The Java. — The effects of these Naval Conflicts in the United States and England. — Plan of Operations.— Harrison advances on Detroit. — General Winchester a Prisoner; Indian Barbarities. — The Kentuckians fall into an Ambuscade. — Repulse at Fort Stephenson. — The loss of the Chesapeake. — Perry’s Victory. — Battle of the Thames. — Andrew Jack- son. — Leads an Expedition; its Termination. — York captured; Death of General Pike. — Wilkinson transferred to the North. — Another at- tempt to conquer Canada. — Fort George destroyed ; Newark burned. — The severe Retaliation. — The American Coast blockaded. — Ravages on the Shores of Chesapeake Bay. — Indian War in the South. — Jackson and others in the Field. — Battle at the Great Horse Shoe. — Captain Porter’s Cruise. W hile the disasters recorded in the last chapter were in progress, the despised little navy had won laurels, by a series of victories as unexpected as they were glorious. When the war commenced, the whole navy of the United States in commission, consisted of only three first class frigates ; the President, the Constitution, and the United States ; of the second class two, the Congress and the Essex ; the Wasp and Hornet, sloops-of-war ; and the brigs Argus, Syren, Nautilus, Enterprise, and Vixen. The second class frigates Chesapeake, Constellation, and John Adams, were undergoing repairs. The fleet was ordered to assemble at New York to be in readiness to defend harbors, and not to venture to sea, lest it shoidd CHAP. XLIII. 1812. 638 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1812. July. fall in the hands of the enemy ; a result which had been predicted again and again. Owing to the urgent remon- strances of Captains Stewart and Bainbridge, the intention of thus withdrawing the navy was abandoned. Within a few hours after the declaration of war w T as known in New York, a portion of the fleet was passing out to sea, in search of the enemy. This prompt movement was made for the double purpose of avoiding the orders, which the officers suspected were on the way from Washington, to detain them in the harbor, and to make a dash at the Jamaica fleet, said to be passing under convoy off the coast. When two days out, they chased and exchanged shots with the British frigate Belvidera, which, however, escaped and carried the news of the commencement of hostilities to Halifax. The Americans continued the pursuit of the Jamaica fleet, even to the entrance of the British Channel, but without overtaking it. Meanwhile a British squadron issued from Halifax, to cruise off the port of New York. The Constitution, better known as Old Ironsides, commanded by Captain Isaac Hull, in endeavoring to enter that port fell in with this fleet, and was chased by all its vessels for four days — the most remarkable chase on record. The unexampled skill with which she was managed, elicited universal admira- tion. Every nautical device was exhausted ; such as during a calm carrying out anchors and dropping them, and then pulling the ship up ; in the mean while, when opportunity served, exchanging shots with her adversaries. Finally she escaped into Boston. Orders from Washing- ton were sent to Captain Hull to remain there ; hut he anticipated them, and put to sea before they arrived. The Essex was the first to capture a prize — a trans- port filled with soldiers — and shortly after, the British sloop-of-war Alert. The latter mistook the Essex for a merchantman, and came on expecting an easy victory, but CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE INCIDENTS. 639 found herself so severely handled, that in a few minutes she was fain to strike her colors. Off the mouth of the St. Lawrence, Captain Hull fell in with the British frigate Guerriere, one of the fleet which had recently chased him. The Guerriere was on the look-out for “ Yankee craft ; ” on one of her flags was the inscription, Not the Little Belt. Courting the combat, she shortened sail, and at long range opened upon the approaching Constitution ; the latter did not fire a gun, but manoeuvred to obtain a desirable position. Thus an hour and a half was consumed. When the Constitution secured her position, she poured in her broadsides with such rapidity and effect, that the enemy struck his colors in thirty minutes. So completely was the Guerriere cut to pieces, that it was impossible to bring her into port, and Hull ordered her to be burned. The Guerriere had seventy-nine killed and wounded, while the Constitution had only seven, and was ready for action the next day. In connection with this encounter may be related two in- cidents, which show the spirit on board the respective ships. When the Constitution came within cannon-shot, the opening fire from the Guerriere killed two men. The men were impatient to avenge their companions, and Lieutenant Morris came on deck, and asked, “ Can we re- turn the fire, sir P ” “ No, sir,” calmly replied Hull. Soon after, Morris came again, and reported that another man was slain, and asked again, u Shall we return the fire?” “ No, sir,” was still the reply. For the third time, Morris soon appeared : “ Can we fire now ? ” Hull, pausing a mo- ment to survey the position of the ships, replied, “ Yes, sir, you may fire now.” The order was promptly obeyed, and Hull, with his eye intently fixed upon the enemy, ex- claimed, when he saw the effect, “ That ship is ours ! ” On board the Guerriere were ten impressed Americans. They refused to fight against their countrymen, and were ordered below. One of them was afterward called upon CHAP. XLIII. 1812 . A113 19 . 640 HISTORY OF THE A3IERICAX PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1812 . Oct. 23 . Oct. 13 . deck, and asked by Captain Dacres if be knew the char- acter of the approaching ship. He answered she was a frigate. As she drew nearer, and merely manoeuvred, and made no reply with her guns, Dacres, somewhat puzzled, inquired again , cc What does she mean P Do you think she is going to strike without firing a gun ? ” “ I guess not, sir,” replied the American : “ she will get the position she wants, and you will then learn her intentions ; with your permission, sir, I will step below.” The United States, Captain Decatur, when cruising off the Azores, gave chase to a British frigate, which proved to be the Macedonian. A running fight com- menced, which terminated by the Macedonian striking her colors, after losing one hundred out of her three hundred men, while the United States lost only five men and seven wounded. The other ships made several prizes on their cruise. The Argus escaped by superior seamanship, after being chased three days by six vessels, and took and manned a prize during the chase. The Wasp, Captain Jones, met the British brig Frolic, acting as a convoy for six merchantmen ; to protect them she shortened sail and offered battle. The Wasp watched her opportunity, raked her antagonist, and then immediately boarded. The boarders found the deck of the Frolic covered with the slain, and only one man unhurt, who was calmly standing at the wheel, and one or two wounded officers, who threw down their swords. Not twenty of the crew were unhurt. The Wasp had only five killed and as many wounded. But before she could make sail, the Poictiers seventy-four came up, and took both vessels. Hull resigned the command of the Constitution, and Bainb ridge was appointed in his place. Off the coast of Brazil the Constitution gave chase to a British frigate, the Java. The fight began at the distance of a mile, and was continued with great spirit, each manoeuvring to get the advantage. At length they approached so closely as EFFECTS PRODUCED BY THE NAVAL VICTORIES. 641 to fight yard-arm and yard-arm. The Java’s masts were shot away, and her fire silenced. The Constitution drew off to repair her rigging, and then approached to renew the conflict, which the Java prevented by striking her flag. Nearly half of her men, numbering four hun- dred, were killed or wounded, while the Constitution had only nine killed and twenty-five wounded ; among the latter was her commander. There being no friendly port in that part of the world to which he could take his prize, Bainbridge ordered her to be set on fire and blown up. It is difficult to conceive the exultation with which these victories were hailed in the United States. The very great disparity in the losses sustained by the respect- ive combatants had excited surprise in both nations. The English loss of men in killed and wounded, compared with that of the Americans, was as eight to one. There could be no doubt but the ships of the latter had been better managed and better fought. The English people, we learn from the newspapers of the day, were deeply mor- tified at the loss of their frigates. One of the papers asked, “ Shall England, the mistress of the seas and dictator of the maritime law of nations, be driven from her proud eminence by a piece of striped bunting flying at the mast- heads of a few fir-built frigates, manned by a handful of bastards and outlaws ? ” Some were thus abusive, but others were more respectful, and even found consolation in the fact that the Americans were the descendants of Englishmen. Says the London Times : “We witnessed the gloom which that event (the capture of the Guerri&re) cast over high and honorable minds ; it is not merely that an English frigate has been taken after a brave resistance, but it has been by a new enemy.” And apprehensions were expressed that their maritime superiority was about to be challenged, if not taken away, by this new rival, which had so suddenly sprung into existence. “ The mourning for this last most affecting event, (the capture CHAP. XLIII. 1813. Jan. 1 . 642 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLI1I. 1813 . of the Java,) can never be laid aside till the honoi of the British flag shall he redeemed, by establishing the same triumphant superiority over the Americans that we have heretofore had over all the nations that tra- verse the seas. Five hundred British vessels and three frigates have been captured in seyen months by the Americans. Can the English people hear this unmoved ? Down to this moment not an American frigate has struck her flag. They insult and laugh at us ; they leave their ports when they please ; and return when it suits their convenience ; they traverse the Atlantic ; they beset the West India Islands ; they advance to the very chops oi the Channel ; they parade along the coast of South America ; nothing chases, nothing intercepts, nothing engages them, but yields to them a triumph.” To account for these unexampled victories, some said the American frigates were Seventy-fours in disguise ; others that their guns were heavier than those of their op- ponents. The latter supposition may have been true to some extent. But national self-complacency found more consolation in the conjecture, that the spirit of the Ameri- can navy ought to he imputed to the few runaway British sailors enlisted in it ! The American privateers maintained the honor of the nation as much as the regular navy. Much more would have been accomplished, but the majority of the mer- chants were loth to send privateers to prey upon the prop- erty of their commercial friends and correspondents. As it was, more than three hundred prizes were taken, three thousand prisoners, and a vast amount of merchandise Changes were made in the President's cabinet. Gen- eral John Armstrong — the author of the famous Anony- mous Address, at the close of the Revolution — was ap- pointed Secretary of War in place of William Eustis, of Massachusetts, resigned. James Monroe still remained THE ARMIES — THE DISASTER AT THE RAISIN. 643 at the head of the State Department, and Albert Galla- tin at that of the Treasury, an office which he held under *J efferson. The surrender of Hull aroused the warlike spirit of the West, and volunteers presented themselves in great num- bers. The Americans were divided into three armies. That of the west, at the head of Lake Erie, under General Harrison ; that of the centre, between Lakes Erie and Ontario, under General Dearborn, and that of the north in the vicinity of Lake Champlain, under General Wade Hampton. A similar arrangement was made by the British. Sir George Prevost was in chief command of the forces in Canada, General Proctor commanded the troops stationed near Detroit, and General Sheafe those in the neighborhood of Montreal and the Sorel river. To recover what Hull had lost, Harrison moved toward Detroit and Malden ; meantime General Winchester ad- vanced with eight hundred volunteers, chiefly young men from Kentucky. That State swarmed with soldiers, drawn from every rank in society. As he drew near the Maumee Rapids, Winchester learned that a body of Brit- ish and Indians was in possession of Erenchtown, on the river Raisin. He sent a detachment, which routed the enemy, and maintained its position until he himself came up. When General Proctor learned of the approach of Winchester, he hastened across the lake on the ice from Malden, with fifteen hundred British and Indians, to cut him off, before Harrison could give aid. The attack was made on the American camp before daylight. In the midst of the confusion Winchester was taken prisoner. Proctor promised him security for the safety of his men, and thus induced him to surrender them as prisoners. Fearing the approach of Harrison, Proctor retreated as rapidly as possible to Malden, and in violation of his pledges, he left the wounded Americans. The Indians turned back and murdered great numbers CHAP XL1II. 1813 Jan 22 . 644 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. 0 f them, and carried the remainder to Detroit : for some of these they demanded enormous ransoms, and others 1813. they reserved for tortures. The conduct of Proctor, in thus breaking his word, and violating the principles ol common humanity, excited against the enemy the bitterest feelings of revenge. u Remember the Raisin ! ” became the war-cry of the Kentuckians. Harrison advanced to the rapids, and there established a post, which in honor of the Governor of Ohio, he named Fort Meigs. There he was besieged, in the course of a few months, by a large force of British and their Indian allies. Learning that General Green Clay, of Kentucky, was descending the Maumee with twelve hundred men in boats, Harrison sent orders for half the men to land and seize the enemy's batteries on the north side of the river, spike their guns, and then come to the Fort, whence a sortie was to be made against the main batteries on the south side. The first order was fulfilled, and the British routed ; but instead of hastening to the Fort, the Ken- tuckians became unmanageable, and pursued a few In- dians, who led them into an ambuscade prepared by the cunning Tecumseh. They were in turn routed by the Indians and a detachment of British soldiers, and of the Kentuckians only about one hundred and fifty escaped. Nevertheless Proctor was alarmed ; the force of the Ameri- cans was unknown, and as the Indians began to desert, May. he commenced a hurried retreat across the lake to Malden, Two months after, Proctor again appeared before Fort Meigs, now under the command of Clay. Not able to take it, and having learned that Fort Stephenson, on the Sandusky, had a small garrison, Proctor left Tecumseh with his Indians to besiege Fort Meigs, while he himself went against Fort Stephenson. This fort had a garrison of only one hundred and sixty young men, commanded by Major George Croghan, a youth in his twenty-second year. When summoned to surrender, he replied that he THE LOSS OF THE CHESAPEAKE. 645 should defend the fort till the last man was buried in its CHAP, ruins. The siege commenced, and when a breach was^|g* — made, the British regulars, at the word of their Colonel, . 1 £ 13 . who cried out, u Come on, give the Yankees no quarter/* rushed to the assault. As they crowded into the ditch, the only cannon in the fort opened from a masked port hole. The gun was loaded with a double charge of musket balls ; the effect was terrific, the enemy fled in confusion, and abandoned the siege. The Indians at the first repulse deserted, as usual. Meanwhile there had been other conflicts at sea. Captain James Lawrence, in command of the Hornet, had captured the Peacock off the coast of South America. Feb. 1 ... 23 The ships were equal in size and equipments. The action lasted but fifteen minutes. The Peacock raised signals of distress, for she was sinking rapidly, and in spite of the efforts of both crews she went down, carrying with her some of her own men and three of the Hornet's. On his return, Lawrence was appointed to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, then in Boston harbor, undergoing repairs and enlisting a crew. The British frigate Shannon, Captain Broke, had ap- peared off the harbor as if offering a challenge. The im- petuous Lawrence put to sea, notwithstanding the de- ficiency of his crew, some of whom were muih dissatisfied on account of back arrearages of prize money of a former cruise. The ship was also deficient in officers, the first lieutenant being unable from illness to go on board. The contest was witnessed by thousands from the hills and I 11116 - house tops. When the ships met, the Chesapeake be- came entangled with the Shannon in such a manner as to be exposed to a raking fire. Lawrence, mortally wounded at the commencement of the battle, was carried below. This created confusion for a few minutes, and Broke aoticing that the fire had slackened, promptly gave orders to board, leading the men himself. The American 646 HISTORY OF THE AMERICA!* PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1813. boarders bad just been called, and but few of them wer€ yet upon deck ; after a band to band figbt, the Chesa- peake's colors were hauled down. The captor sailed im- mediately to Halifax. There Captain Lawrence died. He was buried with military honors and marks of respect. Afterward his remains were removed to New York. His last command, “ Don't give up the ship," has become the watchword in the American navy. The rejoicings in England over the capture of the Chesapeake were so great as to become highly compli- mentary to the Americans, to whom they were as gratify- ing as if the Shannon had been captured. It was an um equivocal evidence of the respect that the navy had inspired. The same spirit which had done so much honor to the nation on the ocean, displayed itself on the lakes. The random incursions of undisciplined volunteers accom- plished nothing until the control of the lakes was secured. A youthful lieutenant in the United States navy, Oliver Hazard Perry, a native of Newport, Rhode Island, volun- teered for that service. Commodore Chauncey appointed him to the command of the fleet on Lake Erie. After much labor, Perry built and fitted out at the port of Erie, nine vessels of various sizes, from one carrying twenty- five guns down to those which carried only one. The American fleet had altogether fifty-five guns ; the British had six vessels carrying sixty- three guns. The number of men was about five hundred in each fleet. Owing to the direction of the wind at the commencement of the battle, Perry's flag ship, the Lawrence, was exposed to the concentrated fire of the enemy's entire fleet, and in a short time she was made a complete wreck. As the wind in- creased, the remaining ships were enabled to come up. Leaping into a boat, and in the midst of flying balls, Perry now transferred his flag, which bore the motto “ Don't give up the ship," to the next largest vessel, the Niagara. When passing through the enemy's line he BATTLE OF THE THAMES — DEATH OF TECUMSEH 647 poured in broadsides, right and left, within pistol-shot. The other American vessels closed, and in less than an hour every British ship had surrendered. The hero announced the result to General Harrison, in the memorable despatch, “ We have met the enemy and they are ours.” Harrison hastened to profit by the victory, and to lead his men against Detroit and Malden. The fleet carried a portion of the troops across the lake, but they found Malden deserted. Proctor and Tecumseh had destroyed their military stores, and taken with them the horses and cattle in the neighborhood, and were now in full retreat toward the Moravian town, on the Thames. At Detroit Harrison was unexpectedly reinforced by about thirty-five hundred mounted Kentuckians, under the venerable Gov- ernor Shelby, one of the heroes of King’s Mountain, and Colonel Richard M. Johnson. The pursuit now com- menced in earnest. After a forced march of sixty miles, they overtook the enemy. A desperate encounter took place ; nearly all Proctor’s men were either taken or slain, he himself barely escaping with about two hundred dra- goons. The Indians fought furiously when cheered on by Tecumseh, but when he fell, it is said by a pistol ball fired by Colonel Johnson himself, they broke and fled. With the life of the great savage planner ended Indian hostilities in that part of the frontier. The Kentuckians returned home in triumph. Leaving Colonel Lewis Cass, who was soon after appointed Governor of Michigan, to garrison Detroit with his brigade, Harrison embarked with thirteen hundred regulars for Buffalo, to assist in the cherished project of conquering Canada. Military enthusiasm was not confined to Kentucky and the region north of the Ohio. In answer to a call to defend New Orleans, volunteers in great numbers assembled at Nashville, Tennessee. General Andrew Jackson was their chosen commander. CHAP. XL11I. 1813 . Sept. 10 . Oct 5 . 648 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1813 1780. Jackson was a native of' North Carolina, of Scotch- Irish descent ; left fatherless at an early age : — his mother the descendant of a Scotch Covenanter, a woman of great energy, and of a daring spirit, but softened and sub- dued by religious principle and humane sympathy. F rom her be inherited a hatred of oppression, and an indomi- table will that never failed to triumph. At the age of thirteen — in Revolutionary times — he began his career un- der General Sumter at the skirmish of Hanging Rock. His eldest brother had already fallen in battle, and here, in company with the brother next in age, he fought valiantly. Their home broken up and pillaged, the mother and her two sons became exiles from their own fireside. Soon after the sons, through the plottings of Tories, were made prisoners. The next day a British officer ordered Andrew to clean his boots, but the young hero indignantly refused to perform the menial service, and steadily persisted, though his life was threatened and the officer struck him with the flat of his sword. The heroic mother at length obtained the exchange of her sons, but only in a short time to follow to the grave the elder, who died of small-pox, which both the brothers had contracted during their captivity. The next year the mother, with some other ladies, travelled more than one hundred miles to minister to the wants of the unfortunate patriots, her neighbors, who were confined as prisoners on board of loathsome prison ships in the harbor of Charleston. Enfeebled by her labors of love, she contracted the fever then raging among the prisoners and speedily passed away. Thus at the age of fifteen Jackson was left without a relative in his native land. Scarcely has it ever fallen to the lot of a youth to experience a series of such harrowing misfortunes. Though young in years these trials had their effect ; they gave him the maturity of manhood ; they strengthened the decision of character, which so marked his life. To his friends Jackson’s expedition to natchez. 649 generous to a fault, yet he never suffered his will to be chap, successfully resisted ; not from stubbornness — that strong- bold of little minds — but from bis impression of right. 1796 He early emigrated to Tennessee, then a territory, and was the first representative from that State in the House. He was then described by a contemporary, u as having been a tall, lank, uncouth-looking personage, with long locks of hair hanging over his face, and a cue down his back tied in an eel-skin ; his dress singular, his manners and deportment that of a rough backwoodsman. Ho eye among his associates was prophetic enough, under that rude aspect, to recognize or imagine the future General and President . 1 New Orleans was almost defenceless ; the same mis- 1813 taken economy we have seen elsewhere, had been exercised here. There were only sixteen hundred men in the gar- rison, scarcely any ammunition, and no means of con- veyance. Though without authority from the War De- partment, General Wilkinson — the same who in the days of the Revolution was one of the aids of General Gates, — had taken measures to survey all the water passages to the Gulf, and partially repair their fortifications. This expedition from Tennessee had a singular termi- nation. The infantry, in number sixteen hundred, floated in flat-boats down the Cumberland, the Ohio and the Mississippi to Natchez, where they were joined by four hundred horsemen, who had marched across the country. Armstrong, the Secretary of War, sent orders to Jackson, Fob who had been refused a commission in the regular army, to disband his men at Natchez, and deliver his military stores to General Wilkinson. To implicitly obey orders which he did not approve was not one of the virtues of Andrew Jackson. Suspecting that this order was a pre- text to get rid of the volunteers without paying thebr 1 Hildreth, vol. iv., p. 692. 650 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, wages, lie positively refused to obey. Indignant at the wrong done the men, he unceremoniously drove out of the 1813. camp the United States recruiting officers, who had come, hoping to induce those volunteers to enlist in the regular army, who had not the funds to return home. On his own responsibility, Jackson provided conveyances for the sick, and marched the whole force back to Nashville, and there disbanded them. The War Department overlooked the in- subordination, and quietly paid the bill. The military operations on the northern frontier con- linued as unimportant, as they were inefficient in bringing Great Britain to terms. To secure the control of Lake Ontario it was necessary to destroy or capture the ships and military stores at York, now Toronto, then the capi- April, tal of Upper Canada, and the head-quarters of General Sheafe. When the spring opened, Commodore Chaunc^y sailed with sixteen hundred men on board his fleet. They landed a short distance from the town, Lieutenant Scott, who had recently been exchanged, leading the van. General Pike led the troops to the assault. The retreating British fired a magazine, which exploded with tremendous power, overwhelmed the advancing Americans, and killed and wounded more than two hundred of their number, among whom was the gallant Pike, who died the next day. The town surrendered, and the contents of another magazine were transferred to Sackett’s Harbor. Just before the Americans embarked, a little one story building, known as the Parliament House, was burned. The British attributed the act to them, but General Dearborn and his officers believed it was set on fire by the disaffected Canadians, as they had threatened to burn it. Major Grafton certified that no American could have committed the deed without his knowledge, as he had the command of the patrol in the vicinity of the House. The PRIVATE RESENTMENTS ANOTHER FAILURE. 651 Canadian Chief Justice of the district, in a communication, spoke of the humane conduct of the Americans, “ which entitled them to the gratitude of the people of York.” Yet retaliation, for the burning of this building, was the excuse offered afterward for the wanton destruction and pillaging of the public buildings at Washington. During the summer occurred a number of failures, all traceable to the inefficiency of the commanders. Finally certain members of Congress informally requested the President, through secretary Monroe, to recall Dearborn from the command. Accordingly Wilkinson was trans- ferred from New Orleans to the northern frontier. General Wade Hampton, recently in command at Norfolk, was also appointed to the command of a division ; hut as he and Wilkinson were not on friendly terms, he accepted the office only on condition that he should not he placed under the command of the latter. That patriotism which would overlook private resentment for the good of the country must be sacrificed to the personal enmities of these gentlemen. Hoping to remove the difficulty, Armstrong, the Secretary of War, suddenly appeared on the ground, and assumed the chief command himself ; but he and Wilkinson could not agree on a plan of operations. After refusing to accept the proffered resignation of Wilkinson, who did not relish the uncalled-for interference, the Secre- tary returned to his more appropriate duties at Washington. Another futile attempt was made to conquer Canada. General Wilkinson moved his army from Sackett's Har- bor, toward Montreal ; in the mean time General Hamp- ton was advancing up from Lake Champlain. The two American armies if united would number twelve thousand men, while the whole British force was about two thou- sand, and these mostly militia. Wilkinson wrote to Hampton, in Armstrong's name, to join him at St. Regis, but instead of co-operating, Hampton replied that he had given up the expedition and was already on his return to CHAP XLIII. 1813. May 652 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1813 . Nov. 13 . Dec. 20 . June. winter-quarters. Under these circumstances, Wilkinson found it necessary to retreat, as the season would he too far advanced before he could obtain the provisions and aid which Hampton had failed to supply. During the previous summer there had been on the lake, as well as on its shores, several expeditions as unimportant in them* selves as they were trifling in their results. When General Harrison, who soon after resigned his commission, retired, he left a General McClure in com- mand at the head of Lake Ontario. Presently McClure found himself with only a few regular troops, as the militia under his command were returning home ; their term of enlistments had expired. Not prepared to resist the ad- vancing British, he was forced to retire across the river to the American side. Before leaving he destroyed Fort George, and set on fire the village of Newark, lest the enemy, as he said, should find comfortable winter-quarters. McClure gave as his excuse for thus burning the homes, and turning four hundred inoffensive people, men, women, and children, out into the winter's storms, that he thought he was justified by the orders of the War Department In truth there was no excuse for the cruel and wanton act. Evil begets evil. Ten days after, the enemy passed over to the American side, surprised Fort Niagara, and put the garrison to the sword. Then commenced the retaliation for the burning of Newark. They burned Lewistown, Youngstown, Manchester, Black Rock, and Buffalo, and indeed every house that could be reached from Lake Ontario to Erie. Prevost issued immediately after a proclamation, in which he stated that these rav- ages were provoked by the burning of Newark, and if the Americans would hereafter refrain from such outrages, he should conduct the war on humane and civilized principles. During the summer the whole American coast was blockaded by the overwhelming force of the British fleet. The Hornet, the frigates United States and Macedonian, BRITISH ARMED VESSELS IN THE CHESAPEAKE. 653 were shut up in the harbor of New London. The harbor chap. of New York, the Delaware and Chesapeake bays, the harbors of Charleston and Savannah, the mouth of the 1813. Mississippi, were all blockaded. In the Chesapeake alone there were more than twenty British armed vessels, on board of which were three or four thousand land troops. These frequently landed and pillaged the towns, and in some instances committed outrages upon the inhabitants, especially at Hampton, a small village cn James river. The infamy of conducting these marauding expeditions belongs to Vice-Admiral Cockburn, whose conduct was more in accordance with the brutality of a savage, than with the humanity of an officer of a Christian nation. These marauders were well characterized by the term, “ Water Winnebagoes.” The war was not confined to the northern frontier. The untiring Tecumseh had visited the Creeks the pre- vious year, and inspired them, especially their young war- riors, with his views. The Creeks occupied the greater portion of what is now the State of Alabama, and a por- tion of south-western Georgia. Numbers of the tribe had become partially civilized, living upon the products of their fields and their herds. The nation was divided in opinion. The intelligent and wealthy portion were in favor of peace, while the ignorant and poor were in favor of war. The one party saw in a war with the United States, the utter ruin of their nation ; the other a return to their ancient customs, and a perfect independence of the white man. The settlers blindly neglected the re- peated warnings given of these hostile intentions. When suddenly Wetherford, a celebrated half-breed chief, sur- rounded Fort Mimms, on the lower Alabama, and put to death nearly three hundred persons, men, women, and children. The South was speedily roused, and soon about seven thousand volunteers were on their march in four 654 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIII. 1813 . Dec. 1814 . Mar. 28 . divisions, to penetrate the enemy’s country, from as manj points, and to meet in the centre. General Jackson, with his recent Natchez volunteers, moved from Nashville ; from East Tennessee, another division, under General Cocke ; one from Georgia, and one from the Mississippi Territory. In addition the lower Creeks took up arms against their brethren ; and also Cherokees and Choctaws joined in the expedition. A series of attacks commenced upon the savage enemy. The Creeks were defeated in every conflict ; cut down without mercy, their warriors disdaining to ask for their lives. The divisions penetrated the country from different points, and drove them from place to place. In this last struggle for their homes they were overwhelmed, but not conquered. Thus the war continued for some months, when the greater portion of the volunteers returned home. Jackson was compelled to suspend offensive operations till reinforcements should arrive. At length they came, and he went in pursuit of the enemy. On a peninsula formed by a peculiar bend in the Tallapoosa river, known as Emuchfau, or the Horse-shoe, the Indians made their last stand. They fortified the neck of the peninsula, as much as their rude materials would permit. Thither they trans- ferred their wives and children, in whose defence they resolved to die, and there in gloomy silence they awaited the attack. The assault was made on the breastwork, which, after five hours’ fighting, was carried. Nearly six hundred of the warriors perished, and the women and children were taken prisoners. Thus, after a campaign of six months, the power of the Creeks was broken, and with it their spirit was crushed. The warriors who were yet living, began to give themselves up to the conquerors. A noble-looking chief suddenly, at the hour of midnight, pre- sented himself to Jackson. “ I fought at Fort Mimms ; I fought th > army of Georgia,” said he ; u I did you all THE CRUISE OF THE ESSEX. 655 the harm I could. Had I been supported as I was prom- ised, I would have done more. But my warriors are kill- ed, and I can fight no longer ; I look back with sorrow that I have brought ruin upon my nation. I am now in your power, do with me as you please ; I too am a war- rior.” Such were the words of Wetherford, the destroyer of Fort Mimms. Jackson could appreciate the man who would fight for his country ; though the volunteers mur- mured, he spared the life of the chief. The General, so stern in the performance of duty, was not devoid of humane sympathy. When walking on the field of battle his attention was arrested by the wail of an Indian babe. He himself was a childless man, yet his heart was touched. Ordering the infant to be brought to the camp, he asked the Indian women to take care of it. “ Its mother is dead, let it die too,” was their reply. The General took the child himself, carried it to his home, and reared it in his own family. The Essex, Captain Porter, passed round Cape Horn, expecting to meet the Constitution in the Pacific ; but she, as has already been noted, returned home after the capture of the Java. When he arrived at Valparaiso, Porter was gratified to be received as a friend. Chili had thrown off her allegiance to Spain, and was no longer an ally of England. Learning there that the viceroy of Peru had, in expectation of war between Spain and the United States, authorized cruisers against American whalers, he put to sea in order to chastise these cruisers, one of whom he captured and disarmed. He then went in pursuit of the British whalers, who were all armed, and carried com- missions from their own government to capture American whaling vessels. In a few months he captured twelve of these whalers. Hearing that the British frigate Phoebe had been sent in pursuit of him, he returned early in the year to Valparaiso, in search of the enemy. Soon the CHAP. XLIII. 1814 1818 656 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAP. XLIII. 1814. March. 1816. May 8. 1890. Phoebe appeared, accompanied by the sloop-of-war Cherub. In guns and men the Phoebe was a full match for the Essex. The two hostile vessels took their position off the harbor. Porter determined to avoid the unequal contest by escaping to sea ; but when passing out of tlie harbor a sudden squall carried away his main-topmast, and, as be could not return to port, he was at the mercy of the Phoebe and Cherub. After an encounter, perhaps the most desperate of any naval engagement during the war, he was forced to surrender ; but he did not strike his flag until he had lost the unusual number of fifty-eight killed and sixty-six w T ounded. In giving an account of the affair to the Secre- tary of the Navy, he wrote : “We have been unfortunate, but not disgraced.” Efforts had been made by local societies, small and lim- ited in their influence, to circulate the Bible, but not until the formation of a large association, with more means and greater facilities, could much be accomplished in publishing and distributing the Scriptures. Sixty delegates, men of influence and representing thirty-five of these local associa- tions, met in New York City and formed the American Bible Society. During the first year eighty-four local societies became auxiliary to it ; now the auxiliaries, direct- ly or indirectly connected with the Institution, number over seven thousand. During the first year of its exist- ence the members of the British Bible Society sent it their congratulations and a donation of twenty-five hundred dol- lars. The Society publishes the Bible without note or comment, and has the confidence of all the Protestant denominations. It publishes more than two hundred varie- ties of the English Bible, and more than one hundred and forty varieties in other languages. Three several times (1829, 1856, and 1866) the Society, as far as possible, has supplied every family in the Union destitute of the Bible with a copy. CHAPTER XL I Y. M ADISON’S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED. The Thirteenth Congress; its Members. — Daniel Webster. — Manifesto of the British Governmant. — Embarrassments. — Commissioners of Peace appointed. — Britain offers to negotiate. — Jacob Brown. — Winfield Scott. — E. W. Ripley. — Wilkinson unsuccessful; his Misfortunes. — Capture of Fort Erie. — Battle of Lundy’s Lane. — Its effect. — British repulsed at Fort Erie ; their Batteries captured. — Battle on Lake Champlain. — British marauding Expeditions on the Shores of the Chesapeake. — Bladensburg. — Capture of Washington. — The Public Buildings burned. — Defence of Fort McHenry. — Death of General Ross.— Bombardment of Stonington. — Distress in New England. — De- bates in Congress. — Embargo and Non-importation Act repealed. — Hartford Convention. The thirteenth Congress, in obedience to the call of chap. the President, met in special session, some months before . the usual time. The last census had increased the num- 1813 ber of Representatives in the House to 182 . Of the present members a greater proportion than in the last Congress were opposed to the war, and, indeed, its own advocates on that subject were by no means harmonious among themselves. In this Gongress, as well as in the last, appeared many new men, whose influence was afterward greatly felt, not only in their respective States, but in moulding the future policy of the nation itself. Am ong these were John F orsyth of Georgia, William Gaston of North Carolina, John McLean of Ohio, and Daniel Webster of New Hamp- shire, who now commenced that career so marked in oui 658 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap national councils. Born on the frontiers of that State, his . 1 privileges were limited. The quiet, thoughtful hoy, fond 1813. of books, read all within his reach. His father, a man of strong sense and sterling integrity ; his mother, a woman of more than ordinary intellect and force of character ; to their judicious guidance may be traced the best elements of his education. The father noticed his expanding in- tellect, the calm power of mind that intuitively grasped thoughts far beyond his years. H»s resolution was taken ; though very limited in means, he must educate his son. At length he informed Daniel of his determination to sen! him to college. At this first intimation that the dreams which had been floating before his imagination were to be realized, the boy's emotions were too deep for utterance ; he threw himself upon his lather's neck and wept for joy. In Congress stirring debates ensued. Not only was the policy of the war severely criticized, but the manner in which it had been conducted. Its advocates were sur- rounded with difficulties ; the means to carry it on were exhausted ; the revenue derived from commerce had dwindled to one million, with a prospect of still greater reduction ; enormous bounties were offered to obtain re- cruits for the army, but very few enlisted. The clashing of opinions on the subject had arrayed the people definitely on one side or the other. j an . The British government issued to the world a mani- festo, in which certain charges industriously circulated in the United States were utterly denied — such as that they had instigated the Indians to hostilities, or that they had endeavored to seduce the people of the Eastern States from the Union ; but on the contrary, they protested that the English people were actuated by a spirit of for- bearance, and were truly desirous to be at peace and amity with the people of the United States. As to the question of search, they were unwilling to give up the THE WAR UNPOPULAR IN NEW ENGLAND. 659 right to recover their deserting seamen, unless the United chap, States would remove the necessity for impressments, by enacting laws forbidding British sailors to enlist in the 1813 American service. This document had a great effect in influencing the minds of the people in England, as well as upon those in the United States. The disasters of the last campaign, and the want of money, a sufficiency of which could not be obtained by loans, were not as embarrassing to the government, as the opposition to the war which prevailed in the New Eng- land States. The Legislature of Massachusetts sent a remonstrance to Congress. They denounced the war as unreasonable, for Great Britain had repealed the obnoxious Orders in Council, and also offered to negotiate in relation to impressments. Undue influences in the councils of the nation had led to measures opposed to their interests, and had brought ruin upon them by war. It was a duty to their constituents to make this remonstrance. They ap- pealed to the Searcher of hearts for the purity of their motives, and their devotion to their country. The people of New England complained that for the last twelve years, their influence in the national govern- ment had not been in proportion to their population, in- telligence and wealth, — that their best and ablest men had been designedly excluded from positions of influence in the councils of the nation. In less than a year after the declaration of war, Presi- 5 ^ dent Madison, influenced by an offer of mediation on the part of Russia, appointed Albert Gallatin, his Secretary of the Treasury, and James A. Bayard, commissioners to nego- tiate a peace. They were to act in concert with John Quincy Adams, then minister at the court of St. Peters- burg. The offered mediation by Russia was declined by England ; and nothing was accomplished by the com- missioners. Nearly a year afterward, the British govern- ment made a direct overture to treat of peace, either at 660 HISTOEY OF THE AMEEICAX PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814 . Jan. 14 . London or at Gottenburg in Sweden. This offer wa? made in the face of the ultimate downfall of Bonaparte^ who had just been defeated at the battle of Leipsic. The President gladly accepted the offer, though he complained that the English government had rejected the mediatioi? of Russia, which had been offered three several times. Accordingly, Henry Clay and Jonathan Russell, recently minister to England, were appointed additional commis- sioners of peace. In a month's time, they had received their instructions, and were on their way to Europe. These instructions took decided ground on the im- pressment question. u That degrading practice must cease/' said they. “ Our flag must protect the crew, or the United States cannot consider themselves an independent nation." Yet the promise was quietly made to enact a law for- bidding the enlistment of British sailors, either in the United States navy or in the mercantile service. Still more, the commissioners were privately authorized “ to go further, to prevent a possibility of failure." It will be re- membered that this was the very law or assurance in effect, that Britain asked of Congress, at the commence- ment of the war. Engrossed with the affairs of Europe, England as yet could spare but few men or ships for the American war. Bonaparte having abdicated and retired to Elba, she had on her hands a large veteran army unemployed. Of this army, fourteen thousand soldiers were sent to Canada, while other portions were sent to different places in the United States. This acquisition changed the face of affairs on the northern frontier. The failures in that quarter, had thrown the adminis- tration at Washington into despair. The soldiers had but little confidence in officers, who were continually quarrelling with each other, and never acting in concert, and this favorite measure was about to be given up, from sheer want of proper persons to lead the enterprise. New NEW MEN ON THE STAGE. 661 men were coming on the stage. The most promising of ^ap. these was Colonel J acob Brown, a Pennsylvanian by birth, . a Quaker by descent, who, when a school teacher in the 2814- city of New York, attracted the attention of Hamilton, who made him his military secretary in the army of 1798. Brown subsequently removed to the northern part of New York State, and there, in his defence of Ogdensburg, as well as on other occasions, exhibited military talents of a high order. There was another youthful hero, destined to fill an honorable space in the military annals of his country. Winfield Scott, a native of Virginia, originally bred for the bar ; he also belonged to the army of ’98. At the commencement of the war he raised and commanded a company of volunteers. To these may be added Eleazar W. Kipley, of Maine, who possessed talents of a high order. These young and enthusiastic officers believed that if the Americans were drilled, and led by commanders in whom they had confidence, they would meet the British regulars without fear for the result. Owing to their solicitations, another invasion of Canada was planned. Nothing, however, was gained by the effort, except th<* verification of their theory. Early in the spring, Wilkinson, who had been ill for months, moved with four thousand men, from winter quarters, to repel a British detachment. His progress was arrested near La Colle, at a stone mill, held as an outpost. Mar The single heavy cannon brought to batter down the mill, sunk in the mire. An unusual thaw commencing, flooded the whole country, and opened Lake Champlain, of which the British had control. The Americans were fain to re- tire from the danger as soon as possible. Wilkinson was so much abused and ridiculed on account of this failure, that he indignantly resigned, and demanded an inquiry into his conduct by a court-martial. One year from that time, he was honorably acquitted by the court. But the government, which he had faith- 662 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, XLIY. 1814. July 2 . fully served for forty years, on the reduction of the army after the war, dismissed him from its service. Thus in his old age he experienced the hardship of being turned upon the world without a competency. The State of Maryland came forward, and generously granted him a pension. When spring further opened, a concentration of forces on both sides resulted in a series of movements and counter- movements accomplishing nothing of importance. The first point resolved upon, was to seize Burlington Heights, at the head of Lake Ontario, before aid could come from York. In the mean time, Commodore Chauncey was to get the command of the lake. Having obtained permission from the government, General Brown, with thirty-five hundred men, some reg- ulars and some volunteers, passed in the night from Buffalo to Canada, presented himself in the morning be- fore Fort Erie, and summoned the garrison to surrender. In the course of the day, the fort complied. The British General Riall, with an army equal in number to that of Brown, was stationed behind the Chip- pewa, distant fifteen miles. Colonel Scott, the next day, led the advance against the enemy, whose outposts he drove in ; the remainder of the army came up at midnight. Brown here gave an indication of what he expected of his officers ; he cashiered one of their number for untimely re- treating in a skirmish. On the following day, Riall left his intrenchments and crossed the Chippewa. The volun- teers could not resist the attack, but fled, leaving Scott's brigade exposed. The latter charged the advancing enemy with the bayonet, and forced them to retreat ; as they passed the bridge they destroyed it. Riall immediately abandoned his camp and Queenstown, and leaving a strong force in Fort George, retreated to a favorable position twelve miles distant. The British loss in these engagements was about five hundred, the American about three hundred THE BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE. 663 This first victory, after a fair trial of strength, was very gratifying to the Americans, privates as well as officers. Brown took possession of Queenstown, hut found he had not the proper cannon to successfully attack Fort George, and that the fleet could not co-operate. After maintain- ing his position three weeks, he fell back to the Chippewa. The British were not idle. On the very day that Brown reached the Chippewa, General Drummond ar- rived from York at Fort George, with large reinforce- ments, To prevent them from sending a detachment to destroy his stores at Schl osser, Brown made an advance upon the enemy. Scott led his brigade, accompanied by the artillery commanded by Towson. General Riall was advancing in force in an opposite direction, intending on the following morning to attack the Americans. About sunset, when directly opposite the falls of Niagara, these parties unexpectedly met. The British took position on a rising ground, and there placed their artillery, consisting of seven pieces. These began to play upon Scott's bri- gade, while, because of their position on the hill, balls from Towson's guns could scarcely reach them. The loss of the Americans was great, yet they maintained their position, expecting Brown with the main army. When it was quite dark, he arrived. One of Scott's regiments under Major Jessup drove the Canadian militia before them, and, gaining the rear of the enemy, captured a number of prisoners, among whom was General Riall himself, who having been wounded, was retiring. It was seen that the key of the position was the park of artillery on the hill. Said Ripley to Colonel James Miller : “ Can you take that battery P " “ I'll try, sir," was the prompt reply. Then silently leading his regiment, which was partially concealed by the fence of a churchyard, along which they passed, Miller rushed upon the artillerists, and drove them from their guns at the point of the bayonet. Presently General Drummond advanced ir the darkness to recover the CHAP. XLIV. 1814. July 24 664 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814 . July 25 . guns ; but nis men quailed before the terrible fire which they encountered. He rallied them again ; and again they were forced from the hill. With the energy of des- peration, for the third time they advanced, and were again met with a resistance equally obstinate, — the op- posing forces fighting hand to hand with the bayonet. It was now midnight. The British sullenly retired. The Americans had maintained their ground, supplying their own exhausted ammunition from the cartridge-boxes of their slain foes. The men were almost perishing with hunger, thirst and fatigue. They had marched during the day fifteen miles, and contended with the enemy five hours. Exhausted, they sank upon the ground. The silence was broken only by the groans of the wounded and dying, and the roar of the mighty cataract, whose moan- ing tones was a fit requiem for the dead on that field of blood. The Americans at length retired to their camp, not having horses or any means to carry off the guns which they had captured. The scouts of the enemy soon dis- covered that they had retired, and a strong detachment was sent to reoccupy the hill and recover their artillery. Such was the midnight battle of Bridgewater, or Lundy's Lane. The Americans lost nearly seven hundred and fifty men — and the British nearly nine hundred ; an un- precedented loss, when compared with the number en- gaged. Brown and Scott were both wounded ; as well as nearly all the regimental officers. The next morning there were but sixteen hundred effective men in the American camp. It was now seen that the Americans, when prop- erly led, could and would fight. They had met the vete- rans who fought under Wellington in Spain, and repulsed them in three desperate encounters. This battle stood out in bold relief, when compared with the imbecility hitherto so characteristic of the campaigns on the northern froD- BRITISH REPULSED- -BATTLE ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 665 tier. It acquired a national interest, as important in its effect as the first naval victories. The American army fell hack to Fort Erie, the com- mand of which Brown intrusted to Colonel Edmund P. G-aines. In the course of a fortnight, Drummond ad- vanced with four thousand men, and after bombarding the fort, attempted at midnight to carry it by assault. The British, in the face of a destructive fire, charged again and again, even within a few feet of the intrench- ments. They were finally forced to retire, after sustain- ing a loss of nearly a thousand men — the Americans not losing a hundred. In a few weeks the energetic Brown, now partially recovered from his wounds, assumed the command. He determined to make a dash at the enemy’s batteries, which were two miles in advance of their camp. The time, mid-day, was well chosen. Bushing out from the fort, before assistance could come from the British camp, he stormed the batteries, fired the magazines, spiked the guns, captured four hundred prisoners, and re- turned to the fort, leaving six hundred of the enemy killed and wounded. But this brilliant exploit cost him nearly three hundred men. Drummond immediately raised the siege and retreated beyond the Chippewa. Stirring events occurred on another part of the frontier. The little navy on Lake Champlain emulated the deeds of the one on Lake Erie just a year before. General Prevost, himself, marched from Canada with twelve thousand veteran troops to invade the State of Hew York — the town of Platt sburg was the special object of attack. There on the south bank of the Saranac, General Macomb was intrenched with an army of three thousand men, many of whom were invalids. The main body of the American forces was under General Izard, at Sackett’s Harbor. Macomb called upon the militia of Y ermont and New York for aid ; three thousand of whom nobly re- sponded, as did their fathers thirty-seven years before, CHAP. XLIV. 1814 . Aug. 15 . Sept. 17 . Sept 7 666 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814 . Bept. 11 . when Burgoyne was moving in the same direction, and foi the same purpose. Commodore Macdonough, after labor- ing incessantly, had at last equipped a fleet. It consisted of a ship, the Saratoga, of twenty-six guns, a brig oi twenty guns, an armed schooner, and a sloop, besides some gun-boats, in all eighty-six guns and eight hundred and fifty-six men. The British soon appeared, and be- gan to prepare batteries in order to assault Macomb's position. It was useless to force the Saranac, unless the command of the lake was secured. Captain Downie had a fleet of one ship of thirty-seven guns, a brig of twenty- four, two sloops each of eleven, and a number of gun- boats, in all ninety-five guns and one thousand men. Macdonough moored his fleet across the entrance of Platts- burg Bay. A strange scene was witnessed on board the Saratoga. As the British fleet drew near, Macdonough knelt in prayer in the presence of his men, and implored the blessing of Heaven upon his country, and especially upon those about to engage with him in the coming conflict. Downie stood directly into the harbor, reserving his fire for a close action, but his largest vessel became so disabled that he was obliged to cast anchor a quarter of a mile from the American line. During this time one of his sloops was so cut up as to become unmanageable, and drifting within reach, was secured, while the other sloop for a similar cause drifted ashore. All the guns on one side of Macdonough’s largest ship were disabled, but he managed to wind her round, and presented a whole side and guns to her antagonist. Downie attempted the same manoeuvre, but failing he struck his flag ; the entire fleet was captured with the exception of a few gun-boats. When the battle began on the lake, Prevost advanced to storm Macomb’s position ; he delayed the main attack till a detachment could cross the river above, but before that was accomplished, the fleet had surrendered. The following night, in the midst of a raging storm, the enemy, THE BRITISH FLEET IN THE CHESAPEAKE. 667 stricken with a sudden panic, commenced their retreat, abandoned their sick and wounded, and the greater part of their stores. Thus again the navy of the lake had given a decisive blow. Their great number of vessels enabled the British still to blockade the ports of the United States, and effectually prevent their ships of war from getting to sea. The Wasp was their only one afloat. She was known to have lately captured the British sloop-of-war Avon, and subsequently three other prizes. All trace of her was now lost ; she had gone down, carrying with her the only American flag which waved on the ocean from a national vessel. Chesa- peake Bay became the favorite rendezvous for the British fleet ; its shores affording great facilities for marauding expeditions. As a defence, the gun-boats were of no ser- vice, except to make a bold front till the enemy came near, and then to run up the creeks, out of harm's way. In the waters of the Chesapeake and its tributaries, there were now sixty ships of war under the command of Admirals Cockburn and Cochrane. On board this fleet was a land force of five thousand troops, under General Robert Boss. The greatest alarm prevailed in that region in consequence of a proclamation, signed by Cochrane, which promised to persons desirous of emigrating from the United States, employment in the British army and navy, or transportation as u free settlers ” to the West India Islands, or to Canada. Still more alarming was the rumor, based on the proposition of some British officers, that the enemy were about to seize the peninsula between the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, and there form and drill an army of runaway slaves. ' General Winder, who was appointed to the command in the emergency, was authorized to call out fifteen thou- sand militia from the neighboring States. This he pro- posed to do some weeks before the enemy appeared, and CHAP. XLIV. 1814 . Julj 9 . 668 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, to place them in a central position, that they might be . able to march to the defence of either Washington, Balti- 1814. more, or Annapolis, as the case might require. This ju- dicious plan was not adopted. Armstrong, the Secretary of War, opposed it on the ground that with an empty treasury it would be unjustifiable to incur the expense ; and, moreover, he was of the opinion that Washington would not be attacked by an enemy who were without horses or cannon, and that Baltimore could defend itself. President Madison seems to have been at a loss what to do or advise. In the midst of these discussions the enemy appeared, one portion of their fleet coming up the hay, and another up the Potomac. At this late hour word was sent, not by express, but by the tardy mail, to the authorities of Pennsylvania and Virginia, asking them to forward their requisition of militia. It was now impossible for them to reach the scene of action. In the mean time at Benedict, on the Patuxent, about fifty miles from Washington, General Boss landed five thousand troops, without meeting the least opposition from the militia of the neighborhood. He commenced his march toward the capital, moving very slowly, not more than ten miles a day, the marines, for want of horses, dragging their field-pieces, only three or four. The soldiers were enervated from the effects of their voyage, and from the excessive heat of the weather. A few spirited troops could have easily checked them. A company of armed and trained negroes marched in front, cautiously exploring the country, and receiving from run- away slaves information of the Americans. The soul of the enterprise was the notorious Cockburn, who had been for a year engaged in pillaging that region. The planters were so much alarmed for their own safety, lest the slaves, much more numerous than their masters, should rise in insurrection and join the enemy, that they permitted the invaders to advance for four days without making the least BATTLE OF BLADENSBURG. 669 opposition. They might have been delayed on their march ranch longer, if trees had been felled at certain points where the roads crossed swamps, or if the numerous bridges on the route had been broken down. Commodore Barney, who was in command of the flotilla of gun-boats, ran them up the Patuxent as far as possible, then set them on fire, and marched with five hundred marines to join the militia concentrating in the vicinity of Bladensburg. Here he was put in command of some heavy guns brought from the navy yard. The President himself, accompanied by his cabinet, visited the camp, where all was in confusion. The divisions of militia were stationed by General Winder in such posi- tions as to support each other, but these had been changed by self-constituted officers, who accompanied the Presi- dent. It was ascertained that the enemy was moving toward Bladensburg. Rumor had magnified their num- ber to ten thousand ; all veterans. The discreet militia began to retreat, some with permission and some without. On learning this General Winder sent orders for them to make a stand at the bridge and fight. The village was abandoned, and on the other side of the east branch of the Potomac the marines and militia were arranged. Barney had placed his men in a position to sweep the road with the guns. About the middle of the afternoon the enemy appeared, but so excessive had been the heat, that they were completely exhausted. When Ross re- connoitred the militia stationed on the rising ground, he was somewhat alarmed at their formidable appearance. But he had gone too far to retreat ; the order was given to move forward. His alarm was of short continuance. A few Congreve rockets put the Maryland militia to flight ; the riflemen followed ; the artillery, after firing not more than twice, rapidly retreated ; then the Baltimore regi- ment, on which some hopes were placed, fled also, carry- ing with them the President and his cabinet. The CHAP, XLIV 1814 . Aug, 22 . Aug 24 , 670 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814 . lug. 25 . British now moved slowly on until they were checked by the guns manned by the marines under Barney. Find- ing it impossible to force the position of the marines and sailors in front, detachments filed by the right and left and passed up ravines. At the head of one was stationed the Annapolis regiment, which fled at the first fire. At the head of the other ravine were placed some regulars and militia ; they also showed their discretion by getting out of harm's way as soon as possible. The sailors and marines, thus deserted, and in danger of being surrounded, retired, their guns and wounded companions falling into the hands of the enemy. Owing to the vigorous fire of the marines, the British lost a large number of men, and others died from fatigue and heat, and it was absolutely necessary to wait some hours before they could march on Washington. Thus ended the battle of Bladensburg, — in one respect the most famous in American annals. In the cool of the evening the British advanced into Washington, which they found almost entirely deserted by its male inhabitants. The enemy proceeded to dis- grace themselves by fulfilling the instructions which Ad- miral Cochrane had previously officially announced, which were “to. destroy and lay waste all towns and dis- tricts of the United States found accessible to the attack of British armaments." They burned the capitol, and with it the Congressional Library, and the buildings used for the Treasury and State Departments, in revenge, as it was said, for the Parliament House at York. Many important papers were lost, but the most valuable had been removed some days before. Mrs. Madison had left the President's mansion, taking with her the plate and valuables, and also a portrait of Washington — which was taken from the frame and rolled up. The mansion was pillaged and set on fire, as were some private dwellings, and stores were also plun- dered. A complete destruction followed at the navy yard. GENERAL ROSS SLAIN — 1 EFENCE OF FORT MCHENRY. 671 In the midst of a hostile country, General Ross, with a handful of exhausted men, was ill at ease. Perhaps he had read of Concord and Lexington, and was alarmed lest “ the indignant citizen soldiery ” would turn out and harass him on his retreat. Early the following night he kindled the camp fires, and leaving behind him the sick and wounded, he commenced a stealthy retreat to his ships. His alarm was needless ; in a march of four days not the least opposition did he experience. Four days after the taking of the capital, the British fhgates, passing by Fort Washington, which offered but little resistance, came up the Potomac and anchored opposite Alexandria, which town saved itself from a bombardment by paying an enormous tribute. When his men were refreshed,, General Ross moved with the fleet up the Chesapeake, toward Baltimore. The militia of Maryland by this time had assembled for the defence of the city, and also several companies of volun- teers had arrived from Pennsylvania. The enemy, eight thousand strong, landed at North Point, at the mouth of the Patapsco. The land forces commenced their march, and the fleet to ascend the river, intending to capture Fort McHenry, situated two miles below the city. An advance party of Americans were thrown forward. In a skirmish with this party, General Ross was killed, yet the invaders pressed on; the militia, after a spirited encounter, retired in good order. The next morning the enemy ad- vanced, yet hesitatingly, as the neighboring hills were covered with soldiers, field works and artillery, which al- together made a formidable appearance. They were un- der the veteran General Samuel Smith, the same who so gallantly defended Fort Mifflin in the Revolution. The British hesitated to commence the attack without the co- operation of the fleet, which was then busily engaged in bombarding Fort McHenry, but without much success, as the fort was replying with great spirit. When it was CHAP. XLIV 1814 . Aug 29 . Sept. 12 672 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814. Aug. Feb. ascertained that the fleet could not pass the fort, the in- vaders silently retired in the night and re -embarked. It was amid the excitement of this cannonade that F rancis Key composed the popular song of the u Star Spangled Banner/' He had gone to ask the release of certain prisoners, and had been detained during the at- tack on board the British fleet. From Eastport in Maine to Sandy Hook, the whole Eastern coast was liable to these marauding expeditions. One of the most serious of these, was the bombardment of Stonington in Connecticut, which continued for four days, but after throwing shells and rockets, and several attempts to land, the enemy retired. They were repelled in every instance by the sturdy militia. Field works, garrisoned by the yeomanry of the country, were thrown up at all points along the coast likely to be an object of attack. This was done by the State authorities, the na- tional government being so completely enfeebled, as to be unable to afford the least aid to any of the States. The people of New England, with very few exceptions, continued to complain of their grievances. Their dis- tress was great; the embargo, enforced by severe penalties, ruined their fisheries and their coasting trade, and had deprived them of many of the necessaries of life. They looked upon these restrictions as “ more odious and un- feeling than the Boston Port Bill, which roused the colo- nies to independence ; a gross and palpable violation of the principles of the Constitution, not to be submitted to with- out a pusillanimous surrender of their rights and liberties/' Petitions poured in "to the legislature of Massachusetts, asking it to take measures to redress these grievances. A committee to whom these petitions were referred, reported in terms expressive of the general sentiment of the pe- titioners. They believed that the war, so fertile in failures, and so threatening as to its results, was uncalled foi and DEBATES IN CONGRESS — DANIEL WEBSTER. 673 wrong in principle. They saw in the future the people impoverished, deprived of their comforts, and their hopes blasted. And the committee recommended a convention of delegates from the commercial States, to obtain amend- ments to the constitution that would secure them against such evils. These manifestations of discontent had their effect, and the President himself proposed the abandonment of the restrictive system, not only the embargo, hut the non- importation act. In order to encourage domestic manu- factures, instead of the latter he recommended that for three years after the close of the war double duties be imposed upon imported goods, and that the exportation of specie be prohibited. The advocates of the war in Congress, annoyed at the failures of the last two years, attributed their want of success to the influence of those opposed to the war ; in- stead of acknowledging their own imprudence, in thus rushing, without preparation, into hostilities, or ceasing to be infatuated with the idea of conquering Canada. In the discussion on a hill to procure enlistments for the army, Daniel Webster in reply to these charges, no doubt expressed the general sentiment of those opposed to the war. In those sections of the country where the population was most numerous, the war was unpopular because of its impolicy ; — it was no detraction from their patriotism that they did not join heart and hand in measures which they deemed the extreme of folly. He continued, — “ Give up your futile projects of invasion. Extinguish the fires which blaze on your inland frontiers. Establish perfect safety and defence there by adequate force. Let every man that sleeps on your soil sleep in security. Having performed this work of beneficence and mercy on your inland border, turn and look with the eye of justice and compassion on your vast population along the eoast. Unclench the iron grasp of your embargo. Take CHAP. XLIV. 1814. Mar 31. 674 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814 . Dec. 15 . measures for that end before another sun sets upon yotk. With all the war of the enemy upon your commerce, if you would cease to make war upon it yourselves, yon would still have some commerce. That commerce would give you some revenue. Apply that revenue to the aug- mentation of your navy. Let it no longer he said, that not one ship of force, built by your hands since the war, yet floats upon the ocean. If the war must continue, go to the ocean. If you are seriously contending for mari- time rights, go to the theatre where alone those rights can be defended. Thither every indication of your fortune points you. There the united wishes and exertions of the nation will go with you. Even our party divisions, acrimonious as they are, cease at the water's edge. Tney are lost in attachment to the national character, on the element where that character is made respectable. In time you may be able to redress injuries in the place where they may be offered ; and, if need be, to accompany your own flag throughout the world with the protection of your own cannon." The embargo and non-importation act were repealed, while action on the other recommendations of the Presi- dent was postponed. The delegates to the convention recommended by the legislature of Massachusetts, met upon the appointed day at Hartford. In accordance with the sentiments express- ed in the call for the convention, the members were en- joined not to propose measures “ repugnant to their obli- gations, as members of the Union." They met in a time of trial and distress to confer with each other on the best means to relieve the country of a ruinous war, and secure the blessings of a permanent peace. The Convention, consisting of but twenty-six members, sat with closed doors. After a session of twenty days it adjourned, and, as the result of their deliberations, published an address to the people. The address disappointed the more violent THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. 675 opponents of the war, who thought the occasion demanded more decided measures. The President and his cabinet had been much alarmed ; in the Convention, they imagin- ed lurked some terrible plot of treason ; they breathed more freely when they read this address and the resolutions After recapitulating the evils which the war had brought upon the people whom they represented, they ex- pressed their sentiments upon other wrongs ; such as the enlistment of minors and apprentices ; the national gov- ernment assuming to command the State militia ; and especially the proposed system of conscription for both army and navy. u Strange propositions for a government professedly waging war to protect its seamen from im- pressment ! ” cc The conscription of the father with the seduction of the son, renders complete the power of the national executive over the male population of the coun- try, thus destroying the most important relations of society.” “ A free constitution administered by great and in- comparable statesmen realized the fondest hopes of liberty and independence, under Washington and his measures. The arts flourished, the comforts of life were universally diffused, nothing remained but to reap the advantages and cherish the resources flowing from this policy.” “ Our object is to strengthen and perpetuate the union of these States, by removing the causes of jealousies.” In furtherance of these views they proposed amend- ments to the Constitution ; among others, to equalize the representation in the lower House of Congress, by basing it on free population ; against embargoes and non-intercourse laws ; to make the President ineligible for a second term. These amendments were never adopted by the States. The existence of the Convention showed the intense feel- ing on the subject of the war and its consequences, and its deliberations exhibit no other spirit than that of wish- ing to redress grievances by constitutional means. CHAP, XLIV. 1814. 676 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. CHAP. XLIY. 1814. Shortly after the adjournment of the Convention, the legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut, viewing the law of Congress which authorized the enlistment of minors and apprentices, as a violation of their rights and unconstitutional, passed laws that subjected the recruiting officers to fine and imprisonment ; and required the State judges to release any such minor or apprentice on appli- cation of the parent or guardian. Fortunately the war was soon after brought to a close, and the necessity for enlistments under this oppressive and demoralizing law, was removed. CHAPTER XLV, MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION— CONCLUDED. Jackson enters Pensacola. — New Orleans defenceless. — The British lard.— Jackson’s Measures of Defence. — Battle of New Orleans. — The Distress of the Country and Embarrassment of the Government. — The Relief. — Treaty of Peace. — The Frigate President captured. — Successes at Sea. — War with Algiers. — Treaty with that Power. — Treaty with the In- dians. — Financial Disorders. — State of Indiana. — John Fitch. — Robert Fulton. — First Steamboat. When arranging affairs with the Creeks, General chap. Jackson learned that the Spaniards at Pensacola had welcomed the hostile Indians, and also that a British 1814. man-of-war had furnished them with arms. Intelligence of this was sent to Washington, whence orders were trans- mitted to Jackson to seize Pensacola. That these orders were six months on the way, may illustrate the efficiency with which the War Department was conducted. Mean- time some British men-of-war arrived in the harbor, from which a Colonel Nichols landed men and began to enlist the Creeks. Jackson now sent urgent appeals to his favorite Tennessee mounted men to hasten to his aid. The British soon after attacked Fort Bowyer on the east shore of Mobile Bay. The fort was defended by one hundred and thirty men, under Major Lawrence. The vigorous defence soon repulsed the enemy, one of whose ships blew up and the rest were fain to depart. This success encouraged the people of Louisiana and Missis- sippi in their efforts to defend New Orleans themselves, 678 HISTORY OF THE A3IERICAX PEOPLE. CHAP. XLY. 1814. Nov. 6 . without depending upon the General Government. Jack- son wrote repeatedly to Washington for orders and re- ceived none, but when the three thousand Tennesseans, under General Coffee, arrived, he took the responsibility to enter Pensacola and demand that the British should leave the place. He also intimated in emphatic terms to the Spanish governor, that he would hold him responsible for permitting the British to occupy his territory, for the purpose of encouraging the Creeks in their hostility. The British immediately blew up a fort which they had erected seven miles below the town, and took to their ships. Confident that the enemy designed to direct their efforts against New Orleans, Jackson sent in advance General Coffee to some point on the Mississippi, with the mounted men, while he himself followed, as soon as cir- cumstances would permit. The defences of New Orleans were in a deplorable condition ; since Wilkinson left, nothing further had been done to repair them. The city contained nearly twenty thousand inhabitants, not one- half of whom were whites. These were principally of French origin, and others of foreign birth, none of whom were ardently attached to the United States. Jackson hastened to the point of danger. He availed himself of every possible aid ; he released the convicts in the prisons, and enrolled them for the occasion ; accepted the offered services of Lafitte, the head of the Baratarian buccaneers. He also issued an address to “ the noble-hearted, gener- ous, free men of color,” to enroll themselves for the de- fence of their country. To this call, under an act of the Louisiana Legislature, they heartily responded. While he was thus unprepared, the British fleet cast anchor off the entrance of Lake Borgne. It had on board twelve thousand land troops, besides four thousand sailors and marines. These troops had recently been under the Duke of Wellington, in the Peninsular war, and were commanded by able and experienced generals ; Sir Ed- JACKSON'S PREPARATIONS CONFLICTS. 679 ward Packingham, a brother-in-law of the Duke of Wel- lington, Gibbs, Keene, and Lambert. Three days later, after a severe contest, they captured the entire American flotilla on Lake Borgne. The Louisiana militia were immediately called out, but they were ill supplied with arms. Some months pre- vious, Jackson, anticipating this very emergency, had urged upon the War Department at Washington to send a supply of arms from the arsenal at Pittsburg. The government agent, unwilling to pay the usual freight on the only steamboat then running to New Orleans, shipped the arms on board keel boats. Thus twenty-five cents on a hundred pounds of freight were saved by the govern- ment, and Jackson received the muskets after the battle ! General Coffee had reached Baton Kouge, at which place he received orders to hasten with all speed to the scene of action. With eight hundred of his best mounted men — all unerring marksmen, armed with rifles and toma- hawks — he made the extraordinary march of one hundred and fifty miles in two days. Thus, by similar exertions, in the space of a fortnight, Jackson had five thousand men, four-fifths of whom were militia. Other difficulties presented themselves. Owing to the want of co-operation on the part of the legislature, and the necessities of the times, he proclaimed martial law. The enemy landed two thousand light armed troops, under General Keene. Jackson marched to meet them with the regulars, and Coffee's men dismounted. Soon after dark the battle began ; the enemy were driven from one point to another, till finally they found protection behind a levee. Good service was done in this conflict by the armed schooner Carolina, which ran in near the shore, and with her guns swept their ranks. This success- ful repulse of the invaders greatly encouraged the Ameri- cans. The next day Jackson took a position on solid ground CHAP. XLV. 1814. Dec 20 . Dec 28 . 680 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLV. 1815 . Jan. 1 . Jan. 4 . Jan, 8 . nearly a mile in breadth ; the river protecting one flanL. and a swamp the other. Though strongly reinforced, the British made no attempt the following day to retrieve what they had lost, being deterred by the reports of prisoners, who greatly exaggerated the strength of Jack- son's force. This delay was profitably occupied in strengthening the defences ; bales of cotton were used as a rampart, and the ditch was extended to the swamp. Five days after the enemy advanced and drove in the American outposts, and when within half a mile of the ramparts opened with artillery and Congreve rockets. Yet Jackson replied with so much vigor, with his five heavy guns, that after a cannonade of seven hours the enemy withdrew, having suffered considerable loss. Within three days after this repulse, they made another attack with much heavier artillery. Their move- ments were concealed by a dense fog, and the intimation of their approach was given only by their cannon balls crashing through the American camp, but Jackson had so strengthened his works, that the British — their guns dismounted and silenced — were again compelled to retire ; but it was to make preparations for a grand assault. Presently twenty-two hundred Kentucky riflemen arrived ; of whom unfortunately one-half were without arms, and could not be supplied. These Jackson placed to throw up a second line of intrenchments in the rear oi the first line. When prepared, the British moved to the assault, under the cover of a battery of six eighteen-pounders, which had been erected the previous night. The main column was led by Packenham in person, intending to storm the centre, one column moved along the river and carried a redoubt, another, led by Gibbs and Keene, ad- vanced along the edge of the swamp. As the advancing columns came within range, the American artillery opened upon them with deadly effect, BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 681 yet they filled up their ranks and moved steadily on. Presently they reached the range of the Kentucky and Tennessee rifles, which poured in a continuous stream of 1815. unerring bullets. The heads of the columns faltered. While endeavoring to rally them, Packenham fell ; Keene and Gibbs were both wounded, the latter mortally. The command then devolved on General Lambert, who made two more unsuccessful attempts to storm the works, but was forced to retire, leaving on the field two thousand men killed and wounded. Jackson had taken the pre- caution to send General Morgan across the river to throw up intrenchments directly opposite his own. The night previous to the battle, Packenham sent a detachment under Colonel Thorntcn, who drove Morgan from his position, but when the main body was defeated he took to his boats and hastily retreated. In this battle the Americans lost seven men killed and as many wounded. Taking every precaution to guard against surprise, Lambert gradually fell back to the first landing place, and then, in the course of twenty days, re-embarked. Thus virtually ended the war of 1812. The only battles well fought on land, were those directed by new men called into active service by the war itself. The victories at Lundy's Lane and New Orleans were gained by soldiers who had been trained but a short time, but* they were under commanders in whom they had implicit confidence. Though these successful events were transpiring in that distant region, yet on the Atlantic coast, and at Washington, it was the gloomiest period of the war. Affairs were almost desperate. The treasury exhausted, the national credit gone, the terrible law of conscription, like an ominous cloud hanging over the people, civil dis- cord seemingly ready to spring up between the States ; 682 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. €HAP. XL V. 1815. Feb. 11 . the coasts of South Carolina and Georgia yet subject ta the marauding expeditions of the infamous Cockburn, while the inhabitants were crying in vain to the General Government for assistance. Nothing favorable had yet been heard from the commissioners of peace at Ghent, nor even from New Orleans. It was known that a very large force of British veterans was in the vicinity of that place, and that Jackson was very ill-prepared to meet them. As a gleam of sunshine in intense darkness, a rumor, by way of Canada, proclaimed that peace had been con- cluded ; at the same time came another from the south- west that the enemy had been defeated. While all were tremblingly anxious for the truth of these rumors, late of a Saturday night, a British sloop-of-war, the Favorite, commissioned for the purpose, arrived at New York, bringing the treaty of peace, already ratified by the British government. The cry of peace ! peace ! ran through the city. As if by one impulse the houses were illuminated, and the citizens, without distinction of party, thronged the streets to congratulate each other. In the midst of their own rejoicings they did not forget their brethren who were yet ignorant of the welcome news, and messengers were sent in every direction. In thirty-two hours, the express with the tidings reached Boston. There the excitement was almost unbounded. The people assembled in crowds to hear the news, which had so unexpectedly brought relief to their distresses. The hells rang their merriest peal, and the schools received a holiday. Flags and streamers were soon displayed on the vessels which had lain so long idle at the wharf. Before night, carpenters and riggers were at work, sailors were engaged, cargoes were passing on board ; Boston was her- self again in commercial activity. The reception of the news was followed by similar rejoicings all along the coast, and throughout the country. To add still more to the happiness, as well as the gratification of the nation, in a THANKSGIVINGS — THE FRIGATE PRESIDENT CAPTURED. 683 few days was confirmed the rumor of the total defeat of the British before New Orleans. The Senate unanimously ratified the treaty within thirty hours after it was laid before them. The President speedily issued a proclamation, announcing the fact, that once more peace reigned throughout the land. A day for thanksgiving to Almighty God for the blessing, was ob- served by the nation. The treaty provided for the mutual restoration of all places taken during the war ; also for determining the northern boundary, and other matters of minor importance were amicably arranged. But not a word was said on the impressment question, for the settlement of which the war had ostensibly been continued after the first two months. Both parties seem to have been heartily tired of fighting ; though Great Britain wished to restrain what she thought an alarming grasping spirit in the New Republic, as evidenced in the acquisition of Louisiana and the attempts on Canada. A few days after the ratification of the treaty, the President recommended to Congress the passage of a law to guard against incidents which, during the periods of war in Europe, might tend to interrupt peace, enjoining that “ American vessels be navigated exclusively by American seamen, either natives or such as are already naturalized, ” thus endeavoring to gain by legislation what could not be obtained by war. Yet one object had been secured — w r e hear no more of the impressment of American seamen. Previous to the announcement of peace, the command- ers of some of the national vessels determined to evade the blockading enemy and escape to sea. Commodore De- catur, on board the frigate President, commanding the sloops Hornet and Peacock to follow, attempted to evade the blockade of the port of New York. Passing out in the Bight, after being unfortunately aground for some CHAP. XLV. 1815 . Feb. 18 . Jan. 15 . 684 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLW 1815 . Mar. June 30 . Feb. 20 . hours, in the morning he fell in with the British squadron, by whom he was chased. One of the enemy, the frigate Endymion, commenced an engagement, but after a run- ning fight, she was effectually disabled, and fain to haul off. The President unfortunately was also crippled, and the other British vessels coming up, Decatur was com- pelled to strike his colors. A few days after, the Hornet and Peacock avoided the blockade, and proceeded to their rendezvous, off the Cape of Good Hope. On her way the Hornet. Captain Biddle, fell in wfith and captured the British brig Penguin. The latter was made a complete wreck, and as such was set on fire. The Peacock joined her consort, and in company they sailed to the Indian Ocean. The Hornet was soon after chased by a British seventy-four, and in order to escape, she was compelled to throw her guns and nearlv all her armament overboard, in which condition she re- turned to New York. The Peacock, Captain Warring- ton, continued on to the East Indies, where she captured the cruiser Nautilus. The Constitution, Captain Stewart, also evaded the blockade off Boston harbor. On a moonlight night she fell in with two war vessels off the port of Lisbon. They prepared to engage, but the Constitution manoeuvred to keep the wind at about an equal distance from her an- tagonists. Captain Stewart, seizing a favorable oppor- tunity, directed all his force upon the vessel nearest, which almost immediately struck ; then he captured the other in a similar manner. The prizes proved to be the British sloops-of-war Cvane and Levant. These captures were all made after the articles of peace were signed. Soon after the commencement of the war with Britain, the Dey of Algiers, thinking the Americans would have no means of punishing him, renewed his old practice of piracy. Pretending to be dissatisfied with the presents he had received from the American government, he dis- COMMODORE DECATUR HUMBLES THE DEY OF ALGIERS. 685 missed Lear, the consul, threatening to reduce him and his family, and all the Americans in Algiers, to slavery, a fate which Lear escaped by paying a large ransom. Some American vessels were afterward seized by the pirates, and their crews reduced to slavery. Two months after the conclusion of peace, an Ameri- can squadron, under Decatur, consisting of three large frigates and seven other vessels of war, sailed for the Mediterranean. Six weeks later, Bainbridge followed with the Independence, the new seventy-four, accompanied by other war vessels ; on the way he was also joined by the Congress frigate. But before his arrival in the Medi- terranean, the energetic Decatur had brought the Dey to terms. On the second day after passing through the Straits of Gibraltar, he fell in with the largest frigate of the Dey under his high Admiral, on a cruise for Ameri- can merchantmen. After a fight of less than thirty minutes the Algerine was captured ; two days after another cruiser shared a similar fate. When the squadron appeared before Algiers, the intelligence of these disasters, by which he had lost his best ship, and six hundred men, had greatly humbled the Dey. To escape a worse pun- ishment, he gladly submitted to the indignity of signing, on Decatur’s quarter-deck, a humiliating treaty. He bound himself to make indemnities for his extortions ; to surrender all his prisoners without ransom, and to re- nounce all claim for tribute from the American govern- ment, as well as his barbarous practice of piracy and re- ducing prisoners to slavery. Decatur proceeded immediately to Tunis and Tripoli, where he demanded and received indemnity for some American vessels, at whose captures, in their harbors, by the English, they had connived. Thus, in a few w^eeks, these barbarians were taught a lesson which they have not yet forgotten. When Bainbridge arrived, he found all the difficulties arranged. The united navy, consisting of CHAP. XLV. 1815. May. • nne 1 0 . 686 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. fourteen vessels, visited the principal ports of the Medi- . terranean. Their victories over the mistress of the ocean. 1815. secured them treatment manifesting high respect. The autumn following the close of the war, a great council of the North-western Indian tribes was held, at which they made peace with each other. Afterward they all made peace with the United States. Thus apprehen- Sept. sions of future Indian hostilities were removed. The war left the finances of the country in a very confused state. The banks in existence, except those in New England, were unable to redeem their notes in specie, and confidence in their promises to pay was wanting. The national debt, in consequence of the war, was known to be more than one hundred millions of dollars. In order to remove some of the burdens resting upon the people, the Secretary of the Treasury, A. J. Dallas, proposed to remit some of the internal taxes, which had been levied during the last few years. Instead of which he advised the im- position of duties on imports, not merely to secure a revenue, but also to protect the manufactures which had sprung into existence during the war. The President likewise, in his annual message, urged the adoption of such a policy. To aid in rectifying the financial disorders in the 1817 . country, Congress chartered, for twenty years, a National ^ r * Bank, with a capital of thirty-five millions of dollars. It commenced operations at Philadelphia, and, in connection with its branches in other States, afforded the people a uni- form currency redeemable at all times with gold and 'silver. A bill designed to compel the local banks to pay specie was passed, ordering that all dues to the government should be paid in gold and silver, or “ in treasury notes, notes of the Bank of the United States, or in notes of banks payable and paid on demand in specie/' The Territory of Indiana having adopted a constitu- ent. tion, presented herself for admission into the Union, and was received. FITCH — FULTON THE FIRST STEAMBOAT. 687 John Fitch, an uneducated watchmaker of Philadel- phia, conceived the design of propelling boats by steam. He applied to Congress for assistance, hut, unfortunately, 1785. was refused ; then, with a similar result, he applied to the Spanish authorities of Louisiana. Some years later he found means to construct a boat, and to make a trial trip on the Delaware. The boat went at the rate of eight miles an hour, but unfortunately the boiler exploded. One disaster followed another, and poor John Fitch died, the victim of disappointment, but full of faith that others would yet perfect his invention : he desired to be buried on the banks of the Ohio, that boats propelled by steam might pass near his last resting place. In less than twenty years after his death the steamer Clermont passed up the Hudson from New York to Albany. The Clermont was the work of Robert Fulton, a native of Pennsylvania, once a pupil of West, the painter. He had a decided turn for mechanics, and had studied the sub- ject many years in Europe, where he received pecuniary aid and encouragement from Robert R. Livingston, then American minister at Paris. To American enterprise is due the honor of launching the first steamboat and the first Ocean steamer — the Savannah — that crossed the Atlantic. She left New York, 1818 went to Savannah, and thence to Europe, where she was an object of great interest. Twenty years later the ApjjjjJ British steamer Great Western came to New York in fourteen days. Madison’s Administration, so full of important events, drew to a close. James Monroe, also from Virginia, had been elected his successor, and Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, Vice-President. The latter had been Governor of that State, and in that capacity been most efficient in aiding the country in the war just closed. At one time he sustained the garrison of the city by his own private credit. CHAPTEK XLVI. MONROE’S ADMINISTRATION. A Return to the earlier Policy of the Government. — The President s Toui in the Eastern States. — The Colonization Society. — Revolutions in the Spanish Colonies. — Indian War; the Seminoles. — General Jackson in the Field. — Purchase of Florida. — The Missouri Compromise. — Manu- factures. — Increase of Tariff. — Yisit of Lafayette. chap. Since the close of the war, party distinctions were fast XL ^ L losing their influence. In the minds of the great majority 1617 . of the people, names were giving place to ideas. The na- tion was prepared for the quiet revival of the leading prin- ciples of Washington's administration. The people had not in so many words thus formally decided; — hut to return to the policy of the earlier days of the Government seemed the only means to remedy existing evils, and to guard against their recurrence in the future. This may be said in relation to the revenue as arising from commerce, the finances, the policy toward foreign nations, and in the means of national defence both by sea and land, klar. The new President in his inaugural fully indorsed these doctrines, and they were echoed and re-echoed throughout the land as the true policy, while some of the old Repub- licans characterized them as being veritable Federalism under another name. The President pointed to the ex- perience of the nation in the last struggle, and unhesi- tatingly advised not only fortifications on the coast with garrisons, but a navy strong enough to maintain the dig* THE PRESIDENT’S TOUR COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 689 nity and neutrality of the United States, as well as pro- tect commerce ; he also recommended that a knowledge of naval and military science should be kept up. In ad- dition, that domestic manufactures be protected by im- posts on foreign merchandise, and also, internal improve- ments he aided by the national government, if such ex- penditure was in accordance with the spirit of the Con- stitution. Though professing to he much gratified that the party spirit lately so rampant was allayed, the President took good care to appoint none but his most devoted adherents to the offices within his gift. John Quincy Adams was recalled from the court of St. James to become Secretary of State. The other members of his cabinet were Wil- liam H. Crawford of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury ; Crowningshield of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Navy ; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, and William Wirt, Attorney-General. The President, some months after his inauguration, made a tour through the Eastern States. The sentiments of his address had become diffused, and prepared the way for his receiving a warm reception in the Federal town of Boston, and throughout New England generally. It was enthusiastically proclaimed that the people were once more to be harmonious in their views of national policy. During the following session of Congress the American Colonization Society was formed at Washington. It was designed to provide a home beyond the limits of the United States for the free people of color who should de- sire to emigrate. The condition of these people in the slaveholding States, as well as the laws in some of the others, that forbade their settling within their borders, led to the formation of the Society. The enterprise was ardently advocated by Henry Clay, Judge Washington, John Ttandolph, and other southern statesmen. This So- CHAP. XL VI. 1817 G30 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP XLYI. 1817 Nov. SO. ciety established the now flourishing Colony of Liberia on the west coast of Africa. The influence of the Revolution had not been without effect upon other nations. The Spanish colonies of South America threw off their allegiance to the mother country, and declared themselves independent. Under the pre- tence of having commissions from these new Republics, a company of adventurers, principally drawn from Charles- ton and Savannah, seized Amelia Island, off the harbor of St. Augustine. These worthies soon began to smuggle merchandise and slaves into the United States. Yet, as a cloak to their deeds, they proclaimed they were block- ading the port of St. Augustine. A similar haunt for buccaneers had existed for some time at Galveston in Texas. Both these establishments were broken up by order of the United States Government. The condition of the South American republics excited great sympathy in the minds of the people. Some were advocates for giving them aid, while others were anxious that Congress should, at least, acknowledge their independ- ence. In defiance of the President's proclamation to the contrary, cruisers, bearing the flag of these Republics, were fitted out in some of the ports of the United States to prey upon Spanish commerce. These difficulties, combined with other causes, led to a new Indian war in the South. Numbers of Seminoles, refugee Creeks, and runaway negroes, living in the Span- ish Territory, south of Flint river, began to pillage the- Georgia settlements north of that river. General Gaines, who was in command at the nearest fort, demanded that these murderers and robbers should be given up. The Indians refused, on the ground that they were not the ag- gressors. Soon after a collision occurred, in which several Indians were killed. Their death was terribly revenged upon the people on board a boat ascending the Apalachi- JACKSON SUBDUES THE INDIANS — PURCHASE OF FLORIDA. 691 cola, with supplies for Fort Scott. More thau forty per- chap sons, consisting of men, women, and children, were mas- sacred. The War Department ordered General Jackson 1817. to invade the Indian Territory, and “ bring the war to a speedy and effectual close.” In three months he was on the ground, with an army composed of Georgians and Tennesseeans. He moved to the vicinity of where Talla- hassee now stands ; the savages made little resistance, but abandoned their towns, and their cattle and grain. With his usual energy, Jackson pressed on, and, without cere- mony, seized St. Mark’s, on Appalachee Bay, the only Mar. Spanish fort in that part of Florida, on the ground that its officers were aiding and abetting the Indians in their hostilities to the United States. One of the American armed vessels on the coast hoisted British colors, and two of the hostile Creek chiefs were decoyed on board. These chiefs Jackson unceremoniously hanged. On one of the April incursions against the enemy, two British subjects, Bobert C. Ambrister and Alexander Arbuthnot, traders among the Indians, were taken prisoners. These two men were put on trial for their lives before a court-martial, on the charge of aiding the Indians. They were found guilty and sentenced to death, and immediately executed. The measure was much censured as unnecessary and unwar- ranted. Notwithstanding the protest of the Spanish governor against his invasion of Florida, Jackson soon ap- peared before Pensacola, which place surrendered. The governor in the mean time fled to a fort further down the May bay, and finally to Havana. These arbitrary proceedings were protested against by Don Onis, the Spanish Minister at Washington. The matter however was not pressed, as negotiations were soon after entered upon to purchase the territory in dispute. American citizens had claims amounting to five mil- lions of dollars against the Spanish government. Don Onis received instructions from home, that authorized 692 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. €HAP. XL VI. 1821. 1787. 1790. 1319 Feb. 16. him to cede Florida to the United States for these claims The purchase was thus made, the American Government assuming the debt. Two years later Spain ratified the Treaty. Florida was then organized as a Territory, and General Jackson was appointed its first Governor. The American people have never been indifferent to the political as well as the moral aspects of slavery. From the adoption of the Constitution till the time of which we write, the conscience and the sympathy of the religious portion of the nation, both North and South, found their expression on the subject in memorials ad- dressed to their ecclesiastical assemblies, whose resolutions in reply condemned the system. The Continental Congress legislated specially on the subject in adopting the ordinance by which the region north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi was conse- crated to freedom. During the second session of the First Congress, petitions were presented to that body, praying it to take measures to free the nation of the system. The committee to whom these memorials were referred, re- ported that Congress was not authorized by the Constitu- tion to interfere with slavery as existing in the individual States. In accordance with this view, that body has ever acted, when disposing of the numerous memorials on the subject that have, from time to time, been presented to it. The Northern States, for a quarter of a century, had been gradually freeing themselves of the institution, or making provision to that effect, while in the Southern States a different sentiment had been on the increase. The acquisition of Louisiana had given to them a vast region in which slave labor was profitable, especially in the cultivation of cotton. These antagonist opinions were suddenly brought into collision, and a strong sectional feeling was elicited. The territory of Missouri asked permission to form a DEBATES ON THE RESTRICTION OF SLAVERY. 693 constitution, preparatory to her admission into the Union chap. as a State. When the question was before the House of Bepresentatives, James W. Tallmadge, a member from 1319 New York, proposed to insert a clause, prohibiting the further introduction of slaves into the territory, and also another clause granting freedom to the children of slaves already there, when they should attain the age of twenty- five years. After a spirited debate both these propositions were adopted. The day following the passage of this bill came up a similar one to organize the Territory of Arkansas. This bill, after a strenuous effort to insert similar clauses, was finally passed without any restriction as to slavery. The States admitted into the Union, since the adop- tion of the Constitution, had happened to come in alter- nately as non-slaveholding, and as slaveholding — Y ermont and Kentucky ; Tennessee and Ohio ; Louisiana and In- diana ; Mississippi and Illinois. As Alabama had ap- plied for admission as a slave State, it was urged that Missouri should be admitted as free. This proposition soon lost its force by the application of Maine, the north- eastern part of Massachusetts, presenting herself to be admitted as a free State. Here was an offset to Alabama, leaving Missouri to make the next slave State. In the consideration of these bills the subject of slavery restriction in the territories came up for discussion The members from the Southern States insisted that any restriction upon Missouri would violate the pledge given to the inhabitants of Louisiana, at the time of its pur- chase, that they should enjoy <£ all the privileges of citi- zens of the United States ; ” that such a restriction would eventually interfere with State rights ; that the citizens of slaveholding States had the right to take their property into the territories of the Union. It was urged that it would be an act of humanity and a blessing to the poor slave, whose lot was so hard in the old exhausted 694 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYI. 1819. States, to transfer him to the fertile pJains of the west ; that this would only he the diffusion of the system, hut not its extension, as the number of slaves would not be increased thereby ; and that the prohibition of slavery would diminish emigration from the South into the ter- ritories. To these arguments it was replied : it was true that Congress was forbidden by the Constitution to interfere with slavery in the original thirteen States, but that this did not apply to the territories. They were the property of the Union, and Congress had the control of their or- ganization. Would Congress be justified in spreading over them an institution which even its advocates on the floor of the house had again and again deplored as an evil ? It was contended that slave labor and free labor could not coexist on the same soil ; and should the introduction of a few thousands of slaves exclude millions of freemen from the territories P 1 The debate was conducted with great animation, mingled with much bitterness, and threats to dissolve the Union. The intense excitement was not limited to the National Legislature ; it extended throughout the country, and it was by no means diminished by the speeches made on the subject on the floor of Congress, nor by the fact, which the discussion revealed, that during the previous year more than fourteen thousand slaves had been smug- gled into the United States, from Africa and the West Indies. The legislatures of some of the Northern States ex- pressed their wish that slavery should not go beyond the Mississippi, while the people held conventions and me- morialized Congress. Opposite views were as strongly expressed by some of the Southern States. Thus the country was agitated for nearly two years, and the diffi- 1 The Debates in Congress, Niles’s Register, Vols 16, 17, and 18. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 695 culty was still unsettled. When the bill came before the Senate, Jesse B. Thomas of Illinois moved as an amend- ment, a clause forbidding the introduction of slavery into the Louisiana Territory north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, and west of the proposed State of Missouri. This was the line of the famous Mis- souri Compromise. The House, however, would not at first agree to this arrangement ; but finally, through means of a committee of conference, Maine was admitted, and Missouri, on these conditions, after she should adopt a constitution. The following year, when the constitution of Missouri was presented to Congress, it was found to contain a clause that prohibited free people of color from settling in the State. Though this clause “ was adopted for the sake of peace — for the sake of internal tranquillity — and to prevent the agitation of the slave question,” 1 yet it was viewed far differently in Congress, and was the occasion of opening the restriction question with all its bitterness. The insertion of the offensive clause, under the circum- stances, seemed to manifest as little regard for the Consti- tution of the United States, as respect for the opinions of those opposed to the extension of slavery. The citizens of any one State were, by the Constitution, entitled to the privileges of citizens in the other States. Free people of color were thus recognized in some of the States, but by this clause they were deprived of their rights. Another committee of conference, of which Henry Clay was the prime mover, was appointed by the Senate and House of Representatives. The difficulty was again compromised by which Missouri was to be admitted on the express con- dition that she would expunge the obnoxious clause, and then the President was authorized to admit her by procla- mation. The Missouri Legislature complied, and the fact 1 Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, Yol. i. p. 8. CHAP. XLVI. 182a 696 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYI. 1821. Aug Mar. 1822. was communicated to tlie President, who proclaimed he* admission to the family of States. Thus the slavery agi- tation was allayed for a time, but the same question under different phases, has returned again and again, and will no doubt continue thus to do till the conscience of the nation is fully satisfied on the subject — for questions involving the moral and political relations of so many mil- lions cannot be lightly passed over. A new interest was awakened in behalf of the South American Republics. Great efforts had been made by Henry Clay, during their struggle, to induce Congress to acknowledge their independence, but it was then thought premature ; now the bill was passed. The next year the President declared in his message that “ as a principle the American Continents, by the free and independent posi- tion which they have assumed and maintained, are hence- forth not to be considered as subjects for future coloniza- tion by any European power.” This has since been known as the Monroe Doctrine, though its authorship, it would seem, belongs rather to his Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams. Great financial distress prevailed during this period throughout the land. The immense amount of foreign, especially English, merchandise sent, at reduced prices, into the country, paralyzed its industry. These goods were thus sent for the express purpose of ruining the American manufactures, called into existence by the necessities of the war — an object which they effectually accomplished. The distress of the people, reacted upon the general government. When they refused to buy, be- cause unable to pay, the importations fell off, and as a consequence, the revenue was so diminished that the government, from necessity, resorted to loans in order to obtain means of defraying its current expenses. The general distress was not a little increased by the measures of the National Bank. Indeed no confidence could be THE VISIT OF LAFAYETTE. 697 1818. placed in the banks except those of New England, which chap redeemed their notes in specie when presented, while those in other parts of the Union became bankrupt. The 1824. density of the population of the New England States enabled them to engage with advantage in manufactures, and also in shipping, and the coasting trade, which was especially profitable. For these reasons they withstood the financial crisis, while the agricultural and manufactur- ing interests of the other States were overwhelmed. The country, by its own innate energy, began to re- cover from these financial difficulties. As a means to accomplish that desirable object, an increase of tariff was imposed on imported merchandise, thus to protect do- mestic industry from undue foreign competition, to create a diversity of pursuits, and develop the resources of the nation. Congress also manifested its sense of justice by mak- ing provision for the wants of the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution, and for the widows and orphans of those deceased. The last year of Monroe's administration was signal- ized by an event highly gratifying to the people, an event linking the past with the present, the days of conflict and trial with the days of peace and prosperity. The vener- able Lafayette came to the United States, the invited guest of the nation. Around every fireside tradition had fondly cherished his memory, and the people loved him as the noble and generous stranger who, in the days of their fathers, had sacrificed his fortune and shed his blood in their country's cause. They vied with each other in do- ing him honor. His journey from State to State was one continued triumphal procession; compared with this sponta- neous expression of a nation's gratitude, how insignificant the proudest triumph of Roman consul or emperor 1 The vessel designated to carry him home was the new frigate Brandywine, a name — given by the new President, John Mar. 698 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN - PEOPLE. CHAP. XL VI. 1825 . Quincy Adams — that conveyed a delicate compliment, at on the hanks of that little stream he was wounded in his first battle in the cause of American freedom. The American people wished to manifest still further theii sense of obligation, and Congress conferred upon him two hundred thousand dollars and a township of land. When the time came to choose a successor to Monroe — • now in his second term — four candidates were put in nomination ; John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, General Jackson, and William H. Crawford. No one of the can- didates received a majority of the popular vote, and the election devolved upon the House of Representatives, by whom Adams was chosen. John C. Calhoun had been chosen Vice-President by the popular vote. This election gave the death-blow to the custom of nominating candidates for the Presidency by a caucus held by certain members of Congress. Previous to this, for twenty-four successive years, the candidates had been thus nominated, and consequently chosen from a single State. CHAPTER XLYII. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS’ ADMINISTRATION. Manufactures and Internal Improvements. — Indian Lands in Georgia.— Death of the ex-Presidents Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. — Free Masonry. — Protection to American Industry. — Debates in Congress. — Presidential Contest. The new President invited able and experienced men to form his cabinet, at the head of which was Henry Clay, as Secretary of State. This administration was one of remarkable prosperity ; the nation was gradually advanc- ing in wealth and happiness, gaining strength at home, and securing more and more of the respect of nations abroad. Every branch of industry was increasing in pros- perity ; agriculture, oommerce, and manufactures. Numerous companies had been formed for the purpose of making iron nails, and also for the manufacture of broadcloths, though the latter were soon involved in ruin by “ a deluge of English cloths.” In those days fine wool was worth a dollar and a half a pound, while badly made broadcloth cost from eight to twelve dollars a yard. The wars of Europe opened a wide field for enterprise in the carrying trade. American genius and art produced the style of ship known as the clipper. These far out- stripped all others in sailing ; they made rapid voyages, and, what was important in those days, they were able very often to evade the French and English cruisers. At first, the United States had but little of their own products CHAP. XLYII 1825. 1815 700 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, to send to the old world, but presently Eli Whitney in- vented the cotton-gin, by which the seed was separated 1793. from the cotton, and that gradually became the most im- portant article of export. The great National Road — the work of the General Government — extending across the Alleghany Mountains, from Cumberland, Maryland, to Wheeling, on the Ohio, and to be continued to the Mississippi, had just been 1820. completed, at an expense of one million seven hundred thousand dollars. It was commenced in Jefferson’s ad- ministration, and had been fourteen years in building. Its beneficial effects upon the country were very great, in thus connecting the valley of the Ohio with the seaboard. A still more important work was also finished — the 1825. Erie Canal, uniting the Hudson and the waters of the great lakes. It was the work of the State of New York, and was completed after a labor of eight years. The pro- ject was at first deemed visionary and impracticable ; but owing principally to the energy of De Witt Clinton, privately, as well as a member of the Legislature and as Governor, the work was carried through. The completion ind success of these improvements encouraged the con- struction of others in various parts of the Union — one, 1832. the Ohio Canal, from Lake Erie to the Ohio river. The first railway was the Quincy, in Massachusetts, designed 1827. 1° transport granite to the sea-shore. The first locomo- tive used in the United States was on the Hudson and 1832. Mohawk Railroad. A difficult question arose in relation to the removal of the Creeks and the Cherokees, from their lands in Georgia and Alabama, to the region beyond the Mississippi. Georgia claimed jurisdiction over the Indians within her territory. Originally claiming the region west of her 1802. boundary, she ceded it to the United States, on condition that the latter should, by purchase, extinguish the title DEATH OF EX-PRESIDENTS JEFFERSON AND ADAMS. 701 of the Indian lands reserved within her own limits. The national government promised to fulfil its part of the agreement “ as early as the same could be peaceably ob- tained on reasonable terms/' Twenty-five years had passed, and these titles had not been purchased. The Indians were not willing to sell their territory. However, a treaty had been recently made by some of the chiefs, who ceded the lands, but the great majority of the Indians declared these chiefs had no authority to sell the property of the nation. Thus, according to the original contract, the national government could not extinguish the Indian titles. The government cancelled this treaty, but the State of Georgia determined to enforce it. The latter sent sur- veyors into the Indian country, to divide the lands into portions suitable for farms, before distributing them by lottery to the citizens of the State. The Federal govern- ment took the part of the poor Indians, and the President proclaimed that he would enforce the laws committed to his trust, while Troup, the bellicose Governor of Georgia, wrote to the Secretary of War : “From the first decisive act of hostility, you will be considered and treated as a public enemy/' The matter for the present was adjusted by the Creeks consenting to dispose of their lands, and to emigrate. Rather than be thus harassed they were will- ing tc remove from their happy homes, and give up their hopes of civilization. This year was marked by the deaths of two dis tingulshed men, whose names are identified with the history of the government — John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. Both were men of liberal education, and both chose the profession of the law ; both had been consistent and strenuous advocates of national independence, and were upon the committee which proposed that famous declaration. The one drew it up, and the other was its most efficient supporter ; both signed it ; both had been CHAP XLVII 1825 702 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. CHAP. XL VII. 1826. Sept. July, 1827 on foreign missions ; both were first Vice-Piesidents, an I then became Presidents. “ They ended their earthly career at the same time and in the same way ; in the regular course of nature, in the repose and tranquillity of retirement, in the bosoms of their families, on the soil which their labors had contributed to make free,” and within a few hours of each other, on the fiftieth anniver sary of American independence. A certain William Morgan, of Western New Zork, a member of the society of Free Masons, suddenly disap- peared, he having been seized and forcibly carried off. He had proposed to publish a book revealing the secrets of the order, some of whose members were charged with his murder. The affair created, a great excitement, which led to the formation of a political party, whose avowed object was to exclude Free Masons from office. In several of the States the party polled a large number of votes, but in a year or two it disappeared. The manufacturing interests were still laboring to sus- tain themselves against foreign competition. The senti- ment prevailed, especially in the northern States and in some of the southern, that measures should be taken to protect the industry of the nation. In accordance with this view, a convention of delegates from twenty-two States of the Union assembled at Harrisburg, in Pennsyl- vania. Four of the slave States did not send delegates. The Convention memorialized Congress to grant pro- tection to American industry ; to impose a tariff on im- ported goods, sufficiently high to shield American pro- ducer’s of the same articles from the ruinous effects of foreign competition ; and they also asked that this policy should be fixed, and thus give stability to the enterprise of the country. Capital would not be invested in domes- tic manufactures, if they were liable at any time to be ruined either by the combination of foreign competitor? THE TARIFF — DEBATES IN CONGRESS. 703 or by change of policy at home. The people of New England had complained of these changes. Their climate and soil forbade their becoming rivals of their sister States in agriculture, and their industry had been turned into other channels, especially those of commerce and the fisheries. Upon them had fallen nearly all the losses inflicted by the cruisers of France and England, and yet they had been more discouraged and had suffered more loss by the embargoes and other restrictions of their own government. During this period, the central position of New York had been gradually drawing to herself much of the commerce and shipping that once belonged to Boston. A territory so extensive, and climates so diverse, brought into existence many kinds of industry that were liable to be injured or ruined by foreign competition. At first New England was opposed to the policy of protection, and the Middle and Southern States were in its favor. Now this was reversed. New England had been forced to adapt her industry to the change of national policy, while the South had changed her views. Said Webster, when this bill was under discussion in Congress : “New England held back and labored to re- strain the General Government from the adoption of this policy, but when it was adopted she then adapted herself to it, and turned herself to manufactures, but now just as she is successful, another change is to be brought about, and she set adrift in another direction.” The South, on the other hand, expected to reap the harvest, not merely from the exports of the raw material, but also a due share of the profits arising from manu- factures. She was disappointed in seeing northern towns becoming cities, and southern cities decaying ; the North a money lender, the South a borrower. Before the Revo- lution she was pre-eminently the richest part of the colonies, a position which she fully expected to retain after that period. Hers were the only exports from the CHAP. XLVII. 1 S 28 . 704 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYII 1828 . May 15 . land ; the North was dependent upon commerce and fish- eries ; both precarious. Since the Revolution, the South had exported more in value than three times all that the mines of Mexico had produced for the same period, yet she did not prosper. This effect she attributed to the protective tariffs of the National Government. She failed to notice that this decline began before these tariffs were imposed. Other causes aided in the result . 1 A bill passed Congress, imposing higher duties upon cottons and woollens, and also other foreign articles, which would come into competition with those of domestic origin. The dis- satisfaction felt in South Carolina led, two years after, to the open avowal on her part, of the doctrine of nullifica- tion and secession, based upon the ground that the act was unconstitutional. The contest for the office of President was between Adams and General Jackson. The “ era of good feeling” had passed away, and party lines were stringently drawn. The spirit of the contest was more violent than ever be- fore ; and the whole nation seemed moved to its very centre. The denunciation of the candidates and their principles was, on both sides, unjust, unreasonable and disgraceful. The choice fell upon Jackson as President, and Calhoun as Vice-President. The election over, the excitement calmed down. This fact, as usual, was ad- duced as an evidence of the stability of our institutions, and of the willingness of the people to submit to the will of the majority. Yet who does not lament such exhi- bitions of party strife, or their demoralizing effects ? The nation had never been in a condition so pros- perous as at this time. The national debt was much diminished, and a surplus of more than five millions of dollars was in the public treasury. The blessings of peace had been showered upon the land, and it was rejoicing in prosperity and abundance — the rewards of active industry. 1 Rendon’s Thirty Years’ View, Chap. xxxiv.. Yol. L CHAPTER XL VIII. JACKSON’S ADMINISTRATION. Appointments to Office. — Removal of tne Indians from Georgia. — Bank of the United States. — Hayne and Webster’s Debate. — Nullification. — The Compromise Bill ; its final Passage. — Removal of the Deposits.— Effect upon the Country. — Indian Wars. — Black Hawk ; Osceola. — In- demnity for French Spoliations. The new President nominated the members of his cabi- chaf. xLvm net, at the head of which he placed Martin Van Buren as Secretary of State. The Postmaster-General was now 1829 . for the first time admitted as a Cabinet Officer. The President professed to take the Constitution as the chart by which he should be governed in fulfilling the duties of his office ; rather, it would seem, as he himself understood it, than as expounded by the Supreme Court of the United States. His vigorous arm was immediately exerted in favor of his political friends, and this gave to his administration a decided partisan character. The former Presidents, during a period of forty-four years, had removed sixty-four persons from office ; during his rule of eight years, Jackson removed six hundred and ninety, and put in their places his political friends. These sweep- ing removals secured ardent partisans, as well as produced bitter opponents ; but regardless of either friend or foe, the President pursued the course he had marked out, with his wonted determination. 706 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLVHL 1829. 1833 During his administration, an unusual number of ex* citing questions came up for consideration, and the many interests thus involved affected the people in every State in the Union. The first important measure, was the re- moval of the Cherokee Indians from the State of Georgia. They had been protected by the General Government, under Adams, The Supreme Court of the United States had decided in their favor, and against the action of the State ; hut that decision had little influence with the President. He did not rebuke the State, when she be- gan to drive them from their homes, and to distribute their lands, many of them cultivated farms, among hei own citizens. He sent General Scott with troops to re- move them, and his kindness and persuasions induced them to migrate peacefully ; yet with lamentations, they took leave of “ the beloved land/' Their sacrifices as a people were very great, not only in the loss of property, but in the check given to their industrial and moral progress. The self-denying labors of missionaries and teachers had enabled them to advance rapidly toward a Christianized civilization. They derived their sustenance from their own cultivated fields ; they clothed themselves almost entirely with the fabrics which their women spun and wove ; they lived in settled habi- tations, some of wood and some of brick ; they made provision for the education of their children — five hun- dred of whom were in schools — besides endowing a Na- tional Academy for the youth further advanced. They also established a newspaper, printed partly in English, and partly in their own language. a We hope,” said they, u that with God’s blessing the time will soon come when the words war-whoop and scalping-knife will be heard no more.” Two of their missionaries, the Rev. S. A. Worcester and Dr. Elisur Butler, were ruthlessly imprisoned in the penitentiary by the authority of the State of Georgia, CAUSES OF NULLIFICATION. though they acted in accordance with the law of the land, as interpreted by the Supreme Court of the United States, in refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the State. Chief Justice Marshall, in pronouncing the opinion of the court, declared the act of the State to be “ repug- nant to the Constitution, treaties and laws of the United States ; and therefore void, and ought to be reversed and annulled,” and the prisoners discharged. Yet these men obtained no redress on their appeal to the General Gov- ernment, either for themselves or the Indians. When at length liberated from prison, the mission- aries accompanied the Indians to their distant homes beyond the Mississippi, there to labor for their good. The President, in his first message to Congress, inti- mated his hostility to the Bank of the United States, and his design of refusing his signature to any bill renewing its charter. However, when the stockholders of the Bank applied to Congress, a bill to renew its charter passed both Houses, and the President refused to sign it. He gave as a reason his opinion that Congress had no constitutional authority to charter such an institution, and moreover he deemed it inexpedient to continue the Bank. As the bill could not obtain the requisite two-thirds vote to become a law, the Bank was forced to close its affairs, when its charter should expire. To understand the causes which led to the attempt at Nullification by South Carolina it is necessary, for the reader’s convenience, to notice in a consecutive form cer- tain influences that had been at work from the com- mencement of the government under the Presidency of George Washington. When the Constitution of the United States was submitted to the people for their approval or rejection, objections were made to it by a small minority, principally on the ground that its powers 707 CHAP. XLYIII. 1829. 1836, 1788. 708 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYIII. 1787. were too great over the States. This minority consisted mostly of statesmen belonging to Virginia, two of whose delegates to the convention to frame the Consti- tution refused to sign it when finished. These were Edmund Randolph and George Mason, with only one other, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. These gentle- men, and those who sympathized with them in their views, made strenuous efforts in several of the States to prevent the acceptance of the Constitution by the people, nor even after it was adopted and the Government in- augurated did they cease in their opposition, though they were unable to have the organic law of the nation changed to suit their views. They were now joined by the most efficient opponent of certain principles of the Constitution — Thomas Jefferson — who had been in France on official duties while the Constitution was being framed and acted upon by the votes of the people ; but he had since returned, having been invited by President "Wash- ington to enter his Cabinet as Secretary for Foreign Affairs or of State, which office he was now holding. The Constitution says (Article VI.) : “ This Constitu- tion, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land.” Some of the States, in order to establish a National Government, were unwilling to give up scarcely any portion of the sovereignty which they had hitherto exercised . 1 This was especially the case in the South- ern States — Virginia, the principal one, taking the lead. This opposition in later times developed into extreme mews in relation to State Rights or Sovereignty, whose insidious influence has wrought so much harm to the Nation, in assuming that in some way, though indefinable, the General. Government would injure the individual States. The advocates of this theory — “ strict construe- 1 Hist., pp. 564, 565. OBLIGATIONS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 709 tionists” they called themselves — were morbidly suspi- cious of the National Government, and were continually deprecating its influence upon the States. In accordance with their interpretation, the Constitution would be as in- flexible as a cast-iron frame ; no permission was given for that instrument — so comprehensive in its principles — to adapt itself to the exigencies of a nation industrious and progressive in its development. Hence the habit of these theorists to exclaim u Unconstitutional !” wdienever measures were proposed in Congress that would in their influence extend to the States ; for that body to charter a bank was deemed unconstitutional, because, perhaps, in being useful to the general commerce and the indus- tries of the country, it must have branches at commercial centers within the States. Their views were similar in respect to internal improvements made by the National Government. On the subject of the United States Bank the opposi- tion in this respect came principally from Virginia and those States further south ; they being nearly altogether agricultural, there was not so much necessity for a medium of mercantile exchange as in the more commer- cial and manufacturing free States. We have already seen Thomas Jefferson 1 secretly exerting his influence against the policy of W ashington’s administration, and to which he was presumed to be friendly, at least, while holding the most important posi- tion in the Cabinet — that of Secretary of State. Instead, he encouraged opposition to its most important measures, which, from their intrinsic merits, have since become the fixed policy of the nation. ITe stimulated this antago- nism in various ways, but principally by diffusing his sen- timents privately in letters to his friends, under pledges of secrecy, and by means of the Democratic clubs, whose CHAP. XLYIII. 1832. 1801. 1 Hist., pp. 581, 584. 710 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLVIII. 1801. origin has been noted . 1 Though Vice-President at the time, Jefferson was not in perfect accord with the policy of John Adams’s administration, in its efforts to defend the country against the machinations of foreign refugees , 2 who, with the clubs, wished to embroil the country in the wars then in progress in Europe. Says Albert Galla- tin, when writing of this period, “ I know that nothing can be more injurious to an administration than to have in that office [Vice-Presidency] a man in hostility to that administration, as he will always become the most for- midable rallving-point for the opposition .” 3 At one time Jefferson was greatly exercised lest the Government should become a monarchy; and some of his friends professed to be alarmed because the people honored Washington’s birthday, but he soothingly sug- gested the theory that, perhaps, the day was celebrated as that of “ a General and not of a President.” Yet he was desponding ; in one of his letters he says, “ The State governments are the best in the world,” but that of the United States “has become so arbitrary in the rapid course of nine or ten years, and has swallowed up more of the public liberty than even that of England itself.” This paragraph alludes to what is known as the “ Sedi- tion Law,” which was enacted to punish libel on the Government, or the exciting of “unlawful combinations against the laws.” This law, 'which expired in two years by limitation, was directed in self-defense against a class of foreign adventurers, who as writers in the newspapers were most abusive in denunciation of the administration of John Adams , 4 which, in respect to the policy of neu- trality, followed that of Washington. The law itself, perhaps, was injudicious, and in its brief existence could do little harm, but the political furor — bordering on the 1 Hist., p. 583. 2 Hist., p. 594. 3 Life of Gallatin, p. 606. 4 Hist., pp. 592, 593. RESOLUTIONS OF ’98. 711 ridiculous — which it occasioned among its opponents is not paralleled in American history. To remedy these supposed evils, Jefferson drew up a series of resolutions embodying sentiments that have been often alluded to in our history ; these are familiarly known as the “ Resolutions of ’98.” He managed to have them introduced into the Legislature of Virginia, and passed by that body, though their most objectionable features were modified through the influence of James Madison. In the same secret manner he had similar resolutions passed by the Legislature of the recently admitted State of Kentucky. This was accomplished by one of his friends, a Mr. Nicholas, a native of Virginia, but who at this time was a citizen of the new State and a member of its Legislature. It was not known for twenty years that Jefferson was the author of these resolutions, as he had the “ solemn assurance that it should not be known from what quarter the resolutions came.” 1 These resolutions were sent to the Legislatures of several of the States, and the political principles they endeavored to disseminate elicited much discussion, but little favor from these bodies. Their influence was to show itself in future years. John C. Calhoun was consistent when he characterized Jefferson as “ the Apostle of State Rights;” 2 that is of the extreme view , since all advocate the legiti- mate rights of the States under the Constitution, just as municipal rights of cities chartered by State authority ; but that does not imply that these municipalities should dominate the State itself. The eighth of these resolutions announces the theory that “ where powers are assumed ” (alluding to the United States Government) “ which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy ; that every CHAP, XLYIII. 1798. 1799. 1 Randall’s Life of Jefferson, vol. ii., p. 448. 2 Works, vol. ii., p. 268. 712 HISTORY OF THE AHERICAH PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYHI. 1832, State lias a natural right, in cases not within the compact, to nullify of their [its] own authority all assumptions of power of others within their [its] limits.” 1 On the prin- ciples thus enunciated South Carolina determined to a nullify” a United States law, because she of her own authority decided that a tariff, said to be protective to American industry, was “ unconstitutional,” and thirty years later in a more serious effort to “ nullify” the union of the States. There seems to have been an impression on the minds of great numbers of the American people that the opera- tives in large factories in Europe were peculiarly de- graded as to their morals, and that the temptations to vice were very great in such establishments. It was also added that this was specially the case in the mills for manufacturing cotton and wool, as in these, the work being comparatively light, females and boys were much employed. This was given as one reason why the sys- tem of such manufacturing should not be introduced into the United States. Measures, however, were taken to prevent such evils, and when mills were founded at Lowell and afterward at Lawrence, Mass., special efforts were made to secure the influence of pure morals among those employed. In Lowell the corporation or owners, to prevent evil influences in their mills, provided comfortable boarding- places for the young women, usually farmers’ daughters, who were in their employ. These boarding-houses were under the control of worthy and judicious matrons selected for the purpose, and to whose protection the parents in the vicinity were willing to intrust their daughters. These young people had been educated in the public schools, and had acquired a taste for reading ; Randall’s Life of Jefferson, vol. ii., p. 450. COTTON MANUFACTURE. 713 to meet this demand the owners provided libraries and chap. reading-rooms ; to the latter the operatives also con- tributed to cover incidental expenses. At one time the young women who worked in the mills issued a period- ical, “The Lowell Offering.” These facts show the moral tone and mental requirements of a community that would demand proper guaranties before the parents would permit their young people, especially their daughters, to labor in the cotton and woolen mills of the day. In nearly all of the earlier mills founded in New England similar efforts were made to protect and elevate those whom they employed. A change has 1881. been in progress, and the reading-rooms and libraries are not so well attended as formerly ; the native employees have given way to foreigners, who, unfortunately, care not so much for reading and mental improvement. A great advancement was made in the process of manufacturing cotton by the energy of Francis C. Lowell of Boston, who conceived the idea of using water-power in the various operations. He visited Europe and ex- amined the machinery used there, especially that in the mills of England, but to obtain models of which he found impossible, as their machinery was carefully watched lest it should be copied, and he was compelled to depend upon his memory and his own inventive genius. The policy of England in that day, in relation to preserving the secrets of her machinery, was virtually the same as it was forty years before. 1 With the aid of a practical mechanic, Mr. Lowell constructed machinery according to his own designs. This was crude indeed, but he contrived to put in motion 1,700 spindles in a small mill at Waltham, Mass. Here under the same roof 1813. cotton was carded, spun, and woven ; and it is said to 1 Hist. , p. 578. 714 CHAP. XLYHI. 1822. 1816 to 1826. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. have been the first mill in the world in which all the operations of that manufacture were performed. Mr. Lowell, from time to time, made improvements in his machinery, and so great was his success that a few enterprising gentlemen formed a company, and at a cer- tain point purchased the land along the banks of the Merrimac, thus securing its entire water-power. On this purchase now stands the flourishing city of Lowell — thus named in honor of its indefatigable projector. Here was inaugurated on a firm basis the American system of manufacturing cotton. Within a dozen years from that time there were nearly 800 cotton factories — some of these were very small — in the Union ; 738 were in the Free States, and of these 508 were in Hew England alone. 1 From that time forward the increase has been enormous. During this period the industry of printing calicoes was carried on but in a crude form ; since then it has grown to large proportions under the influence of Ameri- can inventions and improvements. At that time four colors was the highest number impressed at one move- ment ; this has since been increased to twenty. The war of 1812 threw the American people upon their own mechanical resources to furnish themselves the needed manufactured articles, which for the greater part had hitherto been supplied by the workshops of England. During this period of about three years the native in- genuity in the invention and application of machinery to manufacturing purposes of various kinds developed rapidly. The war itself afforded sufficient protection from the skill of England and the low wages paid her operatives. In less than two years after the restoration of peace and the renewal of trade the American manu- facturers found themselves utterly ruined by the immense Industrial Hist. U. S., p. 412. FAR-REACHING POLICY. 715 influx of English merchandise, which had been accumu- lating for years, and was now thrown upon the American market at prices sometimes even below their original cost. The English merchants had two objects in view : one to stifle the manufacturing industries that had received an impulse during the war, and the other to keep per- manent control of the American market. This they hoped to accomplish by means of English skill and the low wages paid their workmen. The latter item gave the foreigner an immense advantage, as the American must pay higher wages because of the much few^er num- ber willing to be thus employed. The statesmen of that day, wdio had far-reaching views, saw that the alternative was either to abandon the policy of advancing the mechanical industries of the people altogether, or counterbalance the advantages of the European manufacturer in his skill and the low wages paid his operatives. They chose the latter policy. This was to impose a tariff sufficiently high to equalize the cost of production and enable the American manu- facturer to compete with the European on equal terms, and at the same time to afford an opportunity for em- ployment to those of our own people who worked for wages ; to introduce diversities of industry, and develop the natural resources of the country, even then supposed to be enormous . 1 When the question of revising the tariff came before Congress some of the “ strict constructionists” suggested that the Constitution authorized a tariff for “revenue alone that is an imposition of duty in such a manner as to produce the most revenue to the Government, and it would seem without reference to the industrial interests of the people. A question arose which has puzzled Congress ever since : “ Where does the rate of a tariff for 1 Natural Resources of the United States, by J. Harris Patton. CHAP. XLV1I1. 1816 to 1826. 1816. 716 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS’ PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYHI 1816. 1832. 1789. 1816. ‘revenue alone’ terminate, and that for ‘protection’ begin?” On this occasion John C. Calhoun of South Carolina argued that a tariff sufficiently high to protect the industries of the people was constitutional, saving, “manufactures ought to be countenanced by the Gov- ernment,” and “ they will arrive at a certain perfection under its fostering care and he urged Congress to “afford to ingenuity and industry immediate and ample protection.” Afterward in the days of Nullification he said, “ I, in common with the almost entire South, gave my support to the tariff of 1S16.” 1 Senator George McDuffie of the same State, in speaking of this tariff, says, “ I most perfectly accord in the policy which dictated that measure.” James Madison wished the commercial laws revised to “protect and foster the several branches of manufactures.” “ The constitution- ality of the procedure is not at all thought of, the expe- diency of it is warmly recommended.*' 2 'With this understanding a tariff was imposed upon coarse cottons, woolens, and many other manufactured articles, which tariff was amended from time to time during twelve years. This had ever been the national policy ; the first tariff imposed by Congress and signed by Washing- ton in its preamble says it was required, “ for the sup- port of the Government, and for the encouragement and protection of domestic manufactures.” During the war of 1812, to cover the unusual expense, and to supply the deficiency caused by the falling off of import duties which had nearly ceased altogether, taxes were imposed on many home-made articles. It was now proposed to relieve the people of these burdensome taxes on their own manufactures, and supply the deficiency by increasing the duties on the corresponding foreign-made articles. Thus the object was twofold : to raise the 1 Works, vol. ii.. pp. 166-170. 2 Niles Reg., vol. xxxvi., p. 82. IMPOliT DUTIES. 717 needed revenue, and to encourage domestic industry ; of this policy Henry Clay was the ardent advocate. In accordance with this a tariff was imposed on certain classes of articles ; u 1st, those of which a full domestic supply could be produced ; 2d, those of which only par- tial domestic supply could be afforded ; and 3d, those produced at home very slightly, or not at all.” 1 The cotton-growing States “ at that time had a par- ticular interest in encouraging the domestic manufacture of cotton.” Such were the views of Calhoun and Lowndes, of South Carolina — the latter reporting the bill to Congress. A heavy duty was imposed on woolen and cotton cloths of various grades ; also on iron in all its forms, on spirits, on sugars — the latter to encourage the Louisiana sugar-planter ; on hemp and lead to aid the Kentucky farmer and the Illinois miner. The proposed duty on indigo unfortunately failed, as that article was a valuable product of the low lands of South Carolina and Georgia. 2 Neither the cereals nor raw cotton needed protection — the latter staple having virtually the mon- opoly of the world, both as to quantity an d.* quality. After the acquisition of Louisiana the southern portion of the country was deemed by many the richest portion of the Union in its agricultural products — cotton, tobacco, and sugar ; the first especially, since the invention of the cotton-gin, had become greatly enhanced in value as a most important export. This theory seemed to pervade the minds of some of the leading men of that section. 3 So little did these statesmen know or even suspect of the inherent though thus far latent power of intelligent and industrious communities as those in the Free States, where labor as such was reckoned respectable. This power was wonderfully developed, when manufactures CHAP. XLVIIl. 1816. Hildreth, vol. vi., p. 585. 2 Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, vol. i., p. 97. 3 Hist., p. 624. 718 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XL VIII. 1816. 1829. were introduced into these States under the “fostering: care” of the legislation of 1816 and onward. It was then supposed the slaves could be taught to manufacture the coarser grades of cotton cloth, with which they themselves were for the most part clothed. It was therefore important to the masters to introduce that manufacture among the employments of their slaves, who could thus have work through the entire year. But after a few years of trial it was found that from their ignorance, want of perseverance, and lack of interest in their work they were inefficient in manufacturing cotton ; they could only hoe and pick it, and that under the harsh supervision of overseers. Similar measures failed to succeed in the factory, where more intelligence and skill were required. Hence the complaints made against the tariff (in Nullification times), that it ruined the South or cotton-producing States. 1 This statement does not seem correct in the light of facts, for the decline com- menced many years before. 2 It is also inconsistent with statistics which show that in 1815 the coarse cotton sheet- ings, with which the slaves were mostly clothed, cost forty cents a yard — being made chiefly on hand looms — while a better material in 1829 cost but eight and one- half cents, thus cheapened by the advance made in manu- facturing by machinery. 3 Meanwhile the fall in the price of raw cotton was only about two-fifths as much as that of the woven material — this advantage accruing to the planter. A writer 4 states that at this time (1829) “The cost of a good cotton summer suit for a field hand, taking six yards, was seventy-five cents, and that a winter suit of negro cloth cost three dollars other expenses were at an equally low rate. Yet the Nullifiers proclaimed 1 See Hist., p. 723, for opinions of McDuffie and Hayne. 2 Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, vol. i., p. 101. 3 Industrial Hist. U. S., p. 414. * Niles Register. THE MOTIVES. 719 that their section was ruined by tariffs, and they entered upon a crusade against any policy that aided the mechan- ical industries of the country. This was on the ground that such aid was unconstitutional. 1 The protest of South Carolina pronounced protective duties “ Uncon- stitutional, oppressive , and unjust .” As the tariff, how- ever low, is to that extent a protection to the American manufacturer of the same kind of article, it would follow from this that Free Trade alone was constitutional. By a similar process of reasoning, extremists among the slave- owning statesmen argued that the best social condition was for the capitalist to own those whom he employed ; in other words, that u all laborers should be slaves.” Such were the views of John C. Calhoun and George McDuffie, and others. The motives that influenced the minds of these legislators were radically different. The statesmen of the Slave States, from the nature of the case, had reference alone to the advantages that would accrue to the masters ; while those of the Free States had refer- ence as much to that large class who obtained their sup- port from wages as to the capitalist who invested his money in manufacturing industries. At the commencement of the war of 1812 England was buying our raw cotton and sending it back in the form of cloth made by machines driven by steam, wdiile at that time in the United States were very few, perhaps no factories for weaving cotton-cloth, — the mill at Beverly having failed. There were in the country a few small mills for spinning cotton yarn, and the weaving was done by hand on domestic looms ; hence this product was termed “ domestics.” Our statesmen then desired to encourage the manu- facture of cottons and woolens in all their forms ; but to do so the people must contend with the acquired skill CHAP. XLVII1. 1829. Debates in Congress, vol . x. , pp. 24S-245. 720 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYIII, 1816. 1820. 1851. 1816 to 1820. and machinery of England, and the low wages paid her operatives. The same causes gave an impulse to the manufacture of woolens, though this industry remained for a long time in the hands of the household. Not till 1816 and onward was a definite impetus given to the manufacture of woolen goods in its varied forms. The supply of native wool was not sufficient, and to obtain which great exertions were made to induce the farmers to raise sheep for its production. To secure the finest quality merino sheep were imported from Spain, and wool-growing became an important industry. The pioneer woolen mills only wove the yarn spun in the household in the vicinity. Carding and fulling mills came into existence to aid and complete the domestic manufacture, and finally in the course of years the work was performed, or nearly so, under the same roof by means of machinery. The advance, however, was not so rapid in the woolen as in the cotton manufacture. The States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connec- ticut took energetic measures to advance the manufac- ture of wool. Vermont became the producer of the finest wool in New England, yet it remained for another State — Tennessee — to exhibit the finest specimen wool at the first World’s Fair at London. Our manufacture of wool has come oftener than any other of our industries in competition with the skill and the low wages paid operatives in England, Belgium, and France, and in consequence has had unusual difficulties to overcome. The depression in the industrial interests of the coun- try after the war of 1812 was very great. Henry Clay estimated the property of the United States to have sunk in value one-half in the course of four years. This esti- mate was no doubt in respect to the States outside New England. The people of that section by their industrial enterprise and economy had secured success in many EQUALIZING MEASURE. 721 respects, especially in tlieir shipping interest, including the carrying trade between foreign nations during the wars of Napoleon, the coasting trade of their own coun- try, the fisheries along their coasts, and for whales in the Arctic seas. In consequence of this accumulation of capital their finances were in a good condition, and their banks were sound and able to redeem their notes in .specie when presented at their counters, while in the rest of the Union financial distress more or less prevailed. The term protection is unfortunate, inasmuch that many are led astray,* thinking that those who manufac- ture were protected or aided by the Government at the expense of the other portion of the people. The term is a misnomer ; it should be designated an equalizing measure , designed to put our own workmen and those w T ho employ them on equal terms as manufacturers with the foreigners, who have the advantage in acquired skill, low rate of interest on capital, and more than all, in the small amount of wages paid their operatives. Making the terms thus equal to the manufacturers of both lands, if the American, by means of his energy and mechanical inventions, and the better education of his workmen in industrious habits, is more successful, he and the people have a right to the advantages thus acquired. The “ strict constructionists” thought Congress had no authority to levy a tariff so as to equalize the expense of manufactur- ing in the United States with that in Europe. Senator Foote of Connecticut submitted a resolution of inquiry as to the disposal of the public lands. The de- bate on the resolution took a wide range, in the course of > which the young and brilliant Senator, Robert Y . Hayne, of South Carolina, avowed the opinion that any State had a right, as a sovereign power, to declare null and void any act of Congress which that State deemed unconstitutional. This was the first time that the doctrine of nullification CHAP. XLVIII. 1820. 1830. 722 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLVIII. 1832. had been openly maintained in the councils of the nation— the sentiments rather of Calhoun the Vice-President than of the speaker himself : a doctrine based upon the as- sumption that the National Government was a compact between the States, and that any of them could at pleas- ure recede from the Union. Daniel Webster at once pointed out the injurious re- sults to the Union if these principles were acted upon. This debate, continued for several days, and not only from the masterly manner in which it was conducted, but from the influence it exerted upon the minds of the American people, was one of the most important that ever occurred in the Halls of Congress. Webster clearly exposed the fallacy of the argument adduced to prove that the Na- tional Government was a compact of sovereign, independ- ent States ; or that any of them were at liberty to with- draw from the Union, without the consent of the others. On the contrary, he urged that the Constitution was the work of the people themselves, not as members of each independent State, but as members of all the States ; and that the Supreme Court was the tribunal authorized to decide in cases of conflict between the States and the General Government. Says the venerable Chancellor Kent in reference to the discussion, and especially Webster’s speech : “ It turned the attention of the public to the great doctrines of national rights and national union. Constitutional law was rescued from the archives of our tribunals and the libraries of our lawyers, placed under the eye, and submitted to the judgment of the American people.” And heartily did they respond to the sentiment that the “ Union must be preserved.” The importance of the subject awakened an intense interest in the nation, and the reports of the discussion were read and commented upon by millions. This debate really settled the question of nullification ; and its influence upon the public mine} REVISION OF THE TARIFF — NULLIFICATION. 723 created a moral power which gave a death-blow to the char dangerous design then in existence. - 1832. Congress, in revising the tariff, instead of diminishing, increased the duties on many articles. This gave still JuK greater offence to the cotton-growing States, who com- plained, that they in consequence paid exorbitant prices, especially for cottons and woollens. The question be- came in some respects a sectional one. The North on the one hand had accommodated her industry to manufac- tures ; she had acquired skill, and was unwilling to sac- rifice this and also an immense amount of invested capital. She thought it unjust that her interests should be injured, if not ruined, by a change of the policy under which she had been compelled to turn her attention to that particular sphere of industry. On the other hand, the South, pointing to her exhausted fields, especially in the Atlantic States, and their diminution of population, exclaimed : See what the tariff has done ! Says McDuffie of South Carolina, on the floor of Congress : “ Look, sir, at the present aspect of the Southern States. In no part of Europe will you see the same indications of decay. De- serted villages, houses falling to ruin, impoverished lands thrown out of cultivation.” The reason that the South did not derive benefit from the imposition of a tariff was admitted by Hayne himself. “ The slaves,” said he in the Senate, “ are too improvident, too incapable of minute, constant, delicate attention, and the persevering industry which is essential to the success of manufacturing estab- lishments.” Similar sentiments were expressed by other members of Congress. The States of Virginia, Georgia and South Carolina were the most opposed to the measure, but only the latter took the responsibility of openly resisting the collection of duties imposed by this law of Congress. She published an ordinance to that effect, and denied the authority of 724 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYHL 1833. Feb. 11 . the General Government to enforce what she deemed ac unconstitutional law. The President immediately issued a proclamation, moderate in its language hut determined in tone. In plain terms he expressed his views upon the subject, and intimated that he would vindicate the power intrusted to his hands. He appealed u to the understanding and patriotism of the people of the State, and warned them of the consequences that must inevitably result from obeying the dictates of the convention,” which had ad- vised resistance to the law. Previous to this, Calhoun had resigned the vice-presi- dency, and now appeared in the Senate in the place of Hayne, who had retired to take the office of Governor of South Carolina, and who now replied to the President by a counter proclamation. He warned the people of the State against “ the dangerous and pernicious doctrines ” in that document, and called upon them to disregard “ those vain menaces ” of military force, “ to be fully pre- pared to sustain the dignity and protect the liberties ol the State, if need be, with their lives and fortunes.” Nothing daunted, South Carolina proclaimed herself hostile to the Union, and resolved to maintain her rights as a Sovereign State, by organizing troops and providing munitions of war. Meantime her Legislature passed laws which forbade the collection of United States revenue within her boundaries ; and intimated that if an attempt was made by the General Government to enforce the col- lection of such duties, sb,3 would exercise her right to secede from the Union, and “ forthwith proceed to organ- ize a separate government.” The attitude of the State was imposing and resolute. But the President was equally as decided in his measures to enforce the laws. Soon a national vessel, with troops on board, appeared in the harbor of Charleston ; they came to aid the officers in the collection of the revenue. The State receded from THE COMPROMISE BILL ITS FINAL PASSAGE. 725 ber defiant position, and the storm calmed down ; the famous Tariff Compromise, just passed by Congress, fur- nished a convenient reason for that act of prudence. Henry Clay was the principal author of the measure, and to him belongs the honor of introducing it into the Senate. The Compromise consisted in gradually dimin- ishing for ten years the imposts, till they should arrive at a uniform rate of twenty per cent. — the revenue standard for which the opponents of the tariff contended. The secret history of .the final passage of that Com- promise bill in the Senate is singular. Its opponents had denounced the principle of protection to American industry, as unconstitutional. In order to prevent op- position to the bill on that ground, after it had become a law, it was necessary that those opposing it should be induced to vote for it ; to vote, not only for the bill as a whole, but for its separate articles. The crisis was near. The President had determined to enforce the law ; he scouted the idea of compromise, and stood ready to arrest the leaders, especially Calhoun, and bring him to trial for treason. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, privately gave the parties to understand that he should move to lay the bill on the table, where it should lie, unless the nullifiers should one and all give it their individual support. He assured them that there was a sufficient number of senators (wdiose names he refused to give), to prevent its passage, if this condition was not complied with. The amendments to the bill had all passed but the last ; the one which embodied the principle of home valuation. This Calhoun and his friends opposed with great vehe- mence. Clayton moved to lay the bill on the table, and no persuasion could induce him to withdraw the motion. The opponents of the measure withdrew from the hall for a few minutes, to consult. One of their number presently returned and requested Clayton to withdraw his motion, to give time to consider the amendment. He consented. CHAR. XLYin 1833 . Mar 3 . 726 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. xmii the understanding that, if necessary, he would re new it. That night, consultations were held by the 1888. Southern members. The next day, when the bill was under consideration, it was intimated that it could be passed without the aid of Calhoun's vote. But Clayton was inflexible — his vote must be given for the bill, oi ^ tir nothing would he secured by it. It was the last day ol the session — another Congress would not meet for months. It was a solemn hour. If the impending collision be - tween the State and the Government should occur, who could tell what would be the result ? How could South Carolina be extricated from the difficulties of her position ? Calhoun remained to the last, his friends one by one voting for the amendment. After making a few remarks on the conditions upon which he should act, he also voted for the amendment, and afterward for the bill as a whole. 1 On the fourth of March, General Jackson entered upon his second term of office, with Martin V an Buren, of New York, as Vice-President. The principal opposing candidate was Henry Clay. According to its charter, the Bank of the United States was the legal depository of the public funds. The Secretary of the Treasury only, with the sanction of Congress, had authority to remove them. By resolution, Congress had expressed the opinion that the public moneys were safe in the keeping of the Bank. The President thought differently. When Congress was not in session, he made known to the Cabinet his intention to remove the public funds from the custody of the Bank, and to transfer them to certain State Banks. The majority of the Cabinet were opposed to the measure. As he could not reach the money except through the Secretary of the Treasury, William J. Duane, he directed 1 Thirty Years’ View, Yol. i. Chap. Ixxxy. REMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITS — INDIAN WARS. 727 him to remove the deposits ; hut the Secretary viewing the measure as u unnecessary, unwise, arbitrary, and un- just,” refused. The President immediately dismissed him from office, and appointed Roger B. Taney, after- ward Chief Justice, in his place, who hastened to issue an order to the collectors, forbidding them to deposit the public moneys in the Bank of the United States. The intention being to withdraw the funds already in its pos- session, as they should he needed in defraying the current expenses of the government. The measure spread distrust through the whole mer- cantile community, and destroyed that confidence which is essential to the success of business transactions. The notes of the Bank were at par throughout the Union, but now the whole system of exchange was thrown into con- fusion. Universal distress prevailed. The wages of daily laborers were especially depressed. Memorials from all parts of the country poured into Congress, asking it to adopt measures that would give relief. After a time, the State banks endeavored to relieve the monetary distress by liberal loans. These loans, in turn, were the occasion of exciting a spirit of speculation that produced still greater evils. The Administration was not exempt from Indian troubles. Some of the north-western tribes, led by Black Hawk, a chief of the Sac nation, made incursions against the frontier settlements of Illinois. The government sent troops, under General Atkinson, who soon, with the aid of the militia, drove the savages beyond the Mississippi. In one of the skirmishes, Black Hawk himself was cap- tured. To impress him with the greatness of the nation, he was first taken to Washington, and then to visit the principal eastern cities. Two years afterward an attempt was made by the government to remove the Seminole Indians beyond the CHAP. XLVm 1833. Oct 1832 728 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. xmn* ^ ss i ss ippi Ri ver - They refused to emigrate, and anothei 1 Indian war was the consequence. Skulking through the 1834. swamps and woods of Florida, the savages would suddenly dash into the settlements to murder and destroy. Many valuable lives were thus lost. Among these were Major Dade, and more than a hundred men, who all perished by falling into an ambuscade. On the same day, the United States' agent, Mr. Wiley Thompson, and five of his friends were killed and scalped by Osceola, the leading chief of the Seminoles. The year before, Thompson had injudiciously offended the savage, by confining him in irons for a day. Though he feigned friendship, his proud spirit thirsted to revenge the insult. The Creeks joined the Seminoles, and attacked several villages, both in Georgia and Alabama. The unhealthy vapors of the swamps, the bites of poisonous snakes and insects, inflict- ed intense sufferings upon the troops. It was impossible to subdue the Indians, who, after their attacks upon the Whites, would retreat to their hiding-places in the swamps. Led by Osceola, the war, or rather skirmishing, continued for years ; the troops were baffled again and again. At length his own policy, of making treaties only to break them, was practised upon himself. One day he appeared under a flag of truce at the American camp. General 1837. Jessup, who was in command, immediately made him prisoner, with all his followers. Osceola was sent to Charleston, and while there confined in Fort Moultrie, a fever terminated his eventful life. Colonel Zachary Taylor, afterward President of the 1842. United States, was sent to succeed Jessup. Taylor, by great exertions, brought the war to a close, but not till it had lasted altogether seven years, and cost the nation 1886. many lives, and thirty millions of dollars. During this administration, died John Marshall, one of the most remarkable men of the time, at the age of four-score. He had served in the army of the Revolution, CLAIMS AGAINST FRANCE SETTLED. 729 and won the esteem of W ashington ; had been a member char of the House of Representatives, Secretary of State, Secretary of War, and Minister to France. President John 1836. Adams nominated him Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, over which for thirty-five years he presided “ with native dignity and unpretending grace.” His solidity of judgment, his reasoning powers, his acute and penetrating mind, were remarkable, and none the less striking were the purity of his Christian life and his simplicity of manner. The maxim of foreign policy acted upon by the Presi- dent was “to ask nothing but what was right, and to submit to nothing that was wrong.” American merchants had claims, amounting to five millions of dollars, against the French government. They had remained unsettled for twenty years. These indemnities were for “ unlawful seizures, captures, and destruction of vessels and cargoes,” during the wars of Napoleon. The government of Louis Philippe acknowledged their justice, and by treaty en- gaged to pay them. But the Chamber of Deputies, at different times during three years, refused to appropriate the money. The President sent a message to Congress, recommending reprisals upon French property if the treaty was not complied with. The French Chambers took offence at the tone of the message, and although Congress, had not acted upon its suggestions, they refused to pay the money unless the obnoxious proposal was withdrawn. This brought another message, in which the President re- viewed the difficulties existing between the governments. Said he : “ Come what may, the explanation which France demands can never be accorded; and no arma- ment (alluding to a French fleet then on our coast), however powerful and imposing, will, I trust, deter us from discharging the high duties which we owe to our constituents, to our national character, and to the world.” He suggested to Congress to prohibit the entrance of 730 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. XLYHI. 1836. Nov. French imports into our ports, and the interdiction of all commercial intercourse. The Chamber of Deputies soon after paid the money to satisfy the claims and fulfill the treaty. Equally successful was the President in arranging other difficulties of long standing ; claims for similar seizures and spoliations against Spain, Naples, and Den- mark. Also treaties of commerce and friendship were negotiated with Russia and the Ottoman Empire — the first American treaty with the latter power. Two States, Arkansas and Michigan, were added to the Union; the original thirteen had now doubled. After a spirited contest Martin Yan Buren, of New York, was elected President by the people, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Yice-President, not by the electoral vote, but by the Senate. General Jackson’s administration will ever be mem- orable for its measures and for its influence. The nation was greatly agitated by conflicts of opinion in relation to his official acts, since he professed to be governed by the Constitution, not as interpreted by tire United States Supreme Court, but as he himself understood it — a dis- respect for constituted law which in after years was not without malign influence. He introduced extensively 1 the vicious system of removing persons from minor of- fices for political purposes alone, filling their places with partisans. From that day this custom has been a corrupt- ing element in the nation’s politics. Arbitrary in the ex- treme, he had quarrels with his Cabinet for reasons um worthy the record of history. Though intensely patri- otic, and not famed for legal acquirements, he had little respect for law or decisions of courts if they did not coincide with his own notions and prejudices; but his energy and determined will enabled him to carry his points in defiance of opposition and established usages. 1 Hist., p. 705. CHAPTEE X L I X . VAN BUREN’S ADMINISTRATION. Apparent Prosperity. — The Specie Circular. — The Surplus Funds. — Sus- pension of Specie Payments. — Speculation. — Special Session of Con- gress. — The Sub-Treasury. — State Indebtedness. The last year of Jackson’s administration appeared to be one of very great national prosperity. The public debt bad been cancelled two years before, and there were nearly forty millions of dollars of surplus. This pros- perity was fallacious in the extreme. The State Banks, called in derision the “ Pets,” with whom the deposits had been placed, loaned money freely, with the expectation that they should continue to have the use of the public funds until they were called for by the Government. That time seemed to be distant, as its ^revenue was greater than its current expenses. Other banks sprang into existence, until the number amounted, throughout the land, to seven hundred and fifty. These institutions had very little gold or silver in their vaults, as a means to redeem the notes with which they flooded the country, giving a fictitious value to every thing that was bought or sold. They rivalled each other in af- fording facilities for the wildest schemes of speculation. The public lands became an object of this speculation, until the sales amounted to millions in a month. Two acts — the one of the late President ; the other of Con- CHAP. XLIX. 1837. 732 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP gress — combined to hasten the crisis. President Jackson in order to restrain the undue sales of the public lands. 1837. had issued, through the Treasury Department, an order known as the Specie Circular, requiring the collectors at the offices to receive only gold and silver in payments 183fi’ f° r l an( l- Six months later, Congress passed a law to dis- tribute among the States the government funds, on de- posit in the banks. They were thus forced to call in their loans to meet this demand, while the Specie Circular arrested the circulation of their notes, and brought them back to their counters, to be exchanged for gold and silver. Within six months after this distribution was ordered, the business of the whole country was prostrated : all im- provements ceased, and twenty thousand laboring men were, within a few weeks, thrown out of employment in New York City alone, where the failures amounted to one hundred millions of dollars, while those of New Orleans were as great in proportion, being twenty-seven millions. May. A few weeks later, the banks of New York City suspended specie payment ; an example which the other banks of the country hastened to follow. Previous to the suspension of payments,, a large and respectable committee of merchants of New York visited Washington, to lay before the new President the state of the country. Similar representations went from almost every section of the land. The President denied the re$ quest of the committee to rescind the Specie Circular, but proposed to call a Special Session of Congress, on the first Monday of the following September. The extent to which speculation raged seems almost fabulous. The compromise tariff had nearly run its course, and the duty arrived at its minimum ; foreign merchandise was imported in unheard-of quantities, thus ruining do- mestic industry ; internal improvements, because of the facility in obtaining loans, were projected to an extent almost without limit ; the public lands were bought by SPECULATION THE GOVERNMENT EMBARRASSED. 733 the millions of acres, and cities and villages were multi- plied on paper by hundreds ; and stranger still, the sites of these prospective cities, divided into lots, were fre- quently made the basis of money transactions. A few months before, the General Government was free from debt, and had a surplus of forty millions. Now the surplus had been given to the States ; the importers had neither gold nor silver to pay duties, and the Govern- ment itself was deprived of the means to defray its cur- rent expenses. When Congress assembled, the President made no suggestion as to the manner in which the commercial em- barrassments of the country might be relieved, on the ground that the General Government was unauthorized by the Constitution to afford such relief. He was there- fore in favor of the people taking care of themselves. The message contained, however, two recommendations ; one the issue of Treasury notes, to relieve the Government's own embarrassments, the other an Independent Treasury for the public funds. The object of the latter was to avoid the liability of loss by depositing the public moneys in banks. These treasuries were to be located at suitable places ; the sub-treasurers to be appointed by the Presi- dent, and to give bonds for the proper fulfilment of their duties. The measure was opposed, lest the withdrawal of so much gold and silver from circulation would injure com- mercial operations. The bill failed in the House, though it passed the Senate. Three years later it was estab- lished ; the next year repealed — then re-enacted, five years after, and is still the law of the land. The Legislatures of many of the States became imbued with the spirit of speculation, and as a means to obtain loans, issued State stocks to the amount of one hundred millions. This was done under the laudable pretext of developing their resources, by internal improvements. CHAP XLIX. 1837 . Sept 4 . 734 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Eight of the States failed to pay the interest on these loans or stocks. In time they recovered from the shock, 1838. and hut one of them, Mississippi, and one territory, Florida, repudiated their debt and defied their creditors. These loans were principally obtained in Europe, where, on the subject of these failures to pay, great indignation was ex- pressed. The whole nation was dishonored ; — two years later, when the National Government wished to obtain a loan, her agents could not induce a capitalist in all Europe to risk a dollar in such investment. As the administration of Yan Buren drew to a close, the financial condition of the country did not much im- prove. However, his party nominated him, as well as Vice- President Johnson, for a second term. The opposing can- didate was William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, whom we have seen as a popular general of the north-west during 1812 . the last war, as well as filling many civil offices with honor to himself and profit to the country. On the same ticket was John Tyler of Virginia, as the candidate for 1840 . Vice-President. Harrison was elected by a very large majority. The commercial disasters of the country were generally attributed to the interference of the Government with the currency ; this belief had caused a great revul- gion in the public mind. CHAPTER L. HARRISON AND TYLER’S ADMINISTRATION. The Inauguration. — Death of Harrison. — Tyler President. — Sub-Treasury Act repealed. — Bankrupt Law. — The Bank Charters; their Vetoes. — Proposition to treat with Great Britain. — Insurrection in Canada. — The Caroline. — Trial of McLeod. — Boundary Disputes in Maine. — Lord Ashburton. — Treaty of Washington. — Questions of Visit and Impress- ment. — Exploring Expedition. — Texas Colonization ; struggles. — Inde- pendence. — Siege of Goliad and the Alamo. — Davy Crocket. — Massacre of Prisoners. — Battle of San Jacinto. — Houston President. — Question of Annexation in Congress. — Texas Annexed. — Disturbances in Rhode Island. — Iowa and Florida become States. An immense concourse of people, many of them from distant parts of the Union, assembled at Washington to witness the inauguration of General Harrison. His ad- dress on that occasion was replete with wisdom ; liberal and generous, and patriotic in its tone ; a transcript of the sincerity of his own heart. His selection of officers to compose his Cabinet was unanimously confirmed by the Senate ; at its head was Daniel Webster, as Secretary of State. The certainty of a change of policy in the measures s>f the General Government inspired confidence in the commercial world, and the nation, made wiser by adver- sity, began to hope. But the expectations of the Presi- dent's friends were doomed to be sadly disappointed. His first official act was to issue a proclamation, calling a special session of Congress, to meet on the 31st of the CHAP L. 1541 Aflar. t. 736 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. L. 1841 . April. May 31 . following May, to take into consideration the condition of the country. Before that day arrived, the President was no more. Suddenly taken ill, all human remedies failed to give relief, and he expired, just one month after his inauguration, in his sixty-ninth year. For the first time, death had removed the Chief Magistrate of the Union when in office. The loss came home to the hearts of the people. Throughout the length and breadth of the land they vied with each other in doing honor to his memory Since the death of Washington, the nation had not mourned a loss with such imposing ceremonies. This deep and pervading sentiment of sorrow was the tribute due the memory of a good man ; one who had served his country with most scrupulous integrity for more than forty years ; whose whole life, public and private, was without reproach. Though in public office the greater part of his life, hia salaries had passed away in charities and hospitalities ; to his house the humblest of the land as well as the most exalted, had been welcomed ; the poor man’s friend, he himself died poor. At its very first session after his death, Congress, “ out of consideration of his expenses in removing to the seat of government, and the limited means which he had left behind,” granted his widow one year’s presidential salary — twenty-five thousand dollars. JOHN TYLER. The Vice-President became the President, according to the provisions of the Constitution. He retained the Cabinet of his predecessor, giving them assurances of his respect. Congress convened for the extra session at the time designated. One of its first measures w T as to repeal the Sub-Treasury act of the last administration. To this regulation for the keeping of the public funds much of the pressure in the money market was attributed. The failures in the mercantile world had brought ruiD THE NATIONAL BANK THE VETOES. 737 apon thousands of upright and enterprising men. They chap had become hopelessly bankrupt, in many instances, by circumstances beyond their control ; involved in debts, 1S4& which would forever crush their energies without bene- fitting their creditors, themselves, or the country. To relieve persons thus insolvent, Congress passed a general bankrupt law. The effect of the measure was beneficial, and when the necessity for its existence had passed away, it was repealed. One of the issues involved in the last presidential election, was the policy of establishing a United States Bank or “ Financial Agent/' which should facilitate mer- cantile exchanges throughout the Union. The result of the election had shown that the majority of the people were in favor of such an institution. In compliance with this expression of the popular will, both Houses of Con- gress passed a bill chartering such a National Bank. Contrary to expectation, the President refused to give it his signature. Another bill was passed, modified in its pro- visions to accord with his own suggestions. This he also refused to sign. These successive vetoes raised a terrible storm of indignation against their author, though when nominated he was known to be opposed to the United States Bank. The great party, by whose votes he held his high position, charged him with double dealing ; with betraying the trust they had committed to his hands. The members of his cabinet immediately resigned their places, and gave to the country their reasons for so doing. Daniel Webster alone remained, lest the public interests would suffer by his withdrawal before the completion of certain negotiations upon which he was then engaged. Between the United States government and that of Great Britain two important questions of controversy re- mained unadjusted. One growing out of certain revolu- 738 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, tionary disturbances along the Canada borders ; and the other in relation to the north-eastern boundary between 1842 . the State of Maine and the British province of New Brunswick. The former of these had been pending dur- ing the previous administration, the latter for fifty years. Soon after entering upon his duties as Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, with the sanction of the President, intimated to the British Minister at Washington, that the Government of the United States was desirous to arrange the boundary dispute by agreeing on a line by compromise, or convention. The proposition was received in the friendly spirit in which it had been given, and the British ministry deputed Lord Ashburton, as special minister to the United States, with full powers to settle 1837 all points of controversy between the two governments. During the first year of Van Buren's administration the people of both the Canadas endeavored to throw off their allegiance to England, and to declare themselves in- dependent. This movement enlisted the sympathies of great numbers in the neighboring States. In northern New York associations were formed, called “ Hunters' Lodges," whose object was to aid the patriots. These illegal combinations flourished in spite of the efforts made by the President and the Governor of New r York to sup- press them. About seven hundred of these “ sympathizers," with some of the patriots, took possession of Navy Island, in Niagara river, near the Canada shore, to which province it belonged. Thither the steamboat Caroline was employed in transporting men, arms, and provisions from Schlosser, on the American shore. The British authorities deter- mined to destroy this boat. Accordingly a detachment was sent on a dark night in December for that purpose ; the officer in command not finding the boat at Navy Island, as expected, passed over to Schlosser, where she was moored \t the dock. He captured the boat, and iD THE AFFAIR OF THE CAROLINE MCLEOD. 739 the short struggle which ensued, an American was killed, chap. The Caroline was taken out into the middle of the stream, there set on fire, and left to pass over the falls in a blaze. 1837. The British Minister at Washington, Mr. Fox, imme- diately avowed the act, and justified it on the ground that it was done in self-defence. This avowal changed the aspect of the controversy — it was now between the gov- ernments. The excitement was by no means allayed, nor the activity of the “ lodges” diminished. Three years 1840, afterward a still stronger feeling of hostility sprang up between the two countries. A certain Alexander Mc- Leod, a British subject, living in Canada, it was rumored, had boasted of being at the taking of the Caroline, and also that he himself had killed the American. McLeod visited the State of New York at the time just mentioned, the authorities of which immediately arrested him on the charge of murder. The British government demanded his release, unconditionally, on the ground that he was obey- ing the orders of his government, which alone was respon- sible. The State refused to relinquish, either to the National Government or to Great Britain, her right to bring the prisoner to trial, for the crime it was alleged he had committed on her soil. The trial came on, and Mc- Leod was acquitted, he having proved that he was not present at the affray at all. In order to prevent, for the future, clashings of State jurisdiction with that of the National Government, Congress passed a law requiring similar cases to be transferred to the United States courts. While these events were in progress in the State of New York, difficulties, equally ominous, were brewing on the north-eastern boundary. The inhabitants on either side undertook to say where the line should be ; as they could not agree, the more belligerent were in favor of fighting, and consequently some trifling collisions took place. The Legislature of Maine even appropriated money for the defence of* her territorial rights — and further 740 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, collisions were prevented only by the conciliatory and ju- dicious policy of General Scott, who was sent by the 1840. President to maintain the peace. These disputes so long unsettled, very greatly dis- turbed the harmony existing between the two nations. The correspondence between their governments shows that at this time the controversy had assumed a serious and delicate character, and that it required the exercise of great wisdom, and a mutual conciliatory spirit to prevent actual war. When negotiations commenced, commissioners from the States of Maine and Massachusetts were invited to Washington, that they might be consulted on the subject. The treaty was soon concluded. The United States ob- tained the navigation of the river St. John's to its mouth, and the very important military position — Rouse's Point, at the outlet of Lake Champlain. In exchange for these were given a small territory of swamps, heath, and rocks, and barren mountains, covered with snow the greater part of the year. A territory valuable to Great Britain only because it enabled her to make a direct road from the province of New Brunswick to the St. Lawrence. Both nations were benefited by the arrangement, and the vexa- tious question of more than half a century's standing was amicably settled. Another article provided for the mutual rendition of fugitives from justice ; but only those who had committed acts which would be deemed criminal in the country where they had taken refuge. This important measure has given general satisfaction to both the contracting parties, and has served since as a model for similar treaties between some of the European powers. The two govern- ments also agreed to maintain each a certain number of armed vessels on the coast of Africa to aid in suppressing the slave-trade. After the treaty was concluded two important sub- THE QUESTIONS OF SEARCH AND IMPRESSMENT. 741 jects unexpectedly came up for discussion. One was tlie chap, right assumed by British cruisers to visit, and if necessary search, merchant vessels belonging toother nations. In a 1842. letter to the American minister at London, and designed for the English secretary of Foreign Affairs, Webster de- nied the “ right/' and sustained his opinions against its exercise by arguments that have not yet been invalidated. The other subject was the impressment of seamen by British cruisers from American merchant vessels. In a better to Lord Ashburton the Secretary of State assumed that it did not comport with the self-respect of the United States to enter into stipulations in relation to the right of impressment ; as if for a moment the existence of such a right could be admitted. On the contrary-that the ex- ercise of impressment should be deemed an aggression and repelled as such. In an able and conciliatory discussion he pointed out the inconsistency of such a right with the laws of nations. Yet in the happiest language expressed the desire that for the welfare of both countries, all occa- sions of irritation should be removed. He announced as the basis of the policy of the United States : tc Every merchant- vessel on the high seas is rightfully considered as a part of the territory of the country to which it be- longs ; ” that “ in every regularly documented American merchant-vessel the crew who navigate it will find their protection in the flag which is over them,” and that “ the American Government, then, is prepared to say that the practice of impressing seamen from American vessels can- not hereafter be allowed to take place.” 1 In the same just and conciliatory spirit was the reply of Lord Ashburton. An apology was impliedly given for the invasion of the territory of the United States in the “ affair of the Caroline.” The negotiators conferred informally upon the subject of the northern boundary of Oregon, but for the 1 The Works of Daniel Webster, vol. vi. p. 325. 742 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, present agreed to postpone its settlement. The treaty ol Washington marks an important era in our history : — the 1842. time when the United States took that position among the nations, to which they were entitled by their power and influence. Four years after, Webster said on the floor of the Senate: — “I am willing to appeal to the public men of the age, whether, in 1842, and in the city of Washington, something was not done for the suppres- sion of crime, for the true exposition of public law, for the freedom and securitv of commerce on the ocean, and for the peace of the world ? ” The government had not been forgetful of the ad- vancement of science. It sent out an exploring expedi- 1838. tion, under Lieutenant Charles Wilkes of the United States navy, accompanied by a corps of scientific men, to make discoveries in the Antarctic and Pacific oceans. After four years it returned bringing the results of inves- 1842. tigations in Natural History, not valuable to our own country alone, but to the world. It sailed ninety thousand miles, seventeen hundred of which were along the coast of a great Antarctic Continent never seen before by civil- ized man. The four years of this administration was a period fruitful in measures, destined, in their remote consequences, to have a varied and almost unlimited influence upon the nation. A more important question never came before the Houses of Congress, than when the young Republic of Texas presented herself at their doors, and asked to be annexed to the Union. She came offering a fertile ter- ritory almost sufficient in extent to make five such States as Pennsylvania or New York. The “ annexation/' led tG the Mexican war, and that in turn to the acquisition of California. The region known as Texas had been claimed, but on doubtful grounds, as a part of the already purchased ter- MOSES AUSTIN IMMIGRATION TO TEXAS. 743 ritory of Louisiana. This claim was, he wever, waived, and chap. when Florida was obtained Texas was tacitly admitted to belong to Spain, and when Mexico revolted from the 1842. mother country, she became one of the confederated States which formed the Mexican republic. The American who originated the plan of colonizing Texas, was Moses Austin, a native of Durham, Connec- ticut. He was engaged in working the lead mines in upper Louisiana, when, in his explorations, he became acquainted with the fertile soil and delightful climate of Texas. The Spanish Government encouraged immigra- tion to that part of the Mexican territory, and it gave Austin large grants of land, on condition that he would 1813. introduce as colonists three hundred Catholic families from Louisiana. Within* a month after these arrange- ments were completed, Austin himself died, but appointed his son Stephen F. Austin to superintend the planting of the colony according to the agreement with the Spanish government. To his energy and perseverance may he attributed the success of the enterprise. Little was known at Mexico of what was in progress in that remote region. The Americans, attracted by the liberal grants of land and the fine climate, were pouring in. In a few years they numbered twenty thousand, very \ssQ, few of whom were Catholics, nor did they all come from Louisiana, but from the other Southern and Western States. Meantime in Mexico other great changes were in prog- ress. First came the revolution by which she declared 1821 herself no longer under the jurisdiction of Spain. This was succeeded by a confederation of States. In that un- happy country one revolution succeeded another in rapid succession, till finally, Santa Anna, overthrowing the ex- isting republic, made himself dictator and tyrant of the people, inuring mis time tne Texans cua not revolt, nor 744 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, did they acquiesce. They formed a constitution, and sent Austin to Mexico to ask admission into the con- 1835. federacy of the republic as a State. This request was de- nied, and their messenger thrown into prison. Still Texas retained her State officers, and asked that her rights might be respected ; when an armed Mexican vessel appeared off the coast, and proclaimed that her ports were block- aded ; near the same time a Mexican army appeared on her western borders, with the intention of arresting her State officers, and disarming the inhabitants. It was much easier to demand the Texan rifles than to get them. Sept. The attempt was made at a place named Gonzales, where the Mexicans met with a severe repulse. The Texans, though few in number, flew to arms throughout the entire country, and in a few months drove the invaders from their soil, and captured and garrisoned the strong forts of the Goliad and the mission house of Alamo. Thus they manfully resisted the designs of Santa Anna to make them submit to his usurped authority, and the struggle commenced for their rights, their liberties and their lives. There were no bonds of sympathy between the Texans and Mexicans : neither in religion nor in customs, nor in form of government. The Texan despised the Mexican, and the Mexican hated and feared the Texan. 1836. Six months after these reverses Santa Anna invaded Texas with a numerous army. The chaiacter of the war he intended to wage may he inferred from his cruel orders to shoot every prisoner taken. The Alamo was invested by Santa Anna himself. The garrison numbered only one hundred and eighty men, while their enemies were as sixteen to their one. When summoned to surrender, they, knowing the treacherous character of the Mexican Chief, refused. The latter immediately raised the blood-red flag, to indicate that he would give no quarter. After repulsing ^ the besiegers several times, the Texans, worn out with 6. watchings and labors, were overcome, and when calling foi DAVY CROCKET PRISONERS MURDERED. 745 quarter the survivors — only seven — were mercilessly chap. butchered. Here, surrounded by the bodies of Mexicans who had 1836. fallen by his hand, perished the eccentric Davy Crocket. Born on the frontiers of Tennessee, his only education was that received during two months in a common school. Though singular in his mental characteristics, his strong common sense and undaunted spirit, won him the respect of his fellow- citizens, and they sent him several times to represent them in Congress. When he heard of the strug- gle in which the people of Texas were engaged, he hastened to their aid, and with untiring energy devoted himself to their cause. At Goliad the little garrison defended themselves with unexampled bravery ; not until their resources failed, their ammunition exhausted, and famine was staring them in the face, did they accept the terms offered by the Mexi- can in command, and surrendered. Their lives were to be spared, and they aided to leave the country. Other small parties of Texans in different places had been sur- prised and taken prisoners. The following night a courier arrived from Santa Anna, bringing orders to put the prisoners to death the next morning. They were marched in little companies outside the town, and there shot ; those attempting to escape were cut down by the cavalry. The wounded prisoners were then murdered in the same cruel manner ; among the wounded who thus suffered, was Colonel Fanning, their commander. Thus perished three hundred and thirty men, the last words of some of whom were cheers for the liberty of Texas. A Texan physician, Dr. Grant, was among the prisoners, but his life was spared on condition that he would attend the wounded Mexican soldiers. He was also promised that he should have a passport to leave the country as soon as they needed his services no more. He 746 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C ^L P ‘ faithfull 7 performed his part, but when the soldiers were cured, he was tied upon a wild horse, and told to take “ his 1836. passport and start for home.” The cords were cut, and the frightened animal rushed to the woods, where, some time after, the mangled body of the poor man was found. Santa Anna, with an army of seven thousand men, moved on toward the San Jacinto river. General Samuel Houston had only seven hundred and fifty men, their only weapons rifles, pistols and bowie-knives ; in their element when fighting, they were impatient to attack the enemy. The advance division, consisting of fifteen hun- dred men, under the command of Santa Anna himself, was the flower of the Mexican army. The Mexicans were well posted, and their front, before which was an open grassy space, was carefully fortified. Houston had great difficulty in restraining his men. At three o'clock in the afternoon, when Santa Anna and his officers were en- joying a sleep, and their men engaged in playing cards, Houston passed information along the line that the only bridge by which the enemy could escape was cut down, with the order to move rapidly to the attack. The sur- prise was complete. In twenty minutes their position was forced, and the panic stricken Mexicans leaving every thing, fled in confusion. More than six hundred were slain, and altogether more than eight hundred taken prisoners. The following day a Mexican was found skulk- ing in the grass. He asked to he led to head-quarters. When brought to the Oak under which were the Texan head-quarters, he made himself known as Santa Anna. He complimented Houston on the renown he had acquired in “ conquering the Napoleon of the West.” Such was April the battle of San Jacinto; the number engaged were com- 2J. paratively few, yet it virtually ended the contest. Santa Anna, at the request of Houston, ordered the Mexican army to retire from the Territory of Texas. He also ac- TEXAS INDEPENDENT — QUESTION OF ANNEXATION. 747 knowledged the independence of Texas, hut the Mexican Congress refused to ratify his act. A month previous to this battle, a convention of dele- gates met at a place named Washington, and declared themselves independent of Mexico. The convention then proceeded to form a Constitution, which in due time was adopted by the people. Six months later Houston was inaugurated President of the Republic of Texas ; and its first Congress assembled . 1 When its people threw off their allegiance to Mexico, they naturally turned to more congenial associations ; they desired to annex themselves to the United States. One of the last official acts of General Jackson had been to sign a bill recognizing their independence, and now the question of their annexation became the absorbing topic of political discussion in the United States, in every section of which many opposed the measure only on the ground that it would incur a war with Mexico, whose government still persisted in fruitless efforts to re- duce the Texans to obedience. The interminable ques- tion of slavery, as usual, was involved in the controversy. The South was almost unanimously in favor of annexa- tion. The genial climate, the fertile soil, and the varied productions of Texas, were so many pledges that slave labor would there be profitable. A strong party in the North was opposed to the measure, lest it should perpetu- ate that institution, while one in the South was devising plans to preserve the balance of power existing between the States in the Senate. The subject of annexation, with its varied conse- quences, was warmly discussed in both Houses of Con- gress, in the newspapers, and in the assemblies of the people. Calhoun gave his views by saying : “ There were CHAP. L. 1836. April 21 . Oct. 1844 , 1 Yoakum’s Hist, of Texas. 748 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, powerful reasons why Texas should he a part of this Union. The Southern States, owning a slave population 1844. were deeply interested in preventing that country from having power to annoy them.” Said Webster: “ That while I hold to all the original arrangements and compro- mises under which the Constitution under which we now live was adopted, I never could, and never can, persuade myself to be in favor of the admission of other States into the Union, as slave States, with the inequalities which were allowed and accorded by the Constitution to the slaveholding States then in existence/' Under the auspices of Calhoun, who was now Secre tary of State, a treaty was secretly made with Texas, by which she was to be admitted into the Union. But the Senate immediately rejected it by a vote more than two to one, on the ground that to carry out its provisions would involve the country in a war with Mexico. This rejection was the signal for raising a great clamor through- out the land. Annexation was made a prominent issue in the pending presidential election — the Democratic party in favor of the measure, and the Whigs opposed. To in- fluence the credulous, it was boldly asserted that England was negotiating with Texas to buy her slaves, free them, and, having quieted Mexico, to take the republic under her special protection. This story General Houston said was a pure fabrication ; yet it served a purpose. In cer- tain portions of the South conventions were held, in which the sentiment “ Texas, or Disunion," was openly advocated. The threats of secession and uniting with Texas, unless she was admitted to the Union, had but little effect, however, upon the great mass of the people. The following year it was proposed to receive Texas by a joint resolution of Congress. The House of Repre- sentatives passed a bill to that effect, but the Senate added an amendment, appointing commissioners to nego- THE JOINT RESOLUTIONS — TEXAS ANNEXED. 749 tiate with Mexico on the subject. Thus manifesting a chap. desire to respect the rights of Mexico as a nation with . whom we were at peace, and at least make an effort to 1844 , obtain the annexation with her consent, and also the settlement of boundaries. By a clause in the resolutions the President was authorized to adopt either plan. The joint resolutions were passed on Saturday, the 2d of March ; Tyler would ieave office two days later. The President elect, James K. Polk, had intimated that if the question came before him he should adopt the Senate's plan, by which it was hoped an amicable arrangement could be made with Mexico. 1 The retiring President, and his Secretary of State, chose to adopt the mode of annexation proposed in the House resolutions. A messenger was sent on Sunday night the 3d, to carry the proposition with all speed to the Legislature of Texas. The opposition to annexing slaveholding territory to the Union was so great that Texas came in by compromise. Provision was made that four additional States might be formed out of the Territory when it should become suffi- ciently populous. Those States lying north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, north latitude — the Missouri Compromise line — were to be free States ; those south of the line, to “ be admitted into the Union with or without slavery as the people of each State asking admission may desire." To the original State, the right was accorded to prevent any State being formed out of her territory, by refusing her consent to the measure. Texas acceded to 1845 the proposition, and thus became one of the United States, 'ffily Her population now amounted to two hundred thousand. For nearly two hundred years the people of Rhode Island had lived under the charter granted by Charles II. This instrument was remarkable for the liberal provisions Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, Chap, cxlviii., Yol. ii. 750 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, it contained. Tlie desire to change this charter gave rise * to two parties, the “ Suffrage,” and “ The Law and 1845. Order each determined to secure to their own party the administration of affairs, and each elected State offi cers. Thomas W. Dorr, elected governor by the Suf- frage party, tried to seize the State arsenal ; the militia 1843. were called out by the other party, and he was compelled ^ ee * a secon d attempt his party was overpowered by citizen soldiers, and he himself arrested, brought to trial, convicted of treason, and sentenced to imprison- ment for life ; but some time afterward he was pardoned. A free constitution was in the mean time adopted by the people, under which they are now living. Almost the last official act of President Tyler was to sign the bill for the admission of Iowa and Florida into the Union. “ Two States which seem to have but few tilings in common to put them together — one the oldest, the other the newest territory — one in the extreme north- west of the Union, the other in the extreme south-east — one the land of evergreens and perpetual flowers, the other the climate of long and rigorous winter — one main- taining, the other repulsing slavery.” In addition to passing a tariff bill, under whose influ- ence the industries of the country greatly revived, this progressive Congress conferred a lasting benefit on the 1842. Xation by cheapening the postage on letters, then a bur- densome tax on the social correspondence of the people and the business of the country. This measure was per- sistently opposed from session to session, especially by the members from that section that never paid its own postage. When the first bill passed, the letter which now costs three cents cost from two to ten times as much and even more, according to the distance carried. It took twenty-one years of gradual reduction to bring the rate of postage down to what it is to-day. This fre- quent and cheap intercourse by letters and newspapers is of immense value to a nation constituted as we are. CHAPTER LI POLK’S ADMINISTRATION. The Presidential Canvass. — Difficulties with Mexico. — General Taylor at Corpus Christ!. — Oregon Territory ; respective Claims to. — Settlement of Boundary. — Taylor marches to the Rio Grande. — Thornton’s Party surprised. — Attack on Fort Brown. — Battle of Palo Alto ; of Resaca de la Palma. — Matamoras occupied. — Measures of Congress. — The Volunteers. — Plan of Operations. — Mexico declares War. — General Wool. — General Worth.— The Capture of Monterey. On the 4th of March, James Knox Polk, of Tennessee, CHAP. was inaugurated President, and George Mifflin Dallas, of 1_ Pennsylvania, Vice-President ; James Buchanan was ap- 1345. pointed Secretary of State. The canvass had been one of unusual interest and spirit. The candidates of the Whig party were Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinghuysen. The questions in- volved were the admission of Texas, and the settlement of the boundary line on the north-west, between the British possessions and Oregon. The latter — for the Whigs were also in favor of its settlement — thrown in by the successful party. The result of the election was assumed to be the ex- pression of the will of the people in relation to the ad- mission of Texas, which measure, as we have seen, the expiring administration had already consummated. We have now to record the events, the consequences in part of that measure. Though France and England, as well as the United 752 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. States, acknowledged the independence of Texas, Mexico ‘ still claimed the territory, and threatened to maintain 1845. her claim by force of arms. In accordance with this sentiment, two days after the inauguration of the new President, General Almonte, the Mexican minister at Washington, formally protested against the “joint reso- lutions” of Congress, then demanded his passports and left the country. There were other points of dispute between the two governments. American merchants residing in Mexico, complained that their property had been appropriated by that government ; that their ships, trading along the shores of the Gulf, had been plundered, and they could obtain no redress. The United States government again and again remonstrated against these outrages. The Mexican government, poverty-stricken and distracted by broils, was almost in a state of anarchy ; each party as it came into power repudiated the engagements made by its predecessor. 1881 . A treaty had been signed by which redress for these grievances was promised ; the promise was not fulfilled, and the aggressions continued. Nine years later the Mexican government again acknowledged the justness of these demands, which now amounted to six millions of dollars, and pledged itself to pay them in twenty instal- ments, of three hundred thousand dollars each. Three of these had been paid, when the annexation of Texas took place, and, in consequence of that event, Mexico refused further compliance with the treaty. Even if Mexico gave her consent for the annexation of Texas, another question arose : What was the western boundary of that territory ; the Nueces or the Rio Grande ? Both parties claimed the region lying between these two rivers. The Legislature of Texas, alarmed ai the warlike attitude assumed by Mexico, requested the United States government to protect their territory. Ac- TAYLOR AT CORPUS CHR1STI — THE OREGON QUESTION. 753 cordingly the President sen t General Zachary Taylor, with ci *ap fifteen hundred men, called the u Army of Occupation,” “ to take position in the country between the Nueces and 1845. the Rio Grande, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory.” General Taylor formed his camp at Corpus Christi, a small village at the mouth of the Nueces. There Sept, he remained till the following spring. Also a portion of the Home squadron, under Commodore Conner, was sent into the Gulf to co-operate with the army. Both “ were ordered to commit no act of hostility against Mexico un- less she declared war, or was herself the aggressor by striking the first blow.” 1 Though Mexico, in her weakness and distraction, had temporized and recently rejected an American minister, yet it was understood that she was now willing to receive one, and accordingly he had been sent. It was plain that upon the pending negotiations war or peace between the two republics depended. Meanwhile it was known that Mexico was marshalling her forces for a conflict. The unsettled question in relation to the boundary of Oregon now engaged the attention of the President and his Secretary of State. Great Britain was from the first desirous to arrange the difficulty, though, as has been stated, the subject was passed over in the negotiations of the Washington treaty. A few months after the ratification of that treaty, Mr. Henry S. Fox, the British minister at Washington, ad- dressed a note to Daniel Webster, Secretary of State under Mr. Tyler, in which note he proposed to take up the subject of the Oregon boundary. The proposal was accepted, hut for some reason negotiations were not com- menced. Two years later, Sir Richard Packenham, then British minister at Washington, renewed the proposition ' President’s Message, Dec. 1845. 754 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LI. 1844 . ret. 1819 . 1828 . * 824 , 1825 . 1792 . 1811 . 1805 , 1806 . 1806 . 1844 . to Mr. Upshur, Secretary of State. It was accepted, but a few days after Upshur lost his life by the lameu table explosion on board the Princeton. Six months later Packenham again brought the matter to the notice of Mr. Calhoun, then Secretary of State. The proposition was promptly accepted, and the next day named for taking up the subject. The claims of the respective parties may he briefly noticed. The region known as Oregon lay between the par- allels of forty-two and fifty-four degrees and forty minutes north latitude, the Rocky Mountains on the east, and the Pacific Ocean on the west. By the Florida Treaty, Spain had ceded to the United States all her territory north of the parallel first mentioned ; commencing at the sources of the Arkansas and thence to the Pacific, and Mexico, hav- ing thrown off the yoke of Spain, since confirmed by treaty the validity of the same boundary. The parallel of fifty- four degrees forty minutes was agreed upon by the United States, Great Britain, and Russia, as the southern bound- ary of the possessions of the latter power. The American claim was based upon the cession of Spain, who was really the first discoverer ; the discovery of Captain Gray, already mentioned; the explorations of Lewis and Clarke, sent by the government of the United States ; and the settlement established at the mouth of the Colum- bia River, by John Jacob Astor of New York. Lewis and Clarke, during Jefferson’s administration, crossed the Rocky Mountains, came upon the southern main branch of the Columbia, and explored that river to its mouth. The British claim was also based on discovery, and actual settlement founded by the North-West Company, on Fraser’s River, and also another on the head -waters ot the north branch of the Columbia. Calhoun came directly to the point, and proposed as the boundary the continuation of the forty-ninth degree THE OREGON BOUNDARY SETTLED. 755 of , north latitude to the Pacific. This line had already been agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain by the treaty made at London, as the boundary of their respective territories from the Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. Packenham, unwilling to accept that line, proposed to follow the forty- ninth degree from the mountains — some three hundred miles — until it should strike the north branch of the Co- lumbia river, and thence down that stream to the ocean. The American Secretary declined this, and as the British minister had no further instructions, the consideration of the subject was postponed. Meantime the Presidential canvass was in progress, and “ all of Oregon or none " became one of the watch- words of the Democratic party. So long as these senti- ments were proclaimed by partisan leaders and newspapers, they were harmless ; but when the new President, in his inaugural address, asserted that our title to “ Oregon Ter- ritory ” “ was clear and indisputable,” and moreover inti- mated that it was his intention to maintain it by arms, the question assumed a far different aspect. The position thus officially taken, when the subject of the boundary was under negotiation, took the British Government by surprise, especially since hitherto each party had courteously recognized the other's claim to a portion of the territory. Four months passed. Meantime the good feeling existing between the two governments was seriously disturbed ; England did not again offer to negotiate. A mere partisan watchword was in danger of involving both nations in war. At length the President himself, directed the Secretary of State to reopen nego- tiations by offering as the boundary the forty-ninth par- allel ; but the proposition was not accepted by the British minister. To prepare the way for further negotiation, the Presi- CHAP LI. 1844. 1818. 756 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. °Lf P ’ ^ ent ^ en recommen ded that the joint occupation of the territory should be abrogated, by giving the twelve 1844. months’ notice, according to a provision in the treaties of 1818 and 1828. Congress voted to give the notice. Sir Robert Peel expressed in Parliament bis regret that the last offer of the American Secretary bad not been accepted, and soon after the British minister, Packenham, communicated to the Secretary of State the information that his government would accept the parallel of forty- nine, as recently offered. The case admitted of no delay. The President was anxious to relieve himself of the responsibility of acting on the proposition. On the suggestion of Senator Benton, of Missouri, he, following the example of Washington, con- sulted the Senate on the propriety of accepting this last proposition, pledging himself to be guided by their decision. That body decided to accept it, “ and gave the President a faithful support against himself, against his cabinet, and against his peculiar friends.” Presently the treaty was sent into the Senate, when, after a spirited debate for two days, it was ratified. 1 By this treaty, the parallel of forty-nine degrees North lati- tude was agreed upon as the boundary to the middle of the channel between Vancouver’s Island and the Con- tinent, and thence southerly through the middle of the Straits of Fuca to the ocean : — also the navigation of the Columbia River, and its main northern branch, was left free to both parties. 1846. We left General Taylor at Corpus Christ!, on the west bank of the Nueces. He now received orders from Wash- Feb. ington, to move to the Rio Grande, and establish a fortified camp and fort on the bank opposite the town of Mata- moras, as in the vicinity of that place Mexican troops were assembling in great numbers, with the intention, it Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, Vol. ii. Chaps. 166-7-8-9, MEXICO THREATENS WAR THORNTON'S PARTY SURPRISED 757 was said, of invading Texas. Leaving the main portion of his stores under a guard at Point Isabel, he marched to the Rio Grande, and, within cannon shot of Matamoras, established a camp and built a fort. These movements called forth from Mexico strongprotests and threats of war. When the dispute between the two Republics began, Herrera was President of Mexico. He was desirous of arranging the difficulties by negotiation ; hut the war spirit prevailed, and at a recent election the Mexican people chose for President, Paredes, an uncompromising enemy of peace. When he assumed office he sent a large force under General Ampudia, to whom he gave orders to drive the Americans beyond the Nueces. That officer soon after sent a communication to General Taylor, in which he warned him of his danger in thus provoking the anger of “ the magnanimous Mexican nation,” and de- manded that he should “ break up his camp and retire beyond the Nueces” within twenty-four hours. Taylor replied that he should maintain his position, and carry out the instructions of his government, which alone was responsible for his presence on the Rio Grande. He con- tinued to strengthen his fortification, and to closely watch the movements of the Mexicans. Ampudia was at a loss how to act ; both commanders were unwilling to light the flame of war. Paredes, dissatisfied with Ampudia, sent General Arista to supersede him. The latter immediately ordered de- tachments of Mexican soldiers to occupy positions between Point Isabel and the American camp, thus cutting off communication with their stores. General Tailor had sent Captain Thornton with a party of sixty dragoons to reconnoitre ; the party was surprised, sixteen of their number killed, the remainder captured. Thornton alone escaped. Here was shed the first blood in the Mexican war. CHAP LI. 1846 . April 24 . 758 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LI. 1846. Mav 3 . May 8 . A few days later. Captain Walker, the celebrated Texan ranger, who with a select company was engaged in keeping up the communication with Point Isabel, came into camp with information that a large force of Mexicans was threatening the latter place. Leaving Major Brown with three hundred men to defend the fort, Taylor hastened to the aid of Point Isabel, which place, after a march of twenty-one miles, he reached without opposition. The Mexicans self- complacently attributed this move- ment to fear, and they immediately made preparations to attack the fort. Taylor had concerted with Major Brown that if the latter should be surrounded or hard pressed, he should, at certain intervals, fire heavy signal guns. The Mexicans opened with a tremendous cannonade from a battery at Matamoras, while a large force took position in the rear of the fort, and began to throw up in- trenchments. The little garrison defended themselves with great bravery, and not until Major Brown fell mor- tally wounded, did the next in command, Captain Haw- kins, begin to fire the signal guns. The cautious Taylor first put Point Isabel in a state of defence, and then set out with a provision train guarded by two thousand two hundred and eighty-eight men to re- lieve Fort Brown — thus afterward named in honor of its commander. The little army was truly in peril ; an overwhelming force of the enemy — three to its one — had taken a strong position to intercept its march. The booming of signal guns still continued, and Taylor ar- dently pressed on with the determination to cut his way through. Presently he came in sight of the enemy, posted in front of a chaparral — in which were their reserves — near a small stream, the Palo Alto. The train was im- mediately closed up, and the soldiers refreshed themselves from the stream, and filled their canteens. As soon as the exact position of the Mexicans was ascertained, the American line was formed, Major Ringgold's battery was BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 759 placed on the right, and Duncan's on the left, while the 2HAP. eighteen-pounders were in the centre on the main road. The Mexicans commenced the action with their artillery, 1840 but at too great distance to reach the American line. The latter moved slowly and silently up till within suitable range, then the artillery opened, and displayed great skill in the rapidity as well as in the accuracy with which each gun was handled. The eighteen-pounders riddled the Mexican centre through and through, while Duncan scarcely noticed their artillery, but poured an incessant stream of balls upon their infantry. Presently the long grass in front was set on fire, by the wadding from the guns, and the smoke obscured the position of the Mexicans. The American batteries groped their way for three-fourths of an hour through the burning grass, and when the smoke cleared away, they found themselves within range of the enemy ; in another moment they opened their guns with renewed vigor. At this crisis night came on ; the contest had continued for five hours, and was a conflict of artillery alone. The only instance when an effort was made to change the form of the battle, was when the Mexican cavalry endeavored to turn the American flank; but the infantry, with bayonets fixed stood firm and awaited the shock ; as the cavalry hesitated to make the onset, a discharge from the American artillery decided them to wheel and rapidly leave the field. Such was the first battle in the Mexican war ; a pre- sage of those which were to follow. The enemy lost four hundred men, while the Americans had only nine killed and forty-four wounded ; but among the former was Major Ringgold, universally lamented, both as an efficient officer and a Christian gentleman. As his officers offered him assistance, he said : “ Leave me alone, you are wanted forward." To him was due much of the credit for that perfection of drill and rapidity of movement which the Ameiican Flying Artillery exhibited on battle-fields 760 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, during this war. The Mexicans manifested here no want of courage ; they stood for four or five hours under these 1846. murderous discharges of grape. The Americans encamped on the spot, and at three o'clock the next morning were on their march toward F ort Brown. Meantime the Mexicans, leaving their dead unburied, had disappeared ; but on the afternoon of that day they were discovered posted in a strong position be- yond a ravine, known as the Dry River of Palms or Resaca de la Palma. They had been reinforced during the night, and now numbered seven thousand men. Their right and left were protected by dense brush and chaparral, while their artillery, placed behind a breastwork and beyond the ravine, swept the road for some distance. May General Taylor placed his artillery on the road in the centre, and ordered divisions on the right and left to grope their way through the chaparral and ferret out with the bayonet the Mexican sharpshooters, who were swarm- ing in the brush which protected them. No order could be observed ; the officers became separated from the men ; each soldier acted for himself, as he broke his way through the chaparral and probed for the Mexicans. The sharp twang of the rifle, the dull sound of the musket, the deep mutterings of the cannon, the shrill cries of the Mexicans, so in contrast with the vigorous shouts of the Americans, produced a tremendous uproar. The right and left had gradually forced their way through the chaparral almost to the ravine, but the Mexican battery, handled with great coolness and execu- tion, still swept the road at every discharge, and held the centre in check. That battery, the key of the Mexican position, must be taken. General Taylor turned tc Captain May, of the dragoons, and pointing to the battery, said : “ You must take it." The captain wheeled his horse and shouted to his troops, “ Men, we must take tkaf BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA. 761 battery !” Just then Lieutenant Ridgely suggested to c ^ p May to wait until he would draw the Mexican fire. The moment a portion of their guns were fired, the bugle was 1846. heard high above the din, to sound a charge. The atten- tion of the combatants was arrested, all eyes were turned toward the road, along which dashed the horsemen, led by their gallant leader. A cloud of dust soon hid them from view ; a discharge of the Mexican guns swept away one-third of their number, hut in a moment more, the clashing sabres and the trampling of men under the horses’ feet, proclaimed that the battery was taken. The Mexi- can cannoneers were paralyzed at the sudden appearance of the approaching foe, and before they could recover, the dragoons were upon them. May, with his own hands, captured General La Yega, the commander, who was in the act of applying a match to a gun. The dragoons then charged directly through the Mexican centre. A shout of triumph arose from the American lines, the infantry pressed on and took possession of the guns, from which the dragoons had driven the men. The entire Mexican force, panic-stricken at the sudden onset, broke and fled in confusion to the nearest point of the Rio Grande ; in their haste to pass over which, numbers of them were drowned. It was a complete victory. General Arista fled, and without a companion, leaving his private papers, as well as his public correspondence. All the Mexican artillery, two thousand stand of arms, and six hundred mules, fell into the hands of the Americans. The latter lost one hundred and twenty-two, and the Mexicans twelve hun- dred. We may well imagine the emotions with which the little garrison, exhausted by the exertions of six days’ in- cessant bombardment, listened to the sound of the battle, as it drew nearer and nearer ; first was heard the cannon, then the musketry ; then the smoke could be seen floating 762 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. °ll P a ^ ove the distant trees ; now Mexicans here and there appeared in full flight ; presently the victorious American 1846. cavalry came in sight, and the men mounted the ramparts and shouted a welcome. General Taylor advanced to Fort Brown, then in a few days crossed the Rio Grande, and took possession of Matamoras. The Mexicans had withdrawn the previous 18. evening and were in full march toward Monterey. The American commander took pains not to change or inter- fere with the municipal laws of the town ; the people enjoyed their civil and religious privileges. They were paid good prices for provisions, which they furnished in abundance ; yet there was evidently in their hearts a deep-toned feeling of hatred toward the invaders. Meanwhile intelligence of the capture of Captain Thornton’s reconnoitring party had reached the United States, and the rumor that Mexican soldiers, in over- powering numbers, were between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. The President immediately sent a special message to Congress, in which he announced that “ war existed by May the act of Mexico ; ” but surely it was an “ act ” of self- n * defence on the part of the Mexicans, and made so by the advance of an American army upon disputed soil, that had been in their possession and that of their fathers’ fathers. The President called upon Congress to recognize the war, to appropriate the necessary funds to carry it on, and to authorize him to call u$on the country for volunteers. Congress, anxious to rescue the army from danger, ap- propriated ten millions of dollars, and empowered the President to accept the services of fifty thousand volun- teers ; one-half of whom to be mustered into the army, and the other half kept as a reserve. War was not for- mally declared, yet the war spirit aroused was unprece- dented. Throughout the land publ : c meetings were held PLAN OF OPERATIONS — MEXICO DECLARES WAR. 763 and in a few weeks two hundred thousand volunteers had offered their services to rescue the gallant little army from its perils, and, if necessary, to prosecute the war. Notwithstanding these warlike indications, great diversity of opinion prevailed among the people, both as to the justness of the war, or the expediency of appealing to that terrible arbiter, when all the results demanded might be obtained by negotiation. On the suggestions of Major-General Scott, a plan of operations, remarkably comprehensive in its outlines, was resolved upon by the government. A powerful fleet was to sail round Cape Horn, and to attack the Mexican ports on the Pacific coast in concert with a force, styled the “Army of the West,” which was to assemble at Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri, then to cross the great plains and the Rocky Mountains, and in its progress re- duce the northern provinces of Mexico. Another force, “ The Army of the Centre,” was to penetrate to the heart of the Republic by way of Texas, and if deemed best, co- operate with the force under Taylor, known, as we have said, as the “Army of Occupation.” The latter part of the plan was afterward modified, and the country was penetrated by way of Vera Cruz. The apprehensions of the people for the safety of their little army, gave way to a feeling of exultation, when the news reached them that it had met and repelled its numerous assailants. The war spirit was not diminished but rather increased by this success. Congress manifested its gratification by conferring upon Taylor the commission of Major-General by brevet. On the other hand the Mexican people and govern- ment were aroused, and on the intelligence of these dis- asters, war was formally declared against the United States, and the government commenced to prepare for the contest. CHAP LL 1846 . 30 . May 28 . 764 HIST0RV OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LI. 1846. Aug. 20 . Sept. 9 . General John E. Wool, a native of New York, who had seen service in the war of 1812, and distinguished himself at Queenstown Heights, was commissioned tc drill the volunteers. By the most untiring diligence he had, in the short space of six weeks, inspected and taken into the service twelve thousand men, nine thousand of whom were hurried off to reinforce General Taylor, while the remainder marched under his own command to San Antonio, in Texas, there to he in readiness to act accord- ing to circumstances. General Taylor remained three months at Matamoras, his operations restricted for want of men, but as soon as reinforcements reached him, he prepared to advance into the country, in accordance with orders received from Washington. He sent in advance General William J. Worth, with the first division toward Monterey, the capital city of New Leon. Worth took his first lessons in warfare in 1812. From love of military life, when a mere youth he enlisted as a common soldier, but his ready talents attracted the attention of Colonel, now General Scott, and from that day his promotion began. A fort- night later, leaving General Twiggs in command at Mata- moras, Taylor himself moved with the main division, — more than six thousand men, — and the entire army en- camped within three miles of the doomed city. Monterey was an old city built by the Spaniards nearly three centuries ago. In a fertile valley, hedged in by high mountains, it could be approached only in two direc- tions ; from the north-east toward Matamoras, and from the west by a road, "which passed through a rocky gorge, toward Saltillo. The city, nearly two miles in length by one in breadth, had three large plazas or squares ; the houses, built in the old Spanish style, were one story high, with strong walls of masonry rising thiee or forn MONTEREY AND ITS FORTIFICATIONS. 765 feet above their flat roofs. The city itself was fortified hy massive walls, and on its ramparts were forty-two pieces of heavy artillery, while from the mountain tops, north of the town, the Americans could see that the flat roofs of the stone houses were converted into places of defence, and bristled with musketry, and that the streets were rendered impassable by numerous barricades. On the one side, on a hill, stood the Bishop's Palace, a massive stone building, strongly fortified, on the other were redoubts well manned, in the rear was the river San Juan, south of which towered abrupt mountains. Such was the ap- pearance and strength of Monterey, garrisoned as it was by ten thousand troops, nearly all regulars, under the command of General Ampudia. It was now to be assailed by an army of less than seven thousand men. Ten days elapsed before the vicinity of the town could be thoroughly reconnoitred. In the afternoon, General Worth was ordered, with six hundred and fifty men, to find his way around the hill occupied by the Bishop’s Palace, gain the Saltillo road, and carry the works in that direction, while a diversion would be made against the centre and left of the town, by batteries erected during the night. The impetuous Worth, by great exertions, accomplished his purpose, by opening a new road over the mountains. In one instance he came to a small stream in a deep gully, the bridge over which had been broken down. A neighboring field furnished the material ; his men soon filled the chasm, and passed over on a corn- stalk-bridge. The next morning the batteries erected the night be- fore opened upon the enemy, who replied with a hearty good will. At length, after hard fighting, one of the Mexi- can works of great strength, situated in the lower part of the town, was captured. The brigade under General Quitman, of the Mississippi Volunteers, :e carried the work CHAP. LL 1846 . Sept, 19 . Sept. 20 766 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP LI. 1846 . Sept. 28 . in handsome style, as well as the strong building in ite rear.” General Butler had also entered the town on the right ; both of these positions were maintained. While these operations were in progress, General Worth succeeded in gaining the Saltillo road, and thus cut off the enemy's communication with the west. He carried, in succession, the heights south of the river and road, and immediately turned the guns upon the Bishop's Palace. During the night, the Mexicans evacuated their works in the lower town ; but the next day they kept up a vig- orous fire from the Citadel. The following morning at dawn of day, in the midst of a fog and drizzling rain, Worth stormed the crest overlooking the Bishop's Palace, and at noon, the Palace itself fell into the hands of the Americans. Yet the city, with its fortified houses, was far from being taken. “ Our troops advanced from house to house, and from square to square, until they reached a street but one square in the rear of the principal plaza, in and near which the enemy's force was mostly concen- trated.'' 1 The Americans obtained the plaza, then forced the houses on either side, and, by means of crowbars, tore down the walls, ascended to the roofs, then drew up one or two field- pieces, and drove the enemy from point to point till the city capitulated. The carnage was terrible. The shouts of the com- batants, mingled with the wail of suffering women and children, presented a scene so heart-rending that even the demon of war might be supposed to turn from it in horror. The Mexicans had effectually barricaded their streets, but these were almost undisturbed, while the invaders burrowed from house to house. The conllict continued for almost four days, in which the Mexicans fought desperately from behind their barricades on the house- * Gen. Taylor’s Report. CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES. 767 tops, where they did not hesitate to meet the invaders of their hearthstones hand to hand. The following morning Ampudia surrendered the town and garrison. The Mexican soldiers were permitted to march out with the honors of war. General Taylor was assured that those in authority at the city of Mexico were desirous of peace. In conse- quence of these representations, and also of his want of provisions, he agree! to a cessation of hostilities for eight weeks, if his government should sanction the measure. He now left General Worth in command of the city, and retired with the main force of the army to Walnut Springs, about three miles distant, and there encamped. CHAP LI. 1846 . Sept. 24 . CHAP. LII. 1846. Dec. CHAPTEK LII. POLK’S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED. The President hopes for Peace. — Santa Anna. — Hostilities to be renewed. — Troops withdrawn from General Taylor. — Letter from General Scott. — Volunteers arrive at Monterey. — Despatches intercepted. — Santa Anna’s Plans and Preparations. — Taylor advances to Agua Nueva. — Battle of Buena Vista. — Its Consequences. Those in power at Washington had hoped, indeed, it was confidently predicted, that the war would he ended within “ninety” or “ one hundred and twenty days ” from its commencement, and a peace concluded, that “ should give indemnity for the past and security for the future.” These desirable ends were to be attained by treaty, through the means of that incomparable patriot, Santa Anna, then an exile in Havana, who promised, for a certain consider tion, if restored to authority in Mexico, to exert his influ- ence in favor of peace. A secret messenger from Wash- ington had made to the “ illustrious exile ” overtures to this effect, about the time that General Taylor was or- dered to the Rio Grande ; the special act which led to hos- tilities . 1 In his next annual message the President gives some information on this subject. “ Santa Anna,” said that docu- ment, “ had expressed his regret that he had subverted the Federal Constitution of his country,” and “that he 1 Benton’s “ Thirty Years’ View,” VoL ii. pp. 561 and 681-2. SANTA ANNA AND HIS PROFESSIONS. 769 was now in favor of its restoration.” He was also opposed to a monarchy, or te European interference in the affairs of his country.” The President cherished the hope that the exiled chief would “ see the ruinous consequences to Mexico of a war with the United States, and that it would be his interest to favor peace ; ” and further the Message said, that Paredes, then President of Mexico, was “ a sol- dier by profession, and a monarchist in principle ; ” the sworn enemy of the United States, and urgent to prosecute the war. Santa Anna, on the contrary, was in favor of peace, and only wanted a few millions of dollars to bring about that object so dear to his patriotism ; hence the hopes that the war would be brought to a close in three or four months. It was with this expectation that the Presi- dent, in a special message, asked of Congress an appropria- tion of two millions of dollars “ in order to restore peace, and to advance a portion of the consideration money, for any cession of territory ” which Mexico might make. It was also in accordance with this arrangement, that, on the very day Congress, at his suggestion, recognized the u ex- istence of the war,” he issued an order to Commodore Connor, who was in command of the fleet in the Gulf, to permit Santa Anna and his suite to return to Mexico. The latter availed himself of this passport to land at Vera Cruz. President Polk had been duped. Santa Anna never intended to fulfil his promise, except so far as to forward his own selfish ends. Instead of endeavoring to conciliate the hostile countries and obtain peace, he devoted all his energies to arouse the war spirit of his countrymen ; called upon them to rally under his banner and save their nationality ; issued flaming manifestos expressing the most intense hatred of the people of the United States, and his righteous indignation at the wrongs imposed on his country by the “ perfidious Yankees.” CHAP. LII. 1846 . Aug. 4 . May 13 . Aug 8 . 770 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP LII. 1846 . Dec. His extravagant professions of patriotism were not without effect ; his countrymen deposed Paredes, and elected him President. Though they had been unfortu- nate in the field, their spirits revived, and in a few months he had an army of twenty thousand men concentrated at San Luis Potosi. Sept. Nov. 15 . Dec. 29 . Meanwhile General Wool had marched from San Antonio. His indefatigable labors had converted the vol- unteers under his care into well-drilled soldiers. Part of their way was through a region but thinly inhabited and without roads, and across a desert in which they suffered much for water. A laborious march of six weeks brought him to Monclova, seventy miles from Monterey — here he learned of the capture of the latter place. It was now arranged that he should take position in a fertile dis- trict in the province of Durango, that would enable him to obtain supplies for his own men, and the army under General Taylor. The inhabitants cheerfully furnished provisions, for which they were paid promptly, and in truth received more favor than they had recently ex- perienced at the hands of their own rulers, as General Wool kept his men under strict discipline and scrupulously protected the persons and property of the Mexicans. The cessation of hostilities, by orders from Washing- ton, ceased on the 13th of November. Two days later General Worth took possession of Saltillo, the capital of Coahuila, and General Taylor himself, leaving a garrison in Monterey under General Butler, marched toward the coast in order to attack Tampico, but as that place had already surrendered to Commodore Connor, he took pos- session of Victoria, the capital of Tamaulipas. The United States government now prepared to in- vade Mexico by way of Vera Cruz. Just as Genera] Taylor was ready to commence active operations, Gen- eral Scott was about to sail for that place with the TROOPS WITHDRAWN FROM TAYLOR'S ARMY. 771 intention of capturing it, and then, if peace could not he obtained, to march upon the city of Mexico itself. To carry out the plan of operations, it was necessary to increase the force under General Scott's immediate control. Troops in sufficient numbers could not be drawn from the United States, and a portion of Taylor's army was ordered to join him before Yera Cruz. He thus in a private letter expresses his generous sympathies w T ith the latter : “ My dear General," says he, “ I shall be obliged to take from you most of the gallant officers and men whom you have so long and so nobly commanded. I am afraid that I shall, by imperious necessity — the approach of the yellow fever on the Gulf coast — reduce you, for a time, to remain on the defensive. This will be infinitely painful to you, and, for that reason, distressing to me. But I rely upon your patriotism to submit to the tempo- rary sacrifice with cheerfulness. No man can better afford to do so. Recent victories place you on that high emi- nence." General Taylor, though deeply disappointed, at once complied with the orders of the government, and detached Generals Worth and Quitman with their divisions and the greater part of the volunteers brought by General Wool : in truth, the flower of his army. These troops were speedily on their march from Saltillo toward the Gulf coast. Thus Taylor was left with a very small force. During the month of January, and a part of February, reinforcements of volunteers arrived from the United States, increasing his army to about six thousand; but after garrisoning Monte- rey and Saltillo, he had only four thousand seven hundred effective men, of whom only six hundred were regulars. General Scott sent Lieutenant Richey and a guard of men with a despatch to General Taylor. The Lieu- tenant imprudently left his men, went near a Mexican village, was lassoed, dragged from his horse and murdered, CHAP. LII. 1846. 1847 772 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. and bis despatches sent to Santa Anna. From these the Mexican chief learned the plan for invading his country, 1847. He promptly decided upon his course of action — a ju- dicious one. Trusting that the strength of Vera Cruz, and of the Castle San Juan d’Ulloa, would long resist the enemy, and even if they both should be captured, that the fortified places along the road would still retard the ad- vance of the Americans upon the capital, he deter- mined to direct all his force against Taylor, who was now weakened by the loss of the greater part of his army. Santa Anna’s difficulties were almost insurmountable. The city of Mexico was in confusion, torn by factions. He took most extraordinary and illegal measures to enlist men and obtain the means for their support ; raised money by forced loans ; made the church property contribute its share of the public expense ; the Priests protested and appealed to the superstitions of the people ; he immediately seized one of their number, the most factious, and threw him into prison, and the rest were intimidated. Thus, for nearly four months, he exercised an arbitrary, energetic, and iron rule. With a well-organized army of twenty- j an three thousand men, and twenty pieces of artillery, he com- 26. menced his march for San Luis Potosi in the direction of Saltillo, and within sixty miles south of that place he halted and prepared for battle. Rumors reached General Wool that Santa Anna was approaching Saltillo. Major Borland was sent with thirty dragoons to reconnoitre ; he was joined on his way by Major Gaines and Captain Cassius M. Clay, with another company of thirty-five men. No enemy appeared, and they pushed on during the day, and carelessly encamped for the night, but, in the morning, found themselves surrounded by one thousand horsemen under the Mexican General Minon. They were taken prisoners, and Santa Anna sent them, as the first fruits of the campaign, to be paraded through the streets of the city of Mexico. TAYLOR AT SALTILLO — M’CULLOCK’S ADVENTURE. 773 General Taylor now advanced from Monterey, and chap established his head-quarters at Saltillo. Leaving there his stores, he made a rapid march to Agua Nueva, eighteen 1847 miles in advance, on the road to San Luis Potosi, thus to secure the southern extremity of the defile through the Sierra Nevada, rather than the northern one at Monterey. Feb At the former point the Mexicans must fight or starve, be- cause of the barrenness of the country in their rear ; while, had he remained at Monterey, Santa Anna could have had his head-quarters at Saltillo, and drawn his supplies from that comparatively fertile district. Scouts reported that General Minon with a large body of cavalry was to the left of Agua Nueva, and that the American position could be turned. Companies of dra- goons from time to time were sent in different directions to reconnoitre. They at length learned from a “ Mexican, dressed as a peon/' that Santa Anna had arrived in the neighborhood with twenty thousand men, and that he in- tended to attack the Americans the next morning. The clouds of dust toward the east, and the signal fires that blazed upon the tops of the distant hills, seemed to confirm the report. But that daring Texan ranger, Major McCulloch, was not satisfied ; and, accompanied by some dozen volunteers, he determined to ascertain the truth of the u peon’s” story. They pushed on across a desert of thirty-six miles to Encarnacion, where they ar- rived at midnight, and found the enemy in force. Send- ing back all his men, save one, McCulloch entered their lines, and, undetected, went from point to point, obtained more correct information of their numbers, then passed out, and escaped to Agua Nueva. On the reception of this intelligence, Taylor, leaving a small guard as an outpost, retired up the valley in expectation that Santa Anna in hot haste would pursue him, while he himself should await his approach at a point, which, in passing, he had already noticed. The con- jecture was correct. 774 HISTORY OR THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C lii P * Santa Anna knew well the position of the Americans He thought they would not retreat, and he resolved to 184T. surprise them. But between him and Agua Neuva there intervened fifty miles, the last thirty-six of which were across a desert. His soldiers were each supplied with water and provisions ; in the morning the march com- menced, and at noon they entered the desert : in the night they halted for a while to refresh, and at dawn they were to attack the unsuspecting foe. The march was rapid and secret ; the silence of the desert was not dis- turbed — not a signal was used, not a drum beat. After so much toil he was sadly disappointed ; his enemy had disappeared. He firmly believed the Americans were in full flight, in order to avoid a battle. Some days before he had sent General Minon with his cavalry across the mountains, to their rear, and he now hoped that Minon would be able to hold the fugitives in check until he himself could come up with his full force. He halted only to refresh his wearied soldiers, and then pursued with all his vigor. The ground chosen by General Taylor on which to make a stand, was the pass — since so famous — known among the Mexicans as Las Angosturas, or the Narrows. It was at the north end of a valley, about twelve miles long, and formed by mountains on either side. Here an ascent rises to a plateau, a little more than a mile wide, on each side of which rugged mountains, inaccessible to artillery or cavalry, rise from two to three thousand feet. Numerous ravines or deep gullies, formed by the torrents rushing from the mountains during the rainy season, rendered the surface in front and on the sides very un- even. Neither flank could be turned except by light troops clambering up the mountains. The plateau was some- what rough, with here and there open and smooth places, as well as clumps of thorny chaparral. The road through CIRCUMSTANCES 0E THE AMERICANS. 775 the defile passes much nearer to the west than to the chap. east side of the Narrows. On this plateau, one mile south of the hacienda or plantation known as Buena Vista , 1847 the American army awaited the approach of the Mexicans. Early the following morning clouds of dust, extending far down the valley to the south, made known that the Mexican army was near and in motion. Soon after, its cavalry came in sight and halted for the infantry and artillery to come up. The long roll of the drum called the Americans to arms ; they obeyed the call with hearty cheers. It was the anniversary of the birth of Washington, and on the Feb. impulse his name was adopted as their watchword. They 22 ‘ were placed under peculiar circumstances. A few months before, they were quietly engaged in the avocations of civil life ; enthusiasm had induced them to volunteer, and now they were on foreign soil, far from their homes. With the exception of a few hundreds, they were all for the first time going into battle, with the prospect that to them defeat would be certain ruin ; they were about to meet an army, in its numbers nearly five to one of their own. In the unequal contest, their only hope was in their own bravery, and in the skill of their commander. The cautious Taylor had gone to Saltillo, six miles distant, to superintend in person the defences designed to secure the stores from capture. General Wool was left in temporary command at the Narrows, and he directed the arrangements of the troops. Captain Washington's battery was placed to command the road or pass, the key to the position of the army. Colonel Hardin's First Illinois regiment was on a ridge to the left of the pass, and Colonel McKee's Second Ken- tucky on another ridge in their rear. To the left beyond these was posted the Second Illinois, under Colonel Bis- sell, while still further in the same direction, under the mountain, were stationed Colonels Yell and Humphrey 776 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. chap. Marshall, with the Arkansas and Kentucky volunteers. The remainder of the army, including Lane's Indiana 1847. brigade ; the Mississippi riflemen, Colonel Jefferson Davis ; two squadrons of dragoons, and Sherman and Bragg's batteries of flying artillery, were placed in reserve on the rear of the plateau. During the morning, and beyond the range of the American artillery, the main body of the Mexicans was also arranged in order of battle. Their right, a battery of sixteen-pounders, rested on the base of the mountains. These guns were manned bv the San Patricio regiment, composed of Irish and German deserters from the Ameri- can army. Two divisions, Pacheco's and Lombardini's, extended in the rear of this battery ; guns, twelve and eight-pounders, were posted to the left, and a battalion occupied a hill in advance of the main line, directly op- posite the pass. Their cavalry was stationed in the rear of either flank, and to be unencumbered, the baggage of the whole army was left many miles in the rear. About noon a Mexican officer brought a note to General Taylor. In pompous terms Santa Anna sum- moned him to surrender at discretion, and trust himself to be treated “ with the consideration belonging to the Mexican character." In a brief and courteous note the American commander declined the proposal. Santa Anna noticed that the mountains to the east, beyond the American left, were unguarded, and he sent General Ampudia, with light troops, around a spur to ascend them from the south side. The movement was observed, and Colonel Marshall dismounted his own rifle- men and those of the Indiana battalion, and commenced to ascend to the crest of the ridge. As the lines gradually approached each other, skirmishing began. The Mexicans kept up a continuous roar of musketry, while the Ameri- BATTLE OF BUENA YISTA — SKIRMISHING. 777 cans lay among the rocks, whence could be heard the sharp crack of their rifles. The Mexican batteries occasionally threw a shot, but 1847 the Americans on the plateau remained silent ; they wished a closer conflict. They were not idle, however, but threw up temporary works to protect Washington's battery in front, and also to the right of the pass close up to the base of the mountain. Thus passed the afternoon, with only severe skirmishing on the mountain sides. When night came on the Americans were recalled to the plain. The Mexicans remained in position, and the night passed without any important demonstration on either side. General Minon had passed through the defile, Palo- mas Adentro, and in the afternoon appeared with his numerous cavalry upon the plains north of Saltillo. Here Santa Anna sent him orders to remain, and be in readi- ness to fall upon the American forces, which he promised to either capture or put to flight the next morning. The appearance of Minon caused no little anxiety, and General Taylor, after night-fall, hastened to Saltillo with aid, to assure himself that any attack upon the stores would be repelled. During the night Ampudia was reinforced ; and at dawn he renewed the attack, and stretched his line farther to the right ; but Colonel Marshall, with a portion of the Illinois volunteers, maintained his position, though pressed Feb* by superior numbers. 2a ‘ Soon after sunrise, movements in the Mexican ranks indicated that a grand attack was in contemplation. Their strength was nearly all thrown toward the Ameri- can left, where, owing to the smallness of their number and the extent of the ground, the troops were placed at greater intervals. The San Patricio battery was also brought forward and placed on the ridge in front of the 778 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, plateau, while three powerful columns of attack were arranged — columns composed of the best soldiers of the 1847. army, and led by its most experienced leaders. As the foremost column advanced, General Lane ordered Captain O’Brien to hold them in check with his guns, and the Second Indiana regiment to support him. O’Brien’s shot ploughed through their ranks from front to rear, yet the Mexicans crowded on till the head of the column was literally broken, and thrown into confusion, and refused to advance. Lane now ordered O’Brien to move forward fifty yards nearer the enemy. The Indiana regiment fol- lowed, hut came within range of a Mexican battery, which opened upon their flank. They were ordered to retreat from the face of such overpowering numbers ; the retreat unfortunately soon became a flight, which extended quite beyond the enemy’s guns. Now upon O’Brien’s artillery was concentrated the entire fire of the Mexican battery and Pacheco’s column. His horses were soon disabled ; not a man of his company but was either killed or wound- ed ; he was forced to fall back and leave to the enemy one of his guns as a trophy — a trophy which they seemed to appreciate very highly. These forces now advanced and formed a juncture with the division of Lombardini ; the entire body then moved against the plateau, and opened a heavy fire upon the Second Illinois regiment under Colonel Bissell. Four companies of Arkansas volunteers had been directed to dismount and gain the plateau. They reached it in the midst of this conflict, but they soon became panic-stricken and fled. The Illinoians, now unsupported, slowly fell back. While this was in progress, a portion of the Ken- tuckians were forced back, and Ampudia, with his light troops, came down the mountain and completely turned the American left. The third heavy column, under Mora y Yillamil, pressed on against Washington’s battery on the road. He waited till they came within close range, then BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA — WHOLE COMPANIES RETREAT. 779 poured in his shot with surprising rapidity and terrible effect ; the head of the column melted away before the storm, the whole mass was thrown into confusion, swayed from side to side, then broke and fled, leaving the plain covered with a multitude of slain and wounded. Just as the three columns of the enemy had failed to force the American centre on the plateau, General Taylor, accompanied by fresh troops, arrived upon the field ; his presence was needed. He brought with him every avail- able man that could be spared from Saltillo. They were Colonel May's dragoons, a portion of the Mississippi rifle- men, and of the Arkansas cavalry. The natural advantages of the position had been lost ; success depended alone upon the bravery of the troops ; many of the officers had fallen, and whole companies of the volunteers, both infantry and horse, had left the field, and were in disastrous retreat toward Buena Vista, in spite of the efforts of General Wool and Colonel Davis, and other officers to restrain them. The Mexican infantry, supported by their fine cavalry, right and left, which made shock after shock, continued to press on. By great exertions Davis rallied the majority of his regiment, and a part of the Second Indiana ; they advanced at a quick step, but silent until within rifle shot ; then gave the approaching foe a destructive fire. The Mexicans did not slacken their pace till they came almost to the edge of the last ravine between them and their enemy, when they halted. The Americans came up to the opposite edge ; thus for a while the two forces con- fronted each other and fired across the ravine. Presently a shout along the American line rose high and clear above the din ; they delivered their fire, dashed into the ravine, lingered a moment to reload, then rose upon the opposite crest, in the face of the enemy, and with defiant shouts urged home their fire more fearfully than ever. The CHAP. LIL 1S47. 780 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LII. 1847. Mexicans, apparently astounded at the apparition which was sending death through their ranks, wavered for a few minutes, and then in utter confusion rolled hack upon the column which was advancing to their support. Scarcely was Colonel Davis free from this when he was assailed by a force coming in another direction. A thousand lancers who had not been engaged approached along the broad ridge ; they were well supported by in- fantry. To meet this new enemy Davis, was aided by the Second and Third Indiana regiments. He extended his line across the ridge, stationed Captain Sherman on his left, and placed his men in the form of the letter V, the opening toward the approaching lancers. They com- menced to advance at a gallop as if to charge their way through the centre. But as they drew near they gradually slackened their pace ; they expected the Americans would fire, and then they would ride them down before they could reload their pieces. The latter fired not a gun, but awaited their approach. At length the lancers came to a walk at the opening of the angle. The silence seemed to fill them with awe ; they were within eighty yards of a thousand marksmen, every one of whom could take de- liberate aim. At the word, every musket and rifle was poised — a moment intervened — then went forth the mes- sengers of death. The entire front ranks of the lancers were riddled, not a ball appeared to have failed of its errand. This was followed by grape and cannister from Sherman's battery. The dead and wounded men and horses made a barricade of struggling life, over which they could not pass. Even at this time, their overpowering numbers, had it not been for this obstruction, might have enabled them to break through the line and gain the road in the rear of the plateau, and thus have modified or changed the fortune of the day. But those in the rear were appalled at the destruction of their companions, and the whole mass fled headlong from the field. As in evei v BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA TORREJON’S REPULSE. 781 other instance the Americans, for want of numbers and chap cavalry, could not pursue them, and the fugitives passed south of the plateau to be re-formed for another attack. 1847. Meantime a squadron of cavalry under Torrejon skirted the mountain base to the left, and penetrated to Buena Vista, whither the commands of Marshall and Yell had retired. General Taylor sent all the cavalry he could spare, under Colonel May, to reinforce that point. Tor- rejon fell back on his approach, and May returned to the plateau. Then Torrejon advanced again : this time the volunteers received him with a scattering fire ; but the Mexicans, confident in numbers, rode on rapidly toward the hacienda ; there they were held in check by a portion of the two battalions. It was here that Colonel Yell, as he made a charge, was killed at the head of his men. Tor- rejon himself was wounded, and Colonel May made his appearance again, this time with two field-pieces, and the Mexicans separated into two divisions and retreated out of danger. On the plateau the battle had raged in one continuous cannonade : the Mexicans had on the ridge in front, a battery of eighteen and twenty-four pounders, principally manned by the San Patricio regiment, yet they could not silence the American guns. At this point there was a temporary lull in the storm. But on the east side of the valley, to the rear of the plateau, a severe conflict was in progress. One of the Mexican divisions retreating from Buena Vista, had united with a large force sent by Santa Anna to make its way on the extreme left round to the American rear. Colonel May with his dragoons and a portion of the Illinoians and Indianians was engaged in the unequal con- test. General Taylor sent to his aid a portion of the ar- tillery and the dragoons, with some of the volunteer cavalry. 782 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C lh P ’ They soon accomplished the object by cutting oft the retreat of the Mexicans who had passed so far beyond the 1847. American left. They were driven against the base of the mountain and thrown into inextricable confusion. Bra^o- oo advanced within close canister range, and with their wonted rapidity his guns played upon them : the shot tore and crashed through the bewildered multitude, and those next the mountain endeavored to escape by clam- bering up its sides. The whole force, about five thousand, became utterly helpless, while the wounded and dying were increasing at a fearful rate : the horses frantic with pain and terror added to the confusion. A few minutes more and they must have laid down their arms ; at this crisis, as if to stay the arm of death, a white flag was seen approaching from General Taylor’s position. When it came near the artillery ceased to fire. Three Mexican officers had appeared as if for a parley; they professed to bear a message from the Mexican chief. When brought into the presence of General Taylor they wished to know “ what he wanted.” The reply was the surrender of the Mexican army. They asked time for consideration ; the trick was not suspected, and the re- quest was granted. A messenger bearing a white flag was hastened with orders to Captain Bragg to cease firing, as the Mexicans were about to lay down their arms. General Wool was deputed to accompany the officers to Santa Anna, who took care not to be seen. As Wool perceived that the Mexicans continued to fire, though the Americans had ceased, he declared the conference at an end, and returned to his own army. Meanwhile, under the protection of the flag of peace, the body of Mexicans in trouble stealthily crept along the base of the mountain out of danger, and joined their main army south of the plateau. Thus, whether designed or not, Santa Anna had extricated his soldiers, and had alsc learned from his spies — the Mexican officers — the small BATTLE 01 BUENA VISTA — THE LAST ATTACK. 783 number of American troops — only three regiments of in- fantry and three guns — on the plateau, and that their main portion was far to the left, whither they had driven the Mexican right wing. Shielding his men from sight by ravines and spurs of the mountain, he had for hours been concentrating all his strength for a final assault upon the American central position at the pass. At several points he had met with partial success ; hut in the main his plans had been frustrated by the indomi- table courage, rapid movements, and hard fighting of his opponents. Having concentrated his forces, he now brought his re- serve into action, aided by the troops of the right wing which had just been rescued from peril. The whole force — twelve thousand strong — the front regiments composed of veterans, with General Perez at their head, moved up the ascent from the valley. The scattered companies (Illi- nois and Kentucky volunteers) in advance of the line were taken by surprise at the sudden appearance of the enemy in such numbers ; the enemy, which an hour or two be- fore they had seen in utter confusion, retreating from the field. The multitude, pouring in volley after volley of musketry, pressed on and compelled these companies to retire toward the lines. O’Brien was left almost alone with his artillery, yet for a time he maintained his place. His shot buried themselves in the ranks of the approach- ing enemy ; but the mass closed up the gaps and steadily came nearer and nearer. For round shot he substituted canister, and they were checked for a time ; but it was their last struggle to secure the field. Trusting to numbers and heedless of death, the mass again moved on. Pres- ently there was not an infantry soldier to support the guns, nor a horse to draw them; still the gunners stood to their places, and i ^treated only as their pieces recoiled. At length overtaken every officer or gunner either killed CHAP LII. 1847. 784 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C Ln P * or W0UD( ^ e( i> O’Brien himself among the latter, they aban- doned them to the enemy. *847. Meanwhile the companies of volunteers took refuge in a deep ravine to the right of the pass. The Mexicans lined its crest and kept upon them a continuous volley of musketry, to which they could scarcely reply, while their cavalry dashed forward to the mouth of the ravine to cut off their retreat. Fortunately the route of the cavalry brought them within range of Washington’s battery at the pass. His guns were immediately brought to bear upon them ; they recoiled, relinquished their object, and began to retreat, while, by throwing shot over the heads of the volunteers who were now moving out, he harassed them exceedingly. The Mexican infantry, now unop- posed, descended into the ravine, and cruelly murdered every wounded man they could find. It was in this desperate encounter that Colonels Hardin, McKee, and Henry Clay, junior, (son of the dis- tinguished statesman,) and great numbers of brave and generous men were slain. The crisis of the conflict was near. O’Brien overcome there was no one to oppose ; and, encouraged by their suc- cess, the Mexicans pushed on with unusual vigor. At the commencement of this last attack the Americans were more or less scattered over the plateau and on the ex- tremes of the field ; hut the heavy roar of the battle made known that the issue of the day was about to be deter- mined, and they hastened, of their own accord, to the post of danger. It was an hour of intense anxiety to General Taylor, as he saw this unexpected host advance in such order and with such determination. The battle had already lasted eight hours ; the toil of so many rapid movements ovei the rough field had wearied his men, while the approach- ing enemy’s force was fresh, and in number four to one THE BATTLE OF BUENA YISTA THE RESULT 785 of his own. Was it possible to hold them in check till chap his own troops could come up ? He sent messenger after messenger to urge them on. In one direction could be 1847 seen Bragg, and in another Sherman, driving with whip and spur the jaded horses attached to their batteries ; while in the distance to the left of the pass, could be seen the Mississippians and Indianians, under their officers Davis and Lane, rapidly advancing, now in sight and now disappearing as they crossed the deep ravines. Bragg was the first to come up. As he drew near he sent to ask for infantry to support his guns ; but Taylor could only send him word that not a man could be had ; he must fight to the death. The Mexicans were rushing on, and before he could unlimber his guns they were within a few yards of their muzzles ; but his men seemed to be in- spired with an energy beyond human, and with a rapidity greater than ever, discharge followed discharge. The enemy faltered, as if waiting for them to cease but for a moment, that they might rush forward and capture them. No such moment was granted ; they still hesitated, and were thrown into confusion. By this time Sherman came up and opened with his wonted effect ; in a few minutes more Washington’s battery at the pass moved forward and did the same. Davis and Lane had just closed with the enemy’s right flank and commenced to pour in their fire. The Mexicans recoiled on all sides ; they could not carry the pass ; hope seemed to desert every breast, and pell-mell they rushed from the field. Thus ended the battle of Buena Vista. It had lasted ten hours ; had been a series of encounters, in different parts of the field, each one severe in itself, but indecisive in result. Never before had an American army contend- ed with such odds, and under disadvantages so great. It was won by the superior handling of the flying artillery, which thinned and broke the foremost ranks of the enemy before they could bring their superior numbers to bear. 786 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. When repulsed, they invariably fell back out of danger, to be again re-formed for another attack, while the Ameri- 2847. cans, for want of cavalry and sufficient numbers, could not pursue and disperse them beyond the power of rally- ing. On the part of the latter the day was one of un- remitting toil ; their fewness of numbers, the extent of the field, the roughness of the ground, and the numerous attacks, forced them to be continually in rapid and laborious motion. General Taylor was in the midst of flying balls for eight hours, only one of which passed through his coat. He was ably seconded by his officers, not one of whom swerved from a post of danger nor neglected a duty — especially could this be said of General Wool, who seemed to be at every point where he was specially needed The superior skill with which the American guns were handled was due to the exertions of the West Point officers, who spared no effort to infuse into the ranks their own spirit of discipline ; and equal honor is due to the volunteers, who, with but few exceptions, cheerfully sub- mitted to the requisite drudgery of drill. The Mexicans hoped to win the battle by musketry and charges of cavalry ; their heavy guns they did not bring upon the field, but placed them in battery in front of the pass. The influence of this battle was more important than any one of the war. It destroyed that fictitious prestige which Santa Anna had obtained over his countrymen by his vain boastings and unsparing censure of their pre- vious commanders, and it greatly increased their dread of the invader's artillery ; henceforth they met them only from behind defences, and avoided them in the open field. Night closed in. The Americans took every precau- tion to repel the attack which was expected the next morning. Strong pickets were posted to prevent the enemy from passing round to the right or left. The troops SANTA ANNA'S RETREAT. having been supplied with their rations, remained on the field for the nighf. Fresh companies were brought from the rear to supply the place of those who took charge of the wounded, who were carried in w T agons to Saltillo, The loss of the day had been two hundred and sixty-seven killed, and four hundred and fifty-six wounded. The morning dawned, but not a Mexican could be seen. Santa Anna had retreated, leaving his wounded to their fate, and his dead unburied. More than two thou- sand of his men, including many officers of high rank, lay scattered over the field. Scouts hurried on to reconnoitre ; in an hour or two they returned with information that he was far on his way toward Agua Nueva. General Taylor and his staff im- mediately moved on in the same direction, but sent in advance Major Bliss, with a proposition to Santa Anna for an exchange of prisoners, and a request that he would send for his wounded, as well as another assurance that the American government was desirous of peace. An ex- change of prisoners took place, but as Santa Anna pro- fessed to have no means to remove his wounded, he left them to be cared for by the Americans ; as to the propo- sition for peace he replied,' in his usual style of bravado, that he should prosecute the war until the invaders had left his country. The Mexican soldiers were in a truly deplorable con- dition ; they were without hospital supplies, and almost literally without food, and no means to obtain it — a desert before them, and a victorious enemy in their rear. Santa Anna urged on his retreat toward San Luis Potosi, whence one month before he had set out sure of victory ; desertions had now reduced his great army to a mere remnant, and that discouraged by defeat, while confidence in his generalship was gone. In addition, signs of another revolution were appearing in the city of Mexico, by which his enemies might triumph. 787 CHAP LII. 1847 . Feb. 24 . 788 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LII. 1847 . Feb. 27 . Mar. 30 . General Taylor advanced to Agua Nueva thence two days later he detached Colonel Belknap, with the dra- goons and a regiment of infantry — transported in wagons across the desert — to surprise the rear guard of the Mexi- can army at Encarnacion. The feat was successfully ac- complished. All along the way from the battle-field were found multitudes of poor Mexican soldiers, left by their heartless companions to die of their wounds, hunger, and fatigue. As soon as possible the humane Taylor sent them provisions, and had those that could be removed conveyed to Saltillo and placed under the care of the American surgeons. While these operations were in progress, the two Mexican generals, Urrea and Romero, with their corps of cavalry, had appeared on the line of communication be- tween Saltillo and the Rio Grande. They had captured some wagons, taken some prisoners, and spread alarm all along the line. A sufficient force was now sent to chastise them, hut they rapidly retreated out of danger by the pass of Tula, leaving the valley of the Rio Grande to the Americans. General Taylor, by easy stages, retraced his steps, and encamped once more at the Walnut Springs, near Monterey. Whilst the line of communication was broken, vague rumors reached the United States, first, that Santa Anna was approaching Monterey with a large army, then, that the American army had been overpowered. These ap- prehensions were greatly increased by a volunteer Colonel at Camargo, who, in his alarm, sent an urgent appeal for fifty thousand men to be sent immediately to the seat of war. Presently came intelligence of the battle of Buena Yista ; and the intense anxiety of the people was changed to admiration for the men who, under such try- ing circumstances, had maintained the honor of their GENERAL TAYLOR’S RECEPTION. 789 country. Gen. Taylor, of whom so little had been known c hap before the commencement of this war, rose higher and higher in public estimation. Some months later, when 1847. he returned to the United States, he was received with demonstrations of the highest respect. It was an era in the education of young women in the United States, when in 1837 Mount Holyoke Seminary, in Massachusetts, began its grand work. This institution was the outgrowth of the untiring and consecrated zeal of Miss Mary Lyon, who was born in the town of Buck- land in that State. Miss Lyon was very remarkable for her Feb - 2a power of acquiring knowledge, and also for her skill in imparting the same to pupils. Because of limited means, her very hard lot in obtaining an education — which she did by her own exertions — suggested the field of her usefulness and appealed to her generous nature, and she devised a plan by which she hoped that girls situated as she had been could in part support themselves while being educated, by performing a portion of the household work of the institution. In that day — to their shame be it said — legislatures appropriated funds only to colleges for young men, and Miss Lyon was forced to appeal to private Christian benevolence. After years of her persistent efforts, funds were secured ; a substantial building was erected and equipped ; and Holyoke opened its first session with eighty pupils. Miss Lyon presided over the institution till her death in 1849 ; this was after thirty-five years of active teaching and unremitting toil. 1849. The reasons for founding Holyoke Seminary still re- mained, and that this fact elicited the practical sympathy of the benevolent, let our Yassars, Wellesleys, Smiths, Pittsburg College, and many other institutions for young women bear witness. CHAPTER LIII POLK’S ADMINISTRATION— CONTINUED. Emigration to Oregon. — John C. Fremont ; his Explorations ; his diffi* culties with the Mexican Governor. — American Settlers in alarm. — California free from Mexican Rule. — Monterey on the Pacific captured. — Commodores Sloat and Stockton. — Kearney’s Expedition. — Santa Fe taken; a Government organized. — Doniphan’s Expedition. — Various Conflicts. — Chihuahua occupied. — An Insurrection ; its Suppression. — Trial of Fremont. C Lm" The i m P ortance °f securing Oregon by settlement had . especially attracted the attention of the people of the 1842. Western States. The stories of hunters, and the glowing descriptions given in the newspapers of that distant region, imbued the minds of the adventurous with an enthusiasm as ardent as that which glowed in the breasts of the eaflier explorers and settlers of this country two and a half centuries before. A thousand emigrants, consisting of men, their wives and children, driving before them their flocks and herds, their only weapon the trusty rifle — alike to protect from savage violence and to procure sustenance from the wandering droves of buffalo and deer — set out from the confines of Missouri. They passed up the long eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains, over them through the South Pass, thence to Lewis' River and down it to the Columbia, on whose shores they found a resting place, after a toilsome journey of six months, through an un- trodden mountainous region. These emigrants were followed the next year by COLONY ON THE COLUMBIA — FREMONT. 791 another company, consisting of two thousand, who passed over the same route. These enterprising settlers, with the few who had pre- ceded them, labored under many difficulties, as the United States government did not exercise the jurisdiction which it claimed over the territory. A bill introduced into the Senate, granted lands to actual settlers, and made pro- vision to maintain their rights as citizens by extending over them the laws of the territory of Iowa. Though this bill passed only the Senate, it gave encouragement to those persons who desired to emigrate to the banks of the Columbia. A colony thus planted by private enterprise, and thus slightly encouraged by the government, became the germ of another State, (Oregon) now added to the Union. It was in connection with this awakened spirit of emigration that Colonel John C. Fremont, then a lieu- tenant, made his first exploring expedition. He was a young man, once friendless and unknown, but had risen by his own talents and industry, and on the recommenda- tion of Poinsett, then Secretary of War, had been ap- pointed in the Topographical Engineers by President Jack- son. Fremont solicited and obtained permission from the government to explore the Rocky Mountains and their passes, but at this time with special reference to the South Pass and its vicinity. In six months he returned ; he had accurately determined the location of that Pass, which now became a fixed point in the path of emigration to Oregon. Soon after his return, Fremont again asked for orders to prosecute still further explorations in that distant region. They were given ; but after his preparations were made, and he and his party had reached the frontiers of Missouri, the government countermanded his orders, on CHAP LIII. 1843 , 1859 792 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIII. 1643. the singular plea that he had armed his party, in addition to their rifles, with a small mountain howitzer. But for- tunately for science and the country, the letter containing the order came to Mrs. Fremont, whom he had requested to examine his letters and forward only those he ought to receive. She deemed the government countermand one that he ought not to receive, and Fremont knew nothing of its existence until he returned from his eventful tour. On his return he was received with honor, his conduct ap- proved, and on the recommendation of the Secretary o! War, William Wilkins, the brevet of captain was con- ferred upon him by President Tyler. He had received special orders to survey the route of travel from the frontiers of Missouri to the tide-waters of the Columbia. This was accomplished by the first of November, after six months’ labor, though often he diverged from the main route to make useful observations. He now resolved to return immediately, and when on the way to ex- plore the vast territory which must lie between the route he had passed over and the Pacific. To pass through this region in midwinter was no easy matter. Soon deep snows appeared on the highlands, and the party descended into the valley, now known as the Great Basin, out of which flows no stream. On the west, the mountains loomed up with their snowy tops ; every thing was strange ; the Indians, terrified at the approach of white men, fled : a desert appeared, and with it the vision of starvation and death. No place could they find, as they had hoped, where they might winter and derive their sustenance from hunting the animals of the forest. They passed down to the latitude of San Francisco, as found by astronomical observations ; but between them and that place, the nearest point where they could obtain aid from civilized man, rose mountains, their snowy tops piercing the clouds ; their sides frowning precipices thousands of feet high. No Indian would act as a guide through their passes. The THE RESULTS OF THE EXPLORATION. 793 whole party, by excessive toil and want of food, were re- duced to skeletons, both men and horses. Finally they fC crawled over the Sierra Nevada,” and arrived at the head-waters of the Sacramento. “ In this eventful ex- ploration, all the great features of the western slope of our continent were brought to light — the Great Salt Lake, the Utah Lake, the Little Salt Lake — at all which places* then desert, the Mormons now are ; the Sierra Nevada, then solitary in the snow, now crowded with Americans, digging gold from its banks ; the beautiful valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin, then alive with wild horses, elk, deer, and wild fowls, now smiling with American cultivation. The Great Basin itself, and its contents ; the Three Parks ; the approximation of the great rivers which, rising together in the central region of the Rocky Mountains, go off east and west towards the rising and the setting sun, — all these, and other strange features of a new region, more Asiatic than American, were brought to light, and revealed to public view in the results of this exploration.” 1 In May, Fremont set out on his third expedition to explore still further the Great West. There were now indications that war would soon result between Mexico and the United States. But to avoid exciting the sus- picions of the Mexicans, he obtained permission from General De Castro, commandant at Monterey on the Pacific, to pass the following winter in the uninhabitable portion of the valley of the San Joaquin. But before long, De Castro professed to believe that his object was not scientific exploration, but to excite a rebellion among the American settlers, and he undertook to either drive him out of the country or capture the whole party. A messenger, secretly sent by the United States consul at CHAP. LIII. 1848. 1845 Benton’s Thirty Years’ View, Yol. ii. Chap. 134. 794 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIIL 1845. 1846. Monterey, Mr. Larkin, suddenly appeared in his camp and informed him of these unfriendly designs. Fremont im~ diately chose a strong position on a mountain, raised the American flag, and he and his sixty determined followers resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. After waiting four days, as De Castro hesitated to attack his camp, he came down from the mountain and set out for Oregon through the region of the Tlamath lakes. During the former part of May he was overtaken by a United States officer, Lieutenant Gillespie, who brought a letter of introduction from James Buchanan, Secretary of State, and verbal instructions to the effect that he should counteract any foreign scheme on California, and conciliate the good will of the inhabitants toward the United States. Fremont was now on the confines of Oregon, but at once he turned back to California. When he arrived in the valley of the Sacramento, he found the whole com- munity in a state of great excitement. Among the Mexicans two projects were in contemplation : one to massacre the American settlers ; the other to place Cali- fornia under British protection, and thus shield them- selves against the arms of the United States in case of a war with Mexico. A deputation from the American settlers hastened to lay before him a statement of these facts ; and, in addition, that the Indians had been incited against them ; that General De Castro was on his march to attack them, and also that a British fleet was daily expected upon the coast. Though the countries were at peace when he left home, the approach of De Castro with a hostile army demanded decisive measures, and Fremont accepted the trust in self-defence. The American settlers flocked to his camp, brought their horses, their ammunition, their provisions COMMODORE SLOAT CAPTURES MONTEREY. 795 and submitted cheerfully to the strictness of military dis- cipline. In one month's time 7 after a few conflicts, Mexican rule was at an end in northern California. The flag of independence was raised, its device a grizzly bear — indi- cative of indomitable courage — while General De Castro was retreating, and all other schemes completely prostated. Commodore Sloat, commanding on the Pacific, received directions from the Secretary of the Navy, George Ban- croft. u If you ascertain with certainty," said the Sec- retary, “ that Mexico has declared war against the United States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, and blockade or occupy such other ports as your force may permit." The commodore was at Mazatlan, and a British squadron, under Admiral Seymour, was there also. The former, from certain indications, suspected he was watched; if so, he determined to foil the admiral. Accordingly, he weighed anchor and sailed west as if going to the Sand- wich Islands, Seymour followed, but in the night Sloat tacked and ran up the coast to Monterey, while Seymour continued on to the islands. Sloat arrived at Monterey and offered the usual civilities to the town ; they were declined on a frivolous excuse. It was evident that his presence was not agreeable. Five days later he heard of the movements of Fremont and the settlers, and he at once took possession of the town. Then he sent a cou- rier to the latter, who hastened with his mounted men to join the commodore. They were mutually astonished on finding that neither of them had acted under direct or- ders from their own government. The flag of independ- ent California was now supplanted by the colors of the United States. Commodore Stockton in a few days came into the har- bor, to whom Sloat turned over the command, as he himself intended to return home. The next day came Admiral CHAP LIII. 1846 . June 1 . July 4 . July 7 . 796 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIII. 1846. Au^ ir. Seymour in his flag-ship. He saw with surprise the American flag floating over the town, the American riflemen encamped near by, and an American fleet in the harbor. One month later Stockton and Fremont took possession of Los Angeles, the capital of Upper California. California had been for some time in a half revolu- tionary state. The inhabitants were dissatisfied with Mexican rule. Some wished to join the United States, and some to seek the protection of Great Britain. The conciliatory course pursued by Fremont did much in winning the Californians to the American standard. In the latter part of July the “ Army of the West,” under Colonel Kearney, consisting of eighteen hundred men, was concentrated near Bent's Fort on the Arkansas. The Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, had given him instructions to take possession of New Mexico and Upper California, to establish therein temporary civil govern- ments, to make known to the inhabitants the designs ol the United States to provide them with free government, and that they would be called upon to elect representa- tives to their own territorial Legislatures. The expedition moved rapidly toward Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. The population of that province was miscellaneous in its character ; Indians, New Mexi- cans, (a mixture of Spanish and Indian,) some American settlers, and a few of Spanish blood. The mass of the population was half-civilized, by whom honor and moral- ity were reckoned of little worth. They were cowardly, treacherous and cruel ; ignorant and superstitious. The Indians, for the most part, held the idolatrous notions of the ancient Aztecs, and were so debased that a slight reward would insure the committal of almost any crime. The governor, Armigo, a bad man and a bad ruler, made an effort to meet the invaders. He assembled about four thousand men, of all grades, and, with six field-pieces, KEARNEY ENTERS SANTA FE. 797 took position in a mountain gorge some fifteen miles in advance of Santa Fe ; but for some reason, best known to himself, he abandoned his strong post and rapidly retreated southward, carrying off his own property, and leaving the people and the public interests to take care of themselves. Kearney entered Santa Fe and was courteously received by the lieutenant governor, Vigil. The following day the people assembled in the plaza and had made known to them the designs of the United States government. The majority professed themselves pleased with the change. In a few days the chiefs of the Pueblo Indians also gave in their adhesion to the new order of things. Kearney erected and garrisoned a fort, and in the meanwhile made an excursion one hundred and fifty miles to the south to meet a force which a false rumor said was marching against him. On his return he established a government, at the head of which he placed Charles Bent, a worthy citizen of the territory, as governor. After pledging himself to protect the inhabitants against the inroads of the Eutaw and Navajoe Indians, he set out for California. His company consisted of only three hun* dred dragoons, but on the route, when near the river Gila, he met a messenger — the celebrated guide and pio- neer Kit Carson — who brought intelligence of what had recently taken place in California under Stockton and Fremont. He now sent back two companies of dragoons under Major Sumner, and continued on himself with the remainder. Thus, within three months after the orders had been issued at Washington, a force had been organized ; a march of a thousand miles accomplished ; and territory subdued, and a new government established on appa- rently a stable foundation. A half-civilized and vicious population are not fit subjects for self-government, and this in a short time proved a failure. Had Kearney re- mained to preserve discipline, that result might have CHAP LIIL 1846. Aug. 18 . 798 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIH. 1846 . Nov. 1847 . Jan. 14 . Jan. 28 been different, or at least delayed. The town was filled with gambling-houses, and grog-shops, and haunts of every vice, while the free manners of the volunteers ex- cited against themselves the hatred of the inhabitants, who laid their plans for revenge, and only waited an op- portunity to carry them into effect. Colonel Kearney gave directions to Colonel Doniphan, whom he left at Santa Fe, to enter the country of the Navajoe Indians, living on the waters of the Gulf of California, and induce them to make peace. Doniphan, with a thousand Missouri volunteers, in three divisions and by as many routes, entered the territory of the hostile tribe, and obtained from them a treaty, by which they agreed to refrain from depredations upon the people of New Mexico. This march, so remarkable, was made in the winter, across mountains covered with snow, and through an unknown region inhabited by barbarous tribes. Doni- phan delayed but a short time in negotiating with the Indians, then he passed on to the south-east to meet Gen- eral Wool at Chihuahua. The absence of so many men with Doniphan afforded the looked-for opportunity to commence an insurrection in New Mexico. The plot was deep laid and kept a pro- found secret. Suddenly Governor Bent was murdered, with five other officers of the territory, some of whom were Mexicans, at Taos, fifty miles north of Santa Fe. The same day witnessed the murder of many others in the upper valley of the Rio Grande. Colonel Price, of the Missouri mounted volunteers, was at Santa Fe with the main force, while detachments were scattered over the country grazing their horses on the plains. With only three hundred and fifty men, Price hastened to meet the insurgents, in the valley of Taos. They, numbering about fifteen hundred, took position in a Doniphan’s expedition. 799 pass of the road through the highlands. Price routed them and continued his march up the valley ; hut the insurgents made a stand at another pass, still stronger by nature, so narrow that three men could scarcely march abreast, while it was protected by rugged mountains covered with cedars growing in the crevices of the rocks. An advance party clambered up through the cedars, and the terrified Mexicans took to flight. Their principal place of defence was taken in a few days, and the rebellion suppressed. Peace was promised only on the condition that the ringleaders should be given up : this was complied with, and several of them were hanged at San Fernando : a hard fate for those who were fighting against the invaders of their country. Colonel Doniphan, accompanied by a large number of merchant wagons, crossed without loss a region destitute of water or grass — a desert ninety miles in extent, known as the Jornada del Muerto, or Journey of Death — the road marked by the graves of former travellers and the bones of beasts of burden. In one instance his men and animals nearly gave out from thirst, when providentially a rain relieved them ; a remarkable occurrence in itself, as at that season of the year rain seldom falls in that region. He learned that the Mexicans, under General Her- redia, who commanded in the North-western Department, were awaiting his approach ; nothing daunted he dashed on. His force, including merchants, numbered but eight hundred and fifty-six effective men, nearly all back- woodsmen ; all mounted, armed with rifles, and good marksmen ; untrammelled by discipline, each one fought as he listed. Near Brazito, in the valley of the Rio Grande, they dismounted and were scattered seeking wood and water, when the scouts brought word that the Mexicans were approaching. The alarm was sounded ; CHAP. LIII. 1847 . 184ft Dec. 26 . 800 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. all flew to arms, and amid a din of shouts fell into ranks as best they could. The Mexicans — more than twelve 1846. hundred strong, and with a piece of artillery — drew near ; an officer bearing a black flag made his appearance, and in a magniloquent speech, declaring that no quarter would be given, summoned the Missourians to surrender. Doni- phan's answer was characteristic and defiant. The Mexican cavalry extended far to the right and left, while the infantry, firing volleys of musketry, ad- vanced in front. Presently they came within rifle range, J J 0 7 and the backwoodsmen threw away scarcely a shot. The whole body of the enemy broke and fled — they lost nearly two hundred men, killed and wounded, in a few minutes. Only seven Americans were wounded. Two days later Doniphan entered the beautiful vil- lage of El Paso, £< where a neat cultivation, a comfort- able people, fields, orchards, and vineyards, and a hospitable reception, offered the rest and refreshment which toils, and dangers, and victory had won." There 1847 . he waited till artillery could join him from Santa Fe, and then commenced bis march upon Chihuahua. The Mexicans kept out of the way ; but after a march of nineteen days it was ascertained that they had takeD position at a pass of the Sacramento, a small branch of the Rio Grande. Here General Herredia made a stand with a force of four thousand men, protected by intrench- ments across the .pass, and on the neighboring hills, but defences were of little avail against men who never hesitated to attack an enemy. Doniphan suddenly diverted bis route from the main road, forced his way round to the flank of their advance, and before the Mexi- cans could bring their guns to bear, he was in full play upon them with his own artillery. Their cavalry as well as artillery, fell back and retired across the river. Now the intrenchments were to be forced ; this was done in true backwoods style. Each man rushed on and fought DONIPHAN TAKES POSSESSION OF CHIHUAHUA. 801 on his own responsibility ; some rode along the entrench- ments seeking a place to enter, while others dismounted and crept up to pick off their defenders. The Mexicans 1847. fled from the presence of their assailants, who leaped over 2 8. the works and secured every place within reach. Mean- while a party of mounted volunteers crossed the river to storm, on horseback, a battery which crowned the hill on the opposite side. This singular engagement cost the Mexicans three hundred killed and a greater number wounded, while the Missourians lost but one killed, one mortally wounded, and a few disabled. The enemy, com- pletely routed, abandoned every thing ; the officers fled toward the south, and the common soldiers to the moun- tains. The following day Doniphan, without opposition, entered Chihuahua — a city of nearly thirty thousand in- habitants — raised the American flag on its citadel, and, in the name of his government, took possession of the pro- Mar. vince. He was in a very perilous situation, with only a thousand men, from among whom almost every vestige of discipline had vanished. In this city were many American merchants, most of whom were wealthy. Doniphan's measures were prudent and just, and they conciliated the inhabitants. On the 27th of April he set out for Saltillo, where he April arrived in a month without opposition, except from a few Indians. From Saltillo he marched to Matamoras ; and as the term of his men was about to expire, they were taken to New Orleans and there discharged. The most remarkable expedition on record. They had passed over nearly five thousand miles, three thousand of which was a march through an unknown and hostile country swarming with foes. They returned in one year ; no body of troops had ever in so short a time passed over so much space or surmounted so many obstacles. Fremont was the military commandant of California, HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. S02 CHAP. Lin. 1847. Aug. Dec. Jan 8 . under a C( mmission from Commodore Stockton. Soon after the Commodore sailed from San Francisco to Mon- terey, and thence to San Diego. The recently established government was placed in peril ; a deep laid plot was in train, and only a favorable opportunity was wanting to commence the insurrection. Fremont, by a rapid and secret march of one hundred and fifty miles, surprised and captured the main leader of the insurgents, Don J. Pico, who had been a prisoner, and had violated his parole. A court martial sentenced him to death. Fre- mont remitted the sentence, and thus won Pico's influence and aid in tranquilizing the country. He also endeavored to conciliate the inhabitants, and made no attack upon the hostile parties, which hovered around his march. He came up with the main Mexican force, under Don An- dreas Pico, brother of the one who n he had just pardoned. He sent them a summons to surrender, and they agreed to deliver up their artillery and promised to return to their homes. They were not required to take the oath of allegiance, until a treaty of peace should he concluded between the United States and Mexico. Commodore Stockton now learned of the approach of General Kearney. The latter had experienced great difficulties on his march ; attacked by the enemy, he was placed in desperate circumstances at San Pasqual ; his provisions gone, his horses dead, his mules disabled, and most of his men sick, while the enemy in great numbers completely surrounded his camp and held possession of all the roads. Three brave men — Kit Carson, Lieutenant Beales, of the Navy, and an Indian — volunteered to find their way to San Diego, thirty miles distant, and inform Commodore Stockton of Kearney's peril. The Commo- dore promptly sent assistance, at whose appearance the enemy retired and Kearney was enabled to reach San Diego. A month later took place the battle at the river San INSURRECTION QUELLED. 803 Gabriel. Then General Flores, chief of the insurgents, sent a flag of truce, proposing a cessation of hostilities in California, and to let the sovereignty of the territory be determined by the result of the war between the United States and Mexico. Stockton refused to accede to the request, and continued his march. Another flag of truce came in. Now it was offered to surrender the town of Los Angeles, if the rights of the people and their property should he preserved. On these conditions the capital of Upper California was surrendered a second time, and the possession of the country more firmly established than before the insurrection. Difficulties now arose among the officers in relation to the question who should be governor. But recent orders from Washington relieved Stockton of his civil functions, which devolved upon General Kearney as he happened to be on the ground. In truth, the civil government was only in name beyond the range of the American cannon. Fremont, however, refused to recognize the authority of Kearney, and was brought to trial charged with diso- bedience of orders and mutiny. The court found him guilty and sentenced him to be dismissed from the ser- vice. The President did not approve of all the findings of the court ; but, because of “ the peculiar circumstances of the case and his previous meritorious and valuable ser- vices/' remitted the sentence and restored him to his rank in the army. Fremont would not accept the clemency of the President, and thus admit that the proceedings of the court were just ; he at once resigned his commission. In a few weeks he set out at his own expense on his fourth tour of exploration in the Rocky Mountains. CHAP. LIIL 1848, Mar CHAPTER LIY POLK’S ADMINISTRATION— CONCLUDED. Movement of Troops. — Vera Cruz invested. — Its Bombardment and Capitu- lation. — Santa Anna’s Energy. — Battle of Cerro Gordo. — General Scott at Puebla. — His Misunderstandings with the Authorities at Washing- ton. — Commissioner Trist. — Dissensions in Mexico. — Scott’s Manifesto. — Reinforcements. — Advance upon the Capital. — El Penon turned. — Battle of Contreras ; of Cherubusco. — Attempts to obtain Peace. — Conflict of Molino del Rey. — The Castle of Chapultepec captured. — The American Army enters the City. — Santa Anna again in the Field ; dis- missed from the Mexican Service. — Treaty of Peace. — Its Conditions.- Evacuation of Mexico. — Misunderstanding among the American Officers. — Discovery of Gold in California. — The Effects. — Death of John Quincy Adams. — The Wilmot Proviso. — The Presidential Election. chap. While these events were in progress, plans were formed LIV ' and partially executed to invade Mexico from the east ; 1846 . to secure Yera Cruz, the best harbor on the coast, and then, if peace could not be obtained, to march upon the capital itself. Numerous delays impeded operations, and it was near the end of November before General Scott left Washing- ton for the seat of war. The quarter-master, General Jessup, was already at New Orleans preparing transports for the troops ; and communications were held with Com- modore Connor in relation to the co-operation of the fleet. The troops, as already mentioned, drawn from Taylor's command, were speedily concentrated at convenient points on the coast, but the want of transports prevented their embarkation. The place of rendezvous was at the island VERA CRUZ INVESTED. 805 of Lobos, about one hundred and twenty-five miles north of Vera Cruz. At length the transports were ready, the troops, about twelve thousand strong, embarked, and, on the morning of the 9th of March, began to land near Yera Cruz. No enemy appeared to dispute the move- ment. That city contained about fifteen thousand inhabitants. It was protected on its land side by numerous defences, while on the side of the Gulf, upon a reef, stood the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, garrisoned by a thousand men, who manned one hundred and twenty-eight heavy guns ; the strongest fortification on the continent, with the exception of Quebec. The next morning General Worth was ordered to com- mence the line of investment, which extended nearly six miles. The Mexicans appeared to oppose, but a few shots from the cannon dispersed them. The weather was excessively hot and sultry, and the march through the deep sand laborious and tedious. The Governor of the State of Yera Cruz now issued a proclamation, calling upon the inhabitants of the town to defend themselves, while he should retire to harass the invaders and cut off their supplies. He soon appeared among the sand hills, but after a short skirmish, he thought it prudent to keep out of sight. The cannonad- ing from the town and castle was incessant, but without much execution, owing to the distance. The men kept close in their trenches and did not reply. The munitions which had recently arrived were now landed, and the Americans were ready to commence the bombardment. General Scott summoned the city to surrender, stipulating, in order to save the lives and property of the inhabitants, that no batteries should be placed in the town to attack the Castle, unless the latter fired upon the Americans. General Morales, the commander of both the city and castle refused to comply with the summons. CHAP LIV. 11 47. 806 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP LIT. 1847. Mar. 22 . At 4 o'clock in the afternoon the bombardment com- menced. The Mexicans replied with every gun and mortar that could be brought to bear from the city and castle. Some of the smaller American vessels crept near and with their heavy guns added to the uproar ; thus through the night the contest lasted. Other guns were brought, and other batteries erected within a thousand yards of the devoted city. They were hidden behind the chaparral ; this was cleared away, and revealed to the besieged a new foe — the battery of Paixhan guns. Their astonishment was great ; upon this new enemy who had dared to take position so near, they resolutely directed all their force for many hours. They fired rapidly and with precision, but failed to silence this battery. How terrific was this storm ! Twenty-one heavy guns pouring forth an incessant stream of balls and shells ; the heavy shot broke through the solid walls and crashed through the houses, while the shells, still more terrible, scattered ruin and death in the streets, and burned every building that would burn. With scarcely any intermis- sion, for four days this horrid work continued. The in- habitants, to be out of range, left their homes, and help- lessly crowded upon the mole at the north part of the town, but ere long the balls began to come nearer and nearer. For twelve days the town had been invested, and its provisions were now nearly exhausted. The foreign residents implored their consuls to aid them. The latter obtained permission of Morales to send a flag of truce to General Scott. They asked a cessation of hostilities till the foreigners, with their families, and the Mexican women and children could leave the place. The request was properly refused, on the ground that permission had once been offered the foreign residents to leave the town, and that the petition to receive attention must come from the Mexican governor. The American batteries re-opened as soon as the flag VEKA CKUZ CAPITULATES — MARCH ON JALAPA. 807 entered the city, and continued during the night. At ^hap. break of day another flag was seen approaching. The _ firing ceased. Negotiations commenced, and were ter- 1847. minated by the surrender of Vera Cruz, the Castle, the armaments and stores of each, and the soldiers as prison- ers of war. These terms were agreed to by General Scott and Commodore Perry, who was in command of the squadron. The soldiers were to march out, with the honors of war, lay down their arms and be dismissed on Mar. their parole. The inhabitants were guaranteed in their 29 ‘ civil and religious rights. General Worth was appointed governor of Vera Cruz. A P ril The advance division, under General Twiggs, soon com- menced the march for the city of Mexico by way of Jalapa. The whole army amounted to only eight thousand five hundred men, but there preceded them an influence, that threw a shadow of despondency over the minds of the Mexicans. Santa Anna had been very active since his defeat at Buena Vista, (which he labored hard to prove to his countrymen was not a defeat at all ; he only retreated for want of provisions,) in collecting another army, and he had already arrived with twelve thousand men at Cerro Gordo, a mountain pass at the eastern edge of the Cor- dilleras. In the midst of revolutions and distractions, he marched to this, the first of the “ Thermopylaes,” which he promised his countrymen to defend. Within two months after a disastrous defeat, without money, without the prestige of success, he had quelled an insurrection and established his own power, raised an army, portions of which had marched from three hundred to six hundred miles ; had constructed the fortifications at Cerro Gordo, and made a ditch twelve miles long to supply the camp with watei. 80 8 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1847. April 18 . The positions of the Mexicans were reconnoitred, and the attack commenced by the division under General Twiggs, sent to turn their position. Presently the whole front was assailed. The Americans seized another hill, El Telegrapho, up the sides of which they dragged heavy cannon, and began to play upon the defences of Cerro Gordo. The Mexicans replied with great vigor. During this mutual cannonade, Colonel Harney led his men rapidly down into the valley between the hills, and began to ascend the slope toward the defences on the top. The declivity was steep and rugged, and soon the entire fire of the battery was directed against these new assailants, but fortunately the balls for the most part passed over their heads. But without wavering they pressed up, carried one breastwork after another, until they presented themselves at the last, the strongest on the summit. Santa Anna, a short hour before, had ordered General Yasquez to defend this post to the last extremity, and he bravely stood his ground, and fell while encouraging his men ; confusion ensued, and the struggle was soon ended. The Americans poured in a stream of balls, forced their way through the breast- work, and then charged with the bayonet. The garrison fled down the western slope in the direction of Jalapa. Twiggs had passed round the hill, their retreat was cut ofl and they made prisoners. At this moment Santa Anna returned. He was enraged beyond bounds at seeing the discomfiture of his troops in a position which he was cer- tain could have been maintained. He ordered General Canalizo to charge up the hill and re-capture Cerro Gordo ; the latter absolutely refused to obey, but led off his cavalry. Then Santa Anna mounted a mule taken from his carriage, and fled, leaving as trophies to his enemies his travelling equipage and his private papers. The Mexican army was annihilated and scattered ir all directions ; they had lost more than a thousand men, killed and wounded, three thousand prisoners, five THE VOLUNTEERS RETURN HOME. 809 generals, all their artillery and military stores. This was not obtained without a severe loss to the invaders, who, in their rash and headlong charges in the face of batteries, and well protected musketeers, had lost four hundred and thirty-one, killed and wounded, of whom thirty-three were officers. Possession was taken of Jalapa, three days later of Perote, a stronghold on the summit of the Cordilleras, which was abandoned almost without a struggle, and then of the city of Puebla — containing eighty thousand inhabitants. At the latter city General Scott established his head-quarters. The volunteers' term of enlistments would expire in one month. They refused to re-enlist, but urged that they should be permitted to return to the United States, and there be disbanded, rather than on the soil of Mexico. They greatly dreaded the vomito, or yellow fever, as the season in which it was most severe was near at hand. Though they had no claims to be thus dismissed, General Scott indulged them, as it would be impossible to secure the capital, if the volunteers insisted on returning home at the end of their term of enlistments. Thus situated he was forced to remain inactive three months, till re-in- forcements arrived from the United States. During this interval several circumstances occurred which embarrassed the General-in-Chiefs movements as well as disturbed his equanimity. First was the effort made, as he thought, to degrade him from his position in the army. This was to be accomplished by appointing over him a Lieutenant-General, a rank never held in the service except by Washington. The measure failed to pass the Senate. The same end was apparently aimed at in another measure by which power was given the Presi- dent to appoint officers to any position in the army,, without regard to their previous rank. CHAP. LIV. 1847 April 19. May 15. Aug. 15 810 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIT. 1847. Instead of money to buy provisions, came an order from the Secretary of War to authorize the collection oi duties ievied on merchandise entering the Mexican ports. In the same communication was another order to levy contributions upon the Mexican people. This Scott ab- solutely refused to obey, as General Taylor had also done, giving as a reason the poverty of that part of the country. Says Scott in a letter to the Secretary : “ If it is expected at Washington, as is now apprehended, that this army is to support itself by forced contributions upon the country, we may ruin and exasperate the inhabitants and starve ourselves ; for it is certain they would sooner remove or destroy the products of their farms, than allow them to fall into our hands without compensation. Not a ration for man or horse would be brought in except by the bayonet, which would oblige the troops to spread them- selves out many leagues to the right and left in search of subsistence, and stop all military operations.” 1 And he continued to buy provisions for the army at the regular prices of the country, and thus did much to allay a rising feeling of hatred toward the Americans. The Secretary had given as a reason for this order, that the Mexican people thus laid under contribution, and compelled to bear the expenses of the war, would soon become willing to conclude a treaty of peace. This might apply to the public revenues, and that part of the order the General took measures to have complied with. Other difficulties arose. After the capture of Vera Cruz General Scott suggested to the President the send- ing of commissioners to head-quarters to treat for peace, should an opportunity occur. For this important duty, the president appointed Mr. N. P. Trist, whose qualifica- tions were that he had been Consul at Havana, could 1 Gen. Scott’s letter to the Sec. of War, as quoted by Ripley, Yol. ii., p. 95. INSTRUCTIONS OF COMMISSIONER TRIST. 811 speak Spanish and professed to understand the Mexican character, his skill as a diplomatist could be inferred only from the fact that he was “ Chief Clerk ” in the State Department. Having in his possession the draft of a treaty fully drawn out at the department of State, he left Washington and arrived at Vera Cruz. He also bore a despatch from the Secretary of State, Mr. Buchanan, to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Delations. The plan of the treaty and his instructions he was directed to make known confidentially both to General Scott and Commo- dore Perry. The Secretary of War, Mr. Marcy, wrote to the General-in-Chief, informing him of the mission, but in general terms, and directed him to suspend active mili- tary operations till further orders, unless he was attacked. Instead of making known to General Scott the designs of his mission as directed, Mr. Trist sent a short note to head-quarters from Vera Cruz, and transmitted the sealed despatch to be forwarded to the Mexican Minister, and the letter from Secretary Marcy ; the latter could not be understood without the explanations which Mr. Trist alone could give. The general could only see in this an underhand attempt to degrade him by making him in some way subordinate to the u Chief Clerk." However, in a few days he wrote to Mr. Trist, what he knew of the views of the Mexican people and government in relation to a treaty of peace, to which at present they were op- posed. In conclusion, he remarked, that the suspension of hostilities belonged properly to the military commander on the field, and not to a Secretary of War a thousand miles distant. In reply Trist gave full explanation of his mission, but in disrespectful and arrogant terms, assumed to be the aide-de-camp of the President, and in that capacity to order the General-in-Chief . 1 This correspondence led to CHAP. LIV. 1847. May, 1 Ripley’s War with Mexico, Vol. ii., pp. 100, 147. 812 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1847. much harsh feeling and retarded the advancement of the cause. At length explanations in relation to the com- missioner of peace came to the general from the authori- ties at Washington. The Secretary of State severely censured Mr. Trist u for his presuming to command the General-in-Chief.” Santa Anna fled from Cerro Gordo to Orizaba, where he remained some time to organize bands of guerillas to harass the American trains, which would be on their way from Yera Cruz. Afterward he returned to Mexico to find his popularity on the wane. For a time the Mexi- cans were paralyzed with consternation. Their army on which they had depended so much had been totally routed at Cerro Gordo. The invincible enemy was pressing on ; not a harrier intervened between them and the capital. The city was filled with factions ; the national councils were divided ; ambitious men forgot their patriotism in their desire for self-aggrandizement. The treasury was bankrupt, its only resource forced loans. Yet in the face of all these difficulties, Santa Anna did succeed in raising an army of twent}^-five thousand men with sixty pieces of artillery, and in having the city fortified. After all he was the best commander the nation could afford, and the soldiers once more put themselves under his direction, to repel the invaders of their country and their sacred homes. They did not flock to his standard from a prestige of vic- tory, for even when his boasts were still ringing in their ears, he had been ignominiously defeated ; nor were they induced by the confidence reposed in the integrity of a great and good man, to whom, as if to a superior being, the multitude turn in timer of great peril ; but from sheer necessity. Santa Anna understood the Mexican character. By intrigue and the exercise of a vigorous arm, he seized property, and imprisoned or banished his opponents ; by pre- PROCLAMATION TO THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. tending to be desirous of peace be gained time, and dis- honestly entered upon negotiations ; offered himself to be . bribed, and was accepted. His plans were cunningly de- 1847. vised : if they succeeded, the glory would all redound to his name ; if they failed, the censure could be thrown upon others. Thus he employed the three months that General Scott was forced to wait for the arrival of reinforcements. Had the volunteers consented to remain in the service six months longer, in all probability the capture of Mexico and a treaty of peace would have ended the campaign, and the blood spared which was shed in such profusion in the subsequent conflicts. When at Jalapa General Scott issued a proclamation April to the people of Mexico. This manifesto, in its tone and 20, spirit, was well adapted to the state of affairs of the country, in showing that the true policy of the Mexican people was to conclude a treaty on the liberal terms offered by the government of the United States. The proclamation was issued at the instance of several Mexi- can gentlemen of influence, one of whom composed it in original Spanish, as it was dictated by the general. It was well received by the people in the country ; but Santa Anna captured a courier, who was bearing copies of it to the capital. He at once discovered by the style that it was not a translation, and he proclaimed with his usual virtuous indignation, that it was the production of some Mexican traitor, and thus neutralized its effects on the people of the city. At this time, he had by secret agents intimated to Mr. Trist that he was desirous of peace, and plainly that money would be still more acceptable : if a million of dollars were placed at his disposal something might be done. That this proposition might be considered, a re- conciliation took place between the general and the com- 25. 814 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. CHAP- roissioner ; as neither could well act without the flther General Pillow, who had just arrived at Puebla, was also 1847. admitted to these conferences. He was a particular friend of the President, and, owing to the “ informal and confidential request ” sent from Washington, this partici- pation was granted. Communications were continued with Santa Anna, but with no more important result than that the latter received ten thousand dollars of the secret service money at the disposal of General Scott. As might have been anticipated, it was soon seen that Santa Anna's only object was to obtain money and gain time, and General Scott made preparations to advance upon the city as soon as the reinforcements under Briga- dier-General Franklin Pierce would arrive from Vera Cruz. Meantime, the way to the city had been thoroughly reconnoitred, and General Worth sent forward with the first division. The whole army consisted of not more than ten thousand men, as great numbers had been left in the hospitals at Perote. The region through which they marched was a high table land beautiful in the extreme, well watered, inter- spersed with valleys and mountains, whose slopes were covered with the richest verdure, while in the distance their snow-capped summits glittered in the bright sun- shine of August. Almost from the same spot where more than three hundred years before Cortez and his followers viewed the distant temples of the city of Montezuma, the Americans hailed with cheers the city of Mexico. The passes on the direct route had been well fortified, and were well garrisoned in the confident expectation that their positions could not he turned. The strongest of these was El Penon, to capture which the American engineers stated would require the loss of three thousand lives. General Scott was proverbially careful of the lives of his soldiers; the sacrifice must be avoided. The vicinity of the city was reconnoitred in the most daring manner . EL PENON TURNED — BATTLE OE CONTRERAS. 815 and it was discovered that the defences south and west were not so strongly fortified. The general diverted his course to the left and turned El Penon on the south side, and under the direction of skilful engineers crossed chasms and ravines deemed im- passable, and therefore but imperfectly guarded. General Twiggs led the advance, and encamped at Chaleo on the lake of the same name. Worth followed, took the lead, and with his division halted at the town of San Augus- tin, about eight miles from the city. In his front was the strong fortress of San Antonio, now the head-quarters of Santa Anna, who left El Penon, when he found that the Americans were on their march round to the south side of the city. North-west of San Antonio and four miles from the city was the village of Churubusco, ren- dered strong by a series of intrenchments. Not far to the west of the village of San Augustin was the fortified camp of Contreras, which contained six thousand men ; in the rear between the camp and the city were placed twelve thousand men in reserve. The whole number of Mexi- cans in these various defences was about thirty-five thousand, with nearly one hundred pieces of artillery of various sizes. General Persifer F. Smith proposed to attack the camp at Contreras, which was under the command of General Valencia. The night had been one of cold rain and storm and intense darkness, except when enlivened by the fitful glare of the lightning. At three o'clock in the morning, the expedition set out ; the soldiers, lest they should become separated on the march, were directed to take hold of each other — at sunrise the conflict com- menced. The Mexicans were but partially surprised, still the impetuous attack effectually routed them ; three thousand of their number were made prisoners, eighty officers and thirty-five pieces of artillery. Among the latter were two pieces taken at Buena Vista, now recap- CHAP LIV. 1847 . Aug. 17 . Aug, 19 . 816 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1847. tured by a portion of tne regiment to which they originally belonged. Thus commenced this eventful day — severer conflicts were yet to come. Generals Shields and Pierce had, during the night, thrown their divisions between Santa Anna and Contreras. The fugitives from the latter place had fled to Churu- busco, and there fresh troops had also arrived from the city ; it seemed from the preparations, that here a des- perate defence was to be made. A convent, a very strong stone building, was well for- tified and pierced for muskets and cannon, also the head of the bridge over the river was well defended. In an hour or two General Scott arrived ; as he rode along through the army he was received with hearty cheers. The morning's success had filled the soldiers with en- thusiasm, and they hoped on that day to end the war. Santa Anna himself was busily engaged in arranging his men beyond the Churubusco River — whose banks were lined with the maguey plant, which shielded nearly all his force from view. The rain of the previous night had flooded the low- lands in the vicinity ; the fortifications were masked by trees and fields of corn ; the latter flooded, and every part well known to the enemy, whose guns were so ar- ranged as to sweep them perfectly. When the Americans commenced the attack, their officers, in the face of these batteries, would advance and reconnoitre the ground, then the men would march up to that point, the officers would again advance, and the same process be repeated. During this time the cannon balls from the unseen enemy came crashing through the corn, the men and officers fell rapidly, yet as if impelled by some all powerful influence, they moved steadily on until the works of Churubusco were in their hands. General Scott sent round to the other side a division under General Pillow ; they waded through the mud and BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO. 817 water, in some instances waist deep, before they could reach the enemy. Several companies were entirely broken up, Captain Taylor’s artillery men were cut up, his horses killed, when suddenly the Mexicans rushed out of the convent to charge ; but at this moment a company of American infantry came up and repulsed the assailants. The ground was intersected by causeways, and it was impossible to preserve military order ; also owing to their ignorance of the position of the enemy, as well as their own, the Americans were constantly in danger of firing upon their own friends. The battle raged in every direc- tion. General Worth carried San Antonio, and General Twiggs another fortress. The Mexicans fought bravely, they were more than three to one of their foes, and they made every effort to repel them. For two hours the battle had raged. The smoke completely enshrouded the position of the Mexicans. The roar of their twenty thousand muskets seemed to drown the noise of the artillery, and to render the din of the conflict peculiarly terrific. The Americans could but feel their way through the corn, and across causeways and ditches, ignorant at what moment they might come upon concealed batteries. At length a party were enabled to cross the river Churubusco, and presented themselves in the rear of the enemy, at the same moment Worth’s division emerged from the corn- fields in their front ; those in the rear rushed across ditches and over the parapets and carried the works, while the Mexicans at the head of the bridge abandoned it ; their guns were immediately seized and turned upon them. Both divisions pressed forward with the bayonet, the Mexicans recoiled in confusion, and finally fled ; the dragoons pursuing them to the very gates of the city. The victory was won, but it had cost the Americans dear ; a thousand had fallen or been disabled, among these were seventy-six officers. The coolness, the in- CHAP. LIT. 1847. 818 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1847 . Sept, 5 . domitable courage and perseverance of both men and officers were never better displayed. The ground was unknown, and they were thrown upon their own resources ) there was no wavering ; each one performed his part, and adapted himself to the emergency. In no battle did the Mexicans fight better ; they struggled hard, and the num- ber of their slain and wounded and missing — nearly seven thousand — testifies that they were brave. Santa Anna fled to the city. The night after the battle several persons connected with the British embassy in Mexico appeared at the American head-quarters, and informed General Scott that the Mexican authorities were disposed to conclude a peace, and advised that the capital should not be assaulted, lest the members of the govern- ment should be dispersed, and leave no acknowledged authority to enter upon negotiations. A flag of truce came the next day and presented the request for hostilities to cease preparatory to negotiating a treaty. In accordance with this request, and the repre- sentations made the previous evening, Mr. Trist went to the capital and presented his conditions of peace — the same drawn up at Washington. After protracted delays, evidently designed to gain time, the Mexican, commis- sioners announced that they would not accede to these conditions, and in turn they proposed others, which they well knew would not be acceptable. Mr. Trist returned with this intelligence, and also that contrary to the terms of the armistice, Santa Anna was fortifying the city, and in other respects had violated his pledges. Indignant at the continued treachery, General Scott now ordered the army to march upon the capital. On the way were two strong positions : the one Molino del Key, (the King’s Mill,) a foundry, where, it was said, the bells of the churches were being rapidly converted into cannon ) near by was the strong castle of Chapultepec, CAPTURE OF MOLINO DEL REY. 819 which could not he turned, but must be taken, before the city could be reached. It was resolved to capture Molino del Key ; and at three in the morning General Worth sent forward the different corps of his division to commence the attack at dawn of day. While it was yet dark, the two twenty- four pounders opened and sent their balls through the walls of masonry. There was no reply, and it was thought the Mexicans had abandoned the building. Instead, they had changed their position during the night, and now had their guns in readiness to pour grape and round shot upon the flank of the advancing Americans. From the mani- fest preparations, it is thought, Santa Anna, who was on the ground, knew of the intended attack. His advantages in number and position were great, and when his guns opened, their effect was terrible. In a few minutes the front of the American advance was cut down ; of fourteen officers, eleven were either killed or wounded, and a like proportion of the men. The company was forced to fall back, and the Mexicans, as usual, with savage ferocity, rushed out and murdered all the wounded they could find. Worth ordered forward other companies, and these were seconded by another brigade, who vigorously attacked the Mexican flank. Though exposed to a cross fire which did fearful execution, these all fought desperately ; it would seem that the idea of retreating from the face of such overwhelming odds, never occurred to them ; they held on and steadily advanced. # Presently General Leon himself headed a strong sortie from the Molino del Key, but it was driven back; Leon was mortally wounded, and several officers of high rank were slain. The attack was continued in a desultory manner, the assailants sought in various ways to gain access to the enemy ; they crept along the sides and fired into the apertures, climbed to the top of the building and tore down the walls with their hands or pried the stones CHAP. LIV. 1847. Sept. 8 . 820 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CH^P- loose with their bayonets. At length they broke through . the southern gate, and rushing in with loud shouts engaged 1847. in close combat. The Mexicans did not yield, but con- tinued to fire upon them, from the building into the courtyards. The Americans hurst open door after door, reached the roof, and with the bayonet met the enemy hand to hand. In a few minutes the north-west gate was in like manner forced. A portion of the Mexicans held out a white flag in token of surrender, while others made their way to Chapultepec. This has been deemed the hardest contested conflict of the entire war. The enemy were in numbers three to one, and in a strong position. After the commencement of the attack, the Americans had scarcely any aid from their heavy cannon, but were forced to depend upon their rifles and muskets. Still they carried the place, and captured eight hundred prisoners, and lost themselves seven hundred and eighty-seven killed and wounded, of whom fifty-nine were officers — nearly one-fourth of the whole number engaged in the battle. The loss of so many brave men shed a gloom over the entire army. The Castle of Chapultepec stood on a high and preci- pitous hill, very steep and rocky, on the south side toward the Americans ; on the west the slope was more gradual, but covered with dense woods and rough with rocks. Here, shielded by these, was a large force of Mexicans. At the earliest dawn the full force of the American cannon was concentrated upon the walls of the castle, Sept, and at the west side, storming parties were waiting anx- “JO iously for a breach to be made, by which they might carry it by assault. They groped their way from tree to tree and rock to rock, driving the Mexicans before them, when suddenly, on the crest of the hill, the whole force came out on the open space in the presence of ram parts frowning with cannon and musketry. They ap- CASTLE OF CHAPULTEPEC TAKEN. 821 preached cautiously, returning only a few shots, but still drawing nearer and nearer. Presently an ensign bearing the standard of his regiment, rushed forward to the ram- part, a shout arose, and a few followed with ladders, placed them against the wall and with a cheer bounded over. The Mexicans, taken by surprise, stood but a few minutes, then scrambled over the side and down the precipitous rocks out of danger. This was the only in- stance during the war where the Americans so far forgot themselves as not to cease their fire at the submission of the foe, and even now it continued only for a few minutes. Theii provocations had been great. Only a few days be- fore, as on every other occasion, they had seen their wounded companions, found on the field of battle, barba- rously murdered by the Mexicans. The exulting shouts, the disregard of discipline, which continued for an hour, only manifested the deep emotions which prevailed. The castle was a mass of ruins ; so effective had been the shots and shells, that it was battered to pieces. Here had been the national military school, and here the young students had bravely stood their ground. All of their number, who were not slain, were taken prisoners, with the aged General Bravo their commander. While the conflict was in progress General Quitman was engaged in capturing the defences thrown over the causeways which led through a marsh — a lake in the days of Cortez — to the city. They were taken in succession ; each one gave more or less resistance. At nightfall the Mexicans were driven within the city, and the Americans held two of its gates. At midnight commissioners came with propositions of peace, and to surrender the city ; they stated that Santa Anna was marching out with his army. General Scott refused to listen again to terms of accommodation ; when his kindness of feeling had prompted him to offer them peace, he had been grossly deceived. The following morn- CHAP, LIV. 1S47. 822 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIV. 1847 . Sept. 14 . Sept. 22 . Oct 8 . ing, with six thousand men, he marched into the city, drew up his army upon the great plaza, and hoisted the stars and stripes over the National Palace. For several days the troops were occasionally fired upon from windows and the tops of houses ; the work, it was said, of convicts, two thousand of whom had just been liberated ; but stringent measures were taken to insure safety. Santa Anna, with three or four thousand troops, had gone toward Puebla. He devolved his authority upon Pena y Pena, the President of the Supreme Court of Justice. The other prominent Mexicans went in different directions. Colonel Childs had been left in command at Puebla with a small garrison, only five hundred men, to protect eighteen hundred sick and disabled American soldiers. The Mexicans, encouraged by false reports of success at the capital, made frequent desultory attacks upon the garrison, but by great exertions Colonel Childs held them at bay for nine days, w T hen Santa Anna, with a remnant — some four or five thousand — of his discomfited army, appeared, and in a pompous manner summoned Childs to surrender. The summons was disregarded. The Mexi- can chief blockaded the town for seven days and then marched to intercept a train, on its way from Vera Cruz. General Lane was in command of this convoy — troops from Taylor’s army, composed of Indiana and Ohio volunteers. Santa Anna took position at Huamantla, a town some miles north of the main pass El Pinal, intending to attack the Americans when they should become entangled in the defile. But Lane was not thus to be entrapped. He at once set out, surprised Santa Anna himself, and compelled him, after some loss, to abandon the town. The train unmolested moved on the following day to Puebla, and the garrison, after a month's siege, was relieved. TREATY OF PEACE CONCLUDED. 823 Within ten days it was ascertained that Santa Anna CHAP. was concentrating another force at Alixo. Lane, by a forced march, suddenly fell upon them, and dispersed 1847. them beyond recovery. Almost immediately after his failure to prevent the capture of the city of Mexico, Santa Anna resigned the presidency of the republic, but still retained his office as commander-in-chief of the Mexican armies. Now he was mortified to receive a note from Senor Kosa, the Minister of War, informing him that his services were no longer required by the government, which had just been inaugurated. He took the hint, and was soon on his way to the Gulf Coast, thence to the W est Indies to be ere long again engaged in intrigues to disturb his unfortunate country. In a few weeks after the capture of the city of Mexico, the seat of government was removed to Queretaro. Soon after members for a new Congress were elected, and that body commenced its session. At the town of Guadalupe Hidalgo, commissioners and Mr. Trist were negotiating a treaty of peace. It was concluded on the 2d of February, 1848< and now it only remained to be ratified by the authorities at Washington to formally close the war, which, from the battle of Palo Alto to the capture of the city of Mexico, 1846 had lasted one year and five months. Sept. In this brief period, armies, of their own free will, had flocked to the standard of their country ; had been organ- ized, had marched into a foreign land, dissimilar to their own in climate and in feature, some across deserts and through districts infected with direful disease, others in mid-winter passed over untrodden mountains, covered with snow, and then in turn over arid plains, and met the enemy in conflict many hundreds of miles from their homes, while fleets were fitted out, which swept round Cape Horn, and were in time to perform their part. The rapidity with which cannon were manufactured and mu- 824 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP, nitions of war prepared and transported to the scene ot 1 action, was astonishing. 1847. During the time of the occupation of the city of Mexico, difficulties arose between some of the officers of the army. From misunderstandings hasty charges were made, and recriminations followed. Two of the officers, Pillow and Worth, made charges against the General-in- Chief, and he ordered them under arrest for insubordina- tion. They appealed to the War Department, and made representations, in consequence of which the venerable commander, who had been a worthy leader from Lundy’s Lane to Mexico, was superseded by an order from Wash- ington, and the temporary command given to another. Subsequently the charges were virtually withdrawn, and they resumed their respective ranks. It is not expedient to go into detail ; let the matter sink into oblivion. But never before — and may it never be again — in the history of the country, when its interests were so deeply involved, did the terms of “ party,” democrat or whig, of “ friends ” or “ opponents ” of the u administration,” have so much influence. Certainly, in truth it has been said, that those who served their country well in this war fared badly. Taylor, who was victorious from Palo Alto to Buena Vista, was quarrelled with ; Scott, who marched triumphant from Vera Cruz to Mexico, was superseded ; Fremont, who secured California, was court-martialled, and Trist, who made the treaty, which secured the objects of the war, was recalled and dismissed. The war had been an unceasing source of disappoint- ment to those whose measures brought it on. Santa Anna, who was to have been a harbinger of peace, had to he beaten from point to point, and not until he was finally driven from power did those of his countrymen, who were in fa? or of an amicable arrangement, dare to act DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA. 825 When the commissioners, appointed by the President chap. to supersede Trist, arrived at Mexico, they found the treaty negotiated and signed by the parties. In substance it was 1848 , the same that had been prepared by the Cabinet. When brought to Washington it was at once laid before the Senate, and after a short discussion ratified. The Presi- dent by proclamation, on the 4th of July, 1848, made known to the nation that the war was at an end, and a satisfactory treaty had been concluded. New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States, and the lower Rio Grande, from its mouth to El Paso, was taken as the boundary of Texas. Mexico was to receive fifteen millions of dollars ; the claims of American citizens against her — amounting to three and a quarter millions of dollars — were assumed by the United States. In a few months not an American soldier was on Mexican soil. On the 4th of July, 1845, the annexation of Texas was consummated ; and thus within three years a territory four times as large as France, had been added to the United States — regions hitherto imperfectly known, but having in store the elements of great wealth. At the very time that the commissioners were nego- tiating the treaty, a laborer engaged at work upon a mill- race belonging to Captain Sutter, on one of the tributaries of the Sacramento river, noticed in the sand some shining particles. They proved to be gold. By the time the treaty was ratified rumors of the discovery reached the United States. The excitement produced was unprece- dented. In a short time thousands were on their way to the land of gold. Every means of conveyance was called into requisition, from the emigrant's pack-horse and wagon,, to the sailing-vessel and the steam-ship. Some went in caravans over the plains and the Rocky Mountains ; some crossed the Isthmus of Panama, and found their way up the Pacific coast ; others took ship and passed 826 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1848 . 1882. Feb. 21 . round Cape Horn. The sufferings of the great majority of these adventurers were intense ; hundreds of them met untimely deaths on the way, or by disease, privations, and improvidence, when they reached their journey's end. The ferment extended throughout the civilized world. Multitudes of gold-seekers were soon on their way from the different countries of Europe and South America, and even distant China sent her thousands. The tide of im- migration was directed to San Francisco, which, from a miserable village of a few huts, soon became a city of fifteen thousand inhabitants, now to have about sixteen times that number, and to be the great entrepot of the Pacific. The influence of this discovery of gold mines, has been incalculable in its effects, not merely upon the United States, but has extended to other nations. “ It touched the nerves of industry throughout the world," infused new life into commerce, and awakened a spirit of adventure and individual exertion never before known. On the 21st of February, the venerable John Quincy Adams, when in his seat in the House of Representatives, was struck by paralysis. Two days later he expired. His last words were, ce This is the last of earth : — I am con tent." Born in revolutionary times : “ The cradle hymns of the child were the songs of liberty." He had associated with the fathers of the republic, and was the representa- tive of the memories of that heroic age. For more than sixty years he had been constantly engaged in public affairs. At the age of fourteen, private secretary to Francis Dana, American minister to Russia ; at tvanty- seven appointed minister to Holland by Washington, who styled him “ the ablest of all our diplomatic corps." Afterward successively, United States Senator ; profes- sor in Harvard College ; minister to Russia ; one of the negotiators of the treaty of Grhent ; Secretary of State under Monroe ; President, and then member of the Hvuse till his death, at the age of fourscore. Old in years but THE WILMOT PKOVISO. 827 1848. buoyant in spirit, he never lagged behind his age ; hut chap with careful eye watched the progress of his country, and sympathized with its youthful energies. The administration of Mr. Polk was drawing to a close. Its great event had been the Mexican war, the train for which was laid under his predecessor. The tariff of 1842, under which the industry of the country had rapidly recovered from its prostration, after an ex- istence of four years was so modified, as to afford less pro- tection to American manufactures. 1846. David Wilmot, a member of the House from Penn- sylvania, introduced a proposition into Congress, since known as the “ Wilmot Proviso,” by which slavery should be prohibited in all territory obtained by treaty. The ts Proviso ” did not become a law, but the subject of slavery was once more brought up for discussion. The Democratic convention met at Baltimore to nomi- nate a candidate for the office of President. Two sets of delegates appeared from Hew York, both claiming to be the true representatives of the Democracy of that State. Ho compromise could reconcile the parties, and the con- vention solved the difficulty by excluding both from its deliberations. It then proceeded to nominate Senator Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President, and General William 0. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. The delegates representing the Whig party, and those opposed to the measures of the administration, met at Philadelphia, and nominated General Zachary Taylor for President, and Millard Fillmore, of Hew York, for Vice- President. One portion of the Democracy of Hew York accepted the nominations of the Baltimore convention ; another portion rejected them. The latter called a convention, at Buffalo of those who were opposed to the extension of slavery into free territory. They adopted a platform in May 1 . June 1 . 828 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIY. 1848. Aug. June. favor of “Free Soil/’ and nominated ex-president Van Buren for the Presidency and Charles Francis Adams (son of John Quincy Adams) for the Vice-Presidency. A spirited canvass followed, and the candidates of the Whig party were elected. During the last year of this administration, Wisconsin was admitted into the Union as a State, and Minnesota organized as a Territory. A new Department, that of the Interior, was created by Congress, to relieve the Secretary of the Treasury of part of his duties. On the fifth of March, the fourth occurring on the Sabbath, the new President was inducted into office. Mr. Polk, broken down in health, retired to his home in Nashville, Tennessee, where in a few months he was numbered with the dead. A man of exemplary char- acter ; he was lamented by the people. CHAPTER LY. TAYLOR AND FILLMORE’S ADMINISTRATION. Discussion on Slavery. — Wilmot Proviso. — The Powers of the Constitution ; their Application in the Territories. — Thirty-first Congress. — President’s Message ; its Recommendations. — Debate on the Omnibus Bill. — Death of Calhoun. — Death of President Taylor. — Fillmore Inaugurated. — The Fugitive Slave Law. — The Mormons; their Origin; Troubles; Settlement in Utah. — A Disunion Convention. — Lopez invades Cuba. — The Search for Sir John Franklin. — Dr. E. K. Kane. — Death of Henry Clay; of Daniel Webster. — The Tripartite Treaty. — Presidential Election. General Zachary Taylor was a native of Virginia ; but chap. when he was very young, his father removed to Kentucky, and on the frontiers of that State he spent his youth as a 1849. farmer. At the age of twenty-four he received a com- mission in the army from President Jefferson, and en- 1808. tered upon a career more congenial to his tastes than cul- tivating the soil. F or forty years he was in the military service of his country ; his sphere of duty was on the frontiers ; and thus situated he had never even voted at an election. Honest and frank, blest with common sense and firmness of purpose, he was withal unselfish and patriotic, and uncontaminated with political intrigues. His inaugural address on taking the office of President, was brief, and confined to a declaration of general prin- ciples. His cabinet, at the head of which was John M. Clayton of Delaware, was at once confirmed by the Senate. 830 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, CHAP. LY. 1820. 1832. 1885. 1836. 1846 The question of slavery had appeared under different phases. For twelve years after the passage of the Mis- souri Compromise, the subject had not been agitated in Congress, but now attention was drawn to it by the pre- sentation of memorials, praying that body to abolish the slave-trade and slavery in the District of Columbia. Meantime others, who looked upon the system as an evil to be remedied at all hazards, sent through the mail to the South publications, addressed to the slave-owners themselves, and designed to influence them in favor of emancipation ; but there were others who sent papers that contained engravings by no means calculated to make the slave contented with his lot. The fear was great lest the latter might become the occasion of insur- rections and blood-shed. President Jackson recommended to Congress to pass a law prohibiting the use of the mail for the circulation of “ incendiary publications/' But the bill to that effect did not become a law. The excitement was great, both North and South : in the former sometimes developing itself in violent measures against the abolition- ists ; in the latter, some broke into the post-offices and destroyed the obnoxious papers, and others raised the cry of disunion, while, so embittered, had the feeling become in Congress, that for a time memorials on the subject would not be received. Now the slavery agitation was a legacy left by the previous administration — a question which overshadowed all others, and almost exclusively engaged the attention of Congress and the nation. Three years before the Wil- mot Proviso had initiated the discussion, which was fast acquiring a tone of bitterness hitherto unknown. The contents of the newspapers showed that the question had penetrated into every nook and corner of the land — in social circles and in the retirement of the fireside — all were alive to the importance of the subject at issue ; the DISCUSSION ON THE EXTENSION OF SLAVERY. 831 emotions of a nation swayed in the storm of clashing opinions. The annexation of Texas and the consequent war with Mexico, came to he looked upon as designed to further the interests of slavery, and to commit the nation to the policy of extending that system. Those opposed to such measures endeavored to counteract them by means of the Proviso, but that had failed to receive the sanction of Congress. With the exception of Texas proper, it was uncertain whether the newly-acquired territories would admit slavery ; the indications were that they would re- ject it. And this feature of the controversy gave rise to another question ; how to introduce the system into free territory. Would Congress subvert the law of Mexico, which had long since prohibited human bondage within her limits ? That body never at any time had interfered with slavery as existing in the States, neither had it directly legislated it into free territory : the policy had rather been not to interfere with the inhabitants in de- ciding the question for themselves. The last Congress, absorbed in the turmoil of the dis- cussion, had dissolved without providing governments for the territories. To remedy this evil, President Taylor in- structed the Federal officers in these territories to en- courage the people to organize temporary governments for themselves. President Polk in his last message had recommended that the Missouri Compromise line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, be extended to the Pacific, and thus leave the territory south of that line liable to be made slaveholding. Motions to that effect failed in Con- gress. That line had been adopted for the Louisiana territory alone, which was slave, and it made one side free, but if it was produced to the Pacific it would pass through free territory, and therefore make one side slave CHAP LV. 1849 . 832 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap The advocates of the system contended that they had a right to go into any of the territories and take with them 1849 . their property, meaning slaves. That was admitted, but only under the laws of Congress, which so far protected such property, hut it was denied that the slaveholder could carry with him the municipal law of the State from which he emigrated, any more than the emigrant from a free State could take with him its peculiar laws. The same object was sought by attempting to l( ex- tend the constitution of the United States to the terri- tories, ” and this under the form of an amendment attached to the general appropriation bill, providing a temporary government for the ceded territories, and extending to them certain acts of Congress. The proposition elicited a discussion in which Calhoun and Webster each took part. The former argued that the Constitution recog- nized slavery ; that it was the supreme law of the land ; therefore it was superior to every law in opposition to slavery, not only overriding any territorial law to that effect, but even superior to any law of Congress designed to abolish it ; and that the property of the South, mean- ing slaves, would thus be protected by the Constitution in the territories into which Calhoun openly avowed his intention to thus carry the institution of slavery. “ The Constitution/' said he, “ pronounces itself to be the su- preme law of the land ; ” the States as well as the Ter- ritories. Mr. Webster replied that the Constitution was made for the States and not for the Territories ; that Congress governed the latter independently of the Constitution, and often contrary to it, and was constantly doing things in the Territories that it could not do in the States ; and that the Constitution could not operate of itself in the Territories. “ When new territory has been acquired," said he, “ it has always been subject to the laws of Con- THE POWERS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 833 gress, to such laws as Congress thought proper to pass fo» its immediate government and preparatory state in which it was to remain until it was ready to come into the Union as one of the family of States.” He quoted the Constitution itself, which declares that “ it and the laws of Congress passed under it shall he the supreme law o the land.” Thus it required a definite law of Congress to establish slavery in the Territories under the Constitu- tion, as shown by the words of that instrument itself. The amendment failed in both houses ; but it became the germ of another doctrine, that the Constitution of the United States, independently of an act of Congress, but in spite of it, not only goes of itself to the territories but carries with it a shield protecting slavery. During this session of Congress meetings were held at Washington, attended by a majority of the members of Congress from the slave-holding States, to take into con- sideration the measures best adapted to secure southern rights. They published an Address to the people of the South. It was drawn up by Calhoun, and by no means was it conciliatory in its tone and sentiments, and for that reason it failed to enlist in its favor all the delegates from the South. In truth it became a party measure. Only forty members, all from the slaveholding States, signed their names to the Address : of these, thirty-eight belonged to the Democratic party. This manifesto was soon followed by a Southern Con- vention to dissolve the Union. The Legislatures of two of the States, South Carolina and Mississippi, issued a call for a “ Southern Congress,” to frame a government for a “ United States South.” The agitation was not limited to the South ; the North was as busily engaged in canvassing the exciting question, and both parties were summoning their energies for the conflict in the new Congress about to meet. CHAP. LY. 1849. 834 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LV. 1849. Nov. 3 . The thirty-first Congress, called a month earlier than the usual time, met in its first session. Parties were nearly equally divided. The House spent three weeks, and balloted sixty times for a speaker, and only succeeded by changing the rule by which a majority of the whole is required to elect, to that of a plurality. Mr. C. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was elected ; his competitor was Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts. The first and only annual message of President Taylor was sent in. He saw the difficulties which lay in his path. The bitterness of party had been increased by sectional feelings. The President felt the responsibility of his position ; but he fearlessly yet temperately gave his views, and plainly intimated that he should not shrink from his duty to the Union itself ; deprecated sectional controversies, and referred to Washington in confirmation of this sentiment. The points at issue were various, and he recommended a plan to settle each. As California, whose population had increased so rapidly, had framed a Constitution, he advised that she should be at once admitted into the Union : that New Mexico and Utah should be organized as territories, and when they were prepared to come intc the Union as States, be permitted to decide the question of slavery for themselves ; and that the dispute between Texas and New Mexico, in relation to their boundaries, should be settled by the judicial authority of the United States Early in the session Henry Clay moved in the Senate a series of resolutions designed to settle these disputes by a compromise. A committee of thirteen was appointed, to whom these resolutions and the various plans which had been proposed were referred. In due time Mr. Clay, as chairman, reported. The spirit of the resolutions was combined in one measure, which, from its character and the dissimilar objects it was designed to accomplish, was DISCUSSION ON THE COMPROMISE BILL. 835 styled the Omnibus Bill It proposed the admission of California ; the organization, without mention of slavery, of the territories of New Mexico and Utah ; the arrange- 1849. ment of the Texas boundary, by paying the latter ten millions of dollars ; the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the enactment of a more stringent fugitive slave law. Senator Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, insisted that 1850. the hill was not equal in its provisions, because the South gained nothing by the measure ; and he urged that the Missouri line of compromise should he extended to the Pacific, u with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the Territory below that line." To this Clay replied, that “ no earthly power could induce him to vote for a specific measure for the introduc- tion of slavery where it had not existed, either north or south of that line." “ I am unwilling," continued he, " that the posterity of the present inhabitants of Califor- nia and of New Mexico should reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us." “ If the citizens of those Territories come here with Constitu- tions establishing slavery, I am for admitting them into the Union ; but then it will be their own work and not ours, and their posterity will have to reproach them and not ns " Calhoun, now near to death, in a speech read by a friend, urged that if the Union would be preserved, it must be by an equal number of slave and free States, to maintain the number of senators equal in the Senate. “ The incurability of the evil," said Senator Benton, of Missouri, “ is the greatest objection." “ It is a ques- tion of races, involving consequences which go to the destruction of one or the other ; this was seen fifty years ago, and the wisdom of Virginia balked at it then. It seems to be above human reason. But there is a wisdom 836 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LY. 1849 . Mar. 81 . July, 9 .' above human ! and to that we must look. In the mean* time not extend the evil.” Soon after this occurred the death of John C. Calhoun. He first entered Congress in 1811, and during almost forty years had filled various offices in the service of his country. A man of primitive tastes and simple manners, uniting the kindliest of feelings with unfiinching integrity, and devotion to duty. The latter portion of his public career was marked by the most strenuous advocacy of States' rights and Southern institutions. A few months later President Taylor was also num- bered with the dead. He suddenly became ill with a violent fever, which terminated his life in a few days, after he had held office sixteen months. He had shown him- self equal to the emergency ; and his death was a public calamity indeed. Though elected by one party, his policy and acts were approved by all, and the whole nation mourned his loss. MILLARD FILLMORE. The Vice-President, on the 10th of July, took the oath, and was inaugurated as President. It way done without show or parade ; merely a joint committee of three from each House of Congress, and the members of the cabinet, attended him. The oath was administered by the venerable William Cranch, Chief Justice of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, who, appointed by John Adams, had held the office for fifty yearn. Not an unnecessary word was spoken . the ceremony was one of deep solemnity. The first official act of Mr. Fillmore was to call upon Congress to take suitable measures for the funeral of the late President, “ who had been so recently raised by the unsolicited voice of the people to the highest civil authority ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 837 in the government.” An impressive funeral service was c ®y P performed, and eulogies pronounced upon him by many of the leading statesmen of the country. The Cabinet re- 1850 signed, and the President nominated another, at the head of which was Daniel W ebster as Secretary of State. Four months had nearly elapsed since Henry Clay reported his Compromise Bill. Its provisions had been thoroughly discussed by the members of both Houses. It was then taken up article by article and passed — the last the Fugitive Slave law. The similar law which had been Sept, enacted in 1787, as part of the ordinance prohibiting 18 * slavery in the Territory north-west of the Ohio, and also a law to the same effect passed during W ashington’s ad- ministration, were thought to be defective, and a new one ^ 93 , was framed. The Supreme Court of the United States held the opinion that justices of the peace in the respective States, were not called upon to enforce the law for the rendition of slaves. Since the agitation of the slavery question in Congress, a dislike to enforcing that law had greatly in- creased in the free States. The feeling reached the Legislatures and some of them, by law, prohibited the use of their jails for the confinement of fugitive slaves, and the justices of the peace refused to act on the subject. To obviate the latter difficulty the present bill provided for the appointment of United States' commissioners, before whom such cases could be tried. When the vote on the reception of California was taken, and she admitted to the Union, her senators, Wm. M. Grwin and John C. Fremont, who had been in waiting, immediately took their seats. The vast region known as Utah, was in the possession of the Indians and the Mormons or Latter Day Saints, a religious sect. It was founded by Joseph Smith, a native of Vermont, but at that time a resident of Central New 18*27 838 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. c ^ap. York ; illiterate and superstitious, cunning and unprin- cipled ; when a youth he loved to dupe his companions ; 1850. at the age of fifteen he pretended that he had seen visions ; and at twenty-two that he had received a direct revelation from heaven ; that he had been directed to a certain hill, where he would find golden plates, covered with Egyptian characters, which he alone, as a prophet, was empowered to decipher. This was the famous “ Book of Mormon.” It professed to give a new system of religion, and to chronicle events which occurred on this continent long an- terior to the Christian era. It is said a man named Spaulding, when laboring under ill health wrote the story to alleviate his hours of ennui ; after his death the manuscript fell into the hands of Smith, who unscrupulously used it to deceive his fel- low-men. His system of polygamy led to gross immoralities ; and the vicious, as well as the ignorant, some of whom may have been honest, became his disciples. In five 1883. years he had twelve hundred followers. At this time the whole sect removed to Jackson county, Missouri. As they professed to be the true saints, by virtue of which they were to become the inheritors of the western country, they became objects of distrust to the Missourians. The militia were called out, but the Mormons avoided a con- 1840. diet by crossing the river to Illinois. They prepared to make that State their home. On a bluff, overlooking the Mississippi, they founded a city, Nauvoo, and erected an imposing temple. Thefts and robberies were numerous in the vicinity, and these crimes were attributed to the Mormons, some of whom were arrested. The saints, it was said, controlled the courts, for the prisoners were speedily liberated. An intense excite- ment was produced in the country by these proceedings. At length the Prophet himself, and a brother, were ar- rested and thrown into prison in the town of Carthage SALT LAKE CITY — DISUNION CONVENTION. 839 A mob collected a few days after, and in the melee the brothers were slain. The spirit aroused against them was so violent that the Mormons could find safety alone in flight, and the following year they sold their possessions, left their beautiful city, which contained ten thousand in- habitants, and under chosen elders emigrated away across the plains and over the Rocky Mountains, and finally found a resting place in the Great Basin. As they were now upon the soil of Mexico, they hoped their troubles were at an end. They significantly called their new home, Deseret — the land of the Honey Bee. To recruit their numbers they sent missionaries to every quarter of the globe ; that these zealous apostles have met with astonishing success in obtaining proselytes, is a sad reflection. Meantime they labored with great zeal in founding a city on the shores of the Great Salt Lake. It is on ground four thousand three hundred feet above the level of the ocean, and planned on a large scale ; its streets eight rods wide, and every house surrounded by a garden. Presently came the war with Mexico, and the ceding of all that region to the United States. The Mormons were the first to organize themselves as a territory under the name of Deseret, but Congress saw proper to change the name to U tah. President Fillmore appointed Brigham Young, one of their elders, the first governor. After the passage of the Compromise Bill, the agita- tion by no means ceased in the south. The design of seceding from the Union was openly avowed. A Disunion Convention met at Nashville, Tennessee. It invited the assembling of a “ Southern Congress/' but the legislatures of only two States responded to the call — South Carolina and Mississippi. The former elected their quota of repre- sentatives to the Congress. The great mass of the people were moved but little by these appeals, and the country CHAP LV. 1844 . 1850 . 840 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LY. 1850 breathed more freely in the confident belief that the vexed question was really at rest. In no previous discussion of the subject did th». great majority of the people of the Union manifest so much interest, not because it had become more important, but a great change had been wrought, since, thirty years be- fore, the country was agitated by the discussions, which led to the enactment of the Missouri Compromise. The number of newspapers had increased at an unprecedented rate, and with them the facilities for publishing general intelligence and reporting the debates in Congress, and now was added the telegraph, which seemed almost to bring the ears of the nation to the Halls of Legislation. Yet in a still greater proportion had the numbers of in- telligent readers increased, millions of whom became familiar with the question and the principles involved, and watched with increasing interest every new phase the subject assumed. This may account for the earnestness which characterized this conflict of opinions ; the mass of the people read and judged for themselves. The philan- thropist may not dread the response of their hearts ; — they may be slow to act, but they are untrammelled by pledges and uninfluenced by political aspirations. About the commencement of Taylor's administration, General Lopez, a Spaniard, endeavored to create a revo- lution in Cuba. He represented that the people of that island were anxious and prepared to throw off the yoke of the mother country ; and by this means he persuaded large numbers of adventurous spirits in the United States to engage in the enterprise. The pretext was to aid the Cubans ; but the real object was to secure the annexation of the island to the United States. President Taylor promptly issued a proclamation forbidding citizens of the Union to engage in the expedition. The warning was unheeded, and a company of six hundred men, under the SIR JOHN FRANKLIN DR. E. K. KANE. 841 lead of Lopez, eluded the United States' authorities, and chap. landed at Cardenas. But not meeting with sympathy from the people whom they professed to have come to 1850. liberate, they re-emoarked, and sailed for Key West, Florida, barely escaping capture on the way by a Spanish steam-vessel of war. The following year the attempt was renewed. A party of four hundred and eighty men landed on the island, but were almost immediately overpowered and captured. Lopez and a number of his deluded followers were put to death by the Spanish authorities at Havana. In 1845, Sir John Franklin sailed from England in quest of the long sought for north-west passage. No tid ings had ever been received from him, and the several efforts to send him aid had been unsuccessful. The sym- pathies of the humane were enlisted in behalf of the daring navigator. Mr. Henry Grinnell, a noble-hearted New York merchant, fitted out, at his own expense, an expedi- tion which, under the command of Lieutenant De Haven, of the United States' navy, sailed for the Arctic regions in May, 1850. With De Haven went Dr. E. K. Kane, in the capacity of surgeon and naturalist. The search was unsuccessful, and the vessels returned. The United States' Government now sent another 1851. expedition on the same errand of mercy in connection with Mr. Grinnell. The control of this was given to Dr. Kane, whose scientific attainments were of a high order, and whose prudence and indomitable energy excited high hopes of the success of the enterprise. The search was fruitless ; the results of the discoveries made have been embodied and given to the world. Sir John has no doubt long since perished, while his unknown friend, Dr. Kane, broken down in health because of his labors and privations, has also closed his life. Two of our greatest statesmen, with whos3 names for a third of a century are associated some of the most im- 842 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAF. LV. 1852 . Jane 28 . Oct. 24 . portant measures of the government, passed away. Henry Clay and Daniel Webster : The one at Washington, the other at his home at Marshfield. No two men were more endeared to the American people. Henry Clay, by his generous frankness, and nobleness of character won their love. Daniel Webster in his mighty intellect towered above his peers, and com- manded their respect ; of him they were proud. Spain became alarmed at the attempts of lawless ad- venturers striving to wrest Cuba from her hands. France and England sympathized with her, and proposed to the United States to join with them in a “ tripartite treaty,” in which each should disclaim any intention of seizing upon that island, but, on the contrary, should guarantee its possession to Spain. A correspondence to this effect had already commenced, and to the proposal Edward Everett, who since the death of Webster was Secretary of State, replied in the negative. “ The President,” said he, “ does not covet the acquisition of Cuba for the United States.” Yet he u could not see with indifference that island fall into the possession of any other European Gov- ernment than Spain.” It was shown that this was a question peculiarly American, from the situation of the island itself ; its proximity to our shores ; its commanding the approach to the Gulf of Mexico, and to the entrance to the Mississippi, which with its tributaries forms the largest system of internal water-communication in the world, and also its ability to interfere with the passage to California by the Isthmus route. It was another state- ment of the celebrated Monroe doctrine, that the United States did not recognize European interference in ques- tions purely American. For President the Whigs nominated General Scott, and the Democrats, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire. THE HOUSE — THE SENATE. 843 The latter was elected, in connection with William 14. King, of Alabama, as Vice-President. Mr. King had been United States’ Senator from that State — with the exception of four years, when he was American minister at the court of France — since 1819 ; compelled by declin- ing health he went to Cuba, where he took the oath of office. Then he returned home, not to enter upon the duties of the Vice-Presidency, but to die. To avoid the inconvenience of too great a number of members in the House of Pepresentatives, as well as to prevent the waste of time in arranging the ratio of its members to the population, it was enacted that after the third of March, 1853, “ The House of Pepresentatives will consist of two hundred and thirty-three members, Provided, that after the apportionment of the Pepresen- tatives, under the next or any subsequent census, a new State or States shall be admitted into the Union, the Pepresentatives assigned to such new State shall be in addition to the number of Pepresentatives herein lim- ited, which excess over two hundred and thirty-three shall continue until the next succeeding census.” Thereafter, when each “ subsequent census” is r fficially known, the House determines by law the number of its own members “ until the next succeeding census,” and in proportion to that the number of its Pepresentatives is assigned to each State. The Senate, in accordance with Article I., Section 3, of the Constitution, is divided into three classes, and wdien Senators are elected from a new State, first in order is the distribution of the times they are to serve into long and short terms. This is deter- mined by lot, and ever after on the rolls of the Senate that distinction is preserved. A member of the House of Pepresentatives serves two years, a President four, and a Senator six. This overlapping of terms is designed to secure deliberate legislation. ■' CHAP. LV. 1852. 1850. “ ay CHAP. LYI. 1853. Jan. 8 . CHAPTER LYI. PIERCE’S ADMINISTRATION. Purchase of the Mesilla Valley. — Treaty with Japan. — The Kansas-No- braska Bill. — The effects of the Measure. — Emigrants to Kansas.— Struggles and Conflicts. — James Buchanan, President. — The Contest continues in Kansas. — National Progress. The new President inaugurated on the 4th of March, was a native of New Hampshire, a graduate of Bowdoin College, and by profession a lawyer. He had served in the legislature of his native State, two terms in the House of Representatives at Washington and nearly a term in the Senate of the United States. William L. Marcy, of New York, was appointed Secretary of State. Owing to the incorrectness of the maps used when the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was made, a dispute arose as to the proper boundaries between New Mexico and the Mexican province of Chihuahua. Both parties claimed the Mesilla Yalley, said to be fertile, but more important for affording facilities for a road to California. Santa Anna, who was again President of the republic of Mexico, and intent, as usual, on driving a bargain, took possession of the territory in dispute. The United States obtained the valley, and the free navigation of the Gulf of Cali- fornia and of the river Colorado, to the American boun- dary by paying the Mexican government ten millions of dollars. TREATY WITH JAPAN THE NEBRASKA BILL. 845 The acquisition of California made the importance of c sap. commercial treaties with the nations of eastern Asia more and more apparent. During Fillmore’s term, Commodore 1853. Perry, brother of the hero of Lake Erie, was sent with a squadron to open communication with the empire of Japan. The inhabitants of those islands from time im- memorial had excluded foreigners. The authorities were greatly astonished at the boldness of the Commodore, when he appeared w ith his steamers — the first that ever floated on those waters — in the Bay of Jeddo. He was ordered to depart ; but he declined and insisted on seeing the proper authorities, and making known to them the object of his friendly visit. At length a Japanese officer appeared, who promised to lay the matter before the em- peror. The 14th of July was the day named to receive the letter from the President. The Commodore, escorted by a company of marines, landed. He was received with the pomp of an oriental pageant, and an answer to the letter promised the following spring. The answer was received and a treaty concluded. The merchants of the United States obtained permission to trade in two specified ports — Simodi and Hakodadl — and also for the residence of American citizens and con- suls at the ports, as well as to visit without molestation in the interior, ten or twelve miles. April The measure that will render the administration of Pierce famous, was the bill to organize the territories of Nebraska and Kansas. This was an immense region — extending from the confines of Missouri, Iowa and Min- nesota to the crest of the Rocky Mountains, and from thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, to the British possessions. This vast territory was a part of the Louisiana Purchase, from which, by the Missouri Com- promise, the system of slavery had been excluded. In part this region had been assigned to the various 846 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. C lyi' tr ^ GS of Indians, who years before, to make way for set- tiers, had removed from their lands north-west of the 1853. Ohio. The white settlers who had gone to that region wished that the Indian titles should be extinguished, and a territorial government established. In accordance with this w T ish Senator Stephen A. Jan Douglas, of Illinois, proposed a hill in the United States' 1854. Senate, to organize this region into two territories, to be known as Kansas and Nebraska. This bill contained a clause repealing the Missouri Compromise, under the plea that it “ was inconsistent with the principle of non-in- tervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the compromise measures of 1850 ; ” “ it being the true intent of the act to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States/' The people were taken by surprise. The question, so destructive to national harmony, and which it was hoped had been settled forever, had assumed a new form. The Missouri Compromise had been deemed a sacred com- pact between the south and the north, and as such, for the third of a century, had received the sanction of all parties. The irritations caused by the fiery discussions in Congress four years previous were by no means yet healed. A deep-toned feeling was excited, especially in the northern States. It was just fifty years since the purchase of the ter- ritory, and up to this time nearly all its benefits had been enjoyed by those who held slaves. Meantime emigrants from the free States had been compelled, from their un- willingness to come in contact with slavery, to seek their homes and farms north of Missouri, and forego the ad- vantages of the genial climate found in the latitude of that State. These free laborers, as well as those who intended to EMIGRANTS TO KANSAS. 847 oeek homes in the west, complained that this region, c *^ p - guaranteed to them by the Missouri Compromise, should be rendered liable to be made slaveholding. Conventions 1854. were held and petitions poured into both Houses of Con- gress, imploring those bodies not to disturb the tranquillity of the country, nor violate the compact so long held sacred. The South did not participate so much in this feeling. In reply to these remonstrances it was said, the prin- ciple of “ Squatter or Popular Sovereignty/' would obviate all difficulty ; by this principle the people of the territory would be free in their political action, and when they came to form their state constitutions, and ask admission into the Union, they could exercise this right and adopt or reject slavery. With this interpretation the bill passed Congress, after nearly four months' discussion, was signed by the President, and became the law of the land. May Now came the struggle to secure the new State by sending emigrants, whose votes were to decide the ques- tion. Two years before, and not with reference to a con- tingency of this kind, the Legislature of Massachusetts incorporated a company known as u The Emigrants' Aid Society." This association had been inactive, but now its aid was invoked, and numbers were assisted to emigrate to Kansas. Similar societies were formed in other north- ern States. The emigrants from the free States went to remain and improve their claims, and found homes for their families. Emigrants came also from the Southern States, but with the exception of those who came from Missouri only a limited number have remained in the ter- ritory to improve their claims. Conflicting opinions soon produced political parties known as Pro-Slavery and Free-State, and the practical application of the doctrine of “ popular sovereignty" wap 848 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LYI. 1854 . Kov Mar. 1855 . July 2 . OJt. Jan. 15 . appealed to, to test which party had the majority, and according to true democracy should rule. The first territorial election was held to choose a dele- gate to Congress, and four months later — a census in the meantime having been taken and the territory divided into districts — another election w r as held to choose members to the Territorial Legislature. In both of these elections, the pro-slavery party claimed that they had chosen theii “andidates, but the free-state men repudiated the elec- tion as fraudulent ; giving as a reason that the polls were controlled by armed men from Missouri. The Territorial Legislature assembled at Pawnee and immediately adjourned to the Shawnee Mission, near the Missouri State line. They passed a series of laws, to which Governor Reeder refused his signature, on the ground that the Legislature, by the organic act, could not change the place of meeting appointed by himself. These laws were however passed by a two-thirds vote. The Free State men held conventions, denied the le- gality of the legislature, and refused to obey the laws en- acted by it, and made arrangements to choose delegates to a Convention to form a Constitution. In due time this Convention assembled at Topeka, framed a Constitution rejecting slavery, and ordered it to be submitted to the vote of the people, who ratified it. One month later the people chose State officers and members for a State Legis- lature. Soon after Governor Reeder was removed from his office by the President. During these ten months confusion reigned in the Territory. Outrages of almost every kind were com- mitted, robberies, murders, illegal arrests and property destroyed, most of which belonged to the Free State settlers. Wilson Shannon, of Ohio, who had recently been ap- pointed Governor, now appeared and assumed office, lie CONGRESS APPOINTS A COMMITTEE OF INVESTIGATION. 849 declared himself in favor of the laws enacted at the Shaw- nee Mission. The government, under the Free-State Constitution, was organized, and the contest took the form of civil war. At the opening of the session of Congress, the delegate from Kansas, chosen as related above, appeared and de- manded his seat. After a spicy discussion the House refused the demand, but appointed a committee to proceed to the Territory and summon witnesses in relation to the recent elections. In a month’s time the committee had arrived in Kansas, and commenced the investigation. Their report sustained the charge that those elections had been carried by fraud. The summer of 1856 was signalized by the commission of many outrages, committed in different parts of the Ter- ritory. The Free-State men armed themselves, and determined to defend their rights. Several conflicts en- sued and many lives were lost. Presently Shannon received notice of his removal from office, and John W. Geary, of Pennsylvania, soon appeared as his successor. The new governor honestly labored to restore harmony. He ordered u all bodies of men combined, armed, and equipped with munitions of war, without authority of the government, instantly to disband, and quit the territory.’’ Upon this the companies of Free-State men nearly all disbanded, but it was only partially obeyed by the other party, who had concentrated a force of more than two thousand men. The Governor, with the dragoons, threw himself between them and the town of Lawrence and pre- vented another conflict. The presidential canvass was now in progress. The main question at issue — the extension of slavery into the Territories or its limitation to the States wherein it already existed. CHAF LVT. 1855. "Mar. 4 Dec. 1855 Mar, 19. Sept 15. 850 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP LYI. 1853 . Nov. 1856 . Feb. 17 . 1857 . Within a few years political issues had somewhat changed. A party known as American, had arisen ; theii main principle opposition to foreign influence, and thei» motto, “ Americans should rule America.” The follow- ing year they were successful in most of the state elections. Meantime arose another party, composed principally of Whigs and Democrats, who were opposed to the extension of slavery into free territory. They were known as Re- publicans. On the other hand the Democrats announced themselves willing to let slavery go into the territories if the inhabitants thereof desired it. The latter party nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania ; the Re- publicans, John C. Fremont, of California, and the Americans, ex-president Fillmore. The canvass was one of more than usual spirit. The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill had even added new interest to the main question at issue. It had taken deep hold of the minds of the people ; and they never before gave such evidence of their independence, and repudiation of mere party ties. Mr. Buchanan was elected President, and John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, Vice-President. The House of Representatives at Washington passed a bill, declaring the acts of the Territorial Legislature of Kansas null and void, both on the ground that its enact- ments “ were cruel and oppressive,” and that “ the said legislature was not elected by the legal voters of Kansas, but was forced upon them by non-residents in violation of the organic act of the territory.” This bill failed to pass the Senate. On the 4th of March, Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated President. He was educated for the legal professioa At the age of twenty-three he served as a member of the Legislature of his native State. He was afterward a LECOMPTON CONVENTION. 851 member of the House of Representatives ten years ; then Minister to Russia — sent hy General Jackson — then a member of the Senate of the United States ; then Secre- tary of State, under President Polk, and then Minister to Great Britain. Senator Lewis Cass was appointed Secre- tary of State, hy the new President. Under the auspices of the Territorial Legislature of Kansas an election was ordered for delegates to a conven- tion for the purpose of framing a constitution, but under conditions to secure a pro-slavery majority of delegates. The Free State men, for the reasons already given, as well as others, refused to take part in the election. It was held, however, and a pro-slavery delegation chosen. June. Meanwhile the other party published an address to the people of the United States, in which they set forth the wrongs they had endured, and to which they were still subject. Soon after Governor Geary resigned, and the President appointed Robt. J. Walker, of Mississippi. The new Governor endeavored to remedy these evils, and promised the people of the territory a free expression of their wishes at the polls. Owing to the influence of Governor Walker the Free State men consented to vote at the coming election for a delegate to Congress, and members for a Territorial Legis- lature. They, ly a vote more than two to one, chose their candidates. Oct. Shortly after this election, the delegates chosen as we have seen, met in convention at Lecompton, and speedily framed a constitution. It contained a provision adopting slavery, and this provision alone, the convention submitted to the people of Kansas to ratify or reject. Connected with this was a clause which made it necessary for those who were challenged at the polls “to take an oath to support the constitution if adopted,” before they were CHAP LVI. 1857. 85 2 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVI. 1857 . April 30 . 1858 . 1859 , Oct. permitted to deposit their vote. This was followed by a proviso that the Constitution could not be amended be- fore the year 1861, and then only by the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both Houses of the Legisla- ture and “ a majority of all the citizens of the State.” The Free State men refused to vote on the ratification of this constitution, as they denied the authority that framed it ; but it received some votes, and was declared adopted, and sent as such to Congress. There the discus- sion on the subject w T as as bitter as ever. It was denied that the people of Kansas were fairly treated in not hav- ing the opportunity to vote upon the adoption of the entire constitution as implied by the doctrine of “ Popu- lar Sovereignty,” said to be the essence of the Kansas- Nebraska bill. Finally, a bill was passed to submit the constitution to the people of Kansas, but on two conditions : one, that if they failed to ratify it, they would not be permitted to enter the Union until they had a population of ninety- three thousand ; the other, if they did ratify it, they should receive certain of the public lands for State pur- poses. In the face of these strange conditions the people of Kansas, on the 2d of August, rejected the constitution by an overwhelming majority. After this decided and noble stand by the Free State men in Kansas there was a lull in the excitement. Mean- while the people were preparing for the territory to assume her place among the States of the Union when the whole nation was startled by an effort to free the slaves by force of arms. The plan was organized and attempted to be carried out by John Brown — better known as “ Old John Brown of Osawatomie,” at which place he lived, and who, in the Kansas troubles, had beaten off an armed force of the pro-slavery party five times as great as his own, the former having an unusual number of men killed and wounded. JOHN BROWN. 853 This singular, conscientious, determined man, who under no circumstances ever swerved from what lie thought was right, was a native of Connecticut, and de- scended from Peter Brown, a humble Pilgrim on the Mayflower. Religiously trained, he became a church- member at the age of sixteen ; thoughtful for his years, at twelve he found himself an instinctive hater of slav- ery from seeing his friend, a colored boy about his own age, grossly abused without redress. This hatred of the system was never modified, but grew intenser with his years. At the time of which we speak he was a resi- dent of New York State. When he learned of the efforts to force the system of bondage on the territory of Kan- sas he hastened thither, where he already had four sons, and three others who soon after followed their father. There in his peculiar way he became a leader among the Free State men in their conflicts with their enemies from across the boundary line of the territory and Missouri. In one of these battles beside him lay a son just killed, while the father in one hand held the pulse of another mortally wounded, and in the other grasped a rifle. Some time before another son had been murdered. With only twenty-one men he seized the United States arsenal at Harpers Perry in northern Virginia. lie may have sup- posed the slaves would avail themselves of an opportunity to fight for their freedom, but none joined him. They always looked for some outside 1 influence to secure their emancipation. John Brown is represented as being kind and sympathetic, and his heart was moved as he contem- plated the system of bondage under which the slaves moaned. Fie thought himself in the line of duty, and while we may respect his motives we cannot his pru- dence. The explanation may be that he brooded so long over the wrongs suffered by the slaves that he became CHAP. LVI. 1859 . Oct. 16 . Hist., p. 902. 854 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVI. 1859. 1860, June 1853. partially crazed on the subject, and overlooked the insu- perable difficulties in carrying out his plan for their emancipation. In the conflict which ensued with the State authorities, who were aided by United States ma- rines, he was wounded and captured, after a severe strug- gle, in which thirteen of his party were killed — two of them his sons — six were made prisoners, and two escaped. During his trial he lay on his couch in the court-room. He met death in a calm and heroic manner. This was the only instance in which an Abolitionist, as such, attempted to secure the freedom of the slaves by means of violence. Three days after the execution of Brown, Congress assembled, and during its session was laid before it a constitution voted upon and approved by the people of Kansas. A bill admitting the State passed the House, but failed in the Senate. A treaty having been made with Japan that govern- ment sent, in the summer of 1860, a number of officials to bring it when ratified to the United States. This im- posing embassy consisted in all of seventy -one persons of various ranks. They w T ere received and treated as the guests of the Nation, and in consequence of this treaty important commercial relations have since existed between the United States and that empire. Minnesota was admitted into the Union, and allowed to have two representatives until the next apportionment of members among the several States. A change was made in the laws in relation to the issue of patents, by which “ all patents hereafter granted shall remain in force seventeen years from date of issue, and all extensions of such patents are hereby prohibited.” The Eighth Census of the United States sums up as follows : Entire population, 31,443,790 ; of whom 3,953,- 529 are slaves. 1860. PARTY PLATFORMS. 855 The question of the extension of slavery into the Ter- C lyi R ritories, was by no means decided in the presidential con- test of 1856. During the subsequent four years the 1860 ° discussion of the subject still continued in Congress and among the people. In proportion as they read and judged for themselves, did party spirit lose its despotic influences, and the change in public sentiment, especially in the non-slaveholding States, was unprecedented. Many thou- sands of intelligent voters, who once acquiesced in the policy of the extension of the system, would no longer lend their sanction to measures the tendency of which they now better understood. In view of subsequent events, a more than usual in- terest will ever belong to the exposition of principles as set forth in what are termed “ platforms ” of the parties in nominating their respective candidates for the office of President in 1860. The Democratic party, at a convention held in Charles- ton, South Carolina, became divided into two hostile sec- tions — the Breckinridge and Douglas — thus designated from their prominent leaders. One section — the Breckin- ridge — reaffirmed, with explanatory resolutions, the prin- ciples adopted by the entire party four years before at its convention held in Cincinnati. They proclaimed the 1856. “ non-interference of Congress with slavery in the Terri- tories or in the District of Columbia,” and “ The ad- mission of new States with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect.” The other section — Douglas — also adopted the Cincinnati platform, and likewise affirmed “ That as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Ter- ritorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress under the Constitution of the United States over the institution of slavery within the Territories,” u That the party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme 856 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVI. 1860. 1849. Court of the United States on the questions of Constitu- tional law/’ These resolutions are significant. That court had recently given an opinion known as the Dred Scott Decision, which was now assumed to sanction the doctrine, first announced by John C. Calhoun, that the Constitution recognized slavery, and sanctioned and pro- tected it in the Territories . 1 On the contrary, the Re- publican party denied that this special decision of the court had a legitimate bearing on the subject, it being a side issue, and therefore null and void ; and now, since other means had failed in Kansas, used only to introduce covertly the system of human bondage into the Terri- tories. The latter party, at their convention held in Chi- cago, announced that “ the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and em- bodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican Institutions.” “ That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; ” and “ That the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States and the union of the States, must and shall be preserved ; ” also the rights of the States should be maintained inviolate, “ especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively.” “ That the normal condition of all the Territory of the United States is that of freedom,” and they denied “ the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States.” Still another party, heretofore mainly known as American, now adopted the designation of “ Constitu- tional Union,” and proclaimed as their platform, “ The Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws.” Soe Hist., pp. 832, 833. CHAPTER L V II. BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION — CONTINUED. Traits of Character, North and South. — Comparative Intelligence in the Free and Slave States.— Benevolent Operations. — Foreign Pop- ulation. — Material Progress. — Compromises. — Republican Party. — Democratic Convention— Presidential Election. — Intent of Per- sonal Liberty bills. — Union Men. — The Corner-Stone. — Legisla- tures and Conventions South. — Non-coercion. — Feeling in the Border States. — Finances.— Buchanan’s Message. — Fort Sumter Occupied by Anderson. — The Preparations. — Yulee’s Letter. — No Vote of the People Allowed. — Mr. Lincoln’s Journey. — Convention at Montgomery. — Fallacies — England and Cotton. Before entering upon the narrative of the great Rebellion, crap. and to fully understand its cause, we must notice certain 1 influences that have had a share in moulding the character- ° 1857 istics of the American people both North and South. Though the people of both sections take pride in the same ancestry and cling to the same traditions, cherish the same love of country and have the same belief in Christianity, yet certain influences during a period of two centuries pro- duced slightly marked characteristics. The Southern col- onists, especially of Virginia and the Carolinas, had their notions of rank and aristocracy, and prejudices against the descendants of the Anglo-Saxons who settled in the North- ern portion of the land. The Northern colonists had their prejudices, which grew out of religious differences in the mother country. The seven years’ struggle of the Revolu- tion brought the people nearer together by a bond of sym- pathy. The Northern colonists had a better appreciation 858 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1857. of education, and they labored to extend its influence to all, beginning at the most bumble, thus elevating the people by making them intelligent and moral ; and for this purpose they established common schools . 1 As labor with them was respected, so voluntary ignorance was despised, while that which was involuntary was pitied, and an effort made to remove the evil. Massachusetts and the other colonies of Hew England were in this respect in contrast with Virginia and the Carolinas: the latter made scarcely an effort to instruct the children of the people at large, providing no general system of com- mon-school education . 2 In these colonies — afterward in the States — the people of limited means were non-slave- holders, and when they aspired to a higher rank in the social scale they found themselves confronted with this fact. Thus trammeled they made little advancement, and in the course of time this contemptuous treatment on the part of the aristocracy frittered away much of the self-respect of that class of the community. This was specially the case during the first sixty years of the pres- ent century. The laws prohibiting the slaves learning to read and write were most stringent, and persons who should teach them were liable to punishment by fine and imprisonment, while “ a code of slave laws, the most wicked that the world has ever seen, guaranteed the sub- jection of the victims.” 3 Just about one hundred years before the Declaration of Independence, when free schools had been established for a generation in the New England colonies, a Governor of Virginia — Berkeley — in an apparently devout frame of mind, when speaking of the colony, wrote : “ I thank God there are no free schools nor printing ; and I hope we will not have them these hundred years — God keep us from both .” 4 His “ hope” was virtually realized ; as 1 Hist., pp 133, 124 3 Hist., p.235. Mackenzie's Nineteenth Century, p. 75. 4 Hist., pp. 138-142. EDUCATIONAL EESULTS. 859 it was more than half a century after that before a print- ing press was at work in Virginia, and common schools waited nearly two centuries for their admission. Time has shown the effects of these two systems, so radically different, because the habits, the customs, and even the prejudices of the colonists passed over into the States, and though softened and modified in the transition, lasted long after the Revolution. For sake of conveni- ence we compare New England and Virginia — they two being the most influential before that time and imme- diately afterward. In making a comparison we pass over about six generations to see more perfectly the results of the two systems of education. The one originating in Massachusetts was radical, commencing at the bottom and educating upward ; the other in Virginia commenced at the highest rank in society and educated downward — but never reached the bottom. Let us look at the census of the United States for 1860. It shows that the six New England States had a popula- tion of 3,135,388, lacking only 180,796 of being three times as large as that of the white inhabitants of Virginia — 1,105,453. In New England we find of this popula- tion 81,576 persons, native-born, over twenty years of age, who could neither read nor write, and also of foreigners 75,554 of the same age, who were in a similar condition ; thus about fifteen-sixteenths of this illiteracy belonged to foreigners, a large immigration of whom had been pour- ing into these States ior forty years. For the most part, these people paid little or no attention to the education of their children. No doubt a very large proportion of these illiterates, though native- born, were the immediate descendants of these immigrants. We now turn to Vir- ginia, and there we find 74,055 white native-born persons, over twenty years of age, who could neither read nor write, and of foreigners 3,152 — that is, about one-twenty- fourth part. CHAP. LVII. 1860. 860 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1860. In Hew England we find that of persons over twenty years of age only one of the native-born in thirty-eight and four-tenths was unable to read and write, while in Virginia of the same class there was one in fifteen. Of the illiterates in the former abont fifteen-sixteenths were foreigners ; in the latter they were about one in twenty- four. Of the entire population of the free States of the Old Thirteen we find one in thirty -eight unable to read and write ; of whites in the corresponding slave States, one in fifteen. Of the illiterates of the former States eleverirfourteenths were foreigners, and in the correspond- ing latter States they were one in twenty-two. In the free States admitted after the Revolution we find one illiterate in thirty -three of the population ; of the whites in the corresponding slave States, one in sixteen ’ in the former one-third of this class were foreigners, in the latter one-fourteenth. Under such influences it was not strange that so many of the white inhabitants of the slave States were not readers, much less thinkers. Had the mass been a read- ing people, and in consequence reasoners, with books and newspapers in every household, they never could have been induced, much less forced, into an attempt to destroy the Union in order to perpetuate slavery, and surely not in support of a theoretical interpretation of the constitu- tion in respect to State Rights. The great majority of those migrating from the old to the new States or Terri- tories, in order to secure a climate to which they were accustomed, passed almost entirely along the same paral- lels of latitude on which they had lived, and as they car- ried with them their institutions and habits, the contrast in respect to education and its results, as revealed by the census of 1860, was equally great between the new free and slave States as that between the Old Thirteen. Had common schools been as well supported and atcended, even by the whites , in the slave as in the free States for THE PEOPLE DECEIVED — BENEVOLENT OPERATIONS. 861 the last century, it is doubtful whether the system of slavery caAP. could have reached its vast proportions, and more likely it might so far have passed away as not to be a disturbing element in the nation, much less that for its protection and extension a war should be inaugurated. The general intelligence of the Northern portion of the country affected its material progress ; the people of mod- erate means were self-respecting and industrious, and their material progress was continuous from generation to genera- tion. In the Southern portion the people of moderate means unfortunately labored under great disadvantages. They were for the most part wanting in that general intel- ligence needed to secure success, and were stigmatized as the “ white trash.” With them industry was an irksome necessity, since they looked upon manual labor as the spe- cial province of the slave, and therefore degrading. The dignity of the intelligent farmer or mechanic, who read books, educated his children and obtained knowledge of passing events by reading the newspapers, was almost un- known to them. This was their great misfortune ; the result of a disregard of their interests and their children’s practiced for generations by their rulers. For many years previous to the outbreak of the rebellion Northern newspapers not pleasing to certain leaders were virtually prohibited in the South, and by this means it was easy to deceive the non-slaveowners in respect to the true sentiments of the Northern people. In its influence upon society the system of slavery recognized but two classes : those who owned slaves and those who did not. The for- mer claimed to be the aristocracy, and in their hands were the offices of state. Even wealth invested in lands and slaves gave the possessor a higher social position than the same amount acquired by the industry of the merchant or any other occupation. The mass of the Southern people were grossly deceived by those who represented the people of the North as hostile to them ; on the contrary, the sympathies of the Christian 862 HISTORY OF THE AMERICANS PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1857. 1844. public of the free States had been unusually drawn out to- ward their fellow-citizens of the South. They appreciated the difficulties under which they labored in respect to re- ligious privileges ; how they had never been trained, but to a very limited extent, either to support schools or the preaching of the Gospel. Benevolent societies (such as the American Tract, Home Missionary, Sunday School Union and others) labored for years to diffuse religious truths among the mass of the Southern people, especially the whites of moderate means, up to the time when their efforts were materially interfered with by political leaders who wished the relations of friendship and intercourse with the North to cease, as an aid to the accomplishment of their secret plan to break up the Union. Without going into details, these leaders assumed that the intercourse be- tween the two sections by means of these operations did or would interfere with slavery, and their benevolent work was gradually restrained to such an extent that when the rebellion began it had nearly ceased, although, owing to intimate commercial relations, the merchants of Northern cities were more than usually liberal in aiding the benevo- lent and religious institutions of the South. Many other efforts were made to alienate the Southern people from the Northern ; parents were urged not to send their daughters to schools or their sons to colleges in the free States ; the separation of religious denominations into Southern or Northern was looked upon with pleasure by these leaders ; as well as the alienation of churches of the same denomina- tion. Only one denomination — the Methodist — divided on account of slavery alone : in accordance with the Discipline of that church a bishop has jurisdiction in all the States equally, and in this instance a slave-holding bishop became the occasion of the division of the denomination into the Churches North and South. Likewise, owing to the absence of a national system of finances, the moneyed interests of the country had not so great inducement to unite in pre- serving the Union as they would have had under a banking SLAVERY DISCUSSED. 863 system by means of which the rate of exchange in com- mercial transactions between different portions of the Union would have been merely nominal. At the com- mencement of the rebellion, and for years previous, the high rate of exchange through the medium of State banks was a heavy tax on the mercantile interest's of the whole country. Previous to 1826 the system of slavery was acknowl- edged to be contrary to the spirit of Christianity ; and among thoughtful business men or planters it was recog- nized as a wasteful system of labor. When a Northern member proclaimed on the floor of the House of Repre- sentatives that slavery, 44 while it subsists where it sub- sists, its duties are presupposed and sanctioned by reli- gion,” the sentiment was repudiated by the leading Southern- statesmen. John Randolph, in one of his pungent remarks, exclaimed : 44 Sir, I envy neither the head nor the heart of that man from the North who rises to defend slavery upon principle.” In the discussions held hitherto the subject had been treated almost entirely in respect to its political and economical bearings, its moral character being for the most part assumed. Its unwritten, inner history, as a moral evil in domestic re- lations, was infinitely worse than that of its economical ; as in this form it permeated society and poisoned it at the fountain-head — the family. After the failure of Nullification the form of the dis- cussion changed from the economical more to the moral aspects of slavery, which now found advocates who con- tended that the system was not inconsistent with the teachings of the Bible. In opposition to this the Aboli- tionists took a decided stand. The pioneer in this move- ment was Benjamin Lundy, who was soon joined by William Lloyd Garrison ; the former dying, the latter continued with untiring zeal the conflict till the end was attained. Their efforts, feeble at first, were made by CHAP. LVII. 1844. Mar. 9, 1826. 1828 to 1868. 864 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1828 to 1863. means of newspapers and periodicals of quite limited cir- culation ; to these were added lectures or speeches, and the formation of anti-slavery societies throughout the free States : and this continued for a generation . 1 The Abolitionists made appeals to the slaveholders themselves to take the initiative in emancipating their slaves, and in recognizing on the score of humanity the inalienable rights of the negro as a man, and the sinful- ness of holding him in bondage. Their leading mem- bers were specially careful to violate no law, but labor for the accomplishment of their object only by the presentation of the truth as they believed it ; they used only moral means to secure their end, with but one exception — that of John Brown. They had them- selves so clear conceptions of their own duty in the premises that they became indignant at the slowness of the conservatives in the church, w T lio were unwilling to aid emancipation in the way marked out by these enthu- siastic and self-appointed leaders. Nor is it remarkable that the prejudices of the former were roused by the abuse they received, and by the infidelity avowed by many of the Abolitionists. The latter were intensely earnest ; they believed every word they said. Their startling invectives and fiery eloquence rang throughout the land like the tolling of a midnight tocsin. Their arguments compelled acquiescence in the unconscious hearer ; the well-put truths they uttered sank deep into the minds of the people, like seed in a fertile soil, to be vivified and brought into life under other conditions . 2 The slaveholders demanded acquiescence on the part of Northern merchants in the laws of Congress designed to return fugitive slaves, and to protect the system and further its interests — no others would they patronize. Competition in business in the Southern trade at the ; Hist. pp. 830, 835. 2 Hist. pp. 885, 886. GROUNDS OF DISSATISFACTION. 865 time was not so much in cheapening goods as in length- ening credits. If a publisher issued a book or a periodi- cal in which were criticisms adverse to the system, even by implication, the newspapers of the South warned their readers against buying any books whatever of the of- fender. These demands, with others of a political char- acter, prepared the reading people of the free States to take their stand when the crisis came. It was not till the deliberate firing on Sumter revealed its true spirit that the mass of intelligent people in the North recog- nized fully its deadly hostility to right and justice. This truth, like an intuition, flashed in their minds and con- science, and at once increased the number of its enemies a hundred-fold. Though the great majority of the peo- ple believed the system to be a moral, political and economical evil, they were perplexed as to the remedies to be applied in its removal. It was the farthest from their intentions that it should be removed by the horrors of war. They thought of no other means than moral, and certainly not by infringing the right of the slave- owner as guaranteed by the Constitution and the laws made under it. They hoped that the humane spirit of Christianity would finally abolish the system ; but in truth the enactments of laws on the subject in the slave States were becoming harsher and harsher every year. It remained for the slaveowners to place themselves in a position which rid the country of the evil. Another ground of dissatisfaction was the progress of the free States in material wealth and population. From about 1825 there had been a large emigration from the Old World, chiefly from Ireland, and mostly unskilled laborers ; nearly all these settled in the free States, where they found employment principally in digging canals and building railroads. Scarcely any of these made their home in the States where slavery existed, because of the stigma resting CHAP. LVII. 1828 to 1863. 866 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVH. 1844. upon manual labor, and also of the lack of enterprise in that section to furnish them employment. Meanwhile the intelligence and industry of the free States were carrying them far in advance in the enterprises of mining, manufac- turing and commerce. They had taken possession of the region north of the Ohio and east of the Great River, and of the northwest. These plains were covered with farms, and immense crops were harvested by means of machinery requiring not one eighth as many laborers as under the old system — the sickle and the scythe. An outlet had been obtained for their grains to Europe, almost a rival of cotton as an article of commerce. Thus the progress of the free States, as revealed every ten years by the census, was unparalleled ; and in consequence of the increase of inhabitants they had in the same ratio increased their number of members in the House of Representatives. Though in 1860 the slaves had twenty representatives in the House, and these elected by their owners, yet the majority of the members from the free States was overwhelming, and could never be overcome, bui was increasing from census to census, while the equality of members in the Senate was gone forever. The leaders foreseeing this result — the termination of their power to rule the National Gov- ernment — determined to change their tactics in order to secure their ends. In accordance with the sentiment held by the people of the free States of non-interference with slavery in the States where it existed, Congress in no instance ever passed a law that was intended to thus interfere ; while the Territories, the common property of the whole Union, were governed under the Constitution by Congress alone, by means of laws of its own enactment, and by officers legally appointed by the President. The disposal of these Territories was thus given to Congress as the common property of the nation, under the control of the repre- sentatives of the whole people; and, as in other cases, in accordance with the cardinal principle of the National COMPBOMISES. 867 Government, that the majority should rule. Hitherto, chap. when differences of opinion or policy occurred, the diffl culties were arranged by compromises. Such was the case in the famous Missouri Compromise . 1 And in the days of South Carolina nullification by a compromise in respect to the tariff . 2 In the annexation of Texas, a Territory more than five times as great as that of New York or Pennsylvania, the same spirit prevailed; and that Terri- tory was handed over to the slaveholders for their exclusive benefit, though it had cost thousands of precious lives in the war which ensued with Mexico, and an immense amount of national treasure. This concession was made by the free States, when every intelligent person knew that the profit would inure to the slave States alone, and to the extension of their system of enforced labor. The acquisition of California was not then in contemplation, and this concession was an exhibition of good will by the North toward the South. The population of Texas, though its territory was so extensive, would only entitle her to come into the Union as a single State, and not five, into which it could be divided in accordance with the articles of annexation . 3 But California, owing to peculiar circumstances, soon acquired the requisite population to make a State, and was admitted into the Union; her people by their vote prohibiting slavery, preserving the balance of power between the free and the slave States in the United States Senate. With this result the advo- cates of slavery were not satisfied, and they resolved to make another attempt to secure the coveted majority. The plan now adopted was to repeal the Missouri Compro- mise , 4 which had remained intact for thirty-four years, and secure for their purpose the region west of that State. This repeal raised the question, especially in the free States. Will the advocates of slavery never be satisfied ? Are the politicians, for personal ambition, to keep the > Hist. pp. 693-695. 1 Hist. pp. 723-726. ' J Hist, pp. 748-749. ' Hist. pp. 846-847 and 851, 868 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1844. nation continually embroiled in this question ? It was only about ten years since Texas had been yielded to the slave owners — and yet the cry was for more territory! The people of the free States, as they could not restore the “Missouri Compromise,” were forced to accept the “squatter sovereignty” theory, and they put it in practice by sending settlers to Kansas Territory who intended to make it their home and that of their children ; and, com- plying with the law in word and in spirit, when the time came they voted to come into the Union a free State. 1 These various measures to extend the system of servitude into the Territories excited an unusual resistance in the free States, and a party was formed — the Republican — to prevent by legal means that result. The pledges of the new party were not to interfere with the institution in the States, but only treat it, in respect to the Territories, as Congress had been accustomed to treat other questions, subject to the will of the majority, in accordance with the received notions of the true rule of the people. And in good faith the free States accepted the principle that the inhabitants of a Territory about to become a State might determine for themselves whether it should come in free or slave. It was fondly hoped this would end the contro- versy. The slaveholders were still unsatisfied, and they prepared to cany out their plans of seceding from the Union. The census of 1860 was about to show a still greater increase of population in the free States, and in consequence a still greater majority in the House ; while the ratio of their material prosperity was greater than ever. The same year Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was elected President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Vice President. This was proclaimed a sectional election, for the express purpose of destroying slavery and ruining the South. It is proper to notice the means used to obtain this result. » Hist. pp. 851, 878. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 869 Plans were laid to secede long before the time the chap political parties were accustomed to make their nomina L 1 -j o/>a tions, and it was openly proclaimed that if an “ Abolition- ist” — thus designating a Republican — should be elected, the slave States would secede. When the Democratic Convention assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the presidency, it was soon discovered that -ulterior views were entertained by certain members from the extreme Southern States. These demanded of their fellow members from the free States expression on the subject of slavery contrary to their convictions, and they also endeavored to repudiate Mr. Douglas, the most popular candidate of the party in the free States. The disunionists, unable to enforce their own plans, seceded from the Convention, and thus prevented a nomination. The united Democratic party could, with ease, have elected their candidate, but should he not be a pronounced secessionist the Southern wing determined to divide the party, and thus secure the election of a Republican, and seize upon that as a pretext for breaking up the Union. The Convention thus disorganized did not make a nom- ination, but adjourned to meet at Baltimore June 18th, and the seceders to meet at Richmond, June 11th: Mr. Douglas was nominated by the conservatives, and John C. Brecken- ridge by the seceders, or disunionists. The candidates for the presidency were now Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, nominated by the Republicans; Stephen A. Douglas, of the same State, John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, and John Bell, of Tennessee, on a platform of the “ Union and the Constitution.” On the sixth of November the election was held and Mr. Lincoln was Nov. chosen, he having 180 electoral votes; Mr. Breckenridge 72, Mr. Bell 39, and Mr. Douglas 12. Of the popular vote Mr. Lincoln, 1,857,610; Mr. Douglas, 1,365,976; Mr. Brecken- ridge, 847,953, and Mr. Bell 590,631. Owing to the system of electing by States, Mr. Lincoln had a majority of 870 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS' PEOPLE. CHAP. LVII. 1860. the electoral vote, while he had only a plurality of the popu- lar vote, and Mr. Douglas had only 12 electoral votes to Mr. Breckenridge’s 72, while the formers majority over the lat- ter in the popular vote was more than half a million. It is supposed that not more than two-thirds of the popular vote for Breckenridge really desired secession, and then the vote in favor of Union was nearly seven to one; and even if they all desired it, the vote was then about four and a half to one. The election of Mr. Lincoln was hailed with joy by the secessionists, especially in Charleston, South Carolina, which city had been foremost in these hostile demonstra- tions against the National Government. A State Conven- tion, as soon as the result of the presidential election was known, assembled in Charleston, and declared that “ the union before existing between South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of America was dissolved.” The sympathizers of the movement in the “Cotton States” sent telegraphic messages of congratula- tion to South Carolina on her prompt action in seceding, and also promised aid ; this was done to manufacture pub- lic sentiment. The stratagem did not fully succeed, the mass of the Southern people were by no means in favor of the disruption of the Union ; the moderate men urged that nothing should be done harshly or hurriedly, their sentiment was: “wait till Mr. Lincoln is inaugurated, and commits the overt act.” Virginia urged that time should be given for an effort in Congress to obtain certain measures ; such as the repeal of the Personal Liberty bills in some of the free States ; and a pledge that the fugitive slave law would be henceforth more promptly enforced ; and the concession that the Constitution authorized slavery in the territories, and the protection of slaves as property. The secessionists did not charge that the presidential election was unfair or illegal, but they assumed that the administration about to come into power would do some- thing especially against slavery. The “Cotton States” PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS — THE UNION MEN. 871 complained bitterly that the Fugitive Slave Law was not chap* promptly enforced in the free States, but was obstructed by the Personal liberty bills ; yet, the truth was, very few slaves 1860# from the Cotton States ever reached the free States. The runaways were from the border States, who were not so strenuous ou the subject as to wish, on that account, to break up the Union, but proposed to remedy the evil com- plained of by influencing Congress. The Personal Liberty bills in the free States were a dictate of humanity and were designed to accomplish two objects : one, to prevent the colored freemen of the free States being kidnapped, and the other to secure to those who were charged with fleeing from slavery a fair and impartial trial as guaranteed to every per- son by the Constitution of the United States. If it was established that the person thus seized had escaped from service, these laws did not forbid the rendition of the fugi- tive to the person claiming such service. The Fugitive Slave law consigned the person thus seized to a commis- sioner to be handed over to slavery in such haste as to ex- clude him from the benefit of a fair trial, at the place of his residence, where he was known and could obtain wit- nesses. Meantime, by high handed measures the Union men in the Cotton States were gradually coerced and rendered almost powerless under the persistent efforts of the seces- sionists. Throughout the slave States the non-slaveowners, almost universally, were Union men, and opposed to seces- sion, and looked upon the war of the rebellion as designed hy those who commenced it to perpetuate and extend that system. In voting, when they had opportunity they re- jected the principle of secession ; neither did they, as a class, enter the rebel army until forced into its ranks by an unre- lenting conscription. It is strange that these leaders were unable or unwilling to see that the decline, which was noticeable forty years before, of the material prosperity of the slave States, was owing to that wasteful system ; and still more strange that in 872 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, the face of these facts they were continually devising means to extend a system of labor which failed to give them success 1 860 0 ’ as a people. An exponent of the basis of the confederacy may be found in an address by its Vice President and ablest statesman, A. H. Stephens ; he proclaims the true condition 1861 of the negro to be that of servitude as an inferior being ; Mar. alluding to the United States Constitution and its framers 31 * he said : “ This stone (slavery) which was rejected by the first builders is become the chief stone of the corner in our new 7 edifice.” And these disunionists went to war to protect and extend slavery ; the National Government, as a matter of defense, to protect the public property and to defend the Union of the States. The Governors of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Virginia, Louisiana, and Alabama took measures to have special sessions of the Legislatures called, or to have conventions held the members of which were to be elected by the people. The States of North Carolina and Arkan- sas did not take action by their Legislatures, as the ma- jority of the people were opposed to secession. Thus was Tennessee also loyal to the Union. This loyalty was greatly strengthened by Andrew Johnson in the United States Senate and Emerson Etheridge in the House. The doctrine that the President could not coerce a State was strenuously urged as a political truth ; and it gave the disunionists great encouragement to know that Mr. Buchanan, the President, was understood to hold that opinion, hence it became necessary to press matters in order to complete the secession movement before Mr., Lin- coln’s inauguration. Meetings to promote the cause were held in prominent places in the Cotton States, and the most remarkable misrepresentations were put forth in respect to the action and the sentiments of the people of the free States ; and these passed without contradiction, for that was prevented bv the exclusion of Northern decla- rations to the contrary and Northern newspapers. It is FEELING IN THE BORDER STATES 873 not strange that by these means the people, especially the least intelligent, were grossly deceived. The majority of the people of the border States was opposed to these disunion measures ; they knew that in case of war between the two sections they must suffer most from their geographical position, and they did not wish to be made a shield for their rash neighbors. These secession measures were planned and carried out by comparatively very few men, the people scarcely having an opportunity to take action on the subject. When the Colonies com- plained to England the people had the opportunity of freely expressing their views. The events transpiring had an influence upon the finances of the country. Business began to decline, and capital, ever sensitive, to withdraw from investment. The vast quantities of merchandise on hand were thrown upon the market both by the importer and the domestic manu- facturer. Early in November almost the only trade with the South was that of fire-arms ; and former debts from that section were unpaid, while exchange was so high as to be almost ruinous to the honorable Southern merchants who wished to pay their Northern creditors. Meanwhile some of the Southern State Legislatures authorized the suspension of specie payments by the banks, and also a suspension of payments of debts due Northern creditors. This state of trade affected the National Government, and it was forced to borrow 7 money at high rates of interest to pay the current expenses. The forts, arsenals, and navy-yards in the South had very few soldiers in them to protect the United States property ; only eighty men were in Fort Moultrie in Charleston Harbor, where, from indications, would be the first assault upon the authority of the Government. The venerable Lieutenant-General Scott urged the President for permission to throw a sufficient number of men into the fort to defend it from any attack the insurgents might make. But in vain. The President in his timidity and CHAP. LVII. 1860. Nov. 874 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, trammels of party would not comply with this patriotic ■ request. The loyal people were astounded at this apathy or rem i ss ion of duty. The Legislature of South Carolina provided for the military defense of the State ; they were henceforth to be “a people happy, prosperous, and free.” The army and navy officers — natives of the State, more than sixty in number — were urged to resign their commissions and join the ranks of secession. “ Vigilance Associations” were formed throughout the State ; these assumed “ full power to decide all cases that might be brought before them,” “ power to arrest all suspicious white persons and bring them before the Executive Committee for trial,” to put down all negro preachings, prayer-meetings, and all con- gregations of negroes, that they (the Associations) might deem unlawful. Under these committees great numbers — . because they were from the North — of men and women, teachers, preachers, travelers, and others were driven from the State. D ec , The second session of the 36th Congress began, and 3* President Buchanan sent in his Annual Message, in which he ascribed the existing evils between the States to the “ violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, which had at length produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with some vague notions of freedom.” He announced that the revenue must be collected ; he denied the right of a State to secede, but he had no authority under the Constitution to coerce a State — a doctrine very consoling to those who had entered upon the treasonable attempt to break up the Union. He suggested that the late election of President did not afford just cause for dis- solving the Union ; that the incoming President could not, if he wished, interfere with slavery ; he was the executor of the laws, not the maker nor the expounder. These facts the disunion leaders well knew, but they were encour- aged by this announcement of non-coercion to urge the OCCUPATION OF FORT SUMTER. 875 slave States into secession before the new President was inaugurated. Discussions continued in both Houses of Congress ; resolutions in great numbers were introduced by the mem- bers, to be referred to the Committee of Thirty-three, which had been appointed on the state of the country. These resolutions show the state of feeling of the members on the subject, and indeed of all the people, their constitu- ents. Efforts were made by the committee to arrive at a satisfactory result by guaranteeing what the slaveowners desired, but it was soon seen that all conciliatory measures were vain; the secessionists did not want compromises; nothing short of absolute separation would satisfy them ; and the thinking portion of the people saw that no conces- sions would avert the calamity of an attempt to destroy the Union. Eloyd, the Secretary of War, early in December passed over to the Governor of South Carolina the United States arsenal at Charleston under the pretext of preventing its being seized by the mob. Here were 70,000 stand of arms, the quotas designed for several Southern States. On the day on which South Carolina seceded he sent an order to the commandant of the Alleghany arsenal, near Pittsburg, “ to ship 78 guns to Newport, near Galveston, Texas, and 46 guns to Ship Island, near Balize, at the mouth of the Mississippi river. ” These forts were far from being finished or ready for their guns, but they were to be slyly transferred to the secessionists. The loyal people of Pittsburg pro- tested against the shipment and the President counter- manded the order. These guns were ten and eight-inch columbiads, the largest and finest in the country. Three days after South Carolina seceded Major Robert Anderson, who was in command of the forts in Charleston Harbor, dismantling Fort Moultrie, spiking the guns and burning the carriages, evacuated it, taking with him its munitions of war, and occupied Fort Sumter. Prudence dictated this transfer, as no reinforcements came and Fort CHAP. lvh. I860. Dec. 24. Dec. 27. 876 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LYH. 1860 Moultrie could easily be takeu on the land side, as that was unfortified. Castle Pinckney, another fort, was dismantled in the same manner. This movement created the most intense excitement throughout the land ; the loyal portion thinking it an indi- cation that the government intended to resist the insurgents. In the South the spirit of rebellion was more than ever rampant. The leaders professed to believe this the first advance in “coercing” a State. Major Anderson had only seventy-nine effective men, but in that little band were no traitors. Ports Moultrie and Pinckney were at once occupied by the State militia, under orders from Governor Pickens. These were armed from the United States arsenal. It had been proclaimed that “our young men will do the storming and escalading ; our slaves will raise the crops, and make our ditches, glacis, and earthworks for our defense.” In accordance with this, more than a thousand negroes, sent by their masters, were put to work to repair the forts and mount guns. This could easily have been prevented by shells from Port Sumter’s guns, but Major Anderson had orders to act only on the defensive. Soon as possible com- missioners from Charleston came to Washington and de- manded of the President either to order Major Anderson to evacuate all the forts in the harbor or reoccupy Fort Moul- trie ! This demand, so arrogant in its manner and terms, was not granted. From this time onward the “vigilance committees” were a greater terror than ever to the Union men and women, especially those of Northern birth. The atrocities inflicted upon them and the free negroes would seem incredible in this age, if the spirit which inspired them is not recognized. The Collector of the Port of Charleston began to pay over to the State authorities the duties he collected. The President resolved to collect the duties on shipboard by sending a revenue cutter to lie off the harbor. He removed the Collector from office and nominated another ; this nom- COLLECTOR OE THE PORT OE CHARLESTON — YULEE’S LETTER. 877 ination he sent to the Senate for confirmation, but it was rejected by means of a few Northern Democratic Senators aiding those from the South. At a caucus held at Washington by the Senators from seven of the Southern States it was resolved to assume, for the present, the political control, and also the military affairs, of the South ; to advise the calling of a convention of delegates from these seceding States, to meet at Mont- gomery on the 13th of the following February ; to coerce the border States to secede, and in some way influence Maryland into a conflict with the National Government. They were of the opinion that by remaining in the Senate, though their States had seceded, they might prevent the passage of any measures such as the Volunteer, Force, or Loan bills, and thus disable the incoming administration from defending the Government’s authority. In a letter* written from Washington, and dated January 7th, Yulee, one of the Senators from Florida, says, in speaking of the above bills: “Whereas, by remaining in our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied and disable the Republicans from effect- ing any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming administration.” Yet these Senators were at this very time under oath to support the Constitution, and the Government. They assumed that Mi- ^Lincolp "v|ould be compelled to wait until a special session or the new 0oi\£ gress could assemble in order to vote supplies, authorize the necessary military expenses and calls for volunteers. These leaders in only one State, South Carolina, per- mitted the people to vote direct on the subject pf secession. The conventions, to which the people elected delegates with the understanding that their action was to be sub- mitted to them for their approval or rejection, took the responsibility to pass ordinances of secession, upon which they did not dare give the people an opportunity to pass * This letter, among other documents, was found at Fernan- dina, Florida, by the Union forces. CHAP. LVII. 1861. Jan. 6 . 1578 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP- judgment by their vote. This was contrary to their own — — constitutional form of making organic changes in their 1S61 ' own State government. Only one State — Louisiana in the entire South paid its own postage. The annual expense of carrying the mails in those States averaged annually about three and a half million of dollars more than the postage collected. This, however, was not assumed as one of the grounds of secession. The difficulties of the Kansas question, which had lasted over five years, were at length ended by that Terri- Jan. tory being admitted into the Union as a free State. A month later the Territories, Nevada, Colorado, and Daco- tah, were organized. Congress by its silence on the subject leaving the question of slavery to be acted upon by the people themselves, when they should apply for admission into the Union. Though the President elect had designed to journey in as quiet manner as possible from his home in Springfield, Illinois, to Washington, yet by the great anxiety of the people to see him be was induced to travel more slowly and to visit various places on the route. The Legislatures of the States through which he was to pass cordially invited him to visit their assemblies and become their guest. On the morning of his leaving home his neighbors U. crowded to the depot to bid him farewell. He made a feeling address, in the course of which he said: “My friends, no one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. A duty devolves upon me which is, perhaps, greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence upon which at all times he relied. I feel that I can not succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him. I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that same Divine assistance, with which success is certain.” He traveled slowly by special trains to Washington ; at all stations, towns and cities, throngs of Lincoln’s journey— confederate constitution. 879 people welcomed him, showing an intense interest, for at no time previous had a Chief Magistrate entered npon his office in circumstances so perilous to the nation. Delegates from six of the seceded States assembled in Convention at Montgomery, Alabama, to frame a constitu- tion for the Confederacy. They copied very closely that of the United States, only introducing articles in respect to slaves and slavery ; sanctioning the idea of property in man, which idea Madison and the other fathers of the United States Constitution repudiated. The Constitution of the Confederate States in one article reads; “Uo bill of at- tainder, or ex-post facto law , or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves, shall be passed. The convention established a provisional government and elected Jetferson Davis President, and A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. These were duly inaugurated, Davis making an address in which he assumed the right of the seceding States to take possession of the United States forts and property within their boundaries and settle for them afterward ; that “ the commercial world had an in- terest in our exports (meaning cotton) scarcely less than our own he suggested “ the well known resources for retalia- tion upon the commerce of an enemy.” — One of the most remarkable fallacies with which the disunion leaders de- ceived themselves was that England would aid them mate- rially in order to obtain cotton for her factories. Though the governing classes in that country, with but few excep- tions, gave the rebellion their sympathy, yet they were too politic to enter upon war to obtain cotton from these States when it could be had from other sources at a little greater expense. At this result the disappointment of the leaders of the Confederacy was beyond expression. On a par with this want of wisdom were their mistaken views of the character of the people of the free States. They seemed to forget that the industrial activity and energy which they had displayed in their onward progress would now be ap- plied to putting down a rebellion. CHAP. LVII. 1861. Feb. 4 . Feb. 18 . CHAP. LVIII. 1861 . Mar. 4 . CHAPTER LVIII. Lincoln’s administration. The Inauguration — Effect of the Inaugural.— Bombardment of Sum. ter.— The President’s Call for Volunteers. — The Responses.— Riot in Baltimore. — The Spirit of Loyalty.— Confederate Congress at Richmond.— FeeliDg in Missouri and Kentucky. — Advance into Virginia.— Col. Ellsworth’s Death.— Proclamations of Generals.— Instructions to United States Ministers Abroad.— English Neu- trality. — Big Bethel Skirmish. — West Virginia’s Loyalty.— Enemy Driven Out.— Battle of Bull Run.— The Effect.— Missouri —Battle of Wilsoo’s Creek. — Death of General Lyon — Kentucky’s Legis- lation.— Finances and the Army.— Ball’s Bluff Disaster.— Hatteras Expedition. — Mason and Slidell. — Battle of Belmont. — The In- vasion of Kentucky.— Battle of Mill Spring. — Davis’s Special Message. — Meeting of Congress. — The Union Army. — Edwin M. Stanton.— Capture of Forts Henry and Don^lson.— Confederate Retreat. The day of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration drew near ; as it approached the painful suspense and anxiety of the people increased. Rumors were afloat of plots to prevent the new President from assuming office, and indeed of threatened injury to his person. The military were called out under the orders of General Scott ; the first time in our history thought necessary to protect a Chief Magistrate from banded conspirators. In his inaugural the President an- nounced that he should enforce the laws of the Union in accordance with his oath of office. “The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property aud places belonging to the government, and collect the duties and imposts.” Alluding to the secessionists, he says : “The INFLUENCE OF THE INAUGURAL — THE CABINET. 881 government will not assail you ; you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. ” His manner betokened a man cool and determined, but of kindly in- stincts, and one who fully appreciated the novelty of his situation. The inaugural gave universal satisfaction, except to those who, from their open or secret opposition to the government, would not approve its sentiments of loyalty. It strengthened the Union men of the South and created a very favorable impression in the Border States. But the secessionists proclaimed it was a war measure, and the Confederate government issued orders for the people to prepare for the conflict. The Southern newspapers more fully expressed the views of the disunion leaders. They urged immediate action ; in the Border States they ex- pressed opposition to “ coercion” — a favorite term of those who wished to gain time for the inauguration of re- bellion. Mr. Lincoln’s principal cabinet officers were : William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of State ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War ; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of Navy. The Confederate government endeavored to ‘ 6 coerce” the Border States to join them, by prohibiting the importa- tion of slaves into the Confederacy from the United States, “ except by persons emigrating thereto for the purpose of settlement or residence.” This was specially aimed at Virginia, for the sale of surplus negroes from that State to the Cotton States averaged annually several million dollars. This law would materially affect that portion of the State east of the mountains, where the slaves were numerous, but not the portion west, where there were but few, and where the people were almost universally in favor of preserving the integrity of the Union. The Confederate authorities desired, by means of com- missioners, to treat as an independent nation with the United States government ; but as such they were not recognized. CHAP. LVIII. 1861. Mar. 11 . 882 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVTII. 1861. The inaugural gave encouragement to the Union senti- ment in the Border States. Kentucky refused to call a State Convention ; Tennessee, by a majority of 50,000, resolved to remain in the Uuion ; North Carolina appeared to be more loyal than ever, and even Virginia began to show strong attachment to the old order of things, but her people were not permitted to have a voice in theii own destiny. From the inauguration onward for some weeks. Fort Sumter was the subject of much anxiety both South and North ; the former with hopes it would be evacuated, the latter for the most part that it might be maintained, and its garrison reinforced, and above all that there should be no concessions to men with arms in their hands, setting the authority of the government at defiance. Mr. Lincoln, slow and cautious in judgment, determined that Sumter should not be evacuated but defended, and let the responsi- bility rest upon those who should make the attack. The United States Senate, then in session, was also opposed to the withdrawal of the garrison. A similar scene occured in the harbor of Pensacola. Lieutenant Slemmer evacuated Fort McRae and passed over to Fort Pickens, which, by the almost superhuman exer- tions of his men and with aid of marines from the ships of war off the harbor, he fortified and held the enemy at defiance. During the night, boats with muffled oars brought him provisions and munitions and men, landing them safely on the island on which stood the Fort. The government resolved to send provisions to Sumter ; preparations for this purpose were made in the port of New York. At Charleston, General G. T. Beauregard, unmo- lested by Anderson, had been for weeks fortifying points on the harbor to prevent ships entering, and also to attack Sumter if not surrendered. President Lincoln sent a mes- senger to inform Governor Pickens of his intention of sending provisions to the garrison of Fort Sumter. The steward of the Fort had been warned a few days before DAVIS PERPLEXED — BOMBARDMENT OF SUMTER. 883 that he would not be permitted to purchase fresh provisions in the Charleston market. Beauregard telegraphed to Jefferson Davis, at Mont- gomery, the information received from President Lincoln. The rebel Cabinet was deeply agitated ; should they take the awful responsibility of commencing civil war ? After two days came a telegram directing” Beauregard to demand the surrender of the fort as soon as possible. The demand was made with the promise of facilities for transporting the troops and their private property. Major Anderson courteously refused to surrender his trust, incidentally remarking to the messengers — Beauregard’s aids — that his provisions would last only for a few days. This refusal was telegraphed to Davis, and also the remark in respect to the provisions. Davis replied, saying : 44 If Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that in the meantime he will not use his guns against us, unless ours should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are thus to avoid the effusion of blood.” “ If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the fort as your judgment deems to be most practicable.” This was in substance communicated to Major Anderson, who replied, that unless he had orders from his Government or supplies he would evacuate by noon on the 15th inst. To this the “aids” answered, that fire would be opened upon Sumter in one hour from that time ; the surrender was not wanted, except by in- augurating war, — thus “ to fire the Southern Heart.” Promptly at the time indicated, April 12th, 4.20 a.m., a mortar on Sullivan Island gave the signal. This was followed by one gun from each of five batteries and a floating iron-clad. After a pause of a few moments fifty guns in concert threw forth their solid shot and shell upon the devoted Sumter and its garrison of seventy men. No reply was made ; the men were ordered out of danger ; at six o’clock breakfast was served ; the men were then detailed under their respective officers, with the intention CHAP. LVIII. 1861. Apr. 8 . Apr. 11 . Apr. 12 . 2.30 A. M. 884 HISTORY OF THE AMERICANS PEOPLE. CHAP. LVTII. 1861 . Apr. 14 of relieving each other from time to time. The first detail, under Captain Arthur Doubleday, fired the first gun at 7 a.h., then for nearly three hours solid shot had been pouring in, and shells were bursting every minute within the inclosure. The parapet guns, after a few rounds, were left, as the exposure was too great to man them. The men of the second and third details or reliefs refused to wait their turns, but insisted on joining in the fight ; and so vigorous were the discharges from Sumter that the enemy thought the fort must have been reinforced. All were inspired with patriotic zeal ; even some Irish laborers joined in with their native ardor for a fight. Presently one of the officers heard the report of a gun on the parapet ; going to see, he found a company of the laborers amusing them- selves in that exposed place by firing at the enemy. One of them exclaimed with great glee that he had hit the floating battery in the center. The soldiers characterized them as the “ Irish Irregulars.” During Friday night the mortar batteries kept up their fire to prevent the garrison making repairs, and at dawn all the guns opened. Now was fired red-hot balls, which set the barracks on fire, blew up one magazine and endangered another, so that to avoid further danger ninety barrels of powder were rolled into the sea. The heat and smoke became stifling, yet the brave fellows fought on breathing through wet cloths. For thirty-four hours had the bombardment lasted, when a boat was seen approaching from Fort Moultrie bearing a white flag. Negotiations began, and Anderson agreed to evacuate the fort. The troops were transferred to the Baltic steamer, which brought them to New York. No one of the Union soldiers nor of the enemy was killed in the conflict. Major Anderson from on board the steamer sent his report to Washington. After describing the ruin of the fort, he says in conclusion: The troops marched out with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away com- pany and private property, and saluting their flag with fifty guns.” THE SURRENDER — THE CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS. 885 The firing on Fort Sumter fired the Northern heart. The insult to the flag and the nation had marvelous effect upon the minds of the people. By this act the secessionists had alienated more or less their most influential friends in the non-slaveholding States ; could they have foretold the outburst of mingled sorrow and indignation that arose from all classes of persons, they would never have fired upon Fort Sumter without provocation. The hitherto sympa- thizers with the demands of the slave owners now, with but comparatively few exceptions, were as outspoken in condemnation of the act as those who had for years opposed those demands. There was an indescribable feeling of emotion pervading the minds of all ; one impulse seemed to move millions as one man ; a quiet determination of purpose took possession of the people more powerful than if it had been demonstra- tive. The news of the attack and surrender had been sent to wherever the telegraph extended, and on the day — the Sabbath — the solemnity of the worshipers was deep and all-absorbing. Earnest prayers went up from the pulpits and were earnestly responded to from the congregations, for the Nation and for direction in this momentous crisis. This single act in a few short hours had made rival political partisans a band of brothers; prejudices melted away before the heat of an overwhelming love of country, as if they had never reflected upon its blessings, until the at- tempt was made to destroy its unity. On Monday morning came the President’s proclamation calling for 75,000 men to serve for three months to enforce the laws which had been opposed “ and their execution obstructed in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- bama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas.” An appeal was made to all loyal citizens to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of the National Union. Responses to this appeal came at once from the loyal States ; volunteers were offered by thousands ; espe- cially prompt were the States of Pennsylvania, Massachu- CHAP LVI1I. 1861 . Apr. 15 . 886 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1861. setts, New York and Ohio. These anticipating this state of affairs had by legislative enactment placed their militia in a condition for prompt action. From the governors of the slave States — Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkan- sas — came responses within a few days, all refusing to send their quotas of men, Virginia, North Carolina and Tennes- see threatening to resist any attempt at “ coercion” on the part of the National Government. This was more the sentiment of the individual governors of these States than of the majority of the people, as it was afterward shown. Every governor of the Border States was in favor of the secessionists except Governor Hicks, of Maryland. So deeply was the plot laid that at first the National authorities were taken at great disadvantage, the usual case with re- bellions; the insurgents were prepared and therefore at first successful. Never before in the free States was there such an exhi- bition of love of country. The people were intelligent and familiar with the merits of the question at issue — union or disunion — and acted accordingly. The flag — the symbol of a united Nation — became almost an idol ; it floated from church steeples, from public buildings, from private houses, from mast heads ; it decorated the shops and offices along the streets ; the drayman put it on his horse and the engi- neer on his locomotive, while its beautiful colors were blended in rosettes and ribbons worn by matrons and mai- dens — all these manifestations told that the hearts of the people were with the government. Pennsylvania, being the nearest, was the first to place men in Washington ; six hundred of whom arrived there in four days after the call was issued. Massachusetts was really the first in the field in respect to readiness ; her men were finely drilled and armed, and within twenty-four hours after the telegram brought the call for troops nearly every company of the four regiments called for were in Boston PROMPTNESS OF VOLUNTEERS — THE ATTACK IN BALTIMORE. 887 ready to march. The mien left their workshops, stores and farms at a minute’s warning. Benjamin F. Butler was commissioned Brigadier-General of Volunteers, and ordered to Washington with two regi- ments, the Sixth and Eighth ; the Third and Fourth were sent by sea in steamers to Fortress Monroe, thus securing that important place to the nation. The Sixth, in passing through Baltimore, was attacked by a mob in the interest of secession, and three of the men were killed — the first blood shed in the great rebellion. This was the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, April 19th, 1775, and the nation entered upon a second struggle as a prelude to a still greater career of humane and industrial progress, to a higher plane of a Christianized civilization. It took eight years of war to establish our independence, and it took four years of war to make us a united people, in the course of which was removed the greatest drawback to the whole nation’s prog- ress. The spirit of loyalty in the free States continued to furnish men and means to sustain the cause. In less than a month more than $23,000,000 were given as a free offer- ing to the Government, and volunteers far beyond the num- ber called for. Lieutenant Jones, in command at Harper’s Ferry, learn- ed that a force of about 2,000 Virginians were on their way to pillage the armory. As he had but fifty men, he pru- dently destroyed all the war material, blew up the magazine and withdrew to Carlisle, Pa. The following day the IJ. S. Navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk, was destroyed. Satis- factory reasons for this wanton destruction of property, amounting to many millions’ worth, have never been given. The yard could have been defended with prompt action. About 2,000 cannon were thus furnished the disunionists, which they used during the whole war. Threats were frequently made by newspapers and public men in the interest of the slave States that Washington would soon be in the hands of the insurgents. Their CHAP. lviii. 1861 . Apr. 19 . Apr. 19 . 888 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN - PEOPLE. chap, authorities made the most strenuous exertions to increase LYIH. and organize an army. Jefferson Dayis first called for 1861. 22,000 men, and soon again for 20,000 more. Their Con- gress met in called session, and resolved to remove their seat of government from Montgomery to Richmond, intend- ing, no doubt, to “ coerce” Virginia to pass an ordinance May of secession, which the majority of the people of the State in an impartial vote would evidently oppose. Virginia’s self-constituted authorities handed her over, and she was graciously received into the Confederacy by this Congress, just assembled at Richmond. But the people were prom- ised the privilege of voting on this illegal ordinance of secession on the 23d instant ; however, before that day came, all persons expressing Union sentiments were either driven out of the eastern portion of the State or compelled to hold their peace. Even the Mayor of Richmond, by proclamation, enjoined the people to iuform him of any persons suspected of being Union in their sympathies (and Northern female teachers were advised by one of the news- papers not to talk). The election by the people was a farce. The portion of the State west of the Blue Ridge was almost free of slaves and could not be “dragooned” into secession ; the people there understood the question, and did not choose to fight in the cause, hence they refused to answer the call for troops by Governor Letcher for the Southern confederacy ; they also took measures to become separate from the Eastern portion, aud in a short time formed a new State known as West Virginia, which as such June in due time was admitted into the Uniou. The national government threw a protecting force into the new State under General George B. McClellan, and speedily West Vir- ginia was as free from armed secessionists as old Virginia of Unionists. In Tennessee the people’s vote was disregarded, though by a majority of 50,000 they had decided against secession, yet the legislature led by Isham G. Harris, the governor, in secret session adopted the Constitution of the Confederate west Virginia’s loyalty — outrages. 889 States : Upon this act the people were invited to vote on the 8th of the next month. Meantime, as customary, a series of outrages were perpetrated on the Union men, to prevent their voting against the usurpation. Arkansas also by resolution of a Convention declared herself out of the Union. The Convention proceeded to pass laws by which all moneys due Northern creditors were to be paid into the treasury of the State. The governor of Missouri — Claiborne F. Jackson — was a secessionist, and refused to furnish troops in response to President Lincoln’s requisition. But the people themselves, under the leadership of Frank P. Blair and B. Gratz Brown, raised in two months nearly 10,000 men. Captain Nathan- iel Lyon, who was in command at St. Louis, suddenly sur- rounded a rebel camp — Fort Jackson — and captured every man. These had assembled under the pretence of preserv- ing the peace of the State, and had been drilling for weeks ; their arms having been secretly sent them from Baton Rouge, Louisiana, whence they had been taken from the United States Arsenal. Previous to this, the energetic Captain Lyon, under orders from Washington, had trans- ferred the arms and war material from the arsenal at St. Louis to Springfield, Illinois. The German element in the population of St. Louis stood bravely for the Union in this crisis. Kentucky hesitated. She wanted to be neutral, but that policy was soon seen to be impossible. Under the influence of John C. Breckenridge, her young men were, for the most part, in favor of aiding the disloyal States. Mass meetings were, however, held in different places, and the most influential men of middle life and upward came out in favor of the Union. Kentucky was only saved by the presence of nearly 20,000 volunteers from the free States: over the Ohio river ; in truth Maryland and Missouri were also saved to the Union by their nearness to the free States. From the frequent recon noisances and surveys made by the confederates it was evident they intended to fortify the CHAP. LVIII. 1861. May 6 . 890 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, heights of Arlington, of Georgetown and Alexandria, across the river from Washington ; they had already occupied 1861 ' many points on the upper Potomac, ready to pass over into Maryland. The disunion leaders in the Cotton States had sent several thousand soldiers to this army now threatening the National Capital. These leaders had determined, as some of their papers indiscreetly stated, to make the border States, especially Virginia, the battle ground. They were willing to plunge the nation into war, but were anxious to have others suffer the consequences. Howell Cobb, the recent Secretary of the Treasury under Buchanan, said in a speech: “The people of the Gulf States need have no ap- prehension ; they might go on with their planting and their other business as usual ; the war would not come to their section ; its theater would be along the borders of the Ohio river and in Virginia.” In truth the Old Dominion was sadly desolated ; for four years, over her soil army after army passed and repassed. The devastation was inaugura- ted by the Confederates themselves, lest any sustenance or shelter should be found for the Union soldiers. General Scott anticipated the movements of the enemy by sending 10,000 troops in three divisions at 2 A. m. to seize the heights and fortify them. The Orange and Manassas railroad was seized, and on it a train having on board 300 Confederate soldiers, who were captured. Alex- May andria was also occupied. In this town over the “ Marshall House ” had floated for weeks a secession flag, which could be seen from the President’s mansion, and to which it was given out the flag was designed as a taunt. Colonel Elmer Ellsworth, of the Zouaves, seeing the flag floating, deter- mined to get possession of it. He ascended to the roof, pulled down the flag, and when descending was shot and instantly killed by the proprietor of the house, who a moment after was shot dead by a private soldier who had accompanied the Colonel. The death of young Ellsworth was felt throughout the land, as he possessed remarkable qualities as a commander and disciplinarian. CONCILIATORY SPIRIT — BEAUREGARD^ PROCLAMATION. 891 General Irwin McDowell, in command of the Union forces, issued a proclamation in which he enjoined all the officers to make “ statements of the amount, kind and value of all private property taken or used for government purposes, and the damage done in any way to private prop- erty, that justice may be done alike to private citizens and government.” This is given to show the conciliatory spirit of the National Government ; these regulations were en- forced. Beauregard, in command of the Confederates, a few days later issued a counter-proclamation to the Virginia people in which he said : “ A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal and constitutional restraints, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and impressing your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and out- rage too shocking and revolting to humanity to he enum- erated.” It is due to the truth of history that these facts should be noticed, as it was by such gross misrepresentations the mass of the people of the South were deceived before and during the war. The Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, announced to our ministers abroad the policy of the Government in relation to foreign intervention. To Charles Francis Adams, at the British Court, he wrote : “ You will make no admissions of weakness in our Constitution, or any apprehensions on the part of the Government.” “ You will in no case listen to any suggestions of compromises by this Government under foreign auspices with its discontented citizens.” To Mr. Dayton, Minister to France, he said : “ The President neither expects nor desires any intervention, nor even any favor, from the government of France or any other in the emergency.” “ If several European States should combine in that intervention, the President and the people of the United States deem the Union, which would then be at stake, worth all the cost and all the sacrifice of a contest CHAP. lviii. 1861. May 11 . 892 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVHI. 1861. May 21 . with all the world in arms if such a contest should prove inevitable.” In respect to the blockade the Secretary wrote to Mr. Adams : “ You say that by our own laws, and the laws of nations, this Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from National ports, which have been seized by insurgents in the equitable form of blockade, is a proper means to that end. You will not insist that our blockade is to be respected if it is not maintained by a competent force ; you will add that the blockade is now, and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be respected by Great Britain.” The astonishment of the American people at the posi- tion taken by England almost equaled their indignation. For many years invectives without number were thrown upon them, especially those of the free States, by influen- tial persons in England, because they did not take political measures to abolish slavery, and thus violate the com- promises of the Constitution made in other days, when the moral, political and economical evils of the system were not so well known. But now, when the slave States had entered upon a war to protect and extend slavery, they had, with few excep- tions, the full sympathy of the ruling class of England. Swift sailing vessels and steamers, with little hindrance on the part of the government, were fitted out from her ports laden with munitions of war to aid the Rebellion. The Queen, or rather the government, issued a proclamation of professed neutrality, putting the Confederates on the same footing as the United States Government. The cotton manufacturers and the iron interests, representing many millions of money, and employing several hundred thousand operatives, were in favor of recognizing the Con- federacy. The former of these were nearly ruined by the want of cotton, which was cut off by the blockade, and the latter by the loss of the American market, as the tariffs BIG BETHEL — NATIONAL FORCE IN WEST VIRGINIA. 893 imposed to meet the extraordinary expenses incurred by the civil war had also given the American iron-masters reasons to extend their works, and they soon were able to supply the wants of the country. General B. F. Butler was transferred from Baltimore to Fortress Monroe. The Confederates, under General Magruder, occupied prominent points commanding the approaches to Richmond, while Yorktown and Gloucester Point were also fortified. General Butler resolved, by a night movement, to surprise and capture two positions of the enemy in the vicinity — Little Bethel and Big Bethel. The latter the stronger, and under the immediate command of Magruder. The plan was well arranged, and the troops set out on their night march, in order to attack Little Bethel at daylight. But two of the regiments came into collision, by some mistake made in the darkness, and fired into each other till the mistake was discovered. This firing gave information to the enemy, and those in Little Bethel hastily retreated to the larger and better fortified position. Meantime, the other portion of the Federal troops hearing the firing, fell back, lest they should be taken in flank. In the morning the disappointed Federals came together ; a conference was held, and it was rashly determined to attack Big Bethel, whose guns commanded the approach. The result was a repulse, as might have been expected, yet the soldiers, some of whom had only been under arms a few weeks, stood the fire well. Here fell two of the most accomplished men in the command — Lieutenant Greble, of the United States Artillery, and Theodore Winthrop, secre- tary and aid to General Butler. An election held in West Virginia shows that the great majority of the people of that section were true and loyal to the National Government. A few days afterward a force was thrown across the Ohio at several points. This force made short work with the armed enemy of West Virginia ; driving out both them and the troops seut to their aid by the Confederacy. CHAP. LVITI. 1861. May 10 . June 11 . 894 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LYin. 1861 . May 26 : June 11 . June 12 . General McClellan opened the campaign by issuing a proclamation, in which was promised protection to the lives and property of the Union men from the armed enemy who were preying upon them. Grafton, an important point at the junction of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway with that of Northwest Virginia, was occupied by the enemy, who, hearing of the advance, evacuated that place, after destroy- ing, as far as possible, culverts and railway bridges. The next place was Philippi, where the enemy were routed and scattered in a spirited fight, they leaving all their muni- tions ; they, however, made a strenuous but unsuccessful attempt to recover their lost ground. A great deal of leniency was shown to the disloyal portion of the inhabit- ants, which policy they but little appreciated. A Confeder- ate force was concentrated at Rich Mountain ; though strongly entrenched. General Rosecrans attacked them so vigorously that, under General Pegram, they retreated in the night in order to reach General Garnet’s main force at Laurel Hill ; but they became entangled in the woods, and food failing, six hundred of them surrendered as prisoners of war. When this was known, General Garnet rapidly retreated, throwing away his superfluous baggage. He passed along Cheat River, hoping by means of by-paths to reach the Valley of the Shenandoah. Though he impeded the pursuers by breaking down bridges and felling trees across the road, yet in spite of these obstructions the Union forces overtook him at Carrick’s Ford. Garnet here made a stand to confront his indefatigable pursuers. He had taken a strong position on a hill whose base was densely covered by a jungle of laurel bushes ; with him were 2.000 men, and a reserve of 3,000 men in the rear. Rosecrans made a dem- onstration in front at the Ford, while a portion of his men, by a flank movement, groped their way through the jungle and to the top of the hill, and with a shout rushed on the enemy, captured one of the guns commanding the Ford, and drove them before them. Garnet behaved with great bravery, but presently fell pierced by a rifle ball. BULL BUN. 895 Then his men, panic-stricken, fled in confusion, and reach- ing the reserves in the rear, the panic was communicated to them and they also fled, only one regiment of Georgians making a short stand. These prisoners were treated with great kindness, clothed and fed, and unwisely permitted to simply take the oath of allegiance to the United States Government and then dismissed. Large numbers of these men, violating their oath, were soon found in the Confeder- ate ranks. The rebel loss in these conflicts was about 1,500 killed, wounded and prisoners, while the Union loss was only 20 killed and 60 wounded. General McClellan was relieved and ordered to Washing- ton ; General Rosecrans taking command of the Union forces in West Virginia. Preparations were made for a general advance of the troops in the vicinity of Washington early in July. The troops under General Patterson on the Upper Potomac ; those under McClellan — the extreme right — from West Vir- ginia ; and the forces under McDowell extending along the river opposite Washington ; these all were to advance and gradually contract their lines around Richmond. The plan was General Scott’s. General McDowell was to move direct upon Manassas Junction, on the railroad twenty-seven miles from Alexandria, an important strategic position held by the enemy. General Patterson had already moved from Chambersburg, Pa., and reached the Potomac and passed over, General Joe Johnston, in command of the Confeder- ates in the Valley of the Shenandoah, falling back, after destroying what was left of the armory at Harper’s Ferry and transferring the machinery to Richmond, there to be used in the service of the rebellion to the close of the war. Patterson also issued his proclamation, promising pro- tection to loyal men and private property, and the troops were enjoined to suppress any insurrection of the slaves. Ruin was found along the pathway of the retreating Con- federate army ; it was they who inaugurated the system of desolating the country through which they passed, nor till CHAP. LYIII. 1861 . July 22 . June 16 . 896 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. ^ ie nex ^ ^ ear was ai U retaliation practiced by the Federal armies, and that but seldom. Patterson had about 23,000 men, but he seemed to act without a fixed purpose or design ; for some unexplained reason he recrossed the Potomac and fell back to Hagers- town, he said in consequence of orders from Washington, and the enemy returned to the south side of the river. Then again he crossed the Potomac at Williamsport, and appeared to hesitate, taking no responsibility. The cam- July paign seemed aimless. The enemy now fell back beyond Martinsburg toward Winchester, where Johnston was said to have an army of 15,000 men well supplied with artillery. Patterson occupied Martinsburg. His orders were to press Johnston and prevent his reinforcing Beauregard at Manas- sas ; but he hesitated, and soon it was discovered that Johnston and his whole army had marched southward, yet July he lingered till he heard of the disaster at Bull Run. The Government should have put in command of these troops a regularly educated military officer, and not have risked so much by entrusting them to incompetent hands. Meantime the Union troops were moving toward Manas- sas Junction, the enemy making but little resistance and falling back till they made a stand at Blackburn’s Ford at Bull Run Creek, which they strongly fortified. McDowell resolved to turn the enemy’s position and reach the Manas- sas Gap Railway, and thus intercept reinforcements from Winchester, as he fully expected Patterson to hold John- ston in check so that he could not bring aid to Beaure- gard. McDowell made his arrangements to flank the enemy by crossing the creek at other fords. Parties sent out to reconnoitre on Saturday reported they had heard steam- whistles and the distant rumblings of railroad trains. It was learned after the battle that these trains had brought a portion of Johnston’s forces. ^ The various divisions of the Union army, but not in 21. perfect concert, advanced to cross the fords. Owing to BULL RUN. 897 want of discipline some of these divisions were behind the chap. time appointed — daylight — to cross the fords nearly three hours. Of this want of concert the enemy availed them- selves. They soon discovered the attack in front was a feint, and from that point they withdrew large detachments to be used elsewhere. The contest was a brave one on both sides, but desultory in the extreme, as might be expected from inexperienced men, nine-tenths of whom were going into battle for the first time. In different parts of the field the Confederates were driven from time to time and would recover ; batteries of cannon changed hands more than once. Finally the Federals drove the enemy nearly two miles, and deemed the victory won. The Union troops had been in motion from 2 a.m., and had been fighting from ten o’clock, and at 3 p.m., were resting when they were surprised and suddenly attacked by about 5,000 troops fresh from a train from Winchester. At this crisis the other Confederates, thus encouraged, renewed the conflict with vigor. The Union forces were thrown into con- fusion and retreated in disorder, and being undisciplined could not be as a whole effectually rallied. Yet individual regiments one after another stood in the way and fought gallantly, retarding the advance of the enemy till the strag- glers could retire to the rear. While the soldiers of both armies were inexperienced and but partially disciplined, they fought worthy of their fathers. The Union forces lost 481 killed and 1,011 wounded, the Confederates 296 killed and 1,533 wounded. This success of the insurgents made known to the people of the free States that the rebel- lion could only be put down by hard fighting. “ Beaure- gard’s victory at Manassas Junction inspired the Confede- rates with such confidence that they had not doubted for a single instant but that the North had received a mortal blow.” “ But a few men, such as General Lee and General Joe Johnston and others, alone recognized the vital impor- tance of the struggle in which they were engaged, and they 898 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1861. June 13. Juno 17. ceased not to warn the Southern people against their foolish imprudence. 1 Missouri being a Border State, the people were much divided, but the majority were in favor of the union, especially might this be said of the entire German popula- tion. Governor Jackson had fled from the capital at Jef- ferson City after issuing a flaming proclamation calling for 50,000 men to repel the invaders, meaning the U. S. troops under Captain Lyon. The Governor had slipped off up the river with steamers laden with the State ordnance. The energetic Lyon went in pursuit in steamers the same evening, and sent troops by land in the same direction to seize railroads and protect bridges and to intercept the fugi- tive governor and his adherents, the main body moving to Rolla, the then terminus of the South Pacific railway. Lyon first stopped at the capital and installed a Military Governor, Colonel Boernstein, then with three steamers, on board of which were troops and field artillery, he continued the pursuit, landing near Booneville, a few miles below where Jackson and Sterling Price, a former governor of the State, had made an entrenched camp, and had a motley crowd, composed largely of the outside voters we have seen in the Kansas difficulties. After landing Lyon marched at once to assault the camp, but met the enemy on their way to oppose his landing ; he immediately attacked them and after a few minutes they fled, taking refuge in their camp ; this they also soon abandoned, scattering in all directions. About 40 of them were killed and great numbers made prisoners. Jackson and Price both fled toward the South, where they expected to join troops from Arkansas and Texas under General Rains and the famous Texan ranger, Ben McCullough. Lyon was sadly in want of reinforcements, but as all the troops were at that time sent to protect Washington, he was compelled to pursue the enemy with insufficient force. 1 Childe’s Life of Lee, p. 60. THE REBEL RETREAT — SIGEL’S MASTERLY RETREAT. 899 He sent forward Colonel Franz Sigel, who soon arrived, at chap. Springfield, in the south-western portion of the State ; thence lie advanced rapidly toward Carthage, to find all the 1861 ' insurgents united under Jackson, Price, and other chiefs. Though the enemy numbered 5,500 and a battery of five guns, and Sigel’s force only 1,500 men and eight guns, two of which were twelve pounders, yet he did not hesitate to attack. He found them drawn up on a rising ground on the prairie ; that morning they expected, as they expressed it, “to wipe out the Hutch hirelings. ” The battle com- menced and the centre guns of the enemy were soon silenced, and they pulled down the secession flag and raised that of the State ; upon this Sigel’s men were unwilling to fire. .Presently the rebel cavalry, being very numerous, began to outflank the Unionists and Sigel fell back to protect his train. He held the enemy in check, pouring in at the proper moment “ a shower of canister and shrapnel shell ” until he reached Springfield, in spite of the numer- ous force around him. The next day the insurgents were reinforced by about 5,000 Texans under Ben McCullough. Five days after the battle General Lyon arrived at Spring- field, which place the enemy almost surrounded. The Missouri State Convention, largely composed of Union men, took action by electing provisional State offi- July cers. The people of the State respected the authority of the convention. General Lyon ascertained that the enemy, 23,000 strong, were concentrating at Wilson’s Creek ten miles south of Springfield, and were preparing some onward movement. He resolved to anticipate them. The entire Federal force marched from their entrenchments at Springfield in two divisions — the one under Lyon, the other under Sigel — to surprise the enemy before they made their advance. Lyon was to attack the front at daylight, and Sigel the rear at the same time Both were prompt, and one of the fiercest battles thus far began ; in front the enemy were driven from the field. Lyon greatly exposed himself and was wounded Aug 9-10 900 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1861 . Oct. 16 . twice. The enemy rallied and made a desperate effort to re- gain what they had lost but were most severely repulsed by the cool determination of the Iowans, who lying close on the brow of a hill let their foe come within 40 feet before firing upon them. They recoiled in confusion and finally fell back down the hill. It was seen that they were about to make another attempt, and Lyon desired his men to charge bayonets as soon as they had discharged their pieces. “ Who will lead us?” exclaimed the men. “ I will myself,” said the general. “Come on, my brave men.” The enemy came up but only fired and did not wait for the bayonet charge but fled down the hill. General Lyon was killed by this dis- charge. He was universally regretted, being one of the most accomplished officers in the United States Army. Meantime General Sigel was also successful in driving the enemy before him, but was at length greatly out- numbered by encountering a large force in his front and compelled to retreat, losing five cannons, three of which the soldiers spiked. This was a drawn battle. The Union army lost 263 killed and 721 wounded ; the rebels, 421 killed and more than a thousand wounded. The Union army under Major Sturgis fell back to Springfield, and finally to Rolla, the terminus of the railway, holding the enemy at bay, who now overran Southern Missouri, driving the Union men from their homes and pillaging the people generally. General J. C. Fremont assumed command in Missouri about the last of July. The rebels pushed their line of devastation up to Lex- ington on the Missouri River. This place was defended in the most heroic manner by Colonel Mulligan and his “ Irish Brigade” — of 2,640 men, — but finally, when the enemy increased to nearly 20,000, he surrendered. This was but a barren victory, as the enemy were compelled to retreat rap- idly toward the south, pursued by Fremont, who, after commencing the fortification of St. Louis, and organizing the forces already in the State and those collected at his call from other States, had taken the field (Sept. 26/ nimself. THE IRISH BRIGADE — A PROCLAMATION". 901 Fremont was crippled for want of transportation, arms, clothing, and men. Yet, at a critical moment came to him an order from the Secretary of War and General Scott “ to send 5,000 well-armed infantry to Washington without a moment’s delay.” Fremont, too, had issued a proclama- tion, in which he had declared the State under martial taw ; threatening, among the penalties, the freedom of the insurgents’ slaves. The latter clause offended those of the Union men who owned slaves, and at the suggestion of President Lincoln he modified that clause to read, “all slaves who have been employed on rebel military works.” But it raised a clamor among the politicians that did not cease till Fremont was superseded, when General Halleck assumed command of the “ Department of the West.” Fremont’s career at the West was brief — only one hun- dred days ; but, being a man of military instincts and training, he showed in that time a sagacity which was not allowed fair practical development. In that brief time he was the first to suggest and inaugurate the following prac- tices, then widely decried, but without which the war would not have been successfully concluded : the free use of cavalry (strongly opposed by General Scott and others) ; exchange of prisoners with the enemy ; fortification of large cities, to allow armies to take the field ; building of river gun-boats for interior operations at the West ; and, the emancipation of the slaves. In short, he contributed more than is generally credited to him. After the Union disaster at Bull Bun the Confeder- ates endeavored to regain West Virginia; sending a large force under Henry A. Wise and John B. Floyd. The latter was defeated by Bosecrans at Carnifex Ferry on Gauley River, but under favor of darkness fled, his men leaving all their munitions except what they could carry. General Robert E. Lee was sent with 9,000 men to drive the Fed- eral s from Cheat Mountain, but after several conflicts he was defeated and compelled to retreat east. Kentucky in a recent election for Members of Congress CHAP. LVIII. 1861. Nov. 12 . Sept. 10 . Sept 4. 902 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP LVHL 1861. July 1 . Sept. 3 . Sept. 6 . • had shown herself loyal by a majority of 55,000 ; though her Governor, MacGoffin, was a secessionist, and so was General Buckner, the commander of the State Guards. The latter, treacherously betraying his trust, went over to the support of the rebellion. John C. Brecken ridge, who was in the United States Senate, and so much exercised because President Lincoln, as he argued, had violated the Constitution in calling out the 75,000 men to enforce the laws, threw all his influence in favor of the enemy, thus more than usual corrupting tbe loyalty of the young men of the State. The Legislature met and passed laws over the Governor’s veto to furnish money to arm the State against invasion on either side, and preserve her neutrality ; that phantom soon vanished. A hostile force advanced from Tennessee, and taking possession fortified two points on the Ohio river — Hickman and Chalk Bluffs. On the same day General Zol- licoffer, with an army occupied Cumberland Gap, in the eastern part of the State, intending thereby to cut off the Union men of East Tennessee from aid either from Ken- tucky or the Federal army. This concerted movement made it plain to the most obtuse that the Confederates, as had been their selfish plan, were, in order to save the “Cotton States,” about to make the Border States the battle-field. General U. S. Grant, who was in command at Cairo, 111., at the mouth of the Ohio, immediately telegraphed the fact of the rebel invasion to the Kentucky Legislature, then in session. That body at once passed a resolution inviting General Robert Anderson, of Sumter memory, to enter upon his duties in the “ Department of Kentucky,” to which he had been assigned by President Lincoln. Thus far there were no United States troops stationed in the State, and the only soldiers were enlisted Kentuckians. Grant did not wait for orders, but at once passed over into Kentucky, landing at Paducah ; issuing a proclama- tion, as was the custom in those days, to the effect that he GRANT’S ADVANCE — LOYALTY — CONGRESS. 903 had come to protect the people and aid them in driving the chap. hostile invaders from the State. General Anderson assumed command, and the Legisla- ture called out “for defense against the invaders” 40,000 men, and by law disfranchised those Kentuckians who had voluntarily joined the enemy if they did not return to their allegiance to the State. The neutrality of Kentucky was at an end. The disaster at Bull Kun rendered the people of the free States intensely anxious ; fears were entertained of a rapid advance on Washington itself. That such an advance was not made is due to the opposition of Jefferson Davis, who thought the measure premature. At this crisis the terms of the first men called out were about to expire, and now a call was made for men to serve three years. The new rousing of the patriotism of the loyal North was sub- lime : regiments came into existence as if raised by magic ; even the sympathizers with the rebellion cowered before the enthusiasm and determination evoked to repel the advance of the insurgents ; yet they continued to the end to dis- parage every loyal victory and exaggerate every defeat. Congress was equal to the emergency ; they passed a bill authorising the enlisting of 500,000 men and appropriated 500,000,000 dollars, to carry on the war. They also passed an act confiscating all slaves used by the rebels for military Aug. purposes ; all slaves within the Federal lines were to be em- 2 - ployed upon the works and paid as day laborers. General Butler had applied the term “Contraband of war” to the slaves escaping from their masters to his army at Fortress Monroe ; although orders had been issued that such runa- ways should be restored, he delayed to comply with the order. Great care was taken by the National Government to conciliate the slave owners, but without success. Gen. McClellan entered upon his duties with commend- Aug. able zeal ; Washington was fortified thoroughly, there being no less than thirty-two forts constructed at different points 904 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. an d. garrisoned. But his great work was to bring order out of disorder, to discipline the numerous new soldiers that 1861 a Q ct ‘ had crowded by steamboat and railway to the capital. 15. This great work he was fully competent to perform, and it was as fully accomplished. By the middle of October he had 150,000 men under his immediate command. No advances were made, except reconnoitering expeditions to ascertain the positions of the enemy and their designs. The Confederates, under General Evans, made a feint of evacuating Leesburg, in order to draw some one of these reconnoitering parties into an ambuscade. General Stone was in command in that vicinity. He ordered Colonel Baker to cross the Potomac and try the enemy, for it was well known that Leesburg was well fortified. The crossing was made, but the enemy remained quiet until the Federals were within their power. Then occurred a terrific battle Oct- and slaughter, compared with the numbers engaged — and Ball’s Bluff disaster is the saddest of the war. General Stone sent an order to Colonel Baker warning him of danger, as the enemy were reported to be in strong force. This order was given to Baker on the battle-field, who asked the bearer what it was. The answer was, “ All right, go ahead.” Colonel Baker put the order in his hat without reading it, and went “ ahead” straight into the trap laid for him by the cunning enemy. After the battle the order was found in the colonel’s hat, stained with his own blood. Lieutenant-General Scott asked to be placed on the retired list, on account of his age and infirmities. This request was granted. The President and his Cabinet going to the general’s quarters to respectfully hid him farewell as Get commander-in-chief of the armies of the Republic. General McClellan was appointed to succeed him, and he at once assumed command. A combined naval and land expedition was planned at Fortress Monroe, where the veteran General Wool was now in command — Butler having been relieved and ordered to active duty. A fleet of three frigates, fifty guns each, and HATTERAS EXPEDITION. 905 four vessels of smaller size, besides transports and tug-boats to carry the land force. No person knew the destination, except a few of the officers, till the expedition was fully out at sea. The fleet was under Commodore Stringham, and the land forces under General Butler. The object was to capture and hold the two forts — Hatteras and Clark — at the entrance of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, in order to break up the contraband trade by which English blockade runners supplied the insurgents with munitions of war, in exchange for tar, turpentine and cotton. Fort Hatteras was a very strong battery, nearly sur- rounded by water ; Fort Clark, 700 yards distant, was not as strong. Almost on their arrival the frigates opened on the forts, while the transports landed their men some four miles distant. Hatteras replied with spirit, but wildly, and the Union frigates poured in their solid shot and shell, literally tearing the fort to pieces. Toward evening a storm arose and the vessels were forced to withdraw to the offing ; in the morning the weather was clear and the frigates opened again upon Fort Hatteras. Meantime, the land forces occupied Fort Clark, which the enemy had aban- doned. At 11 a.m., a white flag was run up on Fort Hatteras ; both forts were unconditionally surrendered. More than 600 prisoners were taken, while not a Union soldier was injured. For a number of days the men amused themselves in capturing English blockade runners, who, not having learned of the capture, entered the inlet as usual. The blockade was enforced as much as possible along the coast, with its multitude of inlets and harbors, some of which had one or two entrances. Two months later a similar expedition set out from Fortress Monroe. Commodore Dupont commanded the navy, and General Thomas W. Sherman the land forces. This expedition consisted of seventy-seven vessels, of all classes — steamers and sailers, steam-tugs, and ocean steam- ers as transports, and fifteen gunboats and one steam frigate, the Wabash. Among the great ocean steamers was CHAP. LVIII. 1861 . Aug. 29 . 906 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, the Vanderbilt , afterward presented to the Government by Cornelius Vanderbilt. These vessels were nearly all volun- q®** teers — the ship-owners were not behind in their sacrifices 29. for the cause. The whole expedition moved from Fortress Monroe ; its destination was not generally known till it arrived off Port Royal, South Carolina, the finest harbor on the South Atlantic coast. After some unavoidable delays the gunboats and the Wabash were ready for the bombard- ment of the forts on each side of the channel. The vessels Nov. moved in an ellipse. As they passed up the stream they poured in a deadly fire of solid shot and shell on the forts on one side of the channel, then as they returned paid their respects to the forts on the other side ; the most promi- nent, Hilton Head, was deemed invulnerable. The vessels thus moving passed in and out of the range of the rebel guns. The Wabash came within six hundred yards of Hilton Head, while the gunboats of smaller draft came close in shore and enfiladed the enemy’s works. The Con- federates could not stand the storm, but leaving everything fled to the woods. The bombardment lasted four hours. The Federals captured about forty pieces of ordnance, mostly of the heaviest caliber and of the most approved patterns, and an immense quantity of ammunition. The village of Beaufort was occupied. It was made the hospital headquarters during the war for that section, and a resting- place for the sick soldiers, weakened so much by the debili- tating influence of the climate. After the capture of Hilton Head and the adjacent islands the enemy began to burn the cotton, lest it should fall into the hands of the Union soldiers. The whole heavens were lighted up night after night by the raging fires. The unanimity with which the people of the free States responded to the calls of the Government, both for men and money, was truly marvelous. From April 15, 1861, when Mr. Lincoln’s proclamation was issued, to August 15th, more than 500,000 volunteers had answered to these calls. Of these 375,000 were actually in the field. The COMPOSITION OF UNION ARMIES. 907 Government, from the first, determined to depend upon the chap. people themselves, not only for soldiers, but for the means to defray the expenses of the war. In strictness there was not a mercenary in the Union armies ; there were those of foreign birth, but they were either citizens by adoption and oath of allegiance, or had declared, according to law, their intention to become citizens ; they received pay for their services, which was just and proper. When the call for money was made, the banks of the principal cities imme- diately loaned the government fifty million dollars. Then the appeal was made to the people at large, who could sub- scribe in small sums according to their ability. The rapid- ity with which this loan was taken proved the earnest loyalty as well as the intelligence of the peojfie of the free States. The interest on this loan was at the rate of seven and three-tenths per cent., or two cents a day on $100. To raise more revenue a heavy tariff was imposed on foreign merchandise and manufactures. The result was great devel- opment in the manufacturing industries of the land, and an abundance of employment given to those of moderate means, whose only capital was their skill and hands. Never before did they move so energetically in their industrial pursuits. On a dark and stormy night one of the English blockade runners, the steamer Theodora , slipped out of Charleston harbor, having on board John M. Mason of Virginia, au- thor of the fugitive slave law of 1850, and John Slidell, of Louisiana, as special envoys to Great Britain and France. They were landed at Cardenas, Cuba ; thence made their way to Havana, where they went aboard the English mail steamer Trent. Captain Charles Wilkes of the United States steam sloop of war San Jacinto , and who, when a lieutenant, had commanded a voyage of scientific discovery -^ ov round the world, overhauled the Trent and demanded the 8. envoys, who were delivered up to him. Captain Wilkes called at Fortress Monroe, sent his dispatches to Washington, and then steamed for New York, where he received orders to send the envoys to Fort AVarren, in Boston harbor, at which 908 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1861. place they were delivered. The news of this capture caused unprecedented excitement throughout the land. The peo- ple, with the greatest enthusiasm, approved the action of Captain Wilkes. But the absorbing question arose, what will be the result ? Captain Wilkes justified himself, show- ing his authority from writers on international law, but more from English precedent. It was well known that our war with England in 1812 arose in part from the fact that English cruisers assumed the right to board neutral ships on the high seas and search them for articles contraband of war. Wilkes deemed the envoys contraband. The United States Government had always denied the right, and fought to maintain its opposite. The British Government, in cour- teous terms, due to the influence of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert, who both sympathized with the North in the rebellion, demanded the release of the envoys. They were returned more in accordance with the American idea that it was wrong to seize neutral vessels on the high seas than from precedent derived from British custom. Indeed before the demand came the matter had been amicably arranged between Lord Lyons, the British Minister, and Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State. As Captain Wilkes, who was on his return from a three years’ cruise, had arrested these men without orders, the act was disavowed, and no cause of war remained. Meantime great excitement prevailed in En- gland. War preparations were made in great haste, and troops were sent to Canada. The disappointment of the Confederate authorities was almost unbounded. They had hoped it would lead at least to a collision with England, and perhaps to their material aid. King Cotton had already failed them, and now they were to derive no benefit from the capture of the envoys. The enemy under Bishop Leonidas Polk, who had been made a Major-General, held a strongly fortified position at Columbus, Kentucky ; on the other side of the river, at Belmont in Missouri, was a well fortified camp. General Grant, then at Cairo, resolved to break up the latter, as BATTLE OF BELMONT. 909 from there expeditions could be easily sent into Missouri or up or down the river. With about 3,000 men aboard steam- ers and escorted by the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, the Union soldiers landed four miles above Belmont and at once took up their march toward the encampment. In about a mile they fell in with the enemy and drove them “ foot by foot and from tree to tree back to their encampment on the river’s bank, a distance of over two miles;” as they drew near, suddenly was heard firing and cheers on the rear of the enemy. The Illinoisians, under Colonel Napoleon B. Buford, had made a detour rapidly and were now closing in ; a combined movement was made upon three sides of the enemy’s works, which were soon in possession of the Union forces; “The rebels passing over the river bank and into their transports in quick time.” The object was accom- plished ; Grant destroyed all the munitions and property of the camp, and then fell back to his transports. Meantime Polk had sent troops to attack the Federals on their way back but without success. Bishop Polk reported ; “It was a hard fought battle lasting from half past ten a.m. to five p.m;” he judged Grant’s force to be 7,000 strong. The Federals lost 84 killed and 288 wounded ; the enemy’s loss was never accurately known. The enemy had taken possession of Cumberland Gap to prevent the Unionists of East Tennessee from being aided by United States troops. The Union men of that section displayed the most heroic patriotism of any portion of the country ; and the Confederate authorities thought it of the highest importance to prevent that section being occupied by Union forces, lest they should cut in twain “ The Empire of the South.” General William T. Sherman, who had succeeded Anderson in Kentucky, was of the same opinion, but the authorities at Washington seemed to think other- wise. If that point had been occupied in force, communi- cation with Cincinnati and the North could have been kept open. The persecutions and outrages inflicted upon the CHAP. LVIIL 1861. Nov. 7. 910 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1861 . Nov. 15 . Jan. 17 . Union men were fiercer in East Tennessee than in any por- tion East of the Mississippi. General Buell assumed command in Kentucky, and he withdrew the Union troops from the eastern portion of the State as a large rebel force was reported to he in the vicinity of Bowling Green, an important and strategic point, and that their intention was to move North and capture Louis- ville, and a strenous effort must be made to drive them from the State. The Union men of the State turned out nobly in aid of the cause more than 18,000 who never flinched in in battle ; and yet the State had furnished many thousands of misguided young men to the very army which was now invading and foraging in their native State. In the eastern portion of the State a series of skirmishes had taken place in which the enemy, often worsted, were driven from point to point, but finally they concentrated under General Zollicoffer, and made an attack on the Union forces under General Thomas at Logan’s farm — this battle is known as that of Mill Spring, though that was eight miles distant. General Thomas had made his arrangements to attack the Confederates in their intrenchments ; but they them- selves had thought to attack Thomas in a similar manner. They, accordingly, left their entrenchments after dark on a Saturday night, and the next morning at seven o’clock drove in the Federal pickets. Word was speedily given that the enemy were in force, and in less than half an hour the Union soldiers were in line of battle, a detachment, meanwhile, holding the foe in check. The conflict was severe, and the lines wavered back and forth for hours. The Confederates had protected themselves by an extempor- ized bulwark of fence rails and a barn. Between them and the woods where the Federal soldiers were, was an open field. Colonel McCook determined to capture these defenses, and he ordered the Ninth Ohio, Germans, to fix bayonets ; then moving along the front, he shouted, “ My invincible Ger- mans, charge!” A moment afterward the whole regiment was in the open field, and with shouts rushed upon the REBEL FINANCES — SLAVERY AGAIN IN CONGRESS. 911 enemy, who lingered for a moment as if bewildered, and then fled. The Union troops with cheers advanced the whole line, and their defeat was complete ; nor did they stop till they reached their entrenchments, eight miles dis- tant. The Union forces pushed on, and late in the after- noon commenced a sharp cannonade. Night came on, and Thomas made preparation to assault in the morning. At daylight the ramparts were scaled, but not a man was to be seen. The night before the enemy had fled silently, leaving everything in their camp, lest the noise of destroying their munitions should betray their design. Their commander. General Zollicoffer, had been killed, and they were com- pletely demoralized and abandoned all their fortifications in that region. The way was now open to occupy Cumberland and Pound Gaps, and an entrance into East Tennessee, so much dreaded by the Confederate authorities ; but General Thomas was ordered to cooperate with the Federal advance toward Bowling Green and Nashville. Jefferson Davis sent in a special message to the Confed- erate Congress. This document was evidently designed to produce a certain effect, especially in England and France, to whose courts he had just sent the two envoys. Every conflict thus far had resulted in a glorious victory for the rebels ; not a word was said of the progress of the Federal cause in Missouri, Kentucky, and West Virginia ; not a word of the capture of Hatteras, or Hilton Head, or Beau- fort. The cotton-spinners of England were kindly admon- ished that the blockade might diminish the supply of that article. He proclaimed that the financial system adopted had worked well, when the general impression was that “their National Loan and the Cotton and Produce Loan” were failures. The question of the slave came more directly than usual before Congress on its assembling. A change was in prog- ress among thinking minds in the free States in respect to his position in this contest. He was used by the nation’s CHAP. LVI1I. 1861 . Nov. 18 . Dec. 2 . 912 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. yfrAi*- enemies to build fortifications, to raise corn and cotton, to » support and protect the families of those who were in the armies of the rebellion. He had been happily characterized as a “contraband” of war; yet commanders in the field had usually treated him as a slave, and in some instances, when a fugitive in the Union army, he had been restored to his master when the latter was disloyal. The annual report of the Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron, favored negro eman- cipation, and remuneration to the loyal slave owners. The same report stated that the total number in the army was: infantry, 568,383 ; cavalry, 59,398; artillery, 24,686 ; rifles and sharpshooters, 8,395 ; engineers, 107. In the aggregate, 660,971, of which 20,334 were of the reg- ular army. The rebel army numbered about 350.000 men. There is no data for an accurate estimate, as they usually exaggerated their numbers before a battle and depreciated them afterward. Around Washington an army of about 200,000 was drilling during the summer and the entire autumn, and no doubt was as well disciplined as any such body of men could be. The people became impatient that this numerous and well appointed army should lie idle so long ; and the sol- diers themselves became equally impatient. The roads were in perfect order for an advance on the enemy, and the weather all that could be wished. The enemy were almost iu sight, flaunting their flags and holding their entrench- ments, while their newspapers sneered at the want of energy in the Union commander. In other portions of the country the Union generals made advances and were successful in West Virginia, Missouri and Kentucky, but “ All is quiet on the Potomac ” had passed into a proverb. The enemy went deliberately into winter quarters in the vicinity of Centreville and along the upper Potomac. The people began to feel there was something mysterious in this delay. Jan. The President appointed Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of l 5 * War in place of Mr. Cameron, resigned. The new Secre- tary, by his untiring energy and intense loyalty, was most FORT HENRY CAPTURED. 913 efficient in promoting the Union cause ; stern and inflexible chap. in character, obedient only to the dictates of duty. It was planned, when the stage of water in the Ten- nessee and the Cumberland would admit of the free passage of the gunboats, to penetrate the Confederacy along these rivers, and thus turn the strongholds of the enemy at Colum- bus, on the Mississippi, and at Bowling Green, in Southern Kentucky. Captain A. H. Foote had been detailed from the United States Navy to command the western flotilla of gunboats. These boats were of somewhat different con- struction from the ocean-going, being flat-bottomed and not plated so heavily ; indeed some of them, from the lightness of their armor, were jocosely styled “ tin-clads.” Grant had about 30,000 men gathered at Cairo, Paducah and Bird’s Point. Reconnoissances, which had sorely distracted the enemy, both by land and water, ascertained the positions of their forces. At length the expedition was ready to move ; ten regi- Feb. ments, with their artillery and cavalry, embarked on transports at Cairo. The steamers headed up stream to Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee, and up that river. The Confederates now learned that Fort Henry was to be attacked. Captain Foote, with his gunboats, bore the steamers company. Four miles below the fort the troops under General McClernand disembarked, Foote meanwhile shelling the woods in search of the enemy. The following day transports brought more troops and General Grant. Captain Foote wished the attack to be deferred for a day, so that the fort could be so invested as to secure the prisoners, assuming that he himself could subdue the fort before the troops could get in position. The gunboats had not yet been tried, and both Grant and his officers evidently did not have the faith in them that the captain had. Feb. Prompt at the hour, 11 A. m., General McClernand moved to throw his division on the road leading from Fort Henry to Fort Donelson on the Cumberland. Captain Foote also ,914 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIII. 1862. moved at the same time, and passing up on the west side of an island, and, the water being high, over obstructions put in the channel, suddenly came into the river near the fort. The gunboats took their position and began to throw shots and shells, and approached nearer and nearer ; so terrible was the storm that the earthworks crumbled away and nearly one half of the fort’s guns were dismounted, and the infantry supports of the artillery fled, the insurgent flag was hauled down and the fort surrendered unconditionally. Only 130 prisoners were secured, the remainder escaped, as the Union forces were not yet in position to capture them, for, true to his word, Foote had subdued the fort in one hour and fifteen minutes. The astonishment at the success of the gunboats was as great among the army and its officers as the wholesome dread with which they inspired the Con- federates. Unfortunately the boiler of the Essex gunboat was struck by a cannon ball, and the issuing steam scalded twenty-four of the men and killed four instantly, otherwise the boats were scarcely injured. The captain sent gunboats in pursuit of the steamers, which they overtook and destroyed, and also transports laden with supplies for the enemy. They ascended to Florence, Ala., making clean work of all war material on the river. The Union gunboats, at almost every point, were welcomed by the people. Captain Foote returned on the evening of the battle to Cairo, to repair damages to the boats and prepare for the expedition against Fort Donelson on the west bank of the Cumberland, twelve miles east of Fort Henry. The Confederates deemed it of the greatest importance to hold this place. Thither General A. Sidney Johnston had sent troops under John B. Floyd and Buckner, the former having chief command. The main fort stood on a gradually rising hill ; the top, or plateau, contained about one hundred acres. The crest of this plateau was encircled by rifle pits, and artillery com- manded every approach, and it was deemed impregnable by FORT DOKELSOK. 915 the enemy. West and south of the fort were hills densely wooded and filled with ravines. Grant moved from Fort Henry and invested Donelson on the afternoon of the same day. The next day were fierce artillery duels; sharpshooters on both sides were busy ; desperate sorties by the enemy were repulsed ; and an equally desperate attempt to capture a battery that annoyed the Union army was made by McClernand’s order, but after a heroic effort failed. The next morning Captain Foote came up with six gun- boats, and at 2 p. m. commenced the bombardment of the fort. The boats came within 350 yards of the water bat- tery. For more than an hour the battle raged. Only two of the enemy’s guns were able to reply, when a chance shot cut the tiller chain of the Louisville. The boat veered round and exposed her side, and another such shot broke the rudder post, and she was carried helplessly down the current. Encouraged by this mishap, the enemy directed all their fire on the St. Louis, the flag boat, a heavy battery on the hill joining in. The St. Louis was soon as helpless as the Louisville, one of her side wheels being broken by a solid shot, and she too floated down the stream after having been struck fifty-nine times. An assault had been intended all along the enemy’s line when the fleet had silenced the guns in the water forts. After the result was known General Grant consulted with Foote, and it was deemed best to repair the gunboats and wait for the mortar floats, that were not in readiness when Foote left Cairo at the peremptory command of Halleck. Meantime the enemy became alarmed lest they should be so hemmed in that they could not escape, and they resolved to cut their way out by dislodging their besiegers. Accord- ingly at dawn of day the next morning they moved out in three divisions, intending to converge to one point of attack on the Federal right next the river ; but they unex- pectedly found the Union army prepared in front of their own earthworks, and before they were formed in line CHAP. LYIII. 1862 . Feb. 12 . Feb. 14 . Feb 15 . 916 HISTORY OE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LVIIL 1862. of battle they were attacked and held in check, but only to make another attempt, and thus on the south side of the fort the conflict waged for five hours. Regiment after regiment of these inexperienced Union soldiers took their places and remained till their ammunition was exhausted, and they were relieved by fresh troops. Many of these when their cartridges failed begged to be led in a bayonet charge against the enemy. Such was the spirit of this whole army. The battle for the most part was fought in a forest with a dense undergrowth, which much impeded rapid movements. The Confederates thus far had made desperate aggressive attempts. Now Grant, who had been absent holding a consultation with Captain Foote, in turn determined to assault their lines, and he ordered the Federals, about one p.m., to carry the enemy’s position by assault. This was most handsomely done, the enemy being driven at the point of the bayonet to their inner works. On the Federal right a similar assault was made, with the same result. The Union army held all their advanced positions during the night, and were preparing to renew the attack in the morning. This gloomy night was passed in bringing within the Union lines the wound- ed, scattered over a space of two miles and a half. The Union soldiers and the Confederates fared alike, being cared for with equal kindness. There was evidently commotion in the enemy’s camp. In the morning, when the Union lines advanced at daylight to the assault, numerous muskets were held up along their ramparts displaying white flags. The advance halted, and General Buckner desired to negotiate. He was left in command ; Floyd and Pillow had slipped off up the river with some of their followers on board a transport, and left Buckner to bear the stigma of surrendering. He wished for an armistice and terms of capitulation. General Grant refused the request, and replied, “ No terms except uncon- ditional and immediate surrender can be accepted ; I pur- pose to move immediately on your works.” Buckner at DONELSOl* CAPTURED. 917 once surrendered. The number of prisoners was nearly 14,000, and their killed and wounded 1,300 ; and all the guns and military stores, an immense amount. This vic- tory sent dismay into the Confederacy, while the rejoicings in the loyal States were great. The activity and energy of the Western undrilled armies were contrasted with the inactivity and discipline that reigned around Washington. Immediately after this capture the enemy evacuated Bowling Green and moved toward Nashville, which place they merely passed through, destroying, in their haste, both the railway and suspension bridges over the Cumber- land — an unnecessary destruction of property, as their ruin scarcely impeded the Union army. The Legislature with the Governor left in haste. The beautiful city was occupied by Federal forces and order restored. That stronghold Columbus, on the Mississippi, was also evacu- ated on the receipt of the news of the fall of Fort Don- elson. CHAP. LVIII. 1862 . Feb. 23 . Feb. 25 . CH APTEE LIX. LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION — CONTINUED. Burnside’s Expedition to North Carolina— Capture of Newbern— Bat- tle of Pea Ridge— Capture of New Madrid and Island No 10— Battle of Pittsburg Landing or Shiloh— Capture of New Orleans— Death of Admiral Foote— Battle of river iron clads— Capture of Mem- phis — Evacuation of Corinth — Plans of movements on Rich- mond— The Merrimac and Monitor duel. lix. ’ On the Atlantic coast a naval and laud expedition under Commander Goldsboro and General A. E. Burnside was fitted out, against Koanoke Island — the scene of Sir Walter Ealeigh’s colony 1 — and to make a demonstration on the coast of North Carolina, to encourage the Union men, and also create a diversion south of Eichmond and Norfolk. In approaching Albemarle Sound the rebel fleet and an earthwork known as Fort Barton were encounted ; the ene- my’s fleet soon retired out of harm’s way, and Goldsboro opened upon the fort, but was not able to reduce it after a bombardment of some hours. During the night the troops ■^g b * landed, and in the morning, under General Foster, moved to the attack over a swampy and difficult way. On the march they came upon a battery, protected by a swamp on either side ; Foster flanked the battery right and left, and when the Union soldiers came out upon their rear flanks, the enemy threw down their arms and fled. This success was Hist. pp. 72-74. ROANOKE — CAPTURE OF NEWBERN. 919 followed up and their entire force — about 3,000 — on the chap. island of Roanoke was captured. 1862 Burnside issued the usual proclamation, promising pro- tection to those engaged in their usual avocations and enjoining the Union soldiers not to injure private property on their march. Roanoke Island became the base of opera- tions ; and from it were sent out many expeditions which essentially interfered with the English blockade runners by seizing harbors and filling channels of approach. The most important capture of Newbern on the Ueuse was accomplished by a combined land and naval force. The troops landed 17 miles below the town, and marched up the road along the river bank and a railway track from Beau- fort, the gunboats by their shells keeping the enemy at a respectful distance. About three miles below the town was found a formidable fieldwork, which promised to offer much resistance. This fortification was flanked by a swamp and Burnside sent a detachment round, while he pressed the enemy in front ; the detachment appeared on the flank, but the Confederates held their ground until a Rhode Island regiment, on the run, charged bayonet and changed the tide of battle; other Union troops pressed on and the rout was complete. A portion of the fleeing enemy reached a train of cars and carried the news of defeat to Newbern. ,, Mar. There, as was their custom, they began to burn a bridge 14.* and all the rosin and turpentine, and the steamers at the wharf, two of which were saved by the United States gun- boats. The enemy had wantonly set the town on fire, but the citizens with aid from the United States Marines suc- ceded in putting it out, though not until the best Hotel and the Court House and many private residences were con- sumed. General Foster was installed as Military Governor in Newbern. Other places in the vicinity were captured, such as Beau- fort and Washington, on Pamlico River. Fort Macon, a strong fortification built by the United States Government to protect the harbor of Beaufort, was reduced after a bom- 920 HISTORY OF THE AHERICAX PEOPLE. CHAP LIX. 1862. Mar. 1 . Mar. • bardment of eleven hours. This secured the blockading ■ fleet one of the finest and safest harbors on the coast. Major-General S. R. Curtis was directed by General Hal- leck to drive Generals Price and Pains and their bands out of Missouri into Arkansas. Curtis was soon on the march toward Springfield, where Price and his band had been for some time. The latter took the alarm and hastily retreated South, Curtis pursuing and the enemy retreat- ing, till at length they reached the Boston Mountains. Curtis learned that they were concentrating against him under General Van Dorn, whose army numbered about 34,000 men ; of these Ben McCullough had 13,000 — out- numbering the Union army more than four to one. These made attacks on the various Federal divisions as they came up, but were always repulsed. At length they concentrated at Pea Ridge in Arkansas, and the enemy advanced to give battle, which raged all day on the Federal right with, scarcely a cessation. The ground was hilly and covered with thick underbrush and broken up by ravines. On the left wing the contest was equally stubborn, but more varied in result. Ben McCullough made a desperate assault upon Colonel Oesterhaus, of Sigel’s division, but Curtis ordered up Davis’s troops to the Colonel’s aid, and the combined force drove the enemy headlong from the field, they leaving dead their commanding generals, McIntosh and Ben McCul- lough — the latter the master-spirit of their army. Success had also crowned the left wing. During the night both armies lay on their arms ; the Union soldiers resting for the first time in two days’ marching and sleepless nights. At sunrise the battle was renewed, and raged most of the day along the whole line, nearly three miles ; Sigel handling his artillery with wonderful rapidity and effect. Every attempt to break the Union line was foiled. For more than two hours this continued, when Sigel began to advance his part of the line ; the enemy sought shelter in the woods, but the Federals charged through their shelter and drove them with the bayonet to an open field beyond. ISLAND NO. 10. 921 when they broke and fled in all directions. Thus ended the two days’ fight at Pea Kidge. Never before had the enemy suffered so disastrous a defeat. Soon after those who had not deserted were transferred to the army of General S. A. Johnston, again to meet the Union soldiers under General Grant. The National Government never lost sight of the im- portance of the control of the Mississippi river, and to that end Admiral Foote directed his attention in connection with a land force under General Pope. The enemy made the most strenuous exertions to retain their hold of the great river as a most important source of supplies, both beyond it and on its tributaries. The islands in the Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio downward are designated by numbers. The Confed- erates chose available points on the river to fortify, such as New Madrid in Missouri, opposite Island No. 10, Tipton- ville in Kentucky, and No. 10 itself — all three within sup- porting distance. To this island they had directed special attention, Beauregard, their best engineer, superintending the works and pronouncing them impregnable. In conse- quence here were collected vast military stores and provi- sions as for a long siege. Admiral Foote was to bombard No. 10, and at the same time Pope to capture New Madrid. The latter found the town fortified by earthworks and defended by three gun- boats, which, because of the high water in the river, were able to sweep its banks, and in the face of these guns it would be impossible to hold the town if captured. He therefore sent to Cairo for siege guns — 24 pounders. These soon came, and during the night time were placed in posi- tion within 800 yards of the enemy’s main fortification, and in the morning opened upon the astonished enemy, every shot telling with fine effect, dismounting several of their heaviest guns. The shot also reached their gunboats and steamers in the river, compelling them to hasten out of range. A night of storm and rain came on, and in the: CHAP. LIX. 1862. Mas 3 . 922 HISTORY OF THE AHERICAH PEOPLE. chap, morning, just as the guns were about to reopen, a white flag was seen approaching. The messenger brought word that Mar. the enem y had evacuated the fort, abandoning everything, 14. and the town authorities wished to surrender. Immediately after the surrender General Pope prepared to cooperate with Admiral Foote in the reduction of No. 10. The latter came down with his gun-boats and mortar- floats, and for twenty-two days bombarded the island, but without effecting any great break in the works. The whole west shore of the river opposite the island was under water from the spring freshets, and Pope had no transports to carry his men to the east side of the river, and they could not pass the batteries on No. 10. Pope determined, at the suggestion of General Hamilton, to cut a canal across the peninsula, in the rear of New Madrid, to the river below, and pass through this the transports. By an ingenious apparatus the trees were sawed off four and a half feet below the surface of the overflowing water, and thus a passage was made for the transports which at once passed through. This unique canal was twelve miles long and fifty feet wide. On the evening of the day on which this canal was finished, the gunboat Carondelet , in the midst of a thun- derstorm, ran past the batteries on No. 10, and two nights after the gunboat Pittsburg performed the same feat. These boats soon silenced the rebel batteries along the river below. May and by midnight of the same day Pope’s army was across the river and pushing for Tipton ville to intercept the enemy fleeing from No. 10, which place, it was rumored, they were evacuating. Early the next morning No. 10 surrendered to Admiral Foote “17 officers, 363 soldiers, 70 heavy cannon, ranging from 32 to 100 pounders, the latter rifled, and an immense amount of other military stores, four steamers and a floating battery.” Meanwhile Pope had intercepted the retreating foe, who laid down their arms, surrendering unconditionally as prisoners of war, in all nearly 7,000. A few days before the surrender Beauregard left No. 10. This defeat and loss was a source of great mortification to the REBEL ARMY— BATTLE OF SHILOH. 923 Confederate authorities, and was equally a gratification to the loyal people of the free States. General Grant and his army left Nashville and marched for the Tennessee River, which they reached, about 240 miles from its month, at an obscure place of three or four houses, known as Pittsburg Landing, but now famous in the annals of the war. General Buell soon after began the march with his Divis- ion for the same place. The ultimate point sought was Corinth, a strategic position in Northern Mississippi on the Memphis and Charleston railway. For two months the enemy had been concentrating here, and fortifying the hills in the immediate vicinity, General A. S. Johnston first in command, and Beauregard second. The most strenuous efforts were made to resist the Union army; Manassas and Centre ville were evacuated — McClellan by his inactivity permitting it — and their lines drawn more closely around Richmond ; in order to spare troops for this emer- gency; General Bragg was ordered from Pensacola with his well-drilled artillery and infantry; Columbus was evacuated and under General-Bishop Polk the garrison marched to the same point ; and from Arkansas, late from Pea Ridge, came General Van Dorn, bringing 15,000 men. The enemy advanced from their stronghold to meet Grant’s army at the crossing, and if possible crush him before Buell could bring up his forces. The Union army had crossed over and was stationed in a semi-circle, the center in the front of the road to Corinth, the left extending round to the river at Hamburg, four miles distant. The Shiloh meeting-house stood directly out in the country, two and a half miles from the landing ; around this church was the principal conflict, hence the Confederates name the battle Shiloh. The coun- try west of the landing is rough, and covered with a dense forest of scrub-oak and black jack, with here and there an open field. The enemy skirmished more or less for two days, no doubt to ascertain the Federal position. Early Sunday morning they drove in the advanced CHAP. LIX. 1862 . Mar. 18 . 924 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LIX. 1862. Apr. 6 . Federal pickets. The entire division flew to arms and awaited the enemy’s advance. After an hour’s waiting they came on, attacking the center ; and, extending their line by an oblique movement, threw an overwhelming force upon the left, driving the Federals back and capturing General Prentiss and his regiment almost entire. They pressed on, turning to the left, but were held in check by three Illinois regiments till they were overpowered and forced to retire, losing three guns. General W. T. Sher- man still held his first line at the meeting-house until the enemy passed round to his rear, when he fell back and took a new position. e applied in such manner as to be the same in effect tiiroughont the whole United States. It became a matter of expediency as well as an alternative to give the colored race the ballot, that they might have the means thus far to protect themselves from unfriendly legisla- tion. theform in which their individual rights had just been assailed. The freedman was an illiterate — enforced to lie such — but illiterate whites were not disfranchised : for the time he was ignorant — -perhaps more so than a majority of the illiterate whites. ENABLING ACT — REGISTRATION. 1043 The fourteenth and fifteenth amendments of the Con- stitution apply to all the States of the Union. If the. State of New York should by an act of her people de- prive her German or Irish population of the right of suf- frage, she could be legally deprived in the same propor- tion of her representatives in Congress ; no more, no less than South Carolina could be if she denied her colored population the right of suffrage. The Constitution is thus designed to protect all classes of citizens, for it reads (Fourteenth amend., sec. 2) : “ When the right to vote is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such [a] State, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.” Congress took measures to reconstruct the Union on principles of equity, that if fully carried out would secure the civil rights of all citizens. They first passed (over the President’s veto) “ The enabling act to provide efficient governments for the insurrectionary States.” Then “ the Registration Act” (based on the “ Civil Rights Bill ”) by which the provisional governors were directed in their several States to order a complete registration of all the male citizens over twenty-one years of age, with- out reference to color or former condition of life. This registration was to be completed by September 1st, be- fore the election, which was to be held for delegates to conventions to form State constitutions. Under this il act” the colored men were recognized as citizens, and, having registered soon after as such, for the first time, voted. Why may not reconstruction on principles of right and justice, be noted in our history as the starting-point for the continuous advancement of the material progress CHAP. LXV. 1868 , 1870 . 1867 , Mar. 23 . Sept. 1 . 1044 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHA.P. LXY. 1867. of the Nation ? It was then that the Union was totally freed from the inenbns of slavery — only its debris of ignorance and improvidence remaining ; these two evils in a generation or two can he overcome. The col- ored people in their sphere as laborers are essential in the South to furnish their share in the more perfect advancement of the whole country, and this act of just- ice encourages them to prepare themselves and their children to fulfill the duties of their station, and by education — intellectual and moral — and by industry, make their lives successful. The reconstruction measures thus founded on justice and equity are comprehensive in their character, and in the end must have a beneficial influence upon the Xation. The slaves of the Roman empire were originally pris- oners of war, but they belonged to the white race, and when they became freedmen, they took their places as citizens on an equality ; to them their misfortunes were not attributed as a disqualification. The case of the negro is different from that of all others in history ; never before had a people of a different origin — a race physically so distinct and placed in so inferior condition — with the depressing influence of six generations of servitude, been made citizens; they having been ex- cluded by law, as far as possible, from the benefits of the advancing civilization during the last two hundred years. Reconstruction was a result of the humanizing influ- ence of Christianity in the minds of the loyal portion of the American people ; they would not sanction the hold- ing of the freedmen in a condition bordering on that of their former bondage, and in which they could not make available the means of elevating themselves and their children. THE IMPEACHMENT. 1045 In due time the seceded States adopted the requisite amendments, and were readmitted to the Union, and their senators and representatives to their seats in Con- gress. The last to come in were the States of North and South Carolina, Louisiana, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, Texas, and Florida. Some of these had been unrepre- sented in Congress for seven years. Nebraska was admitted into the Union as a State, making the thirty-seventh. The same year Alaska was purchased from Russia for the sum of $7,200,000 in gold. This immense region of 500,000 square miles is chiefly valuable for its fine fisheries, and for seal skins, the most important product, and also for its harbors on the Pacific coast. Congress had passed a law entitled The Tenure of Office Bill, by which the consent of the Senate was necessary to the removal from office of any officer whose nomination by the President had to be confirmed by that body. The President, in violation of this law and during the recess of Congress, desired to remove that most effi- cient officer Edwin M. Stanton, the Secretary of War, from his position. Great political excitement grew out of these proceedings, which resulted in the impeachment of the President, by a resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives, “ for high crimes and misdemeanors.” His trial ended in his acquittal, as a two thirds vote of the Senate failed, by one vote, to pronounce him guilty. This is the only instance of a President of the United States being impeached. An important treaty was made with the Chinese Em- pire, by which religious toleration was guaranteed to citi- zens of the United States residing in China, and the same privilege was extended to Chinese residents in this coun- CHAP. LXV. 1867. 1046 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXY. 1867. try. This treaty was followed by an embassy from that empire to the United States, which it is hoped will have a most favorable influence upon the policy of that sc eluded empire. In the election for President the Republican party nominated for the presidency and vice-presidency Gen- eral U. S. Grant of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax of In- diana. and the Democratic party, Horatio Seymour of New York, and General Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Mis- souri. The former were elected, and General Grant was inaugurated President 4th of March, 1869. CHAP TEE LX VI. grant’s administrations. Pacific Railway.— The Fifteenth Amendment. — Death of General Lee. — State Rights Influence. — Alabama Claims. — Fraudulent Voting. — The Ku-Klux-Klan. — Enforcement Act. — Signal Service. — Fires. — Manu- factures; Iron; Silk. — Railroad Panic. — The Bill for Resumption of Specie Payments.— New Orleans Riots. — The Indian Question. — Col- orado State. — Deaths. — Census of 1870. — Centennial. — Presidential Election. — Greeley; Sumner. — Influences binding the Union. — Civil Service Reform. — Platforms. — Electoral Commission. When Ulysses S. Grant entered upon the office of Presi- dent the civil war had been concluded about four years ; the direful effects on the South had been rapidly disappear- ing ; all the States, by means of reconstruction, were once more under the old flag, and the nation had already entered upon a career of progress untrammeled by the incumbrance of slavery to retard advancement and to serve as an irritat- ing element, as it had been for two generations. The President appointed ex-Governor Hamilton Fish, of New York, Secretary of State. During this year the Pacific Railroad, extending from Omaha, Neb. , to San Francisco, 1,913 miles, was finished; it supplied the link uniting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. This was a work of great magnitude — entered upon in time of civil war, but pressed to the end by untiring energy. The United States aided in building this road by liberal grants of public lands and otherwise. The Fifteenth Amendment, which reads, “ The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of color or previous condition of servitude,” was adopted, and became the law of the land. This completed the CHAP. LXV. 1869. Mar. 4 . 1870 . Mar 30 . 1048 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLB. CHAP. LX VI. 1870. 1875. 1870. Oct. 12 . amendments to the Constitution deemed necessary for the protection of the freedmen in their new relation as citizens. They have manifold difficulties to overcome, but their prog- ress in industry and their endeavor to educate themselves and their children, and to acquire frugal habits, are the cheering features in their case. Too much, unfortunately, has been expected of them as citizens. The degradation of their previous condition has not produced that self-respect so necessary to success in life, and it will take time, and both moral and intellectual improvement, to obliterate the effects of such an influence. A feeling of kindness between the former masters and the freedmen is increasing from year to year, and as the industries of the late slaveholding States increase and their resources develop, the latter, as laborers at least, will doubtless perform their share in this general progress. “Vow,” wrote Vice-President Wilson, “the colored race, though little accustomed to habits of economy and thrift, possess millions of property, has hundreds of thou- sands of children in schools, has been clothed with civil and political rights, occupies high positions at home, and has representatives in Congress.” General Robert E. Lee died October 12, 1870. He had won for himself the respect of the people of the loyal States, aud was the idol of those of his own section. He was a Christian and a gentleman ; reserved in manner, but of the kindliest disposition. He was opposed to the secession leaders, and had but little respect for their states- manship ; looking upon them as mere politicians. He be- lieved that the war might have been avoided had it not been for extremists in both sections. Says he, “ I did believe at the time that it was an unnecessary condition of affairs, and might have been avoided if forbearance and wisdom had been practiced on both sides.” He wrote. Jan. 6th. 1861, “1 cannot anticipate so great a calamity to the nation as the dissolution of the Union.” When the war was over he accepted the situation, and used his influence DEATH OF GENERAL LEE — STATE RIGHTS INFLUENCE. 1049 for the reconciliation of the North and South. He was elected president of Washington College in his native State, in which important and useful office he spent the remainder of his life ; and there used all his influence to direct the young men to become Christians and good citizens, and true lovers of the ivhole country. A mother brought her two sons to enter the college, and in his presence loudly expressed her hatred of the North ; the dignified president, interrupting her, said, “ Madam, don’t bring up your sons to detest the United States government. Recollect that we form but one country noiv; abandon all these local animosities, and make your sons Americans .” 1 He foresaw the ruin of his own Virginia in case of a civil war, and it was through agonies of spirit that he decided to go with her. “ My husband has wept tears of blood,” Mrs. Lee wrote to a friend, “ over this terrible war ; but he must, as a man and a Virginian, share the destiny of his State, which has solemnly pronounced for independence .” 2 H is decision, no doubt, was owing; to the unconscious influence of the extreme views taken of the doctrine of State Rights, which affected the minds of many of the Southern statesmen of that period to such an extent as to cramp their political ideas. Unlike the statesmen of former times, they were so much engaged in plans of special legis- lation for “the peculiar institution,” that their statesman- ship was dwarfed ; in consequence, their views of policy were more sectional than national ; never grasping the whole land in its diversities of climate and manifold indus- tries and institutions. Governments, in theory at least, have been formed to last for all time, and these leaders betrayed their want of true statesmanship when in their Constitution they embodied the doctrine of State Sover- eignty to such an extent as to provide, in the very organi- zation of their government, for its own dissolution — the only instance known to history of such inconsistency. During the rebellion and at its close the loyal people and Life of Lee, p. 331. 2 Life of Lee, p. 31. CHAP LXIV. 1870. 1050 HISTORY OF THE AMERICANS' PEOPLE. CHAP. LXYT. isro. 18 * 1 . Jan. 26 . May 8. Congress felt keenly indignant that the English rulers should have given aid to the Confederates and manifested so much sympathy for their cause. “ We charged and believed that Great Britain and her colonies had been the arsenal, the navy-yard, and the treasury of the Confederacy.” But “with generous forbearance” the United States Govern- ment chose to obtain redress by negotiation, and a treaty was made, the Earl of Clarendon acting on the part of the English Government and Hon. Reverdy Johnson, an emi- nent lawyer, acting on the part of the United States. Senator Charles Sumner made a scathing analysis of this treaty when it came before the Senate for ratification, and it was rejected. His argument and the rejection irritated the English people exceedingly ; but time and reflection revealed to them that Sumner’s statements were so clear and so true that the United States had just reason to com- plain of England’s lack of good faith as a neutral, and they began to regret sincerely there should be differences of an unfriendly character between the two nations of all others so nearly related, which feeling came now to be reciprocated by the people of the United States. General Grant, soon after the rejection of the treaty, be- came President, and he recommended to Congress to appoint a commission to audit the claims of American citi- zens on Great Britain for losses by Confederate cruisers permitted to leave English ports to prey on American com- merce, in order to have them assumed by the government itself. Soon after this the English government proposed to that of the United States a joint High Commission, to hold its sessions at Washington, to settle some questions in respect to boundaries between the two countries. The President consented on condition that the Alabama claims, so-called, should also be considered. This led to the second treaty of Washington (the first in 1842). 1 Five Commis- sioners were sent by the British Government, men of emi- nence, who met the same number, of equal character, 3 Hist., pp. 739-741. ENGLISH CRUISERS — TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 1051 appointed by the President. This treaty, from the prin- ciples involved in its action, is a noble example of nations settling their controversies by negotiation, and the arbitration of justice and reason, rather than by the barbar- ous arbitrament of the sword. The Commissioners made their work complete. By authority of the Queen the Brit- ish negotiators expressed ‘‘in a friendly spirit the regret felt by Her Majesty’s Government for the escape, under whatever circumstances, of the Alabama and other vessels” — there were eighteen, including tenders — from British ports and for depredations committed by them. There were in all five different subjects of controversy between the two nations, and the treaty arranged that these should be submitted to disinterested arbitrators whose award both nations were bound by agreement to accept as final. The points at issue were the claims of American citizens against Great Britain for damages sustained by cruisers fitted out in British ports to aid the Confederates in making war against the United States, and all claims of the citizens of either Government for injuries received during the civil war ; also for the regulation of the Atlantic coast fisheries of the United States and of the British provinces touching on the Atlantic and its estuaries ; and for the free navigation of the St. Lawrence and certain canals in the Canadian Dominion ; and in the United States for the free navigation of Lake Michigan, and also for reciprocal free transit across the territory either of the United States or of the Canadian Dominion : and, finally, the true boundary between Washington Territory and Brit- ish Columbia, which had been postponed to a future time by Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton when they nego- tiated the first treaty of Washington. As long as Lord John Russell, through whose negli- gence the Alabama and other vessels were permitted to escape, had charge of the foreign affairs of Great Britain no redress could be obtained. Though admitting the wrong, he stubbornly refused to make any concession, on CHAP. LX VI. 1871 . July 4 . 1052 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVI. 1871. 1872. June 15. Sept. 14 the ground that the “honor of England would not permit her to make any reparation to the United States.’ 5 All these claims and questions of differences, in accord- ance with the treaty of Washington, were to be referred to a tribunal of five arbitrators, appointed in the following manner : namely, one by the President of the United States and one by the Queen of the United Kingdom, with requests to the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Confedera- tion, and the Emperor of Brazil each to name an arbitrator. The friendly Powers, as requested, designated each an arbitrator of eminent abilities and learning. The Queen appointed Sir Alexander Cockburn arbitrator and President Grant, Charles Francis Adams. Each party employed coun- sel : in behalf of the United Kingdom was Sir Roundell Palmer aided by two others, and in behalf of the United States the eminent lawyers William M. Evarts, Caleb Cush- ing, and Morrison R. Waite — the latter now Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. The arbitrators, in accordance with this arrangement, met by appointment at Geneva in Switzerland, and after a laborious session in examination — first, whether Great Britain failed to fulfill the duties laid down in the treaty in respect to preventing vessels leaving English ports to enter upon a war against American commerce in the service of the so-called Confederacy : and, secondly, to name the award which was to be in the gross, and paid in coin twelve months after the date of the decision ; the United States Government was to examine the claims of its own citizens and pay them out of the award — the decision was in the following terms : “ The tribunal, making use of the authori- ty conferred upon it by Article VII. of the treaty of Wash- ington, by a majority of four voices to one awards to the United States the sum of $15,500,000 in gold as the indem- nity to be paid by Great Britain to the United States, for the satisfaction of all claims referred to the consideration of the tribunal.” 1 The money has been paid, and at this i Cushing on the Treaty of Washington, p. 280. FRAUDULENT VOTING. 1053 writing the claims are adjusted with the exception of a CHAP. ~ ^ 1 IjXVT certain class of those presented by Insurance Companies. 1 1870. The Representative in the House holds a twofold re- lation to the people : he represents, specially, his own immediate constituents, who have elected him, and also indirectly the whole people of the Union. The Congress- man from Maine and his fellow-member from Texas, have equal power when they vote on public affairs ; in consequence of this feature, the whole Nation is inter- ested in the selection of each Member of Congress ; and the entire people, in self-protection, have a right to demand that Congressmen should be elected by the legal voters of their own districts. More remotely they have an interest in the election of legislatures, which choose United States’ Senators ; and in a much higher degree than either are their interests involved in the choice of a President. After the Presidential election in 1868, the whole 1868. country was startled by the revelation that stupendous frauds had been committed in the City of New York, and that these were accomplished by issuing forged natu- ralization papers on which illegal votes were cast. In New York as well as in other large cities certain classes furnish great facilities for committing frauds of this character. These forged papers were also sent to the larger towns and along the railways of the State. The statements in detail of these facts astounded the thinking minds of the Nation. Multitudes upon whom the right of voting had been graciously conferred or would be in due time, had been induced by certain lead- ers to abuse the privilege most grossly ! Urgent appeals came up to Congress to prevent the repetition of such frauds. The House of Representatives appointed a com- mittee of seven of its own members to investigate the subject, and with power to summon and compel wit- nesses. The committee found that in the month of Octo- 1054 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXYI. 1S70. 3Iav 31. ber alone — the election was to take place on the third of the following November — were issued in the City of New York. 57.217 naturalization papers : of these 18,314 had not been recorded by the court, but were discovered afterward. Witnesses stated that the recipients of these papers were sworn in in groups of one hundred to one hundred and eighty at a time. Two reports were made to Congress, the majority sustaining the charges, and the minority admitting that 44 a considerable number of cer- tificates of naturalization w s lined by fraud and per- jury/' 1 A bill was introduced to prevent frauds in the election of United States’ officers. The law provided: 44 In towns of over 20,000 population upon the written application of ten citizens the judge of the United States Circuit Court shall, ten days before the registration or election, appoint two citizens for each election district of different political parties , who shall be known as super- visors of elections.’ *‘In large cities the United States marshal may appoint two special deputies in each election district to assist the supervisors/' These officials are re- quired to attend both the registration and the election, in order to secure complete fairness. Though the war was ostensibly at an end. and the insurrectionary States under military commanders and provisional governors, appointed by President Johnson, outrages continued to the end of hi> administration to be committed on the freedmen and Union men — whites na- tive born — and upon those who had come thither for the purpose of settling, especially if the latter expressed opinions disliked by these gentlemen or sympathy for the freedmen in their troubles. The abolition of slaverv. though acquiesced in. was exceedingly distasteful to the same classes, as well as the Civil Pights Bill by which the freedmen were protected as citizens. To neutralize 1 Report of " Select Committee on alleged election frauds in New YorJ- THE KU-KLUX KLAN. 1055 tlie effects of these bills, and of the recent amendments to the Constitution, associations were secretly formed within a few months throughout these States. They were pop- ularly known by the name they gave themselves in pub- lic, “The Ku-Klux Klan” — a barbarous name — com- prising the whole class, though in some sections different designations were used, such as the “ White-Leaguers,” “ Knights of the White Camelia,” etc., but the official name in the secret record was “ The Invisible Empire.” These lawdess bands were in active operation during the administration of the President’s provisional governors, and before the State governments organized by the au- thority of Congress went into operation under the “ Re- construction Acts.” 1 The Fourteenth Amendment having been proclaimed ratified, and the Fifteenth submitted to the State Legisla- tures with every prospect of being adopted, these facts roused a determination on the part of the Ku-Klux to prevent the principles of these two amendments being applied in the case of freedinen voting. The Ku-Klux bands were made up of idle young men belonging to the best families. They disguised themselves and their horses by means of frightful looking costumes, scoured the country by night, whipping and otherwise maltreat- ing the negroes and white Union men. Assassinations of the most atrocious character were committed. Colored women were frequently barbarously whipped if they re- fused to betray the hiding-place of their friends, and sometimes were even hanged. It may account for the little resistance the Ku-Klux met that they had previ- ously deprived the colored men of their arms. Nothing, except it may have been a school-house, ex- cited the rage of the “ Ku-Klux” so much as a colored man successful in his business by being industrious and CHAP. LXVI. 1870. 1868, July. 1 Hist., pp. 1033-1042. 1056 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LX VI. 1870. saving, and especially if lie learned to read and write. They frequently burnt school-houses built and owned by the freedmen. and maltreating the teachers, drove them off. It seems incredible that such crimes should be committed and apologized for in a community professing to be under the influence of a civilization claimed to be Christian. At length Congress partially put an end to these crimes by passing a stringent law known as the “ Enforce- ment Act.” This authorized the Government to protect the victims of these outrages, and punish the authors of such crimes. President Grant issued a proclamation sus- pending the habeas corpus in nine counties in South Carolina. This was necessary, because the State courts interfered with the Federal officials in the discharge of their duties. The influence of this assertion of law ex- tended to other States, and to some extent prevented similar outrages. These unpunished crimes, and the petty annoyances inflicted upon numerous business Northern men and their families, who were desirous of casting in their lot with their Southern brethren, have retarded the material pros- perity of these States for a quarter of a century ; for even when the outrages entirely cease (as they mostly have done), the memory of such deeds must create a prejudice not soon to be eradicated from the minds of men. 1 Scientific men desired to obtain uniform observations on the atmosphere at the same moment over the entire Union; and as such information could be made available for practical purposes by the telegraph. Congress estab- lished the Signal Service Bureau" — the first in the world. These observations pertain to the temperature and moisture of the atmosphere, the velocity and direc- tion of the wind, and when likely to be of use, the rise and fall of rivers. The reports of the Bureau are espe- 1 See the 13 vols. of Reports of the Joint Committee of Congress on these outrages. SIGNAL SERVICE. 1057 daily beneficial to the mercantile marine, as storms are predicted many hours, and sometimes days in advance, meantime storm signals are placed along the coast to warn vessels which are about going to sea. These bene- fits are shared also by the farmers and the commerce of the Great Lakes, as the observations and predictions are published and sent daily to every post-office in the Union, besides being printed in the daily papers. There are more than one hundred and fifty stations in the United States where, at the same moment, observations are made, recorded, and the result transmitted to the main office of the Bureau at Washington. In order to ascertain the condition of the higher atmosphere, high points that may be available for the purpose are chosen, such as Mount Mitchel, H. C., Mount Washington, N". H., and Pike’s Peak, Colorado, and others. The time appointed to take these observations corresponds to 7.35 a.m., Washington City. It is estimated that nine tenths of these predictions are verified, and great benefits have been thus far con- ferred upon the country, and as the operations of nature become better understood, they will be still greater in the future. The system has been adopted in Europe ; and there have been occasions when great risks on the sea were about to be run parties have sent for and obtained the predictions of the Bureau. One of the most terrible fires of modern times in two days devastated the City of Chicago ; a wind storm of un- precedented violence raged the entire time, and fanned the flames in their onward course until they were stopped by Lake Michigan. Seventeen thousand four hundred and fifty buildings were reduced to ashes ; to do this the flames raged over twenty-one hundred acres ; ninety- eight thousand persons were rendered homeless, while two hundred million dollars’ worth of property was vir- tually annihilated. The catastrophe was followed by great distress ; but relief generously poured in from all CHAP. LXVI. 1870. 1871, Oct. 8 & 9 1058 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVL 1871. 1872, Nov. 9. From 1864 to 1873. parts of the Union and even from Europe. But perhaps the most remarkable feature growing out of this great misfortune was the indomitable energy of the citizens themselves, who commenced to build before the debris was cold, and to-day their city is more beautiful than ever, and is extending its facilities of commerce and trade farther and farther. In the business portion of the city of Boston a lire broke out and raged for nearly two days, burning over sixty-live acres covered with buildings, destroying prop- erty to the value of more than eighty million dollars. This space has since been built over with substantial houses for commercial purposes. Meanwhile the streets of the same have been straightened. The rebellion was the occasion of remarkable prog- ress in all the industries of the loyal States. To equip the Navy and make it effective required an immense out- lay of material, iron, coal, and lumber. Meantime the destruction of railroads during the war, and their unusual wear and tear, to repair which rendered necessary a vast expansion in the manufacture of railway equipments, and this led to an unprecedented development of the iron and coal 1 resources of the country. The building of railways was much extended ; one road — the Union Pa- cific — was finished across the continent, and another — the Northern Pacific — partially so ; while in the lately insurgent States the railroads ruined by the war were put in repair. In the Northern States, also, the roads were refitted and much extended, requiring for the greater part steel rails, thus leading to the manufacture of iron in the form of steel by the rapid process known as the Bessemer, and this again into rails. The manufacture of textile fabrics from cotton and wool also received a great impulse, while another indus- 1 Primer on the Natural Resources of the United States, by J. Harris Patton. COMMERCIAL FAILURES. 1059 try, hitherto quite limited, that of manufacturing silk, chap was extended enormously, till the yearly product was ‘ valued at thirty million dollars by the Census. All the industries of the Union were promoted in consequence of 17. the war, and by a tariff designed to equalize the cost of production by counterbalancing the low wages paid opera- tives in Europe. One of the most severe commercial failures this coun- try has experienced was inaugurated suddenly by a large 1873 banking-house in Philadelphia stopping payment. This institution was so intimately associated with others through- out the land that almost immediately numbers of banks, commercial houses, and manufacturing establishments, and one prominent railway company, failed to meet their obligations. This has been characterized by some the “ Money Panic,” and by others the “ Railroad Panic.” The industries of the country were greatly disturbed ; they had been so very successful and had increased their productions to such an extent that they had a large sur- plus on hand for which there was no market. Railway building, a prominent industry of the time, ceased almost entirely, and multitudes of working men in every portion of the Union were thrown out of employment. Unfor- tunately the high wages paid for the last few years had led to habits of extravagance among those who obtained their living from wages alone. Nor did the evil end here ; even those who hitherto had been economical in their expenses and prudent in their investments were tempted to spend more money on their living than their incomes would warrant. In consequence of these im- prudencies the distress was more than usually extended, reaching all classes of the community. “ The financial revulsion of 1873, which was a necessary consequence of the speculation and over-production incited by the inflated currency of the ten years previous, brought its saddest results on the class who depend on wages, cutting off the 1060 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LX VI. 1875 . Jan. 10 . 1873. Mav 22 * means of living with many, and perpetuating the distress through a series of years following. 1 Two years later, in order to remove these evils and get back to a solid basis for financial transactions. Con- gress passed a bill making provision for the resumption of specie payments. This meant that the National gov- ernment intended to make its greenbacks, its bonds, and the notes of the National Banks redeemable in coin. This resumption was to take place on January 1. 1S79. The day after the bill was signed by President Grant the pre- mium on gold began to disappear, and so carefully were the financial aifairs of the government managed that on the appointed day it vanished, and resumption was an accomplished fact. The unsettled condition of political affairs in Louisi- ana eventually assumed the form of riot in Xew Orleans. The two candidates for the office of governor both claimed to be elected, in accordance with the decision of the two Beturning Boards of elections — one Bepublican, the other Democratic. They mutually charged each other with fraud. Thus, at the same time, there were two acting governors and two Legislatures in session ; the laws were not enforced, and confusion reigned to the detriment of life and property. President Grant at length issued a proclamation enjoining the people to preserve order and restrain themselves from violence. He saw reasons to sustain the claims of Governor Kellogg (Bepublican). The difficulties in respect to the election arose from the outrages committed by marauding bands of lawless men, who threatened and abused the freedmen if they voted against the wishes of these bands. In con- sequence the votes of certain districts were counted by one returning board, and rejected by the other. This confusion and ill feeling lasted for an entire 1 Political Economy, TV ay land and Chapin, p. 158. THE INDIAN QUESTION. 1061 year, when finally they resulted in a riot in the city ; a conflict occurring in the streets, in which twenty-six per- sons lost their lives, and Governor Kellogg was forced to take refuge in the United States Custom House. The President now interfered and reinstated Kellogg, and compelled obedience for a while to the law. Some months afterward the troubles were renewed ; Congress being in session a committee of that body was sent to Hew Orleans to make an investigation ; and under its conciliatory influence the difficulties were adjusted. One of the most difficult problems for the National Government to solve has been that of the Indian question. Congress deemed it better for the Indians to be settled by themselves on tracts of land or reservations, where their rights would not be encroached upon by white set- tlers, and where they might in time become civilized, which could never be the case so long as they roamed as hunters. The Government at first set apart for their homes a large section of country — about 69,000 square miles — known as the Indian Territory, one of the finest regions in the Union. At different times since the re- moval there of the southern Indians, 1 various northern and western tribes and portions of tribes, have been trans- ferred thither, until the population has reached nearly 70,000. Their advances in civilization, in cultivating the soil and in the simpler forms of mechanical industries, and especially in the secular and religious education of their children, have been under tlife circumstances very successful. There are also in the Avestern section of the Union several smaller reservations ; at all of which the Indians have made much progress during the last ten or fifteen years in acquiring settled habits. At all these reservations are found Christian Missionaries, who are doing much to give a proper tone to the civilization in progress by instructing the adults as well as the children. CHAP. LXVI. 1875. 1833. 1 Hist. pp. 700, 706. 1062 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. There are still remaining wild Indians, who are, as LX ^ 1- yet, unwilling to settle on reservations. A treaty was 1875 - made with a small tribe, the Modocs, living on Lake Kla- math. according to which they were to remove to a reser- vation. They afterward refused and took to the war path, and Gen. Canby, in command of the Department, intended to persuade them to go peaceably. But when about to enter upon the conference agreed upon the Modocs treacli- 18 -. 9 erously killed him and one of the Lmited States Commis- sioners, and wounded others. The Government sent a military force which drove the Indians from their hiding places, and finally captured the assassins. Captain J ack, the principal chief, and two minor ones were hanged. The tribe was broken up and a portion scattered ; while the remainder was captured and sent to the Indian Territory. 1S73. The Territory of Colorado made application for admis- Apnl. gj on i n t 0 the LTiion as a State. Its fine deposits of the precious metals, and its facilities for stock raising, togeth- er with a health-giving climate, allured thither an unusu- ally large immigration. Congress passed the Enabling Act, and the Territory was admitted the following year— June, making the thirty-eighth State. Within a few years after the close of the Civil War a number of those who. during that period, were engaged in public affairs, passed away. Among these were Edwin M. Stanton, the efficient Secretary of War under Presi- dent Lincoln; William II. Seward, Secretary of State under Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, of great learning as a statesman, and most efficient in managing our foreign 18 T 6 relations ; Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, to whom is due the system of National Banks ; Gen. George S. Meade, the hero of Gettysburg; Henry Wil- son while Vice-President, and Andrew Johnson, not long after his term of office expired ; Louis Agassiz, one of the great teachers of science, and Joseph Henry, a scientist of world-wide reputation, and for many years THE CENSUS— CENTENNIAL. 1063 Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution at Washington City. The Census of 1870 gave the population of the States and Territories of the Union as 38,533,101 ; about 7,000,- 000 more than that of 1860. This was the most eventful decade of our history. The nation since the close of the rebellion has exhibited remarkable elasticity, and has been rapidly recovering from the strain of an extraordinarily ex- pensive civil war, both in precious lives and treasure. Congress passed a law by which, hereafter, all officers of the national Government elected by the people are to be chosen on “the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November” — to take effect in 1876. As the time drew near when the nation would be one hundred years old, Congress made arrangements to celebrate its Centennial in an appropriate manner, properly selecting the city of Philadelphia as the place of the national celebra- tion, because in that city was made the Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776. 1 “ The act provides for cele- brating in a becoming manner the one hundredth anniver- sary of American Independence, bv holding an International Exhibition of Arts, Manufactures and products of the soil and mines, at Philadelphia, in 1876.” Congress authorized first a “Commission to consist of not more than one delegate from each State and territory, to be appointed by the governors thereof, whose duty it shall be to prepare and superintend the execution of a plan for holding the Exhi- bition, and its general supervision ; they to continue in office to the end of the Exhibition ; ” and secondly a corpora- tion known as “The Centennial Board of Finance,” com- posed of prominent citizens from each State and Territory of the United States, equal in number to twice the number of their senators, members, and delegates in Congress. The corporation to hold its meetings in Philadelphia. The President was authorized to invite the co-operation of foreign powers in the celebration. lHist. p. 412. CHAP. LXVI. 1870 . 1874 . 1871 . Mar. 3 . 1064 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. This invitation was responded to in a most gratifying — ’ manner : nearly forty of the civilized nations of the earth. IS , 6. were represented in innumerable f orms of their manufac- tures and arts, evincing unusual national courtesy and good-will — the manifestation of an “ era of good feeling” among the nations of the world. The circumstances were such as to command attention; the independent growth of the nation in a brief period of a century, the result of its starting on its career with the elements of national great- ness in abeyance ready to lie developed as occasion re- quired ; the energy of a people every one imbued with the self-respect and self-reliance of an intelligent freeman. The Exhibition buildings were in Fairmount Park, were of immense size, and finely arranged for the purpose designed. By means of the proper adjustment of glass in iron frames, the light was diffused in the most perfect man- ner. The main structure covered an area of 20 acres (the same as that of the London Exhibition in 1851); the other buildings, in all, occupied 40 acres more. These were of different styles and finished in accordance with each, dis- playing much taste, and withal an appropriateness of design. The whole buildings combined covered an area about the same as that of the Great Exhibitions of London and Paris (1S62-7), while they contained 10 acres more than the one at Vienna (1873). This Exposition has certainly proved to be a school for improvement in the mechanical and taste- ful arts, as here were seen the finest specimen of man’s mechanical skill or inventive genius. Every well-wisher of moral and intellectual progress will look with interest upon the effects of such great gatherings of the represen- tatives of the nations of the earth, thus commingling, and. we trust, in the interest of “ peace and good-will to men.” 1872. In the presidential election in 1872 President Grant was the candidate of the Republican party, and Horace Greeley of the Liberal Republicans and Democratic party. The former was elected for a second term. GREELEY — SUMNER. 1065 Horace Greeley died on the 29th of November, 1872. Born in New Hampshire, the son of a humble farmer in very limited circumstances, through many trials he ac- quired self-reliance. True to himself and his integrity he rose by his own energy, and won the respect of his country- men. Kind in heart and proverbially benevolent, the friend of the oppressed of every land and the unrelenting opponent of every system of oppression. At the age of fifteen he began as an apprentice in a country printing office, and after many changes and trials and disappoint- ments he came to the city, and in time founded the New York Tribune . Through that medium he exerted a great influence in promoting the cause of temperance, and the industrial interests of the land. The death of no American private citizen had, hitherto, elicited so much sympathy and respect. Charles Sumner was born in Massachusetts, and died at Washington, March 11, 1874. Sent direct from the people to the United States Senate, he remained a member of that body for twenty-two years, and in the active duties of his position till his death. In varied learning and refined taste and mature scholarship he towered above his fellows. He maintained his influence in the nation by the purity of his political character and his commanding intellect, his most thorough knowledge of every important subject brought before the Senate, and his comprehensive views of national policy. Unswerving in opposition to the system of slavery and the untiring friend of the colored man — whether a bondman or a freedman — he labored to remove obstructions to his success in life, if he himself chose to make the proper exertion as a citizen by industry, and culti- vating habits of economy and thrift. The nation having just passed through a fearful struggle to preserve its integrity, the question occurs, Will there ever be another attempt to destroy the Union ? No doubt questions of national policy will arise in the future, on which will be differences of opinion, but never, probably. CHAP. LX VI . 1872. 1066 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LX VI. 1867. of a class involving principles of morals, of right aud justice, wounding the conscience of the people, as was the case in respect to the system of slavery. The signs of the times indicate that the principles of religious freedom will forever secure that perfect toleration in matters of con- science so dear to the heart of the American people. Our system of common schools is destined to be a great har- monizer of the nation, by preparing the people to become more and more intelligent, uniting them by the strong bond of the same language and its literature, in contrast with the other nations or empires of the world occupying immense areas of territory. The school-books used through- out the land are the same iu character. The language of the newspaper, the pulpit, the lecture, the myriads of books published from year to year, is the same, while it is spoken throughout the Union with scarcely a difference of intonation, much less amounting to a dialect. The continuous changes of residence by emigration from one part of the country to another, and the facilities of travel, bringing together the people of the various sections in social intercourse, assimilate their characteristics, while the small fraction, comparatively, of the foreign population scarcely affects the homogeneity of the nation, for they soon affiliate, and their children, taught in the public schools, grow up genuine Americans. The numerous railways con- necting all portions of the Union, and affording easy com- munication for travel or transportation of merchandise, are so many bands to hold us together ; while the national system of finances have a binding influence by cheapening exchange from one section to another, and thus saving an immense sum every year to the commercial interests of the land. The conformation of our territory is suited to be occu- pied by one nation alone ; and the very diversities of climate with us have a binding influence, inasmuch as they afford us cheaply the necessaries of life and many of its luxuries. The great valley of the Mississippi, extending north and THE CONTINUANCE OF THE UNION. 1067 south, with its varied climate, will ever be the indispensa- ble storehouse of cereals and live stock, furnishing, in exchange for manufactures and merchandise, most of the food for the inhabitants of the Atlantic slope, and also for the mining regions of the Rocky Mountains; while the States along the South Atlantic and on the Gulf are equally as important in furnishing cotton and sugar. These com- mon wants will make the people of all sections of the land mutually dependent one upon another. Should questions of national policy hereafter arise, under such influences they will be considered in a conciliatory spirit, and decided in the light of truth and justice. The rapid and easy communication by means of railways from one section of the land to another precludes the dan- ger of sectional divisions of territory on account of its great extent ; while the telegraph almost brings the listen- ing ear of the nation to the halls of Congress to hear the discussions of questions of national importance, thus en- abling the people to form an intelligent judgment and to decide such questions by their vote in the light of patriot- ism and in the spirit of the Golden Rule. The moral influences existing among the various Chris- tian denominations of the land serve to unite the whole people in sympathy of a purer type and to a greater extent than before the civil war, as the greatest obstacle to a genuine national Christian fellowship was removed by the extinction of slavery, which brooded over the churches of the land like a moral incubus and precluded perfect unity of Chris- tian feeling because of the conflicting views held by Chris- tians, both North and South, on the moral character of that system. Now the various benevolent and Christian institutions can have full play ; their power is increasing rapidly from year to year, while they are extending their influence and helping hand into fields of labor in every section of the country, inciting a stronger national interest and brother- hood of feeling. Not the least will be the influence for CHAP. LX VI. 1876. 1068 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LX VI. 1871. good of tliat mutual respect which prevails between the surviving Union and Confederate soldiers who met in battle and tried each other’s mettle, and which in due time will banish far away bygone prejudices ; — the “ Ir- reconcilables,” for the most part, have been similar to those whom Washington in his day characterized as “ chimney-corner soldiers.” The question of Civil Service Reform was agitated to remedy evils arising from appointing persons to minor offices — all under the Head Departments — for political reasons alone, rather than for integrity and capacity. Congress created a Board of Commissioners to devise a system of rules by which the appointments to office should he governed. The Board recommended that examinations of candidates should be held, and a certain grade of scholarship required ; and, to secure the servi- ces of capable men, as well as to retain their skill and experience for the benefit of the Government, they should not be removed except for malfeasance in office or inability to perform its duties. These regulations are somewhat difficult to be carried out ; a candidate may pass the examination on abstract studies, yet lack the ex- perience and business tact to fulfill the duties required. However, a great gain is secured by examinations ; and in time, no doubt, scholarship and experience will be so combined that the affairs of these minor offices will be conducted on common-sense principles. We have seen in what manner the system was introduced, and also the effect produced . 1 It was natural that those who desired to obtain United States offices for themselves or their friends should apply to their own Representative in Con- gress. This custom increased to such an extent that Congressmen, even when uninvited, were tempted to suggest the names of those whom they wished to be ap- - Hist. pp. 705, 730. POLITICAL OPINIONS. 1069 pointed in their own district; in time the suggestion grew into almost a demand. Another subject of general discussion throughout the country and hi Congress was that of the linances in con- nection with the Tariff and Internal Revenue — by the two latter was raised the means to pay the interest on the National debt and defray the current expenses. This was by far the most important question in all its relations before Congress ; for on the judicious management of the finances depended much of the material prosperity of the country. W e can learn the opinions held by the two main po- litical parties, by noting them as found in their declara- tions of principles, known as platforms, during the Presi- dential canvass. The Republican Convention (at Cincin- nati) said : “ Commercial prosperity, public morals and National credit demand that this promise [the pledged faith of the United States Government to pay its bonds in coin] be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie payments.” Again: “That duties upon impor- tations should be, as far as possible, adjusted to promote the interests of American labor, and advance the pros- perity of the whole country.” The Democratic Conven- tion (at St. Louis) said: “We denounce the financial imbecility of that party [the Republican] which, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. As such a hindrance we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we here demand its repeal.” Again: “We demand that all Custom House taxation shall be only for revenue.” The “ Greenback” party, in respect to the finances, coincided with the Democratic, saying: “We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resumption act of 1875.” The candidates of the Republican and Democratic Conventions were — of the former, Rutherford Birchard CHAP. LXVI. 1871 . 1876 . June 15 . June 28 . May 18 . 1070 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS" PEOPLE. chap. Hayes, of Ohio, for President, and William Almon LX — Wheeler, of New York, for Yice-President ; and of the 1876 - latter, Samuel Jones Tilden, of New York, and Thomas Andrews Hendricks, of Indiana. The canvass was very spirited, and the result very close, depending upon one electoral vote. A dispute arose, especially in relation to the votes cast in three States — Louisiana. South Carolina, and Florida : it was doubtful for which candidate they had legally voted ; two sets of certificates of election being handed in. The excitement was great throughout the land ; fraud was charged on both sides. The truth could be ascertained only by a thorough and impartial investi- gation. In this view all were agreed ; and for that pur- pose a special tribunal was created by Congress, known as the Electoral Commission, whose decision was to be final, unless rejected by both Houses of Congress. This tribunal consisted of five judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, five United States Senators, and five Representatives of the Lower House. Legal counsel was employed on each side. The returns from every State were examined, discussed and voted upon ; special atten- tion being given to those from the doubtful States men- tioned above. Every discrepancy in the returns was in- vestigated, and after expending much time and labor, the Commission decided that the Republican nominees, Hayes and Wheeler, had 185 electoral votes, and the Democratic, Tilden and Hendricks, 1SL This decision was made on March 2 ; the 4th came on Sunday ; on that day, in the presence of a few persons, 1 $ 77 ; Mr. Hayes took an official oath. According to precedent. ■^ a1 ' the following day he was inaugurated. The unusual in- terest in the questions involved drew together an im- mense concourse of people from all parts of the Union. Chief- Justice Waite administered the oath publicly. CHAPTER LXVIL HAYES’S ADMINISTRATION. Sketch of Life. — Inaugural. — Cabinet. — Civil Service. — Railway Riot. — Coinage of Silver. —Fisheries Indemnity. — Resumption of Specie Payments. — Progress. — Tariff. — Platforms of Parties. — Tenth Cen- sus. — Ratio of Representatives. Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born in Ohio, on October the 4th. 1822. After graduating at Kenyon College, he studied in Harvard University Law School, and began the practice of his profession in Cincinnati. When the Rebellion commenced he was City Solicitor ; he volunteered, and was assigned to a regiment with the rank of Major, and soon after promoted in the same to the rank of Colonel. At the battle of South Mountain (Antietam) he was severely wounded ; on recovery he rejoined the army, and afterward was created Briga- dier-General of Volunteers “ for gallant and meritorious services in the battles of Winchester, Fisher’s Hill, and Cedar Creek and finally he was brevetted Major-Gen- eral. He was then put in command of a division, and served in that capacity to the end of the war, having been wounded four times and had five horses shot under him in battle. At the close of the Rebellion he was elected Repre- sentative for two successive terms to Congress ; but be- fore the close of his second term he was chosen Governor of his native State, and again for the second time ; at the expiration of the latter term he was again elected to Con- gress, but before the close of his term he was for the CHAP. LXYII. 1877. 1072 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LX VII. 1877, Mar. 4. third time chosen Governor of Ohio ; this office he resigned to assume that of President of the United States. The President outlined his policy in his Inaugural, the burden of which was the unsettled condition of the recent insurgent States. He urged “ the permanent pa- cification of the country upon such principles and by such measures as will secure the complete protection of all citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights.” Again : ** That a moral obligation rests upon the National Government to employ its Constitutional power and influence to establish the rights of the people it has emancipated. 1 ' ** That universal suffrage should rest upon universal education. To this end liberal and permanent provision should be made for the support of free schools.” As a subject of reform he alluded to u certain abuses and practices of so-called official pat- ronage, which have come to have the sanction of usage in the several departments of our Government.” He also expressed himself w in behalf of an early resumption of specie payments.” The President called to his Cabinet William M. Ev- arts. of Xew York, Secretary of State; John Sherman, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; George W. Mc- Creary, of Iowa, Secretary of War ; Richard W. Thomp- son, of Indiana, Secretary of the Xavy ; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior ; David M. Key, of Tennessee. Postmaster -Gen eral ; and Charles Devens. of Massachusetts, Attorney-General. President Hayes entered upon measures of Civil Ser- vice by making but few changes and as far as possible consulting the interests of the public alone. He also issued an order requiring officers in the employ of the Government not “ to take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions or election campaigns.” A more difficult question was impending — RAILWAY RIOT — SILVER. 1073 that of continuing the United States troops in the States of Louisiana and South Carolina, where they had been detailed to preserve order. He decided to remove them ; this was understood to be done on the assurance of gen- tlemen of influence in that section, that in these States there should be no more political disturbances. On two of the main trunk lines of railway across the Alleglianies — the Baltimore and Ohio and the Pennsyl- vania Central — commenced a series of strikes, as they are termed, by the persons in employ of these corporations. The strikes for higher wages soon degenerated into riots ; the rioters took possession of the roads, preventing the trains running; meanwhile the freight cars were plun- dered, a hundred locomotives were destroyed at Pitts- burg alone, and an immense amount of merchandise not stolen was burned, and railway traffic was suspended across the continent to California. The authorities of two or three States found themselves unable to restore order, and were compelled to call on the President for aid. United States troops were sent to quell the out- break, which was not accomplished until many lives were lost, and much property, though not belonging to the railroads, was destroyed. Congress passed a bill to remonetize silver, which had not been coined to much extent for some years ; it was a legal tender for debts public and private to the amount of five dollars. The mints have since been coining silver dollars according to the law, till there is a vast amount lying idle in the Treasury ; for the people, because of its weight and bulk, are not disposed to use it, when United States greenbacks and National Bank notes are equal in value and so much more convenient. These silver dol- lars are of u the standard weight of four hundred and twelve grains and one-half, troy, of standard silver.” The further coinage of the twenty-cent pieces was also prohibited. CHAP. LXVII. 1877. July. 1881 1074 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. J.XV11. 1877 , Nov. 23 . 1879 , Jan. 1. In accordance with tlie Second Treaty of Washington, an award of 5,500,000 dollars was rendered to Great Brit- ain, as an estimate made by the Commission appointed for the purpose, of the value derived by the United States from the Canadian fisheries. Congress made an appro- priation of the amount awarded. During more than the first half of Mr. Hayes's admin- istration discussions still continued on the finances and the tariff, both in Congress and in the newspapers. The Democratic party wished to repeal the Resumption Act, to take effect on January 1, IS 79 ; and as they had con- trol in the House of Representatives, there they were thus far successful, but not having a majority in the Senate, in that body the repeal failed to pass, and two months before the desired majority was obtained Resumption had taken place — much to the advantage of our internal and foreign commerce and the varied industries of the Union. A brighter day dawned upon the financial future of the country, when on that morning the premium on gold vanished. The Resumption placed the National finances on a solid basis, while the Government by its measures inspired through the commercial world so much confidence in its power to meet its liabilities, that the Secretary of the Treasury was able, at the option of the holder, either to pay the United States bonds, as they became due, or change them to a lower rate of interest and for a longer time. By means of this lower rate of interest there was saved annually to the Treasury more than 13,000,000 dol- lars. In addition, the confidence thus created kept the bonds above par not only in the United States but in Europe. Since Resumption there has been, also, a marked and continuous progress in the country ; great advances being made in all its industries. The Centennial Exhibition EXPORTS — PLATFORMS. 1075 Jiacl made known to the world the mechanical skill of the American people, their inventions and their applications of machinery to so many kinds of industry. The pro- ducts of their factories and their workshops have since found their w T ay into every civilized nation, and have held their own by their merits. As an economical measure the Centennial has paid perhaps more than its expenses in opening these markets to our merchants and manufac- turers. Our agricultural products have been abundant for the last few years. The crops of cotton, four-fifths of which have been raised by the colored people since the close of the Rebellion, have been increasing annually in quantity, till that of 1880 was the largest ever made. Our exports to Europe have taken an unusually wide range : — wheat as well as flour and other grains ; cotton ; dairy products in the form of cheese and butter ; provisions of other kinds, such as pork and slaughtered meats, in great quantities ; and live stock, beef cattle, sheep and horses. So great have these exports been for the last few years that the balance of trade has been in our favor on an average of 150,000,000 dollars a year. In 1879 our exports in value were 265,000,000 dollars more than our imports. After specie payments were resumed differences of opinion on the tariff continued to be discussed, and it be- came a prominent question in the Presidential canvass, because of its great influence on the mechanical indus- tries of the Union. The two main political organizations published their views on the questions at issue in their National Conventions, called to nominate candidates for the Presidency and the Vice-Presidency. The Democrats (at Cincinnati), though concise in their statement, were in accordance with the principles they announced four years before, when they demanded “ that all Custom House taxation should be only for revenue /” now, “ A tariff for revenue only” They urged “ that common schools CHAP, LXV1I. 1879. 1880 . June 23. 1076 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVII. 1880 , June 5 . 1880, Nov 2 . should be fostered and protected,” and desired “ a gen- eral and thorough reform of the Civil Service.” The Republicans (at Chicago) said: “We reaffirm the belief avowed in 1876 that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favoi' American labor P “ The reviving industries should be further promoted, and that the commerce already increasing should be steadily encouraged.” u The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several States, but it is the duty of the Xational Government to aid that work to the extent of its Constitutional ability.” “ The reform of the Civil Service should be thorough, radical and complete.” The Democrats nominated General Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsylvania, for President, and William Henry English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Republicans nominated James Abram Garfield, of Ohio, for the first office, and Chester Alan Arthur, of Hew York, for the second. The latter were elected. The tenth census was taken in 18S0. It revealed the fact that the population of the United States had in- creased nearly thirteen-fold since the first census in 1790 — that is, from 3,929,211 to 50,155,783 — and also that the increase from the ninth census to the tenth was 12,000,278. Congress, in accordance with the law on the subject, enacted that the number of the members of the House of Representatives should be 325 for the five Con- gresses following the XLVIIth, which ends March 3, 1883. This number gives the ratio of one Representative to every 151,918 of the inhabitants of the United States — not including Territories. In the first Congress (1789) the ratio was one Representative to every 30,000. The administration of Mr. Hayes drew to a close. It had been one of unusual prosperity throughout the land. Great advance was made in Civil Service Reform ; the INFLUENCE. 1077 taxes from Internal Revenue were collected and paid in chap. without loss of a dollar. His administration will long be — held in remembrance for the high tone it took in respect to Temperance in the White House, under the direction of Mrs. Hayes, the influence of which has been felt for good throughout the Union. A great boon was conferred upon humanity when Dr. James Marion Sims, a native of South Carolina, but then a resident of Montgomery, Alabama, was successful in curing a disease peculiar to women, requiring an opera- tion, but deemed incurable. Dr. Sims studied the dis- 1849> ease for years, and for it treated numerous patients; while reasoning on the subject he was led to use a fine wire of silver — that metal being non-corrosive — as a suture : a cure was at once effected. When Dr. Sims became a resident of Hew York he often and freely treated patients for this disease in the hospitals of the city, in the presence of their corps of surgeons. The cases, outside these institutions, were so numerous that Dr. Sims proposed to establish in that city a hospital for the treatment of women’s diseases exclusively, to which proposal strenuous opposition was made by the prominent surgeons connected with the hospitals, while the physicians in general practice were heartily in favor of the project. A number of benevolent ladies took the matter in hand, and in May, 1855, the institution began its work in a private house, and with a large number of patients. It was incorporated under the title of “ The Women’s Hospital of the State of Hew 1857. York ” — the first of the kind in the world. Funds were soon supplied, a commodious building was erected, and from the first it was successful. Dr. Sims made several trips to Europe, and taught the surgeons in the hospitals how to treat the disease. The civil authorities, appreci- ating his skill and many eminent services to surgical sci- ence, conferred on him their highest decorations. CHAP. LXVIII 1881 . CHAPTER LXYIII. Garfield's administration. Sketch of life. — Senate of the State of Ohio. — Volunteers. — In command in Eastern Kentucky. — Continuance in the army. — In Congress. — In- augurated President. — Success of the finances. — The assassination. — Sympathy of the world. — Removal to Long Branch. — Death. — Inter- ment.— Incident. — Training of citizens. — The assassinations and the causes. — The Spoils System. James Abram Garfield was born on tlie 19tli of Xo- vember, 1831, in Cuyahoga County, Ohio, whither his father had removed a few years before, from the State of Xew York. He is a fitting type of a nation composed of elements derived from so many races ; in his veins flowed the blood of the Anglo-Saxon, the German and the French (Huguenot), on the mothers side. A cabin built of unhewn logs was his birthplace ; it stood in a small clearing, in the midst of a primeval forest of large trees, a portion of the latter having been removed to make room for a dwelling and to open up a farm ; this had been done by the toil of the father, who died when James— the youngest of four children — was less than two years old. Blest with a mother having remarkable traits of character, of moral and mental power, of will and per- severance, he was trained early to habits of industry and right views of duty. Poverty from the first pressed hard upon the widow, yet she managed to have her boy fitted for college. He himself, when the work was fin- ished on their little farm, — only thirty acres — labored as a hired hand for the neighbors ; at the age of sixteen for a while he drove the horses on the tow-path of a canal. THE START IN LIFE. 1079 Having read Captain Marryatt’s sea-stories, liis imagina- tion pictured the future when he too would be a sailor ; from this dream he was awakened by the good sense and tact of his mother, and henceforth with untiring diligence he devoted himself to his books. Soon after he entered upon his preparatory studies in a neighboring academy, paying part of his expenses by performing the duties of janitor and another portion by being assistant teacher. Thus prepared he entered the Junior class in Wil- liams College, Massachusetts, where, at the age of twenty- five, he graduated, receiving the Metaphysical Honor of his class, one of the highest given by that institution to her graduates ; meanwhile he had taken a noble stand among his fellow students. On his graduation he was invited to teach the classics in the institution — now be- come Hiram College — in which he had pursued his pre- paratory studies ; at the close of the first year he was elected its president by the trustees. A laborious worker, his studies took a wide range ; reading law meantime and preparing lectures on a number of subjects, which on his part required investigation, and preaching as opportunity served, he being connected with the denomination called “ Church of the Disciples.” He now began to take a special interest in the politi- cal questions then agitating the country on the subject of slavery : his views were philosophical and comprehensive, taking in the relations of the system to individual liberty, and to the material progress of the Nation. Unexpect- edly he was nominated, and elected by a large majority to the Senate of the State of Ohio. There his command- ing talents were recognized, as he impressed his own views — not theoretical book-learning, but practical ideas — upon his fellow members by means of his w^ell-arranged arguments, and his remarkable power in presenting them clearly. “ His rule was never to speak on a subject unless he had thoroughly mastered it.” He was admitted to the CHAP. LXV1II 1847. 1856. 1859 1080 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXTI1L 1881 . 1861 , Dec. 20 . Dec. 24 . bar of the Supreme Court of Ohio in 1860 ; six years later to that of the Supreme Court of the United States. After the firing on Sumter, when Mr. Lincoln called for 75,000 troops for a three months’ service, Garfield was the first to rise in his place and move that Ohio fur- nish 20,000 men and appropriate three million dollars. These volunteers sprang to arms immediately, and were soon ready to move. Some months later other troops were called for and raised ; to the command of one of these regiments Governor Dennison appointed Garfield, with the rank of colonel. When the men were ready, he was directed to occupy Catlettsburg, at the mouth of the Big Sandy, and he himself to report to Gen. Buell, who was in command of the Department of Ohio, headquar- ters at Louisville, Ivy. The General directed Garfield to drive Gen. Humphrey Marshall out of Eastern Kentucky, who was then invading his native State with forces drawn chiefly from Virginia. It was known that Marshall was entrenched in a camp on the head streams of the Big Sandy, and that the disloyal were joining him. As it was necessary to act promptly, Garfield, whose force had been increased, ordered his little army by telegraph from headquarters to move up the Big Sandy some twenty- eight miles to Louisa, there he joined them and moved forward till within striking distance of the enemy ; here he halted hoping to unite with a Union force coming from Paris. While thus waiting, he learned fully the position of the invaders. Unexpectedly a messenger came into camp from Gen. Buell ; he brought only an inter- cepted letter from Marshall to his wife, in which he wrote that he was daily expecting to be attacked by ten thousand men. Gen. Buell had said : “ Colonel Garfield, you will be so far from headquarters, you must act on your own responsibility.” He did so; putting the letter in his pocket without communicating its contents to any one, he promptly made arrangements to attack the in- SOLDIER AND CONGRESSMAN. 1081 vaders, offering as imposing a display as possible with chap. his little army of fourteen hundred men, while Marshall I had five thousand men and twelve cannon. The strata- -V 862 ’ gem succeeded ; the Union soldiers rushed on so vigor- 10. ously from different points, that the Confederates after a short conflict became panic-stricken and fled — and were literally driven out of the State. A few weeks later Gar- field, in recognition of this success, was created Brigadier- General of Volunteers — dating from this battle of Middle Creek. Soon afterward he was ordered wflth a portion of his forces to join Gen. Buell at Nashville, and with these troops he took part in the battle of 1 Pittsburg Land- April ing or Shiloh, where he commanded a brigade. 7 - Gen. Garfield’s health now failed, and he was com- pelled to retire from the army for its recovery. On its restoration he was detailed by the "War Department as a member of a court martial held at Washington for the trial of Gen. Fitz John Porter. We again find him in the field under Gen. Bosecrans, then at Murfreesboro, Tenn., by whom he w T as appointed Chief of Staff. With Dec. the same commander he w T as at the battle of Cliicka- 1863, manga, where he was very efficient, exposing himself to much danger in the discharge of his duties. Two weeks later he was commissioned Major-general of Volunteers by the President, “for gallant conduct and important services.” Meantime Garfield had been elected to Congress, and at the urgent request of President Lincoln, he retired from the army and began his career as a national legis- lator. He took his seat, the youngest member in the Dec. 4 House of Representatives ; as he had been in the Legis- lature of Ohio, and the youngest brigadier in the army. T1 le clash of arms w r as exchanged for that of intellect on the floor of the House, where he took an active part in 1 Hist. 923-926. 1082 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN - PEOPLE. CHAP. LXY1II. 1865. 1880. the discussions of the important questions coming before that body. His comprehensive views, and his power as a close reasoner gave him great influence. At first he was assigned to the Committee on Military Affairs ; af • terward, when the war was over, at his own request to the Committee of Ways and Means. He wished to study finance in all its phases, for he discerned that the great questions of the future would be on financial measures, including tariffs. When he was nominated for the Presidency, he had already been chosen United States Senator by the Legislature of his native State. James A. Garfield was inaugurated President of the United States on March 4, 1881. The next day he sent to the Senate the following nominations of gentlemen to compose his Cabinet. Without being referred to com- mittees, they were unanimously confirmed : James G. Blaine, of Maine, Secretary of State ; William Windom, of Minnesota, Secretary of the Treasury ; Thomas L. James, of Hew York, Postmaster-General ; Robert Lin- coln, of Illinois, Secretary of War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, Secretary of the Navy ; Wayne MacVeagli, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General ; and Samuel J. Kirk- wood, of Iowa, Secretary of the Interior. We have seen that in the previous administration the financial measures of the Government inspired so much confidence in the commercial world, and in the minds of bond-holders, that the Secretary of the Treasury was enabled to call in the bonds as they came due, and pay their face value, or, at the option of the holders, change them to bonds bearing a lower rate of interest — four per cent. This change was made to such an extent as to save annually more than thirteen million dollars interest to the people. Mr. Secretary Windom, acting on the same principles, was able to save yearly to the Treasury more than fifteen million dollars , from reduced interest on bonds. This was accomplished on the 1st of October, FINANCIAL SUCCESS. 1083 1881, when the required operations were completed. This was done also at the option of the bond-holders, either by paying the face value of the bonds — five and six per cents — or by refunding them at the rate of three and one half *per cent per annum. To accommodate foreign bondholders, and to prevent the drain of coin from the Treasury, an agency for the exchange of bonds was established in London — there the plan was equally successful. In the words of Secretary Windom, this portion of the National debt is reduced “to a loan payable at the option of the Government, and bear- ing interest at only thi'eeand a half per cent per annum. The debt itself meanwhile has been diminishing for the last few years at the annual rate of more than fifty mil- lion dollars. At the close of the Rebellion the National debt was $2,844,619,626, and the annual interest on the same was $150,000,000 ; the debt is now much dimin- ished, and the annual interest on the same is only $75,000,000. The total revenue for the fiscal year end- ing June 30, 1881, was $363,000,000 ; while the balance of trade at the close of the same time was $257,000,000 in favor of the United States. As an evidence of the integrity of the officials in the Internal Revenue Department, it is stated that of the more than six hundred million dollars collected in that service during the preceding five years, not one dollar failed to reach the Treasury. 1 And, also, as proof of the economy and industry of the people, it may be mentioned that during the year ending May 30, 1881, there were deposited in the Saving Banks in the Union nearly eight hundred and eiglity-two million dollars. 2 It is estimated that the number of depositors is about two million five hundred thousand. On July 2, 1881, the American people were shocked 1 Commissioner Raum’s Report, Dec. 5, 1881 . 2 Banker’s Magazine, Sept., 1881, p. 190. CHAP. LXYIII 1881 , Oct. 1 . 1865 , Aug. 31 . 1881 . June 80 . 1084 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, by the announcement that the President had been mor- tally wounded by a pistol shot of an assassin named July * ^ u ^ eau - Rumor soon after carried the report through- out the land that the President was no more. The mani- festations of sorrow were intense, for by his generous and noble nature he had secured the respect of good men, and the love of those who knew him best. Some hours later the telegraph spread the news that he still survived, but there was little hope of his recovery ; he himself bearing up against despondency by his cheerful Christian fortitude. On his asking the attending physician as to his injury, the reply was, “ You have a chance for re- covery.” Then he said cheerfully, “ Doctor, we'll take that chance.” He murmured once and once only, “ I don’t know why they should shoot me ; I have injured no one.” The sympathies of the whole civilized world were greatly enlisted. From the heads of the Govern- ments of Europe and from those of the far East, came messages of condolence. Conventions of men of science and religious assemblies in this land or in Europe, which happened to be in session, sent expressions of sympathy ; from the Patriarch of the Armenian Church at Constanti- nople, and from His Holiness at Pome, came messages of kind words, and Sir Moses Montefiore telegraphed from London to his brethren in Palestine the request that prayers might be offered in behalf of the President in the synagogues of the four holy cities . 1 Davs of fasting and prayer were appointed by the Governors of the respec- tive States, and throughout the whole Union prevailed an earnest spirit of supplication to God, modified by a feeling that found expression in the words, u Thy will be done.” The American people were especially grati- fied to learn of the depth of kind feeling that prevailed in England. In numbers of the churches and cathedrals special services of prayer were held, and the Queen her- self sent a personal dispatch to Mrs. Garfield saying, “ I 1 Jerusalem, Hebron, Tiberias and Safed. THE NATION’S INVALID. 1085 i,m most anxious to know liow the President is to-day, chap. * ' LXVI1I and to express my deep sympathy with you both.” ! The President lay at the White House for sixty-six 1881 • days, and often apparently at the verge of death. It was essential that he should be removed from the debilitating influence of that climate to an atmosphere more cool and more health-inspiring. Long Branch, on the ocean shore was decided upon. The Pennsylvania Pailway furnished the train and its equipments — their most commodious and sumptuous car and three others. The Nation’s inva- lid was placed on board by tender hands, and the train at gept 6.30 a.m. moved quietly off, and even when under full 6. speed, with scarcely a perceptible vibration. So admirable were the arrangements, the right-of-way was given over six roads ; a pilot-engine preceding the train by twenty minutes, and lest the patient should be disturbed, not a bell was rung nor a signal-wdiistle blown. The train for a portion of the time made seventy miles an hour, stopping only to replenish water and fuel. Along the route, especially through the cities, the people in sym- pathizing crowds stood silently by as the train passed, and none the less was this interest manifested at the minor stations. This feeling was not limited to the multitudes that saw the train gliding along swiftly and almost noise- lessly as if conscious of the burden it was bearing, but the telegraph, as if in sympathy, laid aside business, to carry messages over the Union from almost every station passed, telling the hour and the condition of the patient, as reported by the physicians on written slips of paper, which were thrown from the train. Thousands upon thousands in the cities watched these bulletins as they appeared every few minutes. At length, after passing over nearly two hundred and forty miles, the cottage was reached ; and in less than ten minutes the President was safely carried within. Here were witnessed similar manifestations; crowds of people had assembled and 1086 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVIII. 1881 . Sept. 19 . Sept. 26 . were silently awaiting tlie arrival of the train, and also carriages filled with summer visitors from the neighbor- ing watering-places, while in shore lay twenty or thirty pleasure yachts, whose decks were covered with specta- tors. The removal was in vain ; he lingered till the 19th of September, then passed away. President Garfield died at 35 minutes past 10 p.m., and the Yice-President, Ches- ter Alan Arthur, in the presence of a few gentlemen, at his residence in He w York City, assumed the office of President at 2 a.m. on the 20th, Judge John B. Brady, of the Supreme Court of that State, administering the oath of office. The President’s remains were taken to Washington, where they lay in state for two days in the Botunda under the dome of the Capitol ; thence they were trans- ferred to their last resting-place in Lake Yiew Cemetery, Cleveland, Ohio. The funeral train from Long Branch to Washington, and thence to Cleveland, elicited every- where evidences of the Nation’s sorrow. While at Wash- ington a magnificent wreath of flowers was brought from the British Legation, and placed on the casket ; the card attached read, “ Queen Yictoria to the memory of the late President Garfield. An expression of her sorrow and sympathy with Mrs. Garfield and the American Xation.” The manifestations of grief were remarkable throughout the land ; public buildings, places of business, private dwellings, locomotives and trains, were draped in mourning; and even more expressive were the emblems of grief in the simplest forms, as everywhere exhibited by those of the humbler classes in respect to wealth. For eighty long days President Garfield was in the thoughts of the people as a heroic sufferer ; and he was cherished in their hearts as one of themselves. His domestic life was ennobling ; it was that of the Christian home — the corner-stone of the Nation’s moral edifice. THE INCIDENT. 1087 The Convention in which he was nominated for the Presi- chap. dency, in its perplexity of clashing opinions, instinctively turned to him at last, as the one man in whom they all could confide. He never sought an office ; it always came to him. An incident in President Garfield’s life is still more striking to-day than at the time it occurred . 1 Congress 1865, had adjourned, and he was in Hew York City when the 15 *' news came of the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. On leav- ing his hotel he strolled down to Wall Street, not being aware that business was suspended, and instead a mass- meeting of business men was to be held in front of the Exchange. A crowd amounting to many thousands was already assembled ; a friend recognizing Garfield invited him to the platform. Speeches were made delineating the enormity of the crime, as well as the causes which led to its commission ; the exasperated multitude swayed with emotion, and was apparently being wrought up to a frenzy of excitement ; here and there in the crowd mur- mured words of vengeance were heard. Presently there appeared borne aloft two long pieces of scantling crossed like the letter X ; from their junction hung a rope wfitli a slip-noose attached. A group of determined men accompanied this significant emblem as it moved slowly among the people ; suddenly some one shouted out giving orders where it should go ; in a twinkling the cross-beams commenced moving in the direction named, followed by an immense crowd. What would have been the re- sult we may imagine, if these enraged citizens had not been diverted from their design of vengeance ; a tele- gram from Washington had come a few minutes before, saying, “ Seward is dying.” This announcement added strength to their determination. Garfield on the impulse sprang to his feet, and seizing one of the small flags. 1 Edmund Kirke’s Life of Garfield, p. 25. 1088 HISTORY OF THE AlIERICAX PEOPLE. chap, ’waved it till he attracted the attention of the moving ____ src 1 : '..inking it was another telegram they halted in I860, silence, then pointing toward heaven, and as if inspired with reverential awe. he slowly and distinctly exclaimed : “ Fellow citizens ! Clouds and darkness are round about Him ! His pavilion is dark waters, and thick clouds of the skies! Justice and judgment are the habitation of His throne ! Mercy and truth shall go before His face ! Fellow citizens ! God reigns ; and the Government at Washington still lives/’ The effect was marvelous. The cross-beams were lowered ; vengeance was left to God. When afterward asked what words he had used, he answered, u I cannot tell, I could not have told five minutes afterward. I only know I drew the lightning from that crowd and brought it back to reason.” The American people look upon those who rise from humble stations to success in life as the natural outgrowth of their systems of education, of self-respect induced by political liberty, and of the underlying principle that the pathway to success is open to every one in the sphere to which he is adapted by nature ; be it in the humbler walks of life, or in positions of trust and responsibility. Their institutions supply the conditions : success depends upon the talents, the industry, and the integrity of the individual himself ; and those thus trained constitute, in whatever sphere they move, what the better portion of the American people conceive as their ideal of nobility — that based on moral and intellectual worth. The pecu- liarity of this mode of training citizens has attracted the attention of thinking minds abroad. Says Dr. Tait, Arch- bishop of Canterbury, after giving a sketch of the char- acter of Garfield : ** All this was calculated to enlist our sympathy, and then we were taught to trace a career, such as England knows nothing of, and to wonder at the mode in which great men are formed in a country so like and yet so dissimilar from our own. All this I must say PURE MORALS DEMANDED. 1089 to most of us was quite new. It opened up a picture of manhood, such as in this country we were little acquainted with.” A marked change, which has greatly influenced poli- tics, has been going on in our country for nearly half a century. The best elements in American society deem it of primary importance that statesmen, in addition to their qualifications as such, should be pure in their do- mestic life. The national conventions of political organ- izations on occasions when the whole people are to vote, are compelled to nominate candidates of unblemished moral lives for the higher offices in the State govern- ments as well as for the Presidency and the Vice-Presi- dency ; on no point are the people so strenuous as on this. They repudiate the theory that moral character is not an important element in the qualifications of public officials, they demand correct morals as well as statesmanship. It is scarcely fair to compare this appreciation of mo- rality by the vast majority of the American people, when they vote for their highest officials, with that of those na- tions who have no voice in the selection of their supreme rulers; the latter claiming the sovereignty, not on the will of the governed but on the accidental claims of birth alone. Though the domestic example of a royal ruler may be injurious to the morals of the people, the latter have no redress. Sometimes ardent advocates of royalty attempt to explain away the equivocal position of such a ruler by endeavoring to separate the private moral char- acter of the individual from his public or political charac- ter. There may be instances in which this evidence of correct moral appreciation is not so markedly clear as when the whole American people demand pure morals in their candidates for the highest offices of the nation. There may be Congressional or Assembly districts that occasionally send representatives whom the majority of the whole people would repudiate. This distinction is CHAP. LX VI 11. 1881. 1080 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVIII 1881. so clearly defined in practice, that one may be able from the character of the representative himself to divine quite clearly that of his especial constituents — those who voted for him. Within the space of forty years four Presidents have died in office, all virtually belonging to the same political organization. Of these the last two were assassinated, each of whom was remarkable for his kindly genial nature, and each seemed incapable of designedly doing that which might make personal enemies. We must look elsewhere for the causes that led to these dire results. In the case of Mr. Lincoln the influences that induced his assassina- tion were the outgrowth of that spirit which had for generations outraged the most sacred rights of humanity, and, struggling in rebellion, became maliciously frenzied when its power was annihilated. The hatred which found expression in publishing vile epithets and vulgar abuse of President Lincoln, stimulated the assassin to imbrue his hands in the blood of the best friend of the surrendered South. Infinitely less excusable were the influences that led to the death of Garfield. There is abroad a spirit of assassination of character — which honorable men hold more dear than life — as well as of persons ; the former inspired by those in a higher social scale, the latter among the low and vicious. It was misrepresentation and un- relenting abuse of the late President that influenced the groveling mind of a conceited and disappointed office- seeker to murder him. The question may be asked, which is inherently the greater criminal, the slanderer in high position or the assassin in low ? It is incumbent upon the American people to banish the spirit of slander and abuse by showing their condem- nation of the crime. The disrespect shown to legitimate authority has an undermining effect upon the morals of the people, and has on a larger scale the same tendency to disorganize society that disobedience to parents has to THE SPOILS SYSTEM. 1091 destroy the sacredness of home and injure permanently the character of children. The effect of these influences is to corrupt the inner life of the nation by a sort of moral blood-poisoning ; it is inconsistent for citizens to deprecate slanderous publications, and at the same time by their patronage encourage them. So much misrepresentation and falsehood are usually published by partisans, that intelligent people distrust all statements on political subjects until they are verified ; to such an extent does this feeling prevail, that even gen- tlemen of opposite parties will take the word of each other on business affairs, but hesitate to do so on the subject of politics. Were the u Spoils System,” so called, eliminated from the canvassing of questions of national policy, the temptation would be removed either for the misrepresen- tation of facts or for the slander of personal character. Such questions would then be calmly discussed, both parties being desirous to arrive at the truth and adopt the policy best suited to the whole country. The discussion might be earnest, but should no more induce undue ex- citement than resolving any ordinary question of political economy. If the minor offices in the service of the United States were conducted on the same principles that govern business men or corporations in managing their affairs, there would be no inducement for tricky dema- gogues to promise offices as rewards for personal services. The minor officers have only to perform their respective duties, since they have no more concern with the policy of the government than the general interest that other citizens have who may not be thus employed, or that the clerk has with the management of the firm or corporation in whose service he is, with the exception that they have their votes like all citizens on that policy which the government is about to adopt. The case of the Cabinet or heads of departments in the United States Government is essentially different. CHAP. LXV1II 1881. 1092 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXVHI. 1881 . They ought to he in sympathy with the principles of the party in power, — that is, of the majority of the peo- ple ; and to secure harmony they should be appointed as they are now. It would be inconsistent, and would de- feat the will of this majority, to have these officials refuse to carry out the policy virtually decided upon in the election that placed the advocates of that policy in power. It is remarkable that the centre of the territory of the United States and the centre of its population are both near the thirty-ninth degree of north latitude. The for- mer is not far from Abilene, Kansas, and the latter, as found by the census of 1880, is in Kentucky, about eight miles west by south of Cincinnati. In the estimate of territory, Alaska has been omitted. According to the first census (1790), the centre of population was east of Chesapeake Bay, about twenty-two miles from Baltimore, and a short distance north of the degree just mentioned ; it has since been moving westward, but near the same parallel of latitude, meanwhile crossing it four times. For thirty years this centre remained east of the Alle- ghanies; but from 1S20 to 1830 it swayed south of the 39th parallel. During that time Florida was obtained and large settlements were made in the Gulf States ; then from 1830 to 1810 it crossed to the north of that parallel, a large population — native and foreign — having poured into the States south and west of the Great Lakes ; from 1810 to 1850 it crossed to the south of the line — meantime Texas having been annexed ; from 1850 to 1S60, Califor- nia was obtained, and the centre moved west faster than usual, crossed the Ohio and to the north of the parallel ; from 1860 to 1870 it still moved west by north ; while from 1870 to 1880 it moved southwest, coming very near the parallel. From 1880 to 1890 it took a northwest direction, across the Ohio into the State of Indiana, to a point about fifty miles west by north from Cincinnati. CHAPTER LXIX. Arthur’s Administration. Sketch of Life. — The two Law Cases. — The Second Oath of Office. — The Inaugural. — Destructive Fires. — Yorktown Celebration. — Meeting of Congress and the Message. — Arctic Explorations. Chester Alan Arthur was born in October 5, 1830, in Franklin County, Vermont. When a boy his father, an Irishman and a Baptist clergyman, removed to the State of New York. Young Arthur was fitted for college under the supervision of his father, a ripe scholar in the classics. He entered Union College, N. Y., when only fifteen years of age, and took class honors each year. He taught meanwhile occasionally to aid in his support as a student, but keeping up with his class in his studies ; on graduating he ranked in scholarship with the first six of a class of one hundred members. After his graduation Arthur took charge for a time of an Academy in North Pownal, Vermont, in which institution Garfield afterward taught when he was a student in Williams College. He studied law and entered upon the practice of his profes- sion in the City of New r York. Mr. Arthur became identified with two cases of law in which he was successful, and the decision in both in- stances had great influence. One was the famous Lem- mon case, in which a gentleman of that name brought eight slaves from Norfolk, Va., to New York City, in- tending to transfer them in a sailing vessel to Texas, whither he himself was migrating. At the solicitation of a committee of the colored people, Arthur, by writ of CHAP. LXIX. 1830. 1852. 1094 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LUX 1852. July. 1862. habeas corpus , applied to the court and succeeded in securing their freedom, as the Fugitive Slave Law passed two years before did not apply, these negroes not being “fugitives.” To aid him in the case Mr. Arthur secured the services of Wm. M. Evarts. The other case had a similar result. On a Sunday a respectable and neatly dressed colored woman was returning from her duties as superintendent of a colored Sunday-school, when she stepped on board a street car, paid her fare and took her seat. Presently a “ drunken white man,” with im- precations, insisted that she should not ride in the same car with him. The conductor asked her to leave, she re- fused, a struggle ensued, the police were called in and she was forcibly ejected from the car, her dress being almost torn to shreds in the struggle. To Mr. Arthur she ap- pealed for redress ; he undertook her case and obtained a verdict against the railway for five hundred dollars dam- ages. The company promptly paid the money, and ever after the colored people on equal conditions with other citizens have ridden in the public conveyances of the city and State of New York. When the Rebellion began, Edwin D. Morgan, Gov- ernor of the State of New York, appointed Mr. Arthur Inspector-General, and soon after to the office of Quarter- master-General, a position of great responsibility. Though the war accounts of New York were so much larger than those of any other State, yet they were the first handed in at Washington, and when audited were found perfect, not a dollar but was accounted for. When the Governors of the loyal States privately assembled in the city of New York to concert measures in aid of the National Govern- ment, Mr. Arthur was the only gentleman invited to meet with them in consultation as to the best means of aiding the loyal cause with men and material, his remarkable executive ability being thus recognized. When appointed to the Collectorship of the port of New York, he managed THE INAUGURAL — FOREST FIRES. 1095 the affairs of the office so perfectly, that when renomi- chap, nated four years afterward he was unanimously confirmed LXIX by the Senate without reference to the usual committee. 1881 . . After Garfield’s death, in order to have a record of the new official inauguration at the Capital it was thought better to have Mr. Arthur take the oath of office also at Washington. This was administered by Chief Justice Waite in the presence of the Cabinet, ex- Presidents Grant and Hayes, Gen. Sherman, Senator Sherman and Justice Strong of the U. S. Supreme Court. The ceremony was informal but very solemn. The Presi- dent delivered a brief inaugural. After alluding feeling- ly to the sad event that had placed him in his present position he says : “ All the noble aspirations of my lament- ed predecessor which found expression in his life, the measures devised and suggested during his brief admin- istration to correct abuses and enforce economy, to ad- vance prosperity and promote the general welfare, to insure domestic security and maintain friendly and honor- able relations with the nations of the earth, will be gar- nered in the hearts of the people, and it will be my earnest endeavor to profit, and to see that the nation shall profit by his example and experience.” Destructive forest fires occurred in the State of Michi- gan during the first week in September. A terrific hur- ricane was blowing at the time, and the fire leaped from the forest across the clearings and burned the houses and barns of the inhabitants. Several hundred persons perished from the flames and exposure, and the cattle and other domestic animals died by thousands. It is estimated that several hundred square miles of territory were liter- ally burned over, and whole villages were destroyed al- most entirely. As is usual in such cases, the people’s sympathies were enlisted and assistance in the form of money and needed supplies flowed in to aid the sufferers. Since the Centennial celebration of the conflict at 1096 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXIX 1881. Lexington, April 19, 1775, there have been many others partaking in some instances of a local rather than a national interest. A few were national, as they commemorated events which had a commanding influence upon the prog- ress of the Revolution. “The Centennial” in 1876, be- cause of the day it commemorated, was purely national in its character, and as such was by far the most important ; then came the celebration at Saratoga., 1 which, because of its influence, has been reckoned among the fifteen de- cisive battles o i the world, 2 as it was this victory which decided the French government to acknowledge the In- dependence of the United States. Then followed the treaty with that power, and the alliance which in due time brought aid both by sea and land to the decisive campaign, which ended with the surrender of Cornwallis on the 19th of October, 1781. This surrender being the most important of all events of that period except the Declaration, its anniversary became more than usually in- teresting to the people of the United States, as that vic- tory was the virtual end of the war. The celebration was % rendered still more striking by the presence of the invited guests of the nation — Frenchmen and Germans. They were the descendants or relatives of the officers belonging to these nations, who in that day aided in the cause — Lafayette, Rochambeau, De Grasse and the Baron von Steuben. 3 The Forty-seventh Congress assembled on Monday, December 5th ; when both Houses were organized Presi- dent Arthur sent in his first annual Message. After al- luding to the bereavement of the nation in the loss of President Garfield, he proceeds to discuss the affairs of the country. In relation to the neutrality and guarantee of the Panama Canal he assumes the same position that was taken by President Garfield, and enunciated by Sec- ' Hist. p. 481. 2 Ches ey‘s Fifteen Battles 3 See Patton's Memorial of the Yorktown Celebration. THE ANNUAL MESSAGE — PROSPERITY. 1097 retary Blaine in liis note to Mr. Lowell, our Minister to chap. Great Britain. The Message says : “ My lamented pre- LX1X - decessor felt it his duty to place before the European 1881. powers the reasons which make the prior guarantee of the United States indispensable, and for which the inter- jection of any foreign guarantee might be regarded as a superfluous and unfriendly act.” “ 1 have not hesitated to supplement the action of my predecessor by proposing to her Majesty’s Government the modification of that instrument (the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 1850), and the abrogation of such clauses thereof as do not comport with the obligations of the United States toward Colombia, or with the vital needs of the two friendly parties to the compact.” On Civil Service Beform the Message says : “ Original appointments should be based upon ascertained fitness. The tenure of office should be stable. Positions of re- sponsibility should so far as practicable be filled by the promotion of worthy and efficient officers.” On the In- dian question he recommended that lands or homesteads should be allotted in severalty to such Indians as desire it to induce them to become civilized ; he also urged that liberal appropriations be made to support schools for Indian children. All the members of Garfield’s Cabinet, except Sec. Lincoln, resigned. The new officers were : F. T. Fre- linghuysen of N. J., Secretary of State; C. T. Folger of FT. Y., Treasury ; ¥m. E. Chandler of Vt., Navy ; Henry M. Teller of Col., Interior ; T. O. Howe of Wis., Post- master-General Benj. H. Brewster of Penn., Attorney- General. The country continued to advance in its prosperity during the whole of the year 1881. The income from Internal Bevenue was unprecedentedly Jarge, owing to our industrial progress, and the consequent increase of general business throughout the country, as well as that 1098 CHAP. LXIX 1881. 1860. July 6. Aug. 20 . 1861. May 11 . HISTORY OF THE AMERICANS’ PEOPLE. derived from duties on imported merchandise. The sur- plus of these importations has been very largely of arti- cles of luxury, such as textile fabrics of an unusually expensive character ; works of art of almost every variety, evincing a tendency in those having the means to gratify their taste in the adornments of persons or of dwellings. These heavy importations of luxuries must aid in turning the balance of trade against us, seeing that our exports may not be hereafter so large as for the last few years, svhen the crops of Europe were comparatively short. Financial prudence takes alarm at this unusual expendi- ture. 1 The last six months of the year paid off more than $75,000,000 of the national debt, which on Jan. 1, 1882, was in round numbers about $1,703,000,000. The American people have taken an interest in explo- rations, not only in the Antarctic Ocean, but also in the Arctic, 2 in efforts to reach the North Pole. After I)r. Kane's return from his unsuccessful attempt to rescue Sir John Franklin, Dr. Isaac J. Hayes, who accompanied him in capacity of surgeon, organized an expedition to explore what he believed to be an open sea around the Pole. This theory is held by many, though it has not yet been verified ; thus far the discoveries made do not prove its fallacy. Dr. Hayes was aided by private sub- scriptions ; he sailed from Boston direct for the west coast of Greenland, arriving at Upernavik (74 & north) in that country on the 12th of August. His picked crew consisted of only fourteen men, but here' he obtained a few more. He sailed again, expecting to reach a point about 79° or 80° north, but was frozen in in latitude 78°. By means of sledges and with much toil he reached Grin- nell Land, 81° 35' north lat. and west long. 70° 30', be- yond which further progress was impeded on account of rotten ice and cracks. This was the most northerly point 1 Hist. p. 1059. s Hist. pp. 742, 841. ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS. 1099 thus far reached. From a high peak of land in the vicin- ity Dr. Hayes saw what he believed to be the open sea surrounding the Pole, but still further north appeared other high land. Captain Charles F. Hall, a practical whaleman who be- came interested in the subject, set out on an exploration from Hew London, Conn., in 1860 in a whale-ship ; un- fortunately losing his boat he was compelled to return without accomplishing his purpose. Nothing daunted, he organized another expedition and sailed for the Arctic regions in 1864. He penetrated north of Hudson’s Bay, and brought home many relics of Sir John Franklin and much important information. Captain Hall spent five years among the Esquimaux ; learning their language and obtaining a knowledge of their customs ; he returned to the United States in 1869. He now r received aid from Congress and again sailed in the schooner Polaris , 400 tons burden. He reached 81° 38' north, but impeded by ice he made a sledge expedition, and reached 82° 16' — about 502 statute miles from the Pole ; he returned to the ship, where soon after he was taken ill and suddenly died. Captain Tyson of Hall’s crew with eighteen others became separated from the latter, when suddenly the ice on which they were, separated from the main field and they were carried away ; thus they floated, in different directions, about two thousand miles, and w T ere finally rescued by the British steamship Tigress. Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka, of the United States Army, left Hew York in the ship Eothen. This expedi- tion was fitted out by private subscription, the main ob- ject being to ascertain more fully in respect to the fate of Sir John Franklin. It was very successful. A recent expedition (1879) under the command of Lieutenant De Long was fitted out by the munificence of James Gordon Bennett of Hew York City. De Long, in a staunch steam vessel, the Jeannette , chose the new CHAP. LXIX. 1861 . 1864 . 1871 . 1878 . June 19 . 1100 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXIX. 1881. route through Behring Straits ; all the others passed up either the west side of Greenland or the west side of Norway. When fairly through the Straits the Jeannette headed toward the Pole, but when in the latitude of about 71° was caught in the ice near an island since known as Herald Island , and thence held fast ; she floated helplessly twenty -one months in a north-westerly direction, until finally crushed by the ice in latitude about 77,° and near west longitude 160° from Greenwich. The crew took to the boats, and a portion of them reached land at the mouth of the river Lena in the Russian Empire. George W. Melville, engineer of the expedition, one of the survivors, heroically returned with well-equipped forces, found and buried the bodies of De Long and his companions (April 7, 1882), and secured the records. Prof. Nordenskjold, sailing from Tromsoe in Norway on the Atlantic, passed round to the east and reached Behring Straits in the Pacific, thus accomplishing the long sought for “ North-east Passage ”(1878-9). Meanwhile, expeditions had been fitted out in Eu- rope — from Germany, Austria, Denmark, Norway, France and England. The English Lieut. Aldrich, under Com- mandant Nares in 1876, reached the nearest point to the Pole, 83° 07' N., and Commander Markham of the same expedition attained to 83° 20' 26" N. These explorations have assumed an international char- acter. The plan proposed is for each government at some convenient point to establish depots for provisions and suitable materials for making repairs. Parties can avail themselves of these as starting points, and fall back upon them when necessity requires. The United States government has already two such stations; one at Point Barrow and one at Lady Franklin Bay — north of Smith Sound — about 81° 30 ' north and 50° west longitude. The latter is the most northerly point ever inhabited fora length of time ; it being about 588 statute miles from the Pole. COMMERCE— AGRICULTURE. 1101 Russia has a similar station at the mouth of the Lena chap. river, and the remaining European governments propose to establish at least seven other depots which explorers 1381 • can make available. Point Barrow is the extreme northern point of land belonging to Alaska, and is very near the 156th degree of west longitude and about 71 degrees north. This sta- tion is also used as a place of refuge for American ships that visit the Arctic Ocean in pursuit of whales, when they find themselves in need of assistance. The station is equipped with the appliances required for such pur- pose, and adapted for that region of the dangers occur- ring from snow and floating fields of ice. It is also sup- plied with provisions suited to probable exigencies of the case, and in consequence, the whalers often make it a stopping-place. The station has recently been com- pletely fitted out in every respect. The interest of the people in these discoveries did not flag, and Congress, in 1880, ordered an appropriation for an expedition to make “ scientific observations and ex- plorations in the Arctic seas.” Lieutenant Adolphus W. Greely of the army was detailed for the purpose and placed in command, on June 17, 1881. Three years were spent in this service ; a great amount of valuable infor- mation was obtained ; and a sledging-party, composed of Lieut. James B. Lockwood and Serg’t David L. Brainerd, with an Eskimo named Christiansen, reached nearer the North Pole than ever before. That point, being verified by instruments, was found to be 83° 24' north latitude : — that is, about 450 statute miles from the Pole. The Stars and Stripes were planted, and the party, compelled by necessity, turned back. Across an open sea they saw to- ward the north a point of land apparently fifteen miles distant, which they named Cape Washington. 1102 CHAP. LXX. 1382. Feb. 25. CHAPTER LXX. ABTHTK*S AD WI XISTR ATIO X COXTTNTED. House of Representatives ; number of members fixed. — Tariff Com mission. — Tariff of 1883. — National Banks. — Civil Service Examina- tions. — Labor Bureau. — The Nation's Capital.— W asLinp: .. Monument. — Morrison Tariff. — Presidential Canvass and Platforms. — Number of Votes Cast. — Expositions in Atlanta and New Orleans. The F orty -Seventh Congress during its first session fixed by law the number of the members of the House of Representatives at 325 for ten years, commencing with the Forty-Eighth Congress. March 4, 1SS3. and ending with the Fifty-Third. March 3. 1S93. The ratio of con- stituents for each Congressman, as based on the census of 1880, is 151.918. The ratio of constituents for each member of the First Congress in 1789 was 30.000. The continued prosperity in the industries of the country induced a state of financial affairs, quite unusual among nations — that of having a surplus of revenue. The L nited States Government had more income than was re- quired to pay its current expenses, the interest on the debt, and also to lift the outstanding bonds as they became due. Hence arose the question, how to diminish the revenue. The bonds that had a long time to run could be canceled only by paving a very high premium, and that fact suggested another consideration : — was it fair that this generation alone should hear the burdens of the war debt, and by paying it. relieve the people of the TARIFF COMMISSION. 1103 future? To meet this difficulty, Congress authorized chap. the President to appoint, with the advice and consent of LXX ' the Senate, a “ Tariff Commission ” of nine members. 1882 - This Commission was enjoined “ to take into considera- tion and thoroughly investigate all the various questions relating to the agricultural, mining and industrial inter- ests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to the establishment of a judicious tariff or a revision of the exisiting tariff upon a scale of justice to all interests'.” The Commission was selected with great care, having for its members, civilians, gentlemen of in- telligence and practical wisdom. On the subjects of in- vestigation, it visited the different centres of manu- facturing, of mining and of mercantile interests and heard patiently and recorded the opinions of manufacturers and merchants, of extreme protectionists, of absolute free traders and of believers in a tariff for revenue only, in- viting men of intelligence in the various fields of in- dustry to give their views and furnish statistics in rela- tion to the subjects with which they were specially conversant. The Commission had in view to adjust the rate of the tariff and also that of the internal revenue so as to diminish the annual income of the Government by $70,000,000, which was deemed a sufficient reduction. After a careful and laborious investigation, they w T ere able to make their report to Congress at the time de- signated — December 4, 1882. Congress, in the main following the suggestions of the Commission, passed a revised tariff to take effect on July 1, 1883. The main features of this revision may be summed up : in respect to imported articles of luxury and of great value the tariff was not diminished, but sometimes increased ; on many articles of general use it was reduced. In respect to internal revenue the tax was taken off numerous classes of articles, but not much off tobacco, whiskey and other classes of spirituous 1104 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXX. 1884. July 1. 1882. July 12. liquors — these being deemed luxuries of even doubtful utility. This revised tariff and schedule of diminished rates in the Internal revenue tax, went into effect ; but after one years experiment, it was found that the income from imports was diminished only §23,000,000 instead of the forty that had been estimated, and that of internal revenue $19,000,000 instead of thirty. The prosperity of the country had been so great that the people were able to purchase more than usual of high-priced foreign articles, while their industrial energy produced more than usual of home manufactures, the lower tariff on the cheaper grades not having been changed enough to make any difference either in volume of importations or in home prices ; in consequence, the revenue from both sources was diminished only forty-two million instead of the seventy anticipated. The Commission in its estimates had erred, but on the safe side, so far as concerned the protective policy of the dominant party and the national income, as the Government had still a surplus instead of a deficiency. Meanwhile, during the same year the na- tional debt had been reduced $101,000,000 and the in- terest on the same five millions. This debt on Xovem- ber 1, 1884, was $1,417,159,862. The national banks 1 had now been in existence nearly twenty years, and their utility in promoting exchange, and thereby encouraging: the industries and inter-State commerce, was so valuable that Congress passed an act authorizing any such bank or association to renew its charter for twenty years under the usual conditions and with the approval of the Comptroller of the Currency. The number of national banks that had been chartered up to that time was 2,958, located in every State. The introduction of what is termed the “ spoils sys- tem” in 1829 2 became, as we have seen, a corrupting influence in our politics, and had, as a matter of course, 1 Hist., p. 991. 3 Hist., pp. 705, 730. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 1105 grown to greater and greater proportions as the party so chap. long in power more and more attracted to itself the self- LXX * seeking elements. The agitation to counteract this evil by a reform of the civil service began in 1871, when the investigation of the subject was entrusted to a commis- sion 1 . Congress finally embodied the main features of the proposed reform in a law. The latter consists of fifteen sections, the sum of which is as follows : “For J • . • lOOO open competition examinations for testing the fitness of ja n . A applicants for the public service. . . . That all the offices shall be filled by selections from among those graded highest as the results of such competitive examinations. . . . That there shall be a period of probation before any absolute appointment is made. . . . That no person in the public service is for that reason under any obligation to contribute to any political fund or render any political service. . . . That no person habitually using intoxicat- ing beverages to excess shall be appointed to or retained in any office to which the provisions of this act are ap- plicable.” Upon the passage of this act President Arthur issued the following rules : “ First — No person in civil service shall use his office, his official authority or influence, either to coerce the political action of any person or body to interfere with any election. Second — No person in the public service shall for that reason be under any obliga- tion to contribute to any political fund or render any political service, and he will not be removed or otherwise prejudiced for refusing to do so.” The important interests of labor within the nation having been recognized more fully than formerly, Con- gress created by law “ A Bureau of Labor in the Interior Department, the Commissioners of which shall collect information upon the subject of Labor in its relations to Capital, the hours of labor and the earnings of laboring 1 Hist., pp. 1068, 1091. 1106 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPRE. chap, men and women, and the means of promoting their ma- _ LXX ~ terial, social, intellectual and moral prosperity.” 1783. Xhe Continental Congress in 17S3 had passed a reso- Aug. 7. ~ r lntion to commemorate the patriotic services of George Washington by an equestrian statue, which was to be erected “ where the residence of Congress shall be estab- lished.” This resolution was not carried into immediate effect, because Congress then had no fixed place of meet- ing or residence,” and there were no funds available. Afterward, when the present government was estab- lished, Congress authorized the President (Washington) to select a site on the Potomac for the national capital, 1790. which duty he performed and also supervised the laying- *** 0 out of the city, a French engineer — M. Pierre Charles L‘ Enfant — making the necessary surveys. Because of its extent the plan was for a time much ridiculed by certain writers in the newspapers, who could not appre- ciate the comprehensive views of Washington. Since the nation has so much extended its territory, and so much increased in population, it is fitting that it have a large and beautiful capital, whose plan may be sus- ceptible of improvements corresponding to the onward progress of the nation from age to age. The undulating surface of the site supplies one of the conditions; while the original plan of the city, with its wide cross-streets and noble avenues, has shown itself the best that could have been devised. As a national capital Washington has pre-eminent advantages, and a prospective grandeur of which no other such city can boast. George Washington died on December 14. 1799. and Congress met for the first time in the present capital on the first Monday of December. 1800. The proposal for a memorial for the Father of his Country was renewed, and the following Congress appointed a Committee on the subject, which recommended that 66 a Mausoleum for George Washington be erected in the City of Washing- THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT. 1107 ton. Congress adopted the recommendation of the chap. Committee, and voted funds to carry it into effect. How- LXX ‘ ever, no definite action was taken. Thirty-two years J801. afterward a few inhabitants of the city itself, wearied with the continued delay of Congress, formed a “ Monu- ment Association,” and appealed for aid to the people themselves, whose subscriptions were to be limited to one dollar each. Money came in slowly this time also, and fifteen years passed before enough was collected to authorize the Association to begin building. Congress meanwhile had made a grant and decided upon the site for the monument. The work was commenced and the , -1 . , 1848 . corner-stone laid. juiyi. The Association continued its management, but for want of funds the work progressed very slowly. After the close of the Civil War Congress assumed the responsi- bility of finishing the monument, and making from time to time the required appropriations, completed the work under the supervision of its own officers. It is the high- est stone column ever erected by man, its height being 555 feet. The cap or apex of the monument is made of the metal aluminum, in the form of a four-sided pyramid. The whole civilized world took an interest in the com- pletion of this monument. The Association invited other nations to take part by sending blocks of stone to be in- serted in the wails. These blocks, nearly one hundred in number, coming from as many govern men ts, societies and associations of men, have been placed in the interior of the column, where they can be seen with their various inscriptions and emblems, and where they are ever to remain, mementoes of the interest manifested by the givers in the memory of George Washington. On the occasion of laying the corner-stone Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston, pronounced an appro- priate and eloquent oration, and now, thirty-seven years afterward, on invitation, he prepared an address to cele- 1108 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, brate the completion of the monument, but owing to the LXX - feebleness of his health the address was read by a friend, 1885. ex-Governor Loner, of Massachusetts. In it Mi*. TVin- Feb. 22. . & throp, in referring to TV ashington, says : “ Of that name, of that character, of that example, of that glorious guid- ing light, our obelisk, standing on the very spot selected by Washington himself for a monument to the American Revolution, and on the site that marks our national meridian, will be a unique memorial and symbol for- ever.” 1883. The Tariff question was not perceptibly settled by the law of 1883, but on the assembling of Congress it was again taken up. The debate on the Morrison tariff bill — thus named from the Democratic member who intro- duced it — in the House of Representatives, during the first session of the Forty-eighth Congress, indicated great diversity of opinion among our legislators ; some advo- cating a tariff for revenue only, some free trade, others a tariff to equalize the cost of production, and still others a high wall of protection against foreign competition. The discussion was prolonged and afterward continued in the newspapers, and then passed over into the Presi- dential canvass of 1881. The progress in the general industries of the country had been so great for the few previous years that there was on hand an unusual amount of various manufactured goods, in truth far beyond the demands of the people, and in consequence of this in- judicious overproduction, certain classes of manufacturing partially ceased during the greater portion of the years 1883-SI, and labor for the time was quite depressed. In the Presidential canvass of 1881 the national con- ventions of the main political parties — the Republican and the Democratic — were both held in Chicago; the former meeting on June 5 and the latter on July 10, 1881. They professed to enunciate the political and economical principles of each. The Republican convention pledged PARTY PLATFORMS. 1 109 itself “ to correct the inequalities of the tariff, and to chap. reduce the surplus fry such methods as will relieve the Lxx ~ tax-payers without injuring the laborer or the great pro- In- ductive interests of the country. . . .We favor the establishment of a National Bureau of Labor, and the enforcement of the eight-hour law. . . . The re- reform of the civil ' service, auspiciously begun under a Republican administration, should be completed by its extension to all grades of the service to which it is ap- plicable. . . . The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free ballot, an honest count and correct returns.” The Democratic con- vention announced “ that as the Nation grows older, new issues are born of time and progress and old issues perish. . . . That the Government should not always be con- trolled by one political party. . . . Frequent change of administration is as necessary as constant recurrence to the popular will. . . That change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of more than $100,- 000,000, which has been yearly collected from a suffering people. . . . That the party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests, and to pro- mote their healthy growth. ... We demand that Federal taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes. . . . We believe in a free ballot and a fair count. . . . We favor honest civil service reform. . . . We favor free education by common schools. . . . We oppose sumptuary laws, which vex the citizen and interfere with individual liberty.” It will be seen that so far as words can indicate, there was but little difference between the declared purposes of the two parties except that each was intent upon securing control of the Government ; and, in fact, the canvass finally turned largely upon the candidates. Much had been said and written, in and out of Congress, for and against the protective policy of the Republican 1110 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS’ PEOPLE. chap, party and its result in the enormous surplus left in the LXX hands of the Government, which was by many regarded as caused by “unnecessary and therefore unjust taxa- tion.” But while many Republicans shared the growing opposition to the policy, many Democrats were “ higli- tariif men,” and thus both parties were timid as to out- spoken expression on the real difference between the two. Both announced a necessity for “ revising the tariff ; ” but the Democrats asserted that it should be revised by a party opposed to its principle of “taxing all for the benefit of a few,” while the Republicans claimed that it should be “ revised by its friends, in the interest of pro- tecting American industries.” The Republican convention nominated James G. Blaine, of Maine, for President, and John A. Logan, of Illinois, for Vice-President ; the Democratic, nominated Grover Cleveland, of Xew York, for the first office and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for the second. Ben- jamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and A. M. West, of Mississippi, the candidates of the Greenback Labor party, had been regularly put in nomination at Indianapolis, May 28 : and John P. St. John, of Kansas, and William Daniel, of Maryland, the candidates of the Prohibition party, were nominated by a convention held in Pitts- burgh. Julv 23, 1884. In the election, held November 4. 1884, the candidates nominated by the Democratic convention were chosen, and the Lower House of Congress became Democratic by one hundred and eighty- two members to one hundred and forty Republicans — a majority of forty-two ; the Senate remaining Republican. Throughout the Union, according to law, the number of inhabitants represented by each Congressman is the same, but in this election there was a marked discrepancy in the different sections in the average number of votes cast for each. In the twenty-two original free-labor States the average number of votes cast for each Con- SOUTHERN PROGRESS. 1111 gressman was 34,595 ; in the jive border States it was chap. 29,360 ; and in the eleven recent Confederate States, LXX . 22,958. 1884 - As an evidence of the increasing interest in material progress in the southern section of the country, may be cited two Expositions : one held in Atlanta, Georgia, in which were exhibited remarkably fine specimens of the productions of that section, agricultural and otherwise. The Exposition partook almost of a national character, as so many of the products of mechanical industries were sent from the manufacturing centres of the northern section to be placed on exhibition. The other and similar Exposition was held in New Orleans in the winter (1884-85) ; the latter in its design was more comprehen- sive than the former. One object was to demonstrate the importance to the foreign trade of the Great Valley, in having a port so accessible as that of New Orleans ; another to encourage the development of the peculiar agricultural resources around the Gulf, and also to stimu- late the enterprise of our neighbors, the inhabitants of the sister republics south of the Rio Grande. The administration of Mr. Arthur drew to a close. Though disturbed at first by the tragic death of Presi- dent Garfield, it had been one in which the nation made progress in its commerce, in its industries, both mechanical and agricultural, in its educational interests, increase of population and in the founding of homes for happy families in the unoccupied territories of the far West, and thus peace and prosperity reigned throughout the land. President Arthur, although embarrassed by the mode of his entrance upon the great office, fulfilled the hopes of his friends, and gave the country an able, dig- nified, honorable and satisfactory administration of the vast interests committed to his hands. 1112 CHAP. LXXI. 1837. CHAPTEE LXXI. Cleveland’s administration. Sketch of Life.— Inaugural and Cabinet. — Death of General Grant. — Funeral Services in the U. S. — In Westminster Abbey. — Death of General McClellan. — Auditing the Books of the Treasury. — The Financial Policy. — Revision of Tariff Attempted. — Labor Arbitra- tion. — Presidential Succession. — Counting the Electoral Votes. — Inter-State Commerce Act. — Presidential Candidates and Platforms. — Department of Agriculture. — Public Schools. — Admission of States. Grover Cleveland, the son and third child of Eichard F. Cleveland, a Presbyterian clergyman, was born at Caldwell, Hew Jersey, on the 18th day of March, 1837. His father was of English descent, and his mother of Irish and German. She is described as a woman “ with a kindly face and nnnsual strength of character.” The father, in order to become pastor of a church in the State of Hew York, moved thither when Grover was a child. The latter at the age of fourteen began to earn his own living as a clerk in *a country store. This em- ployment he soon left in order to prepare himself to enter Hamilton College ; but, shortly after, the father died, leaving a widow and nine children, and they in limited circumstances; thus the want of means com- pelled the boy to relinquish a collegiate education, and he devoted himself to the support of his mother and her family. Afterward he engaged in teaching school ; but at the age of nineteen entered a legal firm in Buffalo in the capacity of a clerk, meanwhile studying law. Eight GROVER CLEVELAND. 1113 years afterward he was admitted to the bar, and four chap. years later he was elected as a Democratic candidate to LXXI the office of Assistant District Attorney for the County of Erie. In 1871 he was elected Sheriff of the county and served in that office four years with business-like effi- ciency. Eight years later he was chosen Mayor of the city of Buffalo. The latter result was the outgrowth of a union, without reference to political parties, of those who wished reform in their municipal affairs, which had been shamefully mismanaged ; and Mr. Cleveland’s record Jan - 1 - thus far led them to believe him to be the man to reform the abuses. His energetic, honest, and able administration of the Mayoralty of Buffalo won for him the marked esteem of all classes of his fellow-citizens ; so much so that the sug- gestion of his name in connection with the Governor- ship of the State was first suggested by a Republican newspaper in Buffalo, although he had always been and still continued a “ Democrat of the Democrats.” 1 Ho citizen of Buffalo had as yet ever held the office, while there was a prevailing sentiment among the people in the extreme Western portion of the State that in this respect they had been slighted. Mr. Cleveland was elected by an unprecedented majority — 195,000. This — like his election to the Buffalo mayoralty — was owing to disagreements in the Republican party, and for a pur- pose thousands of that organization voted for him, hav- ing seen how the Republicans of Buffalo had been justi- fied, who had voted for this Democrat as Mayor of a Re- publican city. Mr. Cleveland’s record as Governor pleased a large portion of his own party, although his bold vetoing of many bills which he did not ap- prove from the Democratic Legislature caused much dissatisfaction. The Democratic Convention, how- ever, nominated him for the Presidency, as their 1 Dorslieimer’s “Life of Cleveland.” 1114 HISTOEY OF THE AMEEICAX PEOPLE. chap, most available man, Mr. James G. Blaine being the I XXL Republican candidate. The contest was hot and the 1884. result close, turning upon the vote of Hew York State. It is an interesting commentary on the importance of a national as compared with a State election, in the eyes of the rural voters, that although Mr. Cleveland received 27,836 more votes than when he had been elected Gover- nor, his total of 563,154 votes was barely enough to give him Hew York’s electoral vote, by a plurality of 1,047 over his chief opponent, Mr. Blaine, while he lacked more than fifty thousand of having a majority of the en- tire vote of the State — 25,000 having voted for the Pro- hibitionist candidate and an equal number not having voted at all. A presidential election brings out thou- sands of voters who take no interest in minor contests. Grover Cleveland was inaugurated President March 4, 1885, the oath of office being administered by Chief Justice Waite. A pleasing incident of the ceremony was Mr. Cleveland’s using a small pocket Bible, which had been presented him when a boy by his mother. The President in his Inaugural Address — that of the first Democratic President since 1860 — was conciliatory intone. Among other things he said: “At this hour the animosities of political strife, the bitterness of parti- san defeat and the exultation of partisan triumph should be supplanted by an ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will and a sober, conscientious concern for the general weal. A due regard for the interests and pros- perity of all the people demands that . . . our system of revenue shall be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessary taxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested and workingmen em- ployed on American industries, and preventing the ac- cumulation of a surplus in the Treasury to tempt extrav- agance and waste. . . . The people demand reform in the administration of the Government, and the ap- Cleveland’s principles. 1115 plication of business principles to public affairs. As a chap. means to this end Civil Service reform should be in good LXX L faith enforced. ... In the administration of a gov- l 885 * ernment pledged to do equal and exact justice to all men, there should be no pretext for anxiety touching the protection of the freedmen in their rights or their security in the enjoyment of their privileges under the Constitution and its Amendments. . . . The fact that they are citizens entitles them to all the rights due to that relation, and charges them with all its duties, obli- gations and responsibilities.” The Inaugural also urged the strict application of the Monroe doctrine, economy in the expenditures of the Government, the suppression of Mormon polygamy, the protection of the Indians and their admission to citizen- ship, and closed by invoking for the nation the Divine guidance and blessing. President Cleveland invited to his Cabinet the follow- ing gentlemen : Secretary of State, Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware ; Secretary of the Treasury, Daniel Manning, of New York ; Secretary of War, William C. Endicott, of Massachusetts; Secretary of the Interior, L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi ; Postmaster-General, William F. Yilas, of Wisconsin; and Attorney General, A. II. Gar- land, of Arkansas ; all of whom were promptly confirmed by the Senate. The XLIXtli Congress did not meet until the usual Dec. z time, the first Monday in December. Before the ar- rival of that day occurred the deaths of two prominent Americans, General and ex-President U. S. Grant, and General George B. McClellan. After his retirement from the Presidency, General Grant, accompanied by Mrs. Grant, had spent two years and four months in travelling, visiting Europe and the Holy Land, and finally completing a tour around the world. In the countries he visited no private citizen had 1116 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, ever before received so ranch honor and attention, his IXXI. t our being almost a continuous ovation. On returning 1881 - to his native land he decided to make his residence in the city of New York. It was not his nature to lead an inactive life, and in the course of a year or more he be- came interested in several enterprises. lie was elected president of the Southern Mexican Railroad, that runs from the Rio Grande to the city of Mexico ; he visited that country in order to study its people and its natural resources ; he was one of the incorporators of the Nicar- agua Canal ; and was appointed by President Arthur one of the Commissioners to negotiate a treaty of reci- procity with Mexico. He invested much of his means, as a silent partner, in a firm of bankers and brokers in the city of New York. Taking it for granted that its business was honestly and properly managed, and being engrossed in other duties, he took no practical notice of its affairs. The business was, however, conducted in a series of swindling operations ; his own name having been traded upon in a most unauthorized manner. The bubble suddenly burst, and the ex-President was astounded to find himself bankrupt ; although that was as nothing, compared with his mortification when he learned of the dishonorable and dishonest means by which it had been brought about. He was now under the necessity of borrowing money to defray his current expenses. This fact induced him to begin writing his “ Personal Memoirs,” for the benefit of his family. The work had progressed about two- thirds when, as he says, “ I had reason to suppose I was in a critical condition of health.” A few months pre- vious a slight ulceration appeared at the root of the tongue, which in the end developed into a form of can- cer. He continued to work on his book, except when prostrated by weakness induced by pain. Never did he display more fortitude than when in an uncomplaining DEATH OF GENERAL GRANT. HIT spirit he bore for nine months the almost continuous chap. agony caused by this terrible disease. Thus in the line of duty, and in the sweet assurance of the Christian’s hope, 1885. he calmly awaited orders, which came July 23, 1885, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. He died at Mount MacGregor, a summer resort a few miles north of Saratoga, whither he had been removed in the hope of mitigating his sufferings. Simple and ap- propriate funeral services were held first at Mount Mac- Gregor, and at their close the casket, under a guard of honor, was placed on a special train and taken to New York. An imposing procession escorted the remains to the City Hall, where the usual lying in state continued for two days and one night. The remains w T ere taken to Riverside Park on the banks of the Hudson in th^pper portion of the city, about eight miles from the City Hall. The day of the funeral was charming, being compara- tively cool — fleeting clouds warding off the hot ray& of the sun — the air pure and bracing, while recent rains had made the earth rejoice, and the slopes of Riverside seemed dressed in living green. The funeral pageant was conducted both on water and on land, and in its proportions exceeded any one that had hitherto occurred in the Union. Men-of-war and other United States vessels took position in the Hudson opposite Riverside the evening before, and at sunrise commenced firing minute guns. Numerous private yachts and steamers crowded with spectators were also present and remained till the ceremonies at the tomb were closed. Present with the family at the last services were the President and the Vice-President of the United States, ex-Presidents Hayes and Arthur, a number of United States Senators, the Generals of the Army, Sher- man and Sheridan, and Generals Johnston and Buckner of the late Confederate Army ; representative clergymen 1118 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, of different denominations and other men of distinction. The Governors of sixteen States, some with their staffs, 1885. were present. Nearly fifty associations of the city itself and of various kinds took part in the procession, besides delegates from similar associations belonging to other cities and States. A profusion of emblems of mourning marked the route of the procession, but by no means were they thus limited, for they were to be seen in every street — some very elaborate and some very humble. The casket was deposited in a temporary tomb near where the monument is to rise, under which will be its final resting-place. The last ceremonies being performed, the mortal re mains of Ulysses Simpson Grant were left in charge of a guard of United States soldiers. At the same hour in which funeral services were being held at Mount MacGregor, by arrangement, similar ones were in progress in Westminister Abbey, London. That vast edifice was crowded by an assemblage of distin- guished persons. The flags upon all the royal residences and yachts were lowered during the service. Canon Farrar delivered a funeral discourse after the usual burial service of the Church of England was read. He said in part : “ To-day we assemble at the obsequies of the great soldier, whose sun set while it was yet day. I desire to speak simply and directly, with generous appreciation but without flattery, of him whose death has made a a nation mourn. . . . Such careers are the glory of the American people ; they show that they have a sovereign insight into intrinsic force ; that men should be honored simply as men, not according to the accident of birth. Every man derives a patent of nobleness direct from God. . . . The hour came and the man was needed : Grant’s success was not luck, but the result of inflexible faithfulness, indomitable resolution, sleepless energy. DEATH OF GENERAL McCLELLAN. 1119 persistent tenacity. He rose by the upper gravitation of chap. fitness. ... If our two peoples which are one be true to LXX1, their duty, who can doubt that the destinies of the world are in their hands ?” This service was entirely English, both in its inception and in its celebration. On the day of the funeral, memorial services were held in Paris by the American residents of that city ; a number of prominent Frenchmen were present ; and also at the same time funeral obsequies were held in the City of Mexico, while throughout the Union similar ser- vices were in progress in the cities and villages. General George B. McClellan died at Orange, New J88& Jersey, in the fifty-eighth year of his age. His illness was brief, being an affection of the heart. He was a native of Philadelphia, the son of an eminent surgeon, Dr. George McClellan, of that city. He graduated from West Point Academy, and w T as at once ordered to active service in Mexico as second Lieutenant of Engineers. During the Crimean War he was sent by the United States Government to its scene of action in order to make observations on the military movements and plans of defence and attack, on which he pre- sented to Congress an elaborate report. He soon after- ward resigned his position in the army to engage in civil engineering, being employed in superintending the construction of railways. At the commencement of the Bebellion he offered his services to the United States and was accepted and put in command in Western Vir- ginia. His distinguished military services have been treated in their place. After his second retirement Nov - 8 - from the army, he again engaged in civil affairs, mean- while becoming a resident of New Jersey, of which State he was elected Governor. He was a man of very high culture and of the purest life, and endeared to all who knew him intimately. His funeral at his own request was simple and unostentatious, held in the Madison 1120 HISTOBY OF THE A M F.BICAN PEOPLE. chap. Square Presbyterian Church in New York City. Of — that denomination he was a member and a ruling elder, 1885. in which capacity he was often appointed to represent his church in ecclesiastical courts. The assemblage at the funeral was unusually large, and comprised numbers of prominent gentlemen in the army and naxy and in the dwil walks of life. No eulogy was pronounced nor ad- dress made on the occasion. The offers of the military and of those who had seryed under him to escort the re- mains or act as a guard of honor, were courteously de- clined by the family. His last resting-place is in the family plot in Trenton. New Jersey. When Mr. Clexeland's administration entered upon its duties, the new Congress almost immediately began the labor of auditing thoroughly the books containing the financial accounts of the preyious administrations for the past twenty-four years. .After months of such inxes- tigation there was found a discrepancy of only a few cents. The youchers for the collections and disburse- ments of these moneys were on file in the respectiye departments. During this twenty-four years — from March 4. 1861. to March 4. 1885 — it is estimated that far more money was collected and paid out than had been in the entire period of eighteen administrations, or sexenty- two years, from the first inauguration of George Wash- ington. though that period had paid off the debt incurred by the Rexolution, and had borne the expenses of two wars — that of 1S12 and that with Mexico — and had pur- chased an immense amount of territory. The same general policy in relation to the financial measures of the nation — such as the rates of import duties and of internal reyenue — that had obtained in the preyious six administrations was yirtually continued dur- ing that of Mr. Cleyeland. Within these four years no laws of a national character were enacted that directly influenced the material interests of the people, chiefly TARIFF DISCUSSIONS REVIVED. 1121 because the Senate was controlled by a Republican, and chap. the House of Representatives by a Democratic, majority, LXXI . and the latter was by no means harmonious or of one mind on many essential matters. The discussions, how- ever, in the Houses of Congress and among the people on financial subjects — the tariff, internal revenue, and the disposal of the surplus — because of the uncertainty in regard to the final action of Congress, did interfere to a limited extent with the mining, manufacturing, mercan- tile and agricultural industries of the people, as well with the inter-State trade as with the foreign. Mr. Cleve- land’s administration was, therefore, quite uneventful, as it w^as much more executive than legislative in its character. He was noted, as in former executive offices- by an exact and untiring industry, scrupulously examin- ing everything, and thus was enabled to veto a very large number of improper private pension bills, mostly of cases rejected by previous administrations in the Pension Bureau, but engineered through Congress. The work of Congress was for the most part confined to the usual routine of making the necessary appropriations for car- rying on the Government. Laws previously enacted 1884 made provision for restoring to the public domain lands that had been granted to railways on certain conditions which involved forfeiture to the Government if the con- ditions were not complied with, and the President duly enforced these laws. During this administration, however, an unusual amount of earnest discussion was had in the four sessions of the Forty-ninth and the Fiftieth Congresses, as well as in the public journals, in political meetings, and especially among the people, who read more than usual, on all the topics pertaining to the finances and the general material interests of the nation. Although during the four ses- sions, as mentioned above, no tariff nor tax bill passed Congress, the arguments used for and against the bills 1122 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXI. 1885. Dec. 7. Dec. 5. proposed will undoubtedly have an influence on future legislation on these subjects. The Forty-ninth Congress in its first session entered upon a revision of the tariff, taking as its basis the tariff of 1883, the outgrowth of the Commission of 18S2. The Morrison Tariff — thus designated from the Chairman of the Committee of Wavs and Means who introduced it — for the most part applied the " horizontal ” principle to that of 1883 — that is, it diminished the latter's rates Dy ticen per cent. The House of Representatives, after discussing this measure at intervals for nearly the whole of the first session, finally failed to pass it. During the second session, owing to diversities of opinion on the subject among the members of the majority, no attempt was made to introduce another bill, and the whole matter was permitted to pass over to the Fiftieth Congress, whose members were about to be elected. In this elec- tion the people indicated that to some extent they had again changed their views on the prominent question of the tariff, or else were dissatisfied with their undecided Congressmen, as they chose a House of Representatives in which the Democratic majority of the former House was reduced from forty-two to thirteen. Although during this administration the attempts to revise the tariff proved abortive, we may. for the sake of the connection and of the reader’s convenience, note what was done by the Congress elected in the middle of Cleveland's term. In the first session of the Fiftieth Congress — which lasted from December 5. 1887. to Oc- tober 20, 1888 — the Committee of Ways and Means, through their Chairman. Mr. R. Q. Mills, introduced the bill known by his name. This bill, ignoring the horizon- tal mode as well as the revision plan, framed a tariff on a practically new schedule of rates The distinctive features of the bill had been foreshadowed by President Cleveland in his annual message on the assembling of Cleveland’s tariff message. 1123 this Congress. Therein the theory of what is character- chap. ized as the protective system was challenged to a contest before the people with the opposing policy of a tariff for revenue only. With characteristic boldness, Mr. Cleve- land spared neither political friend nor foe, but called Congress to account for tariff inaction. He said : 66 The amount of money annually exacted through the operation of the present laws from the industries and necessities of the people largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet the expenses of the Government, . . . The public treasury . . . becomes a hoarding place for money needlessly withdrawn from trade and the people’s use . . . threatening financial disturbance and inviting schemes of public plunder. ... If disaster results from the continued inaction of Congress, the responsi- bility must rest where it belongs.” Thus spurred up, the Democratic majority responded by the introduction of the “ Mills bill,” and a line was definitely drawn between the two financial and industrial policies ; as such, the various questions involved were afterward the most prominent themes for debate in the presidential canvass of the following year and in the election of the members of the Fifty-first Congress. The Mills bill, after a discussion unprecedentedly lengthened, finally passed the Democratic House by a slender majority and was sent to the Republican Senate. The latter body, for the most part, deemed its main pro- visions so radical and its changes so sweeping that, in- stead of attempting to amend it, they framed a bill of their own as a substitute, and passing that, sent it to the House ; which in its turn declined to take up at all the discussion of so utterly different a bill, but adjourned, leaving the matter to be acted upon in the second session. Meantime the Presidential canvass was in progress, and 1888 . the issue was before the people themselves, the Democratic party standing upon the Mills House bill and 1124 : HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, the Republicans upon the Senate bill, as exponents IXXI ~ of the party positions on the Tariff question. Mr. Cleve- land’s message had at last crystallized the Democratic policy to one of a u Revenue Tariff,” and Mr. Blaine (Dec. 1887), then in Paris, had caught it up and by some public letters had aroused the Republican enthusiasm to a fight for the “ Protective Tariff and so the lines of battle had been accepted by both parties, out of Congress as well as within it. 1888. When the Fiftieth Congress met in its second session Dec ' 3 ‘ the Senate renewed the discussion of the substitute bill, and having passed it a second time sent it to the Lower House ; but before the latter acted upon it Con- gress itself came to its legal end on March 3, 1889. The tariff had now remained unrevised for six years — that is, since July 1, 1883. Various labor associations had appealed to Congress for relief, since some manufacturers and contractors had by means of agents imported from Europe unskilled laborers, whom they employed at much lower wages than the American workmen could afford to accept, if they and their families were to live in their usual comfort and to educate their children. Congress in consequence enacted a law forbidding any person or corporation to import ordinary laborers under contract to perform labor or service. The law, however, provided for employing “ skilled workmen in foreign countries to perform such labor in the United States, in or upon any new industry not at present therein established,” and also for engag- ing, “ professional actors, artists, lecturers or singers, or persons employed strictly as personal or domestic ser- vants.” This law was afterward amended so as to pro- hibit objectionable persons landing, and in addition pro- vided that they be sent back to the port from which they came. Provision was also made by law for adjusting, by A SINGULAR OVERSIGHT. 1125 means of arbitration, differences as to wages between chap. employers and employes. President Cleveland, in his LXX1, Message of April, 1886, recommended that the existing 1688. Labor Bureau should be enlarged to a Board of Com- missioners, with power of arbitration. This was done, the Commission being empowered to select arbitrators to whom “ the matters of difference are to be submitted in writing by all the parties,” and to the latter is given “ full opportunity to be heard on oath ; ” the decision of the arbitrators to be signed with their respective names and sent to the Commissioner of Labor, who shall make such decision public ; the entire expense to be borne by the National government. The unusual number, in recent years, of the deaths of Presidents and Vice-Presidents when in office, arrested the attention of the thoughtful. This was notable in the case of President Garfield, and had been emphasized by the death of Vice-President Hendricks on November 25, 1885. President Cleveland called attention to it in his first Message, December, 1885, and Congress prudently thereon passed a law regulating the succession in such contingencies. The following statute was enacted : “In case of removal, death, resignation or disability of both the President and Vice-President, a member of the June is. Cabinet shall, in the following order, act as President until the disability is removed or a President elected : The Secretary of State ; that of the Treasury ; that of War ; the Attorney-General, Postmaster-General, and Secretary of the Navy.” It is also provided : “ That whenever the power and duties of the office of President of the United States shall devolve upon any of the per- sons named herein, if Congress be not in session . . . such person shall issue a proclamation convening Con- gress in extraordinary session, giving twenty days’ notice of the time of meeting.” It seems a singular oversight, but as yet there has been 1126 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, made no provision bv Congress for the contingency of r yvt 1 * o C- * the death or disability of a President-elect before the FeiTa ti me specified for him to assnme office. For the pnrpose of delining more clearly the authen- ticity of the votes for President and Vice-President, and the mode of their counting in the joint Convention of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, Congress enacted an Electoral law. an important item of which is that the determination of the State authorities as to who are the electors of the State •• shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the electoral votes, as provided in the Constitution, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by such State is concerned." It is worthy of notice that the principle embodied in this law was the rule adopted and acted upon by the special ** Electoral Commission *' 1 which, in IS 77. was specially constituted to determine the legality of the electoral votes given the respective presidential candidates. Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel J. Tilden. That Com- mission decided that the “ votes to be counted are those presented by the States, and when ascertained and pre- sented by the proper authorities of the States they must l>e counted.*’ Thus, in counting the electoral votes in the joint Convention of the two Houses of Congress, it is forbidden to go behind the authenticated returns from the States. In a country like ours, possessing a territory so exten- sive as to have an unusual variety of climate, and having, also, a population that is industrious and progressive, of necessity the traffic between the different sections must become great and quite complicated. The latter phase would be the outgrowth of rival and parallel lines of railroads, extending from the vast grain fields and pas- ture lands of the valley of the Mississippi to the cities and seaports on the Atlantic slope. These rival railways* 1 Hist. p. 1070. INTER-STATE COMMERCE ACT. 1127 in their competition with one another, were induced to chap. “cut rates” both on freight and passengers to such an LXXI extent as to cause a deficiency in their respective in- ^87^ comes. In order, therefore, to make up these losses, they charged much higher rates on the portions of their several routes where this rivalry did not exist. In con- sequence, the people who lived in the vicinity of the latter became the victims of these unequal rates of charge, and they appealed for relief to the National government. To remedy the evil, Congress passed what is termed the “ Inter-State Commerce Act.” In order to carry into effect the provisions of this law, five Commissioners are appointed by the President. This Commission is authorized “ to inquire into the management of the business of all common carriers, subject to the provisions of this Act.” It is provided : “ That all charges made for any ser- vice rendered or to be rendered in the transportation of passengers or of property from one State or Territory to another shall be reasonable and just ; and every unjust and unreasonable charge for such service is prohibited and declared to be unlawful.” On these general prin- ciples the Commission is empowered to act, and it is hoped in the end to be of great benefit to the people at large, though it is thought in some cases not to be equally fair and just toward the common carriers. When the time came to nominate candidates for the Presidency and the Vice-Presidency four Conventions were held : That of the Union Labor Party met in Cin- 1888 cinnati, and nominated Alson J. Streeter of Illinois for Ma y 16 the Presidency and Charles E. Cunningham of Arkansas for the Vice-Presidency ; the Convention of the Prohi- bitionists met at Indianapolis, and nominated Clinton B. May 31 Fiske of New Jersey for the first office and John A. Brooks of Missouri for the second ; the Democratic Con- vention met at St. Louis, and renominated President June7 - 1123 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Cleveland, and for the second office Allen J. Thnrman IIX1, of Ohio ; that of the Republicans met at Chicago, and 1888. nominated for the first office Beniamin Harrison of In- June21. J diana and for the second Levi Parsons Morton of 2sew York. As to the principles on which the canvass was to be conducted by the two main political parties, the Presi- dent had given the key, as has been mentioned, 1 in his Annual Message the previous December, and the Demo- cratic platform was framed to coincide with the theories of that document. After endorsing the platform of 1884 in its position on the tariff and its opposition to what were termed “ sumptuary laws,' 7 the Convention said : "We endorse the views of President Cleveland in his last Annual Message upon the question of tariff reduc- tion ; we also endorse the efforts of our Democratic Representatives in Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation," the latter statement being in allu- sion to the Mills Tariff Bill, then before the Lower House. The Republican platform said: "We are uncompro- misingly in favor of the American system of protection ; we protest against its destruction, as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe : we will support the interests of America.” Other than the tariff position, both platforms contained chiefly the usual “ pointing with pride 77 to their own, and “ viewing with alarm 77 the other party's doings or Xov. 6. omissions. The Republican nominees, Harrison and Morton, were elected. In the second session of the Fiftieth Congress was 1889. established a “ Department of Agriculture." the Secretary of which is a member of the Cabinet. Under the usual conditions, four new States were ad- Feb. 27 . mitted to the LYiion : South Dakota, Xorth Dakota, Montana and Washington. 1 Hist. p. 1101. 1129 CHAPTEB LXXII. Harrison’s Administration. Sketch of Life. — Inauguration Ceremonies. — Inaugural Address. — The Cabinet. — The last National Centennial Celebration. — Cere- monies at Washington’s Inauguration. — The Imitations. — The Coming from Elizabethport. — The School Girls. — Religious Ser- vices. — Meeting at the Statue in Wall street. — Military Parade. — The Civic Parade. Benjamin Harrison, the great-great-grandfather of chap. the present President, was a native of the Colony of LXXIL Virginia. We infer he was held in high respect by his fellow-colonists, inasmuch as he was at times a member, and also Speaker, of the House of Burgesses. In 1765 he took decided ground in opposition to the famous Stamp Act. He was a member of the greatly influential Continental Congresses of 1774, 1775 and 1776. As a member of the latter he signed the Declaration of Inde- pendence. The second son of Benjamin Harrison, — William Henry, — was elected President of the United States 1 by an unprecedented majority. He was the 1340 , grandfather of the Benjamin Harrison who at this writ- ing is President. Benjamin Harrison was born in the homestead of his 1333 grandfather at North Bend, Ohio. He grew up a Au s- 20 * farmer’s son, and did his share of work when not at school. After being prepared at an academy in the vi- cinity he entered Miami University, at Oxford, Ohio, where he was graduated in 1852, in his nineteenth year. 1 Hist. p. 734. 1130 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. His position was higli in the studies required in the coh LXXU. ] e g e an( j a ] so amorL g Pig fellow-students, he being especially noted for his off-hand speeches, which, owing to their clearness of expression and appropriateness oi thought, appeared to have been written out in his studj instead of being impromptu. On graduation he began 1854. the study of law, and in 1851 we find him beginning its practice in the City of Indianapolis. In 1860 he was elected Reporter of the State Supreme Court. Troublous times for the Union were foreshadowed. 1961 Fort Sumter had been fired upon, and that act fired the Ap i 12 . hearts of the loyal men of the nation. Into the preceding exciting Presidential canvass Harrison entered heartily, and was in deep sympathy with the political principles of the party that elected. Abraham Lincoln. When President Lincoln issued a proclamation for troops in 1862, Harrison offered his services to Governor Oliver P. Morton, was accepted, and authorized to raise a regiment. He acted promptly. On his way back to his office he purchased a military cap, secured a fifer and drummer, and at once threw out a flag from his office window and began recruiting men for the Union army. One company was soon obtained, put into camp and set at learning to drill, Harrison having, at his own expense, employed a drill-master from Chicago. The regiment — the Seventieth Indiana Volunteers — was completed in a comparatively short time, and the Governor appointed Harrison Colonel. Distrusting his own knowledge of military tactics, Harrison declined the office, but was finally persuaded to accept it. He entered the service as soon as possible with his regiment, being assigned to duty under General Buell, in Kentucky. He commanded his regiment with marked success in a number of bat- tles. Afterward, for his bravery and discretion, he was recommended by General Joseph Hooker, under whose eye he had come, for brevet in the grade of Brigadier- AN INCIDENT. 1131 General, as an “ officer of superior abilities, and of great chap. professional and personal worth.” He received the IjXXir> brevet January 23, 1865. When at Atlanta with Sherman, Harrison was ordered by the War Department to report at Indianapolis for special duty. That duty was to obtain recruits for the army. Aided by his popularity he was so successful in enlisting men that the work was finished by the 9th of November, and he was free to set out to join his com- mand in the march to the sea, but being unavoidably de- layed, he arrived too late, as General Sherman was already far on his march. He found, however, an order to report at Chattanooga. There he was put at the head of a brigade, and transferred to the command of General George H. Dec - a Thomas, at Nashville, Tenn. An incident that occurred here reveals in one respect the character of the man. The weather became un- usually cold, the earth being covered with snow and ice ; his brigade was at the front and the sentries placed, one of whom, R. M. Smock of Indianapolis, relates : “I saw a man approaching from the direction of the officers’ quar- ters ; I halted him, and when he gave the countersign and advanced, I saw it was Colonel Harrison. He had a large can of hot coffee, with which he regaled the sen- tries in front of his brigade, lest, as he said, 4 they should freeze to death.’ ” After the battle of Nashville, Harrison was ordered to report to General Sherman ar Savannah, Georgia ; but having been detained, he was able to join him at Golds- boro, North Carolina. He remained in the service to the end of the war. After the close of the war, General Harrison returned to the active duties of his profession, having been in 1864 re-elected Supreme Court Reporter. He was not, how- ever, permitted by his political friends to be inactive when questions of a national character were to be dis- 1132 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, cussed, and in such debates be took part, especially in . L XX1 _ several Presidential campaigns. In 1876, General Harrison was .Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana, and ran ahead of his ticket, although defeated by a small plurality. He was urged in 1880 to permit his name to come before the people as a candidate for the Presidency, but refused. He also de- clined an invitation to become a member of the cabinet of President Garfield. He had, meanwhile, in 1881, been elected almost unanimously to the Senate of the United States. At the end of his six years’ senatorship he retired once more to the practice of his profession, and while thus in private life was nominated for the ^ Presidency by the Republican National Convention as- June sembled at Chicago. More directly than in 1884, the canvass turned on 44 tariff reduction,” as called for by the Democrats, and 44 protection to American industries,” as the Republican motto. As stated above, Mr. Harrison was elected. The ceremonies pertaining to the inauguration of 1389. President Harrison were the most imposing in our his- 4. tory. It is estimated that about 100,000 persons attended from all sections of the Union. The inaugural address, in its views of national affairs, was broad and compre- hensive, and expressed in terms clear and terse. In re- spect to the principal feature of the discussion in the recent canvass, he recognized among the people a * 4 pa- triotic interest in the preservation and development of domestic industries and defense of our working people against injurious foreign competition.” In allusion to the first tariff bill of the Nation enacted by Congress and 1790. signed bv George Washington, 1 he said : 44 It is not a de- parture, but a return, that we have witnessed. ... If the question [of the tariff] became in any way sectional, it was only because slavery existed in some of the States.” 1 Hist., pp. 575, 576. harrison’s cabinet. 1133 Again : “ Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of the chap. occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people covenant with me and with one another to-day, to sup- port and defend the Constitution and the Union of the States, to yield willing obedience to all the laws, and each to every other citizen, his equal civil and political rights.” President Harrison sent to the Senate for their con- firmation the names of the following gentlemen as mem- bers of his cabinet — they were all confirmed within half an hour : James G. Blaine, of Maine, to be Secretary of State; William Windom, of Minnesota, Secretary of the Treasury ; Redfield Proctor, of Y ermont, Secretary of War ; William H. H. Miller, of Indiana, Attorney-Gen- eral ; John Wanamaker, of Pennsylvania, Postmaster- General; Benjamin F. Tracy, of Hew York, Secretary of vhe Navy ; John W. Noble, of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior ; and Jeremiah M. Rusk, of Wisconsin, Secretary of Agriculture. The last of our national centennial celebrations — that of the first Inauguration of George Washington — took place in 1889. The Continental Congress, during the session of 1788, after it was known that a sufficient number of the States had voted to ratify the Constitu- tion, enacted that Presidential electors should be chosen on the first Wednesday of January, 1889, that they should cast their votes for President and Vice-President on the first Wednesday of February, and that the two houses of Congress should meet in New York City, on the first Wednesday of March, — which that year came on the fourth. On March third , at sunset, the citizens of New York fired thirteen guns in honor of the Continental Congress, representing the Thirteen Colonies that became inde- pendent States on the 4th of July, 1776. That Congress was to expire on the morrow at noon, and the Congress 1134 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, of the new nation 1 was to meet at the same lionr. The 11X11 ' morning of the fourth was ushered in by the firing of cannon and the ringing of bells. At the hour of noon on that day, only eleven guns were fired : they were in honor of those States that had voted to ratify the Consti- tution — Xorth Carolina and Rhode Island being the de- linquents. Numerous delays, caused principally by the badness of the roads, the distance and the slow means of travel- ing. chiefly on horseback, prevented a quorum of either house being present on the fourth of March. The Senate, however, obtained one by April first, the House having been ready for business a day or two previous. April Monday, the fifth of April, the joint Convention of the House and Senate proceeded to count the electoral votes for President and Vice-President. It was found that George Washington, of Virginia, was unanimously chosen President, having sixty-nine votes, and that John Adams, of Massachusetts, having thirty-four votes, was chosen Vice-President. Messengers were sent imme- diately and with all speed to inform these gentlemen of their election — Charles Thomson. Secretary of the Con- tinental Congress, to Mount V emon, and Sylvanus Bourne to Braintree. Massachusetts. The Vice-President was the first to arrive in Xew York, having been escorted the entire way by volunteer complimentary guards of honor. He at once took the oath and entered upon his duty as the presiding officer of the Senate, which was already in session. Some days later. Washington also arrived, hav- ing come the whole way from Virginia on horseback. April thirtieth. It became without legal authority, to commence Presidential terms at noon on the fourth day , instead of on tli z first Wednesday, of March. The Centennial of the Inauguration of George 1 Hi*t.. p. 573. April The Inauguration took place ' the custom thereafter, but ELIZABETHPORT WALL STREET. 1135 Washington, as the first President of the United States, was celebrated by the people throughout the Union ; though, as was fitting, the main ceremonies, which lasted three days, were carried out in the City of New York, where that Inauguration took place. It was properly de- cided to imitate, as far as circumstances would permit, the manner in which the original one was conducted . 1 Washington’s journey from Mount Vernon to New York had been a spontaneous and continuous ovation on the part of the people dwelling along the route, especially in the City of Philadelphia, and in the villages through which he passed. Only two of these demonstrations could be imitated with much appearance of success. The first attempt was in bringing President Harri- son and his escort, such as committees and a few invited guests, from Elizabetliport, on the New Jersey shore of Staten Island Sound, twelve miles southwest of New York City. The great New York Bay, upper and lower, was swarming with ships of every description, in number estimated to be between six and seven hundred. The police steamer, the Patrol , with a sufficient force on board to preserve order, kept a wide open space through the midst of these ships, and in almost a straight line from Elizabetliport to the foot of Wall street, East River, where Washington had landed. Among these ships were eleven National war vessels, with their crowd of sailors and marines ; revenue cutters and merchant- men ; private yachts, excursion steamers, iron steamboats, river and sound steamers ; immense ferry-boats and com- paratively small but saucy tugs, flitting here and there, but all under perfect control and in order. The Nation’s flag — now for the first time radiant with forty-two stars — was predominant among the gay emblems of corporations and private yachting clubs — the whole appearing like a collection of innumerable miniature rainbows. At the 1 Hist., pp. 572, 573. CHAP. LXXI1, 1889 April 29 . 1136 HISTORY OF THE AME RICAN PEOPLE. chajp. time appointed, the Dispatch, a United States vessel, LlL3LLI ' having on board the Presidential party, started from Elizabethport along the open space. When approaching from the west she was greeted by gims from the war- vessels, and huzzas from the marines and sailors, the lat- ter at a signal instantly manning the yards, while cheers of welcome rang out from the multitudes aboard the numerous other boats and ships. When the D> 'patch arrived opposite Wall street, in imitation of the 44 Thirteen Pilots, v a crew of thirteen sea-captains belonging to the Marine Society rowed the barge which carried the President to the pier, where he was welcomed by the Committee, whose Chairman, the venerable ex-Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, made a brief but appropriate address. The procession moved up Wall street to the Equitable Building on Broadway, where a reception and luncheon were had. Meanwhile an in- teresting group of school-girls was waiting at the City Hall to receive the President, in memory of the greet- ing given to Washington by young girls of Trenton, X. J., when on his way to Xew York in 17S9. The girls were tastefully dressed in white, and were selected from the Grammar departments of the public schools, while thirteen were taken from the senior class of the Xormal College. The girls, the flowers, the addresses, the spec- tators, made a pretty and memorable effect. The exercises of the first day were closed by the In- augural Centennial Ball at the Metropolitan Opera House, in which a number of the descendants of those who took part in the one of 1789 participated. The second day of the ceremonies was ushered in by 1889. religious exercises. At the call of the President's proe- lamation, services of thanksgivings for the past and prayers for the blessings of God upon the future of the Xation now entering on its second century, were held in the churches throughout the Union at 9 A. M. The THE PROCESSION. 1137 Center of attraction in New York was at St. Paul’s Church, to which 1 Washington after his inauguration, accom- panied by the members of Congress, had gone to return thanks to God and implore His blessing upon the Gov- ernment just instituted. Bishop Provost, Chaplain of the Senate, had officiated. In the same church President Harrison and the members of his Cabinet who could attend, were present ; the services were conducted in the usual form, Bishop Henry C. Potter making an address. Pres- ident Harrison occupied the pew in which Washington was accustomed to sit — which has always been preserved in its original form. Ex-Presidents Hayes and Cleve- land were present, besides numerous other prominent men. The assembly adjourned at the close of the services to meet at the historic place in Wall street, where stands a bronze statue of Washington on the spot where the original inauguration took place. After prayer, addresses were made, the chief orator being Cliauncey M. Depew. At the close of these services President Harrison pro- ceeded to Madison Square, where he was to review the military procession reaching from Wall street to Fifty- sixth street — about four miles. For the accommodation of spectators — of which, all told, there were perhaps a million, as every available point for seeing was occupied — temporary platforms or seats were prepared in many places on the streets along the route, in front of public buildings and parks. The private residences on the line of march were elaborately decorated. This parade of citizen-soldiers was the greatest thus far in our history. They came from twenty-three States, extending from Maine to Louisiana, and all along the Atlantic slope ; there were present also twenty-nine Governors of States, who were mostly accompanied by their staffs. The whole number of troops exceeded fifty thousand. The exer- 1 Hist., p. 573. CHAP. LXXII. 1889. lloS HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXII. 1889. May 1. c-ises of the second day closed with an Inauguration Cen- tennial Banquet. The enthusiasm of the people continued unabated, and they entered into the processions jf the third da^ with a zest equal to that of the two previous. The last day in truth, represented causes that came home to them individually, more than the displays of the other two, as it was an exhibition in favor of the educational and in- dustrial interests of the Xation ; showing the great ad- vancement made during the first century of the Xation's life, in the paths of useful labor, of domestic peace and material progress in a Christianized civilization. The de- tail is too extensive for us to enter upon in this connec- tion. The participants in the parade were drawn from the city and its immediate vicinity, including students of Columbia College, of the Xew York City College and of the University of Xew York ; followed by boys, pupils in the public schools. 4,000 strong : and they, by the va- rious trade and industrial representations. Applications had been received by the Committee, from civic, com- mercial and industrial societies — foreign-born and native alike, all of which designated the number belonging to each who wished to participate in the processions, the whole number amounting to 110.000 ; but the Committee was compelled to limit the number pro rata, so that only 75,000 could be in line. This celebration closed the first hundred years of the Xation 5 s life and history, and. under wonderfully changed circumstances, it has entered upon its second century. nay CHAPTER LXXIII. 1789 AND 1889 THE CONTRAST. The Territory of the Union in 1789 and in 1889. — Its Comparison with Europe. — The Diversified Climate. — The Essential Produc- tions. — Crude Manufactures and Trade. — The Two National Debts. — The Means of Paying. — Condition of the Churches in 1789 and in 1889. — Zeal and Benevolent Institutions. — Theological Discussions. — The Effects Produced. — The Anti-Slavery Agita- tion. — Commerce, Agriculture, Invention. — Immigration. — Edu- cation. — Suffrage. — Literature. — Language. In closing: the liistorv of the first hundred years of chap. . . . / . . J LXXIII the Nation’s life, it will interest the intelligent reader to compare the salient points of difference in the conditions under whicli it began its first century, and those under which it enters upon its second. The territory of the United States consisted in 1789 of a comparatively narrow strip lying along the Atlantic slope, extending from the eastern boundary of Maine to the northern line of Florida. Sometime before and 1749 during the French and Indian war, large numbers of ad- to venturous spirits threaded their way westward over the Alleghany Mountains into the regions beyond. At the termination of that war a second migration, consisting of many thousands, began crossing over by the famous Braddock 1 road into Western Pennsylvania, and there founded settlements in the fertile valley of the Monon- gahela. At the same time similar migrations were on 1 Hist., pp. 280, 585. 1140 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, their way from the same State, along the more northern LXXIII. roa( j cu ^ jjy Q enera l Forbes, to the vicinity of the site 1773. of the present City of Pittsburg. Afterward, equally adventurous and bold-hearted emigrants passed over from Virginia and North Carolina, through the south middle portion of the same mountains, and under great difficul- ties established homes for their families within the “ dark and bloody ground ” now known as Kentucky. 1 These were the only settlements of that day outlying the At- lantic slope. The opening of the second century in this respect is in marked contrast. It finds the Nation occupying a vast territory, extending east and west from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific ; and north and south from the Florida Keys, the north shore of the Gulf of Mexico, the line of the Rio Grande, and thence to and along the Pacific Ocean, to the 49th parallel of latitude on the northwest, and a line drawn through the middle of the Great Lakes, and on the northeast to the 47th parallel. A further com- parison may aid the American people to appreciate more fully their goodly heritage. The domain of the United States, excluding Alaska, is estimated to lack only a few hundred thousand square miles of being as large as all Europe. The territory of Europe extends from the Straits of Gibraltar to four degrees beyond the Arctic Circle ; along this circle, on both sides, is a vast barren waste, because of the rigidly cold climate. On the other hand, the territory of the United States lies wholly within the choicest portion of the North Temperate Zone, as it extends from the 49th parallel down to within half a degree of the Tropic of Cancer ; nor is there an acre of soil within its boundaries, except on the high mountains, that is unavailable because of the climate for pasturage or cultivation. The contrast with Europe is, perhaps, still more re- 1 Hist., p. 507. A COPIOUS RAINFALL. 1141 markable in regard to climate and rainfall, as the United chap. States appear to derive more benefit from the Atlantic and Pacific equatorial currents than both Asia and Europe com- bined. The Atlantic current furnishes the Gulf Stream, which brings the blessings of moisture and warmth to Western Europe ; but it also furnishes what is equally important — a copious rainfall to our great Mississippi Val- ley . 1 The Pacific equatorial current is the origin of the Japan current — three times the size of the Gulf Stream, and four degrees warmer — which causes the mild climate and moisture of our Pacific and Northwestern States, away up to Alaska . 2 The influence of this warm current, which expands all over the surface of the North Pacific, extends along the entire southern portion of Alaska, and to the south down the coast beyond San Francisco. The winds from off it are loaded with warmth and moisture, and penetrate inland about one thousand miles, passing over Oregon and Washington and through the gaps of the Cascade and the Pocky Mountain ranges, until they meet and mingle with the western flank of the vapor- loaded winds from the Atlantic equatorial current. The latter are deflected by the Sierra Madre Mountains of Mexico, and flow north toward the pole to restore the equilibrium of the atmosphere. The extent of territory occupied by the United States, and the consequent diversity of climate, render the Ameri- can people virtually independent of the rest of the world for the necessaries of life, such as clothing and substan- tial food of all kinds, the only exceptions being tea and coffee, chocolate, and a few spices from the tropics, that have in time become essential to the comfort of the people, and as delicacies for the table. We are also dependent, for the most part, on foreign lands for raw silk and india-rubber. Thus, the North and North-middle 1 Natural Resources of the U. S.; J. H. Patton; pp. 351-360; 364. 2 Nat. Resources, pp. 369-377. m2 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, produce the cereals and orchard fruits, while the Soutli- IXX 11 middle furnishes tobacco and cotton, and the extreme southern portion sugar-cane, rice and sub-tropical fruits. It is interesting to know that the mineral wealth of the United States, in its diversified forms, much transcends in importance all that is in the world beside, thus far dis- covered. 1 In 1789 the only means of transportation within the Union was by animal power, such as by pack-horses over the Alleghanies, or traveling on horseback or bv coach. © © «/ while freight was carried in wagons drawn bv horses or oxen ; by sailing vessels along the Atlantic coast, or in scows or flatboats on the rivers. The great National road, constructed by the general Government across the Alleghanies, from Cumberland. Maryland, to the Ohio 1820. Eiver, was finished to that point in 1820. Thirty-six years after the first inauguration of Washington, the Erie Canal, made by the State of New York, was opened. 1825. It united at Albany the Great Lakes with the Hudson Liver, and through that with the Atlantic in New York harbor. In after years a number of other canals were constructed in different parts of the Union, nearly all of which have been superseded by railways. 1827. Two years after the uniting of the lakes with the Atlantic, was made the first railway in the Union ; it was in Massachusetts, and was designed to transport granite from Quincy to the seashore. Five years later, 2 our first locomotive began running on the Hudson and Mohawk 1832. Railroad. The building of such roads proceeded very rapidly, and in 1835 there were in the United States 1,098 miles of railways ; but in passing over fifty-four years, we find that in 1889 they had increased to 163,362. Of the rails used on these roads about seventy-five per cent are. at this writing, made of steel, which is fast super- seding those made of iron, — the introduction of an Ameri- 1 Nat. Resources of the U. S. 4 Hist., p. 700. COMPARISON OF RATES. 1143 can-improved Bessemer process having rendered steel- making botli easy and cheap. Other items in this connection are worthy the atten- tion of the reader. On the through lines of railways from the Atlantic slope across the lleghanies, the aver- age of the charge for freight in 1865 was 2.9 cents per ton per mile; in 1889 it was O.609 cents. On the West- ern and Southwestern roads the average charge for the same in 1865 was 3.642 cetits ; in 1889 it was 0.934 cents. The combined average rate of the same on these two di- visions of roads in 1865 was 3.271 cents, while the aver- age rate of the same in 1889 was 0.771 cents. The aver- age rate per mile for passengers on these roads in 1889 was 2.246 cents. There was in the United States in 1889 for every 19.34 square miles of surface one mile of rail- road ; and one mile of the same to every 418 of the in- habitants. The gross value of these railways in 1889 was $20,95 7, 668, 032. 1 What will all these items be in 1989 ? We of 1891, in our abundance of comforts and home facilities for supplying our wants, have only a very im- perfect conception of the difficulties, financial and other- wise, that obtruded themselves upon our fathers, when they were entering upon the first century of our national existence. The people, as individuals, were poor indeed, and so was the new government itself. The separate States and the Continental Congress were both involved in debts contracted in the war for independence. These debts of the States, as a matter of national policy, were assumed by the general government, but that was a transference made for convenience only, since the debts thus consolidated still remained and had to be paid. The people, in a comparatively crude way, had made for themselves some domestic articles of prime necessity; when colonists they had been for the most part depen- 1 Poor’s R.R. Manual. CHAP. LXX111. 1144 HISTORY OF THE A~MF.Rr r.AX PEOPLE. chap, dent for these upon the motherland, while during the eight years of aetnal war for independence, most of their able-bodied men being in the army, those at home manu- factured articles that pertained to carrying on the war. rather than those for domestic nse in times of peace. Their trade among themselves (and they had none out- side worth mentioning) tin ally degenerated into mere barter, because during the six years immediately after the conclusion of peace, when their sea-ports were thrown open for commerce, and before the inauguration of Washington. England, under her system of “perfectly free-trade, swept from the country every dollar and everv piece of gold." 1 In addition to this evil, rivalry between the States bordering on the ocean often led them to impose, each for itself, different rates of duties on the same class of merchandise, when brought into their respective ports, the object of each one being to secure the foreign trade as much as possible. The whole people had also — in contrast with the present time — to enter upon a sort of apprenticeship, in order to learn how to make for themselves the best ar- ticles for domestic use. England had hitherto supplied these, and at her own prices. The contrast between the amount of manufacturing in that day and what it is at present is amazing. The debt of the United States at the commencement of the first century - was. in proportion to each one of the population, larger, and in addition was far more burden- some for the people to pay than their debt on entering upon their second century, when their facilities for paying it are so much superior. The national debt in 1 791 was 6 75.463,- 476; the similar one on December 31. 1890, was $873.- 435.939.50, less the cash in the U. S. Treasury. In 1791 1 Bolles* Financial Hist, of the U. S.. p. 437. 4 Hist., p. 575. THE CIVILIZING INFLUENCE. 1145 the debt was about nineteen dollars per each man, woman chap. 1 t V'Y'ITT and child of the population, In 1890, estimating the_J number of inhabitants to be sixty-three millions, the national debt was, for each one of the population, about fourteen dollars. Thus far the American people have merited the honor of being characterized as “ the only debt-paying nation.” We cannot go into details; let a mere glance at their varied resources accounting for this, suffice. Notice the vast mineral wealth of all kinds discovered during the lirst century, within the Union ; the abundant facilities for internal and foreign trade ; the agricultural and pastural resources ; the numberless inventions that pro- mote mechanical industries : all these, in their respective capacities, produce wealth, and thus indirectly afford funds for paying the national debt. There are, however, other considerations worthy of note in a nation’s life than those of mere material progress. The contrast in the facilities for extending the truths of Christianity and their civilizing influence throughout the land, and for promoting education among the people of all classes, is fully as striking as any other feature of this comparison. We have seen that immediately after the adoption of the Constitution, the several denominations of Christians took measures to frame their systems of Church government in such manner as to be consistent with that of the Nation 1 The remarkable moral and educational results produced during the first century,, though in the face of numerous difficulties, have amply vindicated this. Within that hundred years, especially in the latter half, all these denominations have manifested unusual zeal in preaching the gospel in destitute por tions of the Union, and in endeavoring to raise the whole people by means of education to a higher plane of gen- eral intelligence, thus preparing them to enter upon their 1 Hist., pp. 567-570. 1146 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXIH. second century almost infinitely better equipped than were tbeir fathers for a continual progress in all that is great and noble. The leading minds in these denominations founded benevolent associations to aid in the cause, such as Bible, Tract, Sunday School, Home Missionary, and other societies . 1 Meanwhile the private members of the churches nobly furnished the necessary financial means ; nor were they lacking in individual efforts in their re- spective spheres of influence. This spirit also influenced wealthy men to recognize their own responsibility, and in consequence, within the period mentioned, they have furnished millions on millions for purposes of education. The chm’ch members at the beginning of the first cen- tury, as well as the rest of the people, were poor in worldly affairs ; at the beginning of the second, tliev are com- paratively rich, and in addition they have, prepared to their hand, these various benevolent associations and societies, which the wisdom of the first century has de- vised, and which appliances can be now utilized to the best advantage. There is still another contrast. The commencement of the first century saw but little harmony or sympathy between the various religious denominations, but, on the contrary, antagonisms, especially between the two that were in union with the State 2 and those others that were not, owing to the harsh treatment the latter had so long endured from the former. The remembrance of these wrongs passed over from colonial times, and it took at least one generation for that malign influence to thor- ouglily pass away, which, during the first third of the century, very much trammeled the legitimate works of the churches. 1 Hist., pp. 636, 656. * The Congregational in New England and the Episcopal in some of the Middle and the Southern Colonies. Hist., p. 567. RELIGIOUS DISCUSSIONS. 114:7 The above period was succeeded by another, lasting chap. nearly forty years, characterized by an unusual mental ac- LXX l t I tivity in respect to theological opinions, which were dis- cussed extensively throughout the Northern and Eastern States. These discussions took a wide range amid the respective doctrines of the churches, such as the scriptural authority for certain forms in rites and ceremonies, Church policy, the mode of ordaining the ministry, Bib- lical interpretation, and, in general, other leading doc- trines of the various denominations. The religious news- papers and periodicals engaged in this work, and even a portion of the secular press, opened their columns to the disputants and treated the matter editorially. These contests were mainly on points of belief that in themselves were non-essential, while at the same time there prevailed among these evangelical disputants a re- markable unanimity in accepting the essential truths of the gospeL The latter phase of the subject induced a sentiment of charity that continually grew in strength, until all parties tacitly acquiesced in each denomination in its own way preaching the word and administering the rites of the Church, and thus promoting the cause so dear to the hearts of all. In consequence of these mutual concessions, there came gradually into existence, toward the end of the second period mentioned, an era of good feeling among the churches, which prevails, more than ever before, in the entire Christian community. This was one of the most important legacies that the churches of the first century left to those of the second. There was, however, one controversy — the anti-slavery agita- tion — that continued unchanged among the churches in its earnestness to the very last, even until the war for the preservation of the Union incidentally blotted out its exciting career forever. At present, however, we see the churches of the United States entering upon their second century, never in their 1148 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEoPLK. chap, history so free from discordant conflicts, nor so abundant T. XXLLI. wea ith, in zeal and in the facilities for concentrated effort in their appropriate work, which in its greatness has never before been paralleled in the Union. In closing this chapter, it is proper to notice the evidence of the deep underhung reverence that has always characterized the American people — especially those who are descendants of the original colonists — for the truths of Christianity. This may account for the fact that no special movement in opposition to the lat- ter s essential and leading doctrines has ever originated in the United States. In the early years of the Nation’s century, there pre- vailed, to a very limited extent, a form of infidelity derived from the French revolutionists. Its views or arguments were presented, however, in a tone peculiarly low and vulgar, so that what influence it had among the people at large, dwindled away in less than a generation. The modes of criticism tending to invalidate the authority of the Bible as the inspired Word of God, were introduced from Germany. In the same manner, the theories that would ignore God in His own grand law of evolution, or the gradual development or improve ment in the order of nature, whether animal or vege- table, and likewise, the theory that “ neither denies nor affirms God, but puts Him on one side,” known as agnos- ticism, are both exotics — they having been transplanted hither from the British Isles. In the same connection, it mav be said concerning the writing of books of a decided immoral tendency, that comparatively very few, as far as we know, are the direct product of American authors. COMMERCE — AGRICULTURE. 1149 On the pages following have been grouped state- ments concerning the progress made by the American People during their first century in various elements of civilization. PROGRESS OF A CENTURY. This Government, founded on the recognition of the civil and religious rights of man, may be regarded as an experiment in process of trial, but with the highest hopes of success. It is natural that under such a Government the people should make progress in literature, in science, and in those mechanical arts and inventions that promote the comfort and advancement of mankind. Let us take a rapid glance at the progress made by this youthful nation in the short life of one hundred years. Since the Declaration of Independence the num- ber of inhabitants, then estimated at three millions, has increased more than sixteen-fold ; and since the first cen- sus (1790) the number has increased from 3,929,214 to 62,480,540 — sixteen-fold. In the same period foreign commerce has increased m value from twenty to fifteen hundred million dollars, while the internal trade has reached twenty-five thousand millions. In connection with this has been a steady increase in the facilities of communication and transport, first by means of steam- boats, which now abound upon our rivers and great lakes ; by means of canals connecting the lakes and the great valley of the Mississippi with the Atlantic, and railroads extending to all parts of the land, and which have in- creased to an aggregate length of 163,362 miles, in operation or in process of construction, at an expense of nearly twenty-one thousand million dollars. A steady progress has been made in agriculture, in which a greater number are engaged than in any other employment, as farmers in the Northern and planters in the Southern States. As an agricultural product, Indian CHAP. Lxxin, 1890 1790 to 1890- 1809. 1827. 1889. 1150 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXlil. 1880. 1881. 1819. 1854. corn stands first in value, eight hundred and four million dollars ; wheat, five hundred and seventy-four ; hay, four hundred and thirty, and cotton about two hundred and seventy millions, and so on through the list of crops ; while the cattle numbered twenty-eight million, and the swine fifty-five. The products of the cotton and woollen manufacturers amounted respectively to one hundred and eighty-eight, and one hundred and sixty-four million dol- lars. The inventive genius of the people has been active in securing the powers of nature in adding to the comforts of human life. In implements for cultivating the soil there have been innumerable improvements, from the simple hoe to the steam plough ; and from the primitive sickle and scythe to the reaping and mowing machine. As striking have been the improvements in the steam engine ; in ship-building, from the swift sailing clipper to the sharp-prowed ocean steamer — copied now by England's steam marine; and in printing-presses, by means of one — Hoe ? s— ninety thousand impressions can be taken in an hour. The sewing machine, that friend of woman, is a purely American invention, and so is that not less useful machine, the cotton gin. Fifteen thousand patents have been taken out in a single year at Washington. We have seen the character of the first settlers of this land ; their intelligence, their zeal in founding institutions imbued with the spirit of civil and religious liberty. The time came to welcome another immigration. In 1819 Congress first directed the collectors of ports to take cog- nizance of the foreigners who arrived in the country, and make returns of the same to the Secretary of State. That immigration, subject to great fluctuations, in one year amounted to three hundred and seventy-two thou- sand. Of these the majority had no higher skill than to engage in the simplest forms of manual labor. They aided immensely in the development of the country ; for DESIRABLE IMMIGRANTS. 1151 1881. 1863, Jan. 1 . none but the energetic emigrate to better their condition, chap and they bring with them that element of character so valuable. Without their toil our canals would never have been dug, nor our railroads built, nor the improvements in our towns and cities. They have received the recom- pense of their daily labor, yet, as a Nation, we acknowl- edge to them our obligations. Since then, especially during the three last decades, the character of immigrants from beyond the Atlantic has materially changed. As the manufacturing industries of the country developed its resources the inducement for skilled labor was greatly increased, and a much greater proportion of skilful mechanics have come among us to become valued citizens, and train their children in our common schools to be Americans. The public lands, as offered by the Homestead Bill, have brought an immense number who have settled upon them as industrious, eco- nomical and thrifty farmers, especially in the West and Northwest. Intelligent merchants from abroad have aided in extending our commerce, and also an increasing number of educated men have found here a home and a held of usefulness, both as lawyers and physicians, and as ministers of the Gospel and professors in our colleges, and teachers of our youth. The whole number of immigrants since 1820 now amounts to about fourteen millions. The cheap lands of the great West offered induce- ments to the enterprising in the older States to migrate, and while they leveled the forests or brought the prairies under cultivation, the industry of the States they had left was stimulated, and, by means of manufactures and com- merce, they supplied the wants of those who had gone West, and were themselves benefited in return by ex- changing the product of their mills and workshops for cheaper food brought from the great valley. As reported by the Secretary of the Interior, it ap- pears that under that beneficent measure the Homestead 1890. 152 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap. Bill, during the twenty-five years it has been in operation, * an area equal that of New England, the Middle States and 1889. e st Virginia^ has been taken up and occupied as farms by one million forty-one thousand six hundred and sixty- six families or households, which on an average of five per- 1889. sons to each, aggregates five million two hundred and eight thousand, — more than the population of the State of New York by the census of 1880. The recent yearly average amount of area settled under this bill is about equal that of the States of Vermont and Rhode Island combined, while the annual average increase of households has been more than sixty thousand. In addition nearly one-third as much area has been yearly sold by the National Government to settlers, who prefer to purchase farms in certain locali- ties, especially along railroads ; besides the amount sold by railway corporations from lands granted them by the Government in aid of the construction of such roads. The combination of the three systems speedily forms settlements sufficiently populated to sustain churches and schools — so dear to the American heart. The youth of the land have not been forgotten, pub- lic schools having their origin in Massachusetts, have become the heritage of all the States . 1 At convenient points Congress has set apart a liberal portion of the pub- lic lands for the special support of common schools in the new States and territories. The older States, mean- while, have been making laudable exertions to increase their school funds. The number of pupils in academies, and in the public and private schools, is estimated at more than eight millions; and in colleges, theological semina- ries, medical and law schools, the students number about eighty thousand. The general progress of secular education, as well as in religious instruction, prepared the way for a new form of usefulness ; the young men of the Nation were induced 1 Hist. 133, 320. SUFFRAGE QUALIFICATIONS. 1153 as a class to make greater exertions than heretofore in the cause of morality, and to exert more influence by using their united strength. The first Young Men’s Christian Association in the Union was organized in Bos- ton ; the second in Yew York City, and within a year ten similar ones were formed in other cities ; and now there are in the Union 1,170 Associations having a membership of 195,456. These Associations, being an outgrowth of this age of the church, have, especially in the cities, ample fields for work in connection with church organizations. The members labor in Sabbath and mission schools ; have libraries and reading-rooms — resorts for young men en- gaged in business — have Bible classes for their own members and for others ; maintain literary classes as well as rooms for innocent amusements, and over all throw a Christian influence. In many of the cities Associations of Christian Young Women have been formed on the same principle, to promote a similar work of benevolence among young persons of their own sex. Of two impediments to a universal education, one — slavery — has disappeared ; and the other is diminishing rapidly, as the numerous immigrants, especially from Northern Europe and Germany, are superior in respect to their education to those of former times. If no young man , when becoming of age, was permitted to vote unless he could read and write , we should have in less than a score of years a Nation in which there would scarcely be an illiterate voter. In these days of free schools, the young man who has not sufficient mental power to learn to read and write should be set aside on the score of im- becility ; and if he has the power and not the will much more is he derelict of duty, and unworthy to exercise the privilege The same principles apply to Foreigners , who have ample time in the jive years before they can become nat- uralized , to thus qualify themselves by learning to read CHAP. LXXIII. 1851, Dec. 9. 1852, 1889. 1154 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXIIL 1890 . 1889 and write ; and if they neglect to perforin that duty , let them he disfranchised as well as the native-born In no respect has the mental energy of the Nation manifested itself so much as in the encouragement given to the public press. The common schools taught the youth to read : the innate desire of acquiring knowledge was fostered ; and the fascinating newspaper, as it statedly enters the domestic circle, reflects the world and records the progress of the age. By this means the most retired can be brought into sympathy with the world, in its yearnings after excellence, peace, and happiness. At the commencement of the Revolution there were but thirty-five newspapers, and they of a very limited circulation ; now, of all classes, are more than fifteen thousand. The population since that time has increased eighteen-fold, and the newspapers more than four-hun- dred-fold. Educated and accomplished minds discuss in their columns the important questions of the time, and upon these questions the Nation acts ; thence they pass into history. If the issues of the press are kept pure, the blessing in all its greatness far transcends mortal ken. Public opinion has been termed a tyrant ; but it is a tyrant that, if vicious, can be made virtuous — can be reformed if not dethroned. Let the virtue and the intelligence of the Nation see to it that it is a righteous tyrant, and sub- mission to its iron rule will become a blessing. In intimate connection with this intellectual progress is the increase of public libraries, found in so many of our cities. There are now more than ten thousand, and they contain about nine million volumes. These store- houses of knowledge are as diversified as the wants of the people. Among them are found the Sunday-school libra- ries, each with its few hundred volumes ; the social or circulating libraries, in almost every village or large town, and the numerous private as well as public libraries, con- taining much of the current literature of the day. An HOKOllEL* 2s AMES — ART. T155 important feature was introduced at the formation of the chap. 1 f t I XXII f public library in New York City bearing the name of its ' founder, John Jacob Astor, and since increased by his 1890 - son. Other great cities have also their tine public libra- ries — notably a very superior one in Boston, and the art of cataloguing and making available the treasures of such collections has made the position of librarian almost a profession. In the departments of human knowledge and literature we have names that are held in honor wherever the Eng- lish language is read : in History, Prescott, Bancroft, Hildreth, and Motley ; in Systematic Theology, Hr. Timo- thy Dwight, whose works have had a great influence in this country and in England, and Professor Charles Hodge ; in Mental Philosophy, Jonathan Edwards ; in Biblical Literature, Edward Robinson ; in Poetry, Bry- ant, Longfellow, and Whittier; in Light. Literature, Irv- ing, Cooper, and Hawthorne ; in Lexicography, Noah Webster; in Mathematics, Bowditch — many other emi- nent names might be added. In art we have those who have exhibited evidence of genius that may yet give the Nation a name honored among those eminent in painting and sculpture. Her sons have not been surrounded by models from great masters to awaken in early life the slumbering, genius, nor have they been encouraged by a traditionary rever- ence among the people for such manifestations of talent. It has been in the face of these disadvantages that they have reached their present high position, not by passing through a training laborious and preparatory, but almost at a bound. We rejoice to see the great body of the people asso- ciating themselves for purposes of doing good or for self-improvement. There are in the land many religious and* benevolent associations. Of the latter class is the Temperance movement, promoted at first greatly by the 1156 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CH AP , eloquence of Dr. Lyman Beecher. and which has had an LXXIU. j mmerLSe influence for good upon the nation. The moral 1390. p} iase 0 f the subject has taken deep hold of the minds and conscience of the people, and in the end the cause must prevail. There is also no more cheering sign of the times than that of the people themselves becoming more and more acquainted with their civil rights and duties, and in tlieir demanding virtue and political integrity in those who serve them in a public capacity, and. when there is a dereliction of duty, their promptly appealing to the ballot-box. Governments had hitherto interfered more or less with the liberty of conscience. They assumed that in some way — though indefinable — they were responsible for the salvation of the souls of their subjects. Free in- quiry and a knowledge of the truths of the Bible, and the separation of Church and State, shifted that respon- sibility to the individual himself, and in consequence it became his recognized duty to support schools of learning and sustain religious institutions. This change in the minds of the people commenced in the great awakening 1 1735. under Jonathan Edwards, and its influence had full ef- fect in the separation of Church and State after the Rev- olution . 2 To tliis principle of individual responsibility may be traced the voluntary support and the existence of the various benevolent operations of our own dav. in which all the religious denominations participate. These in their efforts are not limited to the destitute portions of our own country, but in many foreign lands may be found the American missionary, a devoted teacher of Christianity and its humanizing civilization, supported and encouraged by the enlightened benevolence of his own countrymen. The same principle produces fruits in founding asylums for the purpose of relieving human suffering and distress, or smoothing the pathway of the * Hist. p. 267. 3 Hist- p. 560. ENGLISH LANGUAGE — THE ULTIMATE SUCCESS. 1157 unfortunate. The men of wealth in our day more fully appreciate their responsibility, and the mental energy ex- ercised in its accumulation has more than in former times been consecrated to doing good. Millions have thus been given by individuals to found or aid institutions of learn- ing, that the youth may be secured to virtue and intelli- gence — a blessed influence that will increase in power from age to age. We inherit the English language and its glorious as- sociations — the language of a free Gospel, free speech, and a free press. Its literature, imbued with the princi- ples of liberty, civil and religious, and of correct morals, belongs to us. We claim the worthies of the Mother- country, whose writings have done so much to promote sound morality, with no less gratitude and pride than we do those of our own land. The commerce of the world is virtually in the hands of those speaking the English language. On the coasts of Asia, of Africa, in Australia, in the isles of the Pacific it has taken foothold — may it be the means of disseminating truth and carrying to the ends of the earth the blessings of Christianity. The ultimate success of this Government and the sta- bility of its institutions, its progress in all that can make a nation honored, depend upon its adherence to the prin- ciples of truth and righteousness. Let the part we are to perform in the world be not the subjugation of others to our sway by physical force, but the noble destiny to sub- due by the influence and the diffusion of a Christianized 1 civilization. CHAP. LXXIIL 1890. CHAP. LXX1V . 1990. CHAPTER LXXIY. HOW WE ARE GOVERNED. f Political Training. — Colonial Governments. —The Congresses. — Articles of Confederation. — Framing of the Constitution- — The House. — The Sen- ate. — Passage of Bills. — The President. — The Cabinet. — Departments: Of State. — Of the Treasury. — Of War. — Of the Navy. — Of the Interior. — Of the Post-Office. — Of Justice. — The Judiciary. — The Courts. — Trial by Impeachment. — Election of the President and Vice- President. — Governments: Of the States. — Of the Territories. — Of the District of Columbia. Having in this History traced the influences, and shown their results in forming our national character, it is thought proper to give a brief sketch of the prin- ciples of our government, and of the manner in which they are applied. In the family of nations ours is the youngest , 1 yet its founders availed themselves of the experience of the past, and in many instances ventured into new fields of political action and experiment. Vfe have seen the manner in which the people began to manage their own concerns in town and county meet- ings , 1 thus taking lessons in civil government ; and this instruction, extending through two or three generations of the colonial jieriod. fitted the patriot fathers to ad- vance beyond their time and form a union of States independent in respect to their own internal affairs, yet under one national government. During all this train- ing an underlying principle of popular representation pervaded even the crude forms in these town and county meetings, one which has culminated in “ a government of the people, by the people, for the people.” 1 Hist. p. 573. 5 Hist. pp. 331, 236. A UNIQUE REPUBLIC. 1159 The efforts of the colonists in protecting themselves from the Indians, and afterward from the French and Indians combined, gave them self-reliance, and taught them the elements of government. The period inter- vening between the close of the French and Indian war and the commencement of the Revolution had also a marked effect on tlieir political training ; 1 while the self-denial and struggle during the Revolution revealed a power in the people themselves hitherto unknown. At the close of that war so much was true liberty appreciated by the mass of the people that, though distracted by financial troubles, the disorderly elements that came to the surface 2 were but a mere ripple on the otherwise smooth stream of their orderly conduct. A deep sense of responsibility pervaded thinking minds ; this led to forming a Republic of States unique in its con- stitution, its members being independent and republican in the administration of their own affairs, and yet under a united National government. Says John Quincy Adams : k * Our system is an anomaly in the history of the world ; it is that which distinguishes us from all other nations, ancient and modern. ’’ Thus when the Constitu- tion of the United States w r as framed it met the wants of the people, who would have been unable to appreciate its merits had they not been familiar with the history of the struggles which their fathers had had in colonial times with the Home Government, and more especially in their acquiring for themselves political ideas and making them practical during the twenty years then just past — for it was that length of time from the Treaty of Paris to the conclusion of jieace with England at the close of the Revolution. Our American form of government is that of a repub- lican commonwealth based on popular representation. The source of power is the people themselves, who elect 1 See Chaps, xxv. and xxvi. 2 Hist. p. 502. CHAP. LXXIV. 1160 CHAP. LXXIV. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. to tlie Legislatures of the States or to Congress their agents to make the laws. The same voters that established and still snstain the United States Government are the authors and supporters of the State governments. The whole present system went into effect after the Constitu- tion of the United States was adopted by the people, and when George 'Washington was inaugurated president. Colonial Governments. The governments formed in colonial times were of three classes — the Charter, the Provincial, and the Pro- prietary. Of the first class were Massachusetts, Con- necticut, and Pliode Island. The latter two had formed for themselves governments whose provisions were after- ward secured to each by a Poyal Charter ; to the sec- ond belonged Xew Hampshire, Xew York, Virginia, and Georgia, which were Poyal Provinces from the first having governors appointed by the king ; to the third, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, being governed by the Proprietors to whom their soil was granted. To the latter class at first belonged also Xew Jersey and the two Carolinas, though afterward they were changed to the Poval or Provincial. Virginia took the lead in having a House of Burgesses , 1 but none of these colonies in their legislation were inde- pendent of the English Government. W e have seen the first efforts to form a union of the Xew England colo- nies ; 3 then that of the United Colonies 3 was agreed upon, and finally that of the United States . 3 The first Con- gress , 3 composed of delegates from nine of the colonies (all of Xew England except Xew Hampshire, the four Middle ones, and South Carolina), was held in Xew York in consequence of the passage of the Stamp Act, which act was speedily repealed, to be followed by equally 1 Hist. p. 87, 88. 3 Hist. pp. 122. 388, 412. 3 Hist. p. 335. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 1161 objectionable modes of taxation by the Home Govern- ment. These latter led to the First Continental Con- gress , 1 held in Philadelphia nine years later. This was succeeded by the Second Continental Congress 1 the fol- lowing year. These Congresses were composed of dele- gates whose authority as such was derived directly from the people. They adopted the rule that in voting upon measures “ each colony should have one vote.” That rule remained in force till the adoption of the present Constitution. The Second Continental Congress was never dissolved, though the members were not always the same, but con- tinued in session for fourteen years till the adoption of the United States Constitution ; the style was the “ United Colonies,” to be superseded by that of the “ United States of Ameiica” on the Declaration of In- dependence. The latter was the act of the people through their Representatives in the Congress ; not of the States as such, for the States were called into existence by the Declaration, and their former allegiance as colonists was then transferred from the Motherland to the people themselves. It is worthy of notice that the people who were under Charters, and next them those under Proprietors, were thrown more upon their own resources in managing their political affairs than those who were under Provincial Governors appointed by the Iving, and thus having greater experience they became more self-reliant ; there being no impediment in the form of arbitrary class dis- tinctions, the people were mutually dependent upon one another and all were equally interested. Articles of Confederation. After the Declaration was made, the necessity for a closer union among the States became apparent to the 1 Hist. pp. 351, 367. CHAP. LXX1V. 1162 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXX1V. leading minds of that period, and 4 ‘ Articles of Confed- eration" were agreed upon by Congress. But these “Ar- ticles" were not binding unless ratified by all the States, thus giving the power to any one State to neutralize the 44 Confederacy ;" and this was the result for nearly five Years, for it was only seven months before the surrender of Cornwallis that Maryland approved the “ Articles. These 44 Articles” were the product of the States, as their title indicated — a 44 Confederation and P erpetual L nion between the States.” The Declaration of Independence spoke of th q people, and our present Constitution says in its enacting clause, “ We, the people, do ordain and estab- lish this Constitution for the United States of America. ’ It would seem from this that the statesmen of that day had as much as they wished of a 44 Confederacy of States." The Articles of Confederation remained in force till the adoption of the present Constitution. They were crude and inconsistent. They authorized Congress to contract debts, but gave it no authority to raise money by taxa- tion to pay them ; and a State could at any time with- draw from the Confederacy. The people took in the situation ;* they elected delegates to a Convention, and the latter framed a Constitution which stands unrivaled for its inherent excellences, and its adaptability by means of amendments to all the phases of our national existence. The Convention — Its Work — The Constitution. This remarkable Convention met in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, on the 11th of May, 1787. 3 After four months of labor, in which every principle involved in the Constitution was thoroughly discussed, that instru- ment was presented to the people for their approval or rejection. They approved it. and its principles were 1 See Hist. pp. 562. 563. 5 Hist. pp. 564-566 POWERS OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1163 fully carried into effect, when the Government of the chap. United States assumed a definite form, and George * Washington was inaugurated President. The Constitution arranges the powers of the Govern- ment in their natural order : the Legislative, the Execu- tive, 'and the Judicial. These general divisions cover the entire field of the duties of administrative govern- ment, while, in a certain sense, they are independent of each other. By Article 1. the Legislative powers are thus defined : “ All Legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.” 1 Article II. “ The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.” Article III. “ The Judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Con- gress may from time to time ordain and establish.” Article IY. treats of various minor subjects. Article Y. “ The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution,” which amendments, u when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Con- stitution.” This method being the most convenient has been adopted in making amendments. Article YI. “ This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land.” Article YII. “ The ratifica- tion of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.” The delegates to these Conventions were elected by the people. Here has been given the substance of the first seven Articles, with their many sections or subdivisions. In 1 See for a fuller statement the Constitution in the Appendix. 1164 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. I1XIV. addition, fifteen Amendments have been adopted in order to meet contingencies in the Xation’s history. THE UXITED STATES GOYERXMEXT. The Legislative Branch. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The ratio of representation 1 in the Lower House is determined by the number of members of which it is to consist ; this number is established by vote of Congress. Then it becomes the duty of the Secretary of the Interior after each census to ascertain the number of representa- tives to which each State is entitled in proportion to the number of its inhabitants. Though a State may not have, according to this ratio, a sufficient population to entitle it to a representative, yet to such State one is assigned. Each Territory has one delegate to Congress ; he is authorized to discuss subjects pertaining to his own Territory, but he is not entitled to vote. Vacancies that may occur in the House of Representatives by death or otherwise are filled by special elections, but only for the unexpired term. The House elects a member to preside who is known as the Speaker, and of the other subordinate officers the most important is the Clerk. The latter is the only officer that holds over from one Congress to another, and it is his duty to make a list of the members and preside at the opening of a new Congress until its Speaker is chosen ; the latter presides for two years, or the term of the Congress. According to the rules of the House, the important duty of appointing the committees and nam- ing the chairman of each devolves upon the Speaker. As it would be impossible for every member of Congress to study carefully all the business that comes before that i Hist. d. S43. THE SENATE. 1165 body, classified committees are appointed whose duty it is to investigate the Bills entrusted to their care, and make a report on the same to the House. The House of Representatives is changed every two years at the option of the people, for they can send the same member from term to term or refuse to re-elect him. Every Con- gress comes to an end on the third day of March in the odd years. THE SENATE. The Senate in theory represents the States, each one of which, without reference to the number of its popula- tion, has two Senators. The members of the Senate are indirectly chosen by the people, inasmuch as they elect the State Legislatures who choose the United States Sen- ators. When a vacancy occurs while the State Legisla- ture is in session, that body proceeds to fill the seat, choosing a Senator on the second Tuesday after notice of the vacancy has been given in proper form. Should it occur when the Legislature is not in session, the Gov- ernor appoints a Senator to fill the place till its next meeting. Owing to the overlapping of terms 1 (one third of the Senators being chosen every second year) the Senate is virtually a permanent body, as it can, from its constitu- tion, always have a majority of members present. Heitlier can a Congressman or a Senator be removed from his office unless for cause till his term expires. Each House can discipline, punish, or, by a two third vote, expel its own members. There is no statute on the subject, though a member may be expelled for conduct that is not con- sistent with the trust and duty of a member, the House or Senate being the judge. The Senate elects its own committees by ballot. The Vice-President presides, but has no vote unless there is a tie. If the Vice-President CHAP. LXXIV. 1 Hist. p. 843. 1166 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. chap, becomes President of tlie United States, the Senate IX XIV . e ] ects f rom its members a President pro tempore , who is not restricted to a casting vote ; he has a vote only as Senator. Congress — both Houses — meets on the first Monday in December of each year. The members are paid from the United States Treasury : thus in that respect they are independent of their own States. The compen- sation is five thousand dollars a year (since 1S74), and in addition travelling expenses. PASSAGE OF BILLS. ETC. Every bill requiring the President's signature, must first pass the House and the Senate by a majority vote, and then be sent officially to the President for his ap- proval. Joint Pesolutions of Congress proposing amend- ments to the Constitution, or naming a day for adjourn- ment do not require the signature of the President to make them effective. All bills for raising revenue must originate in the House of Pepresentatives : perhaps, be- cause its members come more directly from the people themselves : but the Senate may propose amendments or concur as it does in respect to other bills. The Executive Branch. THE PRESIDENT. The President, although his chief duties are to execute the laws of the United States as framed by the Congress, yet has a power in the legislation itself : although it is a negative rather than a positive power. If he signs the bills passed by Congress they become laws ; if he vetoes them — that is, refuses to sign them — thev can become laws on being passed over his veto by a two-thirds vote of both Houses of Congress — the yeas and nays being taken — or, if after being passed by both Houses and sent to the President, he retains them ten days (Sundays THE CABINET. 1167 excepted) without either signature or veto, they become laws, unless in the meanwhile Congress has adjourned. When a bill has been passed over the President’s veto, in addition to the official signatures of the Speaker and the President of the Senate, certificates to that effect are also signed by the Clerk of the House of Representa- tives and the Secretary of the Senate and appended to the bill. When a bill has been detained beyond the specified time by the President a note is appended to it by the Department of State certifying to that fact. THE CABINET HEADS OF DEPARTMENTS. The President has the right to choose his “ constitu- tional advisers,” or the “ Heads of Departments” in the sense of the Constitution; he nominates them to the Senate, which confirms or rejects the nomination. These constitute his Cabinet. At first there were only three departments, now there are seven ; the growth of the country demanding the increase. They are as follows : the Departments of State, of the Treasury, of War, of the Havy, of the Interior, of the Post-office, and of Jus- tice. The presiding officers of the first five are termed Secretaries, the two latter Postmaster-General and Attor- ney-General. The salary of the President is fifty thou- sand dollars a year; that of the Vice-President and each member of the Cabinet is eight thousand dollars. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. The Department of State is deemed the most import- ant, as on its Secretary, under the direction of the President, devolves the management of our foreign rela- tions, the negotiation of treaties, and intercourse with other governments. To him is entrusted the seal of the United States, which he affixes to the documents signed by the President, such as commissions, proclamations, etc. The credentials of every ambassador, charge CHAP. LXX1V. 1168 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXIV. d’affaires, consul, etc., to foreign courts all come within the supervision of this department. THE TREASURY. The Treasury Department has control of the financial affairs of the country ; the collection of the revenue, th* 1 internal as well as that derived from imposts on imported merchandise ; the issue of warrants for the disbursement of the moneys appropriated by Congress. The import- ance of this department is very great, especially since the national debt has been so much increased. This is manifested in the immense amounts disbursed, and the establishment of a system of National Banks and the supervision of the currency of the country. There are in connection with this department sixteen minor officers or heads of bureaus: two Comptrollers, lirst and second, six Auditors, a Treasurer, Register, Commis- sioner of Customs, Comptroller of the Currency, Commis- sioner of Internal Revenue, Chiefs of the Bureau of Sta- tistics, the Mint, and Bureau of Engraving 1 and Printing The latter has charge of the engraving and printing of internal revenue stamps, the notes, bonds, and securities of the United States, and the national bank-notes. In addition to these is tLe supervision of the Coast Survey and the Light-House Board. Congress alone has the “sole and exclusive right to coin money,” and for this purpose it established a Mint at Philadelphia in 1792. Afterward branch Mints were put in operation at differ- ent places ; of these some have been discontinued. The Mint was made a Bureau of the Treasury in 1S73, and since then Mints have been located only at Philadelphia, San Francisco, Cal., Carson City, Nevada, and Denver, Col. With the exception of the main one at Philadelphia, the coins issued from these Mints are stamped with initial letters — S. for San Francisco, C. C. for Carson City, etc. WAR AND NAVY DEPARTMENTS. 1169 CHAP. WAR DEPARTMENT. LXX1V. The War Department has various subdivisions, such as the offices of the Adjutant, the Quartermaster, Commis- sary, Paymaster, and Surgeon, Generals, and of the Chief of Engineers, the office of Ordnance and the Signal office, with the Bureau of Military Justice. The Military Academy at West Point is also under the supervision of the War Department. This institution is supported by the United States Government, each cadet being fur- nished with sufficient means to pay his entire expenses while a student. They are admitted only between the ages of seventeen and twenty-two. Each Congressional District has one cadet, each Territory one, the District of Columbia one, and ten at large are appointed by the President. On graduation cadets are appointed second lieutenants in the various branches of the army (the Engineer Corps, Ordnance Department, Artillery, Cav- alry, or Infantry), and are expected to serve at least three years before resigning their commissions. N AV Y DEPARTM ENT. The Navy Department has seven divisions known as Bureaus : that of Equipment and Recruiting, of Naviga- tion, of Ordnance, of Medicine and Surgery, of Provi- sions and Clothing, of Steam Engineering, and of Con- struction and Repair. It has also nine navy-yards, where vessels are built and repaired. The Naval Academy located at Annapolis, Maryland, bears the same relation to the navy that the Military Academy at West Point, N. Y., does to the army. The students are called cadet- midshipmen ; none are admitted under fourteen nor over eighteen years of age. There may be one from each Congressional District, with ten at large appointed by the President, and one from each Territory. The course of 1170 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXX1Y. study is for six years ; on graduating they take rank as midshipmen and are promoted as vacancies occur, the promotion being based on their rank in class. • THE INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. The Department of the Interior has numerous duties to perform. Among these the supervision of the Census, of the Land Office and of Mines, and the Accounts of the Officers of the Courts, Indian Affairs, Pensions, care of the Public Buildings, and of the Territories, Educa- tion. and the Patent Office. Every land district has a surveyor-general ; of these there are from fifteen to twenty. It is their duty to survey the public lands, marking them out into sections of one mile square containing 040 acres, and these again into quarter sections, and, if required, into eighths and sixteenths. These measurements are based on meridian lines. The township, another division, contains thirty- six square miles. Of the latter the first square mile and the thirty-sixth are appropriated for the support of schools when the Territory becomes a State. The Office of Education was established by the National Government in 1868, and placed under the supervision of the Interior Department. The “ Agricultural Bureau” has for its object to ac- quire and disseminate useful information among the people on subjects connected with agriculture. POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. The Post-Office Department has been a necessity since the origin of the Government ; its utility has been greatly enhanced since the system of comparative “ cheap postage" was introduced. 1 The Postmaster-General has three assist- ants, first, second, and third, and also Superintendents of 1 Hist. p. 750. JUDICIARY. 1171 the Money-order Bureau and of Foreign Mails. In addi- tion to these are six “ chief clerks” as overseers in the various offices. This department is nearer being self- supporting now than at any time in its existence. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. The Department of Justice was established in 1870. The Attorney-General is its chief officer. It is his duty to prosecute in the Supreme Court all suits in which the United States is a party ; to give in writing legal advice when required by the President or the heads of depart- ments on questions relating to their official acts. To this department has been assigned the Solicitor of the Treas- ury and the Solicitor of Internal Revenue, the Naval Solicitor, and the Examiner of Claims. Thus the secre- taries of the other departments call upon that of justice for the legal service they require. The Judiciary Branch. The States of the Union are divided into nine judicial circuits; to each one of these a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States is assigned by order of that court, and each one has its own United States Circuit Judge. Thus the Supreme Court of the United States consists of a Chief Justice and eight Associate Justices, corresponding to the number of circuits — the Chief Justice also having one. The Supreme Court — the Chief Justice presiding — holds a session for a portion of the year at the Seat of Government. In addition the Associates hold courts in their several circuits. The Judges are appointed by the President with the consent of the Senate. That they may be as independent as possible in the discharge of their duties, they hold office during good behavior. There is also a Supreme Court for the District of Columbia and a Court of Claims. In CHAP. LX XIV. 1172 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. LXXIY. each Territory, when organized, a Chief Justice and two assistants are appointed by the President with the con- sent of the Senate. The salary of the Chief Justice of the United States is $10,500 a year; each associate $ 10 , 000 . IMPEACHMENT OF U. S. OFFICERS. Following the analogy of the civil law, as no citizen can be tried before a court until he is indicted by the Grand Jury, so no officer of the United States Govern- ment can be tried unless articles of impeachment are presented to the court (the Senate) by the House of Representatives. In the latter a committee is appointed to investigate the charges ; they report to the House, which acts upon the question and decides by vote ; if in the affirmative, articles of impeachment are prepared by a Select Committee, whose duty it is to prosecute the trial before the Senate. The Vice-President presides in all cases of impeachment, except when the President of the United States is under trial, then the Chief Justice of the United States presides. This arrangement is for the obvious reason that in case the President is removed the Vice-President would succeed to the office. In case of conviction the punishment is only political — the u removal from office," to which can be added u dis- qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States.” If there has been a criminal violation of law the individual thus found guilty is liable to be brought to trial in a civil court. ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT AND VICE-FRESIDENT. The manner in which elections for President and Vice-President are conducted is somewhat complex. The people vote direct for Electors, who are to vote for the candidates. These electoral votes are counted by States ; that is, each State casts as many votes as it has represen- ELECTORS. 1173 tatives in Congress, namely, two electors at large to represent the Senators, and one for each Congressman the State may have. Originally the framers of the Constitution thought it inexpedient to give the people the privilege of voting direct for the highest officers — the President and Vice- President — but instead to vote for electors who were authorized to choose these officers. For aught that is in the Constitution, the electors can choose whom they please without reference to the will of the people. But the latter soon demanded that the former should pledge themselves to vote for the candidates whom the people preferred. The electors were at first authorized to vote for two persons for the office of President and Vice- President without designating one for either office — the one having the highest number of votes was to be Presi- dent and the one having the next highest to be Vice- President . 1 As to qualifications the Constitution says : “ No person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.” The custom has grown up for the people of each State as practically represented by the different political organ- izations or parties, to hold primary assemblies and choose delegates to their own State Convention ; the latter appoints — each for its own political party — a list of the electors for the State, and chooses the delegates to a National Convention. The various National Conventions then nominate the rival candidates for the presidency and the vice- presidency. The different political organiza- tions or parties have thus virtually secured the pledges of the electors for the party candidates ; and, although the vote in each State is for the “ Electoral ticket,” that is now but an empty form used to get the candidates they prefer before the people. The electors are chosen by popular vote on the Tuesday CHAP. LXXIV. 1 Constitution, Article II. and Amendment XII. 1174 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. ixxiv. next after the first Monday of November, in the year previous to the close of the current term of the Presi- dent. and these electors are required by law to meet at the capitals of their respective States and there deposit their votes on the second Monday of the next J anuary. Of these votes they make and sign three certificates, one of which is given to the judge of the district in which the electors meet, one is sent by an authorized messenger to the President of the Senate at Washington, and to the same official the third is sent by mail. On the second Wednesday in the following February these votes are counted in the presence of both Houses of Congress, con- jointly assembled for the purpose. The nominee declared elected President is inaugurated on the 4th of March next succeeding. State Governments. The State governments have in the main the charac- teristics of that of the United States. They have the three primary divisions: the Legislative, the Executive, and the Judicial. They may differ somewhat in detail, but they are all republican in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution of the United States. In all of them. Legislatures and Executives called Governors are elected by the people ; the judges in some States are elected and in others appointed. In respect to the Governor s power of veto, the practice in the States is not uniform: in some it can be overruled by a bare majority in each House, in others it does not exist, while for the most part the States follow the rule that obtains in Congress. The State governments have to do with their own local affairs ; the United States with those that pertain to for- eign nations and to matters belonging to the whole people without regard to State lines, such as the national finances, import duties or tariffs, and internal improve- ments. The laws of the respective States must not con- TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 1175 flict with the Constitution of the United States, which is the supreme law of the land ; neither should they come in conflict with other State laws ; for illustration, it would be better to have uniformity in the States in respect to the descent of property, and one class of crime and immorality w r ould receive a check if stringent laws respecting the marriage relation were uniform throughout the Union. The Territories. Congress lias the exclusive right to govern the Terri- tories, as they are the property of the whole Nation. This right is derived from the Constitution of the United States. The people of the Territories have their civil rights, but their political rights are limited to electing their own Legislature and choosing a delegate to represent their interests in Congress. Whenever Congress deems it expedient it may organize a Territorial government, which is usually composed of a Legislature consisting of a House of Representatives and a Council elected by a popular vote of the inhabitants ; a Governor, who is appointed by the President with the con- sent of the Senate ; also in the same manner a Chief Jus- tice and two Associate Justices to preside over the courts, which consist of a Supreme Court, District Courts, and Probate Courts ; in addition, a United States Attorney, Marshal, and Justices of the Peace. The members of the Council are elected for two years, the members of the House for one. The Governor has the veto power, sub- ject to the two-thirds vote of the Legislature. The offl- cers of the Territories are paid from the United States Treasury. When the people wish to become a State, Congress can pass an enabling act which authorizes them to frame a Constitution. This in due form is presented to Con- gress, and if it is in accordance with the Constitution of CHAP. I .XXIV. 1176 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CHAP. IXX1Y- the United States the Territory is received into the Union as a State. The District or Columbia. The District of Columbia is governed by Congress somewhat differently. In 1878 an act passed by that body placed its government under a Board of three Com- missioners; two to be appointed by the President with the consent of the Senate for a term of three years ; for the third the President details an officer from the Corps of Engineers. These Commissioners have the general oversight of the municipal affairs of the District ; they appoint the police, the firemen, and the trustees of the schools. One half of the municipal expenses is borne by the United States Treasury and the other half is raised by taxation of the property of the District. ANALYTICAL INDEX. Abenakis, 245; war with, 256 Abercrombie, General, 301 Abolition, 830, 864 Aborigines, 39-42 Academy, West Point, 629; officers, 786 Acadiens, 67; expatriation, 287-292 Accounts Audited, 1120 Adams, Charles Francis, 828, 891, 1052; John, 327, 342, 352, 368, 555; Vice-President, 571; President, 591- 598; death, 701 John Quincy, 659; President. 699-704; death, 826 Adams, Samuel, 328, 340, 351 Ahasistari, 242, 244 Alabama claims, 1051-1053 Alamo, The, 744 Alaska purchased, 1045 Algerine pirates, 589 Algiers, Dey of, 685 Algonquins, 41, 243 Alien Act, 596 Allen, Ethan, 362, 382, 383 Allouez, 246 Amherst, Lord Jefferey, 301, 305 Ampudia, General, 757, 765, 777 Anderson, Robert, Major, 875, 883, 902, 1029 Andre, Major, 521, 523 Andros, Sir Edmond, 212, 213 Animals, domestic, 239 Annapolis Convention, 563 Antietam, battle, 957-960 Appalachees, 183 Archdale, John, 181 Arista, General, 757, 761 Arkwright, ir Richard, 577 Armed Neutrality, 477 Armstrong, Gen. John, 295, 465 Gen. John, jr., 557; Sec. of War, 642, 651 Arnold, Benedict, 362, 382, 386, 433, 447, 450; Behmus' Heights, 478; treason, 520-523, 532, 547 Art, 1107 Arthur, Chester A., 1093-1098, 1102, 1111 Ashburton. Lord, 738, 741 Assembly, Legislative, The first, 87, 88 Assistance, writs of, 327 Associations, non importation, 326, 340, 342, 353 Associations, Vigilance, 810 Astor Library, 1155 Atlanta city, 1004; iron-clad, 989 Augustine, St., 64, 183, 198, 690 Austin, Moses, 743 Averill, Col., 942, 1012 Ayllon, Vasquez de, 45 Bacon, Nathaniel, 139-141 Bailey, Col., 998 Bainbridge, Captain, 601, 640 Balboa, Nunez de, 43 Ball’s Bluff disaster. 904 Baltimore, Lord, 133, 135 Bancroft, George, 88, 322, 795, 1155 Bank of North America, 544 United States, 576, 686, 707 Banks, Gen. N. P., 944, 987, 998 Barre, Colonel, 331 Bart ram, 323 Beaumarchais, 456 Beauregard, P. G. T., 882, 923, 925, 1009 Beecher, Dr. Lyman, 1156 Belmont, battle of, 908 Benevolent operations, 862, 1066 Bennet, James Gordon, 1099 Bennington, battle, 475 Benton, Thomas H., 756, 835 Berkeley, Sir William, 136, 137, 138-142, 235, 858 Bible Society formed, 656 Big Bethel, 893 Bills of credit, 368, 486 Black Hawk, 727 Bladensburg, battle, 669 Blaine, James G., 1110, 1124, 1133 ! Blair, Frank P., 889, 1046 Blair, Rev. James, 144 Blockade, 892 ; raised, 1029 Blue Lick, battle, 554 Board of Trade, 188 Bonaparte’s decrees affecting Ameri- can commerce, 601, 607, 617, 627 Louis N., 1031 Bonds, U. S., 1074 Boone, Daniel, 507, 554 Booth, J. W„ l026- r Boston. 109, 129: Port Bill, 348; evacu- ated, 399; Fire, 1057 Bouquet, General, 303, 315 Bowditch, Mathematician, 1155 Boylston, Dr., 228. Braddock, General, 279-284 Bradford, William, 98, 103, 105 Bradstreet, Simon, 107 Colonel, 302 Brandywine, battle, 464 Brant, Indian chief, 474 Bragg. Captain, 785; Gen., 964, 967, 992 r dcfcB-t 995 Breckenridge, J. C., 869, 889, 902, 1017 Brevard, Ephraim, 366 Brewster, William, 96, 97 Brock, General, 631 Brown, General Jacob, 661, 663 John, 852 117S IXDEX. Bryant. William Cullen, 1155 Buchanan. James, 731. 77*4. 512: Presi- dent. 850, 874 Buckner. Gen.. 902. 916 Buell. Gen.. 910. 925, 963, 964 Buena Vista, battle. . .4 7S5 Buffalo burned. 652 Buforvi. X. B.. Gen.. S0& Bull Bun. battle. 595-597: 2d battle. 954-956 Bunker Hill cattle. 372-377 Burgoyne. General. 371. 457 : surren- ders. 451 Burke. Edmund. 337. 434 Burnside. A. E_. Gen.. 91S: in com- mand. 961, ££*4 Burr. Aaron. 354. 5S5; Vice-President. 595. 603-605 Burroughs. George. 226 Butler. B. F.. 557. 583, 905, 926. 925. 1006. 1009, 1110 Cabinet Officers. 1167 Cabot. John. 47 Sebastian. 45 Calex. Robert. 227 Caldwell. Ren. James. 514 Calhoun. John C . 622: Vice-President. 698, 711. 716. 715 722 721 S ec. of State. 745. 73*. 532 : death. 535 Calvin. John. 322 Camden, tattle. 518 Canada, invasion of. 634. 662 Capitol. The. burned. 671 Carieion. Sir Guv. 354. 403. 432. 555 Canonieus. 103. Ill, 118 Carolina. 62. l.o Caroline affair. 739 Caron. Father le. 240 Carroll. John, bishop. 569 Cartier. James. 3.1-52 Carver. John. 95, 99 Cass. Lewi*. 631. 827 Catawbas. 156 Catholic Church. 569 Census. -5 99. 61 9. 854. 1063. 1«?73 Centennial exhibition. 1063-1064. 1074 1333-1135 Century of Progress. I7r&-1889. 1149 Cerro ijorlo. battle. 8*35 Chaunbeisburg burned. Ml 2 Champlain. Samuel. 67. 65 Chapoltepec taken. 52 1 Chancellor s Battle. 973. 973 Characteristics of the Colonists. 3 1 7 -324 Charities. 561 Charters, colonial. 75. S3. 123. 167. 176. 191. 232 Charleston. ITS. 154: taken. 513. 1029 Chase. Salmon P.. S5I. 1«9B2 Chattanooga. 991 996 Chauncey. Captain. 634 Cht-rokees. 156: war with. 310, TOO: removal of. 70S Chesapeake, affair of. 610: capture of. 645 Chicago fire. 1067 Chickahominy. 9*5 Chiekamauga. battle. 993 Chickasaws. 57. 262 Chihuahua taken. 501 Chinese pc>licy. effects. 61-3 Ctippewa. tattle. 662 Choctaws, 192. 261 Christian Association. Y Men. 1152 Christianized civilization. 574. 1157 Church of England. 91. 135. 145. 173. 1 53 Episcopal. 212. 213. 56$ and State, separation. 569. lCOi Congregational. 56c. 57.' Methodist. 565 Presbyterian. 569 Churubusco. cattle. 516 Cincinnati tooetv. 559 Civil Rights Bill. 955. 1082. 103c- Civil Service Reform. 1068, 1072. 1105 Claims against France. 729 Clarke. George Rogers. 505 Clarke and Lewis s explorations. 754 Clav. Gen. Green. 644 Clay. Henry. 622. 625. 660. 696. 725. 534: death. 542 Claybome. W illiam. 133. 135 Clayton. John M.. 725. 829 Cleveland. Grover. 1112-1128 Clinton. Be Witt. TW George. 367. 416. 359. 573; Vice- President. 606 Clinton. Sir Henry. 371. 376. 397. 482. 492. 497. 504. 507. 512. 542. 552. 355 Clouds, battle above. 995 Cobb. Howell. 5S0 Cockburn. Sir Alex.. 762 Coddingron. William. 107. 113 Coercion- 872. 57A 851 Coke. Thomas, bishop. 5c8 Cold Harbor. battle. 945 Colignv. 61. 66 Colleges. 123. 144. 22'. 265. 294. 3 2S. 335 Colonial Governments. HGO Colonization Society. 659 Columbia burned. 1025 Columbus. Christopher. 34—37 Common sense. 410 Common schools. 123. 329 Commerce, increase of. 695 interstate laws. 1127 Commissioners. British. 493 of peace. 555. 559 of customs. 346 of peace. 660 Company. London. 78. 132 Plymouth. 78. 107 Dutch. W. India. 149 Compromises, constitutional. 565 Missouri. 692. 695 of tariff. 725. 537 Concord and Lexington, battle. 358 Confederate finances. 972. 993 Confederation, articles of. 1161 Congress, old Continental. 351 the second ** 357 ProvinciaL Mass.. 357 Stamp Act. -335 Connecticut coftonj. 113: emigration to. 123. 236 Conscription. Confederate. 926. 943: debt. 972 Constim:: >n. Federal. 565: amend- ments to. 955. 959. 971: powers of in the territories. 1032. 1043. 1047: text of. 1193 Constitution. Confederate, on slavery. 879. 10*9 Constitutions, colon iaL 58. 99. 123: cot rnast. of States. 857-863 Convention. Demeeranc. 855. 959 Disunion. 839 INDEX. 1179 Convention, Republican, 856 Conway, Cabal, 488 Cook, Col. Edw., 586 Cooper, Sir Ashley, 176 Cooper, J. Fennimore. 1155 Corinth evacuated, 931 Cortez, 46 Cornwallis. Lord, 417, 429, 441, 518, 535; at Yorktown, 542, 549 Cotton manufacture, 713, 1150 “ Court, The," 236 Cowpens, battle, 533 Craven, Governor. 187 Creeks, 186, 188, 193, 653, 700 Crockett, Davy, 745 Crops, 239 Crown Point, 292 Cruisers, American, 389, 509 Confederate, 1030 Cruisers, French, 593; and English, 607, 617 Cuba, 840, 842 Culpepper, 143 Curtis, Gen. S. R., 920 Cushing, Caleb, 1052 Cushman, Robert, 95 Dahcotahs or Sioux, 41, 246 Dahlgren, Admiral, 988 Dallas, George M., 751 Danbury burned, 450 Daniel, Father, 241, 245 Darrah, Mrs., 470 Dartmouth College. 338 Davenport. Rev. John, 120 Davis, Capt. J. E,. 930 Davis. Jefferson, 776. 780; senator, 835, 879, 888. 903; special message. 911; inaugurated. 932, 990, 1004; flight, 1023: capture, 1025, 1031 Davies, Rev. Samuel, 286 Dayton, Win. L., 891 Day of Holy Rest, 318 Deane, Silas. 456 Dearborn. Gen. Henry, 634, 651 Debt, National. 1029. 1098, 1104, 1144 Decatur, Stephen. 602, 640, 685 Declaration of Independence, by Con- gress, 412, 1207 Independence, Mech- lenburg, 366 of rights, 335, 353 of war opposed, 628 Decrees affecting American com- merce, 607, 612, 617 Delaware, Lord, 84, 85 Delawares, Christian massacre of, 553 Democratic clubs, 583 D’Estaing. Count, 496, 497, 506 De Joinville, Prince, 952 De Long, Lieutenant, 1099 Depew, Chauncey M , 1137 Deposits, removal of, 726 De Vries. 150, 152-154 Deseret, 839 Detroit, 314, 507 Dictatorship, Washington, 440, 468 Dieskau. 293, 294 Dinwiddie, Gov., 271, 273, 295 Dissenters, 175, 178, 182, 357 Disunion Convention, 833. 839 Doniphan’s Expedition, 799 Donop. Count, 424, 470 Dorr, Thomas W., 750 Doubleday, Gen., 884, 979 Dover destroyed, 253 Douglass, S. A., 846, 855, 869 Drake, Sir Francis 73, 75 Dreuilettes. Father, 245, Drummond, William, 141, 142, 176 Duche, Rev. Jacob, 352 Dudley, Thomas, 107, 108 Joseph, 211, 214, 218 Dunbar, Colonel, 280, 285 Dunmore, Lord, 364, 396 Dupont, Commodore, 905, 988, 989 Dustin, Hannah, 256 Duties imposed, 339 Dwight, Timothy, 1155 Early, General, 980, 1011, 1013, 1021 Eaton, Theophilus, 120 Ecclesiastical organizations, 567, 570 Edwards, Jonathan, 267, 1155, 1156 Electoral Commission, 1070, 1126 Electors, Presidential, 1172 counting votes for, 1126 Eliot, John, 125, 245 Elizabeth, Queen, 92 Ellet's rams, 930 Ellsworth, Colonel, 890 Emancipation, decree of. 965, 970 Embargo, under Jefferson, 612 Madison, 627 Washington, 584 Emigration. 865, 1100; West, to the, 1101 Endicott, John, 107, 116 English enterprise, 69; pluck, 528 language, 1157 Enterprise, American, 577 Episcopal church, 409, 567 Era in human progress, 573 Erie Canal, 700 Erskine s negotiations, 615 Etheridge Emerson, 808 Eutaw [springs, battle, 541 Evarts. Wm. M.. 1052, 1072 Ewell, Gen., 977, 9*0, 1024 Exploring Expedition. 742 Arctic, 1098-1100 Failures, commercial. 1059 Fair Oaks, battle of, 945 Fallacies, 879 Farragut, Admiral, 926, 929, 1014 Farrar, Canon, 1118 Far-reaching views on labor, 715 Federal Union, 368 Federalist, the, 566 Federalist and anti-Federalist, 581 Fenians, 1032 Ferguson, Colonel, 524 Field, Cyrus W.. 1032 Fillmore, Millard, 836, 850 Finances, confederate, 972, 990 Financial disorders, 491, 686, 696, 873 success, 1074. 1083 Fish, Hamilton, 1047 Fitch, John, 687 Five Forks, battle of, 1022 Fletcher, Benjamin. 171, 219, 331 Florida, 44, 54; purchased, 692; a State, 750, 877 Floyd. J B., orders, 875, 901, 916 Foote, Admiral A. H., 913, 921; death, 930 Foote’s resolutions, debate, 721 1180 INDEX Forrest. Gen. N. B., 998 Fort Donelson, 915 Du Quesne. 276, 304 Edward, 292 Frontenac. 271 Henry. 913 Hindman taken, 969 Necessity, 277 Niagara. 271 Pillow Massacre. 998 William Henry. 297 France, relations with, 591-596 Franklin. Benjamin. 173. 279. 295. 323. 337. 367. 422, 456. 555. 565 Franklin. Sir John. 841 Fraser. Gen.. 459. 480 Fredericksburg, battle of, 961 Free Masonry. 702 Fremont. John C., 791. 793, 802, 803, 850 QUO Oil French Pastors' Address, 990 Revolution. 582 ; infidelity. 1148 Freneau, Philip, 584 Frolic, the. taken. 640 Frontenac. 253. 254 Fugitive slave law. 837. 871 Fulton. Robert, 6->7 Gage. General. 281. 341. 349. 356. 372. 377 Gallatin. Albert, 586. 043, 659 Garfield. J. A.. 1076. 1078^1088 Garnet. General. 894 Garrison. Wm. Lloyd. 863 Gaspe. revenue vessel. 344 Gates. Horatio. 285: sketch. 404, 433, 478: in the South. 517 Genet's mission. 583. 540 Georgia. 190-200. 490: subdued, 700 Indian lands in. 706 Germans in the colonies. 170,186,193, 261 Germantown battle. 468 Gerry. Elbridge. 564. 592 Gettysburg, battle. 978-984 Gilbert. Sir Humphrey. 70 Gilmore. Q. A.. General. 988. 1006 Gist, Christopher. 270. 275 Glover, Colonel. 420. 421 Goffe. 201, 207 Gold discovered. 825 Gorges. Sir Ferdinand. 121 Gosnold, Bartholomew. 89 Gourges. Dominic de. 66 Government of United States, sketch of. 1158-1176 Colonial, 1160 ; State. 1174 ; Territories. 1175 Graff enried de. 186 Grand Model, the. 176 Grant, OoloneL 308. 312 U. S.. General. 902. 908. 914. 923. 925. 968: Lieutenant-General. 998. 1028; President. 1047, 1050; Death. 1117 Grasse, Count de. 542. 546. 549, 552 Greeley. Horace. 1065 Green Mountain Boys. 363 Greene. Nathaniel. General. 380. 402. 4*65. 491 : in the South. 526. 535, 538 Gridley. Colonel. 362. 372 Grierson. Colonel. 988 Grundy. Felix. 623 Guerriere captured. 639 Guiteau. Charles J.. 1080 Gunboats. Jefferson's. 601. 608 ' Hale. Nathan. 423 Hall. Capt. C. F.. 1099 Halleck. General, 901, 930, 953, 978, 1006 Hamilton. Alexander, 350, 548, 575, 581 : death. 604 Hamilton. Andrew, 221 Hamlin, Hannibal. 868 Hampton, Wade. 1025: Sr.. Wade, 651 Hancock, John. 341. 357. 398, 497 General. 941, 1008, 1076 Hand. Colonel, 417, 441 Hanson. Alexander. 630 Hardee, Gen., 1004. 1005 Hanner. General. 578 Harris. Benjamin. 237 lsham G., 888 Harrisburg Convention, 702 Harrison. Benjamin 1129. 1132 inauguration of. 1132 William Henry, 620, 643; President. 735 Harper's Ferry, 853, 887, 895, 957 Hartford Convention. 674 Harvard College, 123 Harvey, Sir John, 132, 135 Haslet. Colonel. 418, 444 Hatteras captured. 905 Hawkins. Sir John. 63 Hawthorne. Nathaniel, 1155 Hayes. Dr. L J.. 1098 R. B., 1070 , ion, 1126 Hayne. Isaac. 540 Robert Y., 721, 723 Havnes. John. 115 Heath. General. 360, 423. 425 Heintzelman. General. 939, 941, 946 Heister de. General, 418 Henry VLLI.. 90 Joseph. Scientist. 1062 Patrick. 329. 333, 352. 364 Herkimer. General. 475 Hessians, hired, 390. 459 Hiawatha. 243 Higginson. Minister. 107 Hildreth Historian .1155 HilL D. H.. General. 947. 951. 958, 979 Hilton Head captured. 906 Hobkirk's Hill, battle. 539 Hodge. Charles. Professor. 1155 Homestead Bill, settlers under. 1152 Hood, 1O02-1OO4. 1017 Hooker, J., General. 941. 958, 972, 976, 995, 1130 Rev. Thomas. 115, 117 Horse-shoe, battle. 654 Houston. Samuel. 746. 747 Howard. O. O.. General. 980. 1003 Howe. Admiral, the. 413. 468. 496,498 Sir William. 306. .371, 400. 413, 422. 425. 457. 464. 466. 467. 492 Robert. General. 500 Hudson. Henry. 146-148 Huguenots in the South, 61-66; in Canada, 67, 179 Hull. Isaac. Captain. 639 William. General. 630, 631. 643 Hunter. General. 1011. 1012 Hurons. 241, 243. 246 Hutchinson, Anne. 112. 113 Governor. 343. 346 DTbberville. Lemoine. 259. 260 Illiteracy compared. 859, 1153 INDEX. 1181 Immigrants, unskilled, 865; skilled and educated, 1102, 1103 Impeachments, etc.. 1172 Impressment, British, 608, 627, 632, 741 Inaugural Address of Cleveland, 1114; of Harrison, 1132 Incidents, 102, 137, 142, 154, 192, 219, 333, 378, 421, 451, 560, 639, 654, 936, 941, 984, 999, 1013, 1049, 1087, 1094 Indented servants, 138, 144 Independence, question of, 408, 412 Indians, divisions of, 35; see names of tribes Indians, efforts to convert, 125, 185, 156, 210, 706 civilize, 1061 Indiana, State, 686 Indigo, 326 Individual responsibility, 1108 Influence, men of, 215, 570 of the Dutch, 161 [1145-47 Influences, religious, 317-320, 409, 1067 Inner Life of the Colonists, 126, 235 Inoculation, 228 Interior Department, 1170 Internal improvements, 606, 700 Inventions, 1150 Iowa a State, 750 Irish Irregulars, 884 Irving, Washington, 1155 Isabella, Queen, 35, 37 Island No. 10, 921 Jack, Captain, 280 Jackson, Andrew, 647, 654, 677, 691; President, 705-730 C. F., 889, 898 T. J. (Stonewall), 938, 944; death, 974 James I., 77, 93, 95, 131 H., 143, 211, 252 Jamestown, 79; burned, 141 Jasper, Sergeant, 406 Java, the, taken, 640 Jay, John, 353, 555; Chief Justice, 575; Mission. 587 Jefferson, Thomas, 367. 411, 567; Sec. of State, 575, 581 ; Vice-President, 590; President, 599-614; death, 701 Jesuits, 67, 78, 241, 246, 256 Jogues, Father, 244 Johnson, Andrew, 872; President, 1027; amnesty, 1029; impeached, 1035; policy, 1033; military authority, 1040, 1045, 1062 John, 396. 474 Colonel Rich. M., 647- Vice- President, 730 Sir William. 279, 292, 378 Reverdy, 1050 Johnston. A. Sidney, General, 914, 923, 925 J. E., General, 895, 986; su- persedes Bragg, 997, 1000-1002; sur- renders, 1025 Joliet, Father, 247 Jones, John Paul, 509 Judiciary of U. S., 1171 Kalb, Baron de, 455, 463, 515, 519 Kane, Dr. E. K.. 841 Kansas, affairs in, 848, 878 Kearney, General, 796, 802, 956 Kearsarge and Alabama, 1030 Kentucky, neutrality, 889 Kieft, William, 151-156 Kang’s Mountain, battle, 523 Kittaning destroyed, 295 Knowlton, Colonel, 374, 425 Knox, Henry, 391, 399, 437, 559; Sec. of War, 574 Knyphausen, General, 466, 511 Kosciusko, Thaddeus, 463, 536 Ku-Klux Klan, 1055, 1105, 1125 Labor, far-reaching views on, 715 Lafayette, Marquis de, 462, 467, 494, 547; visit of, 697 Lake Champlain, action on, 666 Erie, “ 646 Lander, General, 938 Land holding, 231, 234 Lane, James H., General, 776, 822 Ralph, 72, 73 La Salle, 248-251 Laurens, Henry, 366, 528, 555 Lawrence, James, Captain, 645 Lawrence, Massacre, 997 Laws, humane, 230 Freedmen, 1036-1039 Lecompton Convention, 851 Ledyard, the traveler, 40 Colonel, 547 Lee, Arthur, 456 Charles, General, 302, 377, 395, 430, 434; treason, 492; death, 496 Henry, Gen., 490, 506, 537, 596, 630 Richard Henry, 329, 351, 353, 411 Robert E., General, 910, 946, 954, 957, 960, 974, 978-984, 1007, 1010; sur- renders, 1021-1024; death, 1048 Leisler, Jacob, 216-219 Leon, Juan Ponce de, 44 Levant and Cyane captured, 684 Lexington and Concord, battle, 358 Libraries, 1154 Lincoln, Abraham. 868, 870, 878; in- augural, 880, 882: the call, 885; plan of Potomac campaign, 932; retains McDowell, 938, 940; emancipation, 965, 970; 2d inauguration, 1020; death, 1026 Benjamin, General, 357, 479, 500, 503, 506. 511. 545, 613 L’lnsurgente. frigate, captured, 596 Little Belt, affair of, 619 Livingston, Robert R., 367, 411, 600, 687 William, 331, 351 Lloyd, Senator, 626 Locke, John, 176 Logan, John A., 1110 London Times , views of, 641 Long Island, battle, 417-421 Longfellow, H. W., 1155 Longstreet, General, 978, 981, 985 Lopez, General, 840 Loss on Union side, 1028 Loudon. Lord. 296, 297 Louisburg taken, 264; again, 301 Louisiana. 249; purchased, 600; trou- bles, 1060, 1061 Dwell, F. C., 713 yman, General, 292 pon, Marv. 789 yon, N., 889, 899, 900 yttleton. Lord, 311 undy, Benjamin, 863 undy’s Lane, battle of, 663 utherans, 170, 174, 193, 196 1182 INDEX Madison. James. 566: See. of State. 610: President. 615. 623, 627. 642. 659. 668. 673. 683. 687 Macedonian taken. 640 Macdonough. Commodore. 666 Magruder. General. 893, 939. 949. 952 Magazine, first American, 174 Magaw. Colonel, 428 Magellan. 43 Malvern Hill, battle. 950 Manifesto of the British government, 658 Manufactures, colonial, restrictions on. 182, 202, 326 domestic. 129. 577. 702, 827. 971. 1058 Mansfield. General, 959 March Fourth. 1133. 1134 Marcy. William L.. 796. 810. 811 Marion. General Francis. 516, 539 Marquette. James. 247. 248 Marshall. John. 592. 594. 707 : death, 728 Colonel Humphrey. 776 Maryland. 134. 136 : troubles. 145. 321 Mason. George. 342, 565 Captain John, 118, 119 J. M.. 907 Massachusetts. 106, 122, 202. 264. 659. SS 67 Massasoit. 102. 103. 210 Matamoras occupied. 762 Material Progress. 861, 10. o Mather. Cotton. 214. 223-228 Increase. 222 May. Colonel. 760. 781 Mahew. Thomas. 126 Meade. Geo. S.. General. 975. 978-984. 1022. 1032: death. 1062 Mechlenburg declaration. 366 Megapolensis. Domine. 156. 244 Meigs. Colonel. 451, 644 Mercenaries in the Union army. 907 Merimae and Monitor duel. 933-935 McClellan. G. R. 888. 894. 903. 932. 940. 954. 957 : removed. 960, 1013: candi- date. 1020: death- 1119 McClernand. General. 913. 969. 985 McCook. Colonel. 910. 925. 967 McCrea. Jenny. 473 McCulloch. Major. 773. 898. 920 McDowell. General. * 91 . 645 McDuffie. Geo, 719, 723 McHenry. Fort, defended. 671 McPherson. General. 1003 Melendez. Pedro. 64. 65 Mercer. General Hugh. 415. 443 Fort, defended. 470 Mesilla Valiev purchased. 844 Methodist Episcopal Church. 196. 568: division. 862 Mifflin. Thomas. 365. 414. 561; Gov.. 5S6 Miantonomoh. 117. 118 Miles. Gen.. 893 Mills. R. Q . 1122, 1128 Miller. Col. James. 663 Mill Spring, battle of. 910 Milroy. Gen.. 913 Minuits. Peter. 149. 157 Mitchell. O. M.. General, 926. 963 Mississippi. 57. 247 Missions. Jesuit. 67. 242. 245. 246, 252 Spanish. 183 Missionary Societies formed. 636 Missouri Compromise. 692-695 Mobile taken. 260. 1014 Mobilian tribes. 41 Mohawks, or Huron-Iroquois. 41. 151, 153. 243. 253. 378. 458 Mohegans. 116. 152 Monongahela. battle, 281 first settlers on. 585 Molino del Rey. battle. 818 Monmouth, battle. 494 Monroe. James. 438. 591. 609: Sec. of State. 651: President. 644-698 Monroe doctrine. 695 Monterey captured. 764 Montcalm. 297. C98. 302: death. 309 Montgomery. Richard. 383. 386 Monts. Sieur de. 68 Moralitv. laws enjoining. 88. 126. 169, 319 Moravians. 195. 198. 553 Morgan. Daniel. 380. 386. 464. 478, 533 J. H.. raid. 9SS William 702 Mormons. 837-839 Morris. Gouverneur. 584 Robert. 544 Morse. Samuel F. B.. 1032 Motley, Historian. 1155 Motto on Coin. 1032 Moultne. Fort. 405 Muhlenbuig. Colonel. 448 Rev. H. M.. 174 Murfreesboro, battle. 967-8 Narragansetts. 203. 208 Nashville. 509: occupied, 917 Natchez. 261. 262 National Bank. 576 debts assumed. 576 : • •. . - Banks. 991. 11W Flag. 453 Road. 700 Naval efforts. 389. 390 Navy. the. 448. 589. 606, 637 department of. 390. 574 1169 Nebraska bilk 845: the State. 1045 Nelson. Governor. 548 Neutrality professed. 892 Newark burned. 652 Newspapers. 237. 238, 861, -72. 1103 Newborn captured. 919 New Amsterdam. 149. 158 France. 240 Haven. 120 Jersev. 162 Lights. 267. 330 London burned. 517 Madrid captured. 921 Netherland. 149. 160 Orleans. 261 : battle. 679: captured. 927-929 Sweden. 158 York City. 146. 148. 732 York province. 161 Nicholson. Francis. 189, 216 Nipmucks. 206. 209 Non-coercion. 872 Norfolk burned. 396 North. Lord. 343. 345. 486. 555 Nullification. 721 causes of, 718-720 O'Brien. Captain. 728. 783 Oglethorpe. 190-2X1 INDEX 1183 Ohio Company, 269 State of, 600 Old Lights, 267 Old Ironsides, 638, 640, 684 Opechancanough, 130, 137 Orders in Council, 611, 625, 632 Ordinance of 1787, 566 Oregon boundary, 753-756 emigration to, 790; State of, 791 Otis, James, 328, 340 Outrages on colored soldiers, 927 Pacific Railway, 1047 Packenham, General, 679, 681 Palmer, Sir Roundel, 1052 Palo Alto, battle, 758 Parker, Sir Peter, 405 Parliament, measures of, 390 Parris, Samuel, 224-228 Patroons, 150 Patterson, General, 895 Pea Ridge, battle of, 320 Peace Party, 976 rumors, 682 Pemberton, J. C., General, 965,985-987 Penn, William, 165-173, 335 Pennsylvania, 167; settlers, German, 170; Presbyterian, 172; Western, 585 Pepperell, William, 264 Pequods, war with, 116-120 Perry, Commodore, 845 O. H., 646 Personal Liberty bills. 871 Petersburg taken, 1023 Philadelphia, 168; taken, 468 Philip’s, King, war, 203, 209 Phillips, General. 458, 533 Phipps, Sir William, 225, 255 Pickett, General, 982 Pierce, Franklin, 814, 844 Pilgrim Fathers, 98 Pilgrims in Holland, 94, 96 Pinckney. Charles C., 591 Pitcairn, Major, 359, 377 Pitt, William. 300, 336, 354 Pittsburg, 304, 314 Pittsburg Landing, battle of, 923-926 Pizarro. 46 Platforms of parties, 855,856, 1019, 1020, 1069, 1075, 1109, 1128 Pleasants, Col. Henry, 1013 Pleasonton, General, 913, 1015 Pocahontas, 81, 84, 86 Pollard, 996, 1021 Polk, James K., 749; President, 751, 762, 768, 818 Leonidas, Bishop— Gen., 908, 923; death, 1001 Pontiac, 313-316 Pope, John, Gen., 921,929, 953-956 Porter, Captain, 655 D. D., Admiral, 926. 985, 998 Fitz-.Tohn, Gen., 948, 950, 955 Port Hudson taken, 987 Portland burned, 389 Position of affairs, 999 Postage, cheap, 750 Post-office department, 1170 Powhatan, 80, 81 Prejudices, sectional, 392, 415, 1066 Presbyterians, 163, 172, 175, 181, 185, 318. a09. 568. 585 President of United States, duties of, 1166; election of. 1172 Presidential Succession. 1125 President, frigate, taken, 684 Prescott, Colonel William, 372, 425 Prescott, General, capture of, 460 Historian, 1155 Press, the, 123, 139, 211, 232, 235, 857 liberty of. vindicated, 221 increase, 1154 Preston, Captain, 342 Price, Sterling, 898, 965, 1015 Princeton College, 268 battle, 443 Pring, Martin, 90 Prisoners of war, 446, 558 Prevost, Sir George, 643, 665 Provost, Bishop, 573 Pulaski, Count, 463, 467, 506 Puritans, 92, 106, 127, 136, 202 Putnam, Israel, 292, 361, 374, 418, 446 uakers, 124, 164, 170, 181,323 uebec Act, 348 founded, 68, 306, 310, 385 ueenstown attacked, 634 uincy, Josiah, 342 Josiah, jr., 626 Quitman, John, General, 765 Raisin River, battle, 643 Rahl, Colonel, 436, 438 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 71 ; death, 75 Randolph, Edmund, 565, 575 John, 614, 624 , 863 Rates on railways. 1143 Rawdon, Lord. 539 Reconstruction of States, 1033 Reed, Adjutant- General, 436, 440 Red River Expedition, 998 Reformation, the. 59, 60 Representatives, House of, 843. 1164 ratio of. 843, 1076, 1 102 Slave representation in, 565, 675, 748, 866, 1042 Republican parties, 1st, 582 ; 2d, 850, 868 Republics, South American, 690 Repudiation, 734 Resaca de la Palma, battle, 760 Resolutions of ’98, 711 Responsibility, individual, 1156 Resumption of Specie Payments, 1074 Revere, Paul, 347, 359 Revival, great, 267 Revolt of soldiers. 530 Revolution, war of, 355-556 French, 582 Reynolds, General, 979 Rhode Island, 113. 123, 124, 202, 235, 750 Rice, 182 Richmond, 943; taken, 1023 Ringgold, Major, 759 Riots at Baltimore, 630 New York, 989 Railway, 1073 Rivington's Gazette, 394 Roberval, Lord of. 52, 53 Robertson, James, 508 Robinson, Ewd.,Prof.. 1156 Rev. John, 93, 96 Rochambeau, Count de, 516, 544 Rodgers, Captain, 618 Rosecrans, General, 894, 901, 965, 967, 1015 1184 LXDEX Ross. General Robert. 667. 671 Russell. Lord John. 507; protest. 1031: negligence. 1051 Rutledge. Edward. 422 Sabbath, the. 169. 235. 319 Samoset. 102 Sanitary Commission. 942. 1039 Santa Ann a. 743. 746. 768. 772. . . 4-7S6. S07. 312. 322 Santa F e taken. 797 San Jacinto, battle. 746 Saratoga, the surrender. 431 Sassaeus. US. 119 Sav annah 192. 506; taken. 1COS - - . _ - Sehwatka. Lieut. Fred.. 1099 Schenectady burned. 254 Schofield. General. 1016 . . ' 853. 1101 Schurler. Peter. -S3 General Philip. 377. 381. -3S3. 404. 452. 460. 472. 473 Scott. Lieutenant-General Winfield. 635. 661. 706: Mexican war. 763. 771. ad. 313. 390. 904. 1062 Sears. Robert. 365 Sedgwick. General. 974. 1008 Seminoles. 1M: war with. 690. 72S Sernmes. Raphael. 966 Senate, how composed. 343. 1165 Seward. W. H.. 381. 891. 908. 1026 Shawnees. 243. 271 Shay's rebellion. 562 Sheridan. General Philip. 968. 1009 : his ride. 1013 Sherlock. Bishop. 329 Sherman. Roger. 351 : T. W.. 905 Wm. T.. 909. 969. 986. 996. 1000-1005. l->25. 1027 Shingis. 274. 23!' Shiloh. l>attle of. 924 Sickles. General D.. 981. 1039 Sigel. Franz. -99. 920. 955. 974 Signal Service Bir eau. 1056 Silk culture. 191. 195. 1059 Sims. J. Clarion. 1"77 Sioux or Dahcotahs. 41. 246 Slater. Samuei. 573 Slave law. fugitive. 837 representation. 565. t.o. 366 trade. :353. 410. 411. 566. 740 Slaverv in the colonies. 130. 159. 18). 195. 300. 322. 325 in the territories. 566. 633, 531. 833. 835. 346 discussion on. 830. 835 Slaves in British army. 558 the hopes. 966 Slidell. John. 907 Slocum. General. 948. 982 Slaughter. Colonel Henry. 217. 218 Smith. John. 79-34. 90 Joseph. 837 •Jeneral Kirby. 964. 1026 Smugglers. English. 197 Society for propagating the Gospel in foreign parts. 135. 193 Soldiers, colored, 987. 991 Soto. De. 54-58 Sons of Liberty. 334. 365 Specie payments, bill for. 1060. 1074 Squanto. 90. 102 St. Clair. General. 447. 458-460: defeat 579 St. John John P., 1110 St. Leger. General. 457. 474 St. Pierre. 274 Steele. General: Little Rock taken. 997 Specie Circular. 732 Speculation. 731. 732. 734 Stamp Act. 332. 337 Manoish. Miles. 96. 104 Stanton. E. M.. 912. 1045: death. 1062 Stark. John. 292. 361. 374. 437 : Benning- ton. 476 State Impairment. 390. 1167 State Rights influence. 1040 Stephens. A. H.. 872. S79. 932 Stephenson. Fort, defended. 644 Steuben. Baron de. 490. 542 Stirling. Lord. General. 419 Stockton. Commodore. 795. 803 Stoneman. General 975. 1018 Stonington bombarded. 672 Stony Point taken. 505 Stoughton, William. 212, 225-228 Streeter. A. J . 1127 Stringham. Commodore. 905 Stuart. J. E. B.. raid. 947. 960, 974; death. 1009 Stuyvesant. Peter. 156-160 Sub-Treasury. 733 Suffrage, qualification. 1105 Sullivan. General John. 356. 402. 417, 435. 465. 497. 502 Sumner. Charles. 1060, 1065 General. 946. 961. 959 Sumter. General. 516 Fort. 875. 883: the Old Flag. 1029 Susquehanna. 134. 1-39 Talleyrand. 593. 595 Tane'v. Roger B.. 727 Tariffs. 567. 686. 697. 702. 704. 723. 725. 827. 971, 1103. 1108. 11*2. 1124, 1132 Tarleton. Colonel 512. 533 Taxes, parliamentary, 321 331. 340 national 971 Tayac. 135 Tavlor. Zacharv. 728: Mexican war, ' 753 757 . 760. 766. 779: President, 829. 836 Tea taxed. 339. 345: destroyed, 347 Tecum sch. 619. 644. 647 Telegraph, the. 1032 Temperance Movement. 1077, 1155 Tennent. Rev. William. 26 fj Territory. Northwest. 566 Texas aimexation. 74C-749 Thames, battle. 647 Thanksgiving day. I'M. 128 Thomas. General. 380. 399. 403 Thomas. Geo. H.. Gen.. 910. 924, 993,1016 Thomson. Charles. 351 Ticonderoga taken. 363. 459 Tilden. Samuel J.. 1070, 1126 Tippecanoe, battle. 621 Tithing-man. the, 127 Toleration. 136 Tompkins. Daniel D.. 687 Tories. 343. 558. 562 Town meetings. 231 Trade, colonial. 144: restrictions, ISO, 202. 211, 325 INDEX. 1185 Transportation, 1142 Treason made odious, 1035 Treasury Department, 401, 574, 1168 Treaties with Algiers, 589, 685 China, 1045 England, 556; Jay’s, 588; at Ghent, 682; at Washington, 740, 1050 France, 493 Indians, 580, 686 Japan, 845 Mexico, 825 Ottoman empire, 730 Spain, 589, 692 Trent affair, 907 Trenton, battle, 436 Trist, N. P., Commissioner, 811, 818, 825 Truxton, Capt., 596 Tryon, Governor, 378, 394, 449, 504 Tuscaroras, 186, 187 Tyler, John, 736-750 Uncas, 118, 157, 203 Uniform, American, 381 United colonies of New England, 122 Thirteen, 388 States, 412 Union Flag, 393 Union, continuance of. 1065-1067 Union men, 871 Union war losses, 1028 Valley Forge, 484 Van Buren, Martin, 731-734 Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 906 Van Dorn, Gen., 920, 965, 969 Vane, Harry, 110, 112, 122, 201 Vaudreuil, 258, 310 Vera Cruz taken, 805 Verrazzani, 49, 50 Vespucci, Amerigo, 38 Vicksburg taken, 985-987 Vigilance Associations, 874 Virginia, 72, 77, 130 Volunteers; Mexican war, 762 Voting, fraudulent, 1053 Wadsworth, Wm. , 213 Gen., 1008 Waite, Morrison R.. 1052 Waldron, Major. 253 Walker, Robert J., 851 Walloons, first settlers on Long Island, 149 Wampanoags, 203, 206 Wamsutta, death of, 204 Warren, Dr. Joseph, 358, 377 War Department. 401, 1169 Wars, with England, 628-686 England and Spain, 183, 197, 198 Indian. 116-120. 131, 137, 139, 151- 156, 203-209. 578, 690, 728 King William’s, 252 of the Revolution, 355-551 Tripoli, 601 King George’s, 263 Washington, Fort, taken, 428 George, youth, 271-273, 274-286, 304; commander-in-chief, 369, 381, 399, 424, 427, 429, 436, 442, 457, 465, 467, 495, 510, 544, 559; Washington, retirement, 561, 564; Pres- ident, 571-590 ; death, 596 ; monu- ment to, 1106-1108 John, 139 Colonel William. 534, 539 City pillaged, 670 Wayne. Anthony, 448, 467; Stony Point, 505, 543, 580 Webster, Daniel, 657, 673. 722; Sec. of State, 738, 748, 832; death, 842 Noah, 1155 Wesley, John and Charles, 195, 196 Wetherford, the chief, 653, 654 W T heelock, Rev. E.,338 Whigs, 343 Whiskey Insurrection, 585-587 Whitefield, George, 196, 264, 268 White, William, bishop, 568 White Plains, battle, 426 Whitney, Eli, 700 Whittier, J. G., 1155 Wilderness, battles of, 1007 Wilkinson, James, General, 434, 649, 651, 661 Wilkes, Chas.. Capt., 742, 908 Williamsburg, battle of, 941 William IH., 170, 214 Williams, College, 636 Eunice, 257 Colonel E.. 293, 294 O. H., 535 Roger, 110, 111, 117, 123, 209 Wilmot Proviso, 827 Wilson, Henry, 1048 Wilson's Creek, battle of, 899 Winchester, Gen., 643 Winder, General, 667-669 Winslow, Edward, 98, 101, 103, 111 | 114 Winthrop, John, 108 John, jr., 202 Wise, Rev. John, 213 Witchcraft, Salem, 222-228, 230 in Great Britain, 229 Witherspoon, Dr., 351 W 7 olfe, James, 301, 307-309 Wool, John E.. 635, 764, 775, 770, 786, 904 W’ooster, General, 383, 450 W T orth, William J., 764, 767, 771, 807, 815, 819 Writs of Assistance, 327 Wyoming, ruin of, 498; revenged, 502 Yamasees. 186, 188 Yeamans, Sir John, 177, 180 Yeardley, George, 87, 132 York taken, 650 Yorktown, siege of, 547-549; 2d siege, 939: centennial celebration of siege of 1781, 1096 Young, Brigham, 839 Young Men’s C. A., 1153 Youthful Nation, 573 Yulee’s letter, 877 Zenger, John Peter, 221 Zollicoffer, Gen., 902, 910 TOPICAL INDEX. In order to aid the reader who may wish to refer to special sub- jects treated of in this History, the following classified Table has been prepared, with references to the dates, as well as to the pages where such subjects are noticed : DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORA- TIONS. Spanish. Columbus set sail August 3, 1492; first discovery. October 12. 1492; main- land of South America, 149S: pp. 33-38. Balboa discovers the Pacific Septem- ber 26, 1513; p. 43. Magellan, first voyage round the world, 1539; p. 48. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida. March 27, 1512; p. 44. Vasquez de AyUon attempts to con- quer Florida, 1528: pp. 43-46. De Soto traverses Florida to the Mis- sissippi. 1539-1541; pp. 54-56. English. Sebastian Cabot reaches the mainland of Western Continent, June 27. 1497; pp. 47-49. Sir Walter Raleigh. Arm idas and Bar- low , explore coasts of the Carolinas. 1584; pp. 69-76. John Smith explores Virginia. 1607; New England. 1614; pp. 79: 81-82: 90. Gosnold Bartholomew sails straight across the Atlantic and reaches Cape Cod, May 14, 1602: p. 89. Henry Hudson in Hudson's Bay. 1612: p. 148. French. Cermzzani discovers coast of North Carolina, 1524: pp. 49. 50. 1186 FREN CH . — CoxnxcED. Cartier explores St. Lawrence River. 1534-1535: pp. 50-53. Ribaidt. Huguenots in the South, 1562; the massacre, 1568; pp. 61-66. De Monts in the North. Acadie settled. 1607; p. 67. Champlain's explorations. 1608; p. 68. Father AUouez , 1642-1665: Marquette, 1670; pp. 246, 247. La Salle floats down the Mississippi, 1682; sails from France for Louisi- ana, 1684; pp. 240-251. Dutch. Henry Hudson explores Hudson Riv- er, 1609: pp. 146-147. American. Captain Charles Wilkes. Antarctic Explorations. 1838-1842: p. 742. Clarke and Lewis cross Rocky Moun- tains, and down Columbia River. 1805, 1806: p. 754. Captain Gray, first American voyage round the world. 1792: p. 577: dis- covers the Columbia River. John C. Fremont, explores passes in Rocky Mountains. 1843-1846: pp. 791-794: 803. Dr. E. K. Kane in search of Sir John Franklin. 1850-1851: p. 841. Arctic Explorations by Dr. Hayes. Captain Hall. Lieutenant Sehwatka. and Lieutenant Commanding De Long: 1860-1882: pp. 1098-1100. TOPICAL INDEX. 1187 SETTLEMENTS. French. fjuguenots in the South, 1562-1564; pp. 61-66: North, Acadie, 1607: Que- bec founded, 1608; pp. 67, 68. Walloons (Protestant) in Brooklyn, N. Y., 1625; p. 149: Missions and Colonists, Oswego, N. Y., 1661; p, 246. Pascagoula settled, New Orleans foun- ded, 1699-1718; pp. 259, 260. German colonists under the French, 1722; p. 261. English. . Virginia, Jamestown founded, 1607; pp. 77-88. New England , Plymouth, landing at, December 11 (22 N. S.), 1620; pp. 96- 101: Salem, 1629; Boston, 1630; pp. 107-109. Rhode Island, at Providence, 1636; p. 113; Hartford (Dutch), 1614; Migra. tion through the wilderness, pp. lia-115. New Haven, Theophilus Eaton founds, 1638; p. 120. Maryland, Lord Baltimore, 1632; p. 134. Pennsylvania, the grant to Penn, 1681 ; pp. 167-170. Carolinas, the Proprietaries; Grand Model, 1663; pp. 175-179. Georgia , Oglethorpe, the poor man’s friend, 1732-1753; pp. 190-195. Hutch. Hartford, trading houses, 1614; pp. 113-114. New York, on Manhattan Island, 1614, and up the river, 1615; pp. 146-150. On the Delaware, with the Swedes, 1638; pp. 157, 158. American. Migration beyond Alleghany Moun- tains, from 1768 to 1794 : p. 585. Texas, first American Colonists, 1813; | second migration, 1835: pp. 743, 744. 1 Oregon, first settlers, 1842; pp. 790, 791. Utah, Mormons take possession of, 1833-1850; pp. 837-839. LAND HOLDING. - TOWN AND COUNTY MEETINGS. Land distribution in New England, pp. 105, 231, 232; in Virginia and the Carolinas, pp. 2:34, 235. Homestead law and results, p. 1101. Town meetings, the effect, pp. 231, 232 County meetings, the effect, pp. 233- 236. Suffrage qualifications, pp. 1105. TREATIES. England. First, September 3, 1783; p. 556: Jay's, 1795; p. 588: of Ghent, proclaimed February 18, 1815; p. 682; first Washington, 1842; p. 740: second Washington, 1871; pp. 1050- 1052. France. Secret, 1777; p. 455: February 6, 1778; p. 493: 1783; p. 556: April 30, 1803; p. 600: claims, 1836; p. 729. Spain. First, 1783; p. 556: 1795; p. 589: Florida ceded, 1821: pp. 691, 692. Holland. A virtual treaty, 1780; p. 527: commercial, 1780; p. 556. Algiers. In 1796, p. 589: June 3, 1805; p. 603. Russia and Ottoman Empire, com- mercial, 1836; p. 730. Mexico, proclaimed July 4, 1848; p. 825. Japan, commercial, 1853: p. 845. China, commercial, 1867; p. 1045. ACQUISITIONS OF TERRITORY. Louisiana purchased, 1803; p. 600. Florida obtained, 1819; p. 691. New Mexico and California ceded, 1848; p. 825. Mesilla Valley bought, 1853; p. 844. Alaska purchased, 1867; p. 1045. IMMIGRANTS. Unskilled, 1819 and onward, p. 865; skilled and educated, pp. 1102, 1103. EDUCATION.— THE PRESS. Massachusetts, common schools estab- lished, 1647; pp. 123, 124: training of children— the results ; pp. 126, 127. New England schools, pp. 238, 320, 322. Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, 138, 235. 1188 TOPICAL INDEX, EDUCATION. -THE PRESS.— Cox- TIXT7BD . Middle colonies, schools, 169, 236. Schools in all the States since 1868, p. HOC Operatives, moral and literary train- ing of, p. 712. Colonists, inner life of. pp. 126-128; 234, 235. Colonists, characteristics of. pp. 317- 324. Indian Territory Schools, p. 1061. Illiteracy, census of 1860: pp. 658-861. The Press vindicated, 221 : in colonial times. 232-235. Xetcspapers. origin of, 237: influence, 238; increase. 1106. Hindrances of Education removed, 1105. Young Men's and Women s Christian Associations, 1104. INDUSTRIES. Manufactures, colonial pp. 129. 182: trade crippled. 202. 326: crude han- dicraft. 235, 239 ; crops and animals. 239: national. 577, 613, 702; cotton manufacture. 713, 714: results, 717- 719: woollen manufacture. 720: equal- izing measure. 721: depression in industries. 696. 732: industrial prog- ress. 971: iron and steel, silk, wool and cotton, 1068-1059. Agriculture, progress of. 1075. First Locomotive. 1332: p. TOO. First steamboat. 1807: p. 687. First ocean steamer, 1818: p. 687. First railroad , 1827 : p. 700. Canals. Erie and Ohio. 1825-1832: p. 700. Xational road. 1820: p. 700. Union Pacific. 1869: p. 1047. Rail trays, aggregate length of. p. 1101. WARS AND BATTLES. First Period.— To close of Revo- lution. Bennington. August 16: pp. 476. 477. Braddock's defeat. July 9. 1755: pp. 279-286. Brandywine. September 11 : p. 465. Bunker Hill. June 17. 1775: pp. 371-377. Camden. August 16. 1790: p. 518. Cherry Valley. August. 1778: p. 498. Concord. April 19, 1775: pp. 358-361. WARS AND BATTLES.— CosnyrKD. Cornwallis, surrender of, October 19, 1781; p. 545, 548-550. Cowpens. January 17, 1781: pp. 533-535. Eutaw Springs. September S: p. 541. French and Indian war, from 1757 to 1763: pp. 300-316. Indian War in Virg inia . March. 1622: pp. 131, 137-139. King Philip's, 1671 : pp. 203-210. King's 3Iountain, October 9; pp. 524- 526. Lexington, April 19, 1775; pp. -358-361. Long Island, August 27, 1776; pp. 417- 423. Louisburg captured, June 17, 1745: pp. 264. 265. Monmouth. June 28. 1778: p. 494. Pequod War. 1637: pp. 116-120. Princeton. January 3. 1777 : pp. 437. 443. Saratoga, the surrender, October 17; pp. 480-483. Stony Point. July 16. 1779: p 505. Trenton. December 26. 1776: Wyoming. July, 1778: p. 494 Second Period.— To close of Mexi- can War. Bladensburg. August 24: p. 669. Buena Vista. February 22. 1847 ; p. 774. Cerro Gordo. April 18: p. 808. Champlain, lake. September 11 : p. 665. Churubusco. August 20: p. 817. Erie. lake. September 10. 1813: the Thames. October 5: p. 647. Great Horse shoe, March 28, 1814; p. 654. Hull's surrender. July 9. 1812; pp. 630- 632. In dian War. 1791: pp. 578-580. ^ Lundy's Lane. July 25: p. 663. Mexico, city of. occupied. September 14. 1847: p. 821. Molino del Rey. September 8: p. 817. Monterey captured. September 23: pp. 764-767. Naval battles, from July 1, 1812, to Jan- uary 1. 1813: pp. 637-642. New Orleans. January 8. 1815: pp. 678- 681. Palo Alto. May 8. 1846; p. 758. San Jacinto. April 21. 1836: pp. 746. Tippecanoe battle. November 7. 1811: pp. 619-621. V era Cruz bombarded. March 22: p. 8)6. TOPICAL INDEX. 1189 WARS AND BATTLES. -Continued. Third Period.— To close of Rebel- lion . , 1861 . Ball’s Bluff, October 21; p. 904. Bull Run (first), July 21; pp. 895-897. Hilton Head, November 7; p. 906. Sumpter fired on, April 12, 4.30 a.m. ; p. 883. Wilson’s Creek, August 9-10; p. 899. 1862 . Antietam, September 17; pp. 958-960. Bull Run (second), September 2; pp. 955, 956. Fair Oaks, June 1; p. 945. Forts Henry and Donelson, February 6-16; pp. 913-917. Fredericksburg, December 13; p. 962. June 26 commenced the Seven Days’ Battle. Malvern Hill, July 1; p. 951. Merrimac and Monitor duel, March 9; pp. 932-936. Mill Spring, January 17 ; p. 910 New Orleans taken, April 26; pp. 926- 929. Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, April 6 and 7; pp. 923-926. Williamsburg, May 5; p. 941. 1863 . Above the Clouds, November 23; p. 995. Atlanta (iron-clad) captured, June 17; p. 989. Bragg's defeat, November 25; p. 996. Chancellorville, May 2 and 3; p. 973. Chickamauga, September 19 and 20; p. 993. Gettysburg, July 1-3; pp. 979-984. Murfreesboro, January 2; p. 967. Vicksburg and Port Hudson taken, Ju- ly 4 and 9; pp. 985-987. 1864 . “Alabama,” The, sunk, June 19; p. 1030. Chattanooga, Sherman’s March from, to the sea. May 9 to December 20; pp. 1000-1005. Early and Sheridan, July 3 and Octo- ber 13; pp. 1011-1013. Mobile virtually captured, August 23; p. 1014. WARS AND BATTLES.— Continued. Nashville, battle of, December 15 and 16; p. 1016. Wilderness, battles in the, May 4-18; pp. 1007-1009. 1865 . Lee surrenders at Appomattox, Va., April 9; Johnston near Raleigh, N. C., April 17, pp. 1021-1025. HOW WE ARE GOVERNED. A Unique Republic, 1111. Colonial Governments, 1112. Articles of Con- federation, 1113. Framing of the U. S. Constitution, 1114. The House of Representatives, 1116. The Senate, 1117. Passage of Bills— the Presi- dent, 1118. The Cabinet^Depart- ment of State, 1119. The Treasury, 1120. War and Navy Departments, 1121. Interior and Post-Office de- partments, 1122. The Judiciary, 1123. Impeachment of U. S. Officers, 1124. Election of President and Vice-Pres- ident, 1124. State Governments, 1126. The Territories, 1127. District o: Columbia, 1128. INCIDENTS. Columbus, p. 38; Spain and England, contrast between, 70; Pocahontas, 81, 86: King James I., 93; Squanto, 102; Thanksgiving, 104; Good Mr. Higginson, 107; The Apostle Eliot, 126; The tithing-man, 127; The Old Dominion, 137; Treachery and in- dignation, 140; Berkeley and Drum- mond, 142; Indian gratitude, 154; Indian diplomacy, 155; Stuyvesant, angry, 159; Penn in the tower, 166; Oglethorpe and the Indian chiefs, 192; Faith on shipboard, 194; Wam- sutta’s death, 204; Captain Wads- worth and Andros, 213; The same and Fletcher, 219; Stoughton and Burroughs, 226: l ather Dreuilettes and the Apostle Eliot, 245; Waldron and the Indians, 254; Hannah Dus- tin, 256; Eunice Williams and her daughter, 257, 258; Captain Jack, 280; Washington and Braddock, 281 ; Captain Jacobs. 296; Washington in the House of Burgesses, 305. Wolfe and Montcalm, 308 and 309: James Otis and John Adams, 328; Colonel 1190 TOPICAL INDEX. INCIDENTS . — Coxtixued. Barre's spirited address. 331: Pat- rick Henry's speech, 333: William Pitt's address in Parliament. 336: The tea overboard. 347; Rev. Mr. Duche, 35-2; Ethan Allen and Captain Delaplace. 363: Dr. Warren and Put- nam at Bunker Hill . 274, 375: The two receptions. 378: Sergeant Jas- per. 406: The mistake and the Tory woman. 421: The way to the Hes- sians. 437 : Arnold and the Tory, 451; Capture of General Prescott. 461: Mrs. Darrah overhears. 470: Jenny McCrea . 473: The belligerent par- son. 476: Arnold acting without or- ders, 480: Meeting of Washington and Lee at the battle of Monmouth. 495; Rev. James Caldwell and wife. 514: Wayne and his rebellious sol- diers. 531: “ Cornwallis is taken. " 550: Lafayette to Napoleon, 551: Lord North's emotions. 555: Wash- ington's farewell to his soldiers. 560: Mob violence. 630: The Constitution and the Guerriere. 639, 640: General Jackson and Wetherford, 654: and the Indian babe. 655: What the Lon- don Times thought. 641; Colonel Miller at Lundy's Lane. 663: A strange scene. 666: How the com- promise tariff was passed. 725: Dr. Grant's death. 745: Santa Anna at Houston's headquarters. 746: Firing the Southern Heart. 883: The Varu- na. 923: Practical printers. 929: Lin- coln's plan of campaign, 932: Cap- tain Worden's inquiry. 936: Generals Hooker and Heintzelman. 941: Lee at Gettysburg. 934: General Grant and President Lincoln. 999: Sheri- dan's Ride. 1013; Reinstatement of the old flag. 1029: General Lee's ad- vice to a mother. 1049; Garfield in Wall Street. 1087: Chester A. Ar- thur's two law casas. 1093. SKETCHES OF INDIVIDUALS. John Quincy Adams, p. 826. Samuel Adams. 328. Ethan Allen. 362. John Andre. 521. Benedict Arnold. 362. Chester A Arthur. 1093. Nathaniel Bacon. 139. Jacob Brown. 661. John Brown. 853. James Buchanan, 850. Sebastian Cabot, 48. John C. Calhoun. 622. Henry Clay, 622. James and George Clinton. 416. Columbus, 34. Elskwatawa. 619, 620. | Benjamin Fr anklin , 173. 1 Colonel Ferguson, 524. John Charles Fremont. 791. James A. Garfield. 1078. Horatio Gates. 404. Horace Greeley, 1065. Nathaniel Greene. 380. Alexander Hamilton. 350. William H. Harrison. 736. R. B. Hayes, 1071. Patrick Henry. 329. Anne Hutchinson, 112. Andrew Jackson. 648. Andrew Johnson. 1027. King James. 78. Sir William Johnson, 378. Lafayette. 462. Henry Laurens, 528. Charles Lee. 430. Abraham Lincoln, 1026. Benjamin Lincoln, 357. Chief -Justice Marshall. 728. Cotton Mather, 223, 228. Daniel Morgan. 380. The Pilgrim Fathers. 97, 98. Pontiac. 313. Powhattan. 80. Israel Putnam. 361. W illiam Penn. 165. Colonel Rahl. 436. Sir Walter Raleigh. 71, 75. Santa Anna, 812. Winfield Scott, 661. Philip Schuyler. 377. Samuel Slater father of American manufactures*, 578. John Smith. 79. Edwin M. Stanton. 912. William Stoughton. 225. 228. Charles Sumner. 1065. Colonel Banastre Tarleton. 512. Tecumseh. 619. George Washington. 271. Daniel Webster. 658. Roger Williams. 110. James Wolfe, -309. APPENDIX. Constitution or the United States. Amendments to the Same. Declaration of Independence. Presidents of the Continental Congress. Chief Justices of U. S. Supreme Court. Presidents of the United States. Population of the United States. The Forty-Five Most Populous Cities of the K ation. 1191 “ As the British Constitution is the most subtile organism which has proceeded from progressive history , so the American Constitution is the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of many — William E. Gladstone. APPENDIX. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. We the People of the United States, in order to form a more per* feet Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, pro* vide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Pos- terity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section. 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Section. 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- tained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware 1193 1194 CONSTITUTION OF THE EXITED STATES. one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina fire, South Caro* lina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such V acanc-ies. The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole Power of impeachment. Section. 3. The Senate of the United States shall he composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, oi otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Va- cancies. No Person shall be a Senator w> o shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have noVote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore , in the Absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirma- tion. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two-thirds of the Members present. Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and Disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honour, Trust or Profit under the United States : but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, accord- ing to Law. Section. 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and APPENDIX. 1195 such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day. Section. 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business ; but a smaller Num- ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to com- pel the Attendance of absent Members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each House may provide. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Mem- bers of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present be entered on the J ournal. Neither House, during the Session Of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to ary other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section. 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privi- leged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place. No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emolu- ments whereof shall have been encreased during such time ; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. Section. 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- tives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a Law, be presented to the President of the United States ; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas 1196 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered, on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a law, in like Manner as if he had signed it. unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. Every Order, Resolution, or V ote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. Section. 8. The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Wel- fare of the United States; but all Duties. Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes ; To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States ; To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States; To establish Post Offices and post Roads ; To promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by secur- ing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court : To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations ; To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water : To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years ; To provide and maintain a Navy ; To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces ; To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions ; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the APPENDIX. 1197 Servic e of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the authority of training the Militia according to the Discipline prescribed by Congress; To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, be- come the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to ex- ercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings ; — And To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. Section. 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- pended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Pro- portion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another : nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Conse- quence of Appropriations made by Law ; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time. No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present. Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Section. 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal ; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any bill of Attainder, ex post 1198 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Im- ports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress. No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of Delay. ARTICLE II. Section. 1 . The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Yic-e President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holdiug an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. [* The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for. and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors ap- pointed ; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representa- tives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President ; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A Quorum for ♦This clause within brackets has been superseded and annulled by the XII th amendment, on page 1013. APPENDIX. 1199 this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. No Person except a natural born Citizen, ora Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Per- son be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice Presi- dent, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Re- moval, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be re- moved, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Section. 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Ad- vice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other 1200 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law : but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. The President shall have Power to fill up all V acancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com- missions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expe- dient ; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive Ambassa- dors and other public Ministers ; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the officers of the United States. Section. 4. The President, Vice President, and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeach- ment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. ARTICLE in. Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. Section. 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Au- thority ; — to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls; — to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdic- tion ; — to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party ; — to Controversies between two or more States:— between a State and a Citizen of another State between Citizens of different States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases be- APPENDIX. 1201 fore mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdic- tion, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. Section. 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State t(s the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. Section. 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due. Section. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of me Congress. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Con- stitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. 1202 coxstitittiox or the exited states. Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legisla- ture, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot he con- vened) against domestic Violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall he valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article ; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the L T nited States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, s hall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitu- tion ; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. APPENDIX. 1203 ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO , AND AMENDMENT OF , THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Proposed by Congress , and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States , pursuant to the fifth article of the original Constitution. (ARTICLE I.) Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re- ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or of the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a re- dress of grievances. (ARTICLE II.) A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. (ARTICLE III.) No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. (ARTICLE IV.) The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon prob- able cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly de- scribing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. (ARTICLE Y.) No person shull be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall 1204 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. private property be taken for public use, without just compensa- tion. (ARTICLE VI.) In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial Jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis- trict shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be in- formed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have Compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favour, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence. (ARTICLE VIL) In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States than according to the rules of the com- mon law. (ARTICLE Vin.) Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines im- posed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. (ARTICLE IX.) The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. (ARTICLE X.) The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. (ARTICLE XI.) The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. (ARTICLE Xn.) The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and APPENDIX. 1205 of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate The President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number shall be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and If no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Repre- sentatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a Presi- dent whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitu- tional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors ap- pointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice- President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole num- ber shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice* President of the United States. (ARTICLE XIII.) 1865. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con* victed shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- priate legislation. (ARTICLE XIV.) 1868. Section. 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or im munities of citizens of the United States, nor shall any State dc* 1206 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. prive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Section. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Section. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector of President or Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of Con- gress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or com- fort to the enemies thereof ; but Congress may, by a vote of two- thirds of each house, remove such disability. Section. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, recognized bylaw, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations, aud claims shall be held illegal and void. Section. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by ap- propriate legislation, the provisions of this article. (ARTICLE XV.) 1870. Section. 1 . The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Section. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. APPENDIX. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE* A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station, to which the laws of nature, and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of man- kind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident— that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalien- able rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes de- structive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accord- ingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abol- ishing .the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the * For attending circumstances, see Vol. I. p. 411. 1207 1208 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and neces- sary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, un- comfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of for- eigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our Legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 1209 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; For imposing taxes on us without our consent; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury; For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences; For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarg- ing its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colo- nies; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable law T s, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments; For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercena- ries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, al- ready begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the higii seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners, of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has en- deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been an- swered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and 1210 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our com- mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity w r hich denounces our separa- tion, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind — enemies in war — in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegi- ance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- solved, and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- merce, and do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. {Here followed the names of the fifty -six Signer's. ] THE DECLARATION OE INDEPENDENCE. 1211 The Signers. The above Declaration, which, after a preliminary vote of the Congress by States, was formally adopted on July 4th, 1776, was attested by the signatures of the following fifty-six delegates. The various elements of the people represented may be judged by the diversity of the occupations of these members of the Continental Congress: farmers, 14; merchants, 9; manufacturer, 1; lawyers, 24; physicians, 4; clergymen, 4, — including one actual ministrant and three educated for the profession who had taken up other labors. The bold signature of John Hancock, President of the Congress, stood first. The list in alphabetical order is as follows : NAMES. BIRTHS. John Adams Braintree, Mass., Oct. 19, 1735. Samuel Adams Boston, Mass., Sept. 22, 1722. Josiah Bartlett Amesbury, Mass., Nov., 1729. Carter Braxton Newington, Va., Sept. 10, 1736. Chas. Carroll of Carrollton. Annapolis, Md., Sept. 20, 1737. Samuel Chase Somerset Co., Md., Ap. 17, 1741. Abraham Clark Elizabetht’n, N.J., Feb. 15, 1726. George Clymer Philadelphia. Penn., 1739. William Ellery Newport, R. I., Dec. 22, 1727. William Floyd Suffolk Co., N. Y., Dee. 17, 1734. Benjamin Franklin Boston, Mass., Jan. 17, 1706. Elbridge Gerry Marblehead, Mass., Jul. 17, 1744. Button Gwinnet England, 1732. Lyman Hall Connecticut, 1731. John Hancock Braintree, Mass., 1737. Benjamin Harrison Berkely, Va., . John Hart Hopewell, N. J., about 1715. Thomas Heyward, Jr St. Luke’s, S. C., 1746. Joseph Hewes Kingston, N. J. 1730. William Hooper Boston, Mass., June 17, 1742. Stephen Hopkins Scituate, Mass., March 7, 1707. Francis Hopkinson Philadelphia, Penn.. 1737. Samuel Huntington Windham, Conn., July 3, 1733. Thomas Jefferson Shadwell, Va., April 13, 1743. Francis Lightfoot Lee Stratford, Va., Oct. 14, 1734. Richard Henry Lee Stratford, Va., Jan. 20,1732. Francis Lewis Landaff, Wales, March, 1713. Philip Livingston Albany, N. Y., Jan. 15, 1716.. Thomas Lynch, Jr St. George’s, S. C., Aug. 5, 1749. Thomas M’Kean Chester Co., Pa., Mar. 19, 1734. Arthur Middleton Middleton Place, S. C., 1743. Lewis xM orris Morrisania, N. Y., 1726. Robert Morris Lancashire, Engl. , Jan., 1733. John Morton Ridley, Penn., 1724. Thomas Nelson, Jr York, Va., Dec. 26, 1738. William Paca Wye-Hill, Md., Oct. 31, 1740. Robert Treat Paine Boston, Mass., 1731. John Penn Caroline Co., Va., May 17, 1741. George Read Cecil Co., Md., 1734. Caesar Rodney Dover, Del., 1730. George Ross New Castle, Del., 1730. Benjamin Rush, M.D Byberry, Penn., Dec. 24, 1745. Edward Rutledge Charleston, S. C., Nov., 1749. Roger Sherman Newton, Mass., April 19, 1721.. James Smith Ireland, Richard Stockton Princeton, N. J., Oct. 1, 1730. Thomas Stone Charles Co., Md., 1742. George Taylor Ireland, 1716. Matthew Thornton Ireland, 1714. George Walton Frederick Co., Va., 1740. William Whipple Kittery, Maine, 1730. William Williams Lebanon, Conn., April 8, 1731. James Wilson Scotland, about 1742. John Witherspoon Yester, Scotland, Feb. 5, 1722. Oliver Wolcott Windsor, Conn., Nov. 26, 1726. George Wythe Elizabeth City Co., Va., 1726. REPRESENTING. DEATHS. .Massachusetts July 4, 1826 .Massachusetts Oct. 2,1803 .New Hampshire. .May 19,1795 .Virginia Oct. 10, 1797 .Maryland Nov. 14, 1832 .Maryland June 19, 1811 .New Jersey June — , 1794 .Pennsylvania Jan. 24,1813 .R. I. & Prov. PI.. Feb. 15, 1820 .New York — Aug. 4,1821 .Pennsylvania April 17, 1790 .Massachusetts Nov. 23,1814 .Georgia May 27, 1777 .Georgia Feb. —,1790 .Massachusetts Oct. 8,1793 .Virginia April — , 1791 .New Jersey , 1780 .South Carolina. . . Mar. — , 1809 .North Carolina. . .Nov. 10, 1779 .North Carolina. . .Oct. — , 1790 .R. I. & Prov. PL. July 19, 1785 .New Jersey May 9, 1790 .Connecticut Jan. 5, 1796 .Virginia July 4,1826 .Virginia April — , 1797 .Virginia June 19. 1794 .New York Dec. 30, 1803 .New York June 12, 1778 .So. Carolina. . .Lost at sea, 1779 .Delaware June 24, 1817 .South Carolina ... Jan. 1 , 1787 .New York Jan. 22, 1798 .Pennsylvania May 8,1806 .Pennsylvania April — , 1777 .Virginia Jan. 4, 1789 Maryland , 1799 .Massachusetts May 11,1814 .North Carolina. . .Sept. — , 1788 .Delaware , 1798 .Delaware , 1783 .Pennsylvania July —,1779 .Pennsylvania April 19, 1813 . South Carolina ... Jan. 23, 1800 .Connecticut July 23, 1793 .Pennsylvania July 11,1806 .New Jersey Feb. 28, 1781 . Maryland Oct. 5, 1787 .Pennsylvania Feb. 23,1781 .New Hampshire. .June 24, 1803 . Georgia Feb. 2, 1804 .New Hampshire. .Nov. 28, 1785 .Connecticut Aug. 2, 1811 .Pennsylvania Aug. 28,1798 .New Jersey Nov. 15,1794 Connecticut Dec. 1,1797 .Virginia June 8,1806 1212 APPENDIX. PRESIDENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, From 1774 to 1788. Peyton Randolph . . .Virginia 5, 1774. Henry Middleton . . South Carolina 22, 1774. Peyton Randolph . . .Virginia 10, 1775. John Hancock . . Massachusetts May 24, 1775. Henry Laurens . . . South Carolina November 1, 1777. John Jay . .New York 10, 1778. Samuel Huntington. . . . . . Connecticut Thomas McKean . . . Delaware July 10, 1781. John Hanson . . . Maryland 5, 1781. Elias Boudinot . . .New Jersey November 4, 1782. Thomas Mifflin . . .Pennsylvania 3, 1783. Richard Henry Lee.. 30, 1784. Nathaniel Gorham . . . . . .Massachusetts June 6, 1786. Arthur St. Clair . . . Pennsylvania 2, 1787. Cyrus Griffin . .Virginia January 22, 1788. American Independence declared July 4, 1776. Articles of Confederation adopted July 9, 1778. CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT, 1789-1881. John Jay New York September 26, 1789. John Rutledge South Carolina July 1, 1795. (Ratification refused by the Senate.) William Cushing Massachusetts January 27, 1796. (Appointment declined.) Oliver Ellsworth Connecticut March 4, 1796. John Jay Ne w Y ork December 19, 1800. (Appointment declined.) John Marshall Virginia January 31, 1801. Roger B. Taney Maryland December 28, 1835. Salmon P. Chase Ohio December 6, 1864. Morrison R. Waite Ohio January 21, 1874. Melville W. Fuller Illinois April 30, 1888 APPENDIX. 1213 PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM 1789 TO 1890. Name. Born. Died. Age George Washington . . . Va., 1732, Mt. Vernon, Va., 1799, 67 John Adams Mass., 1735, Quincy, Mass., July 4, 1826, 91 Thomas Jefferson Va., 1743, Monticello, Va., July 4, 1826, 83 James Madison Va., 1751, Montpelier, Vt., 1836, 85 James Monroe Va., 1758, New York, July 4, 1831, 73 John Quincy Adams. . Mass., 1767, Washington, D. C., 1848, 81 Andrew Jackson N. C., 1767, Hermitage, Tenn., 1845, 78 Martin Van Buren. . . . N. Y„ 1782, Kinderhook, N. Y., 1862, 80 Wm. Henry Harrison. Va., 1773, Washington, D. C., 1841, 68 John Tyler Va., 1790, Richmond, Va., 1862, 72 James K. Polk N. C., 1795, Nashville, Tenn., 1849, 54 Zachary Taylor Va., 1784, Washington, D. C., 1850, 66 Millard Fillmore o o 00 i-H Buffalo, N.Y., 1873, 73 Franklin Pierce N. H.,1804, Concord, N. H., 1869, 65 James Buchanan Penn., 1791, Wheatland, Penn., 1868, 77 Abraham Lincoln Ky„ 1809, Washington, D. C., 1865, 56 Andrew Johnson IN. C., 1808, Greenville, Tenn., 1875, 67 Ulysses S. Grant Ohio, 1822, Mt. McGregor, N. Y., 1885, 63 Rutherford B. Hayes. . letter life of tbe IRepubltc, Patriotic Addresses: IN AMERICA AND ENGLAND, 1850-1885. By HENRY WARD BEECHER. Edited, with a Review of Mr. Beecher’s Personality and Influence in Public Affairs, By JOHN R. HOWARD. This volume shows Henry Ward Beecher’s career as a Na- tional Force. It begins with his bol 4 article on the Missouri Compromise and the Fugitive Slave Bill, in 1850, gives a splendid array of his sermons and orations during the war, in America and in England, continues with his finest efforts on public affairs since that era, and fitly closes with his eulogy on Grant in 1885. The Patriotic Addresses constitute a glowing Picture of the Times: their statements, often violently disputed when first set forth, have now hardened into accepted truth ; their matter and style will stand among the most enduring monuments of the orator’s genius. I. Freedom and Slavery. — Shall We Compromise? 1850; American Slavery, 1851; On Which Side is Peace? 1856; The Nation's Duty to Slavery , 1859; Against a Compromise of Principle, i860; Our Blameworthiness, 1861. II. Civil War. — The Battle Set in Array ; The National Flag; The Camp : Its Dangers and Duties, 1861 ; Modes and Duties of Emancipation ; The Success of American Democracy; National Injustice and Penalty; The Ground and Fortns cf Government ; Liberty Under Laws, 1862; “ The Minister Pleni- potentiary," by O. W. Holmes. Reprinted from the “ Atlantic Monthly" of fan - uary, 1864, descriptive of Mr. Beecher"' s speeches in England in 1863; Speeches at Manchester , England; Glasgow; Edinburgh; Liverpool; Exeter Hall, London; Farewell Meetings , London; Manchester; Liverpool; Beecher's Own Account of the English Speeches; Home Reception: Academy of Music, Brooklyn, 1863; Fort Sumter Flag Raising, 1865. III. Civil Liberty. —Death of Lincoln; Conditions of A Restored Union , 1865; Reconstruction of the Southern States, 1866; National Unity, 1869; Centeti- nial Review, 1876; Past Perils and the Peril of To-Day, 1877; Address before the Society of the Army of the Potomac, 1878 ; Retrospect and Prospect, 1884 ; Eulogy of Grant , 1885. Octavo, 808 pages. Illustrated with Portraits of Mr. Beecher. !$ 2 . “ No library and no public man should be without a copy of this valuable vol- ume.”— Senator William M. Evarts. “ One of the most interesting of the many memorable volumes which have been caught, as it were, from his lips.” — Noah Porter, President Yale College. “ Mr. Howard’s original contribution to this book is perhaps the most admi- rable summary of the subject that has yet appeared. . . . indispensable to those who would justly estimate Mr. Beecher’s life and labors.”— Prof. R. W. Raymond, Ph.D. “ I should be glad if all American citi- zens could avail of this opportunity to acquaint themselves with the spirit and power of this great patriot and orator.” —Seth Low, President of Columbia College, New York. “ A vade mecum for every man who may hereafter be called on in troubled times, to maintain the right, and to de- fend the truth of the great principles of our country.”— Rev. Chas. H. Hall, D.D„ Church of the Holy Trinity, Brooklyn . “ Voice and pen were as potent as military genius. The services of Henry Ward Beecher during the nation’s strug- gle deserve to be set alongside of those of Lincoln, Grant and Seward. No sin- gle personality spoke to so many mill- ions of people, none spoke with such mighty effect.” — Christian Register, Boston. 1Re& letter life of tbe IRcpublic LIFE STUDIES FROM THE GREA T REBELLION. BULLET AND SHELL. as the £0 Idler saw it : CAMP, MARCH AND PICKET; BATTLE-FIELD AND BIVOUAC; PRISON AND HOSPITAL. By GEORGE F. WILLIAMS, OF THE 5TH AND 146TH REGIMENTS NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS, AND WAR CORRESPONDENT WITH THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, THE ARMY OF THE SHENAN- DOAH, AND THE ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND. 3Ulu$fra{et> WITH ENGRAVINGS FROM SKETCHES AMONG THE ACTUAL SCENES By EDWIN FORBES, PICTORIAL WAR CORRESPONDENT; AUTHOR OF ‘'LIFE STUDIES OF THE GREAT ARMY MEMBER OF THE FRENCH ETCHING CLUB. “ Very correct history U. S. Grant. “ I have no hesitation in recommend- ing your interesting volume. . . . The vein of humor and fun which pervades your book is also the usual attendant of the ranks of any army, especially a suc- cessful one, and largely diminishes the mental strain which otherwise might be- come unendurable. The illustrations of Edwin Forbes add much to the value of the volume, recalling similar and par- allel scenes in every campaign.” — W. T. Sherman. 11 1 have read the book, and enjoyed it extremely, as giving such an admirable picture of the interior of army life. . . . Your book deals with the units who form the great masses of men called armies, and tells how they think and feel, act and suffer, live and die.. ... As a matter of history your book is very valuable, . . . and every soldier who reads the book will see himself in many of the scenes de- scribed.” — Geo. B. McClellan. “ Mr. George F. Williams is a conspic- uous figure among newsgatherers to-day, and was a graphic war correspondent of this journal during the rebellion. Mr. Williams was an eye-witness of many of the most important battles of the war, fought in some of them himself, and was, as a correspondent, attached at different periods to the Army of the Potomac and the Army of the Shenandoah [also the Army of the Cumberland] . . . many of the incidents in it belonging to the hith erto unwritten history of the rebellion. ” — New York Times. “ All the many phases of war are viv- idly portrayed, and that, too. without any sacrifice of the truth of history.”-- New York Tribune. ' ' We know of no more stirring and soul- inspiring book. It is a story to delight the old soldier’s heart. He can take it up and read it to his boys, and as the flood of memory rushes on his brain, and a spark of the old fire kindles in his blood, he can say as he finishes some vivid pas- sage that recalls the past, * Boys, I was there !”* — New York Commercial Ad- vertiser. While these graphic recitals are of permanent value in the training of American youth, they have also been read with absorbing interest by literary critics, statesmen, army officers of highest grade, and old campaigners from the ranks. They are full of information and inspiration, manly and pure in tone, possessing interest and instruction for old and young, and admirably suited to the family library. 1 Vol., Large 8vo, Illustrated* Popular Edition, Clotli, $2.