•' . THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY Z74-1 G59tti& Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. A charge is made on all overdue b00kS - U, of I. Library M 25 I94i M32 The Martyrs’ Monument, in Greyfriars’ Churchyard, Edinburgh. THE MARTYRS AND HEROES OF THB SCOTTISH COVENANT BY GEORGE GILFILLAN (Rev. Geo. Gilflllan of Dundee) EIGHTH EDITION GALL & INGLIS jE&fnburgb: 20 Bernard terrace Xonbon : 25 paternoster square " They of old, whose tempered blades Dispersed the shackles of usurped control. And hewed them link from link, — then Britain s sons Were sons indeed; they felt a filial heart Beat high within them at a mother’s wrongs; And, shining each in his domestic sphere, Shone brighter still when call’d to public view. * Co WPJEJv 04 Yet, freedom 1 yet thy banner, torn but flying, Streams like a thunder-storm against the wind.” Byrobj, / 0 My 2Ct CONTENTS CHAP. I. THE OCCASION OP THE COVENANT, ... II. THE HISTORY OP THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT, III. THE PERSECUTION UNTIL THE AFFAIR AT DRUMCLOG, ... IV. DRUMCLOG, BOTH WELL BRIDGE, AND THEIR RESULTS, ... V. CLOSE OP THE PERSECUTION, GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHARACTER, LITERATURE, AIMS, AND ATTAINED OBJECTS OP THE COVENANTERS, LITERATURE REGARDING THE COVENANTERS, Aird, Thomas, Aytoun, Professor, Calderwood, Carlyle, Thomas,... Cloud of Witnesses, “Delta,” Duncan of Ruth well, Galt, John, Grahame, James,... Hislop, ... Hogg, The Ettrick Shepherd, Howie, ... Irving, Edward, ... Naplitali, Pollock, Robert, ... Scots Worthies, ... Scott, Sir Walter, Shields, ... Wilson, Professor, Wodrow, DEDUCTIONS FROM THE HISTORY AND CHARACTER OF THE COVENANTERS, INDEX, PAGB 1 25 45 69 110 145 204 235 236 204 235 205 235 228 228 212 229 229 205 233 205 232 205 215 204 230 204 245 259 599499 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/martyrsheroesofsOOgilf THE SALIENT POINTS OF THE COVENANT AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY. Cause. — The Reformation of 1560 left the country without a clear understanding in regard to ecclesiastical authority. The Court sought to appoint suitable overseers or Bishops under the king, to be the supreme authority in the church. The People wished an elected representative General Assem- bly to be the final arbiter in matters ecclesiastical. 1580-96. The National Confession of Faith drawn up and signed. 1603. Union of the Crowns of Scotland and England in James VI. 1625. Accession of Charles I. 1638. The attempt to enforce the King’s wishes produced the National Covenant (embodying the Confession of Faith). The people and their leaders pledge themselves to support the Presbyterian form of Church Government. 1643. In view of the struggle between King and people in both England and Scotland, the Solemn League and Covenant embodying above, ratified by the English Parliament. 1649. Revolution ; execution of Charles I. Cromwell dictator. 1650. The Covenant accepted by the fugitive son of Charles I. 1659. The Restoration. Charles II. ascends the throne. 1661. The Covenant repudiated by Charles II. The Duke of Argyle, and Guthrie executed for their adherence to it. 1662. The Covenant publicly torn. Bishops and curates appointed. 1664. Executions, ejections, and petty persecutions begun for non- compliance in regard to the new ecclesiastical requirements. THE FIRST RESISTANCE— The Pentland Rising. 1666. In an attempt to wring fines out of an old man by torture, the soldiers are seized and disarmed. The leaders find- ing great popular support in the south, move northwards to Edinburgh, but are not supported, and are defeated at Bullion Green. The prisoners hanged. 1667. Governor Lauderdale sympathises with the causes of the movement. 1669. The Indulgence issued, and the persecution almost ceases. THE SECOND RESISTANCE— “ The Killing Time.” 1679. The persistent enforcing by Archbishop Sharp and others of the unpopular system, and the suppression of the Presby- terian form of worship, causes great irritation. Field preaching forbidden. Archbishop Sharp murdered. Claverhouse undertakes the suppression of the resisters. Skirmish at Drumclog. Claverhouse defeated. Battle of Bothwell Bridge. Covenanters utterly routed. 1684. Soldiers empowered to shoot suspicious persons at sight. 1685. Death of Charles II. Accession of James II. Argyle’s Expedition against James II. fails, also the Duke of Monmouth’s in England. 1688. Execution of Renwick. 1689. Landing of William of Orange. James escapes. END OF THE PERSECUTION. 1690. Claverhouse, upholding James II. ’s cause, killed at Battle of Killiecrankie. 1691. Massacre of Glencoe. 1701. Union of the Scottish and English Parliaments. THE INSCRIPTION On the Martyrs' Monument , Greyfria/rs ? Churchyard , Edinburgh. Halt passenger, take heed what you do see, This tomb doth shew, for what some men did die. Here lies interr’d the dust of those who stood ’Gainst perjury, resisting unto blood ; Adhering to the Covenants, and laws Establishing the same, which was the cause Their lives were sacrific’d unto the lust Of prelatists abjur’d. Though here their dust Lies mixt with murderers, and other crew, Whom justice justly did to death pursue ; But as for them, no cause was to be found Worthy of death, but only they were found. Constant and stedfast, zealous, witnessing. For the Prerogatives of CHRIST their KING. Which truths were seal’d by famous Guthrie's head. And all along to Mr. Renwick’s blood. They did endure the wrath of enemies. Reproaches, torments, deaths and injuries. But yet they’re those who from such troubles came, and now triumph in glory with the LAMB. From May 27 th 1661, that the most noble Marquis of Argyle was beheaded, to the 17th Febry. 1688 that Mr. James RcnwicJc suffered ; were one way or other Murdered or Destroyed for the same Cause, about Eighteen thousand, of whom were execute at Edinburgh, about an hundred of Noblemen, Gentlemen, Ministers, and Others ; noble Martyrs of JESUS CHRIST. The most of them lie here. For a particular account of the cause and manner of their Sufferings ; see the Cloud of Witnesses, Crookshank’s and Defoe’s Histories. Rev. vi., 9, 10, 11. And when he had opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for the Testimony which they held ; and they cried with a loud voice, saying, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth. And white robes were given unto every one of them ; and it was said unto them that they should rest yet for a little season, un- At foot — This tomb was first Erected by James Curie, Mercht. in Pentland and others in 1706. Renewed 1771. til their fellow - servants also, and their brethren, that should be killed as they were, should be fulfilled. Rev. vii., 14. These are they which came out of great tri- bulation, and have washed their robes, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb. Chap. 2nd, 10. Be thou faith- ful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life. INTRODUCTORY c THE MARTIES AND HEROES OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. PRINCIPLES ON WHICH HISTORY SHOULD BE WRITTEN, [t is intended in this book to include in a series of chapters an outline of the story of the Covenanters, as well as an estimate of their character in its merits and demerits. It does not seem, therefore, out of place to commence by a few remarks on the principles and the spirit on and in which history should be written The true idea of history is only as yet dawning on the world, and though the “ old almanac ” form of history has been generally renounced, much of the old almanac spirit remains. The avowed par- tizan still presumes to write his special pleading, and to call it a history. The romance writer still decorates his fancy piece, and for fear of mistake, writes under it, “This is a history.” The bald retailer of the dry bones i 11 INTRODUCTORY. of history is not yet entirely banished from our litera- ture, nor is the hardy but one-sided Iconoclast, who has a quarrel with all established reputation, and would underrate the sun if he durst ; nor is the sagacious philosophiste, who has access to the inner thoughts and motives of men who have been dead for centuries, and often imputes to deep deliberate purpose, actions which were the result of momentary impulse, fresh and sudden as the breeze — who accurately sums up, and ably rea- sons on, all calculable principles, but omits the incalcul- able, such as inspiration, frenzy, and enthusiasm. The ideal of a historian we have, may perhaps appear too high, and may have the effect of crushing our own little effort under the standard we have ourselves set up ; but we are, nevertheless, bound to state it, although the book it prefaces aspires not to the full measure and stature of a history. The true historian, intellectually and morally, must possess many of the faculties of the epic poet. He must aim at his severe purpose — his cumulative interest — his conjunction of grandeur in the whole with simplicity in the parts — the solemnity of his spirit — the general gravity of his tone — the episodes, in which he gathers up, as in baskets, the fragments of his story — the high argument or moral, less standing up from, than living through, the whole strain — his union of imaginative and intellectual power, and his perspicuity, purity, and clear energy of language. Besides all this, the historian must do the following things : he must be able to live in and reproduce the age of which he writes; he must sympathize with its ruling passions and purposes, with- out being swallowed up or identified with them; he must understand the points, alike of agreement and of INTRODUCTORY. iii difference, between the past age and his own time ; he must exercise a judicial impartiality in determining the deeds, motives, purposes, and pretexts of various parties; he must make the proper degree of allowance — nor more nor less — when judging of dubious or criminal conduct, for diversities of moral codes, national customs and states of progress ; he must practise the power of severe selection of facts, looking at them always in their representative character ; he must unite broad views of the general current of events, and of the advance of the whole of society, with intense rushing lights, cast upon particular points and pinnacles of his subject; he must have a distinct and valid theory of progress ; he must map out the undercurrents, as well as the upper streams of his story; he must add a love of the pictu- resque, the beautiful, and the heroic, to an intense pas- sion for truth ; he must give to general principles the incarnate interest of facts, and make facts the graceful symbols of general principles ; he must, in fine, be ac- quainted not only with the philosophy, science, statistics, and poetry, but with the religion of his art, and regard Clio not as a muse, but as a goddess. He must, in other words, not only believe in the prevalence of gene- ral laws — of fixed trade-winds of tendency, and steady currents of progress — but in the control, constant super- intendence, and all-informing influence of a Divine mind, whose Spirit at once impels and moves in the advancing wheels of society ;— not only that “ through the ages an increasing purpose runs, And the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns but that the “ purpose” is that of an intelligent and conscious being, and that the “ process” is overruled by a personal and presiding Deity. iv INTRODUCTORY. All the qualities thus enumerated are worthy of separate enforcement and illustration. But our space confines us to a few. We select first that of judicial impartiality. A judge is the historian of a single day; and a historian should be the judge of centuries. He should anticipate, as it were, the judgment of all ages, and sit down on the tribunal, shorn of all prejudice, prepossession, party, and even, if possible, human spirit ; passionless as a cherub, and, while sympathizing with man’s position and feelings, looking at his motions at an angle in which they assume their true proportions — counters in the great general game of the universe — significant in their insignificance certainly, but as surely in their significance comparatively small. History should be like the shorthand which we can conceive a superior spirit to use in recording his impressions of earthly events, simple, condensed, severe, marking prin- cipally the summa fastigia rerum , and giving to these nothing more than their just prominence. This severe selection will not, however, exclude the historian from the walks of the private, personal, and domestic life of his period. Nay, these, so far as they are important and representative, will call for his particular survey, and he will ever recognise the principle that the songs of a country are on a level with its laws, and that more may be learned from the details of village and rural life — from the statistics of city crime, or from the preserved gossip of courts, than from the bulletins of great battles, or from the public life of illustrious conquerors Another important requisite in a historian is the power of making proper allowance for the crimes or du- bious actions of other ages and countries. There are here two extremes. Some seek to apply one test and INTRODUCTORY. V measure — that namely of our, modern enlightened judg- ment and Christian conscience — to the dark deeds of other days ; to transfer, for instance, the shudder with which we now read the unmentionable barbarities which accompanied the death of Algernon Sidney, and manj other patriots, entire, into the past, and to deem thau had we lived then, we, and all others, should and would have had our present feelings of disgust and horror. This is unphilosophical and ridiculous. It is throwing a light on the picture which it cannot bear. It is giving a false point of view. It is making the barbarism stand out too prominently from the accessories and relief supplied by a barbarous age. We forget the immense stride civilization has taken since; and we forget, also, that custom has re- conciled the majority of us to practices, such as the miserable details of a modern execution, which are sura in their turn to awaken the contempt and the loathing of posterity. But there is another extreme — that of making no account at all for the unity and all-pervasive sympathy of the human heart, which existed then as well as now, and which was often then — and even according to the standard of ruder manners — outraged, and felt to be so. Our fathers were not mere devouring monsters. In their treatment of each other, fierce though it was, there was a point beyond which if cruelty or any other vice went, there arose, on all sides, an outcry, and the criminal did in nowise go unpunished. There have been matters of Uriah, as well as mere stormings of Kabbah — murders of the Innocents, as well as deserved des- tructions of David’s personal foes — massacres of Glencoe, and shootings of Ayrshire carriers, as well as rough sieges of Drogheda — events, so vile or so bloody, that universal man has risen and protested against them, VI INTRODUCTORY. lest they should become for ever brands on his brow And it is the part of a historian sternly and strongly to mark the point where allowance and palliation must cease, and where justice is compelled to lift her iron scales. This may be safely left to his own instinct if he be worthy of his calling; farther statement on our part, of the principles which should determine his judg- ment, might rather hinder than help him. The historian must unite general breadth with oc- casional intensity. In his calm and patient narrative of the course of society, and the current of events, he will be sustained by looking forward to certain pinnacles of commanding prospect, and to scenes of profounder interest. When a great battle impends, he will smell it afar off — the thunder of the captains and the shout- ing. " How I thirst for Zama,” said Arnold, and, like him, the true historian will go on thirsting for Both- well Bridge, for Lodi, and for Waterloo. When a hero is stepping on the deck of a great conquering emprize, his step will echo its thunder. When a nation is angry, up in one of those terrible epidemics of feeling, which shew for a season man in his true character as a whole — like a giant tree filled from trunk to topmost twig with one furious wind — the historian will rise, dilate and burn beside the awful possession. When the current of his story bears him into some beautiful channel, where natural beauty reflects great events, he will pause and linger fondly — but not too long — in its description, like Livy painting the fair plains of Italy, seen by Hannibal from the Alps — or, like Arnold as he breathes more freely amid the romantic uplands of the Samnite country. When he passes on his way, by the lintel of the door of neglected genius, or forgotten valour, he . . ... ccm/taMcm or fk\ th jiIwcribloxx' y£\ n RAT BYTHt XOtM &■ HU HOli5HOLD17tv^J *THt yi\Kl or COO kbo THEREAFTER BY PERSONS OF ALLNX ^ASTKLS A.WJW) .»«i BY OaniNA^CL OPTHELOKIM OF THr SL £r£T OOU NS ELL *> ACTS OF THU GF.NLKAl L aSSEMBi./ ailBSraPSj _0 AGAlNfl BY AU SORTS OF PERSONS AJtWO .-•* W A *EM ORPi N fiS/'ANCL OF COUNSLJ L AT DESIRE OT THE GE.NC.RALL ASSEMBLY W/THV v GENERaLL BAND FOR MAINTLNANCI OF THt TAUf hUWGJi WTHt" r foA).«lGA ^>CAS0JV1 AND NOW SUBSC Ri BED AJU40 .»*. 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INTRODUCTORY. vii will do so uncovered, and with his shoes off his feet. When he comes to speak of the deaths of men who were nations in themselves, his melodious and plaintive eulogy will seem like the homage of the star, fabled sometimes to shine forth when a Caesar or a Charlemagne has departed, and when he describes a pestilence or a reign of blood, passing over a devoted land, he will, in sympathy and bold identification of himself with the spirit of the judgment, appear to “Ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm.” A passion for truth is not always, or very often, united with a sense of the picturesque and the beautiful. Gene- rally, the power of severe analysis and that of admira- tion for the concrete are found apart. The one man seeks to reduce each object to its skeleton, and the other clasps the living reality in his arms. Hence a twofold falsehood — the falsehood of those who regard the letter more than the spirit, and that of those who, while seek- ing to catch the hovering spirit, neglect the letter. In history, accordingly, we find the unimaginative and spiritless retailer of facts, or the bare expounder of principles, on the one hand; and, on the other, the painter of imaginary scenes, weakly lingering over the outer form and comeliness of his subject, instead of at once admiring its contour, and piercing to its heart. But the true historian knows that beauty is truth, and that truth is beauty; and that his business is to shew the identity of both. He labours now to reduce each character or event to its elements, and now to build it up into a fair and living whole. On his page, there will alternate profound discussion and brilliant picture-writing — nay, at times there will A INTRODUCTORY. viii appear that most difficult and most delightful of all styles, in which severe truth and poetical beauty, like the bough and the bloom of the apple-branch, seem in- extricable and one; in which truth springs from earth, and yet remains truth still; in which thought seems severely and in measured steps, to dance, and the music is no mortal business, and “ no sound that the earth owns.’* He will remember that true metaphor is often the algebra, at once of facts and of principles, lessening their bulk and not their value, and, unlike algebra, shewing them in a new and vivid lustre. A thousand facts may thus some- times be enclosed in a short description, like a whole vein of ore in one massive bar of bullion. Those who remember some of the descriptions in Tacitus, Gibbon, Burke, Carlyle, and that wondrous one of the Reign of Terror by Hazlitt, will understand what we mean. The historian must have a valid theory of progress. He must believe that we are involved in a regular and re- sistless current, but must, besides, understand properly, what that current is, and how it flows. It is not, on the one hand, a mere oscillatory motion, although it has some- times this aspect. It is a pendulum which at last breaks the sides of the clock that confined it. Nor is it exactly circular, like that of a wheel — although it has often this aspect also. The wheel at last resembles a momentary circle produced by a stone or rock in an ad' vancing stream. Nor is it distinct, on-rushing, without any let or hindrance, like that of a river between even and polished cliffs. It is one motion compounded of many. To liken it to the history of an individual man, from birth to age and death, is not a fair or complete comparison, unless indeed, we couple this with the thought of resurrection. Nations have an age, society INTRODUCTORY. IX has none — its decay, decrepitude and death, are only- apparent. It renews its youth like the eagle’s. There may be indeed a point at which it shall actually stop and die; but that point has never been reached. Per- haps, we may best compare its progress to that of a race, or family, in which wise and foolish, healthy and unhealthy, children succeed each other, almost alter- nately, till its bright consummate flower is produced, in the form of some son of genius, or man of exalted worth; after which it often comes abruptly to a close, or drags out a short and shameful existence, or has new blood injected into its veins. Thus society is advan- cing, now swiftly, now slowly, now creeping through muddy channels, now foaming in wild cataracts, now in glimmer and now in gloom — till it shall reach that apex in the future which may, perhaps, form the signal for its overthrow and removal — its work and its destiny done, and a sublimer system prepared to take its place. Emerson somewhere says, “ Society never advances. It recedes as fast on one side as it gains on the other. It undergoes continual changes; it is barbarous, it is civilized, it is christianized, it is rich, it is scientific; but this change is not amelioration. For everything chat is given, something is taken. Society acquires new arts, and loses old instincts. The civilized man has built a coach, but has lost the use of his feet. He has a fine Geneva watch, but cannot tell the hour by the sun.” These dicta are repeatedly, in other places, con- tradicted by this author himself. But apart from this, they contained only a portion of truth mixed with a predominance of fallacy. They merely mark the irregu- larity of advancement, and the limitations, deductions, and discounts to which it is necessarily exposed. They X INTRODUCTORY. shew only that there are sinkings, as well as swellings, in the vast on-moving billow, and they indirectly deny that that billow ever has moved, or ever shall move, more quickly than at ordinary times, to the breath of supernatural impulse. It is granted to this author, that all the great good gained hitherto by the progress of society, has been at- tended with great new evils, as well as with the loss of important old advantages. But it is maintained that, on the whole, the progress has been real and in the right direction; that the good gained counterbalances alike the new evil and the old loss; that, although it be true, perhaps, that the savage is stronger and less exposed to bodily and mental disease — to consumption and to madness — than the civilized man, yet the latter is, taking him all in all, the better and nobler being; even as the dog, though often the victim of hydrophobia, is superior to the tiger and the sloth; that the lengthen- ing shadow is caused by the lengthening stature of man; that the new power and wisdom generated by the progress of society, are mitigating its new evils, and if able already to mitigate, may be able soon to remove them — and that, in fine, we Christians, at least, are cer- tain that we are in good hands, that God careth for the race, as for a family of children, has interfered, ere now, directly in our behalf, and has promised another and a final interference. The advantages to a historian of a proper theory of progress are obvious. Possessed of it, he will not look upon the ages as linked together in an iron chain of blind necessity, with each link of equal weight and blackness. Nor will he see in them a chaos of ever- lasting and aimless fluctuations. Nor will he see in INTRODUCTORY. XI them a current of partial brightness, strangely inter- rupted by blank chasms, which not only disturb the steady stream, but seem to render its progress a mere illusion. But recognizing in them a subdued, calm, cumulative course of tendency, all whose pauses are but apparent, all whose seeming blanks are but clouds dis- guising an interior line of light, all whose retrograde movements are but coils in one complicated mass of gold — and believing, also, in divine interference, as well as providential superintendence, he will rate every age at its proper value, call none low or high, clean or common, except according to the highest standard of com- parison, and endeavour to look on each and all, as steps, more or less visible, in the path of the divine circuits. For, we name now, as springing directly from our former remark, as the last and principal quality of the genuine historian, that he be able to perceive, amidst the developments of history, the grand purpose and agency pervading and directing the whole. He will, with the perseverance of a bloodhound, but with the heart of a man and the faith of a Christian, trace that divine ray, which, from the first hour of man’s existence has followed his course — pierced his dungeons — crossed his battle- fields — beckoned forward smiling from his scaffolds — touched the axes and flames of his revolutions with the glory of hope — and which is to shine on more and more till the perfect day arrive, and till its solitary beam, at the gates of earth’s golden evening, meet and mingle with heaven’s “ Bright pomp descending jubilant.” “ God in history ” has become of late a common and almost a hackneyed term. Its true meaning is not that God capriciously interferes with events — or that he INTRODUCTORY. xii watches them with the eye of a partizan — or that he lies in eager ambuscade to strike into the plot and peril — or that we are to find in every national calamity a display of his special anger, or in every blessing and for- tunate turn of affairs a special manifestation of his love. There are those who write as if the Divine Being were a Huguenot, and others as if he were a Legitimate — some as if the cause of the Covenant had been the only cause of God on earth, and others as if, after the death of Charles, he was somehow provoked into a royalist. This is one extreme. There is another equally perni- cious. It is that of looking on history as the mere development of certain moral principles — mighty, irre- sistible, but cold and dead — unconnected with a per- sonal Deity, and seeming to the imagination huge scythed mill-wheels, grinding down all below and all around them into powder or blood. Some celebrated authors of this day are perpetually speaking of “ eternal laws of retribution” without a law-giver — of “judgment days” without a judge — of giant crimes punished, yet pun- ished by no one , like the famous extinction of the eyes of the Cyclops, when (using the name given by the crafty Ulysses) he told his brethren without the cave, “No man kills me.” Such laws, principles, and punishments there do, doubtless, exist ; but ere we feel their awfulness, or at all understand their method, we must regard them as the expressions of a merciful, righteous, regal Mind, possessing a personal identity and a positively distinct will. There is a third error committed by some — that, namely, of perpetually, at every turning of their story pointing to God and saying, “Is he not there?” while the reader has seen him all along. The historian should first of all, strongly state his conviction that God is in INTRODUCTORY. xiii history — in it all, and not in mere sections — should proceed to steep his whole narrative in a spirit of faith, should pause occasionally to make distinct and solemn reference to the great original — but should not run along, bawling out at every step, under the blazing noon, “Yonder’s the sun!” It is thus that Rollin, and even D’Aubigne, have often stultified themselves. More par- ticularly, the historian of God incarnate in human story, should recognize the varied attributes of divinity and the leading principles of the Christian faith, as interpene- trating, overarching, and underlying it all. He should see in the past the wine-press of divine wrath — the hall of divine justice — the harvest-field of divine goodness and love — the spot where divine truth has never failed to keep its solemn assignations — the arena of divine power — the school where presides eternal wisdom — the darkened stage where walks the shrouded sovereignty of the Most High — the sensorium of his omniscience — the listening ear of his omniprescence — and the centre or meeting-place of all the wondrous throng. He should hail in the moral character and developments of history, the reconciliation of the various divine principles, mercy and truth meeting together, righteousness and peace embracing each other; and should see in this a type and foretaste of man’s reconciliation to himself and to his God. Above all, he should find in history addi- tional proof of the great leading truths of Christianity, and should find these, in their turn, reflecting light upon many of the dark places and intricate questions of history. Such is, in part, our ideal of a historian after truth, love, and beauty’s “own heart.” We state it as a guide to others and to ourselves especially, should we ever XIV INTRODUCTORY. attempt a larger and more elaborate work than the fol- lowing, with a more systematic historical aim. We produce it as a gauge for judging of the histories of the past. We produce it, in fine, because we are convinced that, while intellect, learning, and historical power are valuable to a historian, or to a sketcher of historical outlines, candour, width of view, sincerity of spirit, love of truth, and Christian feeling and belief, are incom- parably more so. These latter were not found in Gibbon, although the former were. Arnold possessed a large measure of all, and had he lived would have approached the highest standard. One man lately survived, who could have with ease snatched the richest laurels from the hand of the historic muse, and written the history of the fourth, or even of the fifth, monarchy, in a style of colossal breadth and grandeur, blended with minute finish, in some degree worthy of the theme. But, alas ! since this little book first appeared, he has dropt in death that potent chisel. No man who has read ‘the Caesars/ ‘Joan of Arc/ and other historical papers of the late Thomas De Quincey, can be astonished that it was to him the reference was made. THE MARTYRS AND HEROES OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. THE MARTYRS AND HEROES OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. CHAPTER I. THE OCCASION OF THE COVENANT. he term Covenant, as well as the thing, is far older than the period to which this book refers. Not to speak of the covenants so often mentioned in Scripture between man and mam and. between God and the people, we know that some of the protestant princes in Germany, and the protes- tant church of France, formed bonds or covenants, solemnly pledging themselves to defend their religion against its enemies, and that these Covenanter’s Banner. « ■, • . , • , were ot much service m their strug- gles against popery and arbitrary power. But in Scotland there was no imitation of such continental engagements, till it was created by circumstances of a peculiar and painful kind. These we proceed now briefly to detail. In Scotland, as in England, the Beformation was very mainly the work of a single individual. Henry VIII., by the strength of his passions, relieved South Britain from the papal yoke, and J ohn Knox, by the energy of his will, character, and eloquence, reformed Scotland. The result in both cases, therefore, was very imperfect. The one was not England’s, but Henry VIII.’s, and the other not Scotland’s, but Knox’s Beformation. In Eng- land the elements of religious reaction and of strife com 2 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES tinued to exist profusely in the arbitrary power of the bishops — in the Erastian authority exercised by the crown, and in the popish pomp and formality which still distinguished the ceremonies of the church. In Scotland a wider sweep had taken place — more of the rubbish of the old system had been removed, and the power of the king was better balanced by the joint influence of the ministers and the nobility. Still, at and before Knox’s death, the affairs of the kirk were in a very unsettled state. On the one side were the clergy, in general sincere and learned men, neither void of ambition nor devoured by it, but naturally disposed to maintain what they thought their own divinely-given right of presby- terian parity; and backed in this purpose by the great mass of their flocks, including many eminent nobles. On the other hand was the court, the regent Morton, and some of the superintendents (a sort of rude half- shaped bishops who had been appointed, extempore, to rule over their brethren during the first anarchy of the Reformation), whose avowed object was to retain the ancient hierarchy of archbishops, bishops, &c. Apart from conscientious conviction, motives can easily be assigned for the conduct of both parties. The ministers did not choose to be lorded over by persons no better than themselves, and thus degraded in the eyes of their people. Those of the nobility who took their side, feared the rise of a class of ecclesiastical dignitaries wh& should rival them in weaith and influence, and both dreaded the additional power which might thus accrue to the crown. The superintendents, on the other hand wished the episcopal power they had partially enjoyed confirmed and extended, and Earl Morton was anxious to secure his own authority, and by making certain OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 3 ministers bishops to render them and the whole order slaves. His plan, however, although carried by a con- vention of his creatures, was overruled by the General Assembly, and the result was a compromise, which con- sisted in the creation of certain nominal dignitaries, who were honoured with the name of bishops, and a small part of their revenue, but who allowed the principal portion to slip quietly into the pockets of the nobles. These were called derisively tulchan bishops — a tulchan being a calf’s skin stuffed with straw, which the country people set up beside the cow to induce her to give her milk more freely. The bishop, it was said, had the title, but my lord had the milk. These tulchans were lay- men ; they wielded no influence, and seem to have been merely used to keep warm the stalls till the union of the crowns of England and Scotland, under James VI., should make it safe and prudent to fill them with veri- table bishops. It is said that Knox on his death-bed protested against this arrangement, and told Morton that he would rue it. He probably saw, with prophetic eye, through the thin ribs of those men of straw, the long procession of their successors, whose line was to stretch out almost to the crack of Scotland’s doom. He knew his countrymen, and he knew what he called the “ estate of the bishops ” well. He knew, whatever may be said in favour of the episcopal institution, and of its work- ing in certain serene conditions of society, that, first of all, the perfevvidum ingenium of his countrymen would never abide its semi-papal rule; and that, secondly, in the rough and troublous contests which were at hand, it was certain to become the ally of the nobles when they were disposed to be oppressors; the creature of THE MARTYRS AND HEROES 4 the crown when it was bent on despotism; and an iron rod to the people whenever they began to feel and to assert their rights. The experience of three centuries has confirmed the sagacity of his views. For a considerable period thereafter the ecclesiastical state of Scotland was very singular. The poor bishops, or tulchans, were standing ridiculous and contented in their pastures — their masters were draining the milk, and the General Assembly of the north were surround- ing the absurd scene, now barking at it, now laughing, but totally unable to prevent it. In other words, the tulchans had the name of revenue, the ministers the name of power, and the courts and nobles the reality of both. The assembly called the tulchans to account, but they refused to own their authority, and the weight of the court and nobility was exerted in behalf of those anconsecrated calf-skins, for not even consecration was theirs. This ludicrous scene was interrupted by the entrance of a Man . That man was Andrew Melville. He came back from a ten years’ residence on the Continent, mature in learning, and with not a little of the fire and fervour of his predecessor, Knox. He entered almost instantly into the arena of religious politics. He was employed in drawing up the Second Book of Discipline — a work containing, among other things, a strong pro- test against lay patronage, and a vigorous, if not suc- cessful, attempt to draw a boundary line between civil and ecclesiastical authority. He did other and sterner work when employed a little later, in defending the rights of the church against the usurpation of J ames VI. Having presented, on one occasion, a bold remon- strance from the assembly to the council, Arran, one of OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 5 its members, looking round witb a threatening counte- nance, exclaimed, “ Who dare subscribe these treason- able articles V* “ I dare,” replied Melville, and stepping forward to the table he took the pen from the clerk and subscribed. There spoke the spirit of John Knox, and of a greater than he, the man who said, “ I appeal unto Caesar.” Meanwhile Morton was compelled to resign, and James VI., at twelve years of age, was persuaded by his interested and parasitical lords to mount the throne. Fool, pedant, despot, and learned ignoramus as he ulti- mately approved himself — George Buchanan’s unworthy pupil, and chased, as it were, all his life afterwards by the echo of his vengeful lash — his reign, nevertheless, commenced auspiciously. The boy-king entered Edin- burgh in triumph; his old tutor, we can fancy, for he was still alive, looking on with grim sardonic pleasure, blended with contempt, and with wonder that he had made so much of the “ saul-less blockhead.” The next year James did one act which deeply tended to ingratiate him with his people, he agreed to a solemn league, called the National Covenant. This engagement in- cluded an abjuration of popery, and an obligation, ratified by an oath, to support the protestant religion. It was sworn and subscribed, first of all, by the king and his household, and afterwards, in consequence of an order of council and an act of General Assembly, by all ranks of persons in the kingdom. Still the prelatical party were not idle. On the death of Boyd, the titular archbishop of Glasgow, Lennox having offered the vacant see to several ministers, on condition of their making over to him most part of its revenues by a private bargain, one Montgomery, minister 6 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES of Stirling, was base enough to accept the temptation. Around this person there arose a memorable contest, which for a season shook the kingdom. The king and court took his part. The assembly, on the other hand, were proceeding to confirm a sentence of suspension against him, when a messenger-at-arms appeared, to arrest procedure and charge rebellion against the assem- bly, if they should carry their purpose into execution. This was the beginning of that long strife between the civil and the ecclesiastical powers, which was of late dubiously terminated by the Disruption — the first of that long line of Interdicts , which have become so painfully notorious. The assembly acted with great spirit and promptitude — summoned Montgomery to their bar, and, on his not appearing, laid him under the extreme sen- tence of excommunication — a sentence which, in spite of violent opposition on the part of the culprit, backed by the magistrates, was intimated from various churches, and carried into effect. Montgomery himself, having shortly after visited Edinburgh, underwent a species of lynch law, and was at iast literally kicked out at one of the city gates. And even King James, when he heard of it, lay down on the Inch of Perth, and roared his fill of laughter, saying, that Montgomery was a “ seditious loon.” His laughter, however, was soon turned into tears, on the occasion of the celebrated “Raid of Ruthven.” Some of the presbyterian lords, chafing under the yoke of Lennox and Arran, seized on the king’s person, and treated “the Lord’s anointed” with very little ceremony. It is uncertain whether they were instigated to this by the clergy, but it is certain that the assembly approved of the deed, and equally so, that it was of great ultimate OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 7 injury to their cause. It issued in the restoration of the unworthy favourites, and exasperated in James’s childish mind the hatred which he had all along felt against the presbyterian cause. From the Eaid of Buthven till the year 1592, things went ill with the Scottish kirk. Melville, and many others of like mind, had to flee for their lives to Eng- land. A succession of acts were passed by an obsequious parliament, ordaining that no ecclesiastical assembly should be held without the king’s consent, and giving absolute power to the king and the privy council, and supremacy to the bishops over their brethren. Against these Black A els, as they were called, protests were taken, and denunciations uttered by some of the bolder ministers, but to no purpose. The two dark wings of arbitrary and hierarchical power seemed meeting and elosing around Scotland, when, to the astonishment and delight of thousands, James himself, partly frightened at the Spanish Armada, and the disclosure it made of the hostile designs of the popish princes of the continent, and partly induced by the counsels of a new adviser, the subtle Chancellor Maitland, announced himself a convert to presbyterianism, proclaimed the kirk of Scot- land purer than even that of Geneva ; and characterised the service of the Anglican church “ as an ill-mumbled mass in English,” — words well remembered afterwards, and which should not have been implicitly believed even then. But a little concession or liberality, as well as a little learning, or wit, or continence, goes a great way in the case of kings. Two years after the parlia- ment restored presbytery in all its breadth, abolished all the “ acts contrair to the trew religion,” and, with the exception of the law of patronage, which was left 8 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES untouched, put the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland on a footing which was perfectly satisfactory to the presby- terian party. It perhaps could hardly have been ex- pected that any party at that time should have felt the degradation incurred by permitting a parliament to settle the affairs of a church; or that they should have anticipated the evils which were to spring from the in- terference of the civil power with religion. It was decreed in this, as in so many other cases, that we should be instructed by the memory of ancestral errors, not of ancestral wisdom. This act, deemed so important, won by a struggle, and accepted with boundless gladness, was far from closing the controversy, or leading to permanent peace. In place of prelacy, remanded for time to its den, a mightier enemy began to stalk abroad. Popery was again lifting up its blood-stained crest in the land. A plot for destroying the protestant religion, concocted in Spain, found some willing agents among the Scottish lords. Energetic measures against the traitors were advised, and in part taken. But James, as usual, shrunk and shuffled. He had little love for popery, but he had a great dread of papists. They were good king-killers, he said; and he had no notion of being murdered, either by papists or presbyterians. He even went so far as to invite some of the popish lords back to court; and might have gone further, had not the re- monstrances of the clergy, and, especially, the rough voice of Andrew Melville, compelled him to pause. This brave man, returned from his banishment, headed a deputation to the king, and made the roof of Falkland palace, if not the echoes of the near Lomond hills, to ring with the harsh thunder of his warning and conn- OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 9 eeL We can easily conceive of poor King James ex- hibiting similar symptoms and signals of distress to those which Scott had described in the park at Green- wich, when he found himself alone with Lord Glenvar- loch — fidgetting, shaking, fingering at his garments, rolling to and fro, and becoming pale with fright — as Melville told him that “ there were two kings and two kingdoms in this realm — one King James, and the other Jesus Christ, whose subject James VI. is, and of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a member.” He recovered himself, however, and with something of the air of his “fair and fause” mother, Mary, dismissed the deputation. In 1596, the National Covenant, amid circumstances of peculiarly solemn interest, was renewed in Edinburgh and the action was, by the Assemblies’ order, repeated throughout all Scotland, which seemed as one man to rejoice in the oath of God. This gave a short-lived im- pulse to the presbyterian cause; but so soon as this last sincere assembly, as the historian calls it, of the kirk dispersed, the old controversy between the king and the clergy broke out with renewed violence. They attacked his arbitrary conduct from the pulpit; and he threatened them with civil pains, as rebels to his sup- reme authority. By dint of incessant attempts, com- pound of cajolery and terror, he at last prevailed upon the church courts to allow certain ministers to have a vote in parliament, thus endowing them with political power, and subjecting them to still more complete poli- tical subservience. He had created these ministers bishops, and they, contrary to the caveats ot an after Assembly, sat and voted in the next parliament. The Gowrie conspiracy succeeded; and the general incredu* 10 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES lity of the ministers as to James’ account of it, gave him a new handle against them. One Kobert Bruce, a man of determined courage, was banished to France for his unbelief in the king’s version of a matter which even now seems involved in impenetrable mystery. Such was the unsatisfactory state of matters in Scot' land, when, in 1603, Queen Elizabeth died, and James mounted the throne of England. Scarcely was he. crowned, than, his ears still tingling with the bare bold words of Bruce and Melville, and instigated by the English bishops, who hailed in him a king after their own heart, he renewed his efforts to establish episcopacy in Scotland. To secure this, he must, through his royal prerogative, trample on the rights of the General Assemblies, and assume the power of sum- moning or dismissing them at his pleasure. Notwith- standing, a few ministers dared to meet at Aberdeen; constituted themselves, in spite of a royal communica- tion; transacted business and dissolved, after having fixed their next meeting. Six of them were forthwith dragged to Linlithgow, tried and found guilty of high treason, and transported to France. A few years later, Melville, who had been summoned to London, was, on a trifling pretext, thrown into the Tower; and, after a confinement of four years, had to follow his brethren to France; and there, in 1622, he surrendered to God his indomitable spirit. The thing next proposed was, that the bishops should be appointed perpetual moderators, or presidents of all meetings of presbyteries, synods, and assemblies. To secure this most unpopular measure, James called an assembly, and, by the dexterous distribution of bribes, compassed the end. Golden coins, called angels , were OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 11 plentifully bestowed on the needier and more clamorous of the clergy; and hence the assembly obtained the name of the Angelical Assembly ! This corruption was practised under the pretext of discharging the expenses of poor ministers from a distance. But, as old Bow naively remarks, “ Some, neare Glasgow, who voted the king’s way, got the wages of Balaam. And some gracious ministers in the north, who voted nega- tive, got no gold at all.” He does not tell us whether all the money was distributed before the vote. No sooner was this object of the bishops gained, than three of them set out for London; and having received epis- copal ordination from the English prelates, returned, and consecrated the rest of their brethren. This did not, apparently, add much to the respect entertained for them in Scotland. Their persons were ridiculed when living: satirical epitaphs were composed on them when dead. The presbyterian historians, as might have been expected, have always reviled them. But, perhaps, a better proof of their insignificance lies in the fact of the extraordinary scheme by which James was obliged to prop up their influence. He founded a Court of High Commission, composed of knights, noble- men, prelates, and ministers; who were empowered to receive and judge of all appeals from church courts; to summon, fine, excommunicate, or depose ministers chargeable with actions or speeches opposed to the established order of the church, and to combine, in a monstrous and tyrannical hybrid, the offices of a civil and ecclesiastical tribunal. An institution so well fitted to be a formidable machine in the hands of despotism was permitted for awhile, but not long, to lie in abeyance. 12 THE MART YES AND HEROES In 1617, James came down to Scotland, from a desire he said, “ like a salmon, to visit his breeding- place,” and from this journey there dates a succession of new efforts to thrust both the government and the worship of England upon his ancient subjects. Not contented with establishing the Anglican forms in his own chapel at Holyrood, he compelled parliament to pass an act, giving him, along with the bishops, abso- lute authority over the external government of the church. Upon the increased resistance of the clergy to this arbitrary measure, he called an assembly, first at St. Andrews, and then at Perth, where five articles, — generally known as the five articles of Perth — were enacted. They consisted of — First: Kneeling at the communion. Second: The observance of certain holi- days, such as Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, &c. Third: Episcopal confirmation. Fourth: Private bap- tism. And Fifth: Private communicating. Many good reasons the presbyterians assigned against these articles, but the fact was, that they abhorred the manner of their imposition more than the articles them- selves, and foresaw, besides, that were they passed, the king and his creatures would make them a precedent for other and more obnoxious measures. The five articles were carried in Perth by a majority, and con- firmed by parliament, amid a violent storm of thunder and lightning, in which the presbyterians read an omen of the divine displeasure, and which the church party, with equal sense and justice, compared to the sanction given to the Ten Commandments by the tempests of Sinai ! If sanctioned, they certainly did not obtain the authority of the laws of Moses. The history of the kirk OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 1 3 for some time after records principally the particulars of the indignant resistance made to the articles of Perth. Christmas was not observed, private baptism was not sought, and the practice of kneeling at the Lord’s table was shunned with especial horror, as an act of idola- trous worship to the mere symbol of Christ’s body, so that sometimes the congregations went out during the ceremony — the elders stood back and refused to officiate, and the poor minister was left on his knees alone. If to any there seem a littleness in such recusance, was it not less still to impose dubious or insignificant rites which were certain to provoke it? The question, “ Who began first? Who took the initiative?” — in any play of ruinous nonsense, is always of essential impor- tance in judging of the distribution of the respective shares of ridicule or blame ? Besides, while the offend- ing party were in general contemptible tools of power, the offended discover traits of magnanimity and heroism which rank them with the great of their country. This will be confessed, we think, by all who read the lives of John Welch, and his nobler wfife (who, when the king said he would pardon her husband if he sub- mitted to the bishops, lifted up her apron, and said “I’d rather kep his head there;”) of Bobert Bruce, George Dunbar, Andrew Duncan, and others. King James had probably no intention whatever of making the five articles of Perth the feelers of popery; — but, if wrong, the men were not mere wranglers; they were profoundly conscientious; they were intelligent as well as sincere, and the sacrifices they endured in the cause rose almost to the sublime. Between this and the death of James VI. nothing of particular moment occurred, except deplorable com- 14 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES plaints f rom the clergy of general religious destitution, coldness, and laxity, with occasional revivals in various parts of the country, such as at Stewarton, in Ayrshire, and the Kirk of Shotts, in Lanarkshire. These revivals are interesting, because they seem to have been con- ducted with less extravagance than in after times; because in the week-day and out-of-door assemblies con- vened at them, we find the distinct germ of the famous field-preachings of Charles II. ’s day; and because they were the first of a long series of religious-revival pheno- mena, not yet entirely extinct, which have been pro- ductive of a vast amount both of good and evil, and on which history is compelled to pass a severely-measured and cautious verdict. The revivals of Wesley and Whitfield, of Cambuslang, ’of America, and latterly of Kilsyth, Dundee, and of late the whole country may all be traced to the Kirk of Shotts, and to contemporaneous movements. The common-sense view of these religious agitations may perhaps be completely comprised in the following remarks: First: They are not to be stimulated by artificial means. Second: Their rise is generally on slight occasions — sudden — electric — irresistible. Third: Wise men will neither recklessly oppose, nor passively yield to, their current, but will watch, measure, and manage it. Fourth: It is impossible to keep them up beyond a certain time, and the moment their spontaneity becomes doubtful, that moment they should be viewed with suspicion. Fifth: Good and evil are both produced by them, in varying proportions — the good consisting in the awakening of the careless and sensual, the stirring up of the pious, and the revelation of the fact that the old power can still be exerted by the old truths; the OF THE SCOTTI8H COVENANT. 15 evil consisting in the excessive excitement, the un- healthy agitation, the self-delusion, fanaticism, spiritual pride, and hypocrisy, they sometimes largely produce, besides the setting up of a false standard, and the temptation to the use of improper and morbid means. The good, however, decreases, and the evil swells as they continue; till at last, on their subsidence, it is fre- quently found that the residuum of benefit they have left is inconsiderable, and not very pure, and that the reaction in which they have issued, is great, various, and fraught with direct danger to the general cause of Christianity. James VI. having closed a reign as nondescript and awkward in its aspects as the man himself, his unfortu- nate son, Charles, mounted the throne. He was destined, as being a more decided character, to encounter more decided opposition, to meet a more decided fate, and to leave a more decided and definite impression, whether it were good or bad, upon the history of his country. One might imagine him to have formed him- self, or been formed, upon the principle of entire and contemptuous contradiction to his father’s character. James was pusillanimous— Charles brave, at times even to rashness. James was fickle — Charles obstinate. James was pawky, as the Scotch call it — in Charles, prudence deepened into craft. James had a bonhommie , which propitiated his enemies — the cold and haughty manners of Charles were as repulsive as his temper was high and his principles arbitrary. James had learning without wisdom — Charles had taste, talent, and accom- plishments. James was despised without being hated — Charles was detested and respected in equal propor- tions,, James was very little of the king or Stuart, he 16 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES was designed by nature for a rough-tongued, but kind- hearted, Scottish Dominie — great on longs and shorts, and never liking his scholars so well as when storming and wielding the lash in their midst — Charles added the policy of an Italian prince and the hauteur of a Spanish hidalgo to the hot-blooded pride of a Highland chieftain. In three respects only they resembled each other, namely, in disregard to truth, in high estimate of their royal prerogative, and in aversion to all dissent, whether in politics or in religion. Each, however, expressed the two last in his own particular way — James in testy and irre- gular bursts, and Charles by a steady, cumulative system of attack, like a serpent sliding along his brilliant and deadly path through the bushes to his prey. Charles visited Scotland in 1633, and disgusted the stricter presbyterians, first, by permitting his house* hold to profane the Lord’s day; then by allowing some of the bishops, Laud among the rest, to insult the public forms of church- worship; and next, by getting parliament to pass an act empowering him to regulate ecclesiastical vestments. This measure was carried with difficulty, and only in consequence of violent threats on the part of his majesty. When expressing immediately after, his astonishment at the change of popular feeling towards him, Lord Loundoun pithily re- marked, “ Sire, the people of Scotland will obey you in everything with the utmost cheerfulness, if you do not touch their religion and conscience.” This noble Lord knew the Scotch well. They have never, as a nation, been distinguished by any violent attachment to theoretical freedom, and they are constitutionally a loyal people. No cause has ever moved them to their depth, or stung them into lengthened resistance, except OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 17 that of fheir national independence, when threatened ir, the days of Wallace, and that of their national church, when persecuted in the times of the Covenanters. The last ounce was now about to be added to the back of the patient camel. Laud, in place of a book of prayers, which from John Knox’s time had been per- mitted to weaker ministers, determined to draw up a new service of his own, more closely modelled on the popish breviary, and to force it upon the Scotch. After very short preliminary notice this service-book came down, with orders from the king and council that it should be used in all the churches. This alarmed the ministers, who, although obliged to submit to much, were determined not to endure this, and made their pulpits ring with invectives against it and its authors. But an old woman became a far more effective orator in the case. On the appointed 23rd of July, when the Dean of Edinburgh, in the midst of a great crowd pro- ceeded in the high church of St Giles to read the Liturgy, J enny Geddes — honour to her name ! lifted up her stool, and crying out, “ Villain, wilt thou read the mass at my lug,” launched it at his head ! It was the signal for universal uproar, and the dean fled, The Bishop of Edinburgh strove next to stem the tumult, but in vain; and both, as they were guarded homewards, were saluted with hard epithets, and very narrowly escaped more formidable weapons than words. The Edinburgh mob are proverbially fierce, and were now thoroughly roused. Their excitement speedily spread to the rest of the country. Women, in all direc- tions, headed risings against the liturgy; amidst which, by and by, the crests of some of the gentry appeared ; a petition for the suppression of the new service waa 18 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES generally signed. It was followed, indeed, by a new and more stringent proclamation, enjoining obedience to the canons, condemning the proceedings of the sup- plicants, as they were called, and forbidding their public meetings under the penalties of treason. But the sup- plicants determined, as a lasfr resource, to proceed in a body to the Scottish privy council in Stirling, and pro- test against the proclamation as soon as it was fairly issued. This was done accordingly, both at Edinburg!;. and Stirling ; and such were the crowds, and such the excitement in the former place, that the council sought a parley, and agreed that, if the multitudes would dis- perse, the commissioners might appoint some of their number to represent the rest, and remain in Edinburgh for the settlement of the affairs of the church. To this they agreed, but determined, before they parted, to re- new and extend the National Covenant. It was accordingly renewed in the Greyfriars’ Church, Edinburgh, on the 1st of March, 1638. On an appointed day, after sermon, an immense parchment was produced, spread on a tombstone, and subscribed by such numbers that the parchment fell short, and many had only room for their initials, some of which were written in blood. Great was the j oy and enthusiasm in the city, and through- out the land. It was one of those moments in which the spiritual passion of a nation comes to a climax, and its deep tup runs over. It reminds of the federation feasts of the French revolution — although the principles of the two nations were diametrically opposite — and, like them, may be compared to those unnaturally fine days, which seem to lose their way from one season to another, and which are certain to be succeeded by foul or stormy weather, There are in Scotland some who still sigh OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 19 for the year 1638 to come round, as if any combination of circumstances could restore its like, any more than the great passover of Josiah — as if its restoration were desirable — as if the prolongation of such excitement as then prevailed were not certain to produce more evil than good, and as if there were not waiting for us in the future more glorious, because calmer, moral and spiritual gala-days, to which that of 1638 was but a lowering and cloudy morn. It is the child who cries to get yesterday back again — the man accepts to-day, and looks forward with faith and hope to a bright to-morrow. Nevertheless, Scotland, almost unanimous in religious opinion, and wearing one strong bond around its hardy heart, though only for a season, is a spectacle as spirit- stirring as it has been rare; and impartial history must admit that this movement, begun by the clergy and the gentry, was seconded warmly, not only in the southern and midland districts, but in the north too, by great masses of the people; and must record with respect the names of some of the leaders of the movement, both clerical and lay, such as Alexander Henderson, Andrew Cant, Kobert Dickson, and the Earls of Eothes and Loudoun. Charles next sent down the Marquis of Hamilton with terms of peace on his lips, but, as was generally believed, with concealed and bitter enmity in his heart. Vain, however, were all his efforts to conciliate or to deceive the Covenanters. He entered Edinburgh in procession, amid an assemblage of seventy thousand, including seven thousand ministers in their cloaks — many scowling out their contempt and suspicion — and more dissolved in tears, and beseeching him to remove the bishops, and to restore their beloved pastors. In vain did the king him- 20 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES self offer to sign the original form of the Covenant, in which prelacy was unnoticed; nothing would satisfy these determined men but a free General Assembly to settle unreservedly the state of the church. This was at length called. It met in Glasgow, in November 1638; and forms one of the most critical events in the history of these times ; critical, because it committed both the church and the government to their respective sides in the controversy, and drove them to a point where the sword of Brennus must be cast into the scale. The royal commissioner after having in vain protested against certain proceedings of the assembly, attempted to dissolve it and retired. The assembly and their president, the brave Henderson, protested in their turn, continued their sittings, surrounded by the re- tainers of the covenanting nobles, set the arms of the court at defiance — condemned the service-book — re- nounced the five articles of Perth — abjured prelacy, and restored presbyterianism in its room — and, as they at last rose — “ Their rising, all at once, was like the sound Of thunder, heard remote — ” — the ominous thunder of approaching conflict, confu- sion, and blood. They did, indeed, forward to London another supplication, seeking to explain the reasons of their conduct. Charles answered this by pouring two armies, one of which he commanded in person, into Scotland. Thus came the “Bishop’s War,” — the nick- name Charles received of “Canterbury’s Knight,” — and the strong measures instantly taken by the Covenanters to resist his double missive of liturgies and leaden bullets. General Leslie, who had been a soldier in the army of Gustavus Adolphus, was promoted to the com- OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 21 mand of the troops by the orders of parliament, which had now identified itself with the General Assembly. He acted with great energy — summoned troops together by beacon-fires, as had been done in England in the time of the Spanish Armada — seized on all the fortified places — and erected fortifications around the town of Leith, to secure Edinburgh against the king’s fleet. When that fleet at last appeared, with five or six thou- sand troops on board, commanded by Hamilton, the people thronged every avenue, prevented the soldiers from setting foot on shore. Hamilton’s mother, a genuine Deborah of the Covenant, came on horseback to meet, and, if necessary, to shoot her son, carrying pistols loaded with gold balls for the purpose; and the mar- quis, partly overpowered by an interview with her on board his ship, and partly frightened at the news of a fight at Kelso, in which the Scotch were victors, was glad to make his escape. Concentrating his forces around a hill to the south- east of Edinburgh, called Dunse Law, Leslie awaited the approach of the king. It was fine, we are told, to see these bold extempore troops, consisting mainly of stout, fresh-coloured ploughmen, the blue banner, now for the first time unfurled, with the words, “For Christ’s Crown and Covenant,” in golden letters, stamped on it, floating over their heads — here “eating their legs of lamb,” there stretched in their cloaks and blue ribbands, yonder listening to “good sermons” each morning and evening; and yonder again singing psalms in their own tents. Their general enjoyed their affection, and they proved it, like all other armies, by giving him a nick- pame; even as Cromwell’s soldiers called him “ Old Noll;” Napoleon’s the “ Little Corporal;” and as 22 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES Caesar’s men sang ribald songs about their mighty leader, Leslie’s named him the old little crooked soldier; for, like Alexander the Great, Nelson, Napoleon, and Suw arrow, his bodily presence was extremely small, composed, like theirs, of skin, marrow, bone, and fire. The king, feeling, as it were by instinct, that that blue flag was already fluttering with the blast of his destruc- tion, proposed a negotiation. A treaty of a vague and unsatisfactory kind was agreed upon, and the general disbanded his troops, retaining, however, his officers upon half-pay. The king was dissatisfied with the treaty, and with the manner in which the Covenanters fulfilled their stipulations; he sought, it is said, to en- tangle their ministers by treachery, but was at last induced to grant them another General Assembly in Edinburgh, August 1639. Here the “pacification at Birks,” as the recent truce was called, seemed re- enacted upon another stage. The king’s commissioner sanctioned an act affirming substantially the decisions of the assembly of Glasgow. The leaders of the Edin- burgh assembly expressed their gratitude and surprise by loyal terms and by streaming tears; and having obtained the consent of the commissioner and the Scotch privy council, ordered, alas ! in the fulness of their hearts, and in the blindness of their “ times of igno- rance,” the covenant to be subscribed by all classes within the kingdom, under certain formidable pains and penalties. But “ all was false and hollow.” The king, displeased at the conduct of the assembly, threw the blame of the concessions upon the commissioner, and when the Scottish parliament met in June 1640, to sanction what the assembly had done, he abruptly pro- rogued it. The members remonstrated through the OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 23 medium of Lord Loudoun, who was cast into the Tower, and nearly suffered death, for his pains. Charles, shortly after, in defiance of former treaties, prepared again to invade Scotland, but the Scottish army got the start, entered England by hasty marches, and en- countering him at Newburn, gained a decisive victory. This led to negotiations, begun at Eipon, and trans- ferred to London. Henderson, Baillie, Gillespie, and Blair, repairing thither, on “ little nags,” to assist in bringing them to a successful termination. In England it was already the “beginning of the end.” Laud and the star-chamber had long been busy pillorying, whipping, slitting the noses, cutting the ears, and branding the faces of the puritans. But in 1641 broke out the Irish rebellion with its fearful butcheries, and the shock of it made the persecutors themselves pause and tremble. Charles, about the same time, visited Scotland, for the purpose of gaining over the Covenanters and obtaining their aid against the English parliament. He declared himself ready to throw epis* copacy overboard, and even ratified the deeds of the Glasgow assembly. But it was too late. The Scotch were already on terms with the Long Parliament, and projecting an extension of the covenant to the southern side of the border. Meanwhile Laud was impeached of high treason. Public feeling rose higher and higher every day against the prelates, and at last the parlia- ment summoned an assembly of divines, both from England and Scotland, to meet at Westminster on the 1st of July, 1643, to take the state of church reform into their consideration. The civil war having now begun, Charles denied the Scotch a parliament, but. in lieu of this, a convention of o 24 the martyrs and heroes the estates was called, and commissioners from England having been sent to join the deliberations, it was resolved to form a " solemn league and covenant between the three kingdoms, as the only means, after all others had been essayed, for the deliverance of England and Ireland out of the depths of affliction, and the preservation of the church and kingdom of Scotland from the extremity of misery, and the safety of our native king and his kingdom from destruction and desolation.’’ And thus the germ of the National Covenant, first sanctioned by James VI., in the second year of his reign, had at length fairly blossomed into that league, before which his son and his son’s darling systems of arbitrary power and prelacy were doomed to fall ; and which, as a sign, at one time victorious over a conquered empire, and at another “ everywhere spoken against,” and trampled down into dust and blood, shall live long in the memory of mankind. But the history of this docu ment deserves and requires a chapter to itself. OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 25 CHAPTER n. THE HISTORY OF THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. We may indicate in a word our general sentiments as to the document, the story of which we are now to trace. Looking at it by the lights of this age, it seems liable to strong objections; it was an attempt to produce an impossible result by an unchristian method. It sought uniformity of creed and discipline by the sword. It seemed a monstrous mixture of Mahometanism and Christianity — the voice was Jacob’s, the hands were Esau’s — the doctrine and government were, as we be- lieve, those of the New Testament, but the means of propagation were carnal, and not spiritual. It were ridiculous to pretend that it was not, at the beginning, as essentially a political paper as is the “ People’s Char- ter.” The men who summoned the meeting of the commissioners were political men. The convention of estates was a political assembly, and it was there that the Solemn League was first proposed, In fact, at that era religion and politics were inextricably intermingled, and the Covenant was just the full result of that con- fusion between the roots of the two, which the reforma- tion had failed to remove. Certain we are, that a genuine nonconformist of this age would as soon petition for the restoration of the Star Chamber, as he would sign the Solemn League and Covenant. Still, even from our point of view, we can see not only palliating circum stances but noble elements mingled in the idea and the 26 the martyrs and heroes purpose from which the Covenant sprang. The thought of uniformity proceeded in part from the desire of Christian union. The uprise against oppression was inevitable, and could no longer be delayed. The men were in blood-red earnest, — they were also in imminent danger. Civil and religious liberty were about to be crushed for ever. The extremity of the case seemed to demand extreme measures, for their scheme was in reply to a still more iron uniformity, which seemed closing hopelessly around them. Certainly, it had been better if they had contented themselves with a defensive atti- tude. Assuredly, their renown, if not their success, had been far greater if they had soared to those views of ecclesiastical polity which were already beginning to dawn on the great soul of Milton. But non omnic possumus omnes. We, with our present views, would as soon uplift the hammer of Jael, or wield the Kabbah- axes of David, as re-enact much that the Covenanters did; but, like Deborah and Samson, and Jael and David, they were on the level of their day. In the eternal substance of their character they were worthy of any age, and therefore, on the whole, we hail the blue banner of the Scottish Covenant as one of the brightest points of the past, and bright especially be- cause it prophecied other pinnacles in the future — the banner of Cromwell — the flag of William, Prince of Orange — the American flag of Independence — the tri- color, and that yet unnamed and unstamped standard round which the good and the free are to rally in the last great contest between truth and error — between tyrants and risen slaves. To proceed to the history of the Covenant. A General Assembly met in Edinburgh in August 1643. Com- OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 27 missioners from England were again present, as at tlie convention of estates. The Assembly met in the new church aisle of St Giles ; and there the Solemn League and Covenant was fairly formed. A civil league was at first, all that was designed, founded on a mutual basis of defence against the common enemy; and it would have been well if the Covenant had been nothing more. Henderson, however, who was now moderator of the assembly for the third time, thought otherwise, and himself prepared and read the draft of a religious union, which electrified the court, made its aged ministers weep for joy, and gave equal satisfaction to the estates. In the month of September 1643, in the church of St Margaret’s, Westminster, there met a most remark- able assembly, consisting of both houses of parliament, the assembly of divines, and the Scottish commissioners. After divine service, the Covenant was read from the pulpit, and the whole assembly stood the while un- covered. Henderson next raised his strong voice, and likened the Covenant to the hand- writing on Belshazzar’s wall, which, did the pope know of it, would make his heart to tremble and his knees to shake. Having been thus sworn to, it was sent back to Scotland, and ordained by the conjunct authority of the commission of the church and the convention of estates, to be subscribed throughout the kingdom, the former enjoining it under ecclesiastical penalties, and the latter under pain of being punished as enemies to the king and the king- doms. Meanwhile, in July 1643, the assembly of divines, to the number of one hundred and fifty-one, had convened in the Abbey Church. Westminster. The members, the pro- 28 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES ceedings,and the results of this meeting have combined to invest it with profound interest. A glance at the list of names is like looking at a scale of mountains. How the blood rises as we read a roll-call containing such words as Selden, Henry Vane, Oliver St John, Dr Good- win, Dr Calamy, Dr Lightfoot, Archbishop Usher, Dr Gataker, Dr Hammond, and Samuel Rutherfurd, men only over-topped in that age of Anakim by three who were not members — Howe, Cromwell, and Milton. The assembly was the collected pith, essence, and glory of the theology of the age; composed of men full of the ripe spirit of the reformation, their hearts as bold as their piety was ardent — their learning extensive, and their faith firm. The purpose of their meeting, how grand ! To settle and, as it were, to crystallise the chaos of controverting ages and elements — to frame a system of truth which should rule generations yet un- born — to cast protestantism into a pyramidal pile, on which the waves of infidelity and of superstition should beat in vain; and by so doing to save a church and a kingdom from ruin, distraction, and civil war, this, whatever we think of the success of their accomplish- ment, was unquestionably their aim. Their proceedings, as recorded, have little grace, but they have occasion- ally some grandeur. Above the level of the interminable disputes about presbytery, independency, &c., how noble, for example, stands up that figure of the aged divine, with grey, streaming locks; who, when the assembly came to answer the question, “ What is God ? ” started from his seat, lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried out “ Da Domine lucent I” The fruit of the “ great consult” is before us in the shape of those documents which are still the standards of presbyterian faith and OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 29 worship throughout the world. And, whatever the severer criticism of after times may say of some parts, and of many expressions in those standards; however sternly it may condemn, for instance, the persecuting principles which poison one of their chapters, and the extremes of opinion and harshness of statement to which aversion to popery has sometimes pushed the authors in others; and whatever many may think about the propriety or value of such documents at all, no candid Christian man will deny, that they contain in them masses of condensed and sublime truth — that some of their individual sentences, such as " God alone is Lord of the conscience,” stand out as if written in stars — that as a clear, compact, popular manual of orthodox divinity the Shorter Catechism has never been equalled; and that, altogether, had it been possible to stereotype any form or shape of that infinite thing, the truth of God, the Westminster divines would have stereotyped it; and that had it been possible to arrest and fix the elastic energies of that “ fire unfolding itself ” which we call religion — they would have arrested and fixed it for ever. This, thank God ! was impossible, and this they have failed to do; but let them have their praise for the instruction, and the deep moral influences, which their writings have given and exerted over millions, and in a degree, perhaps, only inferior to the inspired volume itself. After four years of constant and laborious sitting, the Scotch commissioners, Henderson, Baillie, Rutherfurd, and Gillespie, came back and reported the proceedings to the assembly of August, 1647, which received the Westminster Confession, the Larger and Shorter Cate- chisms, Propositions for Church Government, and the Directory for Public Worship, as parts of the covenanted BO THE MARTYRS AND HEROES uniformity of the three kingdoms, and the estates 01 parliament soon after said “ Amen ” to their proceed- ings. Presbytery was now in the ascendant throughout the three kingdoms. In 1646, the parliament granted it a partial establishment in England, by appointing pro- vincial synods and a national assembly: an arrange- ment, however, which took effect only in London and Lancashire. This establishment would probably have been extended to the whole country, and been found a worthy successor to the episcopalian hierarchy in bigotry and bloodshed — for it matters little who draws the sword, whether Peter or Paul, or John, or Judas, — but for the opposition of the erastians on the one hand and the independents on the other. What the presbyterians wished was a civil sanction to the divine right of their form of government. The erastians resisted this on their principle that the church was the creature of the state, and the independents upon theirs of toleration. The latter doctrine was carried to its full extent by some of the minor sectaries, who advanced the statement “ that it is the will and command of God, that since the coming of his Son, a permission of the most Paganish, Jewish, Turkish, or antichristian consciences and wor- ships be granted to all men in all nations.” Although the principle implied in this, will to most men now appear reasonable enough, and even a fair deduction from the words quoted above from the Confession of Faith, “ God alone is Lord of the conscience,” it seemed to the presbyterians absolutely blasphemous. Loud and angrily did this controversy rage. The more that the Covenanters pressed their principles of uniformity the faster did sects increase and multiply, and the faster OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 31 that they grew the more determined against toleration the Covenanters became. Meanwhile, all eyes were now turned to the north, where the meteor of Montrose was blazing for a season. Originally a vehement Covenanter, this remarkable man changed sides; some say owing to an interview with the king, and some because his pride and ambition were wounded by the ascendancy of Argyle and Leslie. He then levied an army — uplifted the white flag — descen- ded the defiles of the Perthshire Highlands — gained the battle of Tippermuir — seized on Perth — marched north to Aberdeen, the inhabitants of which, on some pretext, he put to the sword — retreated farther north to avoid Argyle, who was upon his track — made an irruption into Argyle’s country, which he ravaged with fire and sword — met and routed Argyle at Inverlochy — became the undisputed master of the Highlands — was created marquis by Charles— encountered Leslie at Philiphaugh — sustained a complete defeat — retired from Scotland till 1650, when, returning with a few followers to Orkney, he was seized, conveyed to Edinburgh, and hanged and quartered on the 21st of May. He is re- presented by his partizans as a demi-god, and by his enemies as a monster. Of course he was neither; but, by comparing the two versions, it is not difficult to form a proper conception of his character. He was a minor Napoleon — the Napoleon of Scotland. Like him, in- domitable in resolution — masterly in tactics — the idol of his soldiers — fond of sudden strokes of strategy— always sure to alarm and astonish, even when he failed to conquer — impatient of repose, and full of stern self- sufficiency and contempt for all meaner men. Like him, too. his heart seems to have been originally good and 32 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES tender; but like him, unfortunately, he was unscrupu- lous in his means, hasty in his temper, careless of life, and not averse to dark plots and intrigues. His course was brief and bright; but the brightness was that of a blood-red comet crossing the shuddering midnight, and not of a calm and steady star. His death was heroic and manly, although not more so than that of his rival, Argyle, and of many others in the same dreadful period. Yet, after all, he did nothing — ripened nothing — re- tarded nothing — wrought no deliverance on the earth ; and it is best to look at him through the medium of the novels and ballads of which he is the hero, for it was never more true of any than of the “ Great Marquis,’' that “ He left a name at which the world grew pale, To point a moral, or adorn a tale.” Before the field of Philiphaugh, Charles had lost the decisive battle of Naseby, and in the following spring he betook himself to the north of England, where the covenanting troops were stationed. His motives were obvious. He hated the Covenant much, but he hated and feared Cromwell more. He knew, and wished to take advantage of, the jealousies that were gathering between the Scotch covenanters and the English inde- pendents. He threw himself, therefore, into the arms of the former, and was cordially received. They, on their side, were becoming apprehensive of the growing power of Cromwell. They had no need of Leslie to testify of the genius and prowess he had witnessed when fighting by his side at JSTaseby, and which had dwindled him into insignificance. They felt, as all men do, in- stinctively, the approach of the great man of their age — heard the “ far shoutings which tell a monarch comes,” OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 33 and confessed it by the fears which mingled with the welcome they gave to their unfortunate king. They en- gaged to support him on their own terms, namely, that he should dismiss his popishly-affected counsellors, and subscribe the Covenant. On their principles, they were, no doubt, perfectly right in this. The wise among them knew enough of Charles to be certain that he was slippery, and must be bound; and what better bond had they at hand than the covenant ] But the king remembered, probably, his breach of other pledges and oaths, and perhaps saying in his heart, “ the petition of right is nothing to the Solemn League and Covenant,” persisted in refusing. In vain did Henderson enter into a conference with him at Newcastle on the points of difference between prelacy and presbyterianism. The minds of both were made up beforehand; and although the collision of two flints produces fire, they are not melted, but remain flints still. From this unsatisfactory dispute the strong-hearted Henderson returned to Edin- burgh to die, the prelatic party finding the cause of his death to be a mixture of chagrin and remorse in being defeated in argument by his majesty. Peace to his memory ! He was a lion-hearted man of God, and we shall never pass the quiet kirk of Leuchars, standing on its gentle ascent, and looking eastward to the towers of St Andrews and the round sea, without blessing the name of the stout spirit who laboured there ! A transaction followed which we do not profess fully to understand — the transference of Charles from the hands of the Scotch to that of the English insurgents. This was not, as many used to think, a sale; for, al- though money was paid to the Scotch, it was not for the value received in the person of the king, but in re- 34 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES luctant discharge of old arrears. Nor, although accom- panied with stipulations for their sovereign’s safety, can we believe that this transference was entirely dictated by anxiety for his interests or those of the country. We suspect the truth to be this : Charles they felt to be an unmanageable subject; like a hot cinder, to use a homely image, the sooner he passed out of their hands into others the better. He would give them no pledges, and as long as they harboured him, they were not only in danger from his duplicity or obstinacy, but also from the parliament and the parliamentary army. Hence unwittingly they began to enact the scene in Scripture, “ the adversary delivered him to the judge, and the judge to the officer, and he was cast into prison,” from which, verily, he did not escap e. Then followed the rash “ Engagement,” projected by the Duke of Hamilton to save the king out of the hands of Cromwell — an engagement, which, as projected by malignants, was approved of by the church, and which met with a disastrous issue at Preston, where the Scotch fled like sheep before the general’s sword. It was the last effort in behalf of Charles. The army returned, flushed with victory. The parliament was purged. The Rump appointed a high court of justice. Charles was tried, condemned, and, on the 30th of January 1649, executed — Cromwell, like Danton, afterwards, being determined to throw down to his enemies, “ as gage of battle, the head of a king.” This was undoubtedly an imprudent, but still a sub- lime and significant, action. It was not Charles that suffered, it was the idea of divine right that was mar- tyred there. Divine right has never recovered from that headsman’s blow, which might be said to have OP THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 35 resounded through the universe. Rings had been killed before for personal tyranny, and in hot warfare, but never till Charles did any suffer as a representative per- son — and never had the class before such cause to tremble From that hour, the “ touch me not,” “the consecration,” “the divinity” which had “hedged kings,” vanished like a dream — even as the paternal qualities which at first led to their creation had vanished long before. The death of Louis XYI. was only a miserable echo — a contemp- tible mimicry of the grand and solemn scene at White- hall. For the thing done once needed no renewal ! Louis, besides, was only an amiable imbecile, who had never even tried to reign. Charles had bent all the energies of a proud and powerful mind to be a king — nay, a tyrant — and had failed; and was not this a fitting and a splendid sacrifice ] Again, the French regicides were, on the whole, ruffians. The English, however mistaken, were men with genius and virtues, alike gigantic. Bold was the deed — boldly was it done — and boldly was it protested against. The Scotch, while glad to part from Charles, had no suspicion when they transferred him that he was to be put to death. They received the news with horror, and the next day proclaimed his son in his stead. In 1650, after preliminary negotiations, Charles II. landed at the mouth of the Spey, having first pledged his word to sign the Covenant. It seems now at once ludicrous and disgusting that a man like Charles should ever have been a Covenanter. “ He never said a foolish thing, and never did a wise one ; ” and, certainly, the most false and foolish thing he ever did was signing the Solemn League. We said, that Charles I. seemed made in contradiction to his 36 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES father; and Charles II., too, was the express opposite of his . There was only one quality in common with the three , and that was falsehood, — an element which, indeed, has run like a current of scrofula through the blood of most kings. In James, as we saw, it wore a veil of bonhommie; in Charles I. of pride and outward show of virtue. In Charles II. it was more deeply disguised under light and careless manners. He was a villain, wearing at one time the cap and bells of a fool; at another the masque of a comic actor; and, at a third, making his profligacy the cover for a deeper and more malignant wickedness. Belief, hope, virtue, enthusiasm, Christianity, were words to him, and nothing more ; he could syllable them deftly when it suited his purpose, but he had no belief in their existence, nor even in the reality of any other person’s belief in them. This should be his epitaph , — “ He was the most profli- gate of men, and his profligacy was the best thing about him, at least, the most sincere. His very clinging to popery in death was a last trick, — a clumsy attempt to cheat the devil, who was quite competent, however, to attend to his own interests.” It was impossible that such a man could get on well with the determined enthusiasm, bordering on fanaticism, of the Scottish Covenanters. He became what they willed his father not to become — a hot and very trouble* some cinder in their grasp. Indeed, he seemed the evil genius of the Covenant; and hence at Dunbar, at the pointing of Cromwell’s sword, “ the Lord arose, and his enemies were scattered.” Never was there a truer word than Cromwell’s, “ the Lord has delivered them into our hands.” It was the story of Achan over again. There was a man of Belial in their camp — the accursed OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 37 thing in his hands — and the weak divided interest, with all its props of prayer, sincere as that prayer was, sank before the energy of a hero “ who moved altogether, if he moved at all and was great, because he could in spire thousands with his own spirit, and receive theirs into his bosom in return. Napoleon, in St Helena, attributed much of his success to the fact that he moved with the millions; and so, with a higher, holier purpose, did Cromwell. He moved with, nay, by throwing him- self into, he became the concentrated spirit of, the real movement of his times; and hence his “ strength was doubled,” like Gabriel's, to “ trample his foes into mire” at Dunbar, and often besides. Nevertheless, after the king, detained like Doeg the Edomite before the Lord, had in vain attempted to escape from his covenanting partisans, he was crowned at Scone, on the 1st of January 1651. A curious coro* nation ! It was preceded by a very plain-spoken dis- course, by Robert Douglas, who more than hinted the suspicions of Charles’s sincerity which prevailed. After sermon, the king swore to the Covenants; and another oath to defend the church of Scotland, closed the solemn farce. Quarrels broke out almost immediately between the various parties who surrounded the king. These led to the famous schism between the resolutioners and protesters: the one party being favourable to the ad- mission of malignants to fight with them against the “ common enemy,” the other protesting against the em- ployment of any but “ God’s saints.” We are not apt to praise the narrower of two parties, but we think the protesters were, on the whole, right. They knew the wedge-like power of a united army — they had felt it to their cost at the battle of Dunbar. They felt that a 38 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES host, however large, if composed of motley materials, and not animated by a unique enthusiasm, would either fall to pieces of itself or would be scattered like chaff before the fierce collected might of Cromwell’s forces. They saw also more clearly into the character of Charles and his party; and, as they predicted, it came to pass. Charles made an irruption into England, and was pur- sued and overtaken at Worcester by Cromwell, who gained a victory so complete, that it compelled Charles to seek shelter on the Continent, and gave the victor the command of the three kingdoms. It is amusing to read the accounts by the Presbyterian writers of Cromwell’s conduct in Scotland. They lavish every epithet of reproach on his head. They call him a “ usurper !” — a “ despot!” — a“ dissembler !” — a“profane person !” — and give curious pictures of his soldiers carrying their swords with them into the pulpits, which they had scarce the decency to relinquish till their sermons were finished, and of his summary dissolution of the General Assembly. We think that Cromwell could hardly have acted otherwise. The ministers were his avowed enemies. They were ever and anon launch- ing their thunderbolts against him. When he could not gain he was compelled to crush them. This he did with his usual mastery; and, on the whole, with sovereign good humour. His officers wished him to “ pistol” Zachary Boyd, when he railed on him from the pulpit. He chose a “more excellent way,” he invited him to his supper ! What a subject for a great novelist — that supper of Old Noll’s, with the author of the metrical version of the Bible ! It seemed a type of the conduct of the kings in most ages toward the clergy. They have, when not inclined to shoot, invited them to OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 39 supper, and comparatively few have had the virtue to refuse. During the rest of the protectorate a series of wretched disputes continued to rage between the resolutioners and protesters, especially in reference to the tender, which was an acknowledgment of Cromwell’s authority. Pro- minent among those who took this, was the unfortunate James Sharp, afterwards archbishop of St Andrews, James Guthrie was one of its bitterest opponents. Scot- land, as a nation, however, was tolerably prosperous during CromwelPs reign ; and even the presbyterians are reluctantly compelled to admit that religion flourished, and none the less, it would seem, that no General As- sembly was then permitted to meet. The ministers did their duty quietly, and, although constantly quarrel- ling with each other about the tender and the resolu- tions, their quarrels never assumed such virulence, or issued in such grave consequences, or were conducted on such a broad scale, as the meeting of an assembly would probably have led to. General synods sometimes become salutary safety-valves, sometimes add energy to principle, and act as checks to the encroachments of arbitrary power, but often, too, are useless or injurious; and, on the whole, those churches are in the best case which hold them least frequently, and find least for them to do. At last, the great sun of Cromwell set, and “ at on stride, came the dark ” of Scotland. The church during his reign had not been paramount, but it had been peaceful, successful, and comparatively free. The state had been strong, victorious, and respected throughout the whole world. Scotland, a rough young colt, had found a rider who could guide it at his will, — one who D 40 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES had bridled the war-horse of England, and tamed the wild wolf of Ireland herself. But all this was now to be changed. Charles II. had contracted deep arrears of hatred and contempt for the Covenanters, when in their hands, and he now took his own sure, though sluggish, method for discharging the debt. He never again visited Scotland, but its history for many years was the history of a series of his creatures, each rising above each in unfitness for their office, in ignorance of the spirit and the heart of the country, in subserviency to the king, and in cruelty and personal worthlessness. Of these, Middleton was first, and the packed parliament, to which he was commissioner, and which was popu- larly called by his name, proceeded to pass one slavish act after another, — an act of supremacy, making the king supreme judge in all matters civil and ecclesiasti- cal ; an oath of allegiance, which was meant for a seal upon this document of bondage, and an act rescissory, undoing all the reformatory deeds of former parliaments, including the Covenants, and annulling the authors of the parliaments themselves. But something more was desiderated by these miser- able governors. Not content with destroying acts of parliament, and with trampling on consciences, they began to thirst for blood. Argyle was their first victim. He was neither a very great nor a very brave man, but all his faults are forgotten when we remember the ini- quity of his trial, and the Christian courage of his end. Sir Walter Scott and Aytoun have both disgraced them- selves by their treatment of Argyle. It was no “ master fiend,” who said, on his way to the scaffold, “ I could die like a Roman, but choose rather to die like a Chris- tian.” He had faults, but his greatest fault was his OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 41 putting the crown on the head of the man who at last wrought his ruin. Guthrie, of Stirling — a zealous yet mild-tempered minister, who long before had “ met the executioner of the city as he entered the West Port to sign the Covenant,” and read in this an omen of his future fate — suffered next. He died heroically, crying with his last breath, “the Covenants — the Covenants shall yet be Scotland’s reviving ! ” These were the first rich drops for the young tiger of tyranny. He was yet to be sated and drenched with manly and Christian blood. Soon after, presbytery was, by an act of parliament* abolished, episcopacy reinstated, and the country half- tamed by fear, and half-drunk with the heady must of its raw, renewed loyalty, at first submitted. James Sharp, the minister of Crail, had been sent to London to secure the preservation of the presbyterian govern- ment. There, however, he played a double game, writ- ing letters to his constituents at home calculated to lull their suspicions to sleep, while he was secretly pro- moting the designs of the episcopal church. Un- doubtedly, whatever his motives might be, his secession from the covenanting interest, and his acceptance of the archbishopric of St Andrews, were terrible blows to the cause, and, among presbyterians, his name has ever since been embalmed in the odour of infamy The divided state of the Scottish church, combined with his treachery to surrender the country, a powerless and palsied victim, into the hands of episcopacy. Sharp, Fairfoul, Hamilton, and Leighton, proceeded to London, were ordained bishops in Westminster Abbey, and re- turned in triumph; the three first-named making a pub- lic procession in Edinburgh. From the equivocal 42 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES honour implied in this Leighton shrunk — whether from modesty, or disgust at his colleagues. On the day succeeding their entrance, parliament passed an act re- storing them to their former prerogatives — restored patronage in its fullest extent, and enacted that all per- sons in public trust should subscribe a declaration, re- nouncing the Covenants as unlawful and seditious. On the 29th of May 1662, on the occasion of a public thanksgiving for the king’s return, the Covenants were torn by the hands of the common hangman, and in Linlithgow they were burned amidst shouts of drunken mockery. The clergy were next commanded to attend diocesan meetings and to acknowledge the authority of the bishops; and to compel this, Middleton and a com- missioner made a tour to the west of Scotland, where the spirit of the covenant was strongest. In obedience to the recommendation of this commission, the council issued a proclamation, banishing all ministers from their parishes who had been admitted since 1649, un- less they received a presentation from the bishop of the diocese before the 1st of November. The warning given was only that of a month, and the soldiers were commanded to pull the ministers from the pulpits if they should venture to preach contrary to their orders. Few expected the result which followed. Nearly four hundred ministers consented rather to resign their livings than to submit to the episcopal yoke. It was a sad yet sublime sight, to see these brave men, in the depth of winter, leaving their manses, pleasantly situ- ated among wooded nooks, amid green pastures, and by the side of still waters. They had made no preparation for the step. They threw themselves immediately on the care of God who feeds the young lions and ravens OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 43 in the wilderness. And, although to us they appear to have come out, not so much on a broad principle as on the paring of a principle, yet they deserve honour none the less for their honesty, determination, and faith. “ Scotland,” says Wodrow, “ was never witness to such a Sabbath as the last on which those ministers preached; and I know no parallel to it save the 17th of August, or St Bartholomew’s day, to the presbyterians in Eng- land.” It was a day of tears and bursts of irrepressible sorrow. The silencing of four hundred pulpits were even now a sad fact, but more so then, when in most parishes the pulpit was the only means of moral and intellectual instruction, when the kirk, standing in its quiet grave-yard, embosomed in its woodlands, or towering bare and clear upon its knoll, was the spiritual sun of the district. To fill up their places, a whole army of raw recruits, principally from the north of Scotland, was brought into the field. These were the far-famed curates. A more contemptible class of men never assumed the clerical office. They were created by a process which reminds one of the last conscriptions of Napoleon, when beardless boys were sublimated into soldiers; or rather of that immortal levy ot EalstafFs, with which he shrank from marching through Coventry. It was even complained in the north, that all the herd -boys had be- come ministers, and that the cows were in jeopardy. Burnet paints them in colours which seem as true as they are stern, “ as the dregs and refuse of the northern parts.” Either debauched or stupid, or both, alike ignorant and imperious, they became objects of mingled contempt and hatred to the people. Even the mar- tyrdom they occasionally endured, served further to 44 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES make them ridiculous. They were not “ stoned oi sawn asunder, or burnt,” but the doors of the churches were sometimes barricaded against them, and the poor curate had to climb in at the window to his “ ill- mumbled mass sometimes his boots were filled with ants; and sometimes women brought their children to church with them, and encouraged them to cry till the voice of the preacher was drowned in a storm-chorus from this infant choir. And now, the ministers of the Covenant expelled, the curates imposed upon their reluctant charges, liberty ir fetters, and tyranny riding rough-shod over the land, there commenced a series of persecutions on the part of the government, and of sufferings on the part of the presbyterian people of Scotland, to which history fur- nishes few parallels. This brings us to the period of the persecution, and to a new chapter. OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 45 CHAPTER III. THE PERSECUTION TILL THE AFFAIR AT DRUMCLOG. The Covenant might now be said to have completed its history. Once towering triumphant over three conquered lands, it was about to go down in an ocean of blood; its name had become a jest, and its partisans were objects at one time of bitterest scorn, and anon of fiercest obloquy. Their evil day had fully come, and although better times were yet to arrive, the full power and glory of their banner were never to return. There was never more to be a covenanting king, a covenanting parlia- ment, or a covenanting nation. And, meanwhile, they must pay the penalty of their brief triumph. Sternly was it to be exacted, and manfully was it to be paid. Many ejected ministers had the boldness to preach against the measures of government, some of whom were thrown into prison, and others compelled to seek refuge in foreign lands. The fate of Lord Warriston next attracted great sympathy. He had been an eminent Covenanter ; he was clerk to the assembly of Glasgow ; he had taken an active share in all public measures, particularly in the punishment of Montrose; he had ac- cepted an appointment which gave offence to some of his weaker brethren, under Cromwell, and, after the re- storation, had escaped to the Continent. The vengeance of his enemies pursued him thither. He was surprised at his prayers, dragged on board a ship, and, notwith- 46 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES standing the accumulated infirmities of age, conducted on foot, and bareheaded, from Leith to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. Utterly broken down in body and spirit, feeble as a child in mind, he moved the pity of his sternest judges, although it is said that Sharp and the other bishops treated his superannuation with shouts of brutal laughter. While his intellect was nearly gone, his piety remained. He submitted meekly to the sen- tence of the court, and calmly prepared for death. Hard as the hearts of hell must have been those which re- mained unmoved, as he tottered up the scaffold, sup- ported by his friends, and died, with hands uplifted to heaven, and with the words, “ Pray, pray; praise, praise,” trembling on his tongue. The people of the west and south began about this time those field-meetings which were destined to become so famous. These assemblies at first were peaceable; no arms were worn, and when worship was over the con- gregations quietly dispersed. Peaceable, however, as they were, they gave offence to the bishops, who pro- cured an act ordaining that all ministers preaching without the sanction of the bishops, should be punished for sedition, and that certain pains and penalties should be inflicted on those who absented themselves from their parish church. This act, popularly called the “ Bishop's Drag-net,” was necessarily inquisitorial, and led to in- cessant and most vexatious oppressions. Troops, under the command of Sir James Turner — a soldier of fortune, and the unscrupulous instrument the cause required — were poured into suspected parishes, and proceeded by every method to torment the people into obedience. Now they exacted large fines for non-attendance, and again, if these fines were not paid, they quartered them- OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 47 selves on the unfortunate recusants, devoured their food, sold their cattle, and reduced them to starvation. Some- times they snatched the coats of men and the mantles of women from their shoulders. Indeed, every authentic account represents the soldiers of prelacy as detestable ruffians, uniting in themselves all those qualities of cruelty, recklessness, lust, blasphemy, and debauchery, which have in too many ages rendered the name of soldier a hissing and a byeword on the earth* In 1664, a new and potent engine of oppression was invented. This was the high commission court, — a court composed of bishops and laymen, endowed with almost absolute powers, and which served fiercely to stimulate persecuting zeal, and terribly to grind the face of the Covenanters. During the two years in which it “ practised and prospered,” it banished ministers, or put them in ward ; in typical anticipation of the butcher, Haynau, it publicly whipped women, and after brand- ing and scourging boys shipped them off to Barbadoes as slaves. Worst of all, it made it sedition to give charity to the ejected ministers, so that if any of these had knocked at the door of one of his own parishioners, and sought a cup of cold water, or a piece of pease-meal bannock, the asking and the giving were alike a crime. Next year the exactions in the west and south multi- plied to such a degree, that fifty thousand pounds Scots were raised in Ayrshire, in fines for nonconformity, and a much larger sum in the shires of Galloway and Dum- fries. In 1666, occurred the rising, which issued in the rout of Pentland. This could not be justified in point of prudence, for there never was even a chance of success ; but it was a fair index to the state of public feeling, and showed that the wrong had become to many 48 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES altogether intolerable. It was in this respect remark- able — unlike the risings of Scotland on most former occasions — that it began with simple countrymen. It was not excited by the gentry, nor the clergy, although some of them afterwards joined it ; it was originally the mere projection of the rugged horn of peasant power; and the Scottish peasantry are not prone to become rebels. The circumstances were these : — On Monday the 12th of November, two or three fugitives had come down from the hills to a little village called the Clachan of Dairy, where were some of the soldiers of Sir James Turner. He was one of the most active of the persecu- tors, had been carrying matters with a high and a cruel hand against the recusant peasantry, and was then at Dumfries. The fugitives entered an alehouse, and were quietly eating their breakfast, when they were told that four soldiers had bound an old man, and were threaten- ing to roast him on a gridiron, because he would not pay the church fines. They rushed out and tried to rescue him. A scuffle ensued — pistols were fired — swords drawn — wounds interchanged, and, in fine, the four were made prisoners. The news soon reached Balmaclellan, where a larger company of the covenanters, feeling the contagion of the example, or fearing to be themselves involved, seized on sixteen of Sir James’s men who were quartered in the neighbourhood. They were now too far committed to stop. They resolved to surprise Turner in Dumfries. For this purpose, they invited a meeting of the district at the kirk of Iron- gray — a sweet spot, situated near the brink of the romantic Cluden, with the birth-place of Helen Walker, the prototype of Jeanie Deans, and the monument OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 49 erected to her by Sir Walter Scott, standing beside, and with the beautiful copses and green hills of Galloway bounding the scene. Ere they could muster, the sun was up, and it was ten in the morning before they reached Dumfries. They amounted to fifty horse, and two hundred foot. They passed the bridge which leads from Galloway to Dumfries without opposition — found Turner in bed — admitted him to quarter, but set him, in his night-gown and night-cap, on the back of a horse, and took him to the cross of the town, where, to shew their loyalty, they drank the king’s health. In the after- noon, they marched along with him and the other prisoners to the west, in a state of complete uncertainty, with regard to their future measures. Before they reached Lanark, considerable numbers had joined them, but no gentry or nobles. There they amounted it is said to three thousand, and if they had given battle to Dalziel, whose army was watching them on the other side of the river Clyde, they might have had the ad- vantage, since their numbers were considerable, and since the first panic produced by their revolt had not yet subsided. Instead of this, after renewing the Cove- nant and issuing a defensive declaration, they marched toward the parish of Bathgate, amid a storm of wind and rain, which discouraged many and made them drop off, and thence to Collington, where they fixed a tem- porary encampment. The enemy continuing to press on their rear, and the country around either maintaining a sullen neutrality, or rising to resist them, they resolved on a retreat to Galloway again. One Colonel Wallace, a brave and experienced soldier, did all he could to keep them together, but hearing that Edinburgh was up in arms against them, they marched in disorder toward the Pent- 50 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES land hills. These rise about six miles to the south of Edin- burgh, and from their rounded yet bold outline, repos- ing like massive blue clouds against the horizon, and the green vales which seem to have stolen into and to nestle in their midst, form a very interesting feature of the landscape. Thither, wearied with marching through winter roads, hungry and wet, “ liker dying men, than men going to conquer,” reduced to nine hundred, came this little host, and determined to make a last desperate stand. It was at a spot called Bullion Green, and on the 28th of November, 1666. The Covenanters were stationed on a little knoll. After waiting three hours for the troops of Dalziel, the two armies at last came in sight almost simultaneously, and each sent off a company of horse, which met in the midst, and the royal soldiers were compelled to flee. It is said that the Covenanters did not sufficiently follow up this advantage, else they might at least have secured a safe retreat. Larger forces, meanwhile, poured against them from both the enemy’s wings, while only their left wing could be brought into action. On that side they fought vigor- ously, but in vain, their horses were not trained, they themselves were worn out; their right wing was no sooner assailed than broken, and, just as the winter day was darkening down into night, the whole army fled. About fifty were killed, and about the same number were taken prisoners. The darkness of the night secured the escape of the rest. And thus was this un- fortunate little rising, beginning in Galloway, and ex- citing a transient convulsion throughout Lanarkshire and a portion of the Lothians, within a fortnight, swallowed up and went down amid the defiles of the Pentlands, and the gloom of a November night. OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 51 Severe and summary was the punishment inflicted on the hapless prisoners. Although taken on the field of battle, and on terms of quarter, they were tried as traitors, and hung up in tens together; their voice, as it proclaimed their innocence of the guilt of intended re- bellion, being drowned amid the beating of drums. One of these sufferers is worthy of special remark, in himself, and as the prototype of MacBriar in Old Mortality — a character disfigured in some traits, but on the whole of surpassing power, beauty, and pathos. This was Hugh Mackail. He was a young minister of twenty-six — had travelled on the Continent, possessed a liking for letters — amused himself in prison composing Latin verses, but was withal a zealous and fiery Covenanter. He was put to a species of torture equally cruel and clumsy, called the Boots. This instrument was composed of four pieces of narrow boards nailed together, into which when the leg was laid wedges were driven down with a ham- mer, mangling the limb, forcing out the marrow, and producing exquisite pain. Mackail bore it with great firmness, denied all knowledge of the existence of a con- spiracy, and asserted that the rising of Pentland was altogether accidental. His appearance on the scaffold excited floods of tears from the spectators. There was not, says an eye-witness, “ a dry eye in the whole street.” He was so young, had been so popular, and was pos- sessed of a hectic beauty which now seemed, from the composure of his mind and the magnanimity of his re- solve, to be tinctured with the hues of heaven. The pale white cloud assumed a golden tinge as it approached the west. He went up the ladder, telling his fellow sufferers that he felt every step of it a degree nearer heaven. And when he reached the summit, he burst 52 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES out into the words, “ Farewell, father and mother, friends and relations ! farewell, the world and all de- lights ! farewell, meat and drink ! farewell, sun, moon, and stars ! Welcome God and Father ! welcome sweet Jesus Christ, the Mediator of the New Covenant ! wel- come blessed Spirit of grace, the God of all consolation! welcome glory ! welcome eternal life ! and welcome death !” It was worth a hundred poems. An apostle could not have left the stage of time with a firmer as- surance, or with loftier language on his lips. With what true unconscious taste he makes the climax, not in glory, but in “ death !” In the west country similar executions took place, till the very hangman refused to act, and a prisoner had to be bribed and drugged into the degrading office. To crush still more completely the recusants, General Dalziel was sent westward with a body of troops. This man was of Binns, in West Lothian. He had been taken prisoner by Cromwell at Worcester and confined in the Tower, whence he escaped to Russia, and became a general in the army of the Czar, to whom he did good service in butchering Turks and Tartars. He had re- turned after the restoration, and was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the royal forces in Scotland. He had a craze on two points : one was that after the death of Charles I. he never shaved his beard, but allowed it to grow down, white and bushy, to his girdle; the other that lie bound himself to repair once or twice every year to London, to kiss the hand of the king, when the singularity of his appearance generally drew crowds of boys after him. “ Bearded like the pard,” he was also “ full of strange oaths,” and “ sudden and quick in quarrel.” Hating the Covenanters with a perfect hatred OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 53 -taught contempt for human life in the rude wars of Moscovy — fretted by the memory of past imprisonments, he became a monomaniac of murder, and his grisly beard flared like a meteor of wrath and fear over the west of Scotland. He was, Scott says, still more detested by the whigs than Claverhouse himself, and many anecdotes are extant to corroborate the truth of this statement. Once he shot a countryman who could give no informa- tion to him about the fugitives of Pentland, although the poor fellow besought him for one night’s reprieve to “ prepare for eternity !” a request which could be no sham in the mouth of a Covenanter. On another occa< sion he hanged a man for not telling where his father was. Upon another occasion still, he is said to have thrown a woman, who had declined to betray the retreat of a pursued whig, into a hole in Kilmarnock filled with toads and reptiles, where she miserably perished. But his favourite amusement was in putting lighted matches between the fingers of women, and compelling them to “ peach” or to perish. His threats, according to Burnet, were even worse than his actions. He swore in his drunken moments that he would spit his enemies or roast them alive. A coarser Claverhouse, he scattered destruction over the westland shires, till the bolder of the whigs retired to caves or coal-pits — and the more timid returned to the prelatized churches again — till the curates triumphed, and the whole country sank into sullen slumber under the sword of martial law. Before this, Middleton had been supplanted in the administration by Bothes, and he was now succeeded by Lauderdale, under whose government, in the next year, (1667), there came a brief and precarious gleam of hope to the persecuted presbyterians. Lauderdale had been 54 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES a Covenanter, and had become a courtier, but at first seemed indisposed to press matters to extremity. He disbanded the standing army, and proclaimed an indem- nity to those who had fought at Bullion Green, on the condition of their signing a bond of peace. Turner was dismissed; Sharp was disgraced for proven duplicity; and there was even a rumour that the presbyterian ministers were to receive liberty to exercise their minis- try independent of the bishops. Either the rumour was true that Lauderdale had at heart a leaning to his old party, or, more probably, the reaction of disgust which succeeds violence and crime had now arrived. The calm, however, was treacherous, and was soon broken. A pistol was fired at Sharp by one Mitchell — a preacher, and probably a Pentlander — a man partially insane, who with three bullets took his aim at the obnoxious archbishop as he entered his coach in Edinburgh. He failed in his object, but wounded Honeyman, Bishop of Orkney, and then walked back unmolested to his lodg- ings, changed his dress, and returned to the street, nor was he apprehended for six years afterwards. The crowd were not anxious for his detection. They cried out when they heard that a man was killed, “Oh! it’s only a bishop !” showing how profoundly they had be- come aware of the distinction between a reality and a sham — a dead surplice and a living skin. But this foolish action alarmed the government; led to an in- effectual search, and brought into trouble some of the more zealous Covenanters. Several attempts to bring relief and unity to the un- happy land were next made, at short intervals of time. The first was the act called The Indulgence. This doleful measure, as it was afterwards called by its op* OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 55 ponents, appointed again to their parishes those ousted ministers who had not been guilty of any breach of the peace; permitted them to meet in presbytery, but en- joined them to keep strictly to the bounds of their own parishes; put them under strict surveillance, and sus- pended over their heads severe punishments for any possible sedition, or any encouragement of future field- meetings. It was coupled with a formal statutory de- claration of the supreme authority of the king in matters ecclesiastical, and for this erastian principle, as well as for the hampering confinements proposed, the majority of the ministers refused the benefit of the Indulgence. A considerable number, however, accepting it, came back, like Poundtext,* to their warm nests again, and made for a season such a harmonious concert of drowsy talking with the curates, that they were called “ the king’s curates,” while the others were those of the bishops. We have not the heart strongly to condemn the men, who were tempted back from peat-haggs, coal- pits, dens by moaning river-sides, and exposure to famine and to fire, by a measure which seemed at least to relieve their consciences, as well as to restore their simple comforts — their little gardens and glebes — their low-roofed studies — their porridge and milk, or, on Sun- day evenings, their temperate jug of ale; and, above all the undisturbed society of their parishioners and their families. But we honour infinitely more the sturdy children of God, who, for their notions of truth, rejected all this, and preferred the songs of plovers, the kiss of homeless streams, the peasant’s hard bed, or the soft greensward under the gleaming midnight, and felt their souls severely satisfied with the companionship of * See Old Mortality. E 56 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES u Cloud, gorse, and whirlwind on the lonely moors.** The one class were men, the others rose to martyrs, heroes, and confessors. They had a principle, although not a broad one, and they kept by it; and it is principle alone that can give sanctity to life, dignity to endurance, body to the spirit of enthusiasm, or true sublimity to death. The Indulgence was issued in 1669. In 1670, another plan was attempted. A deputation who were popularly denominated the “ Bishop’s Evangelists,” were sent to the west for the purpose of conciliating the people. This was a scheme of the excellent Leighton. Bishop of Dunblane. He was one of the best, holiest, and mildest men of his time. His work on Peter re- mains a lasting monument of his fine genius — his ele- gance of taste — his evangelical unction, and his profound but gentle piety. Had all the bishops been like him, this history or any other of the sufferings of the Cove- nanters, had never been written. But he was not fitted for that rough age. He was too gentle, too fond of half measures — was, shall we call him ? a divine trimmer, and in his half measures was not seconded by his brethren. With him went several others, all obscure, with the exception of the notorious Gilbert Burnet, afterwards the clever, officious, gossiping, twaddling, bustling Bishop of Salisbury. He also was a trimmer, but not a divine one, often seeming to hover, like a bat, between truth and falsehood, light and darkness; neither an Arminian nor a Calvinist, but now the one, now the other, and now both; neither a thorough-going roundhead nor cavalier, presbyterian nor episcopalian, but for ever vaulting dexterously between pairs of steeds; and yet, on the whole, a worthy man, a credible OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 57 historian, an eloquent preacher, an amusing writer, and one who, in his ecclesiastical capacity, plucked at least one brand from the burning when he converted on his deathbed the infamous Earl of Eochester. This raid was not successful. The very peasantry were able to abash and confute the bishop and his coadjutors. The rough logic, ready wit, fearless honesty, and terrible sarcasm of the westland people, which were ninety years after to bear their full product in the strong peasant of Ayrshire — Robert Burns — were, even in their embryo, too much for the gracious Leighton, and the adroit Burnet. So there was nothing for them but to return and report “ no progress.” Still another scheme flashed on the benevolent eye of Leighton. This was the Accommodation — by which he meant an attempt to reconcile presbytery with a mode- rate episcopacy. According to this plan, presbyteries were to be held. The bishop was to be present; but to waive his veto on the proceedings, and to sit as a dumb moderator in their assemblies. To this the presby* terians objected on various grounds. If the bishop had a right to sit, had he not also a right to speak ? If he had no right to a negative, had he to a place in the assembly? If once seated there, was it likely that he would retain his silence ? Did not his very appearance seem to ratify the prelatical claims ? Was this not a snare for entrapping the Covenanters into an acknowledgment of episcopacy, — an attempt, by recon- ciling them to the presence, ultimately to reconcile them to the power, of a bishop 1 For these reasons, the negotiations were broken off, greatly to the chagrin of Burnet and the good Leighton but much to the joy of Sharp, who foresaw that now it would be " war to the 58 THE MARTYRS AND HEROES knife,” but foresaw not that the knife would speedily be applied to his own throat. Field -meetings became every day more common, and were now attended by many who bore arms. This partly arose from the custom of those fierce times, but partly, also, from motives of self-defence. Such meet- ings were watched by the government with peculiat jealousy. On occasion of one held near Dunfermline, a military officer, acting as a spy, was threatened, and had a pistol presented to his head. This led to edicts sternly prohibiting conventicles, and making the atten- dance of any preacher there a capital crime. Notwith- standing, they grew and multiplied, and for nearly ten years the authorities durst only proceed against those who frequented them by the occasional enaction of heavy fines. It is ennobling to think of the best of a nation worshipping God for years together in the open air, — the Druids of the Christian faith. Their psalms made the wilderness to rejoice, and mingled pleasingly with the bleating of the sheep, the distant cry of eagles and ptarmigans, and the musical thunder of cataracts and streams; the radiant faces of their young men and maidens made the desert to blossom as the rose; the voice of their preachers became a wild melody, and seemed reverberated from the blue dome of the sky overhead; thousands of visages lightened or darkened, sweetened or stormed, as the preacher kindled with his theme, or melted under it; sometimes infants were baptised in the clear water that was rushing by; some- times marriages were celebrated at these mountain- altars — God and nature giving away their children; and sometimes thousands communicated amid the wilder- ness, and at the close of the sacramental work set up a OF THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 59 6train of holy song, “ like a steam of rich-distilled per- fumes,” heard afar on earth, heard farther still in heaven, and welcomed there as incense, or as the morn- ing and evening sacrifice. Seldom, since J esus trod the Galilean hills, has there been such worship in this world. The great sky was transfigured into a temple; every heart said, “ How dreadful is this place!” and as the evening drew on, and still the services unweariedly continued, the stars rising over the mountain-tops seemed looking down in love on the scene, and listening with interest to the tidings of great joy which were there by “ Cameron thundered, or by Ken wick poured in gentle stream.” And even when a dark shadow of clouds gathered over the landscape, and when, like a grim spectre, the storm appeared above their heads, and