THE OCTOBER CONTEST! 
 
 Shall FREE TRADF be the SETTLED POLICY of this GOVERNMENT! 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 DELIVERED BY 
 
 OF FRANKLIN COUNTY, 
 
 M C CLURE, 
 
 At the WIGWAM, corner of Sixth and Brown Streets, 
 
 Philadelphia, 
 
 WEDNESDAY SEPTEMBER 5th, 1860. 
 
 - < — •* ■■ > -- 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of Philadelphia:— 
 
 We are upon the threshold of the great political revolution of the age. It is not the 
 whirlwind that has, in times gone by, swept the so-called Democratic party from power. 
 Those revolutions demanded redress from the flagrant abuses of the Government; but they 
 taught nothing—established nothing. Honors and emoluments changed; a few of the glar¬ 
 ing evils of power were corrected, and there the revolution ended. 
 
 But the mighty revolution now progressing is based upon vital and positive issues, which 
 are clearly defined an*d well understood ; and the popular verdict in their favor will shape 
 the destiny of this Republic, when you and I shall sleep in the “ City of the Silent.” It is 
 second in importance and positive meaning only to one great struggle in our history, and 
 that is the revolution of our fathers, that gave birth to freedom in the New World, and 
 handed down to us this rich inheritance, crimsoned with their blood. This revolution, 
 fraught with such momentous issues, invades no rights, assails no ancient landmarks. It 
 will be bloodless in its achievement, and rich in the fruits of enlightened progress and fra¬ 
 ternal peace. It will establish, as the settled policy of this Republic, for ourselves and our 
 children, these just and vital doctrines :— 
 
 That the union of these States shall be maintained against all Sectionalism and Treason, 
 come from whence they may. 
 
 That the compromises of the Constitution and the supremacy of the laws shall be pre¬ 
 served inviolate. 
 
 That adequate Protection shall be afforded by the General Government to our industry. 
 
 That oifr free Territories shall not be desolated by the extension of Human Slavery. 
 
 That our great Western domain shall be devoted to Free Homes for actual settlers. 
 
 That the purity of the ballot-box and the integrity of the elective franchise shall be main¬ 
 tained, as the very basis of our free institutions. 
 
V 
 
 2 
 
 # \ y 
 
 That our Government shall owe its first and highest duty to our own peaceful progress; 
 to the development of our own vast resources; to the elevation and prosperity of our own 
 industry; asking nothing of the world that is not right, and submitting to nothing that is 
 wrong. 
 
 These are Vie issues. They are so clearly marked that he who runs may read. Against 
 them we have arrayed every variety of men and measures. Distracted, demoralized and 
 belligerent, weighed down by their own perfidy and profligacy, exhausted by their own in¬ 
 testine conflicts, yet they hope to stagger into the field and rally for a death-struggle. That 
 •it will be desperate in efiort, and decisive in its result, the signs of the times clearly fore¬ 
 shadow. They will come with all the hues of the chameleon, and with all the “cohesive 
 power of public plunder.” They will bring gifts to flatter, and vengeance to terrify; and 
 in the face of the handwriting on the wall, that inexorably points to their overwhelming 
 defeat, they will die upon the field cursing each other. 
 
 We have a contest in October. It is the Magenta of the war. What is it to teach! Of 
 its result I do not inquire, for that is not doubtful. But when Mr. Curtin shall have re¬ 
 ceived 230,000 votes, and Mr. Foster shall have received 200,000 votes, how shall we inter¬ 
 pret it? We shall know that 230,000 men have declared for the maintenance of the Union 
 and the supremacy of the laws; for protection to our industry, for free territories and for 
 free lands to the landless ; hut for what shall 200,000 men have voted? For a slave-code and 
 for disunion ? or for popular sovereignty and non-intervention ? For a protective tariff, or 
 for free trade ? For maintaining the freedom of free territories, or for carrying the wither¬ 
 ing blight of slavery, in the name of the Constitution, into every portion of the Union? 
 With such issues in the contest, men must intend something by their votes; what will the 
 Foster vote mean ? Is it to be counted for Breckinridge in South Carolina, and for Douglas 
 in Illinois? Is Yancey to be made jubilant by the fact that 200,000 men in Pennsylvania 
 have voted for a slave-code and to maintain the right of secession, -while Richardson, of 
 Illinois, proclaims the same strength here for Douglas and his peculiar doctrines ? To these 
 questions there must be answers. Politicians may combine to carry the spoils of office, 
 each intent upon cheating the other when success shall have been reached, but the thou¬ 
 sands and tens of thousands of the people who think this free government worthy of their 
 fidelity, are not to be blindfolded and huckstered like sheep in the shambles. They look 
 around on this great State and they see on all hands the proud monuments of their industry. 
 They see the iron horse singing his wild song over our mountains and through our valleys, 
 and carrying in his train the fruits of our labor to pour into the lap of our commerce. They 
 see beautiful homes, and green fields, and schools and churches ; they see our hills laden 
 with slumbering wealth, and our plains rich in all that a bountiful God could bestow ; and 
 with all these blessings they behold our laborers beggared, our commerce crippled, the rude 
 music of our forges and the hum of our spindles silenced—all—all because the Democratic 
 'party has made Free Trade its favorite policy. Will such men, those who seek in vain the 
 privilege to toil, and to enrich our State by the development of its wealth; will such men 
 turn upon themselves again, and vote even a doubtful ticket, on the question of protecting 
 their own labor? Will they vote even a doubtful ticket on the question of protecting the ter¬ 
 ritories as free homes for themselves and their children ? Will they vote even a doubtful 
 ticket on the question of a slave-code, that would plant the menial slave beside them in 
 every field and shop in the West, and degrade and dishonor their labor? Will they vote 
 even a doubtful ticket on the question of Disunion? Never! 
 
 But it is answered that Mr. Foster is for a Protective Tariff—that he voted against the 
 repeal of the tariff of 1842. True, he did so, and he boastingly refers to his record as proof 
 positive of his fidelity on this question. The same year he voted with David Wilmot for the 
 Wihnot Proviso. Is that record proof positive of his convictions now ? Is a vote for the 
 tariff in 1846 to preclude inquiry as to his position, while a vote for the Wilmot Proviso, 
 cast during the same session, is not to be regarded as indicating his policy on the Slavery 
 
3 
 
 question ? He now denounces the men who think and act as he thought and acted in Con¬ 
 gress on the issue of restricting Slavery, as sectional agitators ; but a single vote for the 
 tariff is to remove all suspicion as to his fidelity to Protection. 
 
 Henry D. Foster is the foe of a Protective Policy! I would not do him injustice. Our 
 cause does not require that at our hands. He was a party to the great fraud of 1844, that 
 carried Pennsylvania for Mr. Polk over Mr. Clay, on the ground that the Tariff of 1842 
 should not be disturbed. With the inauguration of President Polk, Henry I). Foster en¬ 
 tered Congress, and when the perfidy of that Administration on this question became mani¬ 
 fest, he was silent as the grave. His voice w r as not heard asserting the claims of his own 
 people as himself and the Democratic party had professed to recognize them, and as his 
 very manhood required him to do. He meekly voted against the repeal, and then fell into 
 the arms of the Administration that was reeking with a fraud practiced upon his own con¬ 
 stituents and brethren. Fourteen years ago this scene was enacted in Washington. Since 
 then Mr. Foster has been on the stump, in our Legislative halls, and strove to be both a 
 national Senator and Representative. During all these fourteen years, his voice has never 
 been heard in repudiation of the perfidy of the Democratic party in giving us free trade, 
 with its endless train of desolation, for the protective tariff of 1842. He steadily and with¬ 
 out protest, voted for free trade members of Congress, for free trade Governors, for free trade 
 Presidents, and wherever his party has led he has followed it. It has led undeviaiingly for 
 free trade , and no one followed more complacently than Henry D. Foster ! 
 
 At last, however, he is presented as a candidate for Governor. His own State is pros¬ 
 trated in the dust by a financial revulsion, brought on by the legitimate results of Free 
 Trade. Our specie was drained from us to pay for foreign fabrics, and our labor left unem¬ 
 ployed and beggared at home. Disaster could not but follow, and three years ago the storm 
 broke with relentless fury upon our people. The stoutest hearted quailed beneath the 
 stroke, and thousands went down to bankruptcy and ruin, while other thousands have to¬ 
 day but half recovered from the blow. Adversity taught its lesson, and our merchants, our 
 mechanics, our business men, our manufacturers, and all others who live by their industry, 
 resolved that the Government must afford protection. They appealed to a Democratic Ad¬ 
 ministration in vain, and they are now about to strike decisively for their own labor and for 
 their own firesides. The storm gathers over the head of the long-silent Foster, and he 
 makes a pilgrimage to Washington, and has it duly chronicled by telegraph that he had 
 gone there to pass the Morrill tariff bill. ^ 
 
 It would naturally be supposed that when he went there and found the fate of the tariff 
 in the hands of a Democratic Senate, he would demand as a matter of right to hia prostrated 
 brethren a protective policy. He could well have said “Gentlemen, the tariff of 1842 was 
 perfidiously destroyed, and free trade given in exchange.by a Democratic Administration. 
 It was done in violation of our plighted faith, and it has brought desolation to every section 
 of our State. It has paralyzed thousands of strong arms and brought want to their homes; 
 it has left our boundless wealth to slumber in our hills, it has crippled our commerce by 
 denying it the rich fruits of a prosperous and diversified industry; and in the name of my 
 great State, and in the name of my suffering brethren, I demand the fostering care of the 
 General Government, by the passage of the Protective Tariff bill now before you for consi¬ 
 deration.” Such, however, was not his language. He implored them to pass the Tariff, 
 “ for,” said he, “ if you defeat the Tariff, Col. Curtin will defeat me overwhelmingly. I will 
 not have the ghost of a chance !” This was the first Tariff speech Henry D. Foster made in 
 fourteen years ! 
 
 Rut what of his mission ? Where are its fruits ? Free trade still reigns ! Col. Curtin 
 was there begging for Protection, not for his own sake, but for his native State ; and not a 
 man in the Senate, opposed to the Democracy, failed to vote for it. By Democratic vote' 
 alone it was defeated, after it had passed the House by a decisive majority. 
 
 '/ 
 
4 
 
 If it were possible to elect Henry D. Foster Governor, this fall, what would the popular 
 verdict teach on the tariff? Would not every Democratic State South rejoice that Pennsyl¬ 
 vania had voted against the Tariff party? In vain would it be urged that Mr. Foster had 
 yielded to the pressure, and professed to equal Colonel Curtin in his devotion to protection. 
 When Hunter and Slidell, and other Southern Democratic leaders refused to bend against 
 free trade, even to give a ray of life for the Democracy to save Pennsylvania, what would bej 
 their answer if your State should repudiate those who are honestly and consistently identi¬ 
 fied with protection ? It would fix free trade as the settled policy of this Government! Can 
 this be doubted ? But when Pennsylvania shall thunder in favor of protection by the elec¬ 
 tion of Col. Curtin, the People’s candidate for Governor, there will be no mistaking the 
 meaning of her verdict. It will be a demand for protection consistent with her rights, and 
 she will send Senators and Congressmen who will be true to her interests. Then, and not 
 till then, can ice have relief from the terrible blight of Free Trade ! 
 
 I repeat it, Henry D. Foster is not the friend of protection. He cannot be, and remain 
 in the so-called Democratic party. It is the deadly foe of free industry. Its National Con¬ 
 vention at Cincinnati, in 1856, declared directly for “ progressive free trade its Convention 
 at Charleston, in 1860, did the same, and ridiculed and scouted a tariff resolution ; its two 
 Conventions at Baltimore did the same ; and both of its candidates for the Presidency are 
 conspicuous for their hostility to protection. Douglas voted for the repeal of the tariff of 
 1842, and has steadily voted and acted in favor of free trade during his whole Congressional 
 career. Breckinridge has never, by vote or speech, favored protection. Neither would ap¬ 
 prove a tariff bill looking to the protection of our industry; and yet one or the other is sup¬ 
 ported fijr the Presidency by Mr. Foster. Is that the act of,a friend of the tariff? 
 
 I submit to candid men whether this is not a fair and just test of Mr. Foster’s true posi¬ 
 tion on this momentous question. He comes from the ranks of -those who, by*matchless 
 perfidy, gave us Free Trade ; he has acted in their counsels for fourteen years ; he has sus¬ 
 tained them by every vote and act down to the present year, even when the fruits of Free 
 Trade were closing almost every avenue of prosperous industry ; and now, with his pro¬ 
 fessions of friendship lingering on our ears, he will crown his devotion to Free Trade by 
 -voting for a Free Trade candidate for the Presidency, who would, if chosen, hold the fate 
 of the tariff in his hands ! 
 
 I repeat again— Henry D. Foster is the deadly foe of protection ! That he is not its 
 open, manly foe, while striving to inflict the deadliest wounds upon it, can be mentioned 
 only to his shame. 
 
 Looking fairly and dispassionately at the record of Henry D. Foster as made up by his 
 acts, we can tell what interpretation to put upon the vote he shall receive in October next, 
 on the vital issue of protection. Whatever voters may honestly intend, they will be counted 
 for Free Trade—they can mean nothing else. And yet, with the gigantic fraud of 1844 
 familiar to all as household words, and with its sad fruits still reaching every shop, and 
 every counting-room, and every place of business, it is boasted that tariff men will vote for 
 Mr. Foster. It is boasted in every Free Trade caucus throughout the State, that in Phila¬ 
 delphia, the great manufacturing metropolis of our land, American and Tariff votes are to be 
 transferred to Foster. If it be true, all should know it—leaders and masses. If it be false, 
 as I know it is, the American mechanics and laboring men of this City should know that 
 the last death-struggle of our Free Trade rulers is quickened by the hope that the tariff 
 Americans are to fall with them and share their dishonored grave. 
 
 The Boston Pilot demands the defeat of Col. Curtin. His crime is, that he has dared to 
 be a Protestant and an American ; and side by side with it stand the free-trade Democracy 
 —the old, malignant foe of every doctrine of the Americans—and demand his -defeat, be¬ 
 cause he has not declared for John Bell. Is Foster for John Bell ? If so, he is entitled to 
 the votes of those who prefer John Bell for the Presidency. Does he not war upon every 
 
5 
 
 principle and every feature of the public policy of John Bell ? I do not blame the Breck¬ 
 inridge and the Douglas politicians for formally and cordially supporting Mr. Foster. They 
 can make common cause for him, for between them there are two common bonds of union. 
 Both are for free trade ; both are for the spoils ; and each hopes to behead the other if they 
 can succeed. But if Bell men are to vote for Foster, what is to be their return ? what the 
 consideration ? You see it telegraphed now, from here and from Washington, to the seces¬ 
 sion journals, that the Bell men are to join hands and save Foster. It was announced at 
 the Breckinridge Headquarters in Washington, but a few nights ago, b} 7 Hon. John M. 
 Laundrum and other disunion leaders, that they had cheering news f rom the North ! —that 
 the Bell men had joined to defeat Lincoln, and that “ they were non) sure of the election of 
 . either Breckinridge by the House, or Lane by the Senate .” It was boastingly added that 
 the Breckinridge party meant to make the Bell men the instruments by which they would 
 again ride into power, and rapturous applause went up from the delighted disunionists. I 
 do not for a moment suppose that the masses of the Bell men, either here or elsewhere, 
 mean thus to place the destiny of this great Republic in the hands of reckless secessionists; 
 but I do know that the only hopes inspired for the black flag of disunion in this contest, 
 have been based upon the expected aid of the Bell men of Pennsylvania, New York, and 
 New Jersey. If the Bell men vote the free trade and disunion State ticket, to elect John 
 Bell President, and the disunionists themselves vote the same ticket, to elect either Breck¬ 
 inridge or Lane President, who is to be cheated ? There is fraud to be practiced upon some 
 party. Upon whom is it to fall ? The Breckinridge men seem to know full well that it is 
 not to fall upon them. The Custom House officials of this City, who have had Mr. Foster 
 in close keeping while here, seem to know that they are not to be cheated by polling a 
 large vote for him. They feel quite easy that each vote for Foster is to count with all the 
 moral force that votes can possess, for Free Trade, for Breckinridge, for Buchanan. They 
 do not toil and sacrifice their means in vain. They do not rely upon vague promises and 
 remote contingencies. They could not be persuaded that with one vote to start on, Breck¬ 
 inridge could be elected President in the House ; or that with but two to count certain, 
 Lane could be chosen in the Senate. They leave that kind of faith to the friends of John 
 Bell, while they keep candidates for Governor within their own exclusive circle, and count 
 their votes for President in the House and Senate by the’ ancient rule of simple addition. 
 
 Imagine, if you will, that a majority of the votes of this great city of workshops and fac¬ 
 tories, shall be cast for Henry D. Foster for Governor. I care not by what combinations, or 
 by what means, or with what assurances, it may be done. There is not a disunionist who 
 would not shout himself hoarse over the triumph, there is not a foe to free industry who 
 w T ould not be wild with joy, there is not an advocate of a slave-code who.would not hail 
 your city as striking for the universal dominion of slavery, there is not a slaver upon your 
 coast that would not take fresh courage in its brutal traffic, for the City of Brotherly Love 
 would be heralded from one end of the Union to the other as striking a decisive blow for 
 the right of secession, for free trade, for slavery extension. What share woidd the friends 
 of John Bell have in the triumph ? A patriotic and unspotted public life -would be closed 
 in the palsied arms of free trade and disunion Democracy—its lustre dimmed, its setting 
 sun clouded with dishonor, its end a starless night. 
 
 I do not fear that the laboring men of Philadelphia can be either bribed or bullied into 
 the support of the free trade candidate for Governor; but some may be defrauded as free trade 
 has defrauded honest men before. If the Foster men were to come before you manfully and 
 declare, “ We are the authors of free trade and its defenders, come and cast your votes with 
 us”—not one—no, not one would do so. But they come with gifts and fair promises, and 
 mean to betray, as they have betrayed in times gone by. They come with the professions 
 of devotion to protection, and mean that no Tariff man shall be chosen President by their 
 votes! They beg of the Bell men to elect Foster, in order to defeat Lincoln. And what 
 do they promise for John Bell? What is the entertainment to which men are invited? 
 
6 
 
 Suppose you could elect Foster and defeat Lincoln—what then ? Is there a Free Trade and 
 Disunion, or even a Popular Sovereignty Democrat, who will give any tangible assurance 
 that he will vote for John Bell in the House, or Everett in the Senate ? Are avowed Dis- 
 unionists, who hold the power in the Democratic Congressional and Senatorial delegations, 
 to stamp the lie upon themselves by voting for Bell and Everett? The question is a fair 
 one; who is prepared to answer it ? Granted for a moment, that an election by the people 
 is to be defeated, that the popular will is to be ignored, and the Presidency to be thrown 
 into the hands of a few T reckless political gamblers. When confusion and chaos shall come 
 upon us, when the country shall be convulsed from centre to circumference, and the integ¬ 
 rity and power of this Government is about to be tested to an extent never approached in 
 our history, who then shall claim the victory? John Bell wall have one— but one —vote in . 
 the House, and the votes of six men can make Breckinridge President ! Stephen A. Doug¬ 
 las would have but one vote in the House, and under no circumstances could he command 
 any more. If Hamlin and Lane are the men who would be returned to the Senate in case 
 of a failure to elect in the House, Breckinridge might fail of an election, for Lane would all 
 the better serve the purposes of the Free Trade Disunionists, and they could easily elect 
 him ; but if Hamlin and Everett should be the men who must pass the ordeal of an election 
 in the Senate, the House would make the President. Six men coidd do it, and there are 
 twenty from whom to select the six. He who supposes that the House would not make the 
 election, with so few votes wanted and such vast interests at stake, has read history and 
 studied mankind to little purpose. In such a contest, it becomes men to look results squarely 
 in the face. I repeat, who would be the victors by the election of Foster, if it is to bring 
 with it the defeat of an election for President by the people ? Let reason and truth dictate 
 the answer ! 
 
 In New York, pretended leaders of the Americans, who are in the interests of the Free 
 Trade Democracy, have transferred themselves to Douglas, and are* now striving to force 
 the masses of the party into the arms of nearly the only consistent free trader of our leading 
 statesmen. The New York Express appeals to the Bell men to vote the truck and dicker 
 ticket, to elect John Bell, while its editor, James Brooks, stumps Maine for Douglas! 
 
 In New Jersey, the same class of men have gone into the arms of the Disunionists and 
 arranged their votes for Breckinridge. Here the same fraud is to be attempted to transfer 
 the Americans to Free Trade and Foster, backed by the Boston Pilot, the New York Ex¬ 
 press, the Freeman’s Journal, the Washington Constitution, and the two mendicant govern¬ 
 ment organs of this city—the Argus and the Pennsylvanian. It will be done in the name 
 of John Bell—in the name of Protection. But when that day comes, let those who wish to 
 cast their votes on their own account, look well before they deposit their ballots. 
 
 The October contest in Pennsylvania will settle the f uture tariff policy of the Govern¬ 
 ment. When Col. Curtin shall be chosen Governor, the verdict cannot be mistaken. It 
 will have no double or doubtful meaning. It will be squarely, unqualifiedly, for protection. 
 With him, and with him only, can a Legislature be chosen, that will send an honest friend 
 of the tariff to the Senate, in room of Governor Bigler ; and with him, and with him only, 
 can be carried a delegation to Congress that can command protection to our languishing 
 industry. He who thinks otherwise, or permits himself to be led otherwise, turns upon him¬ 
 self with suicidal hands. Col. Curtin is not only for protection himself, but all his party, 
 here and elsewhere, are unwavering friends of the same policy. His election will speak for 
 the revival of our prostrated brethren in distinct and unequivocal tones; it. will place the 
 tariff party of the country in power, and will declare the same principle from the home of 
 Hamlin to the grave of Broderick. 
 
 But the Free Trade and Disunion party will not stop with attempting a startling fraud 
 upon the Americans. In its death throes it will reach wildly for aid to friend and foe—to 
 those who have shared its favors and to those over whom it has thrown its withering blight. 
 
7 
 
 It will turn to the commerce it has crippled, and beg to be saved from its just, but fearful 
 doom. It will plead in the name of the Union it has wantonly and wickedly thrown into 
 sectional discord; and some, it may be, will hearken to its appeal. I come from a portion 
 of our State where revulsions fall lightly upon our people. So long as seed-time and har¬ 
 vest shall come in their order, we hope for plenty and to spare. We are strangers to the 
 rule that would govern opinion by the laws of trade. AYe pour the teeming wealth of our 
 rich valleys into the lap of your commerce, but we exact no political duties in return. AVe 
 ask all men to be just to themselves, to their own great State, to their common country. 
 AVe know where fall the deadliest blows when the dark day of disaster comes. They 
 fall not upon our rich fields, for their golden harvests come though your ships 
 should rot at your wharves. It may reach us, and cloud our prosperity ; but its ter¬ 
 rible fury falls here, and scatters desolation in its course. In 1857, when the full fruits 
 of Free Trade burst upon the country, its keenest thrusts came to the heart of your 
 commerce. There is scarcely a merchant in all your city who did not stagger beneath 
 that revulsion; and how many have disappeared in utter bankruptcy? AVho, in your 
 commercial circles escaped it? What counting-house did not find disaster hovering 
 around it? Many, very many, fell to rise no more. Many others have bent beneath the 
 storm, and now struggle in concealed embarrassment, hoping for the return of prosperity. 
 All, all were crippled, more or less, and still the fruits of free trade linger in your midst. 
 Your Banks were closed against you in the hour of peril; their specie had been drained 
 from them to pay for European labor while our own brethren begged in vain for the boon of 
 requited industry. Now the authors of all this desolation are trembling before the threat¬ 
 ened reprobation of a long deceived and often betrayed people. They see the retributive 
 stroke aimed at them with fatal precision, and in the recklessness of despair, they turn to 
 the commerce they have paralyzed and to the Americans they have spurned, and beg, as 
 did the evil ones of old, to be let alone in their terrible supremacy. 
 
 I cannot pursue the investigation of these questions as I would wish. The brief time 
 usually devoted to a single speech, is altogether inadequate to the task. But I must impress 
 upon all candid and patriotic men the truth that the votes to be cast for Governor, in a few 
 weeks, will tell for years to come, for the weal or woe of our great industrial interests. Nor 
 will the significance of the popular verdict in October, stop'Vith the vital question of the 
 honor and the prosperity of our labor. AYhen disunion is openly avowed and threatened ; 
 when it is boldly declared that the decision of the people in the selection of a Chief Magis¬ 
 trate will be insolently defied ; when our Territories are thrown open to the fatal tread of 
 the menial slave, and free homes refused to our own sons, who would make the AVestern 
 plains bloom and blossom as the rose ; when our treasury is bankrupt, and our national 
 debt steadily increasing; when official corruption and profligacy have impoverished us at 
 home and disgraced us abroad, and when States are persistently refused admission into the 
 Union, for the single crime of devotion to free labor, the people of Pennsylvania must feel 
 that their votes in October will speak trumpet-tongued for the cause of right or for the 
 cause of wrong. That they shall speak for truth, for freedom, for our free industry, and 
 for the integrity of the Union, we owe it to ourselves, to our country, to our posterity, and 
 to God! 
 
I 
 
 ; ' ... .i 
 
 PHILADELPHIA CITY 
 
 COMMITTEE OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 
 
 President: JOHN" D. WATSON". 
 Secretaries: JOHN J. FRANKLIN, THOS. J. SMITH. 
 
 WARDS. 
 
 1. JOHN SHAFFER. 
 
 2. THOS. H. LEABOURN. 
 
 3 . park’t McLaughlin. 
 
 4. JOHN M. BUTLER. 
 
 5. JOHN J. FRANKLIN. 
 
 6. SAM’L S. MONEY. 
 
 7. JOHN D. WATSON. 
 
 8. HENRY McINTIRE. 
 
 9. JAMES FREEBORN. 
 
 10. W. HART CARR. 
 
 11. WM. ANDRUS. 
 
 12. EDW’D SIMPSON. 
 
 WARDS. 
 
 13. EDW’D G. MARCH. 
 
 *14. EDW’D E. WALLACE. 
 
 15. SAM’L DANIELS. 
 
 16. THOS. J. SMITH. 
 
 17. JESSE LETTSO. 
 
 18. RICH’D WOOD. 
 
 19. JNO. F. TRENCHARD, M.C. 
 
 20. GEORGE W. MOONEY. 
 
 21. JOHN F. PRESTON. 
 
 22. HENRY R. COGGSIIALL. 
 
 23. THOS. DICKSON. 
 
 24. J. ALEX’R SIMPSON. 
 
 
 KING & BAIRD, PRINTERS, 
 
 NO. 601 SANSOM STREET, PHILADELPHIA.