ITED BY *t.;S A ill Xnd revised report OP THE DAIS’ DISCUSSION IN THE » JBI.IN CORPORATION, ON THE L OF THE UEIO WITH DEDICATION 7 BNELIUS MAQ LOGHLIN, ESQ ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OP IRELAND DANIEL O’CONNELL, M.P. BLISH .PPENDIX, AND THE PETITION FROM THE CORPO ION TO TIIE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT FOR .1 '%" ' C U 4 STORATION OP IRELAND’S DOMESTIC LEGISLATURE. EVY, ESQ. THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY From the collection of James Collins, Drumcondra, Ireland. Purchased, 1918. •.•Vu .• FULI^ CORPORATION OF DUBLIN REPEAL OF THE UlXi^r— ' WITH DEDICATION TO .*1 CORNELIUS MAC LOGHLIN, ESQ., AND AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. BY DANIEL O’CONNELL, M.P. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, A VALUABLE APPENDIX, AND THE PETITION FROM THE CORPORATION TO THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, FOR THE RESTORATION OF IRELAND’S DOMESTIC LEGISLATURE. EDITED BY JOHN LEVY, ESQ. DUBLIN: PUBLISHED BY JAMES DUFFY, 25, ANGLESEA STREET. REPEAL YEAR MDCCCXLIII. . I k i s‘% 1 . 25. (34-0. ,415" c*/ 9 *- TO CORNELIUS MAC L0G1ILIN, ESQ. Merrion Square, 24th March, 1843. My Esteemed Friend, The Publication of the first fair Debate on the Repeal of the Union ought not to come before the Public without a Dedication. Responsible in a great measure for the accuracy of the work, to whom am I to dedicate it ? Should I not look out for a man whose private life is entirely without blemish, and whose public career is wholly free from error of judgment, or from the stain of one single selfish motive ? Should I not seek for a man who, though zealous, con¬ stant, and persevering for years upon years, in the struggle for the liberty of his country, could never be supposed to be actuated by any view to personal emolu¬ ment, office, promotion, or dignity—except indeed the Patriots’ dignity of unremitting exertion for the good of his native land ? Should not I look for somebody who is respected even by the enemies of the cause he has long advocated, and who is cherished by every friend to the Liberties of his Father-land ? Cornelius Mac Loghlin— Thou art the man! To you then do I dedicate this publication, because it is eminently calculated to break the fetters of your country, and to restore her to Legislative Independence. IV DEDICATION. For more than forty years have you and I worked to¬ gether, in the sacred cause of the Rights of Nature and of Religion. And while the open day-work, which is recom¬ pensed by public applause and public sympathy, was seized upon with avidity by me, how much of the toil of vexatious labour—the obscure and unnoticed, but most useful details of that financial system, without which we could not suc¬ ceed, fell into your willing and most efficient hands ? Even in all the pressure and bustle of your prosperous mercantile concerns, you found time to pay the same atten¬ tion to the affairs of the Irish People that you paid to your own individual concerns; and—blessed be God!— you are now, in advanced life, with as much personal energy, with as clear and unclouded an intellect, and w r ith as warm and affectionate a heart for the loved land of your birth, as you were when we began our career together. You find the abundant recompense for all your toils and exertions, in the opening prospect of better days for old Ireland. To YOU do I DEDICATE this BOOK. Proud of the opportunity, I thus publicly assure you, that I am, My Dear Friend, Respectfully and Affectionately Yours, DANIEL O’CONNELL, M.P. TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. For you this debate was instituted. For you this work is published. To your freedom and prosperity every moment of my life is devoted. Read this debate attentively; and if your friends do not convince you, I think your opponents will! Carry with you through all the operations of your every-day life these truths:— Firstly—That there is not the least possibility of govern¬ ing Ireland advantageously for her People, through the means of the British Parliament. Secondly—That the only measure calculated to arouse all her People to such exertion as would entitle us to, and insure success, is the Repeal of the Union. Thirdly—That the time emphatically is come when the Irish People can obtain that Repeal, if they are wise enough and virtuous enough to combine peacefully in an overwhelming majority for the Restoration of the Irish Parliament. Fourthly—That there is no real obstacle to the Repeal of the Union, but an apprehension arising out of our past dissensions and struggles for Emancipation, that the Repeal would be followed by religious intolerance and sectarian animosity. There never was a more unfounded apprehension. The causes of irritation being removed, the irritation itself could not continue. Men of Ireland ! your duty is so to conduct yourselves as to obliterate every such apprehension. Exert your- VI DEDICATION. selves unremittingly to exhibit kindness, affection, concili¬ ation, and cordiality, towards persons of all sects, and of every persuasion. Let us leave the settlement of our religious differences to grace, to piety, to the mercies of God, to the merits of the adorable Redeemer. Irishmen ! The more Christian qualities you exhibit, the more Christian charity you display, the more moral virtues you practice; the more profound is your piety before the throne of your Redeemer-—the more shall you advance the temporal interests, and the civil liberties, of your native land. It is a blessed consolation : Patriotism and Religion run in the same channel. And if all Irishmen were to-mor¬ row practical Christians, their legislative independence— fraught with every blessing and every prosperity— would at once burst with renewed existence amidst the joyful acclamation of all. Fellow-countrymen, the “accepted time” has arrived. I OFFER YOU THE REPEAL. If you will but join me with heart and hand, from one extreme of Ireland to the other ; if you will rally with me in peace, in loyalty, in legal and constitutional exertion, in the absence of all riot, tumult, or violence—your country can be free ; your country will be free; your country MUST be free. Irishmen ! I proudly offer you the Repeal of the Union. Tt is in your own hands. Your Devoted Servant, DANIEL O’CONNELL. Dublin, 24th March, 1843. PREFACE. TO THE READERS OF THE DISCUSSION. I did intend to write a lengthened Preface to this Dis¬ cussion, but the extent to which it has run, making as you see a volume of considerable size, precludes me from doing so. It may, however, be enough to express a hope that I have fulfilled the task I have undertaken to the satisfaction of all who feel an interest in the important question which has given rise to this debate. The print¬ ing was executed and the paper supplied by Mr. Duffy, the spirited publisher of Anglesea-street, and it will be seen that no expense has been spared to bring the work out in a way creditable to the Dublin press. The speeches of Mr. O’Connell, as taken from the Freeman’s Journal , have been all corrected and revised by himself—the other speakers also got an opportunity of correcting their speeches—some availed themselves of it, and with regard to those who did not I endeavoured to make such amendments as I deemed necessary, without interfering with the sense sought to be conveyed, or the subject matter touched upon by the speaker. The Freeman’s Journal , Saunders , Warder , and Weekly Register , are the papers to which I am indebted for the original reports ; but it will be seen that they have all been corrected and revised, and that even the important and comprehensive speech of Mr. Staunton, which was taken from his own journal, contains many material amendments which, in the hurry of newspaper composition, were neces¬ sarily omitted. Vlll PREFACE. As to the value and importance of the whole work, it would be superfluous to say one word—it speaks for itself, and I have no doubt, that not only the present edition, but many others, will meet a ready sale. I may say for my¬ self, that I have been long connected with the Repeal question, having some years ago started a Newspaper in this City ( The Repealer) to advocate it, by which I lost upwards of fifteen hundred pounds—that loss has not damped my ardour for the cause of legislative indepen¬ dence, which I believe will be materially assisted by hav¬ ing put into a durable form, a correct and authentic report of this memorable Discussion—in that undertaking I know I shall be sustained by all parties. 20, Holles Street. Dublin, March, 1843. JOHN LEVY. si* . ^ > w REPEAL. DISCUSSION IN THE DUBLIN CORPORATION, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1843. This being the day appointed for bringing forward Alderman O’Connell’s motion for the discussion of the question of Repeal, the Assembly House, in William Street, was, from an early hour in the morning, surrounded by hundreds of the populace, who testified by their presence the deep interest they took in the subject about to be debated, and the anxiety they felt to ascer¬ tain what arguments could be urged against the legislative inde¬ pendence of their native land. It was evident, from the day the hon. and learned Alderman had put his notice of motion on the books of the Corporation, that, not only the citizens of Dublin, but the people of all Ireland, felt that he had taken a course more likely to forward the great cause of Repeal, than any other which human wisdom or foresight could possibly suggest, and the result was looked to with an intensity of interest which it would be impossible to describe. The great champion of his country’s liberty, accompanied by some members of the Council, arrived in William Street, at half-past 10 o’clock, and was received with deafening peals of acclamation by the people out¬ side, which, as soon as he entered, were renewed by those who had previously filled the house. The other members of the Council arrived in quick succession, and, before 11 o’clock, the gallery and body of the house were filled to suffocation, by those who had been fortunate enough to obtain tickets of admission. The table, in the centre of the Council Chamber, was appropriated to the use of the gentlemen of the public press, for whom every possible accommodation was made, and, on no occasion since the Union, were there ever known to be assembled together so many re¬ porters of the Dublin press, or correspondents of the leading English journals, not only in London, but in some of the pro¬ vinces. The Lord Mayor arrived at 11 o’clock, and was received with the most marked applause, as well by the populace outside, as the members and strangers who filled the house. 10 Mr. Alderman Butt, the great Union advocate, arrived imme¬ diately after, and was warmly greeted by his friends, and some of the members opposed to him, amongst whom was his great opponent O’Connell, who warmly shook hands with him. After some routine business was disposed of, the Lord Mayor moved that the further consideration of the reports be postponed till next council day, as it would be impossible they could then receive calm consideration. The resolution having been carried, his lordship said they had then come to the important business of the day, which was the notice of motion of Alderman O’ Connell, that he would move that a petition be presented to parliament from that Corporation for a Repeal of the Union. On the last day of meeting, he had felt it to be his duty to give utterance to the opinion which he entertained as to the expediency or inexpedi¬ ency of bringing forward such a discussion in such an assembly as that over which he had the honour to preside. He had then said that, in his opinion, such a course of proceeding would be attended with great inconvenience, and would entail much irregu¬ larity, and he was sure that the members, when they looked around them, and contemplated the present state of the house, should be satisfied of that fact, and that if political discussions were to take place in that Council, they had before them a specimen of the inconvenience which would result therefrom, and of the manner in which the course of public business would be impeded (loud cries of “no, no,” from Mr. O’Connell, and other members). Well, that was a matter of opinion; but for himself he thought it his duty to declare his sentiments on the subject, and the same opinion which he had expressed on the last day of meeting he had then no hesitation in repeating. However, he would not occupy any more of their time or attention then, but would call upon Alderman O’Connell to proceed with his motion. Alderman O’CONNELL rose amidst great cheering, and proceeded to address the assembly. He said, I am an Irishman, I am an ardent admirer of the fair and fruitful land of my birth, my fatherland. I am an Irishman, and I have full faith and entire confidence in the noble and exalted qualities of my countrymen, the inhabitants of that land—of all my countrymen (hear hear). I do not divide them into sects, or persuasions, or party sections. I have full faith in them all (hear, hear) ; all partake of the generous, brave, and hospitable spirit, so inherent in my country¬ men ; and if there be an exception, the number is so small, and their motives are so obvious, that they are as nothing against the immense multitudes that I believe to be deserving of national dignity, and dishonored by provincial degradation (hear, hear, and loud cheers). I am proud of the position which I now occupy (loud cheers). It is not merely as the representative of 11 the metropolis of my native land, but standing forward as I do the advocate of Ireland and Irishmen—standing forward for the rights and liberties of Ireland—standing forward to assert that she has a right to be reckoned amongst the nations of the earth, and that the Irish people are not so degraded and dis¬ qualified as to be unfit to govern themselves (cheers). Oh, it is pleasing to reflect that every thing I can possibly say with justice, that every description I can give and prominently put forward, as to the superior fertility, station, and natural qualities of my country, the more, in fact, I can truly praise her, the more I can advance ray own case in this discussion, (hear, hear, hear, and loud cheers). The more I can pay a just tribute to the virtues of her inhabitants, the more are the reasons and arguments augmented and increased by which the demand I make for national regeneration should be irresistibly yielded to, (loud cheers.) My case consists in the importance of Ireland as a nation, my case consists in the merits and virtues of her inhab¬ itants, (loud cheers) ! I feel, I trust, not an ungenerous pity for those who are to be to-day the advocates of the degradation and provincialism of their native land. I unfeignedly pity those w r ho are this day to tell me that the Irish, of all the people of the earth, are unfit for self-government; or to tell me that there is something so mean, low, and despicable in the Irish character that we are unfit to do what every other nation on the face of the earth is fit to do—namely to govern ourselves, (hear). I was not here when the house met on the last day ; but I saw through the medium of the public newspapers that something had been said that there was an implied understanding before your election, my lord, that we were not to discuss political subjects during your year of office, (hear, from tory members). I utterly deny it (cheers from the liberal members). There was no such understanding, and those who cheered were the first to introduce political topics here (hear, from the liberal members). Did they not introduce an address to Earl De Grey and divide on it (cries of they did) ? Did they not introduce a discussion on the wars in China and Affghanistan ? Did they not begin their rambles in Ireland, and go to the borders of Pekin, to find political subjects for discussion in this room and by this assembly, and after all this I hear a cheer from the very gentlemen who intro¬ duced political subjects here, signifying, if that cheer means any thing, that political subjects were prohibited, I however, defy contradiction, when I emphatically say that there was no treaty, no compact, express or implied to forbear the discussion of political subjects in this assembly, (cheers). Would I—could I enter into such a treaty—I, who boasted in the House of Commons that the corporations of Ireland would be normal schools for peaceful agitation, a sentence taken up against me 12 when T proclaimed that one of my great objects in seeking for a reform of the corporations was, that Irishmen of all parties might meet together and discuss those questions deliberately, openly, and manfully (hear, hear, hear) ? Let it be also recollected, that from that chair I proclaimed the same thing (hear). I said no person should know my politics by my judicial conduct as Lord Mayor, but still that I was a Repealer (cheers). Implication there was none. I would scorn to be a party to any such implication, if indeed one word had been said of any such agree¬ ment, I should have loudly and indignantly disclaimed it, as I disclaim it now (hear). Why, the former corporation petitioned upon every political subject (hear). There is not one that they did not petition on. For a repeal of the Union they petitioned three times (hear). And on another question that I took a deep interest in, they petitioned I suppose fifty times (hear). It may be said that was a bad example to follow ; their bad examples I would not follow, but I would follow their good examples (hear). The parliament has taken care to restrain us within very narrow limits in our conduct as a corporate body, and we should not add further degradation to that by restraining ourselves from the expression of political sentiments (hear). I say, then, what is good in the old corporation imitate, and that is, the attention they paid to political affairs, and which was only bad so far as they directed their political exertions to party purposes. I disclaim all party purposes—I heartily condemn them as ludicrous, as well as unwise (hear, hear, and cheers). Indeed, another thing struck me; while I was absent the hon. and learned Alderman challenged me, in terms consistent with that courtesy which he never violates, to a discussion of the question of Repeal; yet now judge my astonishment when I find that he who so emphatically challenged this discussion, has now given notice of an amendment to my Repeal resolution, con¬ demning in express terms all discussion on that subject (laughter and cheers). However, I am glad he is here ready to discuss the question ; and now I am ready to discuss it with him, and to address the observations I have to make to this assemblage, representing as it does the city of Dublin—a city which has suffered such master grievances by the Union, that it would be impossible, I take it, that there should not be a majority of her representatives in favor of the petition (hear, hear). It is not to convince those who are by my side, whom experience has already convinced by the irresistible evidence of their senses, of their feelings, of the destruction of their property, that I address you. No I stand here to argue with those out of this room, who are ignorant of, and many of whom are adverse to our rights. I from this spot address my arguments to the entire Irish nation, to the British people, to the civilized world, where this discussion will be carried on 13 !■* I# yf k .4 i / /• the wings of the press. I stand here to discuss the question in an assembly of Irish representatives, where I cannot be cried down, and where, however unwilling gentlemen may be to waste their time in listening to a subject on which we differ, I am sure at least to receive courtesy (hear, hear), and that attention will be paid to the arguments proving the value to Ireland of those measures which I propose (hear, hear, and cheers). In another assembly I addressed before, I was foolish enough to take the line of argument showing Ireland would be rendered prosperous by Repeal, but I might as well have addressed the deaf adder (hear). If I showed that England would be rendered prosperous by it, I would no doubt have had a majority; but as surely as it followed that it would be of value to Ireland, that was a decided reason for there being a majority against me (hear). I will now tell the hon. and learned alderman the propositions 1 mean to establish. I am here to assert those nine propositions. First, “ The capability and capacity of the Irish Nation for an Independent Legislature.” Secondly, “ The perfect right of Ireland to have a domestic Parliament.” Thirdly, “ That that right was fully established by the trans¬ actions of 1782.” Fourthly, “ That the most berieficial effects to Ireland resulted from her parliamentary independence.” Fifthly, “ The utter incompetence of the Irish Parliament to annihilate the Irish Constitution by the Union.” Sixthly, “ That the Union was no contract or bargain , that it was carried by the grossest corruption and bribery , added to force , fraud and terror .” Seventhly, “ That the Union produced the most disastrous results to Ireland .” Eighthly, “ That the Union can be abolished by peaceable and constitutional means , without the violation of law , and without the destruction of property or life.” Ninthly, 66 That the most salutary results , and none other , must arise from a Repeal of the Union.” These are the nine propositions which I came here to-day to demonstrate—I say to demonstrate, not as relying on any intel¬ lectual power of mine, or any force of talent, but from the truth and plainness of the propositions themselves (cheers). I will meet the hon. and learned alderman foot to foot—I retort his own challenge to discussion—I now reiterate the challenge with the same courtesy that he exhibited (cheers). It may, perhaps, appear to the assembly that I have opened a very wide held for discussion ; but the question to be resolved includes and involves the liberties of a nation (hear). There are nine millions of human beings interested in the result of this day’s deliberation ; there is one of the finest and most fertile lands on 14 the face of the earth, her property, her productiveness, and the prosperity of her inhabitants, all involved in this day’s discussion (hear, hear). I have, therefore, no apology to make for tres¬ passing on you for a longer time than I could wish. I will not shrink from fully canvassing each of those propositions ; and whatever time is consumed, the importance of the subject is my sole, but my sufficient justification (hear, hear). FIRST-CAPACITY OF IRELAND FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. My first proposition is the capability of the Irish nation for independent legislation; and I turn, Sir, at once to the physical and natural advantages of my native land. Look at her position on the map of the world, an island the best placed in the entire universe for commercial relations. It is the last portion of the western European world, and it is the first land that is arrived at in coming from the hundred and increasing states of the west (hear). It is impossible, therefore, to have any land better situated to the entrepot of the commerce of the world; and to this great advantage is added this further qualification, that her harbours have been remarkable for their superiority over those of other countries from the days of Agricola to the present day (hear). They are celebrated by Tacitus, and they are acknow¬ ledged to be the most safe and secure of any other country to the present hour. She is better situated for commerce than any other country in the world. Her harbours were better known to merchants than any other, at a time when the only question was their advantageous position for commerce. Long before political jealousy, and the foul and hideous disposition to trample on a sub¬ ject land, which every master power entertains, had blighted the blessings of providence to Ireland. Before that period the Roman historian tells us that merchants more frequented the harbours of Ireland, and in greater numbers, than the harbours of England (hear). See what her physical position, and the capability of using that position, the advantages to commerce, these harbours afford (hear). I am repeating things that are familiar ; but this, in my opinion, is the great Repeal year, and it is necessary to lay a basis for that Repeal broad as the green isle we inhabit (cheers). Look to the recent accidents in the nautical world—have in re¬ collection the hundreds that have recently perished in sailing vessels laden with valuable cargoes, having voyaged from the East Indies and southern coasts of America. When the crews are exhausted as they attempt to struggle up the channel with a lee shore on one side or the other, when under such circumstances the wintry storms blow they perish and are lost, and life and property are destroyed (hear, hear). If Ireland had justice done to her, she would be the entrepot for those vessels and their cargoes, instead of Liverpool, with her sandbanks, or even Lon¬ don, with the dangers of heir river; w'ould be safely landed in 15 Cork or Waterford, if these cities were the depots for those goods, these vessels would have delivered their cargoes in safety, and every man that perished would be now alive. The circulation of the cargoes from our ports through the empire would be most rapid through means of the steam-boats that By between the two countries. Besides this, the water-power of Ireland exceeds that of any other nation. Her water-power is capable of turning the wheels of the machinery of Europe. It is a healthful, cheerful, cleanly power, free from the filth and stench and hideousness of your steam power. Ireland has all these advantages, and she is inhabited by nine millions of, I will say, as brave a people as there is on the face of the earth—certainly as generous a people. I appeal to the reports of the English House of Commons, the result of evidence brought before it, that a more moral people than the people of Ireland do not exist; and in all the private relations of life—in those of husband, wife, sister, mother, parent, child—I ask, if in all those relations, do they not evince an equality with, if not a superiority over, the other nations of Europe (cheers) ? I need add not to these the moral miracle of temperance that now pervades the entire extent of the land ; but I ask, what country on the face of the earth but Ireland can exhibit the spectacle of five millions of persons, all voluntarily abandoning the great luxury of their station, and devoting themselves to eradicate vice and crime from the land, and to do away as much as they possibly can with poverty and destitution from amongst them ? No ; her people are moral, generous, hospitable, brave. They are a tem¬ perate and religious people—for, blessed be God, differing as we have done in doctrine and tenets, still there never has been any¬ thing like infidelity amongst us. We have differed, but we are all Christians—we have differed, but still religion has been the im¬ pression of all; and while those who have protested against what they call my errors, and while I, in turn, believe them to be in error, even they must admit the unalterable fidelity of the Irish people to their religious opinions during two and a half centuries of the most grievous persecution ever known on the globe (hear, hear). I repeat, that such fidelity as theirs has not been equalled in any country on the face of the earth ; and I here ask, is such a country and such a people incapable or unfit for domestic legis¬ lation (hear, hear) ? I have compared her with the nations of the world. I have taken the different countries that are independent, and have governments of their own. I have taken their area and surface, and I find that Ireland contains 32,201 square miles, or, in other words, is 4,649 miles larger than Portugal, 4,473 miles larger than Bavaria and Saxony taken together, 409 miles larger than the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, 233 miles larger than the 16 independent states of Sardinia, Wurtemburg, and Baden, taken together; 1,285 miles larger than the kingdom of Hanover, and I add to it the Papal States and Tuscany; 9,609 miles larger than Denmark, Hesse Darmstadt, and the Electorate of Hesse united; 5,565 miles larger than Greece and Switzerland, and 13,065 miles larger than the kingdoms of Holland and Belgium united (hear). In capacity, therefore, and extent of surface and soil, she is greater than all these; and I may also justly add, that in fruitfulness she exceeds all these nations, though they all be independent states (hear, hear). But then I take the other in¬ gredient of power—namely, population and revenue—and I find that of 18 independent states in Europe, Ireland exceeds every one of them in those points, and is equal to two or more of the European nations, leaving only four countries, including Russia, that are more numerous in their population, and possessed of greater revenue. The first of these is Baden, with a population of 1,231,309, and a revenue of 1,086,000/. Now, the population of Ireland is nearly nine millions, while her revenue amounts to upwards of five millions of pounds sterling. And let me add, by way of pa¬ renthesis, that Ireland has more than four and a-half millions of actual revenue, while of her local taxation, the grand jury tax alone amounts to another million; so that if I said her revenue was six millions, I would be nearer accuracy ; therefore, in stat¬ ing her revenue to be five millions, I am infinitely lower than what it really is. I now proceed with my list. Bavaria has a population of 4,315,469, and a revenue of 3,030,000/. STATES. POPULATION. REVENUE. Belgium, 4,230,000 £3,500,000 Denmark, ... 2,096,000 1,549,444 Minor German States, 4,485,188 3,096,300 Greece, 810,000 364,000 Hanover, 1,688,285 1,080,000 Holland, 2,820,000 3,364,580 Naples and Sicily, ... 7,975,850 3,325,000 Papal States, Poland, 2,590,000 4,188,222 1,786,000 Portugal, 3,530,000 2,091,000 Sardinia, Saxony, 4,500,000 2,200,000 1,618,495 1,110,000 Sweden and Norway, 4,156,900 1,792,000 Switzerland 2,184,096 412,000 Tuscany, 1,330,000 580,000 Wurtemburg, 1,690,287 929,000 In Poland there is no means of ascertaining her revenue in her present unhappy state. Thus are there eighteen of the inde¬ pendant states of Europe, and not one of them has the population, while scarcely any of them has one-half the revenue of Ireland, and 17 none of them has any thing like the entire amount of her revenue. I add to these Turkey, with a population of 9,000,000, and are- venue of 3,500,000/., and Spain with a population of 12,286,941, and a revenue of 5,700,000/., insisting on an equality for Ireland with both of these. The only states in Europe that I admit to be superior to Ireland in their amount of population and revenue, are—Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia (hear, hear). I thus, therefore, show, by the unerring evidence of statistical returns prepared some time ago for other purposes, that of eighteen in¬ dependent states, each supporting separate governments, and maintaining themselves in independence and authority, Ireland stands highest, and superior to all in population and revenue; and I have already shown that she stands higher than them in extent; and after the other facts of revenue and population I have stated, I need not assert again that in productiveness she is also superior to them. It may be said that I have made out too strong a case, and it may be objected to it that I would seek to establish the total in¬ dependence of Ireland. I certainly do prove that she is capable of a separate and single existence as a first rate power. But I want not that. I know too well the advantages of a connexion with another powerful country, to seek a separation from England, and I seek not to throw the property and the lives of the nation into jeopardy for any change of government or of crowned heads (hear, hear). The sovereignty of our beloved Queen is no bur¬ then or weight to the state; the crown is known now only for good, and the man would be insane who thought of conferring any benefit on his country by shifting that crown from the brow by which it is now adorned and dignified (cheers). I want only to show what we are all capable of. I make no sectarian difference-— I include all—Protestant, Presbyterian, and Catholic. My object is to benefit all—to do good to my countrymen of every persua¬ sion alike, and to confer on every man the advantages that I seek for those who agree with me in religious opinions. It is that for which I struggle. Perhaps it may be said that these are sentiments formed for the occasion, and announced at the present time for a particular purpose. Allow me to say—and it is gratifying to myself, and I trust not disagreeable to those around me, to mention it—that I do not borrow those opinions for this or any other occasion, but that they have been the leading doctrines of the entire of my political life. I took part in the opposition to the measure of 1800. I heard in this room a debate against the Union, at a meeting of the Irish bar ; and on that occasion Saurin addressed the meeting from about the very spot where I now stand (hear, hear). The motion was then carried by a great majority ; the minority was only 32; but it is curious enough that there was 18 not one of these 32, who has not since been placed or pensioned; and, by a stranger coincidence, three of them are still on the bench (hear, hear). Whether the termination of this debate may not also tend to the promotion of some parties in this room I know not (hear, hear, and laughter). That event I solemnly declare I would not regret. I wish gentlemen the full advantage of it; and it is a consolation to me that, in making exertions for the cause of Ireland, if I do not succeed in doing any good for my country, I at least help in conferring benefits on individuals (hear, hear, and laughter). The first time that I ever addressed a public assemblage when I shuddered at the echo of my own voice, was on the 13th of January, 1800. That was my maiden speech, and it was made against the Union (loud cheers). I may here observe, by way of parenthesis, as a proof of the resistance that was given by the authorities to the expression of public opinion at the period when the Union was carried, that when we, the Catholics of Dublin, met in the Royal Exchange, in pursuance of advertisements in¬ serted for a fortnight previously in the newspapers, and for the purpose of petitioning against the Union, the chair was scarcely taken when we heard the measured tread of approaching mili¬ tary, and Major Sirr entered at the head of a large force of soldiers, who arranged themselves along three sides of the room. Major Sirr called upon the secretary for the resolutions that were to be proposed, and after perusing them twice over, he then graciously permitted us to go on (hear, hear). Undismayed by this interruption, I addressed the meeting, and I wish to shew what my sentiments then were by reading a paragraph from my published speech. I can bear testimony to the accuracy of the report, because I wrote it myself (laughter). The original is in the hands of a member of my family. Here is what I said:— “ There was another reason why they should come forward as a “ distinct class—a reason which, he confessed, made the greatest “ impression upon his feelings. Not content with falsely assert- , , downe, also, in making a motion on the state of Ireland in the cLcHKbdttfa same year, said—“ The revenue in 1807 amounted to 4,378,241/. * ~ “ That between that year and 18TST, additional taxes had been “imposed, which were estimated to produce 3,376,000/.; and “ that so far from an increase to the revenue having been the re- “suit, there was a great decline—the revenue in 1821 having “been only 3,844,889/., or 533,000/. under the amount before “ the imposition of three millions and a half of new taxes. He had, “ on a former occasion, stated it to be his opinion that the repeal “ of the taxes in Ireland would tend mainly to the revival of ma- “ nufactures in that country, and bringing it into a prosperous “ condition. It was objected to him on that occasion, that he “ sought, by giving large and exclusive advantage to Ireland, to “raise her up into a manufacturing country, which should make t. 50 i “ her the rival of England and Scotland. While he disclaimed “ any such intention, he feared Ireland was far indeed from any “such state of prosperity ” —(Hansard, volume XL,page 659). How exceedingly kind and considerate was this declaration on the part of the noble lord to disclaim all intention to raise this our country to the position of a rival to England and Scotland, Oh no—he was not so insensible to English and Scotch interests, as even to think of making Ireland a rival in commerce. He did well to disclaim any such foolish love of justice for Ireland. How his disclaimer proclaims a feregone conclusion! Are we then, my countrymen, to be such vile slaves, to leave it to a foreign and ungenial par liament power t o decide whetKeFwe are to drag on a wretched"existence in pitiful beggary, or to assume the proud position of rivals to any country in creation ? Let us not shrink from the noble duty of placing our country in that enviable posi¬ tion. Oh ! if I could only make you sensible—you gentlemen who oppose me—of the contrast between your present condition and the undying glory which would beam around your names, if, instead of making common cause with the men who would have enthraled your lovely land, you would combine together as of one accord to restore her to her original proud position, and to rank her once more amongst the nations of the earth, there is not one of you, I feel convinced, who would not join me heart and hand in the struggle in which I am engaged, (much cheering). The next ground on which I object to the Union is this, that it delayed the achievement of Catholic Emancipation for nearly thirty years. It kept the country in a ferment of po litical and sectarian strife-Fthe elements oFsociety~aTTconfounded and up¬ rooted by the bad passions engendered by religious discord_ Passions which kept alive feelings of rancour and hostilities be¬ tween man and man—Passions which prevented Catholic and Protestant from knowing each other, and from entering into that congenial and sociable communication of feeling which is so well calculated to promote civilization, and dispel bigotry. But for th e Union we sh ould have been ^e mancipated_by our P rotestahr f ellow countr ymerT long before.TnT778 they restored the Cathnlips to the equal enjoyment of all property they then held, and enabled them to acquire long terms for years in lands. In 1782 the Irish Protestants restored the Catholics to the capacity of acquiring every species of freehold property, and to enjoy it equally with Protestants. In 1792 and 1793, the learned professions were to a certain extent opened to Catholics—the grand jury box_the magistracy—partial rank in the army, were all conceded by the Irish Protestants to their Catholic fellow countrymen. But/ greatest of all the elective franchise was restored. Under these circumstances but for the Union, full and com¬ plete Emancipation would have been conceded before 1803. If i r an injury should be inflicted upon us? If we had in reality a Union, they would give us the same reform bill that was given to England and Scotland, and we earned it from them. Were it not for the assistance given them by the Irish members, they would never be able to carry the English reform bill. There was a majority of English members against the passing of the bill; there was a majority of Scotch members against it; but it was carried in the second reading by a majority of the Irish members, which not only compensated for the # English and Scotch majorities, but afforded beyond that compensation a majority in favor of the mea¬ sure (hear). We were deserving of gratitude, and we were treated with contumely; we were entitled to thankfulness, and we were rewarded with contempt (hear, hear). The next iniquity I charge upon the Union is one of a gigantic quality and that is, that it compels the majority of the Irish nation to support the church of the minority . You, gentlemen (addressing the Conservative members), may think that it is one of its bless¬ ings, but I think it is one of its inflictions (hear). I know this, that such a system does not prevail in England or Scotland : for in both those countries the church of the majority of the people is the endowed church. I do not want her endowments for the Church to which I belong. I do not want—Heaven forbid !—to strip any man of vested interests, whatever they be ; but subject to the vested interests, and the total refusal of them by the church to which I have the happiness to belong, and which would be only tarnished by state pay, and defiled by state power, I claim, for the purposes of charity and education, those funds, that ought not to be given to the church of the minority in any country (hear). Let the people of England recollect this for one moment: the Catholics of England amount now to almost more than the pro¬ portion that the Irish Protestants bear to the Irish nation, and would the English people endure that English ecclesiastical reve¬ nues should be handed over to the clergy of the Catholics of England ? I would despise you, much as I respect you, as indi¬ vidual gentlemen, if you consented to it (hear, hear, hear). I would abhor myself if I consented to it; and, in the spirit of jus¬ tice, I would apply to England, if there be a real union between the countries, that the Church temporalities should be ameliorated by a higher order of application (loud cries of hear, hear, hear.) The next evil is one resulting from the Union in which you must all concur with me. It is this, that all the offices in the law, revenue, excise, and government, in all its relations, should not be filled as they are at present, but should be filled by Irishmen (hear). Irishmen should be found every where ; in every office in Ireland there might be a chance Saxon or Scotchman admitted, but the general rule should be to give those offices to Irishmen (hear, hear). The Scotch have a proverb, “ Scotch fish guts for Scotch sea mews.” Now, I would not go that length ; but I 56 do insist that nothing can be more disastrous than giving the offices the people of Ireland pay for to foreigners of any kind (hear, from the Conservative benches). I knew this was a chord that I could touch you on (laughter). Have you not an English Chan¬ cellor, and tell me would we have an English judge in Ireland if we had the Repeal of the Union ? English barristers have been turned into attorneys, that they may do the English fiscal business in this country (hear). I was not sorry to hear the cry that was raised against the appointment of Lord Campbell as Lord Chan¬ cellor, and I wish I heard it re-echoed when another complacent, mild, and gentlemanlike individual was appointed (laughter)—an individual who seems so well to understand the feelings of the Irish people, and who is so meek, and mild, and complacent as he is (laughter). There is one thing I give him credit for, and it is this, he is indiscriminate in his treatment of the bar ; he is not a bit more partial to one party than another, instead of that being to my mind a recommendation in his favor, I have a sufficient professional spirit about me bitterly to regret that the talent and cultivated taste of men desiring to lead the Irish bar should all be subject to the rude process of contumely (hear, hear). But to return to the subject to which I was adverting ; all those offices are at present filled by Englishmen or Scotchmen; if, for example, you go down to the custom-house, you will hear nothing there but the clip of the English tongue or the Scotch accent, half swearing, half praying (laughter). Oh ! let us have Irishmen for Ireland without any distinction but that to which their talents and merits entitle them to. I am glad I have found one subject we are all agreed on, and I need not dwell more upon it (general applause). There is another point upon which I think we will also agree, and that is the disastrous effects of the Union in encouraging absenteeism. Absenteeism is necessarily compelled by the Union to increase. In the year 1782 the absentee rents were under a million—in the year 1842 they exceeded five millions. I have taken them at four millions, hut I have reason to know that they exceeded five millions. At first the English nobleman who had estates in Ireland resided in England; our Irish noblemen followed his example; it next spread to the large landed pro¬ prietors, and it has now spread to every expectant of government. Every man of 500/. a-year thinks now he may emigrate to England, and every man that supposes he has a claim on the government or a member of parliament goes off to London. I say that absen¬ teeism alone would be a sufficient cause for condemning the Union ; and I ask how far is it to go—where is it to stop ? I defy you to state the limits of it, and there is nothing can put a stop to it but an Irish parliament in College-green (cheers). On the contrary, it is daily extending, and that which is one great blot on the history of the state economy of Ireland is, that nine- 57 tenths of its surface belong to absentees, and every thing will be shortly absentee but the serf tenant and the grinding land agent (hear, hear, hear). Another grievance resulting from the Union is—that the sur¬ plus revenue of Ireland is also taken out of the country. If you had justice done to you, don’t you see that in the interval that has elapsed since the Union you could have paid off your share of the debt ? England, that has made you chargeable with her debt, could but for the Union, only make you chargeable with your own debt, and in less than ten years after the Peace if you had an Irish Parlia¬ ment you would have every shilling of the debt paid off, and Ireland would be then the lowest taxed, as well as the most prosperous na¬ tion on the face of the earth. But at present there is at least a mil¬ lion and a-half of surplus taxation, which increases the absentee drain. The annihilation of your manufactures also increases your absentee drain; for the manufactures made in England, and paid for in England, are used in Ireland. Let me now take only six millions, between absentee and surplus revenue, and calculate that sum for the last ten years, and you will see that in that period we have been drained of sixty millions; and if the Union continue for the next ten years, you will be drained of sixty millions more. Recollect, then, if you Repeal the Union, that in ten years you will have sixty millions spent in Ireland that would be spent out of it (hear). Are you now surprised that the poor law commissioners reported that there were 2,385,000 destitute poor in Ireland (hear) ? It is the natural results of the Union, and the strongest demonstra¬ tion of its fatal effects—-the most fruitful land on the face of the globe, the most industrious people : yet, sacred Heaven! 2,300,000 destitute ! these people the epitome of the horrors resulting from the Union, more than two millions destitute, more than one fourth of the entire population, to meet this indescribable misery you have indeed a poor law taxing the poor to support the poor. If an Irish parliament passed a poor law, the landlord, then, would have to pay the poor rate, which would be fixed on his income according to its extent, and not on the occupiers (hear. hear). At present the poor are augmenting, the destitute are accumulat¬ ing, and the poor rate is aggravating, instead of alleviating, our calamities. With these evils pressing on us, it is not prudent, it is not safe to continue this system, for you are only encouraging that which I deprecate, but which must be the result—namely, separation—if you don’t repeal the Union (hear, hear, hear). To illustrate the financial injustice of the Union still more I have now to produce a document to you, from which it appears that the annual amount of taxes repealed in England since the peace is 47,214,338/., and the amount of taxes repealed in Ireland in the same period is 1,575,940/., the taxes repealed or remitted in Ireland being one-thirtieth of those repealed or remit- E 58 ted in Great Britain (hear). Here is another table, composed of the same materials, and coming out of the same shop, makes the quantity repealed in England only 41,085,202/., but it leaves the quantity repealed in Ireland the same number as mentioned above or a little more—it makes it 1,584,211/. (hear). I use those docu¬ ments to show the financial injustice inflicted upon this country by England. They have exonerated themselves from over forty- one millions annually, and they have only exonerated us to the extent of one million five hundred thousand per annum, and our remaining burthen are made one-thirteenth more than it ought by our paying our taxes in British instead of Irish currency I now come to the last head, the universality of the distress of the people of Ireland. I could now exhibit to you a fearful quantity of documents on this point alone, showing the failure of trade, of manufactures, and of commerce of every kind, and showing the increasing destitution throughout the land (hear). But what need I relate these things to you? You are all acquainted with them. The most productive country in the world of her size is Ireland. I have shown its comparative extent to be high amongst the nations of the earth. It is neither barren or unproduc¬ tive waste, for even its bogs are capable of being cultivated, and if they are not reclaimed it is only an evidence of the poverty of those who cannot improve them (hear, hear). But Ireland for her area is the most productive country on the face of the earth. She is never parched by the heat of the summer sun into barrenness, or frozen into sterility by the cold of winter ; her soil is productive, her clime is genial, and her population are active, moral, and industrious (hear). It is a cant in England that they are an idle people ; but how can that be said when they are to be found seeking employment through every part of the world (hear, hear). They are to be found making roads in Scotland, and digging canals in the poisonous marshes of New Orleans. It appeared from the report of the poor law commissioners that there were 2,385,000 destitute poor in Ireland—that is to say, about one- third of the population were living upon charity. Compare this state of things with the details I have given you of the prosperity of the country before the Union, and the scenes that have been described by your chancellors, judges, leading barristers, bankers, ^ merchants, and all the leading authorities in the country. Compare her situation then, under her own parliament, with what it is now, and let no man come to me and state that he will continue this misery, and then go contented to enjoy the luxuries of his home, after giving his vote to accumulate the miseries and perpetuate the poverty of his country (hear, hear). Whatever prejudices may operate on you, and prevent you from cordially co-operating with us for a Repeal of the Union, are worthless. ^ Whatever stands between you and that measure is criminal in the 59 sight of God, and ought to be given up by every honest man (loud cheers). I shall not go further into details, but I will give you one more specimen that will come home to every one of you. I found on my table some days ago a document signed by a physician of eminence and undoubted respectability, Doctor Robert Stack. He belongs to the Meath-street institution for administering relief to the sick, and it commences so far back as ’94 :— 44 The 44 Sick Poor Institution, since its establishment in the year 1794, 44 has shared in the sad reverses which the locality has undergone 44 over which its operations extended. The Liberties of Dublin, 44 once the seat of manufactures and of wealth, have degenerated 44 into the habitation of the decayed or unemployed artisan; the 44 abode of fashion has now become proverbially the haunt of vice, 44 of poverty, and of disease ; hence, while the necessity for such 44 an institution as this has become every day more urgent, the 44 supporters of it have proportionably diminished—as the objects 44 of relief have increased, its friends have decreased. In order at 44 once to perceive this altered state of things, a mere inspection 44 of the returns made at the different periods is all that is necessary. 44 In 1698, patients, 3,640; income, 1,035/. 17s. 1 d. 1841, 44 patients 16,159; income, 367/. 4s. 10c/..” There is a scene for you in the capital of the country ! and who, I ask, will vote for continuing that system ? Who will be a party to augmenting the numbers of the destitute sick and starving ? Who is it that will leave the sick artisan to starve, and his widow and children to pine in want ? Who is it will do this when they find the funds diminishing, while the calls of charity are augmenting (hear, hear) ? Recollect this ; I am addressing the representatives of the people of Dublin—I am addressing the representatives of those men for whose business we are all here : and, I ask, is that a picture you can look upon, and then in sooth say, you have per¬ formed your duty if you vote against this motion (hear, hear) ? I am not going to inflict this list upon you, but I hold it up to show you that I have a list here of the houses of the noblemen and gentlemen in Dublin in 1800, which are now converted into hotels, or divided into small shops; and, in fact, some of them are not occupied at all (hear, hear). I have a list of the manufacturers in the woollen, silk, and cotton trades, from which it appears that the number of tradesmen in Dublin in 1800 amounted to 61,075 ; the number existing in 1834 was 14,446 ; of these there were then idle 4,412, showing a decrease of 51,041 in the employed. I cannot go through the details, but I have the returns taken from the year 1800, and carried down to the present period, yet I am not going to inflict them upon you. I have also here an account of the different manufacturers of the different parts of Ireland, not only of Dublin, but Cork, Limerick, Bandon, Roscrea, Bal- briggan, and Belfast. Any person can see them in the reports 60 of the Repeal Association. They show the accumulating misery of the country—the diminution of employment—the lessening of wages—the fading away of manufactures ; and even the spurt of prosperity which the linen yarn got in Belfast is so precarious, that it depends upon the caprice of the French Minister of Com¬ merce, and has already received a very fearful blow (hear, hear, and loud cheers). . I am now about to read for you an extract from a speech pronounced by the Rev. Doctor Boyton, on Saturday, the 23d of February, 1833 :—“ The exports and imports, as far “ as they are a test of a decay of profitable occupation—so “ far as the exports and imports are supplied from the parlia- “ mentary returns—exhibit extraordinary evidences of the con- “ dition of the labouring classes. The importation of flax- “ seed (an evidence of the extent of a most important source “ of employment) was—In 1790, 339,745 barrels : 1800, 327,621 “ barrels ; 1830, 168,458 barrels. The importation of silk, raw “and thrown, was—In 1790, 92,0911bs.; 1800, 79,060lbs. ; “ 1830, 3,190lbs. Of unwrought iron, in 1790, 2,271 tons; in “ 1800, 10,241 tons ; in 1830, 871 tons. Formerly we spun all “ our own woollen and worsted yarn. We imported in 1790 only “ 2,294lbs.; in 1800, l,880lbs. ; in 1826, 662,750lbs. An “ enormous increase. There were, I understand, upwards of “ thirty persons engaged in the woollen trade in Dublin, who “ have become bankrupts since 1821. There has been, doubtless, “ an increase in the exports of cottons. The exports were—In “ 1800,9,147 yards; 1826,7,793,873. The exports of cotton “ from Great Britain were—in 1829, 402,517,196 yards, value “ 12,516,247/., which will give the value of our cotton exports at “ something less than a quarter of a million—poor substitute for “ our linens, which in the province of Ulster alone exceeded in “ value two millions two hundred thousand pounds. In fact, every “ other return affords unequivocal proof that the main sources of “ occupation are decisively cut off from the main body of the “ population of this country. The export of live cattle and of “ corn has very greatly increased ; but these are raw material; “ there is little more labour in the production of an ox than the “ occupation of him who herds and houses him ; his value is the “ rent of the land, the price of the grass that feeds him, while an “ equal value of cotton, or linen, or pottery, will require for its “ production the labour of many people for money. Thus the “ exports of the country now are somewhat under the value of “ the exports thirty years since, but they employ nothing like the “ number of people for their production ; employment is immensely “ reduced; population increased three-eighths. Thus, in this “ transition from the state of a manufacturing population to an “ agricultural, a mass of misery, poverty, and discontent, is 61 “ created.” Let me here observe that the movement forward in the cotton trade has gone by, and can no longer be adduced as evidence of any thing save decay. Knowing how wearisome those details are (no, no, from Alderman Butt), I will but bring one single fact more to your recollection :— “ Ballinasloe Fair —1799—77,900 sheep; 9,900 horned cattle. 1835—62,400 sheep; 8,500 horned cattle. 1842— 76,800 sheep; 14,300 horned cattle. Export of sheep in 1799 (parliamentary return, 1834), 800 head; ditto, cattle, 14,000 head. Export of sheep in 1835 (railway report) 125,000 head; ditto, cattle, 98,000 head. Thus taking the numbers of sheep and cattle respectively at Ballinasloe fair as a test of the produce of Ireland, we produced more sheep and cattle in 1799 than in 1835, and more sheep than in 1842. There was a larger number of cattle in the latter year; but it was a forced amount, and there can be no doubt but that there will be a great falling off this year. We exported only 800 head of sheep in 1799, and 125,000 in 1835 ! The difference was consumed at home in 1799.” By the parliamentary returns it thus appears that in the year 1799 all the sheep that was exported from Ireland amounted only to 800. What became of the residue ? They were all eaten at home and consumed at home. How is it now ? Why, that the amount not only from Ballinasloe but from several other fairs are all exported (hear). The Irish consumed their own cattle formerly, they are now almost all exported. Mark the transition that has taken place in the comforts of the people. All of them have been produced by the Union, and will, during its continu¬ ance, inflict upon the country its horrible results of misery and destitution (hear, hear, and cheers). I wish you not to persevere. I wish that no part of Ireland should persevere in this struggle against the restoration of our domestic parliament which was attended by so many blessings, and the absence of which has resulted in imposing so many evils (loud applause). But there is an evil against which Lord Plunket warned the minister of the day, and against which I wish also to warn you. What were his words ?—“ Sir, I warn the ministers of this country “ against persevering in their present system. Let them not pro- “ ceed to offer violence to the settled principles, or to shake the